Front Cover
 Horatio S. Dexter and events leading...
 John R. Swanton, 1873-1958
 Back Cover

Group Title: Florida anthropologist
Title: The Florida anthropologist
Full Citation
Permanent Link: http://ufdc.ufl.edu/UF00027829/00128
 Material Information
Title: The Florida anthropologist
Abbreviated Title: Fla. anthropol.
Physical Description: v. : ill. ; 24 cm.
Language: English
Creator: Florida Anthropological Society
Conference on Historic Site Archaeology
Publisher: Florida Anthropological Society.
Place of Publication: Gainesville
Frequency: quarterly[]
two no. a year[ former 1948-]
Subject: Indians of North America -- Antiquities -- Periodicals -- Florida   ( lcsh )
Antiquities -- Periodicals -- Florida   ( lcsh )
Genre: periodical   ( marcgt )
Summary: Contains papers of the Annual Conference on Historic Site Archeology.
Dates or Sequential Designation: v. 1- May 1948-
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Bibliographic ID: UF00027829
Volume ID: VID00128
Source Institution: University of Florida
Holding Location: Department of Special and Area Studies Collections, George A. Smathers Libraries
Rights Management: All rights reserved by the source institution and holding location.
Resource Identifier: oclc - 01569447
lccn - 56028409
issn - 0015-3893
notis - AAA9403

Table of Contents
    Front Cover
        Front Cover 1
        Front Cover 2
    Horatio S. Dexter and events leading to the treaty of Moultrie Creek with the Seminole Indians - Mark F. Boyd
        Page 65
        Page 66
        Page 67
        Page 68
        Page 69
        Page 70
        Page 71
        Page 72
        Page 73
        Page 74
        Page 75
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        Page 81
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        Page 89
        Page 90
        Page 91
        Page 92
        Page 93
        Page 94
        Page 95
    John R. Swanton, 1873-1958
        Page 96
    Back Cover
        Back Cover 1
        Back Cover 2
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Mark F. Boyd

News of the impending cession of the Floridas to the
United States does not appear to have been formally communicat-
ed to the Florida Indians, and the nature of the rumors relat-
ing to the anticipated change which may have reached them prior
to the exchange of ratifications on February 22, 1821 is now
unknown. It was inevitable that such news, while memories of
their hostilities with the United States subsequent to 1813
were still fresh, should arouse apprehension in the minds of
the heterogeneous groups comprising the Indian population of
Florida, which embraced both the long established immigrant
Seminoles of Alachua, as well as the refugee vestiges of the
recently hostile Creeks.
Perturbed Indians were seeking information long before the
cession was actually effected. Governor Andrew Jackson relat-
ed to the Secretary of War in a letter dated September 20, 1821
(1:212) that he had been informed by a reliable traveller in
East Florida, that the latter had accompanied Horatio S. Dexter
to the latter's estate of Volusia during the previous April,
where he had been detained because it had been necessary for
Dexter to accompany a party of Seminole chiefs, including the
Pond Governor (- Mico-anopa) on a trip to St. Augustine where
they sought to learn from the retiring Spanish Governor, Don
Jose'Coppinger, what provisions would be made for them by the
Spanish government at the cession, and by what authority whites
were forming a settlement in Alachua. Coppinger informed them
that the Captain General of Cuba had granted lands in that dis-
trict to Senor Fernando de la Maza Arredondo. They furthermore
learned that Senor Arredondo had induced Messrs Wanton, Dexter

1) Carter, C. E. (Editor) Territorial Papers of the United
States. Vol. XXII. The territory of Florida 1821-1824. Wash-
ington, D. C. 1956.
NOTE: In the citations the page numbers follow the colon.

(their guide and mentor) and Peter Mitchell to become associa-
ted with him in the promotion of the grant.
This interview apparently raised more questions than it
settled in the minds of these same Indians, since,according to
another letter written by Horatio S. Dexter to Captain John R.
Bell, interim Governor of East Florida follwoing the cession,
on August 12, 1821 (1:170), Mico-anopa, Chief of the Indians
living in the Alachua region, quickly sought a formal interview
with Dexter, and his associate, Edward M. Wanton. In the ensu-
ing council, which may have been held on May 24, when fifty-
four Indians participated. According to Dexter, Mico-anopa ac-
knowledged that the Indians still respected the boundaries es-
tablished with the British of Picolata in 1765, and inquired
about their prospective situation after the transfer to the
United States. Alluding to the earlier rumors of a sale of
land to Spanish grandees, he inquired whether the King of Spain
could sell his territory as often as he pleased, with or with-
out their consent, and which of these sales would be valid .
Wanton and Dexter confirmed the rumors of the transfer and ad-
vised the Indians to send immediately a peaceful talk to Wash-
ington, expressing their desire to live in peace, and declar-
ing their territorial rights. They also suggested that the
Indians designate some white man to present their wishes and
attitude to the President, and expressed the opinion that the
President might make a treaty with them and assign them lands.
Mico-anopa announced the Indian acceptance of this advice, and
they not only empowered Wanton and Dexter to send such a talkto
Washington, but also authorized them to negotiate a treaty on
their behalf. On the other hand, Mico-anopa declared their un-
willingness to dispose of their land or to relocate among strange

2) Lowrie, W., and Franklin, W. S. (Editors) American State
Papers. Miscellaneous Vol. II. Washington, D. C. 1834. Exec.
Doc. 42. January 29, 1822. Transactions in the Floridas, No.
513. pp. 799-913.

tribes. Dexter later stated that a copy of a memorandum of
this talk had been placed in private hands for transmission to
Washington, but, apparently concluding that his confidence in
this messenger was misplaced, he transmitted another copy to
Captain John R. Bell, the acting Provisional Governor of East
Florida, on August 12, 1821 (1: 170; 2: 911-913).
Bell promptly forwarded (1:169, 170) this communication
to General Andrew Jackson, Provisional Governor of Florida at
Pensacola, and to the Secretary of War, John C. Calhoun, to
whom he expressed the uncertainty felt by the Indians over the
possible attitude of the government toward them, and declared
it his opinion that a qualified person could then make reason-
able terms with them, and described the inadequacy and incompe-
tancy of J. A. Penie'res, the first sub-Agent appointed to the
Florida Indians.
Jackson's before mentioned informant (1: 213) had also re-
lated that at a council the Indians held with Wanton and Dexter
in May (probably) the meeting previously alluded to), the
Indians recognized the right of the proprietors to the Arre-
dondo grant in Alachua, and stipulated that a store should be
maintianed in that area. Wanton undertook to comply with this
obligation at the nascent settlement the proprietors establish-
ed on the grant, which they named Micanopy, probably after the
Seminole leader.
General Jackson reacted in a characteristic manner to this
communication. In a letter of September 17 to Calhoun (1:205),
he alluded to the talk as unauthorized, and expressed the opin-
ion that Dexter and Wanton were motivated by a desire to ob-
trude themselves on the attention of government, and impress
the Indians with a belief in their absolute right to the
country. On the following day (1: 209) he instructed Acting
Governor W. G. B. Worthington of East Florida, to ascertain the
authority by which they held this talk, and if it was found to
have been unauthorized, to have them arrested and expelled from
the Floridas. This letter closed with a paragraph stating that

Jackson had been told by a local informant whom he chose to re-
gard as reliable, that Dexter and Wanton were profligate indi-
viauals in whom no confidence might be placed (1: 208), an
opinion which Jackson found acceptable.
Similar apprehension was felt by the Creeks located to the
westward in the Apalachee area, who were largely refugee Red
*Sticks. A delegation of chiefs of these, comprising Neamathla,
Mulatto King, and Blount (who was not a Red Stick), made a pil-
grimage to Pensacola to ascertain from Jackson himself what the
future portended (1: 210). These waited on the Governor and by
him were assured on September 18, 1821 (3) that the President
had no other wish than to be in friendship with them, and that
he was desirous to have them collected together at some point
where he could protect them, either within the limits of their
old nation, the Creeks, or at some other point, while the erst-
while hostile refugees must return to their former country. At
Jackson's request Neamathla submitted on the following day, a
list of the Indian communities in Florida known to him. Jackson
expressed the belief that the Indians departed pleased and
happy with the statements he made them. In communicating this
news to the Secretary of War on September 20 (1: 210), Jacksan
declared that the only point where the Indians could be concen-
trated, would be on the banks of the Apalachicola, near the
boundaries of Alabama and Georgia.
A letter (1: 221) of Calhoun to Captain Bell dated Sept-
ember 28, indicated concurrence in Jackson's opinion of the re-
prehensibility of the activities of Wanton and Dexter, but no
evidence has been encountered to indicate that Worthington com-
plied with Jackson's instructions to expel them from the terri-
tory. The Secretary of War further observed that Dexter ap-
peared to act by a power delegated to him by the Seminole In-
dians, and declared that no one could exercise such delegated

3) Letter from the Secretary of War to the Chairman of the Com-
mittee of Indian Affairs transmitting Sundry Documents and Cor-
respondences in Relation to the Indians of Florida. January 30
1823. House Report 51. 17th Cong. 2d Ses.

authority without the sanction of the government. He also
stated that the Indians must be made to understand that no one
had the right to exercise authority for them but such as the
government might appoint. The Secretary of War later informed
Jackson on November 16 (1: 278) of his concurrence in the lat-
ter's opinion of Dexter and canton.
In a letter to Calhoun written October 6 (1: 233), short-
ly before his departure from Florida, Jackson alluded to the
absurdity of entering into treaties with the Indian tribes re-
siding within our territories, and suggested the propriety of
asking Congress to lay off a tract of country for their occu-
pancy, and fix a boundary between them and the whites.
In no administrative field was the early territorial gov-
ernment of Florida as ineffective, uncordinated and futile as
it was in that of Indian relations. Three weeks after General
Andrew Jackson was commissioned Governor of the newly acquired
territory, President James Monroe, without consulting Jackson,
conferred the post of sub-Agent to the Florida Indians on March
31, 1821 (1: 24,26) on a refugee French attorney, J.A. Penieres,
who was largely unfamiliar with the English language. The
identity of his sponsor is at present unknown. Although he was
informed that he would operate under the superintendance of
General Jackson, he proceeded immediately to Florida, and,
after an interview with Coppinger, ascended the St. Johns River
and established relations with some Indians of that region
weeks before the exchange of flags. Neither did he, subsequent
to the exchange, reveal his presence and status to the acting
Governor, Captain John R. Bell, nor did he ever call on Gover-
nor Jackson, either to pay his respects, or to ascertain the
letters views on Florida Indian problems. Penieres died in St.
Augustine from Yellow Fever on October 8, shortly after hav-
ing been informed that he was subordinate to Bell(l:220).Mean-
while Captain Bell was superseded in the acting governorship on
August 20, by the arrival of W.G.P. Worthington, the Territorial
Secretary (1: 178). Worthington nominated Bell for the post of


Indian Agent. He was successively acting and definitive Agent,
receiving the latter appointment from the Secretary of War on
November 16th. The vacancy in the post of sub-Agent was fill-
ed on October 29 by the appointment of Captain Peter Pelham,
who proceeded to go on sick leave a few days after his arrival
in St. Augustine, on January 3, 1822. As a consequence of an
episode occurring during his service as acting governor, Cap-
tain Bell was court-martialled, convicted, and suspended, on
November 27, 1821, and apparently was simultaneously relieved
of the office of Indian Agent. iell had attempted to hold a
council with the Indians in Alachua on November 20, 1821 (1:
409), with the idea of presenting the terms proposed by Jackson
in his talk of September 19, 1821 at Pensacola, but he was
frustrated by the refusal of the Indians to attend, and his
court-martial and suspension soon after, defeated his intention.
Pelham went north in July, and Lieut. Col. Abraham Eustis,
who had taken command of the troops in East Florida in the pre-
ceeding September, assumed the responsibility of Indian Agent
temporarily, after Captain Bell, whose sentence had been remit-
ted in May 1822, declined to substitute for Pelham. After ap-
proval on March 30, 1822 of the Act of Congress which created
the Territory of Florida by the amalgamation of the Provinces
of East and West Florida, General Jackson resigned while on
leave, and was succeeded by Wm. P. Duval on April 17, 1822, who
had briefly served as United States Judge in East Florida. By
this Act of Congress, the Governor was constituted Superinten-
dant of Indian Affairs ex officio. Although he arrived in Pen-
sacola on June 20, he soon departed on an extended absence in
Kentucky, from which he did not return until March 1833. Dur-
ing his absence the Territorial Secretaries, George Walton in
West Florida, and W. G. P. Worthington in East Florida, served
as acting governors in their respective ex-provinces.
After Governor Duval's arrival in Pensacola, the condition
of the Indians formed the subject of his first communication to
the Secretary of War (1: 471) on June 21. He reported they

were in a very wretched condition, and very uneasy. Further-
more, he asked for instructions as to his powers and duties as
Superintendent of Indian Affairs, as apparently the Secretary's
letter of June 11 (1: 452) on these topics, had not been re-
ceived. In replying to Duval on July 17 (1: 488) Secretary
Calhoun stated it was the intention of the department to locate
the Indians in the fall in some favorable position in the
northern part of East Florida near the Apalachicola. On July
18 (1: 491) Duval stated that the promiscuous land claims of
the settlers were keeping the Indians in continual alarm, and
that the sooner Jackson's talk with them came to be carried in-
to effect, the better. A few days later, Duval received (1:
501, 503) a visit from two chiefs residing along the Apalachi-
cola, Blount and Tuskihargo or Cothron, who gave confirmation
to Duval's declaration. Duval informed them of his decision to
hold a council with them on November 20 at Fort St. Marks.
Writing to Duval on August 19 (1: 508) in reply to the former's
letter of July 18, Calhoun stated that the only view ever
entertained by the department has been that the Florida Indians
should join the Creeks of Georgia, but owing to the insuperable
objections of the people of Georgia, it was concluded that this
could only be effected by an Act of Congress. Alternatively
their location in Florida, in accordance with the opinions of
General Jackson was considered, but as noted, Captain Bell's
effort was unsuccessful. Calhoun instructed Duval to assemble
the Indians as soon as the agent arrived, using as presents the
goods assembled by Bell. When news of the date set for a coun-
cil reached Calhoun, he expressed his approval to Duval on
August 28 (1: 518).
At the time Duval received Calhoun's letter of August 19
(1: 533), Yellow Fever had made its appearance in Florida, and
severe epidemics prevailed at Pensacola and St. Marks. Conse-
quently in his reply dated September 22 (1: 533), Duval stated
that the prevailing situation would prevent assembling in time,
the supplies required by the council, and that healthfulness


would not be restored before December. He declared his willing-
ness to have the Indians assembled, but expressed a hope that
no treaty would be negotiated with them before the country they
occupied had been properly explored. He further stated that
from reports received, the regions occupied by the Indians be-
tween the Suwanee and Alachua was the best in the territory,
and if this were ceded to the Indians, Florida can be of no im-
portance. He expressed further the opinion that if Congress
would not authorize their consolidation with the Upper Creeks,
the Florida Indians should be removed west of the Mississippi.
On receipt of this letter, Calhoun, on October 23, advised (1:
554 acting Governor Walton that Duval's suggestion of a defer-
ment was approved, and that Colonel Eustis had been directed to
inform the Indians that the council would be postponed until a
more favorable season, and that Walton should desist from tak-
ing steps toward that end. Evidently this communication had
not reached Walton when, on November 4 (1: 556) he related his
perplexity with the Indian situation, especially after receipt
of a letter from the interpreter which stated that the chiefs
and warriors would assemble on the appointed day. He concluded
that his authority and funds were inadequate, and that lacking
a duly appointed agent, all he could do would be to dispatch a
messenger to St. Marks with an explanation of the predicament,
and express hope that the Indians might not be too greatly of-
fended. Departure of Walton's messenger (Major Wright) was de-
layed, so that he did not arrive at St. Marks until the 27th.
On his return to Pensacola he reported (1: 557) that three
local chiefs had appeared at the appointed time, in compliance
with the message received from the acting sub-Agent, Colonel
Eustis (1: 548, 549). The non-attendance of the peninsular
Indians was probably the consequence of their alarm and appre-
hension arising from a raid on some of their towns perpetrated
by a party of Lower Creeks (1: 549) which prompted Mico-anopa
to defensively rally his warriors. The commandant of the fort
summoned the local Indians to assemble on the 28th, when the


messenger explained the delay and assured the Indians no slight
was intended. The Principal chief present, Neamathla, asserted
that the Indians would remain peaceable until an authorized
agent arrived. However, two of the local chiefs who had ap-
peared as invited on the 20th, arrived in Pensacola on December
22 (1: 597) to learn the reason for the cancellation of the
contemplated negotiation. They departed, reassured by Walton's
Shortly after iuval's appointment to the governorship,
President Monroe on May 8, 1822 selected former Lieut. Col. Gad
Humphreys for the vacant post of Indian Agent. Humphreys did
not arrive in Pensacola to assume his duties until December 24,
Acting Governor Walton designated Fort St. Marks (1: 601) as
his headquarters, and he departed for his post on January 27,
1823. His vessel encountered bad weather and returned to
Pensacola on February 5. Shortly following his return to
Pensacola from his absence in the north, Governor )uval depart-
ed overland for St. Augustine about March 22, 1823, to attend
the second session of the Legislative Council. He arrived in
that city on May 1st. Walton was detained in Pensacola by ill
health until the end of April, but arrived at St. Augustine a-
bout the middle of May (1: 582).
A letter (1: 651) from Calhoun to Territorial Delegate J.
M. Hernandez of March 19, 1823 indicated that after nearly a
two year delay, the administration was finally giving consider-
ation to the precarious situation of the Florida Indians. Cal-
houn related that commissioners were to be immediately appoint-
ed, with instructions to hold a treaty as early as practicable,
with directions to concentrate the Indians south of Charlotte
Harbor. On April 1 (1:659) Calhoun advised Colonel James
Gadsden and Bernard Segui, of their presidential appointment as
commissioners to hold a treaty with the Florida Indians, the
object of which was to' concentrate them in the area beforemen-
tioned, with. authority, in order to secure a sufficiency of
good lands, to project the northern boundary as far toward


Tampa Bay as might be necessaryto secure enough, and that their
efforts should be directed to attain this end. Because Segui's
residence in St. Augustine placed him in closer proximity to
the Indians, he was authorized not only to determine the time
and place of the meeting, but to requisition the necessary pro-
visions from the nearest commissary. The Indian Agent, Colonel
Humphreys, was instructed to obey their orders, and prepare the
West Florida Indians to meet with the commissioners at the
designated time and place.
Duval evidently became acutely aware of the absence of a
sub-Agent shortly after his arrival in St. Augustine. On May
10 (1: 681) he requested Horatio S. Dexter to discharge the
duties of Indian sub-Agent for the Territory, until the Secre-
tary of War directed otherwise, in order to obtain assistance
and information from him in the management and superintendance
of the Indians. He stated that the Agent, Colonel Humphreys,
can personally attend to the Indians in the vicinity of St.
Marks. Duval further asked Dexter to give him all the informa-
tion of customs, habits, towns or situation of the Indians he
possessed or could obtain (Document One).
The omission of Governor Duval from the commission despite
the circumstance that he was ex officio Superintendant of In-
dian Affairs, was due to ignorance in Washington of his return
to Florida. On May 29 he was directed to assist in assembling
the Indians, and Segui was instructed to inform him of the time
and place for the meeting. Finally on June 30 Duval was in-
structed to associate himself with the commissioners at the
meeting (1: 659).
Dexter promptly accepted the appointment (May 16 (1: 681 )
and immediately complied with Duval's request for a report on
the state of the Indians, which was promptly forwarded to Cal-
houn. In acknowledging their receipt on June 13 (1: 697), Cal-
houn noted Dexter's appointment as sub-Agent, but declared that
budgetary restrictions prevented confirmation of his appoint-
ment, as Pelham, still on leave, was expected to return to duty.
74 -

However, he advised !Juval, should the office become vacant,
Duval might fill the vacancy by the appointment of the person
of his choice. Duval was not disposed to accept this decision,
and evidently protested it in a letter to the Secretary of July
1. In a reply dated July 17, Calhcun authorized Dexter's tem-
porary employment in the interest of the treaty, for compensa-
tion not in excess of 5500.00 (1: 721). The duration of Dex-
ter's services has not been ascertained, but he at least con-
tinued until the beginning of the council.
On May 26 (4: 432), shortly after the first meeting of the
commissioners, Gadsden, who had been an old associate of Jack-
son, requested that he be furnished from the records of the War
Department, transcripts of the latter's communication of the In-
dian's views, based on the Pensacola talk noted, and the report
on the Indian population. In a further letter to Calhoun,
written on June 11 (4: 435) Gadsden extensively discussed the
probable attitudes of the Indians in East and West Florida to
concentration at different points in the territory, and advan-
ced the idea that those in the west might prefer to emigrate
beyond the Mississippi to removal south of Tampa Bay. He also
suggested the desirability of locating a military post adjacent
to the limits of the proposed reserve. Calhoun replied to
these comments on June 30 (1: 712) and stated that while in ac-
cord with Gadsden's views on trans-Mississippi removal, there
were no lands currently available for exchange in that region .
Jackson had been following the plans for the coming negoti-
ations in the press, and on July 14 (1: 719) wrote Calhoun sug-
gesting a movement of troops to Tampa Bay before the beginning
of negotiations, as likely to enhance the presuasiveness of the
commissioners. He would further give the commissioners discre-
tionary power to locate the Indians either within the peninsula
or on either side of the Apalachicola. Under date of July 31
(4: 435) Calhoun informed the commissioners of Jackson's views,
and expressed the opinion that if the Indians objected to con-
centration in the peninsula, the Apalachicola location would be


a preferable alternative, and authorized them to accept such a
solution rather than to risk failure of the negotiation, should
they refuse to locate in the peninsula. He further declared
that it was then too late to send troops to Tampa Bay.
Commissioners Gadsden and Segui met for organization on
May 17 in St. Augustine. Their minutes reveal they recognized
that a conference with some of the chiefs of the Florida tribes
to determine the time and place for the projected council was
necessary. They concluded to send expresses to Mico-anopa and
others inviting them to come in for an early interview. Since
this meeting was held on the day following Dexter's acceptance,
it seems likely he owed his appointment to the urgent need of
the commissioners. On May 20 Colonel Gadsden directed Dexter
to communicate to Mico-anopa the wish of the commissioners to
have him meet with them to determine the place and time for the
council (Document Two).
The minutes of the commissioners further reveal that Mico-
anopa and some other chiefs and warriors met with them in the
Governor's office on June 4, with Horatio S. Dexter and Samuel
Fry in attendance. An agreement was reached to hold the coun-
cil on September 5, 1823, at "the crossing place on Moultrie
Creek" three or four miles from St. Augustine, which was re-
duced to writing, while the affixment of the marks of Mico-
anopa and Jumper was witnessed by Dexter and Fry. On June 6
this news was communicated to Colonel Gad Humphreys, the Agent,
at Fort St. Marks, who was instructed to make the necessary ar-
rangements and prepare the Indians living west of the Suwanee
to keep this engagement at Moultrie Creek (4: 432). They furth-
er informed him that they themselves would advise the Seminole
tribe of this determination direct, an admission clearly reveal-
ing that they regarded the West Florida Indians as being in a

4) Lowrie, W., and Franklin, W. S. (Editors) American State Pap-
ers. Indian Affairs. Vol. II. Washington, D. C. 1834.
18 Cong., slt Ses. December 15, 1823. Treaty with the Florida
Indians. No. 198. p. 429-442. 19 Cong. let See. February 6
1826. Treaty wit the Florida Indians. No. 229. pp. 614-44.
(=House Doc. 74.)
76 -

different category. The runner arrived at St. Marks on July 1
(4: 435). The commissary officer at St. Marks was directed to
provide subsistence to the Indian delegation on their journey,
and his counterpart at St. Augustine was similarly ordered to
provide 30 days rations for an anticipated 1500 persons at the
council. More specifically the location of the camping ground
in relation to Moultrie Creek, which was navigable for boats to
a Mr. Garey's house, where the provisions might be deposited,
was described as being within half a mile of the site selected.
It is likely that the forgotten marker located to the north of
the King's Road and north of the point where the latter crosses
the creek, is correctly placed. The courier sent to St. Marks
returned to St. Augustine about July 29, which suggests a very
sluggish and dilatory courier service. A further meeting of
the commissioners was held on July 15, at which Duval formally
accepted his appointment as a member of the commission, and was
designated as the presiding member.
Shortly after the conference of June 4, Gadsden and Segui
appear to have decided that Dexter should be their emissary to
convey the summons to be carried to the peninsular Indians. On
June 12, Gadsden addressed Dexter in a very formal and supercil-
ious manner, requesting him to observe and report on the face
of the country traversed on his mission (Document Three). These
instructions received the approbation of Segui on June 27(Docu-
ment Six). On June 23 Dexter ventured to bring certain matters
to the attention of the Commissioners (Document Four) which
they appear to have disregarded. On June 25, shortly before
Dexter's departure on his journey, Duval directed him to bring
in all runaway slaves encountered, and to keep a regular jour-
nal (Document Five) for the information of the government.
Dexter departed from St. Augustine on his mission on June 25.
In his report (Document Eight) dated at St. Augustine on August
20, he declared it his intention to leave that city for Volusia,
his home place, on the following day, in order to keep an
engagement to meet Mico-anopa and other Indians at that place

77 -

on the 30th, and escort them to Moultrie Creek, where he expect-
ed to arrive on September 3. The report is the most important
document of his series, and is perhaps the earliest American
exploration of the interior of the peninsula.
Colonel Humphreys arrived in St. Augustine on August 28
(4: 437) to report that Neamathla and 350 of the West Florida.
chiefs and warriors, would arrive at the Moultrie Creek camping
ground on the following day. Mico-anopa and Jumper, with the
southern Indians, arrived at the camp ground on September 2 (4:
437), but the record does not indicate whether or not in the
company of Dexter.
The council began on September 6 and the treaty (4: 429)
was concluded on the 18th (4: 439). The commissioners prepared
a report of their proceedings for submission to John C. Calhoun,
Secretary of War, on September 26 (1: 747) (4: 440) in which
they declared that Colonel Humphreys and Mr. Hichard, the inter-
preter, rendered essential services during the negotiations,
and stated that their labors in assembling and marching the
western Indians through a wilderness of 250 miles gave them
strong claim for extra compensation. The commissioners made no
mention of Dexter, and since on November 18, 1829, he submitted
a memorial to Congress praying for compensation for services
rendered the Indian Department in Florida, it is uncertain
whether he received any part of the $500.00 which Calhoun had
authorized. However, the circumstance that the House Committee
on Indian Affairs granted him permission to withdraw his petit-
ion on January 19, 1830, suggests that he was seeking supple-
mentary compensation.
Horatio S. Dexter is a shadowy figure of the turbulent
period proceeding and following the transfer of Florida from
Spain to the United States. We are unaware of the place or
time of his birth, although a document supporting of a land
claim of a Florida resident before the Spanish authorities on

- 78 -

March 22, 1819 he deposed (5: IX-142) that he was a native of
the United States. We are also unaware of the date of his im-
migration to Florida, and, although the frequency with which
his name is linked with old Spanish land grants may suggest
that he was prompted by the prospects of profits from land
speculations, the circumstance that he lived on the frontier,
was engaged in developing a plantation, and had apparently had
gained the confidence of the Indians, may suggest an interest
in the Indian trade. While he may have had a good working
knowledge of the language of the Alachua Indians (Hitchiti), it
may not have been acquired in the usual unconventional manner,
as the name of his wife, Abby, mentioned in some of the docu-
ments, suggests that she was white.
During the period included in the present study, he resid-
ed at Volusia, a plantation settlement he had established on
the east side of the St. Johns River, five or six miles above
Lake George, where the narrowness of the river made the site an
inevitable crossing place on the trail from St. Augustine to
Oklawaha and beyond. This settlement was located on a tract of
11,000 acres traversed by the river, which was granted by Gover-
nor Coppinger on February 6, 1818, to Joseph F. Rattenbury, an
Englishman (5: 1-74-234). Apparently later in the same year
Dexter, as well as Peter Mitchell, each acquired from Ratten-
bury, a 2000 acre "undivided" part, which, might indicate that
each acquired a 2/11 interest in the entire tract. The greater
part of the tract, some 10,000 acres, lay on the west side of
the river, in what according to the Picolata treaty of 1765,
would have been Indian country. Dexter claimed that in 1819 he
had held a meeting with the Indians and secured from them a
cession of the tract. In 1819 both Dexter and Mitchell began
improvements and prepared for planting by the introduction of
slaves and livestock. In his application for confirmation of

5) Hill, Louise Biles, (Editor); Gage, E. V. (Transcriber and
translator) Spanish Land Grants in Florida. Vol. 1. Unconfirmed
Claims. Vols. II-V. Confirmed Claims. Historical Records Survey,
Works Progress Administration, Tallahassee, 1941

79 -

title on November 29, 1823, Dexter claimed that he had continu-
ed to raise crops on the tract subsequent to 1819. He further
claimed that his ownership had been recognized by the Spanish
government in February, 1820.
When Moses E. Levy attempted the colonization of the Ala-
chua grant he had purchased from Arredondo, he contracted with
Edw. M. Wanton and Horatio S. Dexter to promote its settlement,
which resulted in the establishment of the village of Miconopy
in November of 1820. Although Wanton settled at this place
Dexter continued to reside at Volusia.
On August 24, 1822 Governor Duval issued (1: 547) and
transmitted to Colonel Eustis for delivery to Dexter, a license
to engage in the Indian trade, which required preliminary fil-
ing of a bond. Eustis reported (1: 548) that he ascertained
that Dexter's intent had been to purchase livestock and negroes
rather than to engage in general trade. When delivering the
license, Eustis also ascertained that Dexter was a Spanish sub-
ject, and required him to take the oath of allegiance to the
United States.
The United States Land Commissioners rejected Dexter's
Volusia claim, probably on the ground that it was issued subse-
quent to January 24, 1818. However two grants each of 200
acres were confirmed to him (5: III-26,27), one of which was as
late as 1837.
The place of his subsequent residence after abandonment of
Volusia has not been ascertained, nor the place and time of his
The documents prepared by Dexter indicate that he was an
intelligent observer, who had apparently received an education
distinctly better than the average man of his time. The con-
tinuing confidence which the Indians reposed in him indicates
that his relationship with them must have been characterized by
sympathy and rectitude. General recognition of these qualities
must have been the basis of Duval's invitation to serve as sub-
Agent, even though Jackson and Calhoun probably continued to re-

- 80 -

gard him as meddlesome. Since Gadsden had an extensive experi-
ence on the frontier, it is hardly likely that the basis of his
formality in writing to Dexter might be interpreted as disdain
for uncouthness, but rather apprehension that Dexter might be
forward and officious. As Jackson's influence was observed to
extend in the national field, it is likely those individuals
who expected that they might benefit from his good will, adopt-
ed his prejudices, which probably explains why Dexter's name
was not subsequently linked with Florida Indian affairs. What-
ever may have been the reason, the conclusion that the Indians
were the losers thereby, appears inescapable.
Attention was called to the documents reproduced herewith
by footnote 28 on page 681 of Volume XXII of THE TERRITORAL
PAPERS OF THE UNITED STATES. The documents, although in the Na-
tional Archives, were not reproduced in that volume.
Document One
Horatio S. Dexter.
The Seminole Indians are emigrants from the Muscolge or
Creek Nation, & have been settled in Florida more than 100
years, having conquered the Yamassees, a powerful tribe who
were in possession of that country, according to the usual cus-
tom of the natives they destroyed the males& amalgamated them-
selves with the conquered tribe by intermarrying with their fe-
males. They are by some represented as outlaws or runaways
from the Creek nation, but they appear to have been rather a
colony tempted to emigrate by the superior advantages for hunt-
ing & pasturage afforded by the fertile & beautiful savannas of
the western part of the Peninsula. They have been recognized
as a distinct nation by the British Governmt. very soon after
the cession of the Floridas in 1763, in a treaty of limits
which the Indians assert was made at the Cowford with Govr
Tonyn, the boundaries then agreed to, seem never to have been
overstepped by the Spaniards & the Seminoles have been always
treated by them as a distinct nation, the limits as stated by
the Seminoles are a line S from Okefenoke swamp to the Ockla-
waha River from thence following the River St. Johns to Beres-
ford & from that E to the sea. They consider all S & W as
their land to 15 miles beyond the Suwanee their north line the
boundary of Georgia. Their population has decreased consider-
ably of late & may as nearly as can be collected be about 1200,
besides these are about 300 Indians of other tribes among them
& 350 Slaves. There are also about 80 refugee Negroes belong-
ing to Indians & Citizens of this territory who are establish-
ed on the sea coast near Tampa where they Are employed by the
Havana fishing smacks & pass to Cuba frequently, the crews of
these smacks bring goods to trade with the Indians. Since the
Cession many of the Creek Indians have gone back & the Mico-
sukeys with their chief the son of the late Kenhija & his
Negroes have returned to near their old town.
81 -

The following table is
ed, the migratory habits of

mes of Tawn giegfs
Big Swamp MKenszie

Apilohapoocha Pulepuka

- - - T

Wataaky or
MoKensie's old field Suwily

Okahumke Micanope'
Chief of the


Chuoobeati or
Red House.

as nearly correct as can be obtain-
the Indians make it difficult to be

No. Indiana No. Heroes RgluP

about 4 miles S.
of Apilshopko

Micanope's slaves


Bradley, a half

Conhatke or
white sand

Ahapopka or
potato town




Near Cape Florida





part of the chief
Payne's family re-
tired from Alachua
on the destruction
of their property
in 1812.

Imotley or Cap.

on the Suanee



Spring Garden
Scattered Indians
estimated at
Refugee Negroes

10 a village about 25
m. BE from Tampa.


40 formerly chief of


Tuatonikechati or
Red Warrior


- 82 -

The Seminole language is a mixture of the Creek with the
Yamassee & is soft & pleasing to the ear & sufficiently expres-
sive, they however generally understand & occasionally use pure
Creek. The Uchees settled among them speak their own tongue,
but also use the Seminole.
The Seminoles are distinguished by the same contour of
countenance as the rest of the North American Indians have a
remarkably pleasing expression & are perfectly well made, easy
and graceful in their motions, & except when under the influ-
ence of strong liquors mild & agreeable & gracious in their
manners. They generally are mistrustful of the whites, but
when a confidence is once established by experience of just and
upright conduct it is shaken with great difficulty. Their at-
tachment to the English was founded a great deal on the punctu-
ality and good faith of their merchants & the Indians were so
well satisfied with the conduct of the house of Panton, Leslie
& Co. as to require front the Spanish Government that that house
should continue exclusively to trade with them since that ex-
tensive and respectable establishment has been discontinued
they have not had much reason to think favorably of the Spanish
traders amndg them. The Americans until lately they have only
known as being a constant state of hostility with their------
but the kind treatment they have received from the U. S. civil
& military officers and the Citizens in general gives them the
highest confidence in the just & friendly disposition of the
Gov't & people towards them.
Their laws are few and simple, but executed with certainty,
in criminal matters the lex talionis is in force, not only
against the culprit but also--his iindred. A murder, tho acci-
dental, is punished by putting to death the perpetrator, and if
he escapes, one of his kin. Stolen property can be recovered
from the family of the thief, & if an equivalent cannot be ob-
tained he will be beaten se-
verely. The punishment of Adultery is for the first offense,
the ears of the woman and her paramour are cut off, and if the
husband please, the paramour must take her off his hands, for
the second offense, the nose and lips are cut. Their ideas of
landed property are such as have been entertained by all na-
tions in early stages of society the land is presumed to be-
long to the nation in general, but the use of any particular
Personal property is clearly, and distinctly understood amongst
them it descends to the sisters children in preference to those
of the possessor as being more certainly his heirs.
Each town has a chief who punishes crimes but who is con-
sidered to hold his authority from the head of the nation. In
all their foreign intercourse the acts of the llico as head
chief are never disputed, yet he seldon transacts business with-
out a council
of his most prominent men, & so strongly is the sence of right
in the minds of these people that they scarcely can suppose him
capable of compromising their interest. In all public matters
the chief is absolute, but custom makes it almost a law that
nothing affecting the general interest should be done without
the concurrence of the people. Hence all are summoned to the
public talks, & the humblest individual has the privilege of
expressing his opinion which is listened to with attention and
carefully replied to by the Chief or his Council. However high
the political power of the head chief, he is generally answer-
able to the laws as any other Indian, and in his personal capa-
city does not assume any superiority whatsoever. The dignity
is hereditary & descends to the sisters oldest son. During a.
minority the Chiefs assemble and appoint a Regent. On the
death of Payne in 1812, who died of wounds received in attempt-
ing to relieve St. Augustine, his brother
Bowleg was appointed head chief until Micanope' became of age.
83 -

After the death of Bowleg in 1818, he was considered as suf-
ficient age to assume the authority his uncle held in trust for
They live generally in Villages, where the women plant
Indian corn, Rice, & &. The men leave them during the hunting
season, they have had large stocks of Cattle, horses & hogs,
which were almost all destroyed by the incursions into their
country. Some have yet a little stock remaining. The Negroes
possessed by the Indians live apart from them & they are at
liberty to employ themselves as they please. The Indian Neg-
roes are a fine formed athletic race, speak English as well as
Indian & feel satisfied with their situation. They have the
easy unconstrained manner of the Indian but more vivacity, &
from their understanding ioth languages possess considerable
influence with their masters. There seems to be no
ceremony of marriage among the Seminoles & polygamy is allowed
to any extent. The wife is generally demanded of the mother,
& if the latter consents it is sufficient. A woman living open-
ly for any time with a man is sufficient. The woman is bound
to continue with her husband unless he fail to return before
the busk or annual green corn meeting; when she can receive an-
other, in case of the death of a husband the wife mourns for
four years with dishevelled hair the only mark of mourning a-
mong them. Should she either marry or cohabit with any man
during the four years, she is to suffer death by the hands of
the next of kin to the deceased. Connexion before marriage is
not considered criminal. Infanticide is very common. When a
woman loses her husband by death, is abandoned by him, or that
he is unable to maintain children, she will not hesitate to
destroy them. As an instance a woman immediately
after having been delivered of a child, exposed it the husband
remonstrated she brought back the child, & asked him if he
could support it. He replied not, and she immediately destroy-
ed it. Nevertheless they are kind & indulgent to their child-
They deposit the bodies of their dead in hollow trees, or
on scaffolds, & use the most doleful cries when they leave them.
They consider disturbing the remains a very heinous crime. They
believe in the existence of a supreme being, a great spirit who
rules heaven & earth, and is absolute master of our existence,
but who has always ordered us to do well. They believe in an
evil spirit who urges us to do wrong and from whose influence
they are supposed to be protected by charms & herbs they carry
about them. They also believe in a future state of rewards &
punishments, that the good man will go to God, where the Sun
rises, & the bad to the setting Sun, where he will be consigned
to eternal fire. There is nothing like prayer to the Diety a-
mong them, tho they acknowledged
his existence and reverence his power.
In the attempts made to civilize the Indians I think we
have rather prematurely endeavoured to force upon them, our
ideas of distinct landed property, the Patriarchal system with
strong family attachments & a spirit of clanship in general, &
any plan for their improvement should as much as possible be
directed to preserve the attachments which in their stage of
Society are the strongest motives to exertion. They seem to
have a peculiar aptitude for certain manufactures, which might
be introduced amongst them, their villages kept together, & fix
them to a particular place, and a judicious system of education
& instruction prepare them for further improvement. The dis-
tinction made by superior skill and ingenuity,would gradually
supercede the desire to excel in hunting & war. Agriculture &
pasturage would necessarily be followed
up as affording means of supplying the wants their new situation
& habits would require. Just now I think the establishment of
an armourer's shop would be desirable placed conveniently to

- 84 -

them, so that they may not be obliged to come to St. Augustine,
to get their Guns repaired.
If I may venture to offer an opinion as to the most elig-
ible place to concentrate the Seminoles in, I should recommend
the Country SE of Okehumky the present residence of Miconope',
it would be most agreeable to them from comprising their hunt-
ing grounds which altho extremely valuable to them, can never
be brought into cultivation as they are overflowed every wet
season and cannot be drained. This part of the country is also
preferable to a situation near the sea, where they are too much
exposed to intercourse with an enemy in case of war. Tt is to
be observed that the Seminoles are very adverse to be associat-
with other tribes in any arrangements they may make with the U.
S. The hostilities they have been often engaged in, would ren-
der their being placed together a source of great dissention,
indeed it would form an almost insurmountable obstacle to a
satisfactory treaty.
The best manner of collecting the Indians for a treaty is
to communicate the desire of the Government to Miconope' and ar-
range with him for a particular time & place when these are
fixed he will have messages sent to his people, and they will
assemble on the appointed day, without any expense to the Gov-
ernment. I should suggest as a proper place for meeting Volu -
sia on St. Johns River 5 miles S of Lake George. It is situat-
ed on the main crossing place, about 65 miles from Okehumpky &
the same distance from St. Augustine. The necessary supplies
could be brought by S-
water, as the river is navigable to that place for vessels
drawing 8 feet.
The situation of places referred to can be ascertained by
Mr. Vignole's Map, which as far as my information goes, is ac-
(S) Horatio S. Dexter
Document Two
St. Augustine
May 20, 1833
You will oblige me by communicating to Meconope or the
chief of the Seminoles Indians the wish of the Commissioners,
appointed by the President of the U. States to treat with them,
that he would meet them at St. Augustine as early as practic-
able, with a view of determining on the place & time of assemb-
ling the Chiefs & Warriors for said purpose.
Your Obt Servt
(Signed) James Gadsden
Commissioner to treat
Mr. Dexter with Seminole Indians
Document Three
St. Augustine
12 June 1823
Mr. Dexter will oblige Col. Gadsden by collecting on his
excursion south all the information possible as to the Topo-
graphy; soil, climate, and natural productions of the Peninsula
of Florida--
He would wish him however to direct his enquiries particu-
larly to the following subjects--
First The character of the shores of the Bay of Tampa,
whether high land, or skirted by marshes; nature of the soil,
growth of Trees, etc.- The number of streams descemboging into
the Bay, their relative position, sources, character of soil on
their banks, etc.
2 The character of country for 30 or 40 miles back from
the Sea Coast between the Bay of Tampa and Charlotte harbor
and whether any streams of magnitude intersect that district
desemboging into the Gulf, if so their source, character of

85 -

soil on bank, etc.
3d- The character of Charlotts Harbor embracing all the
objects to which your attention has been directed as to the
character of the Bay of Tampa, particularly the nature of Char-
lotts river, its source, tributaries, soil on its banks, etc.
4 The character generally of the country south of Char-
lotts harbor and river as far as the Point of Florida. Whether
the Tripical fruits are indigenous; whether the frosts are sev-
ere; ice ever seen; and whether settlements have ever been at-
tempted by British or Spaniards and if so the capabilities of
soil & climate; whether Coffee will succeed, etc. etc.
Mr. Dexter will further oblige Col. Gadsden by pre-
serving any specimens of minerals, shells, etc. be may find, in
the Country or the Sea Coast.
Document Four
St.Augustine 23 June 1823
Previous to my leaving this for the interior I beg to
state to your ExeY what I concieve as necessary in order to
carry the treaty to be held on the 5th Sepr into effect & to
secure the good order of the Indians of this part of the
TerritY. It appears to me proper that the views of the Govt
regarding the concentration of all the tribes should be clearly
& distinctly explained to them in order that they may be pre-
pared at the treaty to offer no objections, in the meantime I
am decidedly persuaded no licenses whatsoever should be given
to trade nor passports to go into the Indian Country. The
trade at this season of the year is trifling in such articles
as do not require a special license & the only object persons
can have in taking out licenses is either to obtain from the
Indians their slaves, horses & cattle, or perhaps give them
such advice as would contract every thing I might be able to
say to convince them of their (illegible) & interest & the ne-
cessity of acquiescing in the measures of Govt. The Indians
can suffer no inconvenience as for the small quantity of skins
& wax they ma have I have made arrangements with Mr. C. Sull
******* **********and of this place to take***************
"*****those articles & pay them the full price in specie. He
is also supplied with such goods as they want. Sh'd they dis-
approve of his prices they can purchase elsewhere. Licenses
indicriminantly given as they have been recently, have exposed
the Indians to imposition, & the Laws of the U. S. to continued
violation ptilaticularly in the Sale of spiritous liquors & pur-
chase of Horses, Cattle etc, etc. The repair of their Rifles
is to them a most important object & has at all times been done
at the Expense of the Spanh Govt. The expense does not amount
to much & it shows a desire in the part of the Govt to accomo-
date them. I have made an arrangement to that effect with Mr.
Cadis (?) armourer of this place. Should the measure be ap-
proved of the Indians in the different incursions into their
country, have been robbed of several slaves who are at present
in possession of Persons in the State of Georgia, they have al-
so been scandalously deprived of several lately without any con-
sideration who are at present in Charleston, an assurance of
prompt & effective measures for the securing of their property
would have a good effect on their minds, as it will show that
their interests are attended to by the Govt to whom they are to
look for protection. The Indians coming to attend the treaty
will pass the St. Johns at Volusia & Vibrillia opposite Buena
Vista, & it will be necessary to provide food to enable them to
go to town. I judge 4 quarts of Rice each will be sufficient
& calculate 1500 Indians will attend say 6000 lb. of Rice, 5/6
at Volusia & 6 (1/6) at Vibrillia. It will be also necessary
that boats be provided to pass them at these places & also at
Suwanee for those beyond that River. Should it be deemed part
of my duty to attend to providing for the meetings at Moultrie
I would require timely notice in order to - - making suit-
able arrangements. I beg to enclose a copy of a letter I have
rec'd from Col. Gadsden & shall immediately**** and to attend

to his commands in order the more effectively to answer the ob-
86 -

ject of his enquiries. It would be well that I shd be accompan-
ed by a person acquainted with surveying. Such a person could,
I suppose be employed at a moderate rate. I recommend that the
Spanish Fishing smacks & Providence wreckers be prevented from
frequenting the coast abt Tampa as they afford support to the
few refugee Negroes in the neighborhood.

Document Five
St. Augustine
June 25th 1823
Horatio S. Dexter, Esq.
Acting Sub agent of Indian
Affairs in Florida
While you are exploring the Country in the Peninsula of
Florida in the vicinity of Tampa Bay and Charlotts Harbour I
desire you will bring in all the run a way slaves that you
can obtain, and you will if necessary use any Indian force to
accomplish this object if the Slaves should resist. The
slaves that may be broutht into St. Augustine and delivered up
to me shall not be turned over to their owners unless they pay
fifty Dollars to the Indian who may secure & deliver up a slave.
It is desirable that you should keep.a regular journal describ-
ing the face of the Country over which you may pass, its soil &
Timber, Rivers, springs & Lakes the land fit for cultivation
and those which are only calculated for hunting ground. The
Government of the United States would be much pleased to be in-
formed as minutely as your time & circumstances may permit, of
every matter connected with the climate & soil of Florida. You
will as early as possible set out on this expedition and use
all your influence to concentrate Indians and to induce them to
attend the Treaty. I rely greatly on your intelligence and cal-
culate you will be able to furnish the Commisioners with more
valuable information before the time appointed to treat with
I am with high
- -- your
Obt Servt
(Signed) Wm. P. Duval
Document Six
St. Augustine 27 June 1823
I have to acknowledge receipt of your Letter of 25th Inst.
enclosing a copy of a Letter of instructions to you from Col.
Gadsden with the contents of which I fully concur & have fur-
ther to request that you will use every exertion to have the
object of your journey accomplished before the meeting with the
Indians at Moultrie on the 5th Septr.
I am, Sir
Your very obedt Servt
(Signed) Bernard Segui
To Horatio S. Dexter Esq.
Sun Indian Agent
Document Seven
St. Augustine 26th Aug.1822
I have the honor to enclose you a cony of Mr. Dexter's re-
port on his journey into the south part of the Peninsula, with
a map of the portion of Country he has explored.*
I have the honor to be,
Your obet Servt
(Signed) Wm P. Duval
Honble John C. Calhounu
Secretary of far,

- 87 -

Document Eight B-6
To his Excellency William P. Duval, Governor & Superintendant
of Indian Affairs of the Territory of Florida.
In pursuance of-the instructions I had the honor to re-
ceive in your letter of the 25* June I beg leave to submit a
report of such observations as I have made during my journey
into the SW part of the Peninsula.
27th June. Left St. Augustine for Volusia & had the misfortune
to lose my provisions, baggage, etc., etc. in crossing Haw
29th. Arrived at Volusia where I was detained until the 6th
July, in order
to replace the stores lost on my journey from St. Augustine.
6th July. Set out with one attendant & that night camped at
the round hole. 14 Miles from the main crossing place at Ockla-
7th. Proceeded on my journey & arrived this evening at Ockla-,
Note: Up to the time of my arrival at the crossing place
of River Ocklawaha, I deem it unnecessary to give a detailed
account of the Country, as it has been already accurately des-
cribed in Dr. Simmons' Notices on Florida.
Okehumke lies W southerly rrom ctie lower crossing of Okla-
waha distance 15 Miles, the land between is high & rolling and
only fit for grazing, the ponds are numerous and
some of them very large. Okehumke bounds E on Savannah which
extends southerly about 20 miles and in some places is more
than 2 miles wide. The Hammock of Okehumke is of a good quali-
ty, the growth principally live and water oak & may be estima-
ted at 15000 Acres. No part of the Hammock is cultivated, al-
tho many Indians live in the N. W. margin. The land which they
cultivate is Pine & borders on the Hammock in front of the set-
tlement is a large Savannah on which the stock of Cattle
Horses hogs range. About 200 yards N. of the residence of
Miconope' lies the natural Cistern mentioned by Dr. Simmons.
This measures about 1/3 of an Acre, & furnishes a great
abundance of Fish of different Kinds. I have endeavored to as-
certain the depth of this Cistern, with a pole about 20 feet
long, and could not get bottom even at the edge of it in the
driest season it is ull, and I am persuaded it is unfathomable.
About 4 Miles W. of Okehumke is a large lake in extent equal to
Lake Ware bordered with Cypress and surrounded by Savannahs,
when overflowed its waters empty into Withlacouchy. I have
named this Lake Walton. 12 Miles S. of Okehumke lies Pilakli-
kaha. As you approach it, it appears like Islands, the Hammocts
are very numerous, & contain from 20 to 300 Acres each, all of
which are
surrounded by Savannahs, which afford a range sufficient for
innumerable herds of Cattle. These Savannahs run in a S. E.
direction. At this settlement there are about 100 Negroes be-
longing to.Miconope& his family of different ages and Sexes
and althe there are lands sufficient for a population of 2006
persons, there is not to exceed 120 Acres planted. Their prin-
cipal crop is Corn Rice and ground nuts. I have no doubt the
Corn planted at this place will yield 40 Bushels to the Acre.
The Rice, indeed everything planted here, is equal to any I
have ever seen in Florida. Most of the labor is performed by
the Women, the men are indulged, in following the habits
of their owners, and pass most of their time in idlenbes, occa-
sionally hunting. At Pilaklikaha it rained incessantly for
*(Doc. 5)
-88 -

three days, during which time I engaRed Miconope with Outilma-
che*, to meet me, with the chiefs of their different towns, at
Okehumke, on my return, in order to make preliminary arrange-
ments for assembling the Indians at the approaching treaty to
be held at Moultrie.
16th. From the 10th to this day I had been detained at Pilak-
likaha, in making the arrangements before mentioned & procuring
a guide, interpreter & horses, for my journey. Set out for
Chucachate, which lies 28 miles W by S from Pilaklikaha, 15
Miles from
Pilaklikaha you travel over Savannahs and low pine land, when
you arrive at little Withlecuche Creek, which runs northwardly,
and empties itself into Withlecuche. This creek runs over a
bed of rocks; in the margin of the creek there is a narrow
strip of Hammock from 50 to 100 yards deep, the growth live
oak and water oak, Red bay, &, & 3 Miles by S you pass over
high sand hills, growth black jack & pine. hen you arrive at
Withlecuche Creek, which runs so rapidly as to prevent a per-
son's standing on his feet while crossing, its present rapidity
is owing to the heavy rains, its breadth where
I crossed it, was about 30 yards a little distance to the West-
ward, the creek winds to the Northward, and runs a considerable
distance beyond Sitarkey's place, and then takes a course for
and discharges itself ihto the sea at Anclote Keys. This Creek
or River has more branches than any other stream in Florida. It
drains all the Savannahs, swamps & Ponds from the Big Swamp to
100 Miles S. There are large bodies of Hainoc & River Swamp
lands on this River and its branches, and the Lands may be con-
sidered preferable for the cultivation of Sugar & Rice to those
on the St. Johns. At the place where
I crossed the water was 17 feet deep, being about 10 feet deep-
er than in Jany 1821 at which time I crossed it. On this creek
the growth is Live, White & Water Oaks, Red Bay, Hiccory, Gum,
Laurel, Cypress, Pine & indeed almost every growth natural to
Florida. The only land cleared in the banks of this valuable
stream is Sitarke 's place, which is now planted with corn &
rice, & I am satisfied that no planter in Florida can boast of
so good a crop in proportion to the quantity of land planted.
Iam confident that there is no land in Florida better for
Sugar Cane, I gave some plants to Sitarky's Negroes
in March last which were not planted until April & now measure
10 feet to the top, altho it has not attained half its growth.
From the crossing place to Chucachate the land is unusually
high and generally pine barren. distance 10 Miles.
18th Arrived at Chucachate from which I made an escursion for
three days into the neighboring Country. The Hammoc at Chuca-
chate surrounds a Savannah of about 180 Acres. In this Hammoc
two fields are cleared containing 320 Acres. The width of this
hammoc varies from to 5 miles. The settlement consists of a-
bout 20 houses inhabited by Seminoles, the chief of whom is
Sinaha, who owns
3 Slaves, 160 head of Cattle, 90 horses & a large gang of hogs.
This neighborhood was the seat of the Seminole Nation not more
than two (ten?) years ago, but has since been broken up by the
incursions of the Cowetas, who carried off or dispersed about
60 Negro Slaves and a large stock of cattle & horses. It ought
to be noticed that the Indians of this settlement have been and
continue remarkable for their cleanliness, providence, & indus-
try. I found them at this season to have a surplus of last
years Corn a thing unusual among Indians, & and the only Ham-
mock land (the clearing of which requires so much labour) that
I have ever
89 -

seen cleared by the Indians is at this place.
Three Miles W of the settlement of Sinaha commences the
big hammoc which trends about N to S, and is 30 Miles in circum-
ference, and 7 Miles in depth, the soil of this Hanmmoc is in
every respect equal to the best of the Alachua lands. The
growth is similar but still more luxuriant, the land in this
neighborhood suitable for cultivation is in my opinion amply
capable for sustaining a population of 50,000 souls. While ex-
ploring the big Hammo I could distinctly hear the surf of the
Gulf of Mexico, the sound blowing strongly from the S. W.
21st. Left Chucachate for Tomaketche's (Tomakitchky)
village. After leaving the Hammoc of Chucachate 4 Miles S. the
land is sandy pine barren, then you come to pine lands of the
best quality soil a mixture of red clay. The Ponds are numer-
ous and skirted with rich hammocks of considerable depth. 9
Miles from Chucachate you enter a Hammoc of 3/4 of a mile in
width which you cross in sight of its E extremity. This hammoc
extends NW & ends in the neighborhood of the big Hammoc. 3
Miles S you arrive at a settlement of Indians, who plant Corn
Pumpkins, Water Melons, etc. etc. This settlement is situated
on the banks of a Lake about 1 Mile long, the
land round which rises to a height for about 100 feet. The
scenery of this lake is extremely picturesque, the timber on
the banks principally live oak & pine. This pine land is of
the best quality mixed with red Clay, & continues of the same
quality until you arrive at the settlement of Tomakitchky, dis-
tance 18 miles.
22nd. Was detained the whole of this day (due) to an entertain-
ment, at which I was treated with the utmost hospitality & at-
tention. This is an extensive settlement of detached hamlets
extending about 4 Miles along the margin of the Savannah. This
situation is chosen as most
convenient for the pasturage of their herds, at the extremity
of the settlement they cultivate in common, an extensive field
of Corn & Rice with as much care as any planter I have seen.
23rd. I left this settlement for Lookschapopka Creek distance
12 Miles. High undulating ground of excellent quality, soil
mixed with red Clay. Growth large Pines, until within 2 Miles
of the Creek, where the land begins to be low Savannah with
scattering trees. This low land is bedded upon rocks which in
many places rise 6 or 7 feet from the surface & consist of a
of flint and limestone. From Lookschapopka, I took a course
thro Hichapuksasa. On the margin of Lookschapopka Creek the
growth is Cpress, Red Bay, and Water Oak. 12 o'Clock, arrived
at Hitohe uasa The Houses are standing, although the settle-
ment is abandoned. It is placed on a piece of high pine land
of about 7 Acres and surrounded by extensive Savannaha which
at this time are overflowed. About the houses are Peach &
Pride of India trees, which appear in a flourishing state. A-
bout 2 Miles NE of Hichepuksasa is a swamp of considerable ex-
tent. I attempted B-
to penetrate it, but soon found my horse swimming, & abandoned
the persuit. The Indians left this place in consequence of
their cattle not thriving on the Savannah and they now reside
at Tohopkilika, Chucachate and Tomakitohky's place. Course
from S. S. TV. (sic. S. S. W.) to Oponneys 14 Miles.
24th. Arrived at Halafia Creek about 10 O'clock, from Hichepu-
ksasa to this place the land is low savannah overflowed about
two feet, the Creek discharges itself into Tampa bay. The
crossing place where I arrived is the termination of the high
fertile district of Country, beginning at
Chucachate. Here commences the great hunting ground of the

- 90 -

Indians & is called the scattering ground as they here separate
on their hunting expeditions. This district of Country forms
in my opinion the most delightful region I have ever seen, and
exceeds in fertility elevation, diversity of surface & beauty
of landscape any part of E. Florida. On arriving at the cross-
ing place I found as far as my sight could extend, the whole of
the Country inundated with the exception of occasional spots of
high land having the appearance of Islands. Here the exhaus-
tion of my horses, the injury my provisions had suffered from
the wet, the
submerged appearance of the country and the increased annoy-
ances of Flies mosquitoes, etc., etc., obliged me to retrace
my course to the high lands. The number of flies & mosquitoes
in this low region are inconcievably great, the horses at night
instinctively crowded round the fire to protect themselves by
the smoke. The snakes are numerous at this season and are more
apt to attack, & if they sting their bite, the Indians assert,
cannot be cured. The extraordinary effect on the eye of this
extent of submerged country is worth noting; the trees & other
scattered objects appear of double the natural size, and even
heads of our horses appeared prenaturaly enlarged to our view.
Another singular effect which probably proceeded from the fati-
gue of the organs of vision, was the apparent sudden occurrence
of twilight & and it was necessary to shade our eyes for a
short time, in order to recover our natural perception of ob-
jects. The difficulties which have been encountered will ac-
count for the necessity of my having here abandoned the attempt
to penetrate to Tampa Bay.
25th. I employed the whole of this da in returning to the
high lands where we encamped for the night.
26th. In the morning we fell in with an Indian returning from
the low lands where he was obliged to leave his field in conse-
quence of its having been overflowed. I learned from him that
there was a boat at Oponneys place & I determined to proceed
there. The distance from my encampment being about 17 Miles
SE. The same beautiful undulating country interspersed wit h
clear ponds as that from Chucachate to Hichapuksasa. This eve-
ning arrived at Oponneys. My determination was to leave my
horses and take the boat in order to reach the Sea Coast. On
my arrival I learned that the
boat was either carried off or sunk by a freshet and could not
be found. This settlement is on the bank of a Lake of 21 Miles
long and where broadest 7 Miles wide. This lake is skirted
with a hammoc of from to 2 Acres deep the pine lands round
it appear of an excellent quality, judging from the scattering
fields that are planted at present. I Creek makes out of the
SE end of the Lake, which the Indians call Tolopchopko or Pea
Creek & they say communicates with Charlotte harbor. The set-
tlement of Oponney which is now in ruins is situated on a hill
abouty60 or 70 feet above the level of the Lake, and had more
conveniences than that of any Indian in the Nation. There was
a comfortable two story house built of plank & hewed timber, in
which Oponney lived a dairy house, Corn house Stables, Sheds,
etc., etc., & in all respects the place resembled the residence
of a substantial planter. He had an extensive peach orchard, &
a considerable crop of Corn, Potatoes etc etc. On the death
of this chief (about two months since) the Houses, Orchard, and
the produce of the fields about the house were destroyed by his
son according to the custom of the Indians. He willed his pro-
perty to that son, altho agreeably to
their usage, Pulepucka the father of Sitarky was entitled to
inherit. Such was the respect paid by these people to the de-
sires of the deceased that Pulepucka did not hesitate in comply-
91 -

ing with his will in the general destruction of his property.
One house remained uninjured, which led me to an inquiry as to
the cause of its having been preserved. I was informed that it
was the Physic house & contained what they term the War Physic,
and that it could not be opened by any person but his successor,
a particular Indian skilled in the management of the tools (?)
& herbs used by these people as
medicine previous to their hunting & war expeditions, it may be
remarked as a peculiar custom among them, that they undergo a
course of sweating previous to hunting & also when unsuccessful
in the chace. I was anxious to go into the Physic house, but
was warned that it could not be entered with impunity that who-
soever ventured to intrude into it would inevitably be swelled
in his body, & otherwise disordered. 2 Miles E of his resi-
dence you come to his field in which the Negro houses are built.
This field is planted principally with corn and rice, & attend-
ed in the same manner one would expect in Plantations
under the direction of white people. From the last years crop
he sent a quantity of rice to St. Augustine on Pack horses not-
withstanding the distance. He held about 20 Slaves who perform-
ed the same labour that is generally expected on plantations in
Florida. Oponneys son has removed W. of Suwanee where he is
settled at present. He drove off with him 300 head of cattle,
about 100 head of horses, principally packed with rice, merchan-
dise & specie, the latter to the amount of 7000 Dollars. These
facts are particularly mentioned with a view of showing that
these people are capable of exercising a great degree
of industry and would graduAlly fall into the habits of civi-
lization when favorably circumstances & undisturbed in their
possessions & pursuits. For to the remoteness of this Indian's
situation and his freedom from molestation, are chiefly to be
ascribed the habits of industry & improvement of property so
observable at his residence. This is evident from his having
removed from the neighborhood of the whites, where he had ex-
perienced frequent interruptions & felt insecure in his proper-
ty. At this settlement I found a greater number of Indians
than I had expected to meet with, as was indeed generally the
case in my B-33
route. I concieve the aggregate number exceeds by at least 400,
the computation I formerly gave in. I was here informed that
on the inner chain of Islands along the coast from Tampa to
Charlotte harbour & there were several settlements of refugee
Negroes who had communications with white persons who resorted
to these places in armed vessels. The marshes between the Is-
lands & main land are at low water easily passed over. The In-
dians state that there were frequently landed from on board
vessels with big guns packages of goods at different depots on
these Islands, that the Indians had at different times been
prevented by force from communicating with these
Settlements as the Negroes were all completely armed with Span-
ish musquets, Bayonets & Cartouche boxes. when these persons
were in want of Cattle they landed on the main toobtain them,
& paid always in powder lead, molasses & rum. hey describe
the vessels as generally mounting one two, or three guns.From
all circumstances I am induced to believe these Islands are a
resort for Pirates, & think measures ought to be taken by the
commander of the Squadron at Key West to examine into the real
character of these establishments. It is a fact pretty general-
ly known that there are persons belonging to the city of Ha-
vannah who have settled on these Islands since the change of
flags, and carry on a constant communication with the West In-
dies, & have been the means of carrying off a number of refugee
Negroes belonging to the inhabitants of this Territory and the
neighboring States, and if there be nothing piratical in these
proceedings the last mentioned intercourse ought to be speedily

92 -

put a stop to. I assembled the Indians here for the purpose of
informing them of the intended treaty and notified them general-
ly of the objects and wishes of the American Government, they
stated their willingness to attend the meeting. I here met a
part of the late Payne's
family, who had been obliged to retreat from their fields &
settlements near the sea coast in consequence of the rise of
the Water. They informed me that they had great difficulty in
reaching the high lands. Their object in settling in this re-
mote situation was to avoid the frequent incursions of the Cow-
etas whose depredations upon the Indians of the Province (sic)
ought to engage the early attention of the Agent and be ~-de
the subject of complaint to the Agent of the Creek Nation. The
statement of these Indians respecting the inundated state of
the country of course prevented my making any further attempt
to gain the coast
or Charlotte harbour at this unfavorable season.
28th. Having resolved to return I took a course to avoid the
Creeks I had been obliged to swim on my route to this point as
will be percieved by the accompanying map (not seen). The land
I passed over this day except the first 7 Miles was low, flat ,
covered with water, and (with the exception of three sand hills
not exceeding two miles each in extent) the growth was Cypress,
Saw Palmetto & stunted pine which the Indians inform me is the
description of Country the whole way to Cape Florida.
29th. Directed my course for Pilaklikaha, and during the days
found the country the same as before mentioned, low flat etc.,
until I approached the Savannahs & scattered hammocks at Pilak-
likaha. In this course I passed but one lake of any extent
which I consider nearly equal to Lake Simmons in size, but dif-
fering from that and most other lakes I have seen by being sur-
rounded by low Cypress swamp & the pine lands in its neighbor-
hood being also inundated. The distance from this Water to the
head of Lake Simmons is about 10 Miles.
30th & 31st Remained at Pilaklikaha for the purpose of re-
& freshmen and
let Augt I
to give rest to my worn out horses.
Aug. 2nd. A Messenger arrived from Miconope' notifying me
that he with the other chiefs was ready to meet me according to
appointment at Okehumke the next day.
3rd. Set out for Okehumke & on arriving there proceeded with
the chiefs to business. The meeting was opened with the solemn
rites usual on those occasions & I was obliged to take the black
Physic, as by refusing I should have given offense. At this
meeting there were about 120 Indians present among who were the
chiefs of all the tribes E of the Suwanee. I communicated to
the assembled chiefs your instructions & I apprehended that the
greatest obstacle to any arrangement will be the reception
of the hostile tribes among them. At the conclusion of the
talk a match of Ball was played with the extraordinary anima-
tion they usually display on those occasions. In the evening a
dance was given in which I was forced to join that continued
all night. In the morning we took leave of each other, under
an engagement to meet at Volusia on the 30th Instant. The Chief
insisting upon it as a sine qua non that I should accompany
them to the treaty.
I feel myself bound to acknowledge the extraordinary & uni-
form hospitality I met with from these people in the course of
the journey. At every village I was compelled to spend the
night & partake of an entertainment & was
freely furnished with every supply I wanted for my journey.
With respect to their general condition, I found it better than
93 -

I had expected their stocks of horses & cattle being consider-
able, and their crops abundant. The whole amount of cattle
that they at present possess, may, I think, be computed at 2000,
and their horses are not less in number. They have also large
droves of hogs. They plant Corn, Rice Potatoes, Behne seed,
etc. Upon the whole they appear rapidly recovering from the
effects of McIntosh's insurrection, and the injuries they suf-
fered from the incursions of the Tennesseans in 1812 (sic,1818).
In my route I met with none
of the Tropical fruits growing indigenously, but I have no
doubt from the mildness of the climate that many could be suc-
cessfully introduced in these regions. I made particular in-
quiries as to the extent and limits of frost, and was informed
that at Oponney's as far south as 27 the ice was seldom thick-
er than a pane of glass, but that they were often obliged to
replant their corn from the effects of frost. In the letter of
instructions of Uol. Gadsden, being directed to enquire into
the capacity of the country for the production of Coffee. I beg
leave to offer it as my opinion that no part of the Peninsula
to the most southern point that I have visited, is at all cal-
culated for the cultivation of this plant. This observation
applies to the Eastern as well as the Western coast, for in the
Winter of 1817, I had an opportunity of Examining the Eastern
side of the Peninsula from St. Augustine down to Law (sic.Loo?)
Key S. of Cape Sable including the portion said by Mr. Chazotte
to be suitable for Coffee, but which by my own observation has
satisfied me is totally unadapted to this culture from the
frequent occurrence of frost, the paucity of high land, & the
inferior quality of the soil. It is the more proper to correct
the misstatements
of Mr. Chazotte, as they are calculated to mislead & invite
speculation in a quarter where they would inevitably be dis-
appointed. The delusive accounts he has given have also a ten-
dency to divert the attention of the Planters of Capital from
those Staples that might prove profitable in these regions
which are well adapted to the cultivation of Cotton & Sugar. I
did not meet with such large or numerous orange groves as are
found at Alachua & on the banks of the St. Johns in contradic-
tion to the statements I received respecting the mildness of
the climate. I found that the Orange trees at Oponneys settle-
ment had
been apparently more injured by frost than those at Volusia and
St. Augustine. The Negroes indeed testified that the Orange
did not flourish at this settlement. I profess myself unable
to account for this anomaly. With respect to the weather that
prevailed during my journey, the heat of the days was opressive,
but the nights were always pleasantly cool. It rained more or
less every day, and at Hopopka & Tohopkilika towns the Crops
were destroyed by inundation. I found the Indians generally
very healthy. The Ocklawaha tribe alone were sickly, many of
them being down with fevers. I observed
that the Indians settled on the Lakes are more healthy than
those residing on the banks of the rivers. I retained my own
health, tho I encamped in the open air during my whole of my
journey. Most of the information offered in this report is the
result of my own immediate observation but I received man
statements from the Indians & Negroes that may be deserving of
attention, & which if required I will willingly furnish the
Commissioners. The Map that accompanies the report was oblig-
ingly drawn by my friend Mr. Peter Mitchell from a sketch made
by myself, and may be relied on
as correct. I shall leave town tomorrow for Volusia in order
to meet Miconope and his people, & may be expected with them at
94 -

Moultrie on the 3rd of Next month.
I have the honour / to be, Gentlemen / yr most obt servant
(signed) Horatio S. Dexter
St. Augustine, 20 August 1823

1) Carter, C. E. (Editor) Territorial Papers of the United
States. Vol. XXII. The territory of Florida 1821-1824. Wash-
ington, D. C. 1956.
2) Lowrie, W. and Franklin W. S. (Editors) American State
Papers. Miscellaneous Vol. II. Washington, D. C. 1834. Exec.
Doc. 42. January 29, 1822. Transactions in the Floridas, No.
513. pp 799-913.
3) Letter from the Secretary of War to the Chairman of the Com-
mittee of Indian Affairs transmitting Sundry Documents and Cor-
respondences in Relation to the Indians of Florida. January 30
1823. House Report 51. 17th Cong. 2d Ses.
4) Lowrie, W., and Franklin, W. S. (Editors) American State Pap-
ers. Indian Affairs. Vol. II. Washington, D. C. 1834.
18 Cong., 1st Ses. December 15, 1823. Treaty with the Florida
Indians. No. 198, p. 429-442. 19 Cong. 1st Ses. February 6,
1826. Treaty with the Florida Indians. No. 229. pp. 614-644.
(=House Doc. 74.)
5) Hill, Louise Biles, (Editor) Gage, E. V. (Transcriber and
translator) Spanish Land Grants in Florida. Vol. 1. Unconfirmed
Claims. Vols. II-V. Confirmed Claims. Historical Records Survey,
Works Progress Administration, Tallahassee, 1941.

Tallahassee Florida
February, 1958


1873 1958

The death on May 2, 1958 of John R. Swanton removed from
the field of anthropology one of its most distinguished members
and one who could truly be called both a gentleman and scholar.
Dr. Swanton was respected and loved by all who knew him as the
leading student of the southern Indians.
Born at Gardiner, Maine on February 19 1873 he received
the A.B. and M.A. degrees from Harvard. From 1898 to 1900 he
studied at Columbia where he learned the older type of linguist-
ics and came under the influence of Boas. His Harvard Ph. D,
thesis was on the morphology of the Chinook verb. He had done
some digging in Ohio, but had become interested in the Northwest
Coast, as had most Boas students at the time.
In 1900 Dr. Swanton joined the Bureau of American Ethnol-
ogy and remained there until his retirement in 1944. Until 1906
he continued work on Northwest Coast tribes, turning in that
year to the southeast. From then onward he remained very largely
interested in the southeast.
Dr. Swanton's publications from the solid basis on which
students of the southern Indians have built. His "Early History
of the Creek Indians and their Neighbors", his papers on Creek
social organization and religion in the 42nd Annual Report of
the Bureau have become truly handbooks for students of the south-
east. His work on the U.S.De Soto Commission has been an outstan-
ding contribution. Within a few years Swanton's "Indians of the
Southeastern United States" became almost a collector's item.
More recent evidence may in some cases have raised a ques-
tion about some of his conclusions, but the monumental quality
of his work and his gentle, kindly nature will remain always.

Charles H. Fairbanks

- 96 -

Harper, Francis, ed.
The Travels of William Bartram, Naturalist's Edition. Yale
University Press, 1958, lxi, 727 pp.,43 illust.,2 maps, $8.50.
Harper is our leading student of the Bartrams, having
previously published John Bartram's journal and William's Report
to Fothergill. This edition is intended as the definitive study
of the Travels. The ,agination of the first edition is given,
along with a detailed discussion of routes, floral and animal
species encountered, and remarks on Indians, etc.
Like the two previous annotated editions, this one will
prove essential to the historian, anthropologist,botanist, mam-
mologist working in Florida or the southeast. For the general
reader it will prove interesting and informative.

Simmons, William Hayne
Notices of East Florida with an account of the Seminole
Nation of Indians. By a recent traveller in the Province.Photo-
offset reproduction, n.p., no price,(Gainesville, Fla., 1958).
The original, published in 1822, is one of the primary
sources on Florida and the Seminole. This reproduction is read-
able, although somewhat small.
VanStan, Ina
Problems in Pre-Columbian Textile Classification. Florida
State University Studies, No. 29. Tallahassee, $3.75.
A discussion of some specimens in the Carter Collection of
Peruvian antiquities at Florida State University.
The Negro in American Society. Florida State University
Studies, No. 28, Tallahassee, 1958, $3.75.
Papers on various aspects of the Supreme Court Decision of
May 17, 1954 by members of the various social science faculties
at The Florida State University.


Horatio S. Dexter and events leading to the
Treaty of Moultrie Creek with the Seminole
Indians............................Mark F. Boyd
Obituary, John R. Swanton...Charles H. Fairbanks
Book Notices.......................C.H.F. Inside back

NO. 2
N0. 2


The Florida Anthropologist publishes manuscripts on any
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with 65 spaces to the line, 35 lines to the page. Tables
must be typed in final forn with inked lines. Citations
should follow the style of The American Anthropologist .
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