The Florida anthropologist

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The Florida anthropologist
Abbreviated Title:
Fla. anthropol.
Florida Anthropological Society
Place of Publication:
Florida Anthropological Society.
Publication Date:
Quarterly[<Mar. 1975- >]
Two no. a year[ FORMER 1948-]
v.1 no.1-2 1948, May
Physical Description:
v. : ill. ; 24 cm.


Subjects / Keywords:
Indians of North America -- Antiquities -- Periodicals -- Florida ( lcsh )
Antiquities -- Periodicals -- Florida ( lcsh )
serial ( sobekcm )
periodical ( marcgt )


Contains papers of the Annual Conference on Historic Site Archeology.
Dates or Sequential Designation:
v. 1- May 1948-

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/ O /-2,

NOS. 1-2


MAY 1948

1OL. I



Hale G. Smith .............. ..................... .


THE BIG CIRCLE MOUNDS. Ross Allen ................ 17

MAN ENTERS AMERICA. FrederickW. Sleight ............ 23


A NOTE TO MEMBERS. W.W. Erhmann ................ 16

WEEDEN ISLAND ZONED RED. John W. Griffin ........... 22

AN UNUSUAL SHELL PENDANT. JohnW. Griffin ........... 28


The Indians of the Southeastern United States. John R. Swanton.
Reviewed by Hale G. Smith ...................... 29

The Everglades: River of Grass. Majory Stoneman Douglas.
Reviewed by John W. Griffin ................... 30

The Theory of Human Culture. James Feibleman.
Reviewed by Bevode C. McCall ............. .... 31

CONTRIBUTORS TO THIS ISSUE .................... 34

ganization and officers, and on this journal, THE FLORIDA ANTHRO-
POLOGIST, will be found on the inside rear cover.



Hale G. Smith

With the approval of the Spanish government, a concerted effort to
missionize the Apalachee Indians was started in 1633 by members of
the Franciscan Order. Various early travelers along the mission
chain which extended from St. Augustine to the Apalachicola River
have left us lists of the missions which they visited, together with
notations of the distances between missions. A list compiled in 1655
gives sixteen missions, and by 1680 twenty-five missions were in

From one point of view these missions were very successful; in the
Apalachee country most, if not all, of the Indians came under Spanish
surveillance. Of course, reactionary factions both within and outside
the group caused minor uprisings from time to time, but these were
never wholly successful. The blow that really broke the missions was
delivered in 1704 by Colonel Moore of South Carolina, who, with fifty
British soldiers and 1000 Creek Indians, raided and burned most of
the missions in the Apalachee country.

The Spaniards in St. Augustine obtained most of their food by supply
ships from Cuba. Most of the time these ships failed to keep their
schedule, with resulting privation in the colony. Fish, which should
have been a valuable food in such times, are not mentioned in any of
the historical documents consulted.. The mission Indians of the Apa-
lachee region were, therefore, important to the people of St. Augustine
because of the corn which they supplied.

The mission which we excavated is located about twenty miles southeast
of Tallahassee, in Jefferson County, just three miles southeast of the
town of Waukeenah. The site is in the Tallahassee Red Hills region,
a very fertile agricultural area.

The location of the site was not a matter of accident. Prior to'1939,
Mr. Clarence Simpson of the Florida Geological Survey was traveling
through the region, and on passing a farm house noticed what seemed
to be two Spanish water jars on the front porch. Stopping, he asked
where they had been found, after ascertaining that they definitely were
This paper is slightly revised from one read before the
Florida Historical Society at their annual meeting in
Jacksonville, February 6-7, 1948. The work described was
done by the author as Assistant Archaeologist, Florida
Park Service. A complete report is being prepared.

3. L
A 1. .

'..-/^ *^,. -^
s-y^ ***
1-"-4- .
'-".L j

.'91~,.aE12i ,,


1. '.,:'
1*- a fL a
""I ". '' i. .... ..,,.,
+, ; : ., ,

Fig. 1: Artist's reconstruction of the Spanish mission settlement described in this paper,
based on data gathered through excavation. From a water color painting by A. R.
Janson, Florida Park Service.



Spanish jars. The farmer said he had dug them up on his land, in an
area a few hundred yards from the farm house. He had found more,
but had broken most of them with a hammer, believing, because of
their weight, that they contained gold. In reality they were only filled
with dirt. Mr. Simpson examined the land where they had been found,
and noticed numerous wrought iron nails, pieces of Spanish pottery,
Indian potsherds and other material on the surface of the ground.
Also he noted that in certain areas rudimentary building walls could
be discerned. From his knowledge of the approximate location of the
Spanish missions, gained from historical records, he was fairly sure
that this was the site of one of them.

Later, Dr. Mark F. Boyd and Mr. Simpson dug some test pits in this
area and discovered the floor of one of the buildings, and obtained
several artifacts of both Indian and Spanish origin. Therefore, when
the Archaeological Survey of the Florida Park Service began exca-
vations, we were fairly certain that we were excavating a Spanish
mission site. Work done by Dr. Boyd on Spanish documents, part
of which has been published1, helped us immensely in our work.

When we visited the site prior to excavation, the land had been freshly
plowed, and it was easy to note on the surface where two of the mission
buildings had stood. Concentrated in these areas were pieces of
burned clay, and various artifacts of Spanish and Indian origin.

In preparing to excavate an archaeological site, the total area is
surveyed and mapped, and the section to be excavated is staked out in
five foot squares. Each square is given a number so that anything
found may easily be assigned a location in the field notes. Accuracy
is of the utmost importance in keeping the field notes, since they are
used when we are back in the laboratory, and form the basis for the
written report. The usefulness of accurate notes may be illustrated
by reference to the reconstruction of a Spanish jar which had been
broken into hundreds of pieces when a burning building collapsed.
These pieces had become scattered, so in putting the jar together we
referred to our catalog, and gathered all specimens from squares
surrounding the square in which the majority of the sherds had been
found. In this way we were able to reconstruct most of the jar without
going over all of the thousands of such sherds which came from the
excavation. One sherd from this pot came from an area twenty-five
feet away from the square which contained the maximum concentration.

After staking out the area covered by the two visible floor areas, a
depression was noticed about seventy-five feet to the north. Sus-
pecting that this might have been part of the mission complex, the
staking-out was extended to take in this portion of the field. The

-Bo------d, 1939
Boyd, 1959

depression later proved to have been a borrow pit from which clay had
been obtained for use in the buildings.

With the staking completed, we were ready to begin excavating. A
few small test pits indicated that the floors of the buildings lay about
eleven to twelve inches beneath the surface, so the top eight inches
of soil was removed with shovels from the entire area, care being
taken that materials found were properly labeled. The remaining
debris, down to the floor level, was removed with mason's trowels
and small bruches. It was easy to follow the floor plan I'cause the
floor was composed of burned red clay resting on a light sandy soil.
Charred posts outlined the wall areas at the edges of the floors.

The completed excavation disclosed that the mission complex con-
sisted of two buildings and the borrow pit. Further trenching over
a twenty acre field failed to reveal any other features that could be
interpreted as belonging with the mission. Since some of the missions
were seemingly palisaded, particular care was taken in searching for
evidence of such a structural feature, but if a palisade ever existed
the agricultural practices of the last century have completely oblit-
erated it. The artist's reconstruction of the appearance of this settle-
ment accompanies this paper (Fig. 1).

The walls of the larger mission building were of wattle and daub, i.e.,
a series of vertical posts were set up, and between these posts a
lattice work of vertical and horizontal saplings were woven or lashed
in place. The lashing was either of leather thongs or fibers. Over the
framework, a plaster of clay mixed with grasses was applied until a
thickness of at least six to eight inches was reached. The framework
for the roof was of hewn timbers held in place with wrought iron
nails. The roofing material was either palmetto thatch or bark. The
floors of the buildings were of packed red clay procured from the
borrow pit. The interior walls of the larger building were plastered
over with a coat of lime.

Since the mission was destroyed by fire, we found many remnants of
charcoal beams and posts. By recording the location of these beams
and posts we were able to make a fairly accurate estimate of many of
the architectural features of the buildings.

It is evident that the Franciscan fathers utilized an aboriginal type of
"wanI construction which was topped by a European type of beam and
rafter construction. This mission, and probably all other missions in
Florida, differed in appearance from those found in the Southwest,
California and Mexico where adobe bricks or stone were the primary
materials. Dr. Boyd has found a picture of a Florida mission on an
old Spanish map, showing the mission bells suspended from a sort of
gallows in front of the building. This feature is also different from
the Southwestern missions. In the Southwest and in California the bells
are usually found in a niche in the front facade of the mission, high

above the roof.

Before the excavation was begun there were many problems which we
hoped to solve by archaeological work on a mission site. These prob-
lems were historical, anthropological and archaeological. Such ques-
tions as these arose: would it be possible to identify this as a mission
site; would we be able to determine the name of the mission, if it
turned out to be a mission site; could we by various means give a date
to the mission; what plants other than corn were grown around the
missions; how far had acculturation gone among the Indians; what
relationship exists between the aboriginal culture of the Apalachee
and the surrounding Indian groups of Florida and Georgia; what was
the nature of the material culture of a frontier mission. We had hints
of what to expect on some of these questions from historical docu-
ments previously translated and from archaeological work that had
already been done. After the excavation had been completed we had
cleared up many of the problems previously raised, but found that
many more problems had been raised. These will be mentioned later.

We were able to establish that this was a Spanish mission by some of
the artifacts which we found, and by reference to the historical ac-
counts. We found an eight inch brass crucifix (Fig. 2), and a brass
piece that may have been the top of a censer. Dr. Boyd, in his testing
of the site, found a piece of a marble slab that probably was a section
of an altar. Two inscribed Spanish olive jar sherds were found, one
by Dr. Boyd in 1940 and one by us in 1947, which when fitted together
gave us the name of a priest in the vicinity in 1704. Father Criado
is mentioned in documents which reveal that he had been at San Luis
de Apalachee (just west of present-day Tallahassee) and was killed
at the hands of the British and Indians in 1704. These inscribed
sherds indicated two things; that this mission had probably been
visited by Father Criado, and that it was probably one of the missions
destroyed in 1704.

For an identification of just which mission this was, we turned to Dr.
Boyd's work on the mission sites, and discovered that we could narrow
the choice to two missions. Depending on various factors of distances
directions, the mission was probably either San Francisco de
Oconee or San Lorenzo de Hibichacho; most likely it was the former.
It was hoped that a mission bell would be found in the excavations,
since these bells generally have the date of founding and the name
of the mission cast onto the side of the bell, but none was found.

We are able to limit the time span of the mission fairly accurately.
The historical records indicate that the missionization of the Apa-
lachee Indians did not begin until 1633, and that most, if not all,-of
the missions were destroyed in 1l047.-Tis gves us a maximum span
of ryea s-I all probablility the mission buildings were not built
_n~ irstyear of mission activity in the region,. We can therefore
assume thathe site in question was in existence for less than 71

Fig. 2: Brass crucifix found at the mission.

years, with an end date of 1704.

The Spanish cultural materials recovered included various iron objects
such as nails, a spur rowel, a-fiitlock striker, a pistol barreT, a'
musket barrel, an axe, locks of various sizes, a key, chest handles,
hinges, a bolt, cotterpins, a chisel, hoes, a lance head, an anvil, and
miscellaneous items. A lead finger ring was found. The most abun-
dant item of European materials was quantities of sherds from water
or olive jars and from a glazed mojelica-like ware~-thate may _cal
Hispano-Mexican. Dr. Louis Caywood of the National Park Service
has been making a study of this type of ware, and has made certain
identifications for us. The kind of Hispano-Mexican ware found at
the mission was made in Puebla, Mexico by 1600. A very similar
glaze composed of tin and lead was first made in Italy, from whence
it was introduced into Spain after 1566. The transfer of the technique
to Mexico was rather rapid. The paste of the Mexican ware is a buff
color, caused by the admixture of equal parts of red and white clay.
Pottery of the same kind has been found in the moat of Castillo de
San Marcos in St. Augustine, which was initially dug in 1686, and at
the Higgs site in Brevard County. It has also been found in Spanish
sites in Louisiana, Texas, New Mexico, Arizona, California, and
Sonora, Mexico.

In contrast to the variety of Spanish artifacts found, Indian remains
were relatively meagre. The major type of Indian material at the site
consisted of a vast number of potsherds; there..was very little in.the-
way of other artifacts. It appears that at this time the Indian craft
of pottery making was encouraged by the Spaniards, as they them-
selves made use of the pots for cooking purposes. The Spaniards,
unli the British or French, dinot have ny great _ount of metal
pots and kettles either for their own use or for trade purposes. Since
it was easier to use Indian earthenware than to transport it from Spain
or Mexico, the native ceramic industry thrived.

Much of the Indian potter found at the mission site was new to arch-
aeology. In act-this work has led to the establishment of a new arch-"
aeological period, called Leon-Jefferson.2 In addition to types unique
to the site, some of the pottery was of a type found in Georgia at the
Macon Trading Post, which was in existence between 1675-1718.3
This dating checks rather closely with that of the mission. Another
check on the dating of the mission is that some of the pottery found in
excavations around Castillo de San Marcos in St. Augustine is similar
to pottery from the mission. The pottery from the fort is from a
period tentatively dated as covering the range 1565-1750. Some of it
is the same type of ware found on the Georgia coast, made by the
Huspaw Indians and dating from 1715,4 A red painted pottery type
found at the mission is like that which was made by the Kasita Indians
of Georgia.

2Smith, 1948 SKelley, 1938, p. 55 4Caldwell, 1943

Some of the pottery from the mission is related to types found in the
proto-historic and early historic sites of the region. By taking the
total ceramic complex found at the mission we are able to note various
changes in the ceramic tradition during a relatively short period of
time. The earlier Weeden Island pottery of the Area had been in-
fluenced by various types manufactured by the Georgia Indians by
1500.5 By the time of the mission site we see still further influences.
Whether these influences accompanied Indians coming from Georgia,
or whether the technique was passed from group to group, is as yet
unknown. It is known that in later times various Georgia Indians did
migrate to Florida, the Oconee for example. Since the Oconee were
close relatives of the Kasita, it is possible that they are the ones
who introduced the red-filmed Kasita pottery into the area.

Many of the Indian vessels had an annular ring base, a type of base
geffrally produced on a potter's wheel. Whether the wheel was actu-
ally used, or whether these bases are hand-made copies of Spanish
wheel-made pottery, is still a problem. The above comments should
indicate how comparative analysis of pottery found in various arch-
aeological sites is used to build up a fairly accurate general picture
of the relationship of one group of people to others.

The other aboriginal artifacts found at the mission included a few
projectile points made of chert, limestone discoidals that were prob-
ably used as gaming pieces, limestone grinders, limestone awl sharp-
eners, smoothed quartz pebbles, granite corn pounders, and a frag-
ment of a maul. There were also several pottery discs, about one inch
in diameter, which were probably gaming pieces.

Indications of food habits were given by charred corn cobs and peach
pits. Animal bones found in the refuse pit included deer, domestic
pig and cow or ox.

It is unfortunate that we know so little,about the Apalachee group.
We do know that the confederacy was in existence at the time of
Narvaez and De Soto, for it is mentioned in the accounts of these
expeditions. At this early time the Apalachee were quite hostile
to the Spaniards, but something of great magnitude must have happened
to their culture, for by 1607 they were asking the Spaniards to send
missionaries to baptise them. The cause of this change of attitude
is unknown; they may have wished to profit by trade with the Spaniards,
or they may have felt that the presence of Spaniards in the area would
make them more secure from attacks by neighboring tribes. From
1633 to 1647 events seem to have moved smoothly in the area, but in
the latter year there was a revolt. After the 1647 revolt had been
suppressed, the Apalachee were fox ced to furnish laborers for the

5See Goggin, 1947, for a summary of the various periods in
this area, with the exception of the mission period, de-
fined subsequent to his publication.

building of the fort in St. Augustine. ThiaQsryitude was continued
unfi FT0f4Wlth the Indians making many unnoticed appeals to be
freed from this work.

The Timucua Rebellion in 1656 also involved the.Apalachee, but,
evidently, nn me .the. aripjs. uprisings were support bythe whole
of t _he Aalachee Confederacy, since there is no record that allt Ofi M
missions were destroyed at any one time. The uprisings were un-
doubtedly caused by reactionary factions tha 'sr-uck from time to
time at the missions which were the symbol of Spanish authority in

If we can rely on the census figures of that time, it appears that most
of the native population was living around the missions. It would
appear, thenthat the relationship between the Spaniards and the"
indians was, on the whole, outwardly friendly. In looking over the
whole cultural assemblage revealed at the mission, one thing stands
out. Most of the artifacts are Spanish. Of course, we realize that
an excavation of ai pur-elyaborigina'silife of this time period might
alter the picture considerably, but, since there were so few Spaniards
in relation to the number of Indians around the missions, we would
expect to find, if the Indians were still using their aboriginal artifacts
exclusively, more-evidence of aboriginal culture. Ostensibly, ac-
culturation seems to have progressed rather far,

We are now left with various problems that can only be solved by
more work by the historian and archaeologist. We would like to know
the cultural picture of other mission sites, the picture of the aboriginal
culture existing away from the missions, the areal distribution of the
late type of culture, the information that the untranslated documents
contain, the type of men sent to be missionaries among these people,
the agricultural practices and plants introduced by the Spaniards, the
relationship between the various Apalachee groups, and many other

In all of this work, we hope by answering various questions of this
type to better understand the various aspects of culture, and to be
able, eventually, to apply this knowledge to the general problems of
social science.


Boyd, Mark F.
1939. "Spanish Mission Sites in Florida." Florida Historical
Quarterly, Vol. 17, No. 4; pp. 254-280. St. Augustine.

Caldwell, Joseph R.
1943. Cultural Relations of Four Indian Sites of the Georgia Coast.
Maser's thesis, University of Chicago.

Goggin, John M.
1947. "A Preliminary Definition of Archaeological Areas and
Periods in Florida." American Antiquity. Vol, 13, No. 2,
pp. 114-127. Menasha.

Kelly, A. R.
1938. "A Preliminary Report on Archaeological Explorations
at Macon, Ga." Bulletin 119, Bureau of American Ethnology.

Smith, Hale G.
1948. "Two Historical Archaeological Periods in Florida." Ameri-
can Antiquity, Vol. 13, No. 4. Menasha.

Florida Park Service
Sebring, Florida
March, 1948



By J. Clarence Simpson

For many years the presence of Folsom points in Florida was denied.
More recently, however, certain points exhibiting some of the essential
Folsom characteristics have been found, although it may still be said
that no "true" Folsom points have so far been found. Following the
procedure in other areas of the eastern United States, we may refer
to the points from Florida as Folsom-like.

The true Folsom point is about two inches in length, rather thin and
leaf shaped. It has a concave base, usually marked by ear-like pro-
jections. Distinctive of the Folsom points is the removal of longi-
tudinal flakes from either surface, resulting in well-defined grooves.1
Points obviously related to this type have at various times been re-
ferred to as Folsomoid, Folsom-like, and Generalized Folsom, and
there seems to be a tendency today to substitute the term Fluted
Points. Whichever term is used, it is recognized that points re-
sembling the classic Folsoms are present in many areas of the country,
although most have come from surface collections.

The Florida points about which this paper is written are similar to
the Folsom points, and more particularly to the Folsom-like points,
in general shape, in the possession of concave bases, and in the pres-
ence of ear-like projections. Grooving, when present, is rudimentary,
but this is perhaps due to the quality of the material used rather than
to a different idea of manufacture. It is because of this relative lack
of the characteristic groove that the term Folsom-like is used in this
paper in preference to the term Fluted point. The bases of these
Florida points have been smoothed, a feature noted in other Folsom-
like points.

The three Folsom-like points from Florida illustrated in Figure 3
are representive of these points as known from the state. Figure
3 c shows the closest approach to a well-defined groove. These points
have come from the following Florida localities: (See Fig. 4).

1. At River Springs, on the Suwannee River, 3 miles north-
west of Branford, Suwannee County. Simpson collection.

2. Mouth of the Santa Fe River, Gilchrist County. Simpson

3. Dunnegan's mill site, on Santa Fe River, 6 miles west of
High Springs, Gilchrist County. Simpson collection.

1Wormington, 1944, p. 7.

ci b

51 11 I I 1 Cm.

Fig. 3: Early artifacts from Florida

= -- .- -77

4. Santa Fe River, 2 miles west of High Springs, Gilchrist
County. Simpson collection.

5. Lilly Springs, 4 miles west of High Springs, Gilchrist
County. Simpson collection.

6. Itchtucknee River, 1 mile below Itchtucknee Springs,
Columbia County. Simpson collection. (Fig. 3 c).

7. Near Hillsborough River, about in Sec. 2, T28S, R20E.
Hillsborough County. Simpson collection. (Fig. 3 b).

8. Near Melrose, Alachua County. Florida State Museum,
No. 18558.

9. Near Keystone Heights, Clay County. Florida State Mu-
seum, No. 72477.

10. Near Kanapaha, Alachua County, Florida State Museum,
No. 74776.

11. Near Lakeland, Polk County. Photo on file, Florida Park

Itwill noted immediately that the known finds of Folsom-like points
in Florida are from the higher ridge sections of the state, although
it is too early to draw any real conclusions from this fact.

Mostof the findspots have been in steam beds, or in the immediate
vicinity of streams. Number 6 in the above list (Fig. 3 c) was found
in the Itchtucknee River with fossil vertebrate remains and fossilized
artifacts of bone. It will be well to note here that in this locality were
also found three fossilized ivory points, similar to those found at
Clovis, New Mexico,2 and that a chert scraper was found in place
below a partly articulated mastodon skeleton. The mastodon skeleton
and the scraper were recovered by the Florida Geological Survey,
and are in the museum of that department in Tallahassee. The ivory
artifacts and Folsom-like points are in the Simpson collection at
High Springs. The point shown as Fig. 3 a was found in the Santa
Fe River with fossil vertebrate remains and fossilized artifacts of
bone. Number 7 in the above list (Fig. 3 b) was found resting on clay
beneath five feet of seemingly undisturbed surface sand in Hillsborough
County, and is almost completely de-silicified.

While the occurrence of these points in river beds in association with
fossil vertebrates is not indisputable evidence of contemporaneity,
the consistency with which they are found together and the degree of
fossilization of the ivory artifacts which also occur under the same
-----------------enks and Simpson, 1941.
2Jenks and Simpson, 1941.

conditions, clearly indicate that there is a need for further research
on the problem. There is one locality, at the mouth of the Santa Fe
River, which has revealed several whole and broken points, flake
knives and scrapers, and may be a campsite or village site of the

As has been indicated previously, certain points of fossilized ivory
are found under the same conditions as the Folsom-like points, and
are probably related to them. Several of these have been described
in the literature, and their similarity to points from Clovis, New
Mexico, a Folsom site, has been noted. Another object which occurs
at the Folsom-like localities in Florida, and is not known from estab-
lished later horizons, is an unusual type of clubhead. These clubheads,
of sandstone, limestone, or quartz, are about the size and shape of a
hen's egg, and have a shallow indentation in the smaller end, pre-
sumably for fitting a handle.

Before leaving the question of the presumedly early Folsom-like
points in Florida, it will not be amiss to add several notes on the
question of the Pleistocene. There has been a great deal of mis-
understanding on the matter as concerns Florida, and much of the
controversy which has revolved around the possible association of
"Pleistocene" fauna and "Pleistocene" man.

The peninsula of Florida is rich in the remains of extinct animals
generally considered as Pleistocene, and at many of the localities
where these animals have been found, evidences of man have also
been found. There is a growing tendency to believe that many of these
"Pleistocene" vertebrates outlasted the Ice Age in Florida. In fact,
if climate alone were the critical factor in the survival of the Pleis-
tocene fauna, the mastodon, elephant, sloth and other animals might
still be living in Florida. They doubtless survived in Florida longer
than in many other areas. Consequently, while it may be erroneous
to suggest that man lived in Florida during the Pleistocene Age, a
large amount of evidence has accumulated suggesting that man in
Florida was contemporaneous with some of the forms of Pleistocene
mammalian life which probably survived well into the post-glacial

The exact time relations of the Folsom-like points from Florida to
the geologically dated Folsom sites in the west is not known. The
typological relations of the artifacts, together with the association
with extinct fauna would seem to indicate a rough contemporaneity.
Another point of interest lies in the fact that the Folsom culture is
usually looked on as oriented towards a plains type of hunting. This
is not inconsistent with the Florida picture; there are a large number
of plains type animals found in the Itchtucknee and Santa Fe Rivers,

3Jenks and Simpson, 1941.

and Florida during this time probably resembled the game fields of

Tallahassee, Florida
April, 1948.


Jenks, A. E., in collaboration with Mrs. H. H. Simpson, Sr.
1941. "Beveled Artifacts in Florida of the same type as Arti-
facts Found near Clovis, New Mexico". American
Antiquity, Vol. 6, no. 4. pp. 314-319. Menasha.

Wormington, H. M.
1944. Ancient Man in North America. Colorado Museum
of Natural History, Popular Series, No. 4. Denver.

See Also: "Man Enters America" by Frederick W. Sleight, in the
present number of the FLORIDA ANTHROPOLOGIST.


W, W, Ehrmann
Chairman, Organizing Committee

Upon the suggestion of the editor, the title of this publication, the
official organ of our society, is the Florida Anthropologist instead
of the Bulletin as previously announced in the Newsletter. Most of
us will agree, I believe, that the new title is more descriptive and
more appropriate than the old.

Our society, though less than a year old, has enjoyed a satisfactory
growth. We now have over seventy members who represent every
major section of the state. The membership dues from this number
will enable us to publish two issues of the Florida Anthropologist
each year. In order for our publication to become a quarterly, we
must have one hundred fifty or two hundred members, and in order
for us to publish longer monograph studies, we must have more sus-
taining members. The publication of a monograph series will be a
significant and interesting function of our society for it is planned to
republish some of the famous early works on Florida archeology
and ethnology, as well as to publish new anthropological field studies.

I have asked our editor to send to each member two copies of this
first issue of our journal. I hope that each one of you will loan this
second copy to your friends whom you believe might be interested in
joining our society. The last page of this issue is an application
blank. If you need more than this one, please write to the secretary-

The editor will appreciate contributions which may be published in
the Newsletter or the Florida Anthropologist. Members of the or-
ganizing committee will welcome any suggestions that you may have
about the function of the society. Please remember that this is your
society. Its continued success depends upon your support and interest.


By Ross Allen

In the early part of 1946, while on a trip in the Everglades, we had
an interesting conversation around the camp fire among the members
of our snake hunting party. During this discussion George Espenlaub
and Lawrence Bright of Clewiston mentioned a place called Tony's
Mound. The site was very familiar to Espenlaub, who had camped
there, and Bright, who had never camped there, had flown over it
many times. The descriptions of the two men did not completely
agree, which aroused my curiosity to the degree that I decided to
fly over the area with Lawrence Bright. When we did fly over the
site, I was amazed to see the peculiar formation shown in the aerial
photographs accompanying this article.

Although I am not an archaeologist, I was interested in looking over
this formation of mounds, and planned an expedition with some friends,
who, like myself, needed a vacation.

We met at George Espenlaub's headquarters in Clewiston, and pre-
pared for a ten day trip. Espenlaub and Ned Moren each had an Ever-
glades buggy, and these were to be our transportation. George J.
Leahy of Chicago, Bob Morrow of Miami, George Marnhout of Phila-
delphia, and the writer made up our party, which later turned out to
be the most congenial group I have ever camped with.

While we were preparing for the trip George Marnhout flew over the
Indian mounds with Lawrence Bright, and made motion pictures and
photographs, some of which are used with this article. (Figs. 5-6)
The mounds are located approximately south-southeast of Clewiston.
On leaving the Clewiston airport the direction is at 165 degrees for
about 15 miles in a straight line.

In order to reach the mounds by land, we traveled all day long through
mud and water in the 'Glades buggys, and made camp in a beautiful
little hammock. The following day we drove to the mounds, which
were only about ten minutes away.

These Indian mounds are located on a grassy prairie, which was very
dry at the time of our visit. They are at the edge of the sawgrass,
about three miles northeast of the cypress swamps. The area covered
by the mound group is so extensive that it cannot be seen in its en-
tirety from the ground, but as we measured and walked over the area
we became more fascinated by this strange group. The half circle,
which may be seen in the illustrations, and which led us to apply the
name "Big Circle Mounds", has a diameter of 580 feet and is 1665 ft.
around. The roadway-like enbankment which forms it is about 10 to
15 feet in width. The mounds that are set off from the main circle
are connected to it by raised pathways about six feet in width; the

Fig. 5: Aerial view of the Big Circle Mounds.

mounds themselves are of various sizes. Beyond these mounds there
is a crescent-like raised earthwork which does not connect with any
other feature.

We counted the different mounds of the group at various times, and
decided that there were between 19 and 22 distinct mounds, with the
possibility that there had formerly been a few more. Small areas
which may or may not have been mounds complicated the counting.

Tony's Mound, one of the largest, is easily recognized in the photo-
graphs because of the trees growing on it. This vegetation includes
sugarberry, banyan, mulberry, papaya, saw palmetto and small plants.
Tony's Mound measures 110 by 83 feet. A canal-like depression 600
feet long, flanked by spoil banks or raised pathways 30 feet in width,
extends from the north side of the mound. The depression itself is
68 feet wide, and breaks through the half circle as shown in the sketch
plan of the site. At this point it should be noted that the sketch plan
(Fig. 7) was made before the aerial photographs were developed, and
is not strictly accurate. It does however serve to orient one in study-
ing the photographs.

The largest mound is situated opposite Tony's Mound, and is barely
visible in the photographs. It is 390 feet in length and 135 feet wide;
there is a small canal leading to it. It was evident that cattle had
used this mound as a bedding place, and consequently had caused
more erosion here than on the other mounCds Because of this, ac-
curate measurements of this mound were difficult to secure,

Approximately a quarter of a mile northwest of the mounds there is
another large mound covered with trees and growth. We presumed
that this was the burial mound.

The longer I studied the terrain, the more I realized how well located
the site was. The deepest sawgrass area was on the northeast side of
the group, but the grass also extended all along the east side of the
area. I believe that this sawgrass area extends all the way to Miami.
It was an area of deeper water and doubtless provided both fishing and
water transportation. To the west of the mounds was grassy prairie,
dotted with attractive hammocks, which provided good hunting and
palm materials for construction. To the southwest was the Cypress
Country, where wild turkey and deer abound.

It seemed to us that the shape of the mounds and the canals indicated
that there had been deep water next to the homes of the Indians, and
that the canals certainly provided a waterway to the most important
mounds. Perhaps at the time when the site was occupied this area
was largely covered with water much of the time, and perhaps the
mounds were the only dry places available.

We later found out from Mr. John W. Griffin, State Archaeologist, that

Fig. 6: Aerial view of the Big Circle Mounds.

these mounds were of the type made by the Calusa Indians in the 16th
century, and that the crescent arrangement is present in other sites
in the area. We did not do any digging in these mounds because I
felt that they were too valuable for amateurs to disturb, and we have
told many citizens of Hendry County that these mounds should be
preserved, and perhaps set aside as state property.

Silver Springs, Florida
April, 1948



FIG. 7 30-



200 FEET
200 FEET


John W. Griffin

Figure 8

The pottery vessel in the illustration is of the type know as Weeden
Island Zoned Red. Various areas of the vessel, set off by incised
lines, are painted red with hematite. In the present example these
red areas are the ones which show as darker in the illustration. The
vessel is approximately 15 cm. in diameter and 19 cm. in height;
it was found near Ceder Keys, Florida, and is preserved in the Florida
State Museum, Gainesville (FSM no. 9857).

Weeden Island Zoned Red is one of the pottery types characteristic of
the Weeden Island Period, which dates roughly between 1000 and 1500
A. D. The most recent analysis of the Weeden Island culture is to be
found in an article by Dr. Gordon R. Willey, "The Weeden Island
Culture: A Preliminary Definition", American Antiquity, Vol. 10,
no. 3, pp. 225-254, January, 1945.

Florida Park Service
Gainesville, Florida

Frederick W. Sleight

(Note: This is the first of a series of general articles designed to
orient the lay reader to the position of Florida in the total pictures of
aboriginal America. The present paper gives the reader a very brief
sketch of the earliest evidences of man's occupation in the New World.
Succeeding articles will summarize the various regions of North
America, working gradually into the Southeast. The ultimate purpose
of the series is to give the layman sufficient background to make the
reading of technical papers interesting and informative. EDITOR)

If one could have looked down on the North American continent 30,000
to 50,000 years ago, he would have seen slow but constantly shifting
ice sheets advancing and retreating on the American terrain of that
time. This was the last period of the Ice Age. Much of what we now
know as the United States was quite different in character than as
compared with the present. Green trees and lush growth flourished in
areas that are now semi-desert. Many strange animals that are now
extinct broused and fed along grass-lined streams where now only
fossils and river sediments give evidence of this early period. But of
greater interest to us, at the moment, is the fact that nowhere in this
scene could Man be found. This creature had not as yet made his
appearance in the Americas although in the European and Asiatic areas
he was far enough advanced to have attained attributes sufficient to
distinguish him from his other primate contemporaries.

As time progressed, several conditions became evident. The great
ice shet ,s began to recede and in so doing exposed areas that here-
tofore had been engulfed with ice and glacial flow. Life was entering
close on the heels of the recession in the form of lush green grass
and brush lands. Animal life was finding new feeding grounds. On
the Asiatic side men had moved up the Pacific coast and had found
themselves in the neighborhood of the Bering Strait.

It might be well to pause a moment and state that the proof that arch-
aeology has to offer relative to this coming of man to the Asiatic
shore and thence into America is based in part on indirect evidence;
i.e., the physical type of these early peoples, the only accessible
route at that time, etc. The information concerning the glacial and
climatic features of the time, on the other hand, is based on sound
geologic research. As time goes on, there is a steadily mounting
supply of data being accumulated, and the point has now been reached
wherein scholars the world over generally agree that the only possible
and probable point of entry was via the Asiatic-Bering Strait Alaskan

Let us return to the Asiatic shore some place along the Bering Strait

and join an aboriginal hunter as he looks off to the east. If it is a
clear day, he can see in the far distance (about fifty miles away)
another shore. In between there is an island group, and connecting
the whole is a white glistening ice pack. Being a man, that trait
called "Curiosity" creeps into his mind, and he sets forth to see
what is on the other side. Some time later he returns to his group
and tells stories of having found this new ground. Hunting parties
go forward to this untouched place and return. Other groups follow
through the months, and they come back. The time comes, however,
when some of these groups take their families and move to the new
land. Here they have found good hunting and possibly a freedom from
enemies. Here our first American, with his dog at his heels, had
found a new land. As Associated Press was not on the spot, the reader
must realize that all of this is supposition based on human trends
and our ever growing collection of facts. All indications point to the
fact that this populating of the New World did not come in great waves.
It was, more than likely, a small stream of mankind.

Authorities differ, but the general consensus of opinion places this
coming of first aborigines on the American scene at 15,000 to 20,000
years ago. The best proof of this is the fact that there are now on
record several hundred geologically dated discoveries of Early Man
and his artifacts. When the first so-called "Early Man" discoveries
were made in the early part of this century there were few who would
put much stock in them. It was not until the Folsom remains were
uncovered that evidence was made available that could not be disputed.

The first evidence concerning Folsom man came from the so-called
"type-site" of Folsom, New Mexico. It was here in the mid-1920's
that the first of a long series of finds of man-made objects were
found in direct association with bones of extinct animals. When one
hears the term "Folsom" referred to, an immediate association with
the famous "Folsom Point" is brought to mind. It seems that these
early hunters were past-masters in turning out a most distinctive dart
or spear point. It can be recognized by its leaf shape which in turn
is characterized by longitudinal channels on each face that run from
the base toward the tip. These channels give the' point an appearance
of having lateral ridges that run parallel to the finely worked edges.
It was the association of blades such as this with the remains of extinct
animals that gave archaeology its first great boost toward pushing
back the screen of time in America. There were some, however, who
would not be convinced. As was later shown, it was up to the findings
north of Fort Collins, Colorado, (the Lindenmeier Site) to establish
positive proof.

In 1935 and 1936 extensive work was undertaken in the Colorado site
at the suggestion of Major R. G. Coffin who had noted there the pres-
ence of Folsom points. As the work progressed, large accumulations
of bones were found representing an extinct species of Bison, Bison
taylori. Many of the bones were charred and numerous man-ma-


implements were recovered. But the find that made the institutions
of the world take notice was an articulated vertebrae of a Bison taylori
in which was imbedded solidly a perfect example of the Folsom point.
Any doubts as to the contemporaneous nature of man in America with
extinct species of animals that lived 15,000 to 20,000 years ago were
completely dispelled.

Since the time of those original findings, both chance discovery and
systematic exploration have brought to light many hundreds of addi-
tional Folsom and Folsom-like artifacts, not only in the western United
States but throughout the nation. The widespread distribution of these
early hunters has even been manifest m Florida where Folsom type
points have been reported.1 One of the perplexing problems to the
archaeologist, however, has been the fact that Folsom Man himself
has never come to light. Many have been his words that have been
unearthed, and much has been learned concerning the nature of his
livelihood, but his physical nature continues to remain somewhat
of a secret.

The thought has been voiced that the "fossil man" discovered on
February 22, 1947, in the Valley of Mexico may prove to have Folsom
connections. This early Mexican (called Tepexpan Man because he
was found in Tepexpan, State of Mexico) evidently met an accidental
death along an ancient muddy shore while in search of animals that
became extinct m that region at least 15,000 years ago. The deposits
in which he was found date from the Upper Pleistocene period, which
makes for a rather positive statement that man roamed this area
during the Late Ice Age. This would put Tepexpan Man in the same
time scale as Folsom. We must wait, however, for more definite
conclusions, as the final and complete reports on this discovery are
still to be forthcoming.

In an article of such brevity as this, one is likely to gain the im-
pression that outside of the Folsom finds there is little more that
can be told in the story of our early adventurers. If one will take
the time to delve into the literature he will discover that "Early
Man" finds have been rather numerous. There have been many re-
ports that describe the finding of artifacts and human sketetal material
in association with extinct animals of Late Ice Age times. For ex-
ample: Homo novus mundus discovered along the Cimarron River in
New Mexico; "Pleistocene Man" from the Los Angeles area; the
"Minnesota Man"; the remains from Gypsum Cave in Nevada; and
"Vero Man" From Florida.

It can be stated with assurance that outside of Folsom there is hardly
another series of discoveries that has received as much publicity
and controversy in the United States as "Vero Man". Ever since
1916 there has been a steady flow of printed matter discussing the

See the article by J. Clarence Simpson in the present pub-

status of "Vero Man" as well as his close neighbor, "Melbourne
Man". The original material was uncovered by Dr. E. H, Sellards,
who was at that time State Geologist for Florida, along a section of
the Van Valkenburg Creek about one half-mile north of Vero Beach,
Florida. Although the discovery was made in October of 1915, the
facts were not published until 1916. A cross section of the site re-
vealed three distinct strata, which were listed as follows: the Ana-
stasia Marl, lowest of the three beds, a marine deposit containing
neither verterbrate fossils nor human artifacts, the Melbourne Bone
Bed, the middle strata, a non-marine sand deposit; and the Van
Valkenburg Bed, the top layer of the three, a sand-muck deposit.
Sellards indicated a point that sheds light on the antiquity of the beds;
the evidence of a period of erosion between the upper two strata.
Both of the top beds contained human skeletal material scattered
among the fossil bones of extinct animals.

Space does not permit a complete discussion of the points foi and
against the antiquity of the Vero discoveries. For the purposes of
this article one might say that through a demonstration of the re-
lationship between the sketetal remains of humans and fossil verte-
brates, Sellards has attempted to point out the existence of an Ice
Age Man in Florida. There is today among authorities a growing
belief that the "Vero Man" can be classed among the early men of
the New World.

In summing up our "thumb-nail sketch" of the coming of the first
Americans, several impressions should be stressed. The first man
came from Asia via the Bering Strait, they walked, arrived as small
groups, and brought the dog. They knew only the rudiments of liveli-
hood, used a spear or dart-like device to secure their game, and
were characterized by a wandering existence. This population more
than likely infiltrated into most areas of North America at one time
or other. From this and successive groups were to spring the greatly
diversified tribes and cultures that we now consider the American


De Terra, Helmut.
1947. "Preliminary Note on the Discovery of Fossil Man at Tepex-
pan in the Valley of Mexico." American Antiquity, Vol.
XIII, pp. 40-44. Menasha.

Hrdlicka, Ales.
1923. "The Origin and Antiquity of the American Indian." Annual
Report of the Smithsonian Institution, 1923, pp. 481-49-

McCurdy, George Grant (Editor).
1937. Early Man. J. B. Lippincott Company, New York.

Roberts, Frank H. H., Jr.
1944. "The New World Paleo-Indian." Annual Report of the
Smithsonian Institution, 1944, pp. 403=433. Washington.

Sellards, E. H.
1916. "Human Remains and Associated Fossils from the Pleis-
tocene of Florida." Florida State Geological Survey, Eighth
Annual Report, pp. 123-160. Tallahassee.

1940. "Early Man in America." Bulletin of the Geological Society
of America, Vol. 51, pp. 373-432. (Good bibliography).

Steward, T. Dale.
1946. "A Reexamination of the Fossil Human Skeletal Remains
from Melbourne, Florida, with Further Data on the Vero
Skull." Smithsonian Miscellaneous Collections, Vol. 106,
No. 10.

Wormington, H. M.
1944. Ancient Man in North America. Colorado Museum of Natural
History, Popular Series No. 4. Second (revised) edition.

Mount Dora, Florida
May, 1948


John W. Griffin

Fig. 9.

The shell pendant shown in Fig, 9. is in the collections of the Florida
State Museum, Gainesville (FSM no. 15908). Mr. Nile C. Schaffer,
Acting Director of the Museum, supplied the following information
about it. The artifact was received in the Museum on May 20, 1921,
and is cataloged as coming from Mr. F. W. Bruce, Arlington, Florida.
It reportedly came from a mound on the St, Johns River, near Lake
Jessup, in Seminole County.

The pendant measures 51 mm. wide at the top, and is 74 mm. long.
It is probably fashioned from a Busycon shell. Four suspension holes,
two near each of the upper corners, may be seen. The surface is
decorated with a geometric incised design, together with 16 pearl
seats. At the time of acquisition one of these seats contained a pearl,
but as reference to the illustration will show, it is not there now.

The writer does not recall having seen such a pendant elsewhere, and
would appreciate any information on similar specimens. Unfortunately
we know nothing of the cultural materials with which the pendant was
found, and, temporarily at least, it must be left floating in time.

Florida Park Service
Gainesville, Florida



The Indians of the Southeastern United States. John R. Swanton.
Bulletin 137, Bureau of American Ethnology, Washington, 1946. 943
pages, 13 maps, 107 plates, 5 text figures. $2.75 in paper cover.

This voluminous compilation of materials relating to the Indians of
the Southeast has a place in the library of any student interested in
the ethnology, history or archaeology of this area. This book brings
together from various sources, many of which are inaccessable to the
average reader, materials that help in clarifying the picture of ab-
original activities of various kinds in the Southeast from earliest
times up to reservation days. The book is a revised edition, ac-
cording to the author, of an earlier work, Early History of the Creek
Indians and Their Neighbors, which appeared as Bulletin 73 of the
Bureau of American Ethnology in 1922. Since this is a review of
Swanton's later work I will not make a comparison of the two, but I
would like to say that the 1922 volume has a good set of reference
maps which are not reproduced in the 1946 volume. Also, the citing
of references is more complete in his earlier work. The student
who is interested in a specific problem is advised to make use of
both works.

For any person to attempt a work of this sort would require years
spent in merely acquiring a good set of notes. In a work of this type
one cannot expect an analysis of the various aspects of the numerous
cultures, nor at this time can one expect the various source materials
to be carefully weighed, nor can one expect a true picture of any of the
various meagerly documented groups.

The book is well arranged; it is easy to find specific material. The
various tribes are listed in the text alphabetically, and with each is
given a sketch of the tribal history from the time of their discovery
until their disappearance or removal to reservations. After this
various aspects of culture are taken up, such as items of material
culture, economy, social and ceremonial activities and the like. This
portion of the book is handled by aspect of culture throughout the area.

In using this book for research on the Florida groups I have found
several things that I believe warrant criticism. Whether these criti-
cisms hold for other regions covered by the book is not a question
that I am prepared to answer. One is expected to consider that the
United States De Soto Commission Report (1939) is a definitive work,
although, at present, there is much well founded doubt and disagree-
ment as to the accuracy of this report. In giving a resume of the
expedition of De Soto all footnoting is omitted, and one is referred
to the report of the Commission, which is difficult to obtain. In the
section on sketches of the various tribes the source references are

often omitted. Occasionally a writer is mentioned by name without any
further documentation. In the accounts of the Yamasee war of 1715,
Swanton mentions the migrations of Indians that took place at this
time, but no primary sources are given making it difficult to evaluate
the evidence used in arriving at the conclusions (Swanton, 1922, pp.
97-101; 1946, p. 210.)

In his conclusion Swanton has tried with a certain degree of success
to bring order to the previous 799 pages of factual material. He has
attempted to deal with the cultural features as a whole, and to evaluate
the existing evidence in the light of known cultural shift and change.
I believe that the conclusion gives a good over-all picture of the
various cultural processes that were functioning in the Southeast,
and the relationship of the physiographic area to the culture. Also,
the importance of trade, migration and the contact of alien cultures
is treated, and the acceleration of culture change upon the infusion
of acceptable foreign elements into the receiving culture is dealt with.

Hale G. Smith
Florida Park Service

The Everglades: River of Grass. Marjory Stoneman Douglas. New
York: Rinehart and Co., 1947. 406 pages, 2 maps, illustrated with
text figures. $3.50.

The Everglades is a refreshing popular history, exceptionally so to
the anthropologist. Not only has Mrs. Douglas carefully checked her
factual material, but her approach is actually more in the tradition of
cultural or social history than is usually found in such a book.

After outlining the geology, flora, and fauna of the region, the author
proceeds to give a brief, but exceptionally good, resume of the arch-
aeology of the Glades. In essence, although the names never appear,
the sequence of Glades I, II, and III as defined by Goggin is presented.
The names of the three major pottery wares of the area, Glades Gritty,
Biscayne, and Belle Glade, appear in the text, and represent the first
time that these terms have appeared in a popular work, The develop-
ment of culture in the Glades is outlined through time, and there is
some information on the manufacture of particular artifacts. The
sketch on page 73 is a good reconstruction of life in Glades m times.

The author gives full recognition to the help she received from John
M. Goggin, and one can see that this help was very considerable. It
is indeed a shame that authors of similar books have not taken the
trouble to consult authorities, but have relied on printed materials
which are hopelessly out of date. Most of the other popular books
on Florida history published in recent years suffer from this short-
coming insofar as their treatment of anthropological topics is con-
cerned. Mrs. Douglas is to be complimented on her handling of this


The White Man is introduced for the first time on page 80 of this
book, but, in contrast to many other histories, the Red Man is not
thereby forgotten or relegated merely to the position of the opposition.
The treatment of White vs. Indian, or more specifically, American
vs. Seminole, is very well balanced. Douglas points out the little
known fact (p. 295) that the State of Florida in 1850 voted two million
dollars to get rid of the Indians remaining in the state, but that the
Secretary of War would not permit Florida to go to war with the
Indians. This incident is about as black as the blackest in all of the
unpleasant history of American-Indian relations.

The real opening of South Florida, from the end of the Civil War,
through "Boom, Blow, Bust and Recovery", to the present day, gives
one a good general picture of the developing conditions rather than
just a recounting of names and dates. The author's final section
points out the destruction that has occurred in the Everglades area
through drainage and development without an adequate understanding
of the natural balance of the area, but concludes on a hopeful note
of action for the immediate future.

Others reviewers of this book have found a few names misspelled,
and a few unimportant dates slightly in error. These relatively slight
mistakes should not be permitted to detract from the value of the book
as a whole. The book does have value in bringing to the public the
history of the area, simply told, in an objective manner, with a mini-
mum of chauvinism.

John W. Griffin
Florida Park Qervice

The Theory of Human Culture. James Feibleman. New York: Duell,
Sloan and Pearce, 1946. 361 pp.

James Feibleman is a philosopher and approaches the study of cul-
ture from the standpoint of a philosopher, not of an anthropologist.
Nevertheless, from this study an anthropologist can garner many
stimulating thoughts. This review, therefore, will deal only with
his basic assumptions. He considers the basic need of a social science
to be a unified field theory for the science of culture. This unified
field theory is the theory of the implicit dominant ontology: the sub-
consciously held or accepted concept of the meaning of being, domi-
nant in the culture of a group.

Culture according to Feibleman has its base in three basic impera-
tives: feeding, breeding, and inquiry. Man will develop social groups
in response to these needs. The relation of the first two basic im-
peratives to social life is clear. The author then finds that: "A social

group, considered as an integral organization with its institutional
forms and material tools, is the answer made to the question of what
being is all about." Culture is considered as the organization of
value in human society and is described as the particular employment
of a pure philosophy within a given environment. These concepts
are in distinction to the ordinary concept of culture as socially trans-
mitted ideational material--traditions--and socially transmitted
behavior patterns--customs--and place and emphasis on the value
systems that underlie ideas and behavior.

There are two other assumptions of importance to this theory of
culture: 1) man receives the form as well as the materials of his
culture from the external world, and 2) culture may be best borne
in mind as embracing a certain area which includes man and his
world. These two assumptions point up the fact that the form and
content of culture as a phenomenon is derived from the external
world. The study of culture includes the study, not only of culture,
but also of the biological and physical worlds; and the interrelation-
ship between the three types of phenomena. The field of human cul-
ture is thus closely wrapped up with the field of human ecology. The
central assumption of these two is stated as follows: "The previously
established philosophy upon which the present inquiry relies is one
which holds values as well as universals to be independent of minds
and of all other actual things, although both the minds and other actual
things derive their substance from participation in the universals"

Part II of the book deals with types of culture, seven of which are
described. The four types of early cultures are (1) infra-primitive,
(2) the primitive, (3) the martial, and (4) the religious. The infra-
primitive type of culture is a collective name for all previous stages
before the primitive, and was probably characterized by a large
degree of dependence on the physical and biological environments.
The primitive type of culture is the first type of highly organized
society, and is marked by imitative language, animism (The belief
that all things, animate and inanimate, are endowed with personal
indwelling souls), exogamy (the practice of marrying outside of cer-
tain locally defined and prescribed webs of relationship -- the family,
clan or race), and myth. Martial culture as a type starts from the
implicit acceptance of the nominalistic premise nominalismm: the
doctrine that there are no universal essences in reality, and that
the mind can frame no single concept or no image corresponding to
any general term--it is the opposite or realism) that actual physical
particulars alone are real. The religious type is almost a reaction
against the martial culture, and starts from the implicit acceptance
of the postulate of extreme realism (the doctrine that universals
exist outside the mind--it is the opposite of nominalism) that uni-
versals alone are real.

The three types of advanced cultures are (5) the civilized, (6) the
scientific, and (7) the ultra-scientific. Civilized or urbane culture

starts from the half-explicit acceptance of psychological nominalism
as its postulate. If physical particulars alone are real and cannot
directly be known, then we must be content with the only reality dis-
cernible, our sensations and our thoughts. Literature, the arts, and
science flourish as expressions of the individual--under urbane cul-
ture individualism triumphs. Scientific culture starts from the im-
plicit acceptance of the realistic postulate, that the realm of fixed and
eternal universals is no less real and no more real than the world
of changing actuality. Knowledge of natural law is the goal of society.
The ultra-scientific culture will replace the scientific and lies in the
future. It will probably start from the postulate of explicit realism,
and will probably succeed in banishing the criterion of reality from
its considerations; all will be real which appears, and appearances
will be treated as real appearances.

The culture of the Baiga of India is analysed as an example of an
advanced culture. The work closes with a discussion of the treat-
ment of culture and of the advancement of culture by dealing with
the individual and with the group. The closing chapter deals with
the conception of a science of culture, its problems and its future-
a future that depends on the proper conception of the scientific method
by the social scientist.

The Theory of Human Culture is a stimulating work for the trained
student of culture, but it may be misleading to the lay reader because
attention is concentrated on the ideational aspect of culture as the
essential aspect, and then this aspect of culture is organized in the
systematic concept, the implicit dominant ontology. This is both
its chief merit and its chief demerit.

Bevode McCall
University of Florida


Ross Allen. Well-known for his activities in the field of herpetology,
Mr. Allen ventures into a new field and brings us interesting
observations on an archaeological site in the Everglades region.

John W. Griffin. As Editor of this journal, Mr. Griffin inserts two
short illustrated notes on archaeological materials from
Florida. He is Archaeologist for the Florida Park Service.

J. Clarence Simpson. Mr. Simpson, of the Florida Geological Sur-
vey, has a great knowledge of and interest in Florida arch-
aeology. His present paper marks the first formal presen-
tation of the Folsom problem in Florida.

Frederick W. Sleight. Mr. Sleight acts as Consultant in Archaeology,
Rollins College. His interest in bringing anthropological
fact to the general public has led him to prepare a series
of papers for our journal.

Hale G. Smith. Until recently, when he returned to his academic
studies, Mr. Smith was Assistant Archaeologist for the Florida
Park Service. His paper on excavations at a Spanish mission
site covers work done while he was with that Service.



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------.- ........----.--------*-. ---------------------- ----------


Chairman: W. W. Ehrmann, Department of Sociology, University
of Florida, Gainesville, Florida.

Secretary-Treasurer: Donald E. Worcester. Departmentof His-
tory, University of Florida, Gainesville, Florida.

Editor: John W. Griffin. Florida Park Service. Address: Room
103, Seagle Building, Gainesville, Florida.

Raymond F. Bellamy
Florida State University

John M. Goggin
Miami, Florida

Robert F. Greenlee
Daytona Beach, Florida

Albert C. Holt
Jacksonville, Florida

Bevode C. McCall
University of Florida

0. F. Quackenbush
University of Florida

Frederick W. Sleight
Rollins College

Hale G. Smith
Ann Arbor, Michigan


John W. Griffin
W. W. Ehrmann

Bevode C. McCall
Donald E. Worcester


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Address all manuscripts and news items to the Editor.

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