The Florida anthropologist

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The Florida anthropologist
Abbreviated Title:
Fla. anthropol.
Florida Anthropological Society
Place of Publication:
Florida Anthropological Society.
Publication Date:
Quarterly[<Mar. 1975- >]
Two no. a year[ FORMER 1948-]
Physical Description:
v. : ill. ; 24 cm.


Subjects / Keywords:
Indians of North America -- Antiquities -- Periodicals -- Florida ( lcsh )
Antiquities -- Periodicals -- Florida ( lcsh )
serial ( sobekcm )
periodical ( marcgt )


Contains papers of the Annual Conference on Historic Site Archeology.
Dates or Sequential Designation:
v. 1- May 1948-

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University of Florida
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0015-3893 ( ISSN )
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Volume 54 Number 1 ?
March 2001


Editor's Page. Ryan J. Wheeler 3


The Bahamian Problem in Florida Archaeology: Oceanographic
Perspectives on the Issue of Pre-Columbian Contact. Ryan M. Seidemann 4

A Bibliography of Human Burial Sites Curated at Florida Atlantic
University. Morton H. Kessel 24

Salvage and Excavation of Bamboo Mound (8DA94), Dade County, Florida:
A Multi-Component Site. Gary N. Beiter 30


A Ceramic Effigy Head from Highlands County, Florida. Anne Reynolds 50
Further Loss of the Pine Island Canal, with Comments on Segment 3.
George M. Luer and Wayne "Bud" House 55


Milanich: Florida's Indians from Ancient Times to the Present. Kenneth E. Sassaman 58
Moorehead (editor): Exploration of the Etowah Site in Georgia: The Etowah Papers.
Thomas J. Pluckhahn 59

About the Authors 61

Cover: Drawing of ceramic effigy head and reconstruction by Scott Mitchell.

Copyright 2001 by the
ISSN 0015-3893


This issue presents four articles and two short reports on
somewhat divergent topics. Following the December 2000
thematic issue dedicated to the Miami Circle, this issue is
shorter, but in retrospect has a decidedly southern Florida
bent. This was unintentional, and I did not realize it until I
sat down to write the Editor's Page.
The first article, by Ryan Seidemann, takes a look at the
question of prehistoric contact between the Bahamas and
Florida. I know many of you are interested in the possibility
of contact between Florida and the Caribbean, and there are
few Florida archaeologists who have not talked about (or
argued about) this at one time or another. Mr. Seidemann has
an interesting perspective, and you may be surprised at his
In the second article Morty Kessel provides a concise
overview of human skeletal material in the collections of
Florida Atlantic University, and a bibliography of presenta-
tions and publications on these collections. FAU has one of
the largest collections of human skeletal material from
southern Florida. Much of the research on these collections
has been published in a wide array of national and
international journals, so this contribution will help us keep
up with the literature. On a personal note I would like to
thank Morty for showing me how to use Wordstar on a now
antiquated IBM computer when I was an undergraduate at
FAU in the late 1980s!

Gary Beiter, in the third article, demonstrates that de-
stroyed or largely redeposited sites still have the capacity to
yield important information about the past. Gary recounts
his study of the Bamboo Mound in Miami-Dade County, and
adds to the initial information presented by Dan Laxson in
this journal in 1959. The collection of nineteenth century
glass trade beads and the study of motif variations in Key
Largo Incised pottery are particularly noteworthy.
In a short report, Anne Reynolds documents an unusual
ceramic effigy head from the Blueberry site in Highlands
County. I am looking forward to learning more about the
Kissimmee Valley Archaeological and Historical Conser-
vancy's work at this site in future articles. Hopefully this
contribution will encourage other submissions about FAS
Chapter projects.
In the second short report George Luer and Bud House
document further damage to the Pine Island Canal caused by
land clearing for agricultural purposes. Despite the loss, this
event led to an improved understanding of this monumental
feature and may help focus attention on the Calusa Land
Trust's efforts to acquire another stretch of the canal.
There also are book reviews by Ken Sassaman and Thomas
Pluckhahn. I hope you enjoy the contents of this issue as
much as I have!



VOL. 54(1)

MARCH 2001



Paul M. Hebert Law Center, Louisiana State University, Baton Rouge, LA 70803


The origins and relationships of the prehistoric inhabitants
of the Bahamas and those of the southeastern United States
have been the subject of much debate for over a hundred years.
This study examines the oceanographic implications of the
Florida Current on prehistoric contact between these two
regions. The paper also considers previously published
oceanographic literature in conjunction with the current
anthropological evidence from the Caribbean and the south-
eastern United States, and inferences for ocean voyaging from
the Pacific to suggest probable areas that may yield evidence
of contact.
Historic accounts have alluded to the fact that the Lucayan
inhabitants of the prehistoric Bahamas were aware of land to
the northwest (i.e., Florida), but this popular conception may
have originated from Spanish misinterpretations or misrepre-
sentations as had occurred concerning the Fountain of Youth,
typically associated with Ponce de Leon. Peck (1992; 1993)
casts significant doubt on the motivations of this myth for
Spanish explorations which led to the discovery of the Florida
mainland. No mention of the Fountain of Youth exists in
Ponce de Leon's charter for the exploration of Bimini (Peck
1992:135). Descriptions of land to the north of the Bahamas
by the time of the Spanish conquest of Florida may have been
the result of historic movements of native groups fleeing the
Spanish or some of the unsanctioned voyages of Spanish
exploration (Milanich 1995:107). Weber (1992) suggests that
this myth was of ancient European origin rather than Carib-
bean, casting doubt on the native populations' knowledge of
Florida as related in the popular Fountain of Youth myths (eg.
Weddle 1985). Due to the problematic nature of the Fountain
of Youth myth (outlined in Arana 1965; Peck 1992, 1993;
Weber 1992) this piece of popular folklore should not be
considered as incontrovertible evidence that the Lucayan
Tainos (the pre-Columbian inhabitants of the Bahamas) were
knowledgeable about the Florida mainland during prehistoric
Watters (1982:2) argues for the importance of archaeolo-
gists to be cognizant of the dynamic ocean processes that have
affected past human populations. Although earlier studies
(Cruxent and Rouse 1969; Evans and Meggars 1976; Sleight
1965) emphasized the importance of the oceanography and
climatology of the Caribbean in understanding prehistoric
contact, no detailed examination of these factors, as yet, has
been undertaken. This study reviews oceanographic data and

underscores the necessity for anthropologists to consider
oceanographic research when interpreting movements of past
peoples in an insular environment.
This paper attempts to fill the gap in the research of the
contact issue by taking a "seaward" approach to the late
prehistoric record of the Bahamas, as suggested by Watters
(1981, 1982) and Watters and Rouse (1989). Much of the
decision to focus this paper on Bahamas-to-Florida contact and
not Florida-to-Bahamas contact is based on this "seaward"
perspective of Watters' (1982), which basically suggests that
the ocean-focused Lucayans instead of the riverine-focused
Florida Indians would have been more likely to initiate
contact. The Florida Indians might have seen the ocean as a
barrier rather than a highway. In contrast, the Lucayans, or
any ocean-going inhabitants of the insular Caribbean, would
not likely have seen the vast expanses of the ocean as a barrier,
but rather as a highway upon which they transported their
trade goods from one island to the next (much as the modern
Bahamians do). The expanse of the ocean to the northwest of
the Bahamas likely appeared the same to the Lucayans as the
large ocean gaps between their own islands. In addition to the
perceived barrier of the open ocean, the Florida Current, a part
of the Gulf Stream, probably constituted a true barrier as it
flowed in a northeasterly direction between Florida and the
Bahamas. Additionally, the prehistoric inhabitants of the
Bahamian archipelago were a highly mobile seafaring group,
establishing over-water trading networks throughout the
islands (Watters 1997). The rapid dispersal of peoples
throughout the whole of the West Indies begs the question,
"Why stop at the northernmost Bahamian islands?"
Following the suggestions of Watters (1982), I have
incorporated the available scholarship on the prehistoric
voyaging and migrations in the Pacific. Unlike the archaeo-
logical record of the Bahamas, the Pacific offers a long
chronology from which to interpret motivations for migrations
from one island to the next, archaeological evidence for
migrations, and navigational techniques.

Previous Research

The past century yielded a vast amount of scientific and
avocational theorizing on the origins and migrations of the
prehistoric inhabitants of the Caribbean (see Table 1 which
provides the essential information regarding these publica-
tions). Many of the scholars changed their opinions on the
contact issue over time as more information became available.


VOL. 54(1)


MARCH 2001

Table 1. Summary of previous research on Caribbean-Florida contact.

Author Date1 Issuez Contact?3 Direction4 Evidences

Brinton 1871 origins no FL-C/C-FL linguistic

Brooks 1888 origins yes C-+FL skeletal

Holmes 1894 contact yes FL-C/C-FL artifactual

Cushing 1896 contact yes C-FL historic accounts

Fewkes 1904 contact yes FL-C/C-FL artifactual

Fewkes 1907 contact yes FL- C/C-FL artifactual

Harrington 1921 origins yes FL-C/C--FL artifactual

Gower 1927 origins no FL-C/C-FL trait comparisons

Lov6n 1935 origins yes FL-C/C-FL trait comparisons

Stirling 1936 contact possible, not likely FL-C/C-FL trait comparisons,
Stone 1939 origins yes Cent./S Amer. & artifactual
Carib. -FL
Rouse 1940 contact possible FL-C ceramics

Griffin 1943 contact possible circum-Caribbean trait comparisons

Steward 1948 contact yes circum-Caribbean trait comparisons

Goggin and 1948 contact probable C-FL axe

Rouse 1951 origins probable N. Amer. -C Ciboney orientation
towards land
Howells 1954 contact possible C-FL arrival of
Mississippian period
(influences from the
Granberry 1956 contact probably not FL-C/C-FL ceramics

Granberry 1957 origins possible FL-C similarities of
Ciboney culture to
that of Floridian
Rouse 1958 contact possible FL-C/C-+FL burial customs, shell
gouges, ceramics
Sturtevant 1960 contact no FL-C/C-FL/ trait comparison
Rouse 1964 contact not enough evidence FL-C/C--FL ceramics, shell
Ford 1966 origins yes C-+FL and GA ceramics


2001 VOL. 54(1)

Table 1. Continued.

Author Date1 Issue2 Contact?3 Direction4 Evidence5

Hoffman 1967 contact possible FL-C/C-FL geographic

Cruxent and 1969 ori- no FL-+C/C-FL artifactual
Rouse gins/co

Granberry 1971 contact yes C-+FL linguistic

Bullen 1974 contact possibly, not likely FL--C/C-FL ceramics, other

Bullen 1976 contact no FL-C/C-FL artifactual

Evans and 1976 contact possible C. Amer- Cuba gulf stream flow

Sears 1977 origins yes S. Amer.-+C-FL agricultural practices

Carr and Riley 1982 contact possible FL-+C effigy bottle

Rouse 1986 contact possible, not likely FL-C shell gouges

Marquardt 1987 contact possible, not likely FL-C/C-FL agricultural,

Keegan 1987 contact possible, not likely S. Amer-C--FL agricultural practices

Lathrap 1987 origins probable S. Amer.-C-FL agricultural practices

Siegel 1991 contact possible S. Amer.-C-FL agricultural practices

Moure and de 1996 contact possible FL-C gulf stream,
la Calle geographic

date of publication
2 indicates whether the topic being addressed by each author examines prehistoric contact or the origins of the peoples of the particular regions
indicates the general opinion of each author on whether or not some level of interaction occurred between these areas
indicates the direction of movement examined by each author: FL=Florida, C=Caribbean, C. Amer=Central America, S. Amer.=South
America, N. Amer.=North America, arrows indicate the direction of movement examined by the author
5 this generally indicates the type of evidence used, whether artifactual, geographic, or linguistic. For detailed descriptions of these data, the
reader is directed to the original sources.

More recent studies (Callaghan 1999; Elbow 1992; Rouse
1986; Wilson et al. 1998) have also examined the issue of
Central American/Caribbean contacts and migrations and
suggest that the inhabitants of the Caribbean were capable
ocean-going seafarers.

Why Migrate?

Several current hypotheses offer differing perspectives on
motivations for migration in the prehistoric Bahamas. These
are buttressed by older theories concerning motivations for

prehistoric voyaging and information from the Pacific, which
is also relevant to the present study. The information con-
tained in Table 2 summarizes the publications dealing with the
debate about the motivations for the colonization of the
Bahamas. Although this paper is not specifically concerned
with the initial colonization(s) of the Bahamian archipelago,
the possible motivations for these colonization activities may
be analogous to the motivations for possible Floridian contact.
The majority of the papers outlined in Table 2 suggest
"push/pull" motivators for colonization (as described by Lee
1966), most of which center around population densities




2001 VoL. 54(1)


Figure 1. Map of the Caribbean.

pushing people out and resource exploitation pulling people

Keegan (1985, 1992, 1997) suggests that the total popula-
tion of the Bahamian islands was at least 40,000 at the time of
European contact. Additionally, he adds that the northernmost
islands (Grand Bahama, Great Abaco, and Andros) had been
settled for some time when Columbus arrived in A.D. 1492.
Even though the population expansion could have eventually
created an economic “need,” such as those described above, for
migration to a new locale (i.e., Florida), the timing of such a
model (i.e., late in the prehistoric period) makes it question-
able whether or not such a necessity would have arisen prior
to the arrival of the Europeans.

Irwin’s (1990:92) economic models for migration in the
Pacific offer a useful analogy. He argues, based on archaeo-
logical reconnaissance and the analysis of radiocarbon dates,
that the major migration events in the Pacific took place at the
times of the lowest population densities. While traditional
economic models are valid for suggesting a push/pull migra-
tion pattern, stressful economic conditions are not a prerequi-
site to force migration under Irwin’s (1990) interpretation.
Thus, although the late arrival of peoples in the northernmost
Bahamian islands (ca. A.D. 1200) makes economic factors
questionable (i.e., could they have depleted their resources,
necessitating a migration, in such a short amount of time?) for
migration to Florida, alternative possibilities would have

Caribbean Sea

Net oe te

ee ee, |


allowed for almost immediate exploration following the
colonization of these islands, thereby increasing the time
available before the arrival of the Europeans.

Keegan and Diamond (1987) suggest that the motivation
for island colonization differs from that of exploration,
whereby the migrants continued to explore new, unknown
areas of ocean because of the expectation of finding new land.
Under such a model, the orientation of the islands of the
Caribbean (see Figure 1) provide a linear track which could
have directed settlers along the islands and ultimately towards
Florida. This model is part of the theory of autocatalysis,
which states basically that the idea of a return voyage was an
expected component of exploration (i.e., explorers did not set
out on voyages of no return). Irwin (1989:176) initially
doubted the validity of this model, based primarily on prob-
lems unique to Oceania. He now agrees that this type of
voyaging was likely the primary method employed in prehis-
tory (Irwin 1992).

The remainder of this study attempts to determine whether
the natural and technological factors present in the late
prehistoric Bahamas were conducive to such contact. This
author assumes (after Keegan 1992, 1997) that the northern-
most Bahamian islands were settled at least 100 years prior to
European contact, and that, based on most of the studies in
Table 2, there were motivations for further colonization. What


Figure 2. These three vessels are after Callaghan (1999) and illustrate the types of Caribbean vessels discussed in the text
([a] the Florida Type-3 canoe [cf. Newsom and Purdy 1990]; [b] the Maya canoe; [c] the Warao canoe).

I present here is an evaluation of the factors that could have
impeded such migration.

Watercraft in Prehistory

The Caribbean

Little primary evidence exists from the Caribbean on the
appearance and design of prehistoric watercraft. Much of the
knowledge of the prehistoric Caribbean is drawn from archae-
ological and historic contexts of the surrounding areas (i.e.,
Maya area; Orinoco region; Florida) (Callaghan 1995, 1999).
Only two archaeological examples of watercraft are known to
exist from the Caribbean (one from Cuba and one from Andros
Island in the Bahamas) (Callaghan and Schwabe 1999).
Additionally, a brief description exists of a prehistoric canoe
discovered in a Jamaican cave (Cundall 1894-5) and there is
an unconfirmed report of one discovered in Trinidad
(Callaghan, personal communication 1999).
Several authors have examined Spanish Colonial evidence
for clues as to the nature of watercraft in the Caribbean
(Glazier 1991; Johnstone 1980; McKusick 1960; Sauer 1966).
Although historic accounts are sometimes conflicting on this
topic, it is unlikely that the Pre-Columbian inhabitants of the
Caribbean possessed sail technology (Glazier 1991:152).
McKusick (1960:5) states that vessels with sailing capabilities
were recorded by most observers after A.D. 1650. He dis-
misses the presence of aboriginal sails by that late date as a
result of European contact. While speculation still persists as
to the presence or absence of sail technology, the majority of
the evidence suggests that neither the Taino nor the Florida
Indians possessed such technology prior to European contact
(McKusick 1960; Newsom and Purdy 1990). Although, there
are reports of voyages between Florida and Cuba during the
historic period (Hann 1991), these sources are not very helpful
because it is impossible to know what influence the European
technology and knowledge had on such voyages.
Based upon the accounts of Columbus and his associates
(see Sauer 1966) regarding the size of Caribbean dugout
canoes, some sort of construction beyond simply hollowing a
single tree trunk was necessary. The length of the vessel
which held seventy to eighty persons, as described by Colum-
bus (McKusick 1960:8; see also Wilbert 1977:18), was not
likely constructed out of a single piece of timber. Johnstone
(1980:235) suggests that the canoe lengths described by
Columbus and by BernAldez (McKusick 1960) must have been

accomplished by lashing on planks. McKusick (1960:7) and
Johnstone (1980:235) agree that the lashing of planks with
fiber would suggest an aboriginal origin of this practice rather
than an imitation of the Europeans (which would have implied
the use of a nail-like device), and that such technology was
present prior to European contact. McKusick (1960:4) states
that plank technology would allow for a more seaworthy craft.
Unfortunately, archaeological evidence for the interpretation
of West Indian watercraft is lacking (Leshikar 1996:19),
forcing scholars to speculate based on scant historical ac-
counts. While the dugout was, undoubtedly, the primary type
of watercraft in use by the native populations at the time of
Spanish contact (Leshikar 1996:19; Johnstone 1980:234), the
specific design of dugout canoe is still unclear.
Callaghan (1995, 1999) and Callaghan and Schwabe
(1999) have combined archaeological and documentary
evidence from the Maya area, the Caribbean, the Orinoco
region of South America, and Florida to reconstruct the
appearance and seafaring capabilities of Caribbean watercraft.
They conclude that the appearance of Taino canoes resembled
the overhanging bow style canoe described by Newsom and
Purdy (1990:170-171)(see Figure 2). However, they note that
a Lucayan canoe discovered in the Bahamas (Callaghan and
Schwabe 1999) resembles vessels from the Orinoco region
(e.g., Figure 2c).
Evidence for the seacraft on the opposite side of the Straits
of Florida is widely available, with a total of nearly 200 canoes
known in existence from the waterways of Florida, spanning
over 5,000 years (Newsom and Purdy 1990:164). On the other
hand, prehistoric contact from the North American mainland
to the Bahamas is unlikely (as opposed to Bahamian-to-North
American contact) due to adverse ocean currents and other
factors. As with their Caribbean counterparts, the Floridian
watercraft were dominated by dugout canoes, but these were
mostly utilized for riverine transport. The early vessels were
manufactured by hollowing tree trunks with fire, sometimes
evidenced by a charred interior (Newsom and Purdy
1990:170). The overhanging bow style of the Type 3 examples
of Newsom and Purdy (1990:170-171) closely resemble the
Taino canoes described by Callaghan (1995:184) (see Figure
In contrast to the Florida watercraft as described by
Newsom and Purdy (1990) and Bullen and Brooks (1967),
which were likely created for use in riverine environments,
Callaghan (1999) and Callaghan and Schwabe (1999) note
that the Caribbean vessels were designed for open ocean





Table 2. Summary of theories regarding migrations in the Caribbean.

Author Date' Origin2 Destination3 Motivation4 Colonization
DeBooy 1912 Haiti Bahamas (non-specific) fled Caribs c. A.D. 1400+

Granberry 1956 Haiti Turks and Caicos not specified A.D. 800-900

Hoffman 1967 Hispaniola/Cuba Bahamas (non-specific) non-specific population A.D. 700-900
Hoffman 1970 Hispaniola Bahamas (non-specific) non-specific population A.D. 700-900
Sears and 1978 Hispaniola/Cuba Turks and Caicos push/pull economic A.D. 750-900
Sullivan model: overpopulation,
conch, and salt
Sullivan 1980 Hispaniola/Cuba Turks and Caicos push/pull economic A.D. 750-900
model: overpopulation,
conch, and salt
Sullivan 1981 Hispaniola/Cuba Turks and Caicos push/pull economic A.D. 750-900
model: overpopulation,
conch, and salt
Rose 1982 Haiti and Cuba Caicos/Central Islands Greater Antilles A.D. 800-900
Rouse 1982 west Haiti or Bahamas (non-specific) external factors, A.D. 800-
east Cuba internal resource 1200
population growth
Keegan 1985 Hispaniola and Great Inagua push/pull factors, A.D. 600-800
Haiti population growth

Winter et al. 1985 north central Turks and Caicos island propinquity, A.D. 900
Hispaniola/Cuba flamingo migrations,
availability of
unexploited resources
Rouse 1986 west Haiti or Bahamas (non-specific) external factors, A.D. 800-
east Cuba internal resource 1200
population growth

navigation. The width of the Caribbean vessels, which
exceeds that of the Floridian seacraft would have provided
added stabilization on the open ocean. The Caribbean canoes
are also thought to have been more maneuverable than their
Floridian counterparts (Callaghan 1999:15).

The Pacific

Numerous experimental voyages employing prehistoric

vessel and navigation technology have been accomplished in
the Pacific area (e.g., Finney 1977, 1988; Finney et al. 1986,
1989; Gladwin 1970; Lewis 1972). These studies, as well as
larger studies of Pacific seafaring, are relevant for comparative
study with other island archipelagoes (Keegan 1993:246),
including the Caribbean.
Doran (1981) describes several types of vessels from the
Pacific area: bark boats, rafts, dugouts, double canoes, single-
outrigger canoes, and double-outrigger canoes. The majority


2001 VOL. 54(1)




Table 2. Continued.

Keegan and


Hispaniola and
Hispaniola and

1987 Great Inagua

1987 Great Inagua


Great Inagua

Berman and | 1991 | 1. Cuba 1. Central Bahamas
Gnivecki 2. Hispaniola 2. Turks and Caicos

1992 | Hispaniola and



Berman and

Great Inagua


west Haiti or
east Cuba

Bahamas (non-

1993 | Hispaniola and


Great Inagua


1995 7 Cuba Central Bahamas

1995 Bahamas (non-

' date of publication

? place of origin suggested by author

? place of destination suggested by author

‘ motivations for migration suggested by author

* suggested dates for initial colonization events by author

of these vessels, such as single and double-outrigger canoes,
were sailing vessels and are not comparable to the Caribbean
watercraft. However, bark boats and rafts may very well have
been used in the prehistoric Caribbean (cf., Nicholson 1976a),
however these types of vessels would have become waterlogged
quickly and would not have been useful in open ocean voyag-
ing (Doran 1981; Nicholson 1976a). The Pacific dugouts are
probably the most closely analogous vessels to those used in
the prehistoric Caribbean for interisland voyaging.

Ocean Currents

While little evidence for the construction of watercraft is



Motivation‘ Colonization

* ° _

* ° ” ™

push/pull c. A.D. 600

pull factor, new islands | 1. A.D. 600-
favorable to root crop 800
cultivation 2. A.D. 900+

push/pull factors, A.D. 600-800
population growth

external factors, A.D. 800-

internal resource 1200

population growth

push/pull factors, A.D. 600-800
population growth

push factor out of A.D. 600-900

Cuba, pull of
unoccupied mesic
islands, ease of

push/pull c. A.D. 600

available for the West Indies, various authors (Callaghan
1995; Johnstone 1980; McKusick 1960) contend that the
Taino probably possessed the technology for long distance
ocean travel. Whether they were able to reach the North
American mainland is, therefore, an issue of environmental
factors, assuming that the technology existed.

Most of the gaps between the islands in the archipelagoes
of the West Indies are short enough to see the next island or
intermediate keys (Keegan 1992:25-6). The currents between
these islands and keys remain at a consistent calm level
throughout most of the Caribbean. On the other hand, the
distances between the Bahamian islands and Florida (the
closest North American landmass) are as long as the longest


Figure 3. Map of the showing the major ocean currents as they move through the Caribbean. The Florida Current moves
to the west of the Greater Antilles and then continues between Florida and Cuba and then joins the Antilles Current as it
passes through the Straits of Florida.

water gaps between the West Indian islands (see Table 3).
Additionally, no keys lie between the Bahamian islands and
the mainland.
Another mitigating factor with regard to the possibility of
Caribbean contact with Florida is the Florida Current (a
portion of the Gulf Stream), which, as Bullen (1974:158)
contends, constituted a barrier for cultural diffusion. The Gulf
Stream begins south of the Gulf of Mexico in the YucatAn
Channel (see Figure 3). The wind patterns of the globe
directly reflect on the motions of the surface ocean currents
(Davis 1977:94), and the Gulf Stream is created by a westerly
drag of winds caused by the rotation of the earth and a
thermohaline return flow from the South Atlantic (Chave et al.
1997; Gaskell 1973; Schmitz and Richardson 1991). The
thermohaline flow is a deep-ocean, density-driven circulation
created by a combination of factors. This circulation is caused
partly by convection of warm, salty water as it reaches the
poles and cools. As the salty water cools, its buoyancy
decreases, and the water sinks. Secondly, brine rejection also
causes water to sink as freezing water "rejects" salt and
increases the density of non-freezing waters. This process
occurs continuously (with seasonal variations) with density
differences "pushing" large amounts of water around the deep
oceans (Cronin 1999:27). The winds which help push the

current from above, are the result of the Coriolis effect, which
is a deflection of moving particles, in this case air, to the right
in the Northern Hemisphere, creating a clockwise circulation
around the subtropical high in the Atlantic. The Coriolis effect
is due to the eastward rotation of the Earth (Davis 1977; Wells
1998). By the time the currents pass through the Straits of
Florida they are much like a river 64 km wide and 610 m deep
flowing out of the Gulf of Mexico into the Atlantic Ocean
(National Oceanic and Atmospheric Administration [NOAA]
1985). This is corroborated by Gaskell (1973:13) and Sanford
(1982:621). The Straits of Florida are a deep channel between
the Florida peninsula and the Bahama Banks. The topography
of the ocean floor in the Straits resembles a canyon that drops
steeply from the small continental shelf off the Atlantic Coast
of Florida to a depth of as much as approximately 780 m
before steeply rising again on the Bahamian side of the
channel (Defense Mapping Agency [DMA] 1996). This 'wall
of water' separating the West Indies and Florida passes
between Cuba and the Bahamian archipelago to the south and
the Florida peninsula to the north (NOAA 1985:Fig. 1). Iselin
(1936) and Fofonoff (1981) define the Florida Current as all
northward-moving waters with velocities exceeding 10 cm s'
(lm per second) which begin in a line south of the Tortugas
and extend past Cape Hatteras where the current moves off the

2001 VOL. 54(1)



Table 3. Distances between Bahamian Islands and the North American mainland (after Keegan 1985:26).

Origin Destination Distance (km)

Great Inagua Mayaguana 90

Great Inagua Acklins Island 120

Grand Bahama Florida (Palm Beach) 100

Caicos Islands Dominican Republic 150

Great Inagua Haiti 90

Great Exuma Cuba 260

continental shelf. The water travels through the Straits of
Florida with an average velocity of 8 km/h, "discharging 100
billion tons of water per hour" (NOAA 1985:1). Certainly,
this natural phenomenon presents the most significant barrier
to Floridian-Caribbean contact.
Historic sources also report on the strength of the current
through the Straits of Florida and the difficulty of sailing
through it. The Florida Current was reported by Antonio de
Herrera y Tordesillas as observed during Ponce de Leon's
1513 voyage. "A current was observed which, though they
had a good wind, they could not stem" (NOAA 1985:2).
Another account from McKinnen (1804:268-9) states that the
progress of his party from Grand Bahama along the Florida
coast was "rapid." He also comments that he knows of no
other area where the navigation of the ocean is more difficult
than along the south shores of Florida. "So very fallacious and
irresistible are the cross currents and eddies, that it often
happens whilst vessels are steering in one course they are
carried nearly in an opposite direction" (McKinnen 1804:269).
Indeed, the current was strong enough that McKinnen
(1804:270) states that from their departure from Grand
Bahama, the Florida Current carried his party to the area of
Charleston, SC, in a "short time." The logical question now
is, to what degree would this 'river in the ocean' have actually
influenced the travels of aboriginal Caribbeans?
Although the previous sources give some insight into the
nature of historic seafaring in the Gulf Stream, the question
remains whether the Florida Current helped or hindered
individuals attempting to cross the Straits of Florida prehistor-
ically. Oceanographic investigations of the velocity and
transport of the current through the Straits of Florida may shed
some light on this question. Fofonoff (1981:139) states that
"the Florida Current emerges as the part of the Gulf Stream
that is best documented, analyzed, and understood" (see also
Schmitz and McCartney 1993). Sanford (1982:636-7) states
that the measurements of seasonal fluctuations and amplitude
of the Florida Current are in agreement whether using mea-
surements of surface flow or subsurface measures of transport.
This suggests that such factors as seasonal variation and

fluctuation of the flow through the Straits ofFlorida, which are
normally observed through deep water detection instruments
(see Molinari et al. 1985; Schott et al. 1988), are analogous to
the surface conditions throughout the year [cf., Molinari and
Leaman (1987) and the DMA (1994)]. Surface conditions are
of importance to the issue of prehistoric travel because these
conditions are the realities that native seafarers confronted.
The advantage to examining the transport volume of the
Florida Current (rather than the actual surface currents) is
twofold: There is more oceanographic literature available on
transport volume; and transport volume is more easily linked
to weather patterns and changes in sea-level, an important
consideration in archaeology.
Data from recent investigations at various depths into the
physical properties of the Florida Current provide insight into
prehistoric conditions. Niiler and Richardson (1973) deter-
mined the mean transport of the Florida Current to be
30x106m3s"'. This figure, which translates to an overall
transport of thirty million cubic meters of water per decisecond
(tenth of a second) and is referred to as 30 Sv (Sverdrups),
measures the total transport of a fluid through a confined
passage. Such a figure is derived from repetitive vertical
profiles of the velocity from the surface to the ocean bottom
where each measurement at differing depths is standardized by
a constant velocity (Wells 1998:220). While the transport is
not a measure of the speed of the current, this research
provides clues to the seasonal variability of the current, as well
as other phenomena.
Niiler and Richardson (1973:144) suggest an annual cycle
deviation of 4 Sv from the mean of 30 Sv through the Straits
of Florida at the point of their investigations (a line between
Miami and Bimini). While others have reported different
amounts of transport through the Straits (e.g. -=32 Sv by
Larsen 1992; R=30 Sv Schmitz and McCartney 1993; >c30.5
Sv by Schott et al. 1988; R=27.71 Sv by Welsh 1996), this is
likely due to the various locations from which the observations
were made. Additionally, none differed significantly from the
30 Sv mean transport reported by Niiler and Richardson
(1973). The seasonal variation originally identified by Niiler



2001 VoL. 54(1)

0 5 10



Figure 4. This graph illustrates the general trends of the flow of the Florida Current as discussed in the text. The sources,
including surface flow data from the Atlas of Pilot Charts (Defense Mapping Agency 1994) and Molinari and Leaman (1987),
show a clear minimum of flow speed around the months of October to December each year. The Molinari and Leaman data
are referred to on the graph as “Molinari.” The Defense Mapping Agency data are denoted by the closest land locations to
the points where the data were derived from the adjacent Florida Current on the maps (ie., Augustine=St. Augustine;

Bahama=West End, Grand Bahama Island; Miami=Miami).

and Richardson (1973) may provide a basis for interpreting the
ideal time of the year for the occurrence of Bahamas to Florida
travel. Numerous authors (Lee et al. 1985; Schott and
Zantopp 1985; Schott et al. 1988) have documented a signifi-
cant annual drop in the transport, and by inference a decrease
in the speed of the flow (Molinari and Leaman 1987), of the
Florida Current around the months of October and November
(see Figure 4). Schott et al. (1988:1212) report an early winter
low around 20 Sv, while Schott and Zantopp (1985:308) report
an early winter low of 25.4 Sv. This winter low could have
equated to less treacherous traveling conditions for prehistoric
peoples (see also Sleight 1965:228). However, a mid-summer
high in transport volume and surface current strength, while
possibly constituting more treacherous conditions, may have
been exploited to push the Lucayans along the Florida Atlantic
coastline. Under such a model, the winter low could have been
employed for decreased resistance for return voyages to the
Bahamas. The extent to which the motion of the Florida
Current affected the possibility of prehistoric contact between
the Bahamas and Florida may be inferred from the following

Horvath and Finney (1976) conducted a series of paddling
experiments specifically targeting the issue of human endur-

ance and capability in prehistoric Pacific travel off the Califor-
nia coast and in the waters near the Hawaiian islands.
Although these tests were carried out for use in studies of
Pacific travel, the sail-less canoe and crew size likely approxi-
mates that of the small Caribbean vessels discussed in the
historic sources. The vessel of the Horvath and Finney
(1976:48) experiments was 12.2 m in length and carried a
crew of twelve men of varying paddling experience. Horvath
and Finney (1976:49) found that the realistic maintainable
speed of the paddlers was 4 knots (kts) (7.4 km/h). This rate
of travel is insufficient to paddle ‘upstream’ against the
stronger flow of the Gulf Stream (which may be up to 5.5 kts).
Maul et al. (1991) show that the surface speeds of the Florida
Current are much stronger (up to 5.5 knots) near the Florida
coast than for the rest of the current (which ranges from 1.2 to
3.3 knots, on average). The fatigue of the 52 nautical mile
(nmi) (96.3 km) experimental journey took a significant toll on
the test subjects. The men lost a considerable amount of body
weight even though food and water were readily available in
the vessel. While the subjective observations of the test
subjects were that, given sufficient rest, food, and water, they
could keep up the trek for several consecutive days, Horvath
and Finney (1976:53) state that the material needs of the


travelers would necessitate a large vessel. Horvath and Finney
(1976:54) comment that the results of this study suggest that
"a crew of physically fit and experienced paddlers" could
paddle a canoe more than 50 nmi (92.5 km) in two days, a
distance extremely close to that between Grand Bahama and
Palm Beach, Florida (approximately 100 km). However,
travelers leaving from Grand Bahama may have had an easier
time of paddling than Horvath and Finney's (1976) test
subjects, as they would have the pushing assistance of the
Florida Current. Conversely, individuals departing from
Florida, as per the results of Horvath and Finney (1976),
would likely be incapable of sustaining the necessary speed to
stem the Florida Current down its axis. The results of Horvath
and Finney's (1976) experiments seem to make the possibility
of contact between Florida and the Bahamas unlikely due to
the strength of the Florida Current, but not contact from the
Bahamas to Florida. The strength of the current as it moves
up the Atlantic coast equals or exceeds (depending on the
season) the maximum sustainable speeds of the paddlers in the
Horvath and Finney (1976) study.
In addition to the Horvath and Finney (1976) experimental
study, some information can be extracted from Blanchard's
(1999) study on near shore voyaging. Blanchard states that
vessels with a crew of two or more would have been hard
pressed to paddle into winds in excess of twelve knots. Such
a factor would be a consideration for return voyages against
the Florida Current (even without adverse winds, Blanchard's
1999 study supports the difficulty of paddling against strong
The Florida Current makes for a difficult situation when
considering return voyages of the Lucayans or voyages of
Florida Indians to the Bahamas. The strength of this current
likely constituted a considerable hindrance to such movements
(as demonstrated above). However, Irwin (1992) argues
against voyages of no return. He states that death or the
possibility of not returning from excursions would have been
significant deterrents to prehistoric voyagers. I argue that the
oceanic-oriented Lucayans may have been able to negotiate the
strong currents in the Straits of Florida using large crews and
exploiting the variations in the surface currents and winds
across the Straits. Such a strategy may have included riding
the Florida Current northward and paddling in a northeasterly
direction to stem the near-shore currents (the strongest in the
Straits) and then turning in a southeasterly direction and
paddling against the weaker (1.2-3.3 kt) eastern margin of the
Florida Current for the remainder of the return voyage. The
smaller canoes from Florida (Newsom and Purdy 1993)
probably did not have the capacity for large enough crews to
overcome the current. This contention returns to the earlier
mentioned dichotomy of riverine versus oceanic orientations
of seafaring capabilities. While the Lucayan Taino were likely
accustomed to the conditions of operating a craft on the open
ocean, due to centuries of experience from interisland trading
and other types of ocean-going travel, the Floridian groups
were more likely suited to riverine, marsh, and near-shore
aqueous environments. The differences in the skills necessary
to negotiate these divergent environments suggests that, out of

necessity, the Lucayans, with their oceanic knowledge, would
be the more likely initiates of contact across the treacherous
Florida Current than their riverine focused Floridian counter-
If prehistoric voyagers had departed the northern Baha-
mian islands in search of land to the north, it is probable that
they were not able to cross the Florida Current directly to
southern Florida, but rather that they would have been swept
up in the current and dragged along the east coast of Florida.
In any case, the natural direction of exploration from the
Bahamas would likely be in a northwesterly direction due to
the roughly northwest-southeast orientation of that island
archipelago. This orientation of the Bahamian archipelago
might have suggested to the prehistoric Lucayans that more
uninhabited islands were located to the northwest of the
northernmost Bahamian islands. Rather than contact between
the inhabitants of southern Florida such as the Calusa or the
Tequesta, it seems more probable that if any contact was made
between the Lucayans and the North American aborigines it
would have begun further north, perhaps in the areas of the
Jeaga (Palm Beach County) or Ais (St. Lucie, Indian River,
and Brevard Counties) or the Timucua of the St. Johns River
and present day St. Augustine and Jacksonville, or possibly
along the coasts of Georgia or South Carolina.

Wind Patterns in the Straits of Florida
and Surrounding Areas

Although the sail-less canoes, which are believed to be the
most common mode of long-distance transportation in the pre-
Columbian Bahamas, would not typically be in danger of
adverse sailing conditions created by strong winds, winds of 12
knots or stronger may still have presented difficulty for small
crews attempting to paddle a sail-less canoe (Blanchard 1999).
Wind strengths reported on maps from the DMA (1994) were
compared against Blanchard's (1999) benchmark of 12 kts as
difficult rowing conditions. This benchmark (12 kts) falls
within the force 4 strength winds on the Beaufort Scale of
Wind Strength. The Beaufort Scale, divided into 12 "forces"
ranging from calm to hurricane strength conditions
(Rousmaniere 1989:132), is the standard measure used to
present average wind strengths on the DMA maps (1994).
The majority of the wind strengths in the area of the Straits of
Florida (including the Floridian East Coast and the Northern
Bahamian islands) are reported to average Beaufort Scale force
4 (11-16 kts) year-round. Because wind strength in the Straits
is relatively constant, direction is a more important factor.
For travel to have occurred from the Bahamas to Florida,
low frequencies of winds from the North (Southerly winds)
and the West (Easterly winds) would have been favorable. The
mid-summer months (June/July) exhibit the best such condi-
tions. Although the winds from the North are low in fre-
quency during the mid-summer, this is the time at which the
Florida Current is at its strongest (and the Straits most
treacherous for watercraft). However, the Lucayans may have
chosen to exploit this extra push from the Florida Current
during the summer months, coupled with the reduced fre-




quency of resistance from Southerly winds to propel them from
the northernmost Bahamas to the United States mainland. If
such a strategy were employed, the Lucayans could have
exploited the reduced flow of the Florida Current and the
increased frequency of Southerly winds during the months of
October or November to accomplish the return voyages to the
Bahamas (a necessary component of autocatalytic voyaging
suggested by Irwin 1992). One factor which would aid
Bahamas to Florida voyages and hinder Florida to Bahamas
voyages are the Prevailing Westerlies, i.e., the high frequen-
cies of westward blowing trade winds which are common in
the Caribbean. Such winds, if sustained and powerful (12+
kts), might push travelers in the Florida Current towards the
Florida mainland. The frequency of these winds in the Straits
of Florida are highly variable, and although they are not at the
peak of their occurrence in October or November (during the
Florida Current calms), a moderate frequency of these winds
exceed 11 kts (Beaufort Scale force 4 to 5) at this time (DMA
1994). Such conditions might have significantly hampered
efforts for Florida to Bahamas voyaging or return voyages for
Lucayans who had landed in Florida.

Sea-Level Change and the Flow of the Florida Current

The importance of the sea-level stand on both sides of the
Straits of Florida to the current issue is twofold: increases in
the sea-level may obscure coastal sites that yield evidence of
contact and the sea-level has a direct correlation to the
transport volume through the Straits. Therefore, a clear
understanding of the late prehistoric sea-level stands in the
northern Bahamas and along the Florida Atlantic coast should
lead to a clearer picture of site locations and the natural
barriers to contact. Although rising sea-levels over the past
12,000 years have been demonstrated to obscure archaeologi-
cal sites on the Gulf Coast of Florida (see Dorsey 1997), a
widespread inundation of sites on the Atlantic coast of Florida
is highly unlikely due to the morphological differences of the
continental shelf on either side of the Floridian peninsula. As
was stated earlier, the Straits of Florida constitute a steep drop
in the depth of the ocean floor not far from the visible coastline
of Florida on the Atlantic side of the peninsula (see Figure 5).
Therefore, the amount of land, when compared to the Gulf side
of the peninsula, which has been inundated over the past 1,000
years (the reasonable earliest date of possible contact) is
probably negligible. This is not, however, meant to undermine
the importance of such sea-level studies of the Atlantic coast.
Rather it is a generalization which may be oversimplified for
a few individual areas, as there are some submerged sites off
of the Atlantic Coast of Florida (e.g., 8SL17), however, they
are too early to be relevant to the contact issue.
Watters (1981; 1992) advocates the examination of
episodic sea-level fluctuations for the purposes of identifying
and interpreting submerged sites, especially in the Caribbean.
Mitchell and Keegan (1987), however, do not find evidence
that significant numbers of sites are obscured by sea-level
changes in the Bahamas. They state that evidence from
coastline studies suggest a change in sea-level in the Bahamas

within 50cm of the present sea-level stand for the past 1400
years. Valdes (1994, 1996) also supports the unlikely proba-
bility for the sea-level changes worldwide to have affected the
identification of sites in the Bahamas.
In recent years, archaeologists have focused on sea-level
changes on the Gulf Coast of Florida (see Dorsey 1997;
Walker et al. 1994, 1995) as have other scholars in the
Bahamas (see Valdes 1994, 1996). These studies demonstrate
that the familiar Holocene model for a smooth, constant sea-
level rise over the past 12,000 years (e.g. Fairbridge 1974,
1984) is an average curve which may obscure certain details
important to archaeologists, but not necessarily relevant to the
geologists who created the model (Walker et al. 1994:161).
Such nuances, which may have been overlooked in the
Holocene model, may also play a significant role in the issue
of Bahamian-Floridian contact; they may obscure minor
fluctuations in sea-levels that could have influenced the
transport of the Florida Current.
Maul et al. (1985) report a linear correlation (r=0.93,
=0.05 for Jupiter; r=0.74, -=0.05 for Miami; r'=0.94,
=0.05 between Jupiter and the Bahamas) between minute
sea-level fluctuations and the transport of the Florida Current.
The statistical results reported above are from regression tests
which examine the relationship of the transport volume of the
Florida Current to the sea-level stand at the time of measure-
ment. These data show a strong correlation between sea-level
and transport volume (the closer the r2 statistic is to 1.0 the
more one variable explains the other) (Maul et al. 1985). So,
in this case sea-level changes can account for 93%, 74%, and
94% respectively for each of the three locations measured at
the 95% confidence level (==0.05). Maul et al. (1985:307)
suggest that the overall transport of the Florida Current can be
inferred from measurements of sea-level with an error of only
1 x 106m3s (less than 1Sv). Thus, as the sea-levels drop, so do
the transport volume and the surface speeds.
Episodic sea-level fluctuation is considered for the Gulf
Coast of Florida by Colquhoun et al. (1995), Walker et al.
(1994), and Walker et al. (1995), and may hold some signifi-
cance for the Florida Current. Several investigators (Alexan-
der 1974; Fairbridge 1974, 1984; Robbin 1984) have noted a
general trend of increase in sea-levels during the most recent
part of the Holocene (c. 6,000 B.P. to present) in southern
Florida. Although not a constant increase, Robbin (1984:441)
notes that the sea-level stand has never been higher than
present during the Holocene. This increase, noted as +1.2
mm/yr from 7,000-2,000 years B.P. and +0.3 mm/yr from
2,000 B.P.-present by Robbin (1984:437) (a trend generally
agreed upon by Fairbridge 1984:431), may have resulted in
lower transport means on the other side of the peninsula, and
presumably somewhat easier traveling conditions for the Pre-
Columbian inhabitants of the Bahamas (also suggested by
Nicholson 1976b for the rest of the Caribbean).


Unfortunately, no universally accepted diagnostic remains
or other archaeological evidence has been found that links the


2001 VOL. 54(1)





Figure 5. This map (after NOAA 1998) illustrates the basic topography of the area around the Straits of Florida. The shaded
areas indicate the shallower continental shelves. The numbers indicate depth soundings (in meters) in the Straits of Florida.
The large arrows indicate the general flow of the Florida Current through the Straits of Florida.

prehistoric inhabitants of the Bahamas to those of Florida and
the rest of the North American mainland. In the absence of
such incontrovertible evidence, I will summarize my main

It can be stated with reasonable certainty that the indige-
nous populations of the Caribbean (the Lucayan Taino in
particular) inhabited the northernmost islands of the Bahamas
before the arrival of the Europeans in 1492. Many of the





scholars examining motivations for migration and colonization
in the Bahamas argue for push/pull motivators. Such an
approach likely necessitates long lapses of time for resource
depletion and/or population growth to force migration. If the
Lucayans had arrived very late in the prehistoric period to the
northernmost Bahamian islands, such a push/pull perspective,
if true, would probably negate the possibility of migration
attempts to North America. Simply, there just would not have
been enough time for the push/pull factors to impel a migra-
tion before the arrival of Columbus. However, under these
models the possibility of contact is not ruled out entirely.
Keegan (1985) suggests that exploration parties likely voyaged
from the home island in advance of push/pull factors necessi-
tating the search for new land. These exploratory expeditions
may have reached the North American mainland in search of
new lands prior to the arrival of the Europeans or the onset of
demographic and/or economic need for such knowledge.
Other scholars (Irwin 1992; Keegan and Diamond 1987)
suggest that although push/pull factors may have existed, such
consequences were not necessary to initiate migrations. With
the northernmost Bahamas inhabited prior to the arrival of
Europeans, the North American mainland was ripe for
exploration with the Bahamas as a staging point. The migra-
tion theories concerning insular populations suggest that, even
under the restrictive push/pull models, the potential existed for
at least exploration (if not colonization) in a northerly direc-
tion prior to European contact.
If contact occurred, it may have simply been too late in the
prehistoric period for colonies to be established (due to
decimation of the native populations by the Europeans). This
possibility, coupled with the established indigenous popula-
tions in Florida, a problem not likely encountered in newly
found lands in the Bahamas, may have constituted a consider-
able deterrent to permanent settlement.
Although not identical in design, similar watercraft from
Pacific contexts, as well as computer simulations of prehistoric
voyages from the Pacific (Irwin 1992; Irwin et al. 1990;
Levison et al. 1973) and the Caribbean (Callaghan 1999)
support the seaworthiness of the Caribbean watercraft. The
study by Horvath and Finney (1976) also suggests that human
paddlers could have endured the conditions necessary to cross
the Straits of Florida from the Bahamas to the United States
In contrast to earlier studies (e.g. Sharp 1964), it is
probable that the aboriginal inhabitants of the Caribbean (like
those of the Pacific) had an intimate understanding of the
natural clues to way-finding on the open ocean. As previously
stated, based on the work of Horvath and Finney (1976), the
flow of the Florida Current (when considering northward
travel) was manageable all year, with the months of October-
November the least treacherous for navigating the Florida
Current due to the reduced flows. Additionally, the Atlantic
cyclone season begins to slow down during the late Fall.
Active cyclone seasons could have enhanced the danger of
navigating the Florida Current during the mid-summer
months, even though, in general, wind conditions were more
favorable during this period.

The archaeological evidence is minimal for contact
between the Bahamas and the North American mainland.
Why, then, if such contact was likely, based on technology and
environment, is there such a dearth of archaeological evi-
dence? Based on the flow of the Florida Current, those
looking for evidence of contact may be looking in the wrong
place. It is unlikely that the Lucayans would have been able to
cross the Florida Current at a 90 degree angle to the flow, or
even close to that trajectory. This fact alone rules out much of
southern Florida as a possible landing location. It is likely if
such contact did occur, that the Florida Current would have
pushed the Lucayans along the coast for some distance. I
suggest that possible landing points for such voyages would
not begin until the Melbourne/Cape Canaveral area (which
would help explain the Antillean axe head reported near
Gainesville by Goggin and Rouse 1948). Historic accounts of
sailings from the Bahamas also support this location as a likely
destination in Florida. Additionally, while it would seem
likely that ceramic vessels would have been employed to
transport foodstuffs on long voyages, it is also likely that they
served the same purpose on return voyages. Therefore, I do
not suggest ceramic technologies as the best method for
identifying Bahamian/Floridian contact. In order to identify
considerable ceramic samples in the archaeological record,
more long term contacts, rather than sporadic encounters, are
necessary, and such sustained contact is unlikely. I suggest
that small, portable trade items may hold the artifactual key to
interpreting prehistoric contact. Items such as trade beads,
pendants, or small zemis may be logical diagnostic items to be
looking for along the southeastern United States Atlantic
coast. Small items (pendants), collected by De Booy, are
described in such a context on Bimini by Granberry
(1957:380). Although these items do not support the possibil-
ity of Floridian/Bahamian contact, they do demonstrate the
probable remains of brief visitations: small, portable objects.
Instances of the difficulty in identifying brief visitations and
contacts in the archaeological record are demonstrated by
Milanich (1995) with respect to early Spanish forays into
Florida. Milanich (1995:110) suggests that, "because of the
short duration of both [of Ponce de Leon's excursions], it is
unlikely that the exact location of his landings will ever be
pinpointed." Graves and Addison (1995:388) also outline
similar difficulties of identifying such brief visitations in the
Hawaiian archaeological record.
Migration and colonization studies of the Bahamas suggest
a late arrival of Lucayans in the Northern Bahamian islands,
which would have led to a very late arrival in prehistory of
Lucayans in Florida (if such contact occurred at all), a factor
which may not be conducive to the establishment of permanent
settlements. Additionally, indigenous groups were already
established all along the eastern seaboard in the United States,
a contingency not likely experienced by the Lucayans in other
new areas in the Bahamas. If contact did occur, what were the
ramifications of the meeting of these two cultures? It is
possible that Florida Indians met the Lucayans with hostility,
effectively restricting the establishment of permanent settle-

2001 VOL. 54(1)


In conclusion, based on the combined evidence presented
in this paper, it is my contention that contact was technologi-
cally possible between the prehistoric populations of the
Bahamas and the indigenous peoples of North America.
Environmentally, the conditions presented by the Florida
Current and the winds in the Straits of Florida would have
presented the Lucayans with a situation to which they may not
have been accustomed. Having examined the available
evidence from the Caribbean and the Pacific, I am confident
that contact (at least in an ephemeral sense) was likely.
However, the lateness of this possible contact resulted in a lack
of transfer of significant cultural influences. If such contact
did occur, it was likely north of the presently assumed area of
southern Florida. However, until diagnostic cultural materials
are recovered from the United States to substantiate these
hypotheses, such studies remain speculative.


I would like to thank Paul Farnsworth, Dydia DeLyser, Keith
Henderson, Robert Austin, Nan Walker, and my anonymous review-
ers for their assistance in refining this paper in both content and
composition. I would also like to extend my gratitude to William
Keegan, William Marquardt, Elizabeth Wing, Richard Callaghan,
Thomas Lee, Harrison Prosper, Glen Doran, Rochelle Marrinan,
Curtis Wienker, James Dunbar, Tanya Peres, Gracelyn Cassell and
David Watters (the latter two for the Cundall article) for providing a
wealth of information early on in this project which helped im-
mensely to shape the argument. Additionally, thanks to Jennifer
Duhamel, Noah Rost, Jennifer Speights-Binet, Elizabeth Fraser,
Laurel Person, Steven Rainey, and Meg Streiff who read and
commented on earlier drafts of this manuscript. Beth Bassett and
Christopher Lee also provided insightful information and commentary
during the course of this project. Thanks to Michael and Diane
Seidemann who provided moral and financial support during the
course of this project. Thanks also to my wife, Ericka, who provided
both intellectual commentary and moral support during the writing of
this manuscript.

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2001 VOL. 54(1)



1522 The 12th Fairway, Wellington, FL 33414

The Department of Anthropology, Florida Atlantic
University, Boca Raton, Florida curates eleven human
osteological collections from coastal and inland precontact
Indian burial mounds in south Florida. The collections
contain the full or partial remains of some 662 individuals
with a temporal span from 4000 B.C. to contact times.
Scientific analysis has been reported on in 58 publications and
presentations. In this article a compendium of the collections
is presented, along with a list of authors' publications related
to the collections, and a site map.

Research of Precontact South Florida

Precontact south Florida is both environmentally and
culturally distinct from north Florida and the remainder of the
southeastern United States. The region enjoys a subtropical
climate that is rich in food resources available to hunters and
gatherers. It has been justifiably referred to as a cultural cul-
de-sac: the aboriginal inhabitants remained, with rare
exception, egalitarian hunter-gatherers (and, because of
Florida's extensive coastline, maritime and riverine hunter-
gatherers) until contact: North Florida's precontact inhabit-
ants, on the other hand, became emergent horticulturists or
fully agricultural (Stirling 1936; Yesner 1980; Stanton 1990).
A casual perusal of the list of collections (Table 1) dis-
closes that the majority of the assemblages contain fewer than
20 individuals. Large-scale excavations and recoveries in
south Florida are rare occurrences. But even sites with only a
few individuals should be studied with the same care as larger
ones (Reiches 1986). The hunter-gatherer mode of existence
leaves primarily small "scatters" of both artifacts and skeletal
remains. Still, the multiplicity of sites having a temporal span
from 4000 B.C. to contact times contribute to a regional
understanding of south Florida's prehistory.
There are far fewer articles published about physical
anthropology than of archaeology in Florida, and this lack is
even more apparent in south Florida (iscan and Miller-
Shaivitz 1983). To a great extent, archaeology in south
Florida focuses on pottery remains and lithic projectile points,
artifacts that are virtually indestructible by the ravages of time
and thus remain in the archaeological record almost indefi-
nitely. Human bones, on the other hand, are subject to
degradation by erosion and fragmentation in the sandy soils
that prevail in many areas of south Florida. Those skeletal
collections that have been recovered often are fragmented and

As in other sciences, progress in archaeological work
requires that scholars build on the research of previous work,
and publish their findings. The unique nature of the south
Florida culture area, so distinctly different in climate, geogra-
phy and life ways from north Florida, justifies a separate
treatment of the available published research. The following
articles should provide opportunities to and help direct future
scholarly research by offering an inventory of skeletal material
recovered from sites in south Florida and compiling published
articles associated with these collections.
The collections studied were assembled by different
individuals, often heavily weighted to avocational anthropolo-
gists whose recording techniques varied greatly. However, one
should keep in mind that the support of avocationalists was
crucial to the development of the field during the postwar era.

Sites and Publications

The following is an inventory of human skeletal material
collected over a period of years from burial sites in south
Florida (Figure 1) and curated in the Department of Anthro-
pology, Florida Atlantic University, along with citations of
their associated publications. Biocultural investigations of the
collections may include: a) paleodemographic analysis, i.e.,
minimum number of individuals in a burial population, age,
sex and stature; b) skeletal and dental pathology; c) morpho-
logical and osteometric studies and the development of
osteological demographic techniques specifically applicable to
south Florida.

Boynton Beach Site (8PB100)

An inland burial and midden mound complex in Palm
Beach County, 16 km from the ocean. It dates from 150 B.C.
to Spanish contact. N=35.
Jaffe (1976) reported on the excavation of the site, while
iscan and Kessel (1988) reported on the skeletal and demo-
graphic analysis.

Briarwoods Site (8PA66)

Located in Pasco County, 2 km from the Gulf coast. It is
dated to the Safety Harbor period, A.D. 1400-1513 with a
possible Weeden Island component, A.D. 1000-1500. N=87.
Mitchem (1985) reported on the excavation while iscan
and Kessel (1992) published the skeletal and demographic


VOL. 54(1)


MARCH 2001


Table 1. Site, Minimum Number of Individuals and Publication

Site MNI No. of Publications

Boynton Beach 35 2

Briarwoods 87 6

Brickell Bluff 4 1

Flagami South 16 1

Fort Center 300+ 14

Highland Beach 120 9

Margate-Blount 49 2

Nebot 2 2

Patrician Complex 7 2

Republic Groves 37 3

Santa Maria 5 3

Combined Sites 13

Total 662+ 58

report. Three symposia at annual meetings of scientific
organizations have been presented relating to osteology and
pathology (Gomez and Iscan 1982; Iscan and Gomez 1982;
Igcan 1997). An additional paper (iscan et al. 1998) on
pathology has been submitted for publication.

Brickell Bluff (8DA 1082)

An Archaic period site in Dade County, dated from 4,000-
3,000 B.P. It is a coastal mortuary on a bluff overlooking
Biscayne Bay. N=4.
Iscan et al. (1993) published a paper describing skeletal
demographics and pathological data.

Flagami South (8DA1053)

This site is an inland burial and midden mound some 16
km from Biscayne Bay in Dade County. Based on pottery
typology it dates from Glades I(500 B.C. to A.D. 750) through
Glades III (A.D. 1200-1400). N=16.
Iscan et al. (1995) published one paper describing skeletal
demographics and pathological data.

Fort Center (8GL13)

An inland site on Fisheating Creek in Glades County,
Is reported in continuous occupation from 450 B.C. to AD.
1700. It was a major ceremonial center and mortuary site.
N=about 300.
Several archaeological papers have been presented on
this site. Sears and Sears (1976), W. Sears (1982) and E.
Sears (1982) are the most significant and comprehensive.
The papers give a detailed description of the archaeology of
Fort Center and a pollen analysis. Hogan (1978) published
an additional pollen analysis. In addition i1can and
Shaivitz (1985) published a skeletal study on syphilis,
Johnson (1990) gave a report on maize, Kessel (1991) gave
an osteological summary, Isler and i1can (1986) published
on dental characteristics, Shaivitz (1986) and Miller-
Shaivitz and iscan (1991) published two papers on health
characteristics and three papers were presented, Isler et al.
(1985a) on dental characteristics, Johnson (1989) on soil
and Cucina and iscan (1995) on dental hypoplasia. The
most recent publication, by Cucina and Iscan (1997b) is on
dental hypoplasia.

Highland Beach (8PB11)

An Atlantic Coast site in Palm Beach County dated to
circa A.D. 800-1200 (Glades II, III). N=120.
Furey (1972) published a background archaeological
paper which defines the site as part of the Spanish River
Complex. Levy's 1981 oral presentation describes the
salvage excavation at the mound. There have been three
dental anthropology papers (Brilliant and Ican 1982; Isler
et al. 1985b; Iscan 1989) and three oral presentations on
osteology (Shaivitz and igcan 1981), dental health (Schoen et
al. 1982a) and dental pathology (Schoen et al. 1982b).
Winland's (1993) master's thesis describes both disease and
population ecology with an overview of several other sites in
south Florida.

Margate-Blount (8BD41)

The site includes a habitation area and a burial mound both
on sand over muck in the interior of Broward County. This is
a partial collection of the total skeletal material recovered
some of which remains with the Broward County Archaeologi-
cal Society. The site was occupied from post-Archaic times
through European contact. N=49.
Williams (1983) published an archaeological description
and igcan (1983) published a demographic and dental analysis.

Nebot (8PB219)

A salvage burial site in Palm Beach County, 100 meters
west of the Atlantic coast beach line. It is dated from A.D.
1513-1700 (Glades IIIc). N=2.
Kennedy and iscan (1987) published the archaeological
report which included a description of three interesting carved
bone artifacts. iscan and Kennedy (1987) published an
osteological analysis.


2000 VOL. 54(1)









Figure 1. Map of Florida with Generalized Locations of Eleven Sites.

Patrician Complex (8PB99)

A salvage archaeology site in Palm Beach County located
on the Atlantic coastal dune line. It is radiocarbon dated at
3969 100 B.P. with relatively continuous occupation until
1200 B.P. N=7.
Seven volumes of records relating to the site from the Palm
Beach County Archaeological Society are in repository at the
Palm Beach County Historical Society, Florida. Ritchie et al.
(1981) published the excavation report with unpublished field
notes by Mowers (n.d.).

Republic Groves (8HR4)

An inland site in Hardee County reported as a disturbed

ossuary dated as Late Archaic, 2000 B.C. N=37
Saunders (1972) wrote an osteological thesis and Wharton
et al. published the archaeological report. Kessel et al. (1997)
presented a dental anthropology paper.

Santa Maria (8DA2132)

A Late Archaic site in Dade County, 4000-3000 B.P.,
iscan and Carr (1982) presented a paper describing the site
and artifacts recovered. Iscan et al. (1982) presented an oral
description of cranial abnormalities. Carr et al. (1984)
published a paper describing the osteology of the site includ-
ing several cranial and postcranial pathological conditions.




Comparative Studies


The following papers include comparative studies of the
various sites, as noted.
Carr's (1981a) archaeological survey of the Miami area
located several burial sites that became the subject of more
detailed subsequent investigations reported here (Carr 198 Ib).
Brilliant and iscan (1983) presented a paper on odontometric
comparison of three sites, Highland Beach, Margate Blount
and Republic Groves. i1can et al. (1988a; 1988b) presented
two spectroscopic comparison papers. Igcan et al. (1989)
published a spectroscopic trace element dietary comparison of
four sites, Fort Center, Highland Beach, Nebot and Republic
Groves. Cassel et al. (1993) prepared a craniometric compari-
son of three sites, Highland Beach, Fort Center and Margate
Blount. Cucina and Iscan (1996) presented a paper on dental
analysis of Republic Groves, Flagami South, Santa Maria and
Brickell Bluff, as well as (1997a) a book chapter on dental
pathology regarding these same four sites. These authors
published another paper (1997c) on enamel hypoplasia at
Republic Groves, Fort Center and Highland Beach, and
submitted a paper for publication on odontometrics (1998) on
these same three sites. igcan and Kessel (1997) published a
paper composed of a summary of osteological stature datafrom
south Florida sites compared to ethnographic stature reports.

Conclusions and Summary

The Department of Anthropology, Florida Atlantic
University, has paid close attention to the curation of skeletal
collections. The list of published articles show that research-
ers at this institution have made considerable progress on the
analysis of skeletal material. In addition, Department anthro-
pology students as well as visiting scholars and resident
research associates utilize the catalogued collections for
ongoing research projects. By its nature this manuscript is an
evolving document that will require regular updates.
Where existing small collections are retained by other
organizations with limited facilities, equipment and expertise
it is logical that those collections might be best combined at
one facility that can curate them as well as provide research
opportunities for faculty, students and visiting researchers.
The Department of Anthropology, Florida Atlantic
University, curates eleven osteological collections with a
Minimum Number of Individuals (MNI) of over 662 repre-
sented, and some 58 articles published on various aspects of
the collections. This shows south Florida is well on its way to
making a proper beginning among regional areas of osteologi-
cal research interest. Nonetheless, a closer look at Table 1
demonstrates that there remains much work in the future as
more collections become available, more techniques are
developed and more researchers with specialized abilities
display an interest. Furthermore, new students entering into
the roster of scholarly investigators will doubtless inspire the
next generation of scholars in osteological research.

Thanks are extended to Bob Kessel for graphics and to the
anonymous reviewers whose constructive criticisms have improved
the paper measurably.

References Cited

Brilliant, Robert M. and M. Yasar Iscan
1982 Dental Morphology of a Southeast Florida Indian Popula-
tion. Florida Scientist 45 (Suppl.):13.
1983 Odontometric Characteristics of Prehistoric South Florida
Populations. American Journal ofPhysical Anthropology
60 (Abstract): 177.

Carr, Robert S.
1981a Dade County Archaeological Survey. Dade County
Historic Survey, Miami. Report on file at Metro-Dade
Historic Preservation Division.
1981b Archaeological Investigations at Two Prehistoric Cemeter-
ies in Dade County. Paper presented at the 45th Annual
Meeting of the Florida Academy of Sciences, Winter Park,
Florida. Florida Scientist 44 (Suppl.1):7.

Carr, Robert S., M. Yaar 14can, and Richard A. Johnson
1984 A Late Archaic Cemetery in South Florida. The Florida
Anthropologist 37:172-188.

Cassel, Natileene W., Kenneth J. Winland, Mary Check-Pennell, and
M. Yasar Iscan
1993 Craniometry and Biological Distance in Three Florida
Aboriginal Populations. Manuscript on file, Department of
Anthropology, Florida Atlantic University, Boca Raton.

Cucina, Andrea, and M. Yaar Ican
1995 Assessment of Enamel Hypoplasia in a High-status Burial
Site. American Journal of Physical Anthropology Suppl.
1996 Ancient Florida Indians: Assessment of Living Conditions
Through the Analysis of Dentition. American Journal of
Physical Anthropology Suppl. 22:91-92.
1997a Dental Pathology of Archaic Florida Indians. In Human
Dental Development, Morphology and Pathology: A
Tribute to Albert A. Dahlberg, edited by J. Lukacs, pp.
387-400. Anthropology Paper 54. University of Oregon,
1997b Assessment of Enamel Hypoplasia in a High Status Burial
Site. American Journal ofHuman Biology 9:213-222.
1997c Biological Variability in Prehistoric Florida Indians:
Assessment of Odontometrics Reduction. American
Journal ofPhysical Anthropology Suppl. 24:97-98.
1998 Odontometric Changes in Pre-contact South Florida
Indians. International Journal of Osteoarchaeology

Furey, John F.
1972 The Spanish River Complex: Archaeological Settlement
Patterning in the Eastern Okeechobee Sub-Area, Florida.
M.A. thesis, Department ofAnthropology, Florida Atlantic
University, Boca Raton.

Gomez, Jos6, and M. Yasar Iscan
1982 Analysis of Human Skeletal Remains from Pasco County.

2000 Voi. 54(l)



Florida Scientist 45 (Suppl.):12.

Hogan, Jacqueline
1978 Palynology ofFort Center: Environmental Interpretations
and Cultural Implicationsfor a Central Florida Hopewel-
lian Ceremonial Center. M.A. thesis, Department of
Anthropology, Florida Atlantic University, Boca Raton.

Iscan, M. Yasar
1983 Skeletal Biology of the Margate-Blount Population. The
Florida Anthropologist 36:154-166.
1989 An Odontometric Profile of a Prehistoric Southeastern
Florida Population. American Journal ofPhysicalAnthro-
pology 78:3-8.
1997 Paget's Disease in Prehistoric Florida. Presented at Orlando
February 22, 1997.

iscan, M. Yasar, Jerome Burken, and Morton H. Kessel
1998 Paget's Disease in Prehistoric Florida. Manuscript submit-
ted to International Journal of Osteoarchaeology.

Iscan, M. Yasar, and Robert S. Carr
1982 Analysis of a Late Archaic Prehistoric Cemetery. Florida
Scientist 45 (Suppl.):13.

iscan, M. Yagar, and Josd Gomez
1982 Prehistoric Paget's Disease from Florida. Florida Scientist
45 (Suppl.):13.

Iscan, M. Yasar, Gary J. Goss, and Robert S. Carr
1982 Cranial Abnormality in Archaic Florida Indian Crania.
Florida Scientist 45 (Suppl.):13.

1tcan, M. Yaar, and W. Jerald Kennedy
1987 Osteological Analysis of Human Remains from the Nebot
Site. Florida Scientist 50:147-155.

iscan, M. Yasar, and Morton H. Kessel
1988 Osteology of the Prehistoric Boynton Beach Indians.
Florida Scientist 51:12-18.
1992 Analysis of Osteological Material from the Briarwoods
Site, Florida. Florida Scientist 55:172-178.
1997 Giant Amerindians: Fact orFantasy? Southeastern Archae-
ology 16:73-78.

Iscan, M. Yaar, Morton H. Kessel, and Robert S. Carr
1993 Human Remains from the Archaic Brickell Bluff Site. The
Florida Anthropologist 46:277-281.
1995 Human Skeletal Analysis of the Prehistoric Flagami South
Site. The Florida Anthropologist 48:54-60.

hIcan, M. Yasar, Morton H. Kessel, and Susanna Marits
1988a Preliminary Spectrographic Elemental Comparison of
SkeletalMaterial from Four Indian Populations ofFlorida.
Abstract submitted to the 6' Congress of the European
Anthropological Association, Budapest, Hungary, Septem-
ber, Book of Abstracts No. 1/52, p. 32, paper not pre-
1988b Preliminary Spectrographic Dietary Comparison of
Skeletal Material from Indian Populations of Florida.
Presented at the 12th International Congress of Anthropo-
logical andEthnological Sciences, Zagreb, Yugoslavia, July
21-31. Collegium Antropologicum 12

(Supplement-Programme):158 (abstract omitted from
1989 Spectrographic Analysis of Trace Elements in Archaeologi-
cal Skeletal Material From Florida: A Preliminary Report.
American Journal ofPhysical Anthropology 79:483-488.

Iscan, M. Yasar, and Patricia Miller-Shaivitz
1983 A Review of Physical Anthropology in the Florida Anthro-
pologist. The Florida Anthropologist 36:114-123.

tIcan, M. Yagar, and Patricia Shaivitz
1985 Prehistoric Syphilis in Florida. Journal ofFlorida Medical
Annals 72:109-113.

Isler, Robert, Jed Schoen, and M. Yasar Iscan
1985a Dental Pathology of a Prehistoric Human Population in
Florida. Florida Scientist 48:129-139.
1985b Dental Pathology of the Fort Center Indian Population.
American Journal of Physical Anthropology 66 (Ab-

Isler, Robert, and M. Yasar Iscan.
1986 Dental Pathological Comparison of Prehistoric Inland and
Coastal Florida Indian Populations. American Journal of
Physical Anthropology 69:217-218.

Jaffe, Howard
1976 Preliminary Report on a Midden Mound and Burial Mound
of the Boynton Mound Complex. The Florida Anthropolo-
gist 29:145-152.

Johnson, William G.
1989 A Study ofSoilfrom the Fort CenterArchaeological Site in
South Florida. Paper presented at the 41st Annual Meeting
of the Florida Anthropological Society, April 28-30,
1990 The Role of Maize in South Florida Aboriginal Societies:
An Overview. The Florida Anthropologist 43:209-214.

Kennedy, W. Jerald, and M. Yasar Ican
1987 Archaeological Investigation of the Nebot Site (8PB219).
Florida Scientist 50:136-146.

Kessel, Morton H.
1991 The Role of Maize in South Florida Aboriginal Societies:
A Commentary. The Florida Anthropologist 44:94.

Kessel, Morton H., Julius Obin, and M. Yasar Iscan
1997 Periodontitis among Pre-contact South Florida Indians.
Abstract of paper presented to the 61st Annual meeting of
the Florida Academy of Sciences, March 14, 1997, Punta
Gorda, FL. Florida Scientist 60 (Suppl. 1):1.

Levy, Marlene G.
1981 Highland Beach Mound. Florida Scientist 44 (Suppl.):6.

Miller-Shaivitz, Patricia, and M. Yasar Ican
1991 The Prehistoric People of Fort Center: Physical and Health
Characteristics. In What Mean These Bones? Studies in
Southeastern Bioarchaeology, edited by Mary Lucas
Powell, Patricia S. Bridges and Ann Marie Wagner Mires,
pp. 131-147. University of Alabama Press, Tuscaloosa.



Mitchem, Jeffrey M.
1985 Excavation of the Briarwoods Site (8PA66), Pasco County,
Florida. Florida Scientist 48:161-165.

Mowers, Bert
n.d. Field notes on the Patrician Complex (8PB99). Manuscript
on file, Department of Anthropology, Florida Atlantic
University, Boca Raton.

Reiches, Kathleen J.
1986 The Dickerson Skeletal Series: Bits and Pieces of North
Carolina Prehistory. In Skeletal Analysis in Southeastern
Archaeology, edited by Janet E. Levy, pp. 61-77. North
Carolina Archaeological Council and the Archaeology
Branch, Archaeology and Historic Preservation Section,
North Carolina Division of Archives and History.

Ritchie, Thomas, Frank Morrison, and Clivia Morrison
1981 Salvage Excavations of the Patrician Shell Mound. The
Florida Anthropologist 34:21-37.

Saunders, Lorraine P.
1972 Osteology of the Republic Groves Site. M.A. thesis,
Department of Anthropology, Florida Atlantic University,
Boca Raton.

Schoen, Jed, Robert Isler, and M. Yasar I1can
1982a The Dental Health of Prehistoric Southeast Florida Indians.
Abstract of paper presented, Florida Scientist 45
1982b Periodontal Disease and Related Pathologies of Prehistoric
Southeast Florida Indians. Abstract of paper presented,
Florida Scientist 45 (Suppl.): 14.

Sears, Elsie OR.
1982 Pollen Analysis. In Fort Center: An Archaeological Site in
the Lake Okeechobee Basin, edited by William H. Sears,
pp. 118-129. University Presses of Florida, Gainesville.

Sears, Elsie OR., and William H. Sears
1976 Preliminary Report on Prehistoric Corn Pollen from Fort
Center, Florida. Bulletin 19:53-56. Southeastern Archaeol-
ogy Conference.

Sears, William H.
1982 Fort Center: An Archaeological Site in the Lake
Okeechobee Basin. University Presses of Florida,

Shaivitz, Patricia M.
1986 Physical and Health Characteristics of the Prehistoric
Indians from theFort CenterSite. M.A. thesis, Department
of Anthropology, Florida Atlantic University, Boca Raton.

Shaivitz, Patricia M., and M. Yasar iscan
1981 Preliminary Analysis of Highland Beach, Florida Skeletal
Remains. Abstract of paper presented, Florida Scientist 44

Stanton, W.M.
1990 Subsistence and Settlement Patterns on the East Coast of
Florida. Florida Scientist 53 (Suppl. 1):6.

Stirling, M. W.
1936 Florida Cultural Affiliations in Relation to Adjacent Areas.
In Essays in Anthropology in Honor of Alfred Louis
Kroeber, pp. 351-357. University of California Press,

Wharton, Barry R., George R. Ballo, and Mitchell E. Hope
1981 The Republic Groves Site, Hardee County, Florida. The
Florida Anthropologist 34:59-80.

Williams, Wilma B.
1983 Bridge to the Past: Excavations at the Margate-Blount Site.
The Florida Anthropologist 36:142-153.

Winland, Kenneth J.
1993 Disease and Population Ecology in Southeast Florida.
M.A. thesis, Department ofAnthropology, Florida Atlantic
University, Boca Raton.

Yesner, David R.
1980 Maritime Hunter-Gatherers: Ecology and Prehistory.
Current Anthropology 21:727-750.

2000 VOL. 54(1)




Gary Beiter's Consulting Service, 3548 SW 69 Way, Miramar Florida 33023


Bamboo Mound, a former tree island midden located on
the Portland Plant property, was partially excavated by Laxson
(1958). It was recorded as 8DA94 in the Florida Master Site
File in 1980 and was a subject of a Phase I survey done by
Beiter (1998). Laxson (1959) reported that the midden had
been destroyed by the construction of a dynamite shed and
railroad spur. The Florida Master Site File report in 1980
stated that there were some undisturbed areas at the site. The
Phase I survey in 1997 (Beiter 1998) disclosed a complete
repositioning of the site by scraping into a series of spoil piles
and ridges. It was estimated by the age of the vegetative
growth that the piles had been created five to ten years before
the Beiter survey and that the ridges were created 10 to 20
years before the survey. Despite the disturbed nature of
8DA94, the Miami-Dade County Historic Preservation
Division required the developer to retain an archaeological
consultant in order to recover as much information as possible
about the site. The author, under contract to the Graves
Museum of Archaeology and Natural History, was directed in
March 1998 to commence work on Bamboo Mound to fulfill
the mitigation obligations required by the county. Fieldwork
started in June 1998.
The research design took into consideration the disturbed
nature of the site. Diagnostic ceramics and contact period
items could help determine the overall occupation of the site
during the Glades and Seminole periods. However, due to the
disturbance of the site, the pre-ceramic time span would be
difficult to determine unless original mound areas were found.
Research questions on subsistence, settlement patterns (Mow-
ers 1972; Williams 1983), and trade were posited for the entire
occupation period, although the possibility of establishing
change was negligible. Concretions that have been found on
a number of local sites were of concern in the research
Although the site was disturbed, data were obtained that
added to our knowledge of the archaeology of southeast
Florida and can be used for comparative purposes. The
chronology of the site was established from diagnostic arti-
facts, which suggest that the site had continuous activities
taking place from the Late Archaic to the Seminole Period.
Several new varieties of ceramic and bone point types were
identified. The clam/oyster shell ratio was noted. Portions of
the concretions were dated and compared to other sites. The
occurrence of pond apple snails was compared to other sites.

Inferences were made on the cultural components, their
economic organization, and the field or recovery methodology
used in southeast Florida.

Natural Setting

Bamboo Mound is in Section 25 of Township 54 South,
Range 38 East, Dade County, Florida (Figures 1 and 2). The
property also has been referred to as the Portland property. It
is owned, at present, by Kendall Property and Investments.
The property was originally part of the Modelland Company
and Perrine Grant Land Company (Lanson 1903). General
Portland owned the land since at least 1956 (Kendall Proper-
ties 1997) and has been owned by Kendall Properties and
Investments since 1995 (Dade County 1998). Access to the
property is a service road off Krome Avenue approximately 5
km (3 mi) south of the Tamiami Trail.
Miami Oolite is the basement formation, with a variety of
soils capping it. Biscayne marl, Dania muck, Tamiami muck
(depressional), and Chekika (very gravely) loam are the main
soils. A 1903 map (Lanson 1903) shows two sloughs: one on
the south edge of Section 24, and one on the north edge. The
north slough runs from west to east, then to the southeast to
the Cutler Ridge area. The south slough traverses from the
west to the east, reaching the location of present-day Krome
Avenue where it bends to the south. A 7.5 minute United
States Geologic Survey topographic map shows what could be
the remains of a slough running north-south to the east of the
Due to scraping with machinery, natural soils do not exist
on the site or to the south of it. Small mounds and ridges were
clumped to the north of a cleared area. A ridge approximately
3 m high, 20 m wide, and 40 m long was on the west side of
the cleared area. A sand pile was on the cleared area to the
north of a set of east-west railroad tracks on the south side of
the subject area. Vegetation in the area consisted of shrubs,
sawgrass, bamboo, paw paw, papaya, and Brazilian pepper.
The mounds to the immediate west of the cleared area had a
few shrubs and grass growing on them. A large rubble mound
to the more distant west had 20 to 30 year-old hardwoods
growing on it. The ridges to the north of the cleared area have
bamboo with 5-cm diameters and 10 to 20 year-old trees.


A hydraulic method of excavation was tried and proved


VOL. 54(1)


MARCH 2001








Bamboo Mound

O Railroad



0.00 400.00

Refugee Island


-0- 00.


800.00 1200.00


Figure 1. Location of the Portland property, showing Bamboo M
and Refuge Island sites.

very successful on the south quarter of the pile. The hydraulic
excavation was done with a four-inch pump. A stream of
water was aimed at the higher portions of the pile, which
loosened the matrix. Boulders, rocks, cobbles, and pebbles
were left in place, while gravel, sand, silt, and clay particles
along with organic were washed out into a sump area. Most
sherds and bones were washed out with the gravel. Some
sherds were left with the rock debitage and were picked up
there. The separated portions were then processed in a fine-

mesh wet screen, which had 0.3 cm openings.
Trenches were cut hydraulically first at N35E249,
N51E249, N75E265, N75E280, and N75E320 to
determine whether any of the original mound was
under the piles (Figure 3). The areas between the
trenches, as well as the trenches themselves, were
given zone designations. All trenches were expanded
by hydraulic washing to the next trench until the piles
were completed.
Trench IV was dug to intersect the north piles at a
right angle. Due to the possible proximity of the
trench to a speculated mound deposit, the excavation
was done by shovel in 50-cm levels and screened
through 0.64 cm mesh. A 30 x 30 cm test unit was
dug at N91E265 (Unit 1) and later expanded to a 60 x
60 cm unit.
A series of posthole and shovel tests was dug north
of the bamboo line (N80). These tests targeted several
low mounds and solution holes to determine whether
there were unaltered deposits in the area. Because of
the possibility of the presence of some unaltered
material, one of the posthole tests was expanded to a
1 x 1 m unit at E295N91 (Unit 2). Unit 3 was exca-
vated in a suspected area at E346N131. It was subse-
quently expanded to include five 1 x 1 m squares
(E346N131 133, E345N131 132). Unit 4 was dug
in a large solution hole atE315N75. Large concretion
fragments were opened up and the archaeological
material was tabulated as a separate collection zone.
To preserve any unaltered deposits in the solution
holes during anticipated clearing of the area north of
the bamboo line (including the bamboo line), the
decision was made, in agreement with Dade County,
that when clearing the soil the owner would go just to
the tops of the solution holes. A pad of crushed rock
would be placed over the area and used for sand
After a suggestion from the Miami-Dade County
Historic Preservation Division, the decision was made
to metal detect all the scraped sectors to locate any
Seminole material in the upper zones of solution
holes. Results of the metal detecting are included in
the piles column in Table 1.
Ceramic types were classified based on Griffin
(1988). Plain ceramics were analyzed by the these
attributes: hardness of the surface (Mohs' scale),
hardness of the core (Mohs' scale), temper type and
size, surface color, core color, and thickness. Some

previously unrecognized variations of incised ceramics were
recognized (Table 1). Identification of some types is tentative
pending additional research.
Bead descriptions are based on Carr (1981; 1989) and Jim
Lord (personal communication, 1998) (Table 2; Figure 11).
In this study, categories were used to define bone points as
narrow (width less than 10 mm), broad (width more than 10
mm), notched, polished, or socketed. Ceramics, beads, bone
points, and shell tools were analyzed by density and frequency


2001 VOL. 54(1)


1600.00"- 1- -


1400.00 N



800.00 0

7 /
600.00- \


200.00- B 0 o
Bamboo Mound I i

No Road

C lex

C/ 'm Entrance R

Piles of Material
Removed from

0.00 200.00



400.00 800.00
Contour Interval: .3 Meter


Figure 2. Map of the Portland Property.

(Tables 1-5). The density was obtained by dividing the type
frequency by the volume of earth that was worked minus 15
percent, which was the observed amount of bedrock that was
incorporated into the removed midden during the scraping of
the mound into piles. Each type frequency was divided by the

sum of all the type frequencies within the class.
Faunal samples were taken at Zones I, II, and IV from a
matrix with a total volume of 48 cubic meters. Analysis and
interpretation were concerned with determiningthe density for



-- I




i )


200.00 220.00 240.00 260.00 280.00 300.00 320.00 340.00

0 20


40 60

I Contour Interval: .2 Meter
Figure 3. Contour map of 8DA94 showing location of spoil piles, original deposits, trenches and final disposition of back dirt.
"Fines" are clays, silt and sand that were washed out of piles.

each class of animal remain. The density value was deter
mined from the weight or count divided by the adjusted
volume of sample matrix. The matrix was adjusted by
lowering the volume by 15 percent. The results of the density
analysis are presented in Table 2. Due to the disturbed nature
of the site, the chronology of the utilization of the faunal
material cannot be determined. The results are included for
possible comparative studies of the environment of sites.
All data points were taken from the southwest section

corer. Elevations were taken at the southwest covers of
units. All units were dug in 10-cm levels. Material from the
site was sent to the Graves Museum for conservation, analysis,
and storage.


Site Appearance

2001 VOL 54(1)


BEITER B~moo Mour~n

Figure 4. 1957 photograph facing west of the 8DA94 area. The mound has been bisected by a railroad track and canal.

A 1957 photograph (Figure 4), providedby Jim Lord of the
Archaeological Society of Southern Florida, shows the original
mound to the west. The north one-third was separated from
the south two-thirds by a railroad track and a canal running
east and west through it. Figure 5 is a plan view of what the
mound's configuration and extent might have been, based on
the photograph and Laxson's description of it (Laxson 1959).
The Phase I survey, which was done before the sand piles
had covered the original bulldozed site, documented a high
bedrock shelf at the base of the mound area (Beiter 1998).
Laxson (1959) noted a dynamite storage building on top of the
north section of the mound. Employees of the present mining
operation stated that all brush and trees had to be removed to
keep a cleared area with a radius of 60 m around the building.
The vegetation was cleared periodically by bulldozer and
moved to the north. An aerial photograph of the mining
operation in a trade journal shows the mound with the building
on top and the cleared areas as they appeared in 1987 (Drake

Field Observations

Spoil piles in all of the zones had the same basic composi-
tion: midden soil, off mound soil, artifacts, ecofacts, features,
historic trash, and bedrock fragments with no stratification.
Sediment analysis of a dark-brown soil sample, taken from
Zone I, had a composition of 75% sand and 25% silt and

North of the bamboo line, at N80, the layer of soil over the
bedrock was a black organic deposit, 5-10 cm thick. The
deposit extended under the bamboo line and the spoil pile just
to the south of N80. This layer, being thin, had prehistoric,
Seminole, and post-Seminole objects commingled. Shovel
testing found several medium-depth solution holes that had no
historic material in the lower portions of them. The topogra-
phy north of the bamboo line was undulating with several low
spots filled with water and intervening high areas with
surfaces, on the average, 30 cm above the water table.
A depression in the bedrock was centered at E275N90 with
a diameter of 5 m and at least 2 m deeper than the water table.
The depression was filled with an organic muck up to 20 cm
below the water surface. Several plain ceramic sherds were
recovered from the upper levels with a hand dredge.
An elevated area (E265N91) appeared undisturbed by
bulldozing since it was lower than the bulldozed piles encoun-
tered earlier and it abutted the north end of the tree line. A 60
x 60 cm test hole (Unit 1), with 5-cm levels, had no stratifica-
tion to the water table at 40 cm below datum. The soil was a
midden type, black and granular. Historic trash or Seminole
material was recovered at all levels except three and seven;
therefore, the unit was placed in the piles category in Table 2.
A high area (E295N92) was also suspected to be undis-
turbed by bulldozing, since the area was low and abutted the
north edge of the tree line. A 1 x 1 m test unit (Unit 2), with
10 cm levels, had no stratification until 40 cm below datum
(Figure 6). The soil to 40 cm below datum was a black




150.00- -


50.00- 1.8 meter Shef

-0. - -Raitroa
0.00-'- r_

_t; Iv







.il.eters A u --
0 20 40 60 80
Contour Interval: .2 Meter

Figure 5. Bedrock and features of the 8DA94 area in 1957.

midden type. Below the black midden soil, orange marl was
found, which graded into gray fine sand at 70 cm where the
water table was present. Historic trash was found in each level
to a depth of 50 cm. A Glades Tooled ceramic fragment was
found in the orange marl at 45 cm and an unclassified incised
sherd at 55 cm. It appears as if large volumes of mound
material had been moved north past the bamboo line and
arbitrarily dumped, which resulted in the high areas at Units



Fragments of concretions were ubiquitous in the spoil piles.
The concretions were composed of masses of fragmentary
bones, both large and small pieces of clam shell, small pieces
of land and freshwater snails, and a few plain sherds. The
largest fragments of concretions had a thickness of approxi-

1 and 2.
A rise centered at E346N131 that was low
and flat was assumed to be an outlier of the
mound since it was not in a form of a pile or
row. This area was 10 x 20 m in surface area.
However, the eastern portion of it had been
scraped to bedrock leaving a 5 x 10 m section.
A concentration of early Glades Tooled sherds
from the same pot was found on the surface of
the outlier at E346N131. The test unit (Unit 3)
contained a human cranial fragment in the
E346N131 square, 15 cm below datum. Most
of this square was disturbed since there was no
stratification and historic material was found at
the lower levels. There was disturbance to
bedrock in all sections of the square, except for
the area that contained the sherd scatter.
Squares E346N132 133 had two strata.
The top one was brown and loose, with arti-
facts. The bottom one was dark brown, com-
pact, and clay-like, with no artifacts. The
upper stratum was 10-25 cm thick, and the
bottom stratum was15-20 cm thick. Historic
material was dispersed throughout the upper
level as if some mixing had taken place. Based
on the presence of non-scattered Glades Tooled
sherds and the intermittent disturbance of the
strata throughout the unit, it appears that the
unit was randomly disturbed in some areas but
not in others.
After clearing down to bedrock had been
completed south of the bamboo line (N80),
deep solution holes were noticed at E315N75.
A 1 x I m test unit (Unit 4), with 10 cm levels,
had no stratification to 30 cm below datum.
The first 30 cm combined dark brown soil with
a fine texture. At 30 cm, the dark brown soil
became very compact and a circular, red clay
deposit was found in the northwest quadrant of
the solution hole. The compact deposit was
excavated to the water table at 48 cm. A high
concentration of late-period (post 1870) Semi-
nole beads was found in the solution hole. One
bead, not tabulated in Table 2, was recovered at
42 cm below datum. Data obtained from Unit
4 suggests that a hole was dug in a filled solu-
tion hole during the late Seminole period. A
number of Seminole beads was deposited in the
hole, and the hole refilled.


2001 VOL. 54(1)


Datum West Wall

Black granular soil



Orange Tan Gray


Dark G


Clayey Dark Gray


295.00 295.10 295.20 295.30 295.40 295.50 295.60 295.70 295.80

295.90 296.00





Figure 6. Profile of Unit 2 (E295N91).

mately 40 cm.

A 90 g sample of a clam shell, which was an inclusion 20
cm below the surface of a concretion fragment, was submitted
to Beta Analytic, Inc., in Miami. The shell had a conventional
radiocarbon age of 2990 +/- 70 years B. P.; calibrated dates (2
sigma, 95% probability) were 965 to 735 B.C. The original
top and bottom surfaces of the fragment used for the radiocar-
bon test could not be determined.

A possible post mold feature was found in one concretion
fragment. A narrow bone point was found in another concre-
tion. Large concretions, which we gathered and broke up,
contained representative sherds of most of the local plain
ceramics as well as St. Johns Plain. The faunal material had
density values by weight of 200 for fish, 138 for turtle, and 16
for snake. Fish vertebrae in the concretions had a weight 40%
less than fish vertebrae in the midden soil. Turtle bone and
snake vertebrae weights were similar in the concretion and




I i








Row 5

Figure 7. Key Largo Incised motif variants from Bamboo Mound (8DA94): Row 1) motif variants A, B, C, D, and E; Row
2) motif variants F, G, H, I, and J; Row 3) motif variants L, M, N, and 0; Row 4) motif variants P and Q; Row 5) motif
variant K.


Artifacts and Bone

Artifacts and faunal remains that were recovered are listed
in Tables 1-4, and some are shown in Figures 7 through 13.
Only one hafted shell tool was recovered, which was identified
as a Type G hammer (500 B.C.-A.D. 1000). About 300
fragments of pond apple snail shells were recovered, which
together would amount to less than 100 individuals for the
whole site. Over 26,000 pottery sherds were collected from the
spoil piles and test units. Sherds were found from nearly every
ceramic period in south Florida. Several variants of Key
Largo Incised were identified and a tentative classification
developed (see Figures 7, 8, and 9). Thirty percent of the
Glades Plain sherds were softer than others (less than 3.5 on
the Mohs' scale). One complete and two broken Hernando
points were found (Figure 12). Chert flakes, and a core of
material similar to the points, also were recovered. Metal
detecting on the site located and recovered numerous metallic
objects. Most of the objects probably were of Seminole origin,

but those that were unidentifiable have been listed as historic
Human remains mainly consisted of teeth. One mandible
fragment encrusted with concretion and a cranial fragment
were found. The remains were dispersed randomly throughout
the site. All the teeth were moderately to severely worn. The
minimum number of individuals is three: two adults and one
Turtle, fish, and snake remains were numerous. The total
weight of turtle bone and shell from the sample areas was
27,829 g. A turtle shell sub-sample of 13,790 g contained:
1% or less, each, of Cooter, Chicken, Painted, and Snapping
turtle; Softshell turtle was 4%; the rest of the sample was
unidentifiable. A 1597 g sub-sample of the total 4374 g of
snake vertebrae was identified as 99% water moccasin verte-
brae. Fish taxa were not identified. Garfish scales, however,
were noted in the samples.
Species other than turtle, fish, and snake were represented
in the faunal material by alligator teeth, alligator scutes, deer
antlers, and phalanges. No crania, mandibles, or ribs were

Row 1

Row 2

Row 3

Row 4

2001 VOL. 54(1)





12 13 14 15 16 17 18 19 20 11 12 13 14 15 16 17 18 19 20 21

j 'ii quiii i|a Anii 7iii ii 1iim0 pii21 1 iniiA IiAL '" Oi 10 ""I""""" '"' l" '"

Figure 8. Key Largo Incised variants and other sherds identified from Bamboo Mound: a) Key Largo Incised variant "B;"
b) Key Largo Incised variant "E;" c) Key Largo Incised variant "D;" d) Key Largo Incised variant "H;" e-g) Key Largo
Incised variant "L;" h) Plantation Pinched; i) Ft. Drum Punctate ; j) Key Largo Incised variant "A;" k) Key Largo Incised
variant "K;" 1-m) Key Largo Incised variant "A;" n) Key Largo Incised variant "J;" o) Key Largo Incised variant "Q;" p)
Key Largo Incised variant "P;" q) Key Largo Incised variant "M;" r) Key Largo Incised variant "N."

found from alligators, deer, or other large mammals. Mandi
bles of small mammals (mainly raccoon) were found in some
numbers. Not listed in Table 3 are small occurrences of Lion's
Paw shell, Flamingo Tongue shell, siren vertebrae, a panther
tooth, and two bear teeth.
Numerous worked bone and shell objects, in different
stages of manufacture, were found. The bone and shell
artifacts were possibly for decoration or ceremony. However,
some of the worked antlers appear to be for tool use as han-
dles. A unique shell point was recovered as well as a barbed
bone point or pin. Some of the bone points and gorges were
polished. The most common worked shells were celts,
followed by columella hammers, columella cutting tools, and
drilled clam shells. Several shark vertebrae were found that
had deep grooves cut around the rims. The grooves were not
similar to those present on ray vertebrae, which are much
shallower and narrower.


Midden Destruction

It is inferred, based on the 1957 and 1987 photos, that the
south half of the Bamboo Mound was removed to some

presently unknown location sometime after the 1957 photo but
before 1987. The north half was pushed to the west after
1987. The piles (of shrubs, trees, and dirt) to the north were
probably the vegetation and upper midden layers that were
removed for fire prevention around the dynamite shack and in
preparation for the complete removal of the midden to the
western piles.


At least 2 Hernando points recovered from the site date, in
Florida, from ca. 1000 B.C.-A.D. 900 (Ste. Claire 1996),
making them poor temporal indicators of the Late Archaic, as
once was thought. The presence of flakes and a core of
material similar to the points indicates that they might have
been made or reworked on site.
The lack of fiber-tempered ceramics suggests that there
was not a Late Archaic component at the site. However,
ceramic sherds were recovered from all of the Glades periods.
In addition, ceramics that are rare in southeast Florida were
found that represent several periods of emigration, trade, or
Interpretation of the density data for the ceramics indicates
that there was an increase of activity during two different




a 1 20o 21 22

24 25 2 16 "'7 Y 67 o 20 22

Figure 9. Artifacts from Bamboo Mound: a) Key Largo Incised variant "F;" b) Key Largo Incised variant "I;" c) Key Largo
Incised variant "C;" d) Key Largo Incised variant "G;" e) Deptford stamped sherd; f) sherd with partial handle; g)
unclassified incised; h) Glades paste, noded; i-i) miscellaneous incised sherds; m, n, o, q, r) miscellaneous incised and
punctated sherds; p, s) Gordon's Pass Incised.

periods: one between ca. A.D. 750-1100 composed of the
Miami Incised, Opa Locka Incised, and Key Largo Incised
components, and the other between ca. A.D. 1400-1500
consisting of the Glades Tooled component. Interspersed
around these heavy activity periods were periods of lighter
activity represented other ceramics. The low density of other
ceramics during the light activity periods may represent
short-term occupations of the site.
Evidence for post-contact period (A.D. 1513-1760)
occupation of the site is not very strong. A few fragments of
majolica were found. Some of the glass beads may be from the
post-contact period as well as a tiny, incised, silver effigy
pendant that appears to be a miniature representation of a
scallop or Lion's Paw shell (Figure 13). An iron tomahawk
found during metal detecting also could be from the post-
contact period. Glass beads and conchas were the best
evidence of the Seminole Period (ca. A.D. 1760-1920). Other
items found were probably Seminole, such as ax heads,
enameled tinware, cartridges, and musket balls. It is possible
that these could have been deposited by non-aboriginal people
while hunting or on military operations.


Concretions were found and partially dated. The Cheetam

site, which is the closest and most similar in environmental
factors to the Bamboo Mound, has concretions that differ in
color and dates from those at Bamboo Mound. Bamboo
Mound's concretions are black and those from the Cheetam
site are light gray (Newman 1993). The dates from the
Cheetam site's concretions are much earlier than the one
obtained from Bamboo Mound. The dates of concretions from
the Peace Camp and Bishop Hammock sites in Broward
County, as well as from the Coleman site in Dade County, are
compatible with the one from Bamboo Mound (Coleman 1973;
Mowers 1972; Williams 1979). It may be that concretions are
site specific in their morphology and formation.

Cultural Components

Variants of the Key Largo Incised ceramics, bone points,
and other artifact types could be considered changes in
traditions carried on across a span of time. Alternately, the
density of the variants was low, which could be the result of
idiosyncratic behavior or skill fluctuations. However, if the
same variants are found at other sites, then the explanation for
the variants could be functional, evolutionary, or drift due to
Several types of bone points that should be considered
different from bone pins, which are longer and have a longer


2001 VOL. 54(1)

11 12 13 14 15 16 17 18 19 2(' 1 13 14 15 16 17 s9 2 o 2


15 16 17 18 19 20 21 22 23

15 16 17 18 19 20 21 22 23 24

% u a t: i 1 a2 2n 2 2 k 2s ~ .4 I 17 l 19 20 21

Figure 10. Artifacts from Bamboo Mound: a-d) shell impressed on St. Johns paste rims; e) miscellaneous incised; f) ladder
incised; g) possible Pinellas Plain rim; h) miscellaneous incised; i) St. Johns Check Stamped; j) unclassified punctate; k)
perforated rim; 1) Deptford Simple Stamped; m-p) Ft. Drum Incised variants.

taper, were identified from Bamboo Mound. As with the Key
Largo Incised variants, these types will have to be recorded
from other sites to establish whether they were present at
Bamboo Mound as functional differences, evolutionary
variants, idiosyncrasies, skill fluctuations, or drift from

Variation in Key Largo Incised Design Motif

Archaeologist John Goggin (Goggin and Sommer 1949:36-
37, Plate 3) recognized the variability of the consecutive loop
motif that characterizes Key Largo Incised pottery.
Considerable variation was noted in the sample of Key Largo
Incised from Bamboo Mound, including some of those
recognized by Goggin and Sommer (1949). A tentative
classification of the variations from Bamboo Mound is
presented in Figure 7, and includes 16 motif variants. Exam-
ples of the sherds are illustrated in Figures 8 and 9.

Economic Organization

Subsistence patterns for each component of the site were
not determined, but the resource value (density) of the site as
a whole was determined for turtle, fish, and snake. These
values can be used to compare the Bamboo Mound with
economic evidence from other post-3500 B.C. sites in the

region. The small number of hafted shell cutting-edged tools
and hammers may suggest that this site was not used for
activities in which those tools might have been used, such as
root harvesting or wood-working. The density of shell tools,
columellae, unworked conchs, and celts should be compared
to other sites.

Clam/Oyster Ratio

Clam (Mercenaria sp.) shell densities are much greater
than oyster shell densities. Clams and oysters were brought
approximately 18 km (11 mi) from the coast to the site. Few
of the clam shells were worked. Therefore, the prevalence of
clams over oysters generates several questions. Were the
clams more of a food source than oysters? If so, were they
preferred for gastronomical reasons or because they stayed
fresher longer? Were there environmental factors that
precluded the harvesting of oysters? Did they serve ceremo-
nial functions? Future research at contemporaneous sites
should note the density of oyster and clam shells.

Pond Apple Snails

Recovery of pond apple snail shells at Bamboo Mound was
minimal, but dense layers of these snail shells were found
nearby at Refugee, Panther North, and Panther South (Beiter




11 12 13 1 4 15

Ill lijiii ll 1111 111 llll
1A IC 41M

'i" lllll 6 17 18 19 20ll l l lll IIljlii ||| li
16 17 18 19 20

-o n, ,,! rlllll lll ll ll l lll l l ll llll llll l

Figure 11. Glass, shell, bone and clay beads from Bamboo Mound: a) dark blue wire wound, round; b) large shell disc; c)
ultramarine six-sided tube; d) opaque light blue multifaceted molded; e) shell disc; f) bird bone; g) turquoise blue wire wound,
round; h) tubular shell; i) shell disc; j) ultramarine six-sided tube; k) non-reflective light blue, doughnut-shaped Padre
bead;" 1) reflective light blue, doughnut-shaped "Padre bead;" m) large reflective blue, doughnut-shaped "Padre bead;" n-o)
cobalt blue, doughnut-shaped "spacer beads;" p-r) translucent green, orange, and blue multifaceted five-sided molded; s)
opaque orange multifaceted molded; t) tubular shell bead; u-w) shell beads; x-y) pale blue wire wound; z) black or dark blue
multifaceted molded or pressed design; aa) broken clay bead; bb) red or orange over white center, round "white heart bead;"
cc) large turquoise blue wire wound; dd) blue six sided tube; ee) opaque pale green multifaceted molded; ff) small blue "seed
bead;" gg) opaque violet, round.

1998). Finding these layers in the stratigraphic column
indicates either that they were used for food in large quantities
for short periods or small quantities for long periods, or that
some environmental factor caused their concentration. Since
Bamboo Mound was in the same ecosystem as these sites, the
availability of the snails as a food source should have been the
same. However, they were not utilized on Bamboo Mound, or,
the same environmental factors did not affect Bamboo Mound.
Alternately, the snails could have been part of the fill that was
brought to the tree islands to make them more habitable.


A comparison of Laxson's (1959) sampling at Bamboo
Mound and this study may be a statement on the value of
arbitrary sampling versus some other, more efficient proce-
dure. Laxson found only Glades II and III ceramics, with
eight decorated types at Bamboo Mound. However, this
investigation recovered decorated types from nearly all
periods, with over 40 types. It is important that we review the

recovery methods that are being used in south Florida.


As the result of a Phase I survey, it was discovered that a
former tree island site, Bamboo Mound (8DA94), was com-
pletely redeposited by bulldozing of the original midden into
spoil piles to the west and north of the original location.
Bamboo Mound had been sampled previously by Laxson
(1959) and surveyed for the Florida Master Site File in 1980.
The Miami-Dade County Historical Preservation Division
informed the owner of the property, Kendall Properties and
Investments, that the piles would have to be screened to
recover artifacts that were known to be present from the Phase
I survey. Screening started in June 1998. Several methods of
screening were tried, and hydraulic washing and wet screening
proved to be the best. Shovel tests, monitoring, and metal
detecting delineated features and original activity areas off the
main site. Four units were excavated to test elevations that
were suspected of being original deposits. Only two of these


2001 VOL. 54(1)


12 13 14 15 16 i iiilii
12 13 14 15 16

1I I 19 I 2 2 1 I 2 2 I 24
17 18 19 20 21 22 23 24

Figure 12. Hernando type bifaces and chert flakes.

iM ru1111111111ui 1ii ii- 1 1111I111 11111

Figure 13. Obverse and reverse of silver effigy.

units had undisturbed lower levels. There is a possibility that
the deeper solution holes may have undisturbed deposits;
therefore, they were preserved by capping with road rock and
Numerous diagnostic objects and large numbers of other
artifacts and ecofacts were recovered that spanned several time
periods. The pre-contact periods were represented, from
probably ca. 2000 B.C. to A.D. 1513, possibly through the
post-contact period from ca. A.D. 1513 to 1760, and the

Seminole Period from ca. A.D. 1760 to 1920. Varieties of
ceramics and bone points not previously defined were identi-
fied. Whether they will stand as distinct types will depend on
their occurrence at other sites.
Questions were generated and some hypotheses offered, but
much information was lost because the stratification and
assemblages were not in order. The data that were obtained
and the questions and hypotheses considered in this study
could be used to guide future investigations. It should be
evident from this study that no site should be discounted as
insignificant, even if it has been completely disturbed. In a
region where a cultural-historical framework and diagnostic
artifacts have been ascertained, some information can be
gained from disturbed sites.


Brian Conesa and Alex Rodriquez were the field and lab
technicians on the Bamboo Mound project. Photography was done by
Harry Robelen ll of HR Productions. I would like to acknowledge
the Archaeological Society of South Florida for their "all-around"
help. Several members of the Broward County Archaeological
Society participated in the screening process.

References Cited

Beiter, Gary N.
1998 An Archeological Survey of the Portland Plant Property
Section 24, 25, Township 54S, Range 38E, Dade County,
Florida. On file, Dade County Historic Preservation




Board, Miami.

Carr, Robert S.
1981 The Brickell Store and Seminole Indian Trade. The
Florida Anthropologist 34:180-190.
1989 Archaeological Excavations at the Stranahan House
(8Bd259), Ft. Lauderdale, Florida. TheFloridaAnthropol-
ogist 42:7-33.

Coleman, Wesley F.
1973 Site Da-141, Dade County, Florida. The Florida Anthro-
pologist 26:126-128.

Dade County
1998 Dade County Tax Roll. Dade County, Florida.

Drake, Bob
1987 Cover Photo. Rock Products. September issue.

Goggin, John M., and Frank H. Sommer MI
1949 Excavations on Upper Matecumbe Key, Florida. Publica-
tions in Anthropology No. 41. Yale University Press, New

Griffin, John W.
1988 The Archeology ofEverglades National Park: A Synthesis.
Prepared for National Park Service, Southeastern Archeo-
logical Center, Tallahassee.

Kendall Properties and Investments
1997 Application to the U.S. Army Corps of Engineers. Kendall
Properties and Investments, Ft. Lauderdale.


Williams, Wilma B.
1983 Bridge to the Past: Excavations at the Margate-Blount
Site. The Florida Anthropologist 36:142-153.

Williams, Wilma B., and Bert Mowers
1979 Bishops Hammock, Broward County, Florida. The Florida
Anthropologist 32:17-32.

Map. Land Department, Florida East Coast Railway. On
file, Miami-Dade County Library, Miami.

Laxson, Dan D.
1958 Letter to Ripley Bullen, Florida State Museum. On file,
Kendall Properties Investment, Ft. Lauderdale.
1959 Excavations in Dade County During 1957. The Florida
Anthropologist 12:57-71.

Milanich, Jerald T.
1994 ArchaeologyofPrecolumbianFlorida. University Press of
Florida, Gainesville.

Mowers, Bert
1977 Pottery in South Florida. Manuscript on file, Graves
Museum ofArchaeology and Natural History, Dania Beach,

Mowers, Bert, and Wilma B. Williams
1972 The Peace Camp Site, Broward County, Florida. The
Florida Anthropologist 25:1-20.

Newman, Christine
1993 The Cheetum Site: An Archaic Burial Site in Dade County,
Florida. The Florida Anthropologist 46:1-37.

Ste. Claire, Dana
1996 A Technological and Functional Analysis of Hernando
Projectile Points. The Florida Anthropologist49:189-200.


2001 VOL. 54(1)


Table 1. Ceramic artifacts.

Artifacts from: Piles Conc Shovel tests Excavation Units Metal de-
ret- tector tests
Stratum/level 1 2 3 5 12 3 4 5 6 7 1 2 :
Deptford 6
St. Johns Plain 423 3 1 4 2 1
St. Johns Incised 9
Surfside Incised 44
Glades Tooled 301 5 2 3 1 1 2
noded sherds, Glades 2
Matecumbe Incised 21 1
Dade Incised 10
Key Largo Incised vari- 235 1 1 1 1 1 2
Oa Locka Incised 63 1 1
Miami Incised 47 2 1
Arch Creek Incised 1
Ft. Drum 22
Gordon's Pass Incised 4
sand-temperedplain 24114 22 300 114 79 81 3 91 84 76 48 18 4 14
(Glades PI.)
Glades Red 54 5 16 6 2 1 2 1
shell tempered plain 2
unclassified plain 138 1
unclassified incised 362 1 2 2 1 2
Clay Effigy 1
Clay Ball 4
Partial Clay Bead 1
Sherd Discs 3
Clay Gaming Piece 2




Table 2. Historic artifacts.

Artifacts from: Piles Concre- Excavation units Shovel tests Metal de-
tion n tector tests
Stratum/level 1 2 3 4 5 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 1 2 3
Oneida Spoon 1
Ladle Fragments 3
Silver Effigy 1
Shell Casings 79 1 6 1
Pumice 2
Recent Trash (liters or 64 x x x x x x x x x x
Concho 4
Bottle 1890-1925 2
Majolica 5
Porcelain frgmts 8
Stoneware frgmts 26
Axehead 5
Whetstone 1
Brooch 1
Sewing Needle 1
Hatchet Head 1
Brass Pot 1
Tomahawk Iron 1
Brass Cartridge 1
Musket Ball 1 1
Coin 1896 2
Enameled Tinware 18
Clay Pipe Bowl 1
Enameled Kettle To 1
Tubular Glass Bead 2
Spacer Beads 5
Padre Beads 94 1 1
Russian Beads 13
Seed Beads 35 2
White Heart Bead 5
Multifaceted Bead 65 1 1 1 10 5 2
Wire Wound Bead 11 1
Porcelain Button 36 3 2 6

2001 VOL 54(1)


BETTER BAMI300 Mour'~n

Table 3. Faunal material.

Materials from: Piles Conc Excavation units Shovel tests Metal de-
ret- tector tests
Stratum/level 1 2 3 4 5 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 1 2 3
Fish Vertebra Count 12051 60 259 106 44 40 3 52 63 78 60 24 24 7 5
Weight gm 11821 41 149 61 34 37 1 30 36 49 45 19 12 3 21
Turtle Weight 27829 42 430 139 99 51 1 99 69 81 65 73 49 91 38 54
Snake Vert. Count 6474 5 189 119 28 45 2 21 35 35 18 13 20 23 2 6
Weight gm 4374 5.6 81 51 19 20 2 10 28 24 20 14 16 9 2 5
Bird Weightgm 1747 2 7 1 0 3 0 1 3 5
Oyster Count 37 9 1 0 0 1 0
Clam Count 2377 10 52 18 19 10 0 18 18 27 16 12 3
Conch Shellfrgmts 1811 16 6 6 1 2 1 2 4 1 0
Oliva Shell 2
Alligator Teeth 51 1
Deer Phalange Count 463 3 1 1 2 2 0 0 1 1
Deer Antler Count 129 1 1 1 0 1 2 1 1
Deer Teeth Count 80 1 2
Stingray Barb 2
Misc. Mammal Man- 263
dibles __




Table 4. Prehistoric artifacts.

Artifacts from: Piles Concre- Excavation units Shovel tests Metal de-
tion tector tests
Stratum/level 1 2 3 4 5 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 1 2 3
Worked Stone 6
Coquina Rock 1
Tubular Shell Bead 2
Disk Shell Bead 6
Round Shell Bead 1
Shell Point 1
Pendant Shell 1
Shark Teeth 143 1 3 1
Worked Bone 23 2
Barbed Bone
Narrow Bone 1
Socketed Bone Point 13
Polished Bone Point 7
Notched Bone Point 7
Narrow Bone Point 65 2
Wide Bone Point 13
Gorge Bone 17
Antler Polished 2
Antler Handle 4
Awl Bone 2
Shark Vertebra 4
Worked Shark Teeth 20
Drilled Ray Vertebra 3
Hernando Biface 1
Chert Flakes and Cores 18
Copralite 24 1 1
Columella 195 1
Celts 143 2 1
Human Bone 6
Human Teeth 19
Human 1

2001 VOL. 54(1)


BErrER BAMI3Oo Mour~n

Table 5. Ceramics by frequency and density, Bamboo Mound.

Ceramic type Count Frequency Density
(%) (per cubic
Deptford 6 0.02 0.01
St. Johns Plain 423 1.64 0.54
St. Johns Incised 9 0.03 0.01
Gordon's Pass Incised 4 0.01 0.01
Ft. Drum 22 0.08 0.03
Opa Locka Incised 63 0.24 0.08
Key Largo Incised 235 0.91 0.30
Miami Incised 47 0.18 0.06
Matecumbe Incised 21 0.08 0.03
Dade Incised 10 0.04 0.01
Surfside Incised 44 0.17 0.06
Noded sherds 2 0 0
Glades Tooled 301 1.17 0.38
Sand-tempered plain 24,127 93.21 30.52
Glades Red 54 0.21 0.07
Shell tempered plain 2 0.00 0.00
Unclassified plain 138 0.5 0.17
Unclassified incised 362 1.40 0.46

Note: Based on 25,871 sherds recovered from piles, and an
estimated 790 cubic meters of soil.

Table 6. Frequency and density of faunal material, Bamboo Mound.

Fauna Count Density* Weight Density*
Turtle -- -- 27,829 580
Fish vertebra 12,051 251 11,821 246
Snake vertebra 6,474 135 4,374 91
Bird -- -- 1,747 36
Clam 2,377 50 -- --
Oyster 37 >1 -- -

Densities are number of specimens per cubic meter or grams per cubic
meter, based on a total volume of 48 cubic meters.







Southeast Florida Archaeological Society -
P.O. Box 2875, Stuart 34995-2875
Indian River Anthropological Society
272 Terrace Shores Dr., Indialantic 32903
Volusia Anthropological Society
P.O. Box 1881, Ormond Beach 32175

St. Augustine Archaeological Association -
P.O. Box 1301, St. Augustine 32085

>rtheast Florida Anthropological Society
44 Torino PI., Jacksonville 32244

Pensacola Archaeological Society
P.O. Box 13251, Pensacola 32591

Panhandle Archaeological Society at Tallahassee
2032 Longview Drive, Tallahassee 32303

Central Florida Anthropological Society
P.O. Box 261, Orlando 32801-0621

Central Gulf Coast Archaeological Society
7701 22nd Avenue, St. Petersburg 33710

Time Sifters Archaeology Society
P.O. Box 25642, Sarasota 34277
Kissimmee Valley Archaeological & Historical Conservancy
80 Bear Point Lane, Lake Placid 33852

Southwest Florida Archaeological Society
P.O. Box 9965, Naples 34101

Broward County Archaeological Society
6720 Nova Drive #7-102, Davie 33317

Archaeological Society of Southern Florida
2495 NW 35' Ave., Miami 33142



Kissimmee Valley Archaeological and Historical Conservancy, 80 Bear Point Lane, Lake Placid, Florida 33852

An unusual ceramic head (Figure 1) has been found near
Lake Placid, Florida. It was discovered during testing of the
Blueberry site (8HG678) by the Kissimmee Valley Archaeo-
logical and Historical Conservancy (KVAHC).


The head measures 5.2 cm from top to bottom and 5 cm
from the tip of the nose to the back of the head. It is made of
clay, the face having a buff-colored surface on the right cheek
and around the nostrils that may be the remains of pigment.
There are burnished-looking areas on the prominent features.
There are two fractures. One is where the mouth and chin are
broken off, and the other is on the back of the head. At the
base of the head is a small round hole with a fired interior
about 16 mm deep. With the exception of the small hole in the
base, the head appears to be solid.
The head seems to be a realistic representation, possibly of
a specific person. The eyes have sockets, eyelids, and eyeballs,
and the left one was apparently smeared slightly in making.
The nose is prominent and nostrils are present. There is a
fingerprint noticeable on the forehead and fingerprint whorls
on the right cheek. A squared top-knot sits toward the front
half of the head. When viewed from the top, there is a faint
outline that shows that the top-knot was twice as large and
rounded toward the back (Figure 2, lower left). There are two
faint incised lines on the top of the knot.
While examining the head to illustrate it, archaeologist
Scott Mitchell made some interesting observations. Based on
the realistic nature of the rest of the head, he believes that the
missing mouth and chin were also realistically rendered. The
nose appears overly large because a good portion of the chin
and lips are missing. The break line is far out on the under-
side of the nose, near the nostrils. His reconstruction of the
complete head is shown in the lower right of Figure 2. When
the chin is added it becomes obvious that the forehead was
dramatically sloped back. He believes this may represent
cranial deformation.
Ann Cordell, director of the ceramic technology laboratory
at the Florida Museum of Natural History (FLMNH) in
Gainesville, examined the figurine under a microscope. The
fired clay contains black mineral inclusions (undetermined)
that are most likely non-local to Florida.


Blueberry is a multi-component, upland site located on the

eastern edge of the Lake Wales Ridge overlooking Indian
Prairie in Highlands County. It is situated around a large seep
spring that emerges from the ridge embankment and drains
into the prairie below. A large grassy pond and several
smaller ponds with seasonally fluctuating surface water are
present in the sand hills to the north and west of the site. The
site consists of deep sand artifact scatters, a black dirt midden,
and a sand mound. The lithic scatter represents a Middle
Archaic component with diagnostic Newnan's Lake projectile
points and chert waste flakes. A fiber-tempered component is
located in the northern part of the site, east of the larger pond.
The primary component is a Belle Glade midden containing
ceramics, faunal material, bone and marine tools, lithic tools
and flakes. A greenstone duck mandible effigy pendant also
was found in this part of the site.
Archaeological work at Blueberry began in 1994 when
archaeologist Bob Austin directed the KVAHC in a small
excavation there as part of his dissertation research (Austin
1997). Faunal remains from a column sample taken from the
midden stratum were analyzed by Scott Mitchell (1996). His
analysis indicated a dominance of aquatic species, but with a
significant terrestrial faunal component as well, reflecting the
variable environment of the Lake Wales Ridge and Indian
Prairie. Soils analysis by Sylvia Scudder of the FLMNH
indicates that Blueberry's inhabitants once lived on the edge
of "wet prairie marginal woodlands" and "a huge open
marsh." Her analysis indicates that the Belle Glade midden,
which is deeply buried in some locations, may have become so
as a result of sand moving down from higher ridge areas to the
west (Scudder 1995). A radiocarbon date of calibrated A.D.
1310-1625 was obtained from charcoal recovered from the
buried midden component (Beta-83917).'
Since 1994, KVAHC has continued limited testing on a
periodic basis to better delineate the extent of the site. The
ceramic head reported here was recovered during these most
recent tests, in Unit A5 at a depth of 83 cm below the surface.
This is immediately below the black dirt midden described
above (Figure 3). Artifacts found in association with the head
include sherds of Belle Glade Plain ceramics and vertebrate
faunal remains typical of the site. Two possible post hole
features also were observed in Unit A5 in the white sand below
the midden.


Human effigies and adornos have been found at several
prehistoric sites in Florida (e.g., Jones et al. 1994:227-230;


VOL. 54(1)


MARCH 2001


0 cm 3 0 cm 3

0 in 1
Wow.I^- -:

0 in 1

Figure 1. Front and side views of a ceramic effigy head from the Blueberry site in Highlands County. Area below the nose
has been broken off. Note the fingerprint on the forehead below the top-knot. Photographs by Pat Payne.

Mitchem 1996: Figures 6 and 7; Moore 1895:542, 1901:458,
495, 1902: 143, 201,205, 1903:465, 486; Wheeler 2000) and
in cultural contexts ranging from Woodland through Missis-
sippian, but few display the features and realistic design that
characterizes the Blueberry head. Fort Walton bowls often
have human adornos, some with knob top-knots. For example,
a funerary urn found in the Buck Mound (OK11) in Fort
Walton Beach has a human head adorno or death mask with
a rounded top-knot (Lazarus 1979). This urn was locally made
and has incised features. Moore (1901:464) pictures two
adornos, both with top-knots, from the Jolly Bay site.
Slab-built human effigies and fragments that are solid and
fired have also been found in the St. Johns area (Tick Island
and Hontoon Island) and in the Kissimmee River-Okeechobee
area at the Platt site (Wheeler 2000). A ceramic head similar
to the one found at Blueberry was found at Hontoon Island
(Purdy 1991:119). It also is of solid construction with a large
nose and a square hole at its base. While the Blueberry head
has finer, more realistic, three-dimensional features and the
top-knot is square, not rounded, the Hontoon head is the most
comparable human effigy we have seen to date.

The realistic features have led to some archaeologists and
avocational archaeologists who have examined the Blueberry
head to speculate that it is possibly a life portrait. Wheeler
(2000) suggests that Hopewellian and Weeden Island figurines
may have been modeled after deities, leaders, ancestors, or
specific people.
The flattened forehead also is an interesting feature of the
Blueberry head. Cranial deformation was commonly practiced
among the historic native peoples of the Southeast, particularly
those in the lower Mississippi Valley such as the Natchez,
Tunica, and Caddo, as well as the Choctaw, Chickasaw, and
Catawba farther east (Hudson 1976:31-33; Swanton 1946:537-
541). Evidence of prehistoric head deformation has been
obtained from several burial excavations, notably among the
Adena, and to a lesser extent the Hopewell, cultures of Ohio
(Webb and Snow 1981:257-263). In Florida, Moore (1901,
1902) commented on head deformation among skeletal
populations at several sites in northwest Florida; however,
there is no indication that native peoples in southern Florida,
either historic or prehistoric, practiced this custom.
The Blueberry head possesses technical and stylistic


2000 VOL. 54(1)


Figure 2. Illustrations of front, side, and top views of ceramic effigy head accompanied by a speculative reconstruction (lower
right). Illustrations by Scott Mitchell.

similarities to Hopewell figurines from the Ohio Valley. For
example, clay figurines from the Turner earthworks in Ohio
were formed by hand from solid clay and then finished with
modeling tools (Willoughby 1922:72). These and other similar
effigies (e.g., Griffin et al. 1970) all possess a high degree of
realism in the representation of Hopewell individuals. This
realism appears to be one of the defining characteristics of the
Hopewell effigies. Many of the Hopewell figurines possess
top-knots (e.g., Willoughby 1922:Plates 20 and 21) and some
have sloping foreheads, although none are as dramatic as the
Blueberry figurine.
Regarding the function of this artifact, the head might have
been an adorno on a vessel or a part of a larger figurine. The

hole at the head's base may have been for the insertion of a
stick that served as a frame for the head's construction or to
attach it to a figurine or vessel (e.g., Snow 1996:109).
Another possibility is that the small hole was for the insertion
of a pegged bone or wood baton, similar to those hypothesized
to have been used by Hopewell dancers in Ohio (see figure
accompanying Pringle 1998). Or the sculptured head may not
have been attached to anything.
Regardless of the function of this artifact, the stylistic
similarities, the presence of possible non-Florida mineral
inclusions, and the documented interaction of Belle Glades
groups with Hopewell cultures farther north (Austin 1993;
Sears 1982) suggests that this figure may have been obtained





Figure 3. Chuck Wilde of the Kissimmee Valley Archaeologi
Historical Conservancy measuring the recovery depth of the c
effigy head in Test Unit A5. The dark stratum in the center of the
is the Belle Glade midden.

via long distance exchange and may have been used in
Hopewellian ceremonies or rituals.
We have just scratched the surface in our research. We
wanted to share what we have found with the rest of the
archaeological community and we welcome any information
or expertise that anyone might have in the area of human


'Charred material. Conventional age 490 +/- 70 B.P., estimated
C13/C12 ratio, calibrated to A.D. 1310 to A.D. 1625 (2 sigma, 95%


I would like to thank all those who have looked at
the ceramic head and given us insight into identifying it.
They include Ann Cordell, Jerald Milanich, Jeffrey
Mitchem, Ryan Wheeler, John Reiger, George Luer,
William Marquart, Donna Ruhl, Bob Austin, Karen
Walker, Terry Simpson, Hermann Trappman, Art Lee,
Scott Mitchell, Elizabeth Benchley and many others
who have kindly helped with research and offered their
thoughts. Bob Austin encouraged me to write this arti-
cle and helped me organize it. His contributions of
expertise and research were invaluable. I appreciate also
the research help and the dedication of Chuck and Jane
Wilde, Rod Phelps, Chris Christiansen, and all of the
volunteers who have worked tirelessly in the field and
lab. I would especially like to thank Scott Mitchell for
his input and for his illustration of the effigy head and to
Pat Payne for his photography.

References Cited

Austin, Robert J.
1993 The Royce Mound: Middle Woodland
Exchange and Mortuary Customs in South
Florida. The Florida Anthropologist 46:291-

1997 The Economics ofLithic Resource Use in
South-Central Florida. Ph.D. dissertation,
Department of Anthropology, University of
Florida, Gainesville. University Microfilms,
Inc., Ann Arbor.

Griffin, James B., Richard E. Flanders, and Paul F.
1970 The Burial Complexes of the Knight and
Norton Mounds in Illinois and Michigan.
Memoirs of the Museum of Anthropology,
University of Michigan, Number 2, Ann Ar-
;al and
am Hudson, Charles
1976 The Southeastern Indians. The University of
profile Tennessee Press, Knoxville.

Jones, B. Calvin, Daniel T. Penton, and Louis D. Tesar
1998 1973 and 1994 Excavations at the Block-Stems Site,
Leon County, Florida. In A World Engraved: Archaeol-
ogy of the Swift Creek Culture, edited by Mark Williams
and Daniel T. Elliott, pp. 227-230. University of Ala-
bama Press, Tuscaloosa and London.

Lazarus, Yulee W.
1979 The Buck Burial Mound. Temple Mound Museum, Fort
Walton Beach.

Mitchell, Scott
1996 The Importance of Aquatic Resources at Five Archaeo-
logical Sites in the Okeechobee Region of South Florida.
Unpublished M. A. thesis, Department of Anthropology,
University of South Florida, Tampa.


2000 VOL. 54(1)

Mitchem, Jeffrey M. 1922 The Turner Group ofEarthworks, Hamilton County,
1996 The Old Okahumpka Site (8LA57): Late Prehistoric Ohio. Papers of the Peabody Museum of American Ar-
Iconography and Mississippian Influence in Peninsular chaeology and Ethnology, Harvard University, Cam-
Florida. The Florida Anthropologist 49:225-237. bridge.

Moore, Clarence B.
1895 Certain Sand Mounds of the Oklawaha River, Florida.
Journal of the Academy of Natural Sciences ofPhiladel-
phia 10:517-543.
1901 Certain Aboriginal Remains of the Northwest Florida
Coast, Part 1. Journal of the Academy ofNatural Sci-
ences ofPhiladelphia 11:421-497.
1902 Certain Aboriginal Remains of Northwest Florida Coast,
Part 2. Journal of the Academy of Natural Sciences of
Philadelphia 12:127-355.
1903 Certain Aboriginal Remains of the Apalachicola River.
Journal the Academy of Natural Sciences ofPhiladel-
phia 12:440490.

Pringle, Heather
1998 Hopewell, the Enduring Mystery. American Archaeology

Scudder, Sylvia
1995 Soil and Landscape Relations at a Deep Sand Archaeo-
logical Site, the Blueberry Site (8HG678). Report pre-
pared for the Kissimmee Valley Archaeological and
Historical Conservancy, Lake Placid.

Sears, William H.
1982 Fort Center: An Archaeological Site in the Lake
Okeechobee Basin. University Press of Florida,

Snow, Dean
1976 The Archaeology of North America. The Viking Press,
New York.

Stuiver, M., A. Long, R.S. Kra, and J.M. Devine
1993 Calibration-1993. Radiocarbon 35(1).

Swanton, John R.
1946 The Indians of the Southeastern United States. Smithso-
nian Institution, Bureau of American Ethnology, Bulletin
137, Washington, D. C.

Talma, A.S., and J.C. Vogel
1993 A Simplified Approach to Calibrating C14 Dates.
Radiocarbon 35(2):317-322.

Vogel, J.C., A. Fuls, E. Visser, and B. Becker
1993 Pretoria Calibration Curve for Short Lived Samples.
Radiocarbon 35(1):73-86.

Webb, William S. and Charles E. Snow
1981 The Adena People, 2"d printing. University of Tennessee
Press, Knoxville.

Wheeler, Ryan J.
2000 2000 Years of Human Portraiture in Florida: Images in
Clay. Unpublished manuscript.

Willoughby, Charles C.





'3222 Old Oak Drive, Sarasota, FL 34239
23489 Gasparilla Street, St. James City, FL 33956

In December 1999, land-clearing erased one of the last
stretches of the Pine Island Canal (8LL34) in Lee County,
southwest Florida. Most of the Pine Island Canal is now
destroyed, although it was once approximately 4.2 km (2.6 mi)
in length. We offer the following observations of this rare and
interesting archaeological site.
In mid-January 2000, co-author House went up in a small
airplane to take aerial photographs of Pine Island and its
ancient canoe canal. He wanted to use aerial photographs in
the Calusa Land Trust's effort to raise funds for buying and
preserving the last remaining portions of the canal (e.g., House
2000a, 2000b).
As House looked out the airplane's window, he noticed a
large, freshly-cleared field. In the field, he saw a long,
narrow, dark streak crossing lighter-colored soil. It was a
1200-foot-long (365 m) section of the Pine Island Canal
(Figure 1).
The field was on the eastern side of Pine Island, immedi-
ately north ofMorningstar Airstrip where House and pilot Bill
Dubin had taken off. It had just been cleared of longleaf pine,
slash pine, and saw palmetto.
In the next few days, House obtained the name of the
landowner and telephoned him in Indiana. He learned that the
parcel had been cleared to make a palm farm and lychee grove,
but that planting was not imminent. After securing permission
to visit the parcel, House, Dubin, and I went to the site in early
February, 2000.
In the field, we walked along remnants of the canal,
inspecting its bed and embankments. The bed had been filled
by centuries of erosion, and was darker than surrounding
ground because organic material had collected on its slightly
recessed surface. To each side of the bed, the canal's embank-
ments were scarcely visible as lighter-colored sand. We did
not see any artifacts, even though the bare ground was broken
and turned by heavy machinery used to remove saw palmettos
and pine trees.
We were impressed by the placement of the canal in the
landscape. The field sloped downhill toward the north and, in
the center of the field, we could see a natural depression filled
with wet, dark, organic soil. The canal kept well away from
this low area by curving around it and by staying on higher
ground near the southern edge of the field. There, the canal
was fairly level as it ran mostly parallel with contours (perpen-
dicular to the slope). It was obvious that the canal-builders
had intentionally avoided the low area, and that they had
oriented this particular stretch of the canal so that it would stay

as level as possible.
In addition, we could see that the canal ran uphill as it
neared the western edge of the field. It did so, however, while
running diagonally to the slope of the land. Thus, the slope
(rise over run) of this portion of the canal was less than if the
Indians had dug it straight up the slope. A gentler grade
allowed the canal to follow the water table more gradually and
probably protected the canal's banks from greater erosion,
while helping keep water in the channel.
These engineering solutions, as shown specifically by this
section of the canal, were noted and described by Luer and
Wheeler (1997) on the basis of contour maps and aerial
photographs. It was striking, however, to see them in the
After leaving the field, we consulted Wheeler's and my
study of the canal. We learned that the recently-cleared stretch
corresponds with Segment 3, a 1250-foot-long, curved
segment that was hypothesized to hold Impoundment B. The
ends of Segment 3 and Impoundment B would have been near
the edges of the freshly-cleared field (one near its southeastern
corner and the other near its western edge).
Our new field observations, however, suggest a refinement
to hypothesized Impoundment B. We now think that Segment
3's overall change in elevation was too great to hold a single
impoundment of water (the western, higher portion of the
segment would have been too high compared to the eastern,
lower portion). Its rise of approximately 3.85 ft is significantly
greater than that of any other segment or impoundment
hypothesized by Luer and Wheeler (1997:Tables 2 and 3).
However, if Impoundment B were divided into two impound-
ments, their changes in elevation could be lessened and made
more like the elevation changes of other hypothesized im-
poundments. This is important because smaller changes in
elevation would make it more feasible for the two new im-
poundments to hold water. Thus, we suggest an "Impound-
ment B-East" in the long, curved, eastern portion of Segment
3, and an "Impoundment B-West" in the shorter, straight,
western portion of Segment 3. This would make a total of
eight hypothesized impoundments for the Pine Island Canal,
instead of seven.
The destruction of this interesting stretch of canal is tragic.
By 1980, most, if not all, of the western half of the Pine Island
Canal had been destroyed. In the last 15-20 years, most of the
remaining, intact, eastern half of the canal has been erased
steadily by agricultural development, which does not require
any county or state review for impacts to archaeological


VOL. 54(1)


MARCH 2001


Figure 1. House's aerial photograph looking northwest over Pine Island. Arrows point to canal. The long white buildings
in the foreground run parallel to a grass airstrip, which is immediately south of the cleared field containing a portion of the
Pine Island Canal.

The losses during the last two decades now total approxi-
mately 1.6 km (1 mi) of the canal that ran eastward from the
middle of Pine Island. This portion of the canal ran from near
Harbor Drive (close to the end of Meadow Lane) to reach the
eastern shore of Pine Island near Matlacha Pass.
Today, the last remaining sections of the Pine Island Canal
should be preserved for scientific study and for public aware-
ness and enjoyment. The non-profit, 825-member Calusa
Land Trust is working (through regional, state, and local
efforts) toward that goal (e.g., Calusa Land Trust 1999;
Holmes 1999; House 1999a, 1999b, 1999c, 2000a, 2000b).

References Cited

Calusa Land Trust
1999 Calusa Indian Canal Lot Purchased! Calusa Canal, Phase
II. Newsletter, Calusa Land Trust and Nature Preserve of
Pine Island, Inc. October issue, pages 1-2.

Holmes, Dave
1999 Land Trust acquires piece of ancient Calusa canal. The
Pine Island Eagle 24(17):1 and continued in The Pine
Island Eagle 24(18):7. August 25 and September 1.

House, Wayne "Bud"
1999a Help Preserve a Calusa Indian Canal! Newsletter, Calusa
Land Trust and Nature Preserve of Pine Island, Inc.
February issue, page 3.
1999b Pine Island Canal Project. Southwest Florida Archaeologi-
cal Society Newsletter 15(3):2-3. March issue.
1999c Pine Island Canal Project. Florida Anthropological
Society Newsletter No. 154:2. March issue.
2000a Trying to Save the Pine Island Canal. The Florida Anthro-
pologist 53:62-63.
2000b Trying to Save the Calusa Canal. Paper and slide program
delivered at 52nd Annual Meeting of the Florida Anthropo-
logical Society, Fort Myers.

Luer, George M., and Ryan J. Wheeler
1997 How the Pine Island Canal Worked: Topography, Hydrau-
lics, and Engineering. TheFloridaAnthropologist50:115-


Florida's Indians from Ancient Times to the Present, Jerald T.
Milanich. University Press of Florida, Gainesville, 1998. xi +
194 pp. $19.95 (paper).

Department ofAnthropology, University of Florida, Gaines-
ville, FL 32611

I agreed to review Jerald T. Milanich's latest book over two
years ago as I prepared to move to Gainesville from South
Carolina. Anticipating a new career in Florida archaeology,
I was eager to learn and Florida's Indians looked like a perfect
place to begin. I read it immediately, but never imagined that
before I got around to writing this review Dr. Milanich would
complete yet another book. Indeed, Florida's Indians is no
longer his latest, although it remains his most important book
for many of the readers of this journal. For those who have yet
to read it, allow me to point out some of the many reasons why
you should.
Florida's Indians is the first in a new series of books from
the University Press of Florida whose purpose is to provide
highly readable overviews of Native American prehistory and
history. Whether a life-long devotee of Florida archaeology or
greenhorn like me, any reader of this inaugural volume will
find it to be the most accessible and entertaining treatise of the
subject ever written. Milanich long ago established himself as
the dean of archaeology in the Sunshine State, first with his
1980 book Florida Archaeology, co-authored with Charles H.
Fairbanks, and the 1994 Archaeology of Precolumbian
Florida. But these books were intended primarily for profes-
sional archaeologists, an audience whose specialized lexicon
and esoteric pursuits can be off-putting to the interested public.
With its limited jargon and lack of in-line citations, Florida's
Indians is easy and fun to read. Yet it remains as authoritative
as Milanich's previous works, affording readers of all persua-
sions a concise, up-to-date summary of the state's fascinating
Like most regional syntheses, Florida's Indians starts with
discussion of the founding populations, the Paleoindians of the
late Pleistocene. With its submerged treasures in sinkholes
and rivers, Florida boasts some of the nation's best preserved
organic remains of Paleoindian activity. Milanich weaves an
engaging account of the scientists who brought this evidence
to light. He gives equal credit to the many volunteers who
contributed to programs like the Aucilla River Prehistory
Project headed by David Webb. Serendipity also has its role in
the story of early Floridians. Milanich recounts the circum-
stances leading to the discovery of the 8000-year-old Windover
Pond site near Cape Canaveral, a site whose submerged
cemetery yielded preserved human brains, among other
incredible finds. Accidental encounters in the ditching and
dredging of Florida's wetlands is a recurring theme of this

In six successive chapters Milanich skillfully tacks between
the data and the tales ofFlorida's prehistoric archaeology. We
are reminded of the importance of aquatic resources in his
treatment of Middle and Late Archaic populations. Indeed,
the appearance of productive coastal and riverine environ-
ments did more than support larger populations. It was
accompanied by relatively permanent settlement, large-scale
construction projects, and technological innovations like
pottery. Milanich shows how our knowledge of these develop-
ments is only now coming to light, much of it stemming from
the work of his own students.
On the cultural foundation of Late Archaic populations
statewide arose local native traditions as diverse as the
environs they inhabited. Some of these traditions persisted
through historic times to be among those encountered and
transformed by Europeans. Accounts of the Timucua of
northeast Florida, for instance, offer the opportunity for
Milanich to trace an unbroken, albeit dynamic, cultural
sequence from the beginnings of the St. Johns culture, circa
2500 years ago, to the sixteenth century. He contrasts this
with the sequence of north Florida, a region whose succession
of distinct archaeological cultures suggests a prehistory of
repeated immigration, ethnogenesis, and abandonment. The
author's perspectives on Deptford villages, Weeden Island
mound complexes, and other north Florida sites are especially
engaging because so much of this work was his own. The
account of mortuary ceremonies at the McKeithen site is
simply captivating.
Milanich provides thorough and thoughtful treatment on the
agricultural revolution in Florida. He reminds us time and
again that corn farming had actually little import to most
native populations. Where it did take hold, as among the Fort
Walton people of the eastern panhandle, the ramifications for
society and economy were severe. Dispelling common beliefs
that agriculture was a vast improvement over foraging,
Milanich spells out the negative consequences of farming,
noting that the solution to its ensuing problems was all peo-
ple's bane, more bureaucracy. But the trappings of chiefly
political organization typical of Fort Walton and other
Mississippian cultures did not always accompany agriculture
in Florida, or so we think. Milanich is honest about our
limited knowledge of agriculture outside of the panhandle
region. We have plenty of circumstantial evidence for corn
farming in the central and northeast regions of the state, even
ethnohistoric accounts that appear reliable. And yet, direct
evidence for intensive farming in late prehistory remains
elusive, leaving the reader to ponder along with the author the
many things we do not know.
No where is the desire for more knowledge more apparent
than in the sections of the book dealing with prehistoric
cultures of the Peninsular Gulf Coast and Lake Okeechobee
regions. Both areas contain some ofFlorida's mostfascinating
sites, although investigations at places such as Crystal River


and Fort Center have provided more anomalies than answers.
Milanich humorously describes how the seeming plethora of
Gulf coastal cultures can transform an archaeological head-
ache into a psychotic episode for those bent on classifying the
region's diversity. In this case the problems stem in part from
too many investigators with too many typologies. In the case
of the Lake Okeechobee area perhaps not enough work, at least
not since the days of William Sears. The reader will sense that
Milanich would give his eye teeth to spend more time delving
into the unusual earthworks and complex villages of the Belle
Glade and Glade cultures. Investigations of the Calusa
ancestors of southwest Florida, summarized at the close of
Chapter 7, provide a good example of the sort of sustained
research Milanich recommends.
Florida 'sIndians closes with concise, hard-hitting chapters
on the invasion from Europe, the Spanish mission period, and
native cultural changes coming from decades of epidemic
disease, genocide, relocation, and immigration. More detailed
treatment of these subjects can be found in several of
Milanich's other books. For a book highlighting the great
time depth and diversity of native cultures in Florida, the
condensed version of recent developments is entirely appropri-
ate. Even so the reader is pressed to confront the fact that even
under conditions of demonstrable cultural continuity, the
persistence of native culture is owed to the ability to adjust to
changing circumstances, not some unyielding commitment to
The story of Florida's Indians is fascinating reading. Jerald
T. Milanich and the University Press of Florida are to be
congratulated for broadening the reach of knowledge about the
native past and those that investigate it. Several devices used
in this book make it particularly accessible to the nonspecial-
ist. The lack of in-line citations affords a sleekness to the text
that is impossible to achieve in academic literature punctuated
with the names and dates of hundreds of references, or worse,
footnotes in tiny typeface that seem to continue for pages. I
lieu of citations, Milanich provides a judicious list of recom-
mended readings at the close of the volume. Illustrations add
another nice touch to the book and we are treated to a series of
color plates showcasing some of Florida's most photogenic
artifacts. My favorite feature, however, are the many sidebars
Milanich included with the text. In these short, fun-to-read
pieces we learn about the characters and anecdotes of Florida
archaeology. Many involve remembrances and tales of the
author himself, reminding us how truly personal this book
really is.
I could quibble about some of the interpretations Milanich
proffers, the ill-founded assertions, the short-shrift on my
favorite topics, and even the lack of an index, but this would
be pointless. Florida's Indians is a triumph of a book by the
modern-day dean of Florida archaeology. It is not easy to
synthesize what is arguably the most complex body of archaeo-
logical knowledge east of the Mississippi, and then render it
sensible the general public. Florida archaeology is lucky to
have such a great writer.

Exploration of the Etowah Site in Georgia: The Etowah
Papers. Warren K. Moorehead, editor, with Foreword by
Jerald T. Milanich, Series Editor, and Introduction by Frank
T. Schnell, Jr., University Press of Florida, 2000 (first pub-
lished in 1932 by Yale University Press). xxxiv + 172 pp.,
illustrations, index.

Department ofAnthropology, University of Georgia, Athens,
Georgia 30602

The Etowah site, along with Cahokia and Moundville, is one
of the most famous and arguably most important archaeologi-
cal sites in the southeastern United States. Unfortunately,
while Cahokia and Moundville have benefitted in recent years
from well-documented, contemporary research and the
republication of older excavation reports, such has not been the
case with Etowah.
This is not to say there has been no modern archaeological
or documentary work relating to the Etowah site. William
Sears, Lewis Larson, and John Morgan completed excavations
of varying intensity at Etowah during the latter half of the
twentieth century. Adam King summarized the 1954-1958
excavations at Etowah by Arthur Kelly in his M.A. thesis from
the University of Georgia in 1991. Five years later, King
synthesized Mississippian settlement data in the Etowah
Valley for his Ph.D. dissertation from Pennsylvania State
University. Finally, King has reported on his recent excava-
tions of the stairs on Mound A at Etowah.
Unfortunately, however, these works have not been widely
disseminated. Further, they have not replaced the need for
basic descriptive data concerning the early excavations of the
site. Thus, the republication of Moorehead's The Etowah
Papers by the University Press of Florida is a welcome and
noteworthy endeavor.
The heart and soul of The Etowah Papers is Moorehead's
detailed description of his work in Mound C between 1925 and
1928. His account is written in a simple and straightforward
manner that is easily read. Although Moorehead's maps are
general, they nevertheless provide the necessary data regarding
the locations of the major finds. The contributions by Charles
Willoughby and Margaret Ashley provide additional detail on
the artifact assemblage from Moorehead's excavations. These
sections of the book are accompanied by invaluable illustra-
tions by Willoughby.
Of course, not all of The Etowah Papers stands the test of
time as well as the basic excavation data. Willoughby's review
of the ethnohistoric record has been supplanted by more recent
research. Zelia Nuttall's comparison of Etowah designs with
those from Mexico, while interesting, is obviously dated.
The new rerelease is by and large faithful to the original,
published in 1932. In comparison with the first edition, and
with the 1979 edition by Drake, this edition suffers somewhat
from a smaller format. This is particularly the case with
figures, although the reduction in size has been mitigated to a
certain extent by an enhancement in quality. My copy of the
new edition lacked the Acknowledgments section, although it


2001 VOL. 54(1)


was listed in the Table of Contents and presumably should
have been included.
Any shortcomings of the new edition are easily offset by two
advantages. The first of these is the wonderful Introduction by
Frank Schnell. Schnell provides a comprehensive summary of
previous research at Etowah that will be of great use to anyone
interested in doing more detailed investigation of the site. He
also provides important background information on the
contributors to the volume, as well as the key players on
Moorehead's excavation team. Schnell's reminiscences of
Margaret Ashley are not only informative, but touching. As
Milanich notes in the Foreword, these details provide a context
that brings to life the excavations and the times of which they
were a part.
Schnell's fine Introduction notwithstanding, the greatest
contribution that the new volume offers is simply availability.
Original editions of The Etowah Papers are now quite rare
(even the University of Georgia library copy has been lost).
The 1979 edition (which I have never trusted as a faithful
reproduction due to the presence of some obvious additions)
has also become relatively scarce. We can only hope that the
increased availability of this new edition will provide grist for
more detailed studies of the Etowah site.


About the Authors:

Gary Beiter is currently working as an archaeological consultant. He has an M.A. in Anthropology from Florida Atlantic
University. His specialties are Eastern United States prehistoric and contact periods.

Wayne "Bud"House has been an avocational archaeologist since 1987, working primarily in southern Florida. He has taken
part in excavations at the Miami Circle, Goodland Point, Marco Island, Bonita Springs, Gait Island, Pineland, and other sites.
House just completed his fourth term as President of the Southwest Florida Archaeological Society and 11 years on their
Board of Directors. An active member of the Calusa Land Trust, he has worked hard to save some of the Pine Island Canal.

Morton H. Kessel holds a BE (Mechanical Engineering) and a MA (Anthropology). He has been a Research Associate in
the Department of Anthropology, Florida Atlantic University for 15 years. His research interests include human skeletal
biology, demography of prehistoric Florida Indians and development of osteological demographic techniques.

George Luer is an archaeologist with an interest in site preservation. He has published hydrological studies of the Pine Island
Canal (with Ryan Wheeler), the Naples Canal, and the Cape Coral area. He has been involved in the Calusa Land Trust's
efforts to preserve portions of the Pine Island Canal.

Thomas J. Pluckhahn is a Project Archeologist with Southeastern Archeological Services, Inc., in Athens, Georgia. He
earned an M.A. from the University of Georgia in 1994, and is currently A.B.D. from the same institution. For his
dissertation, Tom is conducting research a the Famous Kolomoki site, in southwestern Georgia.

Anne Reynolds in an avocational archaeologist, president ofKissimmee Valley Archaeological Conservancy and the chapter
representative to FAS. She is a graduate of Florida Southern College (B.A. 1966) and a retired teacher of English and creative
writing. Believing that education is paramount in finding, recording and preserving sites, she speaks to students, teachers
and the organizations who ask. She serves on the Board of Trustees and is Vice Chairman of the Foundation Board of South
Florida Community College in Highlands, Hardee and DeSoto Counties.

Kenneth E. Sassaman is Assistant Professor of Anthropology at the University of Florida. He has had a long term interest
in the archaeology of the early Southeast, and his current projects include studies of the Stallings Culture in Georgia, a GIS
project in the St. Johns River basin, and field school projects at Hontoon Island and Blue Springs state parks.

Ryan M Seidemann was an undergraduate at Florida State University where he studied under Dr. Glen H. Doran. He has
a master's degree in anthropology from Louisiana State University and is currently a student at the Paul M. Hebert Law
Center at LSU.

2001 VOL. 54(l)



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