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Volume 21, No. 1f
STHE FLORIDA ANTHROPOLOGICAL SOCIETY
THE FLORIDA ANTHROPOLOGIST is pub-
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David S. Phelps
Department of Anthropology
Florida State University
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David S. Phelps
Department of Anthropology
Florida State University
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Department of Anthropology
Florida State University
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ROBERT G. CAMPBELL
Dating Prehistoric Rock Art of Southeastern Colorado.............................................. I
JAMES W. COVINGTON
Stuart's Town, The Yamasee Indians, and Spanish Florida......................................... 8
RIPLEY P. BULLEN, ADELAIDE K. BULLEN, AND CARL J. CLAUSEN
The Cato Site Near Sebastian Inlet, Florida ...............................................................14
DAVID S. PHELPS
Thom's Creek Ceramics in the Central Savannah River Locality..................................... 17
WILLIAM G. HAAG
James Alfred Ford, 1911 1968................................................... ........................31
RIPLEY P. BULLEN
Unfinished Bolen Points from Hillsborough County..................................................... 34
ALBERT C. GOODYEAR
A Human Effigy from Levy 2, Cedar Keys, Florida................................................. 35
RIPLEY P. BULLEN
A Silver Ornament from St. Cloud, Florida..................................................... ...........36
WALTER H. ASKEW
A Unique Weeden Island Punctated Sherd from the Bayport Burial Mound......................... 38
WILFRED T. NEILL
Dimbleby: Plants and Archaeology....................................................................40
THE FLORIDA ANTHROPOLOGIST
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THE FLORIDA ANTHROPOLOGIST
DATING PREHISTORIC ROCK ART OF SOUTHEASTERN COLORADO
Robert G. Campbell
Rock art, pictographs, and petroglyphs, as
isolated archaeological material, seldom provide
clues to their ages or cultural affiliations. An
attempt is made to assign certain pictorial rock
art elements and figures to definite cultural
horizons by utilizing a frequency correlation of
these artistic items with associated archaeo-
logical materials or sites whose age and cult-
ural relations have been previously determined.
Some of these elements and figures have been
noted as commonly associated with one of three
phases or foci: Graneros, A.D. 450 to A.D.
1000; Apishapa, A.D. 1000 to A.D. 1300; and
Historic Horse Nomad, A.D. 1750 to A.D. 1875.
This study is concerned with an attempt to
date certain archaeological sites in Southeastern
Colorado that consist largely of prehistoric and
historic Indian pictorial rock art. The dating
method employed is association of particular
rock art styles with a dated contiguous site,
near site, or the common type of site represented
in the immediate area. A high correlation of
certain elements or figures with archaeological
materials or sites of a certain horizon presumes
that they are of the same time period and cul-
A proper association of artistic items with
other prehistoric cultural materials can provide
insights into non-material areas of the culture,
such as aesthetic, ceremonial, or psychological
aspects. However, rock art seldom provides
evidence within itself of the period of its origin.
Attempts have been made to date art by means
of patination of the decorated face of the rock,
superimposition of various art motifs, strati-
graphic position when covered by fill, and cul-
tural information depicted in the scene. All of
these have marked limitations.
Rarely has quantitative site association been
used, perhaps because advantages can be con-
sidered only suggestive, and at least three draw-
backs are encountered: (1) Some sites with
pictorial art bear cultural materials representing
many archaeological horizons; (2) areas with
only one identified prehistoric culture may have
been occupied by other cultures which left no
identifiable remains but did produce rock art; and
(3) similar rock art elements or motifs may be
characteristic of more than one archaeological
horizon. This method of high frequency correla-
tion may be considered as "playing the percent-
ART AND PREHISTORY
The portion of Southeastern Colorado con-
sidered herein is the Chaquaqua Plateau (Fig.1),
the northernmost region of the Raton section of
mne Great Plains Province (Fenneman 1931: 37-
38). It is a relatively treeless, windswept, semi-
arid, sunny area with daily, seasonal, and an-
nual temperature extremes and variations. None-
theless, the region differs from most plains
areas in having a greater range in relief and
land forms than other sections (Levings 1951:
10). Along the southern border are high mesas
that reach 7,000 feet above sea level. At the
base of the mesas, along the north side, stretch-
es a wide plain which sweeps northward as it
dips toward the Purgatory-Arkansas River drain-
age, becoming progressively more dissected as
it approaches this drainage. The dissection
forms deep canyons which are fringed by wide
grooves of pinyon-juniper growth. To the north,
the canyons grow in width until they form wide
flood plains along the Purgatory River in Las
Animas, Otero, and Bent counties (Duce 1924:
77). It has been noted that, during different pre-
historic stages, the various occupants preferred
certain areas within the region. For example,
early prehistoric and historic cultural materials
are largely confined to the plains, while the
late prehistoric cultural horizons are found most
frequently in the wide canyons and river plains
Interest in the pictorial rock art of the region
has been reported previously (Renaud 1931:
65-86; 1937: 45-47; Dondelinger and Tatum 1942:
2-6; Tatum and Dondelinger 1945: 12-14; Baker
1964), but little was accomplished in deter-
mining the cultural affiliations of this type of
site due to the lack of supporting data. Not
until 1964-66 had field work resulted in the ac-
quisition of data sufficient to construct a chro-
nological scheme of cultures and cultural mat-
erials. Surveys and test excavations revealed
VOLUME 21, NO. I
OTERO COUNTY '
LAS ANIMALS COUjN.1Y
Fig. 1. Southeastern Colorado sites with pictorial art;
o, pictograph; x, pecked petroglyph; + incised
material evidence suggesting 12,000 years of
continuous occupation in the area. Early pre-
historic traditions such as Llano, Lindenmeier,
and Piano are poorly represented, and no rock
art is associated with these materials. Middle
Prehistoric materials (e.g. Archaic) are found
near rock art at some sites, but only when later
materials are present. Therefore, only the Late
Prehistoric horizons such as Plains Woodland
(Graneros Focus, A.D. 450 to A.D. 1000), Pan-
handle Aspect (Apishapa Focus, A.D. 1000 to
A.D. 1300), Dismal River Aspect (A.D. 1550 to
A.D. 1750), and Historic Horse Nomad Culture
(A.D. 1750 to 1885), can be considered respon-
sible for the pictorial rock art.
Plains Woodland, or Graneros Focus, materials
consisted of circular houses with shallow basin
floors and dry-laid, untrimmed rock slabs laid
horizontally to form a low foundation; houses
numbered from one to three in a village, and
were found on low terraces above water courses
in the canyons or mesas. Small, triangular, cor-
ner-notched projectile points implying the use
of the bow, and plain jars with wide mouths,
conoidal bases, and cord-roughened exteriors,
were characteristic of the Graneros cultural
inventory (Withers 1954: 1-2).
Apishapa Focus houses were similar but had
the foundation rock slabs set vertically and
rooms which were sometimes contiguous or par-
titioned. Sites containing from one to forty rooms
were found in defensible locations fortified by
low, vertical, slab-rock walls. Projectile points
were small, triangular, and side-notched, and
pottery consisted of cord marked globular jars,
some of which were slipped (Withers 1954: 2).
Dismal River Aspect materials were seldom
encountered except in a few campsites on can-
yon flood plains. Bone, stone, and shell arti-
facts, and thin-walled, mica-tempered, plain
potsherds appeared to be associated with this
Historic Horse Nomad sites contained crude
stone artifacts and trade goods of metal and
glass. Circles of irregular, widely-spaced stones
marked "Tipi Rings," which were assumed to
belong to this horizon. Records substantiate the
presence of Historic Plains Indians in this
region (Wedel 1963: 10).
PICTORIAL ROCK ART SITES AND FIGURES
There are seventy-six known archaeological
sites in the region that contain examples of
pictorial rock art. The art is produced by three
methods: (1) Pictographs were made by painting
figures with black, red, or a combination of
these pigments, on smooth, natural surfaces;
(2) pecked petroglyphs were produced by pecking
or chipping figures into the surface; and (3) in-
cised petroglyphs were made by grinding or
incising figures into the surfaces. All examples
of rock art were found on the vertical, or near-
vertical, smooth, natural faces of escarpments
in canyons, or on scattered fall-off.rocks. There
were six sites with pictographs, sixteen with
incised petroglyphs, and sixty-five with pecked
petroglyphs. Most of the sites are located in the
river plain (27 sites), or wide canyons near the
river plain (29 sites). Only fourteen sites with
rock art were found in the upper parts of the
canyons, and the remaining few sites, six in all,
were scattered about the plains and mesas
Most pictographs were badly weathered, render-
ing elements and figures nearly indistinguish-
able although a few were clear enough to reveal
some figures. The sites most frequently asso-
ciated with all pictographs were "Tipi Rings,"
the trademark of the Historic Horse Nomads.
Archaeological materials representing earlier
stages were present, but they were neither as
abundant nor as frequent as historic materials.
At one site, LA36, only "Tipi Rings" were
close enough to the pictographs to be considered
associated with them. In the pictographs, the
anthropomorphic designs consisted of rigid, rec-
tilinear outline figures such as the one in the
south panel of LA36 (Fig. 2). Zoomorphic ele-
ments usually consisted of fairly realistic out-
line paintings; at one site, BN70, men with
shields and lances or staffs were depicted moun-
ted on horses (Fig. 3). The production of these
figures obviously occurred during historic times.
Other zoomorphic figures consisted of nonde-
script quadrupeds, possibly deer or antelope,
painted in full figure (Fig. 4), a technique that
appears infrequently in sites associated with
"Tipi Rings." These zoomorphic figures, which
were present in the north panel of LA36, were
associated with simple geometric designs con-
sisting of a row of parallel,vertical lines (Fig.4)
which are not unlike some associated with "win-
ter counts" of Historic Plains Indians (Howard
1960: Plate 47).
Dating of incised petroglyphs is difficult since
figures are simple, no scenes are depicted, and
associated materials or neighboring sites date
Fig. 2. LA36, South panel.
Fig. 6. BN66, central panel
â€™ 7 RY at Ve
*. oo 4 oN
2â€œ, #. Re
(ilviahiat Hu Mt ye!
Fig. 4. BN84, north panel. Fig. 7. BN34, central panel.
Fig. 8, BN62, east panel.
Fig. 11. OT35,
Boulder No. 1,
Fig. 9, LA35.
Fig. 12. BN63, Panel D.
It %) 5"
I"', li -
,^ ii ,
Fig. 10. BN66, east panel.
Fig. 13. LA339, southwest face.
from many periods. All figures are geometric and
usually consist of little more than parallel
straight lines, crosses, or other rectilinear de-
signs (Figs. 5, 6, and 7).
Pecked petroglyphs present the most numerous
and complex sets of elements and figures. Two
basic types of anthropomorphic figures have
been noted; the first is composed of rectilinear
outline figures such as those in the east panel
of BN62 (Fig. 8), at LA35 (Fig. 9), and in the
east panel of BN66 (Fig. 10). The figures have
outline heads in the form of circles, diamonds,
and triangles, outline bodies consisting of rec-
tangles or lines, and limbs represented by lines,
one or more of which are invariably flexed. The
figures are often associated with parallel lines
similar to those in the north panel of LA36, and
the similarity between anthropomorphic designs
of these sites provides convincing evidence of
their historic origin. Neighboring sites usually
contain materials of many horizons, but at LA35,
only "Tipi Rings" were in the immediate vicin-
ity. The other anthropomorphic design features
a fully pecked, spread, rectilinear figure like
that in the southeast panel of Boulder No. 1,
OT35 (Fig. 11), and in the south face of Boul-
der E, OT79 (Gebhard 1943: Fig. 6). Both sites
were in or near rock shelters that contained
Apishapa Focus materials which would date
this style somewhere between A.D. 1000 and
Zoomorphic figures are more common than an-
thropomorphic figures. Outline figures of a some-
what more realistic nature (Fig. 12) appear to
be associated with concentrations of Historic
Horse Nomad materials and sites. Many small,
fully pecked, animal figures, of multi-horned,
or antlered, quadrupeds, such as those found in
the southwest panel of LA339 (Fig: 13), appear
at sites associated with Graneros and Apishapa
materials. Apparently, there is little difference
in zoomorphic figures of the Graneros Focus and
those of the Apishapa Focus.
Innumerable geometric symbols and designs
are found in the same panels with all types of
anthropomorphic and zoomorphic figures. Only
a few appear to be associated with any partic-
ular style of human or animal figure, or with
associated archaeological materials of a partic-
ular horizon. In general, those associated with
historic materials are more rectilinear. A sun
symbol encircling a smaller circle (Fig. 14),
and parallel vertical or horizontal lines or dash-
es appear to be characteristic of the late his-
toric phase. Curvilinear designs, such as the
long, wavy lines found at OT40 (Fig. 15), are
common at sites of the Graneros and Apishapa
foci. In general, stars, crosses and smaller
pecked elements (Fig. 16) are more common at
Graneros sites, while fully pecked elements
more often appear at Apishapa sites.
Fig. 14. OT43, southeast panel.
Fig. 15. OT40.
J ^- *^^.^-s^:^
Fig. 16. OT38, southwest panel.
Admittedly, it is difficult to assign many of
the figures found in the rock art to any particular
cultural phase, and, no doubt, many elements
are common to more than one, if not to all.
Nevertheless, some elements and figures have
a high frequency correlation with certain arch-
aeological materials of a particular phase.
Rock art of the pre-Graneros phases remains
undefined, and it may be non-existent in this
region. In the Graneros Focus or phase, A.D.
500 to A.D. 1000, rock art containing small
figures of fully pecked, multi-horned quadrupeds
and small-lined, curvilinear geometric designs
appears. In the succeeding Apishapa Focus or
phase, A.D. 1000 to A.D. 1300, few changes
occur, but fully pecked, spread, human figures
appear, along with fully pecked curvilinear fig-
ures. No elements or figures of the rock art can
be assigned to the poorly represented A.D. 1300
to A.D. 1750 period, but,' with the dawn of his-
toric time, the larger, more realistic, outline
Baker, Galen R.
1964 Attempts at Relative Age Determinations
of Petroglyphs in the Pueblo-Plains Perip-
hery. American Anthropological Association
Abstracts, Sixty-third Annual Meeting. De-
Department of Anthropology
Florida State University
Campbell, Robert G.
1968 Possible Panhandle Cultural Occupation
on the Chaquaqua Plateau. Ms, Department
of Anthropology, Florida State University,
Dondelinger, N. W. and R. M. Tatum
1942 Preliminary Survey of Sites in Las Ani-
mas County Colorado. Southwestern Lore,
Vol. 8, pp. 2-6. Boulder
Duce, Jason T.
1924 Geology of Parts of Las Animas, Otero,
and Bent Counties, Colorado. Colorado
Geological Survey Bulletin, No. 27, pp.
Fenneman, Nevin M.
1931 Physiography of Western United States.
McGraw-Hill. New York.
Gebhard, Paul H.
1943 The Excavations of an Archaeological
Site on the Purgatoire River, Southeastern
Colorado. Papers of the Excavator's Club,
Vol. 2, No. 2, Cambridge.
Howard, James H.
1960 Dakota Winter Counts as a Source of
Plains History. Bureau of American Ethno-
logy, Bulletin 173. Washington.
Levings, W. S.
1951 Late Cenozoic Erosional History of the
Raton Mesa Region. Colorado School of
Mines Quarterly, Vol. 46, No. 3. Golden.
Renaud, E. B.
1931 Archaeological Survey of Eastern Col-
1937 Pictographs and Petroglyphs of Col-
orado-V. Southwestern Lore, Vol. 3, pp.
Tatum, R. M. and N. W. Dondelinger
1945 Final Report of the Archaeological Sur-
vey of Las Animas County, Colorado. South-
western Lore, Vol. 11, pp. 12-14. Boulder.
Wedel, Waldo R.
1963 The High Plains and Their Utilization
by the Indian. American Antiquity, Vol. 29,
No. 1, pp. 1-16. Salt Lake City.
Withers, A. M.
1954 University of Denver Archaeological
Fieldwork. Southwestern Lore, Vol. 19,
No. 4, pp. 1-3. Boulder
The Yamasee tribe, composed of Indians from
the interior of Georgia and Guale, fled from Span-
ish control to South Carolina where they served
as allies of the Scots and, after the destruction
of Stuart's Town, the English, until 1715. Set-
tling on the southern frontier of South Carolina,
the Yamasees aided the Carolina settlers by
frequently raiding into Spanish Florida and
assisting the colonists in their battles with the
Tuscaroras of North Carolina. Finally, aroused
by mistreatment at the hands of the traders, they
rose in a savage revolt but were defeated and
were forced to flee to Spanish Florida where
they were welcomed.
The purpose of this article is to relate how a
relatively strong tribe, the Yamasees, were
caught in the power struggle between England
and Spain and forced to change alliances as the
fortunes of war shifted. The Yamasees were a
mixture of two somewhat different groups of
Indians. One group originally lived in the inter-
ior of Georgia along the Ocmulgee River near
its confluence with the Oconee River; the vil-
lages of the other were located in Guale Pro-
vince, an area stretching along the Georgia coast
between Saint Andrews Sound and the Savannah.
Prior to 1680, both groups were independent of
each other and were possible enemies, but the
perils of the 1680-1685 period forced the two
groups to unite into one tribe. As one Southern
Indian authority has noted, the Yamasee have
been somewhat difficult to identify: "It was im-
possible to separate distinctly the true Yamasee
from the Guale Indians" (Swanton 1952: 116).
In 1595, the Franciscan missionaries extended
their activities to the province of Guale, but re-
ceived a setback in 1597 when the Guale Indians
attacked the several outposts which had been
established on Cumberland Island, Saint Simon
Island, Jekyll Island, and Saint Catherine's
Island and killed five Franciscans (Bolton 1925:
15-18). Juanillo, the leader of the revolt and son
of the principal cacique of Guale, had become
displeased with the Spanish when they refused
to appoint him to the post of principal cacique
when his father died. It seems that Juanillo had
angered the Spaniards by acquiring more than
one wife at one time and another person was se-
lected for the post by the Spaniards. As a result,
the young man organized the conspiracy to drive
away the Spaniards and was able to enroll the
following coastal villages in his rebellion: Asao.
Tulapo, Otine, Yfule, Tupique, Alusto, Posache,
and others (Lanning 1935: 83). Since the mis-
sion posts were very lightly defended, Juanillo
and his friends were able to capture most of the
villages they attacked.
Moving in a strong counter-attack, Governor of
Florida Gonzalo Mendez Canzoinvaded Guale
with a large force, burned three Indian villages
and forced the hostiles to retire into the interior.
Discouraged with their fate, the Indians soon
were forced to retire into the woods whenever
Spanish ships appeared. By doing so, they ex-
posed themselves to attack by the Westos, a
fierce tribe whose territory lay just inland from
Guale province. Finally, in 1602, some Guale
Indians demonstrated their desire to resume
friendly relations with the Spaniards by bringing
in the heads of Don Juanillo and his assistant
Don Francisco Micco (Canzo to the King Sept-
ember 22, 1602: Brooks Transcripts).
In 1603, Governor Canzo visited Guale and the
revolt was officially declared to have ended.
Missions were re-established on the following
islands: Saint Simon, Saint Catherine and Sapelo
and by 1674 the number of missions had grown
to seven (Gannon 1965: 64).
The exact relations between the Spaniards and
those Indians living in Guale have not been ex-
amined in great detail by the historians or an-
thropologists. We know little about the degree
of acculturation at this time and cannot say very
much concerning the language, costumes, and
homes of the Guale Indians. The Guale Indians
were given a definite task to perform for the
Spanish authorities at Saint Augustine; each year
a certain number of male Indians from Georgia
were sent to Saint Augustine to work in the
fields under cultivation. (Escudero to Monteleon
October 20, 1734: Brooks Transcripts). Probably
there was no real attempt to convert these In-
dians to Christianity.
A turning point came in 1670 when an English
VOLUME 21, NO. I
THE FLORIDA ANTHROPOLOGIST
STUART'S TOWN, THE YAMASEE INDIANS
AND SPANISH FLORIDA
James W. Covington
colony was permanently established in South
Carolina and trade relations were maintained
with the Indians. The Spaniards had not provided
the Timucuans and other Florida tribes with
muskets or other similar weapons for they were
afraid that these muskets might be used against
them. The English, faced by the Westos, a most
warlike tribe which had migrated from Virginia
and had learned at an early date how to deal
with Whites, could not solve the weapons pro-
blem so easily (Juricek 1964: 153). It was as
Dr. Henry Woodward said, "If we do not trade
with the Westos, they would cut our throats "
(Sainsbury and Salley 1928: 115). In a somewhat
different vein, the Carolina proprietors gave an-
other reason for the trade: "We traded with the
Westos not to gain, but to supply a warlike peo-
ple so that they could not trade with Virginia,
New England, or Canada. We can terrorize the
Indians with whom the Spaniards have power so
that they never can be persuaded to play that
trick." At first, the Westos engaged in trade in
deer skins, beaver skins, and Indian slaves, but
by 1680 they, the Creeks, and the Cherokees
were moving into Spanish Guale in search of
more slaves and plunder (Crane 1926: 17).
Acting under English leadership and guidance
in 1680, the Westos, Lower Creeks, and Chero-
kees attacked the missions of Santa Buenaven-
tura, Guadalquini and Santa Catalina on Saint
Catherine Island but were beaten off by steady
musket fire from the church buildings utilized
as forts. During the same year, a party of Creek
Indians attacked some inhabitants but were un-
able to capture the place. As a result of the
Santa Catalina raid, the mission was abandoned,
the guard of six soldiers dispatched to Zapala
and the inhabitants either departed with the
soldiers or fled westward. In 1683 and 1686, the
pirate Agramont raided the Guale missions and
was able to carry away church bells, religious
articles and other items. Spain attempted to savb
her foothold on the Georgia coast by erecting a
fortified outpost at San Jose de Zapala on Sapelo
Island but when the pirate Hinckley appeared in
October, 1684, the Indians and soldiers fled to
The raids by these well armed and excellent
fighters caused much alarm among the Guale
Indians, many of whom refused to remain near
the missions and scattered like rabbits into safer
places. At first, some fled to the Lower Creek
towns of Kasihta and Coweta, but afterwards
migrated to Saint Helena in South Carolina. It
was a period of retreat, stand, and retreat for
the Spanish and their Indian allies.
Governor Cabrera, realizing that it was im-
possible to defend Guale as the outposts were
six, eight, ten and fifteen leagues apart, decided
to abandon the Guale or coastal Georgia area.
Caciques from Guale visited Saint Augustine
and sought permission to settle on the nearby
islands of Santa Maria (Amelia Island), San Juan
(Talbot Island) and Santa Cruz. Permission was
granted and a wave of both Christian and non-
Christian Indians, numbering nearly twelve hun-
dred persons, settled on the Islands and erected
villages and planted crops (Cabrera to the King
March 28, 1685: Brooks Transcripts).
When Governor Juan Marques Cabrera estab-
lished a policy of mission and outpost abandon-
ment in Guale and ordered migration of the In-
dians to the islands near Saint Mary's Rive'r,
some Guale tribesmen balked. Persons from the
villages of San Felipe, Saint Simon, Santa Cata-
lina, Sapala, Tupichihasso, and Obaldaquini fled
to the Georgia pine forests and others, accepting
an invitation issued by the English in Carolina,
moved northward to the outpost which had been
established by the Scots at Stuart's Town, or
It was in 1684 that Lord Cardross was able to
establish a colony of Scots at Port Royal.which
was named Stuart's Town in honor of the ruling
family in England. The people at Charleston
should have been pleased to see the settlement
for it served as a sort of protection from the ever
present threat of attack from the south (Insh,
Glasgow: 206). However, due to poor communi-
cation, very little material aid was given to the
Scots by the English and the Scots soon realized
that they would have to look out for themselves
in this most unfriendly wilderness. Within a
short time, the Scots took some strong measures
which they believed were necessary for their own
The first Indians to visit Stuart's Town in 1684
were some non-Christian Yamasees from the in-
terior of Georgia, led by Altamaha. These Yam-
asees claimed that their leader had been mis-
treated by the Spanish governor when he had
failed to furnish the annual allotment of workers
necessary to cultivate the fields near Saint Aug-
ustine. Although the Franciscans sought to rem-
edy the situation, the Yamasees broke contact
with the Spanish by retreating deeper into Geor-
gia and finally migrated to South Carolina.
At first, the Scots planned to trade with the
Lower Creeks but when they encountered the
numerous and warlike Yamasees, they concluded
that good relations must be maintained with this
tribe (Anon. 1929: 76). Probably the first im-
portant dialogue between the Scots and Yamasee
came when Captain William Dunlop sailed up the
"Ahepoo" River to Altamaha's village, where a
conference was held (Dunlop 1929: 129). Cap-
tain Dunlop, taking a strong position to influence
the Indians, claimed that he had come to defend
them against the Spaniards and desired informa-
tion concerning their whereabouts, Altamaha
and forty warriors fulfilled a promise to visit
Stuart's Town, carrying along with them hoes
and hatchets so that they could erect needed
beacons along the shore of the island but no one
would volunteer to carry a message to the Span-
ish governor at Saint Augustine. The Yamasees
were glad.to see the Scots and told them that a
recent Spanish raid against a Yamasee village
at Port Royal had resulted in the capture of
twenty-two Yamasee women.
Realizing that Stuart's Town could afford them
some protection and that trade with the Scots
would be most beneficial, the Yamasees selected
Saint Helena Island as their base. By January,
1685, there were daily arrivals of large numbers
of .Guale mission Indians and non-Christian In-
dians from the towns of Sapella, Soho and Sap-
ichbay (Sainsbury and Salley 1928: 8). By this
time, the Yamasee Indian tribe contained both
Christians and non-Christians and within a short
time the coastal and interior bands would inter-
marry and intermingle English, Spanish, and
Indian cultural items.
Judging by first appearances, the Scots be-
lieved' that the Indians had been sent by the
Spanish to destroy the settlement whenever a
proper opportunity presented itself, but they
quickly realized that these Indians were bitter
enemies, of the Spanish. Within a short time the
Scots were using their canoes to carry Alta-
maha's band to Hilton Head Island where the
Indian villages could serve as a defensive out-
post.As soon as they appeared at Stuart's Town,
the Scots transported the mission Indians to the
coastal islands and within a short time the Sap-
ichbays, one of the mission tribes, visited
Stuart's Town and traded with the Scots.
After having settled in a land situated between
the uncooperative English at Charleston and the
still more unfriendly Spanish at Saint Augustine,
Lord Cardross was forced to embark upon a
course of action which unfortunately would lead
to destruction of his colony. Believing that he
should establish trading relations with the Creek
Indians and eventually form an Indian alliance
leading to possible control of the gold mines in
New Mexico, he began trade with Coweta and
Kasihta. Even with such a modest beginning, the
Scots created some angry feelings because those
traders operating from Charleston were certain
the Creeks were within their exclusive zone of
operations. The usual route to the trader's base
of operations at Savannah Town was the inland
water passage which approached Stuart's Town.
Cardross challenged the Carolina traders by
arresting two within the space of several months
and set the stage for an impending showdown by
proclaiming that the natives inhabiting the coun-
try between Stuart's Town and the Westo River
were under his control and not eligible for trade
relations with other persons. In a counter-move.
the Grand Council at Charleston in May 5, 1685.
issued a warrant for the arrest of Cardross.
The first move by the Scots to implement their
course of action was a raid into Spanish Florida.
Indian trader Caleb Esterbrooke and Yamasee
principal leader Altamaha visited the various
towns of Yamasees to seek enough men to under-
take the raid. This team of Scots and Yamasee
leader was able to find sufficient volunteers and
equipped twenty-three of them with muskets. In
February, 1685, the Yamasee raiding party struck
at Santa Catalina de Afuica, a Timucuan mission
situated near the Santa Fe River, killing fifty
Indians, burning several nearby towns and plun-
dering the chapel and friar's house. The Yam-
asees returned in triumph, carrying back with
them twenty-two Timucuans to be sold as slaves.
religious objects, and manuscript of prayers
written in Latin and Spanish (Bolton 1929: 40).
The prisoners were delivered to several Scots
who were waiting at the Savannah River for the
return of the party.
The raid into Spanish mission territory must
be deemed successful but the colony of Scots
was destined to endure the retaliatory Spanish
counter-attack which was to overwhelm them.
Some fourteen months later, three Spanish gal-
leys bearing a force of one hundred and fifty
persons which included Whites, Mulattos and
Indians attacked Stuart's Town. The Scots.
having only twenty-five men in good health, were
unable to withstand the onslaught and Stuart's
Town was destroyed.
Throughout the various accounts telling about
this affair there is no explanation of how the
Yamasees behaved during the attack or why no
warning was given. However, the Indian leader
of the Indian village situated on Saint Helena
was killed in the foray. Led by Thomas de Leon,
the enemy fleet made its way to Edisto Island
where the country home of Governor Morton was
plundered, seven houses burned and spoils to
the number of thirteen slaves were seized. Be-
fore Charleston could be attacked, a hurricane
cast two vessels ashore and the third was in-
deed fortunate to carry the survivors back to
The English at Charleston, realizing what
splendid allies the Scots had obtained, decided
to use the Yamasees as a buffer-zone tribe.and
gave them an area between the Edisto and Savan-
nah Rivers which became known as the "Indian
land." By 1712, the Yamasee Indians had ar-
ranged themselves into ten villages in present
day Jasper and Beaufort counties, South Caro-
lina. The upper villages included Huspaw (near
Huspaw Creek), Pocotaligo (near Pocotaligo
River), Sadkeche (near Salkchatchie), Tomatly
(Tomatly, South Carolina), and Yoa (near Hus-
paw). The lower towns included Altamaha, Chas-
ee, Pocasabo and Tulafina (Tulafinna Creek)
(Crane 1929: 164). Each village had its head
man which the English called a "king" (i.e.,
the Pocotaligo king). The population of the vil-
lages was estimated to be 413 men, 345 women,
234 boys and 223 girls; a grand total of 1,215
persons (Governor Johnson to Council of Trade
and Plantations January 12, 1720: C.O. 5-358).
These ten Yamasee towns took the place of
Stuart's Town as the southern guardpost of the
Carolina frontier. Hunting parties moved con-
stantly through the Georgia woods in search of
deer or slaves and served the English well since
they could bring back news of Spanish incur-
sions into the area. In 1695, one such party cap-
tured three male and one female Spanish mis-
sion Indians near Saint Mary's with the expec-
tation of selling them into slavery for Jamaica
or Barbados, but Carolina Governor John Arch-
dale, upon finding that they were Christians,
sent them back to the Spanish governor at Saint
Augustine (Archdale 1707: 31).
In 1702, the Society for the Propagation of the
Faith sent Rev. Samuel Thomas to work among
the Yamasee Indians. The sum of 10 was bud-
geted for supplies to be used for the Indians
(Pascoe 1904: 12). At first, Reverend Thomas
attempted some work among the Yamasees, but
found them to be too busy carrying on warfare
against Florida. Also, he found that, if he re-
sided among the Indians, he would be exposed
to the raids by the Spanish Indians. Some cap-
tured Yamasees were killed, others were burned
alive, and still others were taken as slaves to
Saint Augustine. Finally, Governor Nathaniel
Johnson assigned the missionary to Goosecreek
Parish where he ministered to the Whites, Neg-
roes, Indian slaves, and free Indians there.
However, by 1713, the son of a Yamasee leader
was sent to England for two years of education
and instruction in the Christian faith.
The Yamasees served the English well as
allies. In 1702, five hundred Yamasee Indians
marched with Colonel Robert Daniel, who com-
manded the land portion of Moore's expedition
against Saint Augustine. They assisted in the
capture of San Juan and Santa Maria and were
greatly disappointed when the Castillo de San
Marcos could not be taken. It was the Yamasee
leader Altamaha (Arratomahaw), last to leave
the scene of the fighting, who replied to the
English pleas for him to hurry: "No, though your
Governor leaves you, I will not stir until I have
seen all my men before me." (Carroll 1836: 449).
It was after this raid that the Yoa Indians of
Florida, a former Guale band, joined their Yam-
asee friends in the North.
During the other phases of Queen Anne's War
(1702-1713), the Yamasees proved to be out-
standing friends of the English. Together with
the Lower Creeks, they raided deep into Florida
in search of the Indians which they took back to
Charleston to be sold as slaves in the West In-
dies. One such party of the Yamasees paddled
six days up the Saint Johns River and went a-
shore in search of slaves. Only the Castillo de
San Marcos proved to be a haven of safety a-
gainst these ruthless raiders.
No mercy was given to those Spaniards who
were captured by the Yamasees. These Indians,
who had colored their bodies with red and black
streaks of paint (red denoting war and black for
death), cut their luckless victims to pieces with
knives or tomahawks or buried them alive in the
Florida sand. Some were tied to trees and were
pierced to death by flaming shafts. Finally, the
English took pity on the Spaniards and offered
a reward of 5 to each Yamasee who returned to
Carolina with a live Spaniard.
In 1711, the Tuscarora Indians rose against
the settlers of North Carolina and military as-
sistance for the area was sent from Charleston.
Colonel John Barnwell, commanding a combined
force of thirty Whites and several hundred In-
dians, moved against the enemy situated along
the Neuse and Pamlico Rivers. Included in the
Indian auxiliaries were eighty-seven Yamasees
in Barnwell's company and one-hundred and fifty-
eight in Steel's company. Although Barnwell won
several minor victories, his Indian allies proved
to be most unreliable when they captured a few
prisoners or some spoils and departed for other
places. Other authorities point out that the Yam-
asees were very loyal to the English and were
the backbone of the Indian force.
In 1713, a South Carolina force of Whites and
Indians under the leadership of James Moore
returned to the Tuscarora villages in an attempt
to break the power of the Indians. The South
Carolina force had been induced to undertake the
campaign by promises that they could keep and
sell the three or four thousand prisoners that
might be captured. In a March 20, 1713 attack,
the Indian fortified village Nooherooka was de-
stroyed and some nine hundred Tuscaroras were
either killed or captured. Most of Moore's In-
dians seized their share of captives and rapidly
departed for South Carolina. McKay, with twenty
Yamasee Indians, did an excellent job of de-
fending the Neuse and Pamlico Valleys until
Moore arrived with reinforcements. Finally, the
entire force of Whites and Indians departed for
Charleston aboard the Yamasee Galley.
In 1715, the Yamasees, Lower Creeks, Apa-
lachees and some smaller tribes, aroused by
mistreatment at the hands of the traders, rose
in a furious attack against the settlers and gain-
ed some initial victories. Within a short time,
the tide turned and the defeated allies were
forced to seek safe havens.
In a most strange turn of events, the Yamasees
decided to rejoin the Spaniards. First, they sent
their women and children by canoe to Saint ,ag-
ustine and some time later joined them. The
Spanish were very delighted to have their fierce
foes as friends and the church bells were rung
in celebration and gifts of hats, coats, guns and
ammunition were given to the Indians. The lead-
ers were invited to dine with the Governor of
Florida. It was indeed a most amazing turn of
events. Yet, within a short time, the Yamasees,
exposed to the raids of the Lower Creeks, could
not defend themselves against such a strong
force and become a weak and defenseless tribe.
The survivors either were taken into the Semi-
nole tribe or faded into obscurity in Cuba or
1929 "Arrival of the Cardross Settlers."
South Carolina Historical and Genealogical
Magazine, Vol. XXX, No. 2, pp. 72-78.
1707 A New Description of that Fertile and
Pleasant Province Carolina. Privately print-
1925 Arredondo's Historical Proof of Spain's
Title to Florida. University of California
Carroll, B. R. (editor)
1836 Historical Collections of South Caro-
lina. Vol. II. Privately printed. New York.
Crane, Verner W.
1929 The Southern Frontier 1670-1732. Uni-
versity of Michigan Press. Ann Arbor.
Dunlop, J. G.
1929 Captain Dunlop's Voyage to the South-
ward. South Carolina Historical and Genea-
logical Magazine, Vol. XXX, No. 3, pp.
Gannon, Michael V.
1965 The Cross in the Sand. University of
Florida Press. Gainesville.
Insh, George P.
1922 Scottish Colonial Schemes 1620-1686.
Privately printed. Glasgow.
Juricek, John T.
1964 The Westo Indians. Ethnohistory, Vol.
XI, No. 2, pp. 134-163. Bloomington.
1935 The Spanish Missions of Georgia. Uni-
versity of North Carolina Press. Chapel
Pascoe, C. F.
1904 Two Hundred Years of the Society for
the Propagation of the Faith. Privately
Sainsbury, William N. and Alexander S. Salley.
1928 Records in the British Public Record
Office Relating to South Carolina, Vol. I.
South Carolina Archives Dept. Columbia.
1952 The Indian Tribes of North America.
Bureau of American Ethnology, Bulletin 145,
pp. 115-116. Washington.
Governor Gonzalo Mendez de Canzo to the King,
September 22, 1602. A. M. Brooks Transcripts,
Library of Congress. Washington.
Fray Joseph Ramon Escudero to Marques de Mon-
October 20, 1734. Brooks Transcripts.
Governor Johnson to Council of Trade and Plan-
January 12, 1720, C.O. 5-358. Public Record
Florida Institute of Technology
THE FLORIDA ANTHROPOLOGIST
THE CATO SITE NEAR SEBASTIAN INLET, FLORIDA
Ripley P. Bullen, Adelaide K. Bullen and Carl J. Clausen
The Cato site, belonging to the Florida Tran-
sitional period and radiocarbon dated at 845
B.C., is located below the present surface of an
Atlantic Ocean beach of southeastern Florida.
It demonstrates that the ocean has risen at least
5 feet since it was first occupied.
The Cato site is located about 15 miles north-
west of Vero Beach, Florida, under the present
Atlantic Ocean beach 1.6 miles southeast of
Sebastian Inlet. As indicated in Fig. 3, it con-
sists of a sloping shell midden of unknown ex-
tent whose top is 2 to 3 feet below the present
A northeast storm of October 13, 1966, exposed
this midden for a substantial distance down the
Fig. 1. View of Cato looking westnorthwest. Note
test, storm bench, and beach dunes.
Fi.a Ve c aoloigwstotws.Nt
tet tr bnh n bahdns
beach. Subsequent tides reburiedi the midden
under beach sand. At that time, no work was
done other than the collection by Clausen of
midden materials, shells, and food bones, which
identified this as an Indian midden and not a
natural shell deposit.
Previously, in July, 1966. human skeletal mate-
rial was found when extremely low 'ides exposed
the Anastasia formation and a deposit of oyster
shells a little to the north of the Cato site. This
material is probably culturally related to the
Cato site. A popular account of that find was
published by Cato (1966) who. very kindly.
showed us the pottery associated with the human
bones. It consisted of thick, soft. St. Johns
Plain chalky ware similar to that found in the
On February 19, 1967, the authors visited the
VOLUME 2 1, NO. I
site in order to correlate the midden with the
local geological section. There we were met by
Homer Cato, who supplied a much needed transit,
Steve Atkins, Jeannie MacMahan, Bob Gross,
and other interested people. As time was limited
because qf the tidal problem, we satisfied out-
selves with the excavation of a short trench, 10
feet long and 5 feet wide, extending easterly
from the previous high tide mark towards the
ocean. The measured section is shown in Fig.
3, and pictures of the site during excavation in
Figs. 1 and 2.
Due to water which accumulated in our trench,
we were unable to properly delineate the bottom
of the midde:. The elevations shown as the base
of the midden are for the bottom of the consol-
idated" shell. Some of this "bottom" was under-
mined by water in the excavation before the
measurements were taken. As sherds and occa-
sional shells were found at greater depths. the
thickness of the culture-bearing strata is greater
than indicated in Fig. 3.
Our work clearly indicated the deposit to be an
Indian shell midden containing food bones and
occasional ceramic fragments. Over 90 percent
of the shell in the midden was oyster, with the
remainder composed of species from a bay type
environment. The midden sloped downwards to-
wards the east, as did the present surface of the
beach, suggesting the deposit might have accu-
mulated on a similarly sloping surface, or that
the slope might have been the result of erosion
by the sea. Below the midden the sand was
black. We assume this coloration was the result
of humic material and charcoal carried down
through the midden by percolating rainwater and,
after inundation, tidal water.
Quite evidently, man lived here at a time when
the Atlantic Ocean was lower, relative to the
land, than now. Unfortunately, we were unable
to extend our test outward to find the seaward
edge of the midden, but the ocean must have
been at least 5 feet possibly 10 feet lower
than the present level for this site to have been
Pottery from our test consisted of fairly thick,
fairly soft, St. Johns Plain sherds. This is the
kind of plain ware we find associated with St.
Johns Incised pottery of the Florida Transitional
period which has been dated at approximately
1000 B.C. to 500 B.C. (Bullen 1965). In order
to date the occupancy of the site more closely,
4 Busycon perversum Linne shells from the
midden were given to Dr. H. K. Brooks, Depart-
ment of Geology, University of Florida, Gaines-
ville, for dating. He very kindly arranged to have
them radiocarbon dated at Florida State Univer-
sity, Tallahassee. The resultant date (Sample
FSU-173) is 2795t 50 years before present or
about 845 B.C. This date compares very favor-
ably with a date of about 960 B.C.for the Zabski
site on Merritt Island where St. Johns Incised
and other Florida Transitional period sherds
were found (Atkins and MacMahan 1968).
It is evident that man lived on what is now
the Atlantic beach of Florida several thousand
years ago when the Atlantic Ocean was substan-
tially lower than at present. Oysters require
brackish water in which to live. The dominance
of this species might suggest a lagoon and an
offshore island between the site and the ocean
at the time of habitation. However, the distance
to the brackish Indian River (Intracoastal Water-
way) to the west is so short, it seems more
likely that Indians brought oysters from that
source to the site.
Alternatively, it has been suggested that the
midden might have been laid down on the western
river edge of the Barrier island, and that the
island has migrated westward under the effects
of the rising sea level exposing the deposits in
the ocean beach.
While there have been suggestions of lower
ocean levels along the eastern coast of Florida
before, the Cato site is the first which definitely
proves the Atlantic Ocean level was lower 2000-
3000 years ago. On the Gulf coast, there is
abundant evidence of the advance of Gulf waters
onto the western edge of peninsular Florida. The
most recent sites appear to be those at Battery
Point (Coates 1955), and the lowest level at
Johns Island (Bullen and Bullen 1950), both of
which belong to the Florida Transitional period
and indicate an advance of the sea about the
same as at the Cato site. This similarity in time
and amount of sea level rise on both coasts of
the Florida peninsula is of considerable arch-
aeological and geological interest. The'possibi-
lity exists that on both coasts early Archaic,
and possibly Paleo-Indian, sites may be found
at substantial distance out from the present
Atkins, Steve and Jeannie MacMahan a."*
1967 The Zabski Site, Merritt Island, Florida.
The Florida Anthropologist, Vol. 20, Nos.
3-4, pp. 133-145. Tallahassee.
Bullen, Adelaide K. and R. P. Bullen
1950 The Johns Island Site, Hernando County,
Florida. American Antiquity, Vol. 16. No. 1,
pp. 23-45. Salt Lake City.
Bullen, Ripley P.
1965 Florida's Prehistory. In Florida from
Indian Trail to Space Age, Chapter XXIII
(Tebeau, Chauvin, Bullen and Bullen).
Southern Publishing Co. Delray Beach.
1966 Found Ancient Sebastian Man. Florida
Sport-camping, Vol. 2, No. 3, pp. 32-34.
Coates, Gordon C.
1955 Recent Tests at the Battery Point Site,
Bayport, Hernando County, Florida. The
Florida Anthropologist, Vol. 8, No. 1, pp.
Florida State Museum
Board of Archives and History
f Achies an Hsory Fig. 2. View of test at Cato site showing recent beach
Tallahassee, Florida sand over top of Indian Shell midden.
-- circe 700'--j
Level lines --circa 700'_
50, 50 5
cl 2.50' L90' crest of highway AIA
4.15' 3.09' 3" ot 6
3.62 .98 3-26'
Surface of beach Shell midden
A High tide mark, February 19, 1967
C Approximate low tide, February 19, 1967
D Bench formed by very high tides
E Approximate top of sand dune
F Elevation of center of Route AIA,about 700 feet west of site
Elevations at C,B,and the shell midden are below A, that at D
above A. Elevations at C and D by line level, others by transit.
Fig. 3. Physiographic section at Cato site. (Vertical
distances not to scale.)
THE FLORIDA ANTHROPOLOGIST
THOM'S CREEK CERAMICS IN THE CENTRAL
SAVANNAH RIVER LOCALITY
David Sutton Phelps
Little has been published on the chronology,
range of types, or distribution of Thorn's.Creek
ceramics and their related cultural materials.
A single type description of Thom's Creek Pun-
ctated, and a general discussion of specimens
from the type station represented the only signi-
ficant contributions to knowledge of this impor-
tant complex of materials in the 37 years since
their first recognition.
Based on materials recovered in 1965, a des-
cription of the Thom's Creek ceramic series in
the Central Savannah River locality presents
four decorative types: Thom's Creek Punctated,
Thom's Creek Incised, Thom's Creek Simple
Stamped, and Thom's Creek Plain. Other sec-
tions describe technological features of the
series, rim form and lip decoration, and discuss
the temporal and spatial relationships of the
Thom's Creek phase.
This description of the Thom's Creek ceramic
series is offered to partially fill a gap in know-
ledge of the prehistory of the Savannah River
region of Georgia and So. Carolina. The Thorn's
Creek phase is crucial to the understanding of
the connection between the first ceramic-pro-
ducing culture in that region and the so-called
"Woodland" manifestations which follow. Even
with this importance, knowledge of Thorn's
Creek has been so obscure that two recent sum-
maries of Southeastern prehistory (Sears 1964:
Willey 1966) could generally ignore the phase.
Claflin (1931) was the first to illustrate and
briefly describe the pottery that we now know as
Thorn's Creek, but it was 14 years later that
Griffin (1945) supplied the name and described
specimens from the type station below Columbia,
South Carolina. No formal description appeared
until Waddell's (1963) summary of the type
Thorn's Creek Punctated for the South Carolina
coastal region. Caldwell (1952: 315) made brief
mention of related materials from Horse Island,
South Carolina'and formally raised the question
of contemporaneity with the Stallings series.
Waring named the related Awendaw complex des-
cribed by Waddell (1965).
So little is known, or published, from the
coastal area that an adequate chronology has
not been established. Similarly, the frequency
and distribution of types in the series, other
than Thorn's Creek Punctated, cannot presently
be determined. The published distribution of
Thom's Creek Punetated, drawn from the com-
bined knowledge of Waring and Waddell, places
that type throughout the South Carolina coastal
plain from the drainage of the Pee Dee River
southward to, and including, the Savannah River
(Waddell 1963: 5). The piedmont boundary ap-
parently is the fartherest westward extent; no
Thorn's Creek materials have been reported far
above Stallings Island on the Savannah, and
Wauchope (1966) records none from northern
Georgia. Waring records the southerly extent of
Thorn's Creek on the coast at Hilton Head Is-
land, and a few sherds from the surface of the
Deptford site (Williams 1968: 218).
The description presented here is limited to
the Central Savannah locality, represented by
the three sites shown on the map (Fig. 1). The
map also shows the relationship of these sites
to the Thom'e Creek type station on the Con-
garee River. Certainly these are not all the sites
containing remains of the Thorn's Creek phase,
but they offer sufficient data for a preliminary
statement on the ceramic materials in the hope
that further research may be stimulated to en-
large upon it. The use of the term "locality"
here refers to the arbitrary geographic grouping
of the three sites; further research may or may
not show that Thorn's Creek ceramics from these
sites different from those on the coast, or else-
where within the total distribution.
The Stallings Island site, 9Cbl, Columbia
County, Georgia, is well known from the original
report of Claflin (1931), which discussed cera-
mic materials including those which are now
called Thorn's Creek. Claflin's illustrations of
Thorn's Creek specimens are utilized here to
indicate the presence of particular modes of
body and lip decoration which were found on
materials from the other two sites.
VOLUME 21, NO. I
Thorn's Creek site
9Ri4 White's Mound
0 10 20 30
Fig. 1. Sites with Thorn's Creek components in the cen-
tral Savannah River locality.
White's Mound, 9Ri4, is about 12 miles below
Augusta, Georgia, in Richmond County. Unlike
Stallings Island, it is approximately one mile
from the present Savannah River, on a channel
previously occupied by that stream. A Florida
State University archaeological crew, under the
direction of the writer, carried out excavations
at White's Mound during the summer of 1965,
supported by a grant (GS-675) from the National
Science Foundation. The site, previously exca-
vated by the University of Georgia in 1963, has
been briefly reported (Phelps and Burgess 1964),
and the full report of the 1965 investigation is
in preparation. Only the materials reclaimed in
1965 are utilized in this paper.
White's Mound was first occupied during the
Late Archaic, and has an almost complete strat-
igraphic record of the local ceramic sequence
subsequent to the Archaic. The Stallings phase
is well represented, followed by a comparatively
light occupation during the Thom's Creek phase.
Overlying, and partially mixed with the Thom's
Creek materials are almost equally massive
quantities of Deptford and Wilmington ceramics
and artifacts, with the latter showing a tendency
to predominate in some instances. The Thom's
Creek ceramic sample reclaimed from this site
during the 1965 work totals 171 sherds.No whole
vessels were reclaimed.
The Boy Scout site, 9Bur6, is located on Briar
Creek, in Burke County, Georgia. Its name de-
rives from the magnanimous attitude of active
amateurs in the Augusta area who had originally
set this site aside for the local Boy Scouts to
excavate. Somewhere along the line things went
awry and various groups created large holes in
the site to the chagrin of the landowners, who
promptly prohibited all entry. We were never able
to visit the site, but it was described to us as
being on an old levee of Briar Creek, parallel
and relatively close to the present course of
that stream. The materials donated to Florida
State University, reported to be the complete
ceramic count and a few associated artifacts
from one area of the site, consisted exclusively
of Thom's Creek and Stallings specimens. It.is
possible that 9Bur6 was a two-component site.
The total Thom's Creek sample from 9Bur6 num-
bers 245 sherds.
THOM'S CREEK SERIES
This aspect of Thom's Creek pottery is not
discussed by type because there are no suffi-
ciently diagnostic differences to warrant such a
treatment. With some exceptions, the statements
by Griffin (1945: 467) and Waddell (1963: 3),
describing Thom's Creek Punctated, adequately
summarize the technology for the entire series.
The coiling method of manufacture is readily
evident on the specimens from the Central Sa-
vannah River sample, indicating a mastery of
this construction technique. Most of the speci-
mens in this sample display a surface suffi-
ciently "floated" so that coil junctures are
Temper is fine to coarse sand with more than
occasional additions of grit. There are no speci-
mens in this sample which approach the "tem -
perless" state. Paste lamination is occasionally
present, and the hardness range (2.0 2.5) over-
laps that perviously recorded (Waddell 1963: 3;
Griffin 1945: 467).
Surface finish is similar to that recorded for
the coastal material, but many of the valley
specimens have a gritty-to-abrasive surface.
Claflin (1931: 21) originally described the
Thom's Creek material from 9Cbl as'having a
bubblyy feel," characteristic of a ware "heavily
tempered with course grit."
Rims and lips of the Central Savannah speci-
mens are discussed in detail in a separate sec-
tion below. No appendages occurred in this sam-
ple, and vessel shape conforms to the previously
recorded simple and globular bowls. Apparently,
these were the only forms produced. All vessel
bases recovered were of the rounded type. A
number of sherds have mending holes, but only a
few displayed possible suspension holes.
The major technological difference observed
in this simple, as opposed to previous descriD-
tions, is vessel wall thickness. Griffin (1945:
467) stated an average thickness of 5 to 7 mm.
with a mean of 7 mm. Table 1 presents the data
for the Central Savannah sample by type, with
a total range from 5 to 17 mm. (0.5 1.7 cm.).
Both mean and median fall close to 10 mm.
(1 cm.) in all types for which there was a suffi-
cient sample. Waddell's (1963) sample size was
not given, and the Thom's Creek type station
sample totalled only 19 sherds (Griffin 1945:
466); perhaps neither of these was sufficient to
express a realistic range of vessel wall thick-
TYPES OF THE THOM'S CREEK SERIES
The four ceramic types below are defined on
TABLE 1. ANALYSIS OF VESSEL WALL THICKNESS
THOM'S CREEK HOME'SS CREEK SIMPLE THOM'S CREEK
TYPE PUNCTATED INCISED STAMPED PLAIN
RANGE 0.5-1.5 0.7-1.5 1.2 0.9-1.1 0.7-1.3 0.5-1.7
MEAN 1.02 1.08 ** ** 1.01 0.95
MEDIAN 1.02 1.15 ** ** 1.10 1.10
SAMPLE 158 24 1 5 52 176
* Includes incised/punctated
** Insufficient sample
Measurements in centimeters
Total sherd sample: 416
the basis of surface decoration alone, since no
technological differences distinguish them. The
four. types are, in order of discussion, Thorn's
Creek Punctated, Thorn's Creek Incised, Thorn's
Creek Simple Stamped, and Thom's Creek Plain.
Occasional mention of rim form and lip decora-
tion is made under each type, but these attri-
butes are more elaborately treated in a separate
section of the paper.
THOM'S CREEK PUNCTATED This single
type includes two modes of decorative applica-
tion which may be significant in determinations
of cultural continuity. The first is linear punc-
tated ("drag and jab") (Fig. 4a-f), the tech-
nique most often thought diagnostic for this
type, as well as Stallings Punctated; the second
is separate punctated (Figs. 2-3), the prevalent
mode of the type Thorn's Creek Punctated, lack-
ing the connection between punctates accom-
plished by "dragging" the tool. Of the original
type station sample, 16 of the 19 sherds were
separate punctated (Griffin 1945: 467). and in
the present sample 158 of the 182 sherds of
Thorn's Creek Punctated display this mode.
The separate punctated mode includes decor-
ation applied by a wide array of tools impressed
into the wet clay either vertically or at an angle.
The tool kit, including all items listed by Wad-
dell (1963: 3) except shell, contained ends and
cut sections of bones, split and cut reeds, blunt
and pointed sticks, finger-nails, and a number
of unidentified devices. A range of these punc-
tations is shown in Figs. 2 and 3. The decora-
tion was most often applied in lines parallel to
the vessel rim (Fig. 2a-i). but occasionally the
lines are vertical (Fig. 2j). In either case. the
decoration is applied over most of the vessel
surface except the base. Variations on this
theme are shown in Fig. 3; the most frequent of
these are the panels of parallel lines separated
by vertical "blank" spaces (Fig. 3b, f). An-
other fairly frequent variation is that illustrated
in Fig. 3a, on which a few parallel lines of
punctates are placed around the rim and the re-
mainder of the body space filled with diagonal
parallel or opposing lines of punctates. In Fig.
3e, another variation of geometrically patterned
lines of punctation is shown. Fig. 3d illustrates
the use of different tools on the same vessel.
A typical range of specimens of the linear
punctated mode is shown in Fig. 4a-f. This
decoration was accomplished with the same
tools listed above under separate punctation.
In this mode, the application of linear punctation
parallel to the rim appears to predominate.
The type Thom's Creek Punctated, including
both modes, was derived from Stallings Punc-
tated, but decorative preferences in the Thorn's
Creek phase were apparently moving away from
linear punctation so popular in the Stallings
phase, in favor of punctates applied separately.
THOM'S CREEK INCISED There are two
modes of decoration, straight line incised and
wavy line incised, included in the type Thorn's
Creek Incised. The type occurs in this sample
as a minor trait.
The first mode is straight line incised, repre-
sented by 4 sherds in this sample. Two tech-
niques were used, producing both fine and broad
incised lines parallel to the vessel rim. No large
sherds of this mode were reclaimed, making it
difficult to determine the extent of the decorated
area on the entire vessel. Three of the speci-
mens were fine line incisions, executed with a
sharp, pointed tool; the other sherd, illustrated
in Fig. 4h, is broad line incision. Included as a
variation of the straight line incised mode is the
combination incised-punctated sherd shown in
Fig. 3c, displaying 2 parallel incised lines
alternating with 2 rows of separate punctates.
This specimen also has a row of punctates on
its lip (Fig. 6i).
Only one specimen of the wavy line mode (Fig.
4g. occurred in this sample. There are 6 parallel
lines, executed with a sharp-pointed tool below
the rim of the vessel, whose lip, illustrated in
Fig. 6b, is decorated in the simple stamped
mode. The wavy line incising is probably de-
rived from wavy line linear punctation in the
Incising occurs in the Stallings series, but has
never been formally described. Sears and Griffin
(1950) mention it in combination with punctation
on Stallings Punctated, and Fairbanks (1942:
228) lists broad and narrow line incising and
cross-hatching in his pottery complex traits for
Stallings Island. Incising is apparently rela-
tively infrequent in both Stallings and Thom's
THOM'S CREEK SIMPLE STAMPED Two
types of tools are utilized to produce the surface
decoration on this type. One is sharp-edged,
the application of which results in impressions
like those shown in Fig. 4i-j; the other is a
dowel-like tool, resulting in impressions with
rounded cross sections. In both cases the appli-
cation is extremely random, and frequently over-
lapping. Decoration covered most of the vessel
surface except the base. Decorated lips of
Thorn's Creek Simple Stamped vessels are of
the simple stamped and cord marked modes, but
the majority of lips were plain.
Both techniques of simple stamping occur
occasionally on Stallings specimens from this
locality, both at 9Ri4 and 9Cbl (Fairbanks 1942:
228, Fig. 22, 12), but are more at home in the
Wheeler series (Sears and Griffin 1950), on the
type Wheeler Simple Stamped. Fairbanks (1952:
286) has suggested that both Wheeler and Stal-
lings simple stamping techniques contributed to
the development of Mossy Oak Simple Stamped.
This statement applies equally to the Thorn's
Creek type, which probably should include some
specimens classified as Mossy Oak.
THOM'S CREEK PLAIN This type requires
little formal description. There is, of course, no
body decoration and its technological features
are shared with all other types in the series.
Lips of Thorn's Creek vessels are decorated
more frequently than those of the other types,
in every mode but punctating. Dowel stamped,
and combination dowel stamped-cord marked,
lips occurred in this sample only on Thom's
Creek Plain. The type also has a-wider range
of rim form than any other in the series (Table
RIM FORM AND LIP DECORATION
Table 2 presents the distribution of rim form
and lip decoration by type and mode in the
Thom's Creek series. In the table, the numbers
give the combined sample from sites 9Ri4 and
9Bur6; the "p" indicates presence of the trait
at site 9Cbl. The rim profiles are drawn in Fig.
5, and Fig. 6 illustrates the modes of lip decora-
The range of rim forms shown in Fig. 5 encom-
passes most of the variations present in both
the Stallings and Thorn's Creek series. The
number of forms still present in the Thorn's
Creek series enhances the current concept of a
strong cultural continuity between these two
ceramic series. As shown in Table 2, certain,
rims are popular throughout the series; such as
forms a, k, and 1, while others cluster prefer-
entially with particular types. In the latter re-
spect, form b is extremely popular on Thorn's
Creek Punctated vessels. This correlation is
also recorded for the coastal variant of Thom's
Creek Punctated by Waddell (1963: 4; Fig. 2c).
who also noted the occurrence of rims a, k, and
1 with that type. Rims c and g, both rare forms
in this sample, occur only on the Thom's Creek
Punctated type. The Thorn's Creek Plain type
exclusively exhibits rim form h, j, m, and n.
Forms j and m occurred only once each, while
two examples each of h and n were noted. The
bulbous, thickened rims m and n were usually
decorated. Forms d and i, present in the Stal-
lings series, are absent in this Thorn's Creek
sample. Their relative popularity in the Stallings
series cannot be judged since, to my knowledge,
there is no published definitive study of rim
forms for that series.
Thorn's Creek Plain vessels had a wider vari-
ety of rim forms than other types in the series,
with the separate mode of Thorn's Creek Punc-
tated running second. These two types are the
most popular of the series as well.
In the lower section of Table 2, ten techniques
of vessel lip decoration on Thorn's Creek pottery
are given with their distribution by ceramic type.
The ten techniques, correlated with their tabu-
lar numbers are:
1. Simple stamping; applied at an angle
other than perpendicular to the vessel rim. The
tool utilized in the application of this decoration
was most often flat or semi-rounded, and pro-
duced shallow impressions ranging from approxi-
mately 1mm. to 3 mm. in width.
2. Simple stamping, applied perpendicular
to edge of rim; this is an application variation
3. Simple stamping; impressions applied at
both perpendicular and less than 90 degree
angles to rim of same vessel. This is a combina-
tion of 1 and 2, and indicates the cultural ac-
ceptance of free variation in the direction of
application of the simple stamping.
4. Cord marking; applied at an angle other
than perpendicular to the vessel rim. The tightly
twisted cords ranged from approximately 1 mm.to
2.5 mm. in diameter.
5. Cord marking; cross application at angles
other than perpendicular to rim; same diameters
6. Dowel stamping; applied at angles other
than perpendicular to vessel rim. Impressions
are smooth, usually deep, and semi-circular in
cross-section, and appear to have been produced
with a smooth, round stick, bone, or other tool
of similar shape.
7. Dowel stamping; cross application at
angles other than perpendicular to rim. Same
tool as 6.
8. Dowel-Cord combination; the application
of dowel tool crossed over cord impressions in
9. Plain, undecorated lips.
10. Punctated; single line of separate punc-
tations around top of lip. The vertically applied
punctations appear to have been produced by
tools with pointed or rounded ends.
The ten techniques of lip decoration may be
divided into five modes, each of which had an
acceptable range of variation in application. The
five are: (1) Simple stamping, (2) cord marking,
(3) dowel stamping, (4) punctating, and (5) plain,
or lack of decoration.
Simple stamping (Fig. 6a-c) as a decorative
mode was more popular than plain, undecorated
lips. It was present on 34 of the total of 75 rims
in this sample, more frequently appearing on
Thom's Creek Punctated specimens at 9Bur6,
and on Thom's Creek Simple Stamped at 9Ri4.
Apparently, the type 1 application at an angle
is the "ideal," with the types 2-3 being accept-
able variations. This type of lip decoration is
found on Stallings series materials although
there is no mention of this, or of the incised lip
decoration, in either the type description (Sears
and Griffin 1950), or in Fairbank's (1942) dis-
cussion of the Stallings Island material. The
Stallings series specimens from 9Ri4, and speci-
mens from the Georgia and South Carolina coasts
inspected by the author, exhibit the simple
stamping mode fairly frequently. The precedence
of this mode in fiber-tempered series is further
enhanced by its presence in the Norwood series
(Phelps 1965: 67-68) of the Big Bend region
The cord marking mode (Fig. 6f-g) was more
popular on Thorn's Creek Plain than on other
types, although it did occur on Thorn's Creek
TABLE 2. ANALYSIS OF RIM FORM AND LIP DECORATION
THOM'S CREEK THOM'S CREEK THOM'S CREEK THOM'S CREEK
TYPE PUNCTATED INCISED SIMPLE PLAIN
RIM FORM a 6p 5 1 2 6p
b 9 7 1
c 1 "
) 1 1
k 3 1 1
1R 4 ipa 1 31 6p
m 1___ __1
1 11 9 1 1 3
2 2 1 1____
3 2 __ 1 2
4 p p p_ 1 4
61 ____ 1
8 9 ____ 1
9 14 2 3 11
10 1 1"_ 1
SIZE 28p 14p 1 Ip 6 25p
SIZE I28p 14p 1 Ip 6 25p
p = present at Stallings Island site.
Total rim sample: 75.
* = includes incised/punctated variety.
Simple Stamped and Thom's Creek Punctated.
While Waddell (1963: 4) does not record the
mode for his coastal sample, it apparently does
occur on Thom's Creek Punctated specimens
from that locality (William G. Haag, personal
communication). It is illustrated on the Stallings
Island specimens of Thom's Creek Plain (Claflin
1931: Plate 34, center row, right), Incised (Claf-
lin 1931: Plate 34, center row, left), and Punc-
tated (Claflin 1931: Plate 30, center row, right).
At 9Bur6, only Thorn's Creek Plain lips were
cord marked, while at 9Ri4 both Thorn's Creek
Plain and Simple Stamped types displayed this
mode. There is no precedent for this mode of lip
decoration in any of the fiber-tempered series,
although both Fairbanks (1942: 228) and Wanc-
hope (1966: 45) mention cord marking as a minor
variant in vessel body decoration on Stallings
ceramics. If cord marking was introduced late in
the duration of the Stallings series, and occurred
as a prominent trait in lip decoration on Thorn's
Creek vessels, the logical surmise must follow:
the impact of the"Northern Tradition" (Caldwell
1958: 33-34) was not late or post-Deptford,
but began prior to the Deptford Phase, at least
in the central locality of the Savannah Valley.
Dowel stamping (Fig. 6d-e) on Thom's Creek
vessel lips also has no known precedent. It is
apparently an application of vessel body decora-
a b c d e f g
tive techniques to rims in the Thom's Creek
series. As previously noted, Thorn's Creek
Simple Stamped exhibits a minority technique
of dowel simple stamping, undoubtedly derived
from an earlier, similar Stallings type. Dowel
stamping of lips occurs only on Thom's Creek
Plain at 9Bur6, including the one specimen
which combined dowel stamping and cord mark-
ing (Fig. 6g).
Lip punctation in this sample is a minor mode,
limited to two specimens from 9Ri4 (Fig. 6h-i}.
One of the lips decorated in this manner is on a
Thom's Creek Punctated sherd of the separate
punctate mode (Fig. 6h); the other is a rim sherd
from a vessel decorated with alternating lines
of incision and punctation placed horizontally
from the rim downward. The latter specimen
(Fig. 3c) is classified as a variation of Thorn's
Creek Incised, straight line mode. There are no
published antecedents of the punctated lip, but
the use of this type of decoration on vessel
bodies in both the Stallings and Thom's Creek
series is so widespread that occasional transfer
of the technique from body to lip is not unex-
i j k I m n
Interiors to right
Not to scale
Fig. 5. Vessel wall and rim profiles of the Thorn's Creek
and Stallings series.
Lip decoration of the Thorn's Creek series.
Simple stamped mode, a-c; dowel stamped mode,
d-e; cord marked mode, f; combination of cord
marked and dowel stamped mode, g; punctated
CHRONOLOGY AND RELATIONSHIPS
In his epilogue to The Waring Papers, Williams
(1968: 321) has recently summarized the meager
data available on the chronology and placement
of the Thom's Creek ceramic complex, noting
that Waring believed Thom's Creek materials
followed the Stallings complex in time and were
a continuation of that cultural tradition. This is
evident in Waring's statement that Stallings and
Thom's Creek shared such traits as incised bone
pins and the construction of circular shell en-
closures (Williams 1968: 218-219). Data from
sites 9Ri4 and 9Bur6 in the present study au-
thenticate that Savannah River projectile points
and the large, triangular blade so typical of the
Stallings phase also continued to be produced in
the Thorn's Creek phase. Except for the shift in
tempering material from vegetal fibers to sand,
there is little difference in the ceramics of the
Stallings and Thorn's Creek phases; they are. a
cultural continuity. Waring recognized the full
range of Stallings ceramic types by suggesting
names for them: Stallings (Island) Plain, Punc-
tated, Incised, and Simple Stamped (Williams
1968: 249). Each of these types has a later,
sand-tempered derivative in the Thom's Creek
Williams (1968: 321) reports that Stoltman
found Thom's Creek ceramics overlying those
of the Stallings phase at the Groton Plantation
site on the Savannah in Allendale County, South
Carolina. At White's Mound that stratigraphic
alignment also occurred. There can be little
doubt that Thom's Creek immediately follows
Stallings in the Central Savannah locality.
More perplexing is the problem of what fol-
lowed Thom's Creek. The stratigraphy at the
mouth of the Savannah shows the Thom's Creek-
related Refuge phase followed by Deptford,
which is then replaced by Wilmington. While the
ceramic stratigraphy at 9Ri4 is mixed through
intense occupation and intrusive pitting, there
is nevertheless a strong indication that cord-
marked ceramics slightly precede Deptford mate-
rials and then co-exist, .or merge, with them
after Thom's Creek times. This is somewhat
reinforced by the utilization of cord-marking as
lip decoration on Thom's Creek pottery unless
this was independently invented. Since I am not
a strong believer in independent invention, it
seems most plausible to suggest that, at least
in the Central Savannah locality, Wilmington
ceramics and their attendant culture intrude
during the Thorn's Creek phase, introducing the
idea of cord-marking. This hypothesis will re-
quire further testing at sites with the necessary
stratigraphy, of course. It should also be noted
that the ceramics I am referring to as Wilmington
in the central valley are not as heavily clay tem-
pered as the coastal variant is described to be.
The up-river specimens are heavily sand and
grit tempered with occasional clay inclusions.
A single radiocarbon date from the Thorn's
Creek-related Awendaw complex exists. This is
1820 B.C. (M-1209), a date considered by Waring
to be too early (Williams 1968: 330). Williams'
estimate places Thom's Creek around 1000 B.C.,
but there is little data on which the phase dura-
tion may be judged. Similarly, there are no abso-
lute dates for either Deptford or Wilmington
materials in this locality which might provide a
terminal guess for Thom's Creek. Synchroni-
cally, Thom's Creek is related to Mossy Oak
"phase" of central and northern Georgia, but
appears quite apart from the Alexander series
of northern Alabama. It seems that closely
shared relationships between Wheeler and Stal-
lings, and possibly Norwood, which resulted in
the wide-spread simple stamped and punctated
decorations, tended to close off in the succeed-
ing phases, just prior to the spread of a new
Thom's Creek ceramics and culture are ap-
parently replaced throughout their spatial dis-
tribution by Deptford and/or Wilmington. The
argument for a derivation of Deptford Linear
Check Stamping from Thom's Creek Punctated
and its ancestral form, Stallings Punctated,
appears to have little to offer except modern
logic coupled with a strong desire to have Dept-
ford invented in either the Savannah Valley or in
South Carolina (Waring 1966: 1). Thom's Creek
Punctated specimens do show a preference for
separate, rather than linear, application of a
single tool. The techniques are completely dif-
ferent in configuration, and it is difficult to
visualize turning a reed or bone punch into a
stamping unit. Similarly, any argument for the
derivation of Deptford from Thom's Creek must
explain the relative scarcity of tetrapods in the
Savannah Valley, and the standardization of
Deptford designs over a broad area previously
containing locally exclusive decorative tradi-
tions. The cultural manifestation which produced
Stallings and Thorn's Creek lacks many elements
necessarily prerequisite to the birth of Deptford.
The author wishes to express his appreciation
to the National Science Foundation for the grant
(GSâ€”675) which made possible the collection
and analysis of the Thomâ€™s Creek materials.
Caldwell, J. R.
1952 The Archeology of Eastern Georgia and
South Carolina. In Archeology of Eastern
United States (J. B. Griffin, editor), pp.
313-821. University of Chicago Press.
1958 Trend and Tradition in the Prehistory
of Eastern United States. Memoirs of the
American Anthropological Association. No.
Claflin, W. H.
1931 The Stallings Island Mound, Columbia
County, Georgia. Papers of the Peabody
Museum of American Archaeology and Ethno-
logy, Harvard University, Vol. 14, No. 1.
Fairbanks, C. H.
1942 The Taxonomic Position of Stallings
Island, Georgia. American Antiquity, Vol. 7,
No. 3, pp. 223â€”231. Menasha.
1952 Creek and Preâ€”Creek. In Archeology of
Eastern United States. (J. B. Griffin, edi-
tor), pp. 285-300. University of Chicago
Griffin, J. B.
1945 Ceramic Collections from Two South
Carolina Sites. Papers of the Michigan
Academy of Sciences, Arts, and Letters,
Vol. 30, pp. 465-476. Ann Arbor.
Phelps, D. S.
1965 The Norwood Series of Fiber-Tempered
Ceramics. Southeastern Archaeological Con-
ference, Bulletin No. 2, pp. 65-69. Cam-
Phelps, D. S. and R. Burgess
1964 A Possible Case of Cannibalism in the
Early Woodland Period of Eastern Georgia.
American Antiquity, Vol. 30, No. 2, pp.
199-202. Salt Lake City.
Sears, W. H.
1964 The Southeastern United States. In Preâ€”
historic Man in the New World. (J. D. Jen-
nings and E. Norbeck, editors), pp. 259â€”
287. University of Chicago Press. Chicago.
Waddell, E. G.
1963 Thomâ€™s Creek Punctate. Southeastern
Archaeological Conference, Newsletter,
Vol. 9, No. 2, pp. 3-5. Cambridge.
1965 A C14 Date for Awendaw Punctate.
Southeastern Archaeological Conference,
Bulletin No. 3, pp. 82-85. Cambridge.
Waring, A. J., dr.
1966 Deptford in the Savannah Region. South-
eastern Archaeological Conference, News-
letter, Vol. 10, No. 1, pp. 1-3. Morgantown.
1966 Archaeological Survey of Northern Ga.
Memoirs of the Society for American Arch-
aeology, No. 21, Salt Lake City.
Willey, G. R.
1966 An Introduction to American Archaeo-
logy, Vol. 1. Prentice-Hall. Englewood
Williams Stephen (editor)
1968 The Waring Papers. Papers of the Pea-
body Museum of Archaeology and Ethno-
logy, Harvard University, Vol. LVIII. Cam-
Department of Anthropology
Florida State University
VOLUME 21, NO. I
THE FLORIDA ANTHROPOLOGIST
JAMES ALFRED FORD, 1911 1968
William G. Haag
On February 25th, one of the dominant figures
in New World prehistory died. James Alfred Ford,
whose influence has been felt from the most
naive graduate student preparing a term paper to
the most sophisticated theoretical anthropolo-
gist, passed away after an illness of nearly a
year. Although his death was no surprise, it
still is difficult to imagine a Southeastern Arch-
aeological Conference or a Caddo Conference
without him. The whole field of American pre-
history is impoverished to a degree without him,
and in Florida, where his presence was begin-
ning to be felt, he will be most difficult to re-
place. In the affection of his numerous friends,
he will never be replaced.
Jim Ford was the name by which he was known
to governors of Alaska, generals of the Army,
bush pilots in the Arctic, and fellow archaeolo-
gists. Jim was born February 12, 1911, in Water
Valley, Mississippi. His father, a railroad en-
gineer, was killed when Jim was a young lad,
a fact that probably contributed much to the de-
velopment of his stalwart independence, self-
reliance, and strength of character. Just what
led to his early interest in archaeology is diffi-
cult to isolate, but he was indubitably launched
upon a career in prehistory before he finished
high school. In 1927, Jim and Moreau B. Cham-
bers began a survey of the counties around Jack-
son, Mississippi, a program instigated by the
Mississippi Department of Archives and History.
This initial work gave him a lasting regard for
the role of pottery in reconstructing the pre-
history of an area.
By fortunate accident early in his career, Jim
came under the influence of a competent profes-
sional archaeologist, Henry B. Collins. Himself
a Mississippian, Collins was sent by the Bureau
of American Ethnology to excavate the Deason-
ville site in Yazoo County, Mississippi in the
summer of 1929. Ford and Chambers aided in
this endeavor. Dr. Collins was so impressed
with his young assistants that he took them to
St. Lawrence Island with him the following sum-
mer. This was the beginning of a continuing in-
terest in the Arctic for Jim Ford. He returned to
Point Barrow in the summer of 1931 and remain-
ed until the fall of 1932, a most adventurous and
interesting year. In 1936 and again in 1952 he
pursued archaeological research in Alaska. Dur-
ing the war years he was a frequent visitor in
the Arctic as a consultant for the U.S. Army
Quartermaster Corps, and in 1960 he gave seri-
ous consideration to accepting a position at the
University of Alaska.
In the fall of 1933, Jim helped Frank Setzler
in excavations at the Marksville site. This ex-
perience firmed up his ideas of three major cul-
tural traditions in the lower alluvial valley of
the Mississippi. Marksville was the earliest,
followed by Coles Creek, and historic Natchez,
Tunica, or Caddo. Thus was born the somewhat
premature Red River Mouth chronology, with
which Jim was to be forever after identified as
the father. And a typical parent he proved to be.
Periodic harsh reconstitutions and additions to
the main child were mollified by defensive ac-
tions against foreign critics. To this enlightened
day, the Red River Mouth chronology remains
the framework to which all peripheral chrono-
logies are geared.
In early 1934, as an experienced field arch-
aeologist and a newly married man, Jim Ford
journeyed in a Model T Ford to Macon, Ga.
to work for a while with Arthur R. Kelly and
other later-to-be-notable- southeastern-aPchaeolo-
gists. However, iri the fall of that year he re-
turned to Louisiana State University and worked
toward completing a Bachelor's degree. Through
the combined efforts of wife Ethel, mentor and
benefactor Fred B. Kniffen, and numerous teach-
ers only to glad to be relieved of trying to get
him to master English or French, he completed
the requirements in June, 1936.All this time, he
was organizing the L.S.U. Archaeological Survey
and, with Kniffen, moving it toward an extensive
program of W.P.A. excavations. Eventually, a
number of the most competent men of the period
because associated with this program, many of
whom have become important figures in the world
of American archaeology. A few of these are
Gordon R. Willey, George I. Quimby, William
Malloy, Arden R. King, Carlyle Smith, R. Stuart
Neitzel, Preston Holder, and Edwin Doran. The
last named, a geographer, is a dean at Texas
A. and M. University, whereas all the others
have continued with distinguished careers in
archaeology. None of these scholars and scien-
tists ever failed to profit by his contact with
In the fall of 1937 James B. Griffin invited
Jim to Ann Arbor. It was Griffin's hope that the
archaeological richness offered by the Ohio Val-
ley and Great Lakes areas would give a broader
scope to Jim's outlook. Although Griffin's hopes
were largely unrealized, they were not entirely
so, as witnessed by a crucial and long influen-
tial article that Ford authored with Gordon Wil-
ley, An Interpretation of the Prehistory of the
Eastern United States. *
It was during the year at Ann Arbor that Griffin
and Ford conceived the idea of a conference of
active southeastern archaeologists. Uniformity
of pottery description was the topic of the first
invitational meeting, held May 16 and 17, 1938,
at Ann Arbor. It was attended by fifteen archaeo-
logists. Of that group only A. R. Kelly, Charles
Fairbanks and myself attended the last South-
eastern Archaeological Conference.
Another outgrowth of Jim's year at Michigan
was the development of a cooperative program
among the Museum of Anthropology of Michigan
(Griffin), the Peabody Museum of Harvard (Phil-
lips), and the Department of Geography and An-
thropology of Louisiana State University (Ford).
The common interest of these three was the cul-
tural succession in the Mississippi River Valley
and their joint efforts produced in 1951 the mon-
umental Archaeological Survey in the Lower
Mississippi Alluvial Valley, 1940-1942, pub-
lished by Peabody Museum. From 1937 to 1946
Jim was a Research Associate at L.S.U. In the
latter year he joined the Department of Anthro-
pology of the American Museum of Natural His-
tory as Assistant Curator of North American
Archaeology. In 1966 he became Curator of Arch-
aeology, Florida State Museum. When that in-
stitution became an organ of the University of
Florida, Jim was made Professor of Anthropo-
logy. It must be admitted that for one so travel-
led and broad in interests, Jim stayed long years
at the few institutions with which he was assoc-
During the war years, Ethel Ford, an accom-
plished Spanish and Portuguese translator, work-
ed with Duncan Strong in a government program
that brought Jim into frequent contact with
Strong. In the fall of 1945 Jim enrolled at Col-
umbia and in March, 1946 became a member of a
large group of archaeologists working in Peru
under Strong. In the spring of 1947 Jim belat-
A complete bibliography of Ford will appear
edly assumed his role as assistant curator at
the American Museum in New York.
The Viru Valley, Peru, study became the doc-
toral dissertation for Jim and in 1948 he re-
ceived his degree from Columbia University. One
cannot but feel for those grandes dames of an-
thropology, Ruth Benedict and Margaret Mead,
who sat on Jim's final examination committee.
Later, at Columbia and Florida, Jim himself sat
on doctoral examination committees and one may
be sure he gave many a candidate an uncomfor-
table time with his demands for excellence.
A perusal of the Anthropological Papers of
the American Museum gives ample evidence of
the activities of James Ford during his tenure
there. No other researcher produced the number
of volumes of excavational reports and synthe-
ses. In early 1951 he worked with Phillips at the
Jaketown site in Mississippi. In 1952 and 1953
he made some tests at the Poverty Point site in
Louisiana, and, in 1955, with Junius Bird and
Robert Stuart Neitzel, launched upon some large
scale excavations there. Dr. Clarence H. Webb of
Shreveport co-authored the report on this site.
In 1958 he undertook studies at the important
Menard site in Arkansas and in the fall of 1960
he excavated the Helena mounds in eastern
In early 1962, the excavations of the Father-
land site in Natchez, Mississippi were begun by
Robert Stuart Neitzel and Jim was a constant
advisor and collaborator in this project which
had been near to his heart since 1930. These
excavations continued until 1964. Another area
of interest to Jim was Mexico. He was stimu-
lated by the findings of MacNeish and several
seasons were spent on the coast near Jalapa.
In March, 1967, Jim stopped over at my home
on his way to see Clarence Webb, Shreveport,
about preparing a second volume on the material
culture of Poverty Point. When told of the immi-
nent destruction of two earth mounds within the
city, Jim agreed to stay a few days and help
supervise their excavation. These mounds, the
Monte Sano site, were the last field work under-
taken by Jim. He became ill shortly after he
returned to Gainesville in April.
Jim certainly received his share of honors
during his career. He was President of the Soc-
iety for American Archaeology in 1963-1964.
probably the highest recognition the profession
can afford any member. But in his own judgment .
the Spinden Medal, awarded by the Anthropo-
logical Society of Washington for noteworthy
controversial concepts, was his most cherished
When his friends from Viru Valley, Peru days,
Clifford Evans and Betty Meggers, in coopera-
tion with Emilio Estrada, postulated that pottery
was introduced into Ecuador from Asia, Jim was
galvanized into a new surge of energy. His final
months of life were devoted to completion of a
comprehensive monograph, The Formative Cul-
tures of the Southeastern U. S., that extended
this idea into the southeastern states. Jim mar-
shalled every item of evidence he could find
that would lend support to the concept that many
traits-fiber tempered pottery, rocker stamping
decoration, figurines, and several others--were
diffusions from this original Ecuadorian chance
contact. There can be no doubt but that he
caused many archaeologists to pause and con-
sider this hypothesis, and when the publication
of this work appears, it will be some kind of a
milestone in American archaeology. It will be
notable for its contribution to theory more than
its contribution to culture history because we
will be forced to re-examine some basic con-
cepts, such as, diffusion, evolution, and the
"psychic unity of mankind." A few impassioned
reactions have already been seen.
Only a few names are prominent in contribution
to theory in prehistory. In the future when some-
one evaluates the effect certain scholars of this
century had upon t course of archaeology in
our time, the name of James A. Ford will not
necessarily lead all the rest but it will certainly
Department of Geography and Anthropology
Louisiana State University
Baton Rouge, Louisiana
THE FLORIDA ANTHROPOLOGIST
UNFINISHED BOLEN POINTS FROM
Ripley P. Bullen
Many relatively thin, bifacially chipped speci-
mens which may be triangulate, ovate, lanceo-
late, or leaf-like in shape are found in archaeo-
logical collections, especially those from the
preceramic Archaic period of Florida. These
objects pose a question: Are they finished tools
such as knives or are they blanks from which
projectile points were to be fabricated?
In the classical archaeological literatfire of
eastern United States, Holmes (1897) considered
such specimens to represent a stage in the man-
ufacture of projectile points (Fundaburk and
Foreman 1957: 119). Later, Bryan (1950) con-
vincingly took the opposite viewpoint and claim-
ed that most projectile points were made from
flakes struck from cores and that they did not
pass through a bifacially chipped "blank" stage
in the manufacturing process. The vertical shape
(not outline) and unifaciality of many Florida
points support Bryan's contention. Many of the
"blanks" are too well made to be other than
Good examples of unfinished points which
illustrate steps in the process of manufacture
are seldom found. Two such specimens are ill-
ustrated in Fig. 1. They were found by Lyman
O. Warren at the Dr. David E. Smith site about
Unfinished Bolen points from
Hllsborough County, Florida.
two miles southwest of Lake Thonotosassa, and
have been donated to the Florida State Museum
(cat. No. 101676). Both are fairly thick, beveled,
and of the same size and overall shape. Both
exhibit basal thinning which is necessary be-
cause of their thickness. Neither resemble the
finished "blanks" referred to above.
It seems certain that these objects were des-
tined to become Bolen points but, for some rea-
son, were never finished. Apparently, the point
maker worked on several points at the same time
or, less likely, several people worked concur-
rently. One specimen has a finished side notch
while the other exhibits what appears to be the
beginning of a similar notch. It would appear
that features were added to several points seri-
ally. The last operation was probably basal
Beveling of projectile point edges in Florida
occurs on Bolen and a few, rather thick, stem-
med points. This technique may have been de-
veloped to achieve a sharp edge without the
necessity of thinning all the blade area.
Early projectile points (Clovis, Folsom, and
Suwannee) are bifacially chipped, and all evi-
dence as to whether they were made from cores
or from large flakes has been removed. Bolen,
Arredondo, and beveled-stemmed points are
thick, and were made from small cores or from
thick flakes. As finished products, they are not,
on the average, as well made as the earlier
points. Beveling and basal thinning represent a
compromise which permitted the efficient use of
cores, or core-like flakes, as raw material.
Many Archaic stemmed points were obviously
chipped from flakes. This technique continued
to be used in Florida up to the historic period
as evidenced by Pinellas points, many of which
are unifacially chipped although certain types of
points (basally notched, and those with short
triangular stems) are extremely well made.
Evidently, efficiency in design and manufacture
and an accompanying decrease in craftmanship
are not new cultural phenomena.
1950 Flint Quarries. Papers of the Peabody
Museum of American Archaeology, Harvard
VOLUME 21, NO. I
Fundaburk, E. L. and M. D. Foreman (editors)
1957 Sun Circles and Human Hands. Luverne,
Holmes, W. H.
1897 Stone Implements of the Potomac-
Chesapeake Tidewater Province. 15th Annu-
al Report of the Bureau of American Ethno-
logy, 1893-94. Washington.
Florida State Museum
A HUMAN EFFIGY FROM LEVY 2,
CEDAR KEYS, FLORIDA
Albert C. Goodyear
In January, 1968, a visit was planned and ex-
cuted for exploratory purposes to Levy 2, or
"Graveyard Island," as it is referred to locally.
This burial mound, discussed by Willey (1949:
308), was probably used by both Santa Rosa-
Swift Creek and Weeden Island period peoples.
The original intention of the trip was to ex-
amine the condition of the mound and to make
first hand observations. As previously feared,
the mound had been riddled by promiscuous dig-
gers, and on the day the investigator visited
several large craters were present with dis-
carded sherds and human skeletal remains lying
about in great quantities. It was among one of
these discard piles that the illustrated sherd
(Fig. 1) was found.
This sherd deserves special mention since
what apparently is a human face had been fash-
ioned on the exterior surface. The face consists
entirely of two eyes, a nose, and a mouth, with
the design being accomplished by incision and
raised ceramic surfaces. The eyes themselves
are incised slits drawn on a raised surface de-
picting the eyelids. The nose is constructed
entirely of pinched-up clay forming a convex line
from the bridge to the nose tip. The mouth is a
single incision with raised areas around it de-
The sherd is probably from the rim of a Weeden
Island Incised bowl, as there is a single line in
evidence around the forehead of the caricature.
Traces of red paint are still present around the
eyebrows and cheeks. The sherd is bright, red-
dish brown in color and is tempered with fine
sand with occasional inclusions of heavy-grained
The fact that the eyes are closed, and that
this sherd was taken from a burial context, sug-
gests a relationship with death. Northern cul-
tural influences, such as the Death Cult of the
Southeastern region of the United States, should
also be considered when discussing human
effigies in death-like positions. Other alien
trade artifacts such as polished stone celts,
copper ornaments, and quartz crystals, also
found at this site, are more specific examples of
communication and influences from northern
sources (Willey 1949: 308).
In summation, while representations of human
forms are not totally absent from the Florida
Gulf Coast region, they are still rare enough to
merit attention whenever encountered. As arch-
aeology deals with the physical and cultural re-
construction of a population with few surviving
clues, art work depicting man becomes even
Willey, Gordon R.
1949 Archeology of the Florida Gulf Coast.
Smithsonian Miscellaneous Publications,
Vol. 113. Washington
- I Fig. 1. -
/ Front vwiej* htmaa -effigy rim sherd.
St. Petersburg, Florida
A SILVER ORNAMENT FROM
ST. CLOUD, FLORIDA
Ripley P. Bullen
Figure 1 illustrates three-quarters of a very
nice silver ornament found by Pat McMullen in
an Indian mound near St. Cloud, Florida, in
1959. It was included with other artifacts sent
the Florida State Museum at'that time by Chuck
Tanner for identification.
The ornament was cleaned and photographed at
the Museum before being returned to Mr. Tanner.
In the transmittal letter, I suggested to him that
this specimen merited a short descriptive article
in The Florida Anthropologist. Mr. Tanner ad-
vised me that the specimen belonged to Mr. Mc-
Mullen, then in the U.S. Navy, and that he was
forwarding the correspondence to the latter.
Hearing nothing from Mr. McMullen and not hav-
ing his address, I wrote again to Mr. Tanner in
July of 1961. Again receiving no reply, I have
at this late date prepared an article to record
the silver ornament for a future comparative
Among specimens sent to the Museum for iden-
tification 'in 1959 by Mr. Tanner were 6 white
and 7 blue glass seed beads, 2 green and 1
white medium-sized glass beads, 1 gold covered
glass bead, a piece of sheet copper or brass, a
silver pendant with a support hole and square
decorative punctations, a small fragment of an
incised metal disc, and various aboriginal Indian
sherds. It is not certain from the correspondence
whether or not these specimens came from the
Fig. 1. Silver ornament found near St.Cloud, Florida.
same mound as the silver ornament but it is a
likely assumption. The Indian sherds were all
of undecorated types which could be historic in
date. No sherds pertained to the Spanish Mission
The silver ornament was undoubtedly made of
Spanish silver or, more probably, Mexican or
South American silver salvaged from a Spanish
wreck. On the front (Fig. 1) are three partially
obliterated, incised, straight lines, or "groo-
ves", which probably represent work prior to
that of Florida Indians. One of these diagonally
crosses the center of the "cross" near the brok-
en edge. The other two form a "V" which ex-
tends from the two central holes to the "bit"
edge of the specimen. Also near the bit end is a
faint line extending at a right angle to one of the
"V" lines. A few other faint, straight incised
lines or scratches are also present. None of
these "old" lines form any recognizable decora-
tive motiff. The back of the ornament shows
many scraping marks and some pitting, but no
The specimen (Fig. 1) is 4 mm. (3/20 of an
inch) thick. The central holes are 7 mm. high
and 5.5 mm. wide. The incised decoration on the
front is similar to that on the other gold, silver,
and wooden ornaments of this nature but varies
from all of them in certain respects.
The St. Cloud specimen is divided into two
parts by two central holes and two lateral not-
ches. Most other examples; either in wood or
metal, have, as well as these holes, a groove
or "neck" at this location. No sign of any
groove is present on the St. Cloud example but
the outer lateral notches are extended outward
and then turned inward. This outward extension
is present on other examples but this is the only
one with the "turned inward" effect which sug-
gests this "slot" was intended to hold some-
This groove is also lacking in the very sim-
ilarly incised specimen from the Goodnow mound
(Griffin and Smith 1948: P1. 3, A) upon which,
however, three incised straight lines indicate
where the groove should have been. It may be
well to mention here that the Goodnow specimen
is made of a thin silvery appearing metal, prob-
ably cut brass, and that the thinness prevents
the presence of a groove. The'lower part of this
specimen is bent in a concave manner which, to
some extent, is suggestive of grooving. Two
other divergent but somewhat similar specimens
from Broward County (Rouse 1951: Fig. 7, A)
also lack a groove. The reason, again, may be
due to the fact they are made of cut brass.
The incised design (Fig. 1) consists of three
parts. Starting at the "bit end" are a series of
parallel lines which have been interpreted as
representing teeth (Cushing 1896) or legs (Grif-
fin 1946: 298), by other students. The specimen
under discussion has seven such lines while
only four are present on other available orna-
ments of this nature. Also present on the St.
Cloud specimen are a series of 7 (?) faint, para-
llel, incised hatchures located below the "V"
and extending from the last cross line (vertical
in the picture) towards the bit a variable dis-
tance, crossing two or three of the spaces be-
tween the cross lines. Such hatchure lines have
not been reported on other similar ornaments.
To the right a "path", formed by two parallel
incised lines, extends from the cross lines to
the break. In other incised examples, this line
is cut by the groove mentioned above. In the
case of the St. Cloud ornament, without this
groove, the "path" is shown to be continuous.
The Goodnow specimen, without the groove, ex-
hibits a break in the "path" at this point.
Above and below the path, between the eross-
lines and the middle of the ornament, are a pair
of ovate "eyes." In all other known incised
ornaments of this nature, these "eyes" are
simple tear-drop affairs. In this case the pointed
ends are curved towards the outside edges.
As mentioned earlier, the incised "path" along
the middle of the ornament continues unbroken
to the break. Just before the break two lines
extend from this path to the edges to form a
"cross." The cross-member is drawn as passing
behind the upright member if this design is con-
sidered as resembling a cross. Behind both the
"path" and the cross arms are three concentric
This design is treated somewhat differently
on other ornaments. The two best preserved
wooden examples from Key Marco (Fewkes 1928:
Pls. 2-3) have the path on top of the cross arms
but one has no concentric circles while the other
has two instead of three. These concentric cir-
cles are also lacking from the brass specimen
found at the Thomas mound (Bullen 1952:
In the case of the gold example from the Kis-
simmee River (Douglas 1890), used by the Flor-
ida Anthropological Society as its symbol, the
circles are shown in front of the "cross" (Grif-
fin 1946: 296, Fig. 2). Three circles are present
of which the outer two correspond to those found
on other ornaments. The inner one is propor-
tionately smaller with a diameter equal to the
width of the "cross" arms. In the St. Cloud ex-
ample all threeof the circles are proportionately
larger in diameter. Three circles are also found
on the Goodnow ornament. They are spaced
approximately equally but, like the Kissimmee
example, are in front of,not behind,the "cross."
The break shown to the right in Fig. 1 prevents
any description of that end. In all other known
examples there is a central boss at this end. In
the case of the Kissimmee specimen, the central
"path" extends onto this boss while the boss
is perforated for suspension or support. Usually
this boss is thinner than the body of the orna-
ment and clearly resembles a tenon. This tenon,
presumedly, extended into a "holder" and it
would seem likely the "holder" was a wooden
or bone handle and that, normally, these "orna-
ments" were carried with the "bit" end upward.
The surface condition of the St. Cloud speci-
men is much better than that of other examples.
The additional detail does not, however, help
very much in any interpretation of what the
maker was representing by the incising. Look-
ing at the St. Cloud example from the "bit" end,
one is struck with the possibility the artist
might have been representing the "tree of life."
In this case the multiple incised lines would
represent roots, the eyes rain drops and the
circles the sun. If supported from the center,
the overall shape suggests a ceremonial ax or
The original interpretation by Gushing (1898)
suggested an alligator while subsequently J.W.
Griffin (1946) suggested a spider, partly be-
cause spiders are prominent in the art of the
very late "Southern Cult" of Southeastern U-
nited States. To my mind the St. Cloud speci-
men, with more parallel lines at the "bit" end
(teeth) and downward slanting eyes, is more
suggestive of an alligator than of a spider al-
though previously I have followed Griffin in his
spider analogy. If this is right, the alligator is
depicted as carrying a sun symbol on its back.
The "ornaments" mentioned in this article are
similar to each other and collectively form an
easily recognized "type," Their difference in-
dicate they were made by various people and
that the symbolism involved was not formalized
to the extent that design variations were not
Bullen, Ripley P.
1952 Eleven Archaeological Sites in Hills-
borough County, Florida. Report of Inves-
tigations No. 8, Florida Geological Survey.
Gushing, F. H.
1896 Exploration of Ancient Key-Dweller
Remains of the Gulf Coast of Florida. Pro-
ceedings of the American Philosophical
Society, Vol. XXV. Philadelphia.
Douglas, A. E.
1890 Description of a Gold Ornament from
Florida. American Antiquarian and Oriental
Journal, Vol. XII, No. 1.
Fewkes, J. W.
1928 Aboriginal Wooden Objects from Southern
Florida. Smithsonian Institution Miscel -
laneous Collections, Vol. 80, No. 9. Wash-
Griffin, John Wallace
1946 Historical Artifacts and the "Buzzard
Cult" in Florida. The Florida Historical
Quarterly, Vol. XXIV, No. 4, pp. 295-301.
Griffin, John W., and Hale G. Smith
1948 The Goodnow Mound, Highlands County,
Florida. Contributions to the Archaeology
of Florida, No. 1. Florida Park Service.
1951 A Survey of Indian River Archaeology,
Florida. Yale University Publications in
Anthropology, No. 44. New Haven.
Florida State Museum
A UNIQUE WEEDEN ISLAND PUNCTATED
SHERD FROM THE BAYPORT BURIAL
Walter H. Askew
The Bayport Mound is located about one mile
north of the community of Bayport, Florida. The
site has been identified as a sand burial mound
that encompasses both of the Weeden Island
Periods and contains some evidence of a Safety
Harbor Period intrusion (Lazarus and Spence
This mound has yielded, along with a vast
amount of other decorated material, a unique
sherd of the type Weeden Island Punctatqd. The
specimen (Fig. 1) was recovered in an extensive
cache of broken and killed Weeden Island Period
mortuary ware situated on the mound's eastern
The principle motif, located just under the
rim, is executed in a design that utilizes the
fine dot technique for the interior portion and the
large triangular punctations, usually designating
the termination or segmentation of lines, as a
circumscribed border. Aside from the design, the
ware characteristics are also excellent, and
the total aesthetic quality of this sherd aptly
justifies why Weeden Island Period burial ce-
ramics are sometimes considered the most out-
standing of the entire aboriginal eastern United
States (Willey 1949: 419, 406).
In addition, the author is of the opinion that
the design may be an example of symbolism.
The design might possibly be interpreted as a
familiar Southeastern Ceremonial, or Southern
Cult symbol; specifically a representation of the
sun, a common element found on a variety of
artifacts of the Southeast. The Indians of the
southeastern region of the United States are
credited with practicing an intense form of sun
worship, and this graphic representation was a
primary object of veneration (Fundaburk and
Foreman 1957: 59).
Considering the small punctations as the in-
terior portion of the solar disc and the large
triangular ones as emanating rays, it is pos-
sible to arrive at such a conclusion.
Consequently, although sun symbolism is more
typically encountered in this region with the
inception of the Temple Mound Complex, it ap-
pears here in an earlier context. It is hoped that
this contribution may strengthen the theory of
Southeastern aboriginal cultural progression
Fig~ 1. Unique weouw~minuin~
L ~-~_ri iL- L--_l~iii_
FIg 1. Qique
along the Florida Gulf Coast. Nevertheless, it
will take more than one such sherd to establish
a definite relationship, and should similar ones
be found, they will be important not only from
the standpoint of social analysis, but will also
indicate that the local Indians were adapting to
the advanced cultural influences from the north.
Fundaburk, Emma Lila and M.D. Foreman
1957 Sun Circles and Human Hands.
Lazarus, William C. and Gerald S. Spence
1962 Pasco Series Sherds from the Bayport
Mound. The Florida Anthropologist, Vol.
15, No. 4, p. 10. Tallahassee.
Willey, Gordon R.
1949 Archeology of the Florida Gulf Coast.
Smithsonian Miscellaneous Collections,
Vol. 113. Washington.
St. Petersburg, Florida
THE FLORIDA ANTHROPOLOGIST
Plants and Archaeology.
G. W. Dimbleby, Humanities Press, Inc., New
York, 1967. Frontis., 187 pp., 23 pls., 6 figs.,
bibliography, index. $10.00
The author teaches at the University of Lon-
don, and his book is based mainly on studies
in the British Isles and western continental
Europe. His remarks on the American Indian
stem chiefly from R. A. Yarnell's ethnobotanical
studies in the Great Lakes region, and H. E.
Driver's review of North American Indian cul-
American archaeologists will find Dimbleby
most interesting when he is on his own firm
ground of European archaeobotany; here he pro-
vides stimulating insights. He explains, for ex-
ample, how in western Europe the spread of agri-
culture has been traced through identification
and dating 'of sub-fossil pollens. Each local
stage of forest clearance has its characteristic
weeds and wild plants as well as its cultigens;
and the pollen analyst can follow the develop-
ment of certain agricultural practices even in
the absence of artifacts.
Dimbleby feels that pollen grains are seldom
wafted very far beyond their point of origin, at
least in quantity sufficient to alter a pollen
count significantly. The conclusion is gratifying
to those who believe that Pleistocene glacia-
tions brought cooler, rainier climate to parts of
North America lying far south of the glacial
border. Thus, pollens of fir, spruce, and other
northern plants occur in significant quantity in
Pleistocene deposits from northcentral Florida
through Louisiana and Texas into northern Mexi-
co; but some workers have asked whether the
pollens could have blown from coniferous forests
hundreds of miles to the north. The deposits may
antedate the arrival of man, but any information
on glacial climate is potentially useful in Paleo-
Dimbleby remarks that the custom of smoking
is an ancient one in several parts of the world,
far older than the raising of tobacco. An expan-
sion of this topic would interest American stu-
dents, who have sometimes equated smoking
with tobacco-growing. The reviewer, visiting
remote New Guinea tribes, was not surprised to
see tobacco, but was surprised to see how the
smoking of it was firmly integrated into ritual
life. The situation here, and in other parts of the
Old World, becomes more intelligible if smoking
rituals pre-existed the introduction of New World
One lump of charcoal looks much like another;
but Dimbleby shows, through many photographs.
that prepared sections of charcoal often permit
identification of the wood involved. The author
also states that organic materials do not car-
bonize through slow oxidation in the ground; if
excavated wood looks as though it has been
scorched or charred, then it had indeed been
exposed to fire. The topic of charring is of spe-
cial interest in Europe, where early wheat grains
are usually browned or blackened; Dimbleby
thinks that, while the grains were often prepared
like New World popcorn, they were also heated
to kill them, and so prevent their germination in
The author notes that most wild plants, des-
cribed as edible, are not very filling; they make
only salads, or "greens." This remark arouses
speculation about the effect of pottery on dietary
practices in aboriginal America. While boiling
was possible in preceramic times, it was much
easier later when clay vessels were at hand,
and a great variety of leaves, tubers, and berries
are edible after boiling, but not before.
Dimbleby's unadorned facts often initiate a
train of thought. For instance, he describes
methods whereby primitive peoples, in several
regions, have prepared a food by removing a
poison from some otherwise nutritious plant. He
draws no general conclusions on this subject,
but the reader may do so. Thus, efforts have
been made to find significant parallels between
aboriginal starch preparation in the West Indies
and in the southeastern United States. The treat-
ment of Zamia in Florida, of Zamia and bitter
manioc in the West Indies, of Smilax in Georgia,
of bitterroot in the Rockies, of taro and sago in
the Old -World--these have features in common.
But Dimbleby's account implies that the leach-
ing of tannin from acorns, or of "cyanide" from
buckeyes, should be considered under the same
rubric as, say, the leaching of hydrocyanic acid
from bitter manioc. Interareal similarities in
"starch preparation," as between Florida and
VOLUME 21, NO. I
the West Indies, are less significant when view-
ed simply as local manifestations of a very
widespread practice, that of preparing a food
(starchy or otherwise) by removing a poison from
some plant organ (tuber or not). Furthermore,
Dimbleby notes a case in which a toxin, ex-
tracted during food preparation, was itself used
as a fish poison; and the reader sees that fish-
poisoning could easily have been linked with
certain types of food preparation, especially in
tropics where so many plants protect their stored
nutrients with poisons.
Specific errors in this book are few, but certain
comments merit rephrasing. Thus Dimbleby
states that, in many parts of the tropics, banana
leaves are used as thatching. Palm leaves might
better have been mentioned in this connection.
He equates tooth decay (dental caries) in some
American Indians with the occlusal wear that
resulted from a course, gritty diet. An alter-
native view would link caries with a starchy diet
and so with corn agriculture in prehistoric North
America. (In modern man, caries have been
linked with, among other things, a virus; and
with emotional conditions that affect the acidity
of the saliva.) Dimbleby cites various plants
simply as having been used by American In-
dians; but the ethnobotanical lore of the historic
tribes may not have been wholly aboriginal in
origin. For example, dry distillation of wood, to
produce wood-tar for caulking, does not sound
like an aboriginal practice. European peasants
as well as African Negro slaves brought to
America a vast body of plant lore, both practical
and superstitious; some of this lore was trans-
ferred to American plants, and spread widely
The book omits, or barely touches on, many
archaeobotanical topics of particular interest
to American students: floral and vegetational
changes at the end of the Pleistocene; evidence
for and against transport of plants across the
Pacific by prehistoric man; the long list of New
World cultigens and their respective stories; the
amazingly diverse usages of wild plants in the
South American tropics; the coincidence of cul-
tural with natural- areas; the effect (if any) of
shifting agriculture on the regrowth potential of
tropical forests; archeobotanical evidence for
climatic changes possibly involved with the
decline of Mochica, Classical maya, Northern
Hopewell, and other cultures; the effect of fires
on vegetation, with reference to aboriginal
hunting practices; or the link between population
density and salt availability, with reference to
concentration of salts by plants.
But the subject "Plants and Archaeology" is
a vast one, and a regional approach to it is jus-
tified. Dimbleby, writing primarily for the Brit-
ish reader, holds the attention of the American
reader as well.
Wilfred T. Neill
New Port Richey, Florida
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