Table of Contents
 The Florida Anthropological society...
 Editor's page : FA42(1)
 President's message - Harold D....
 In memorium : Ed Henriquez and...
 Archaeological excavations at the...
 Seminole trading sites in South...
 Seminole indian settlements at...
 The Florida master site file -...
 Book reviews, current research...
 Announcement : "Rediscover San...
 Announcement : Florida anthropological...
 Early registration form for meeting...
 The Florida Anthropological Society...
 Request for comments

Group Title: Florida anthropologist
Title: The Florida anthropologist
Full Citation
Permanent Link: http://ufdc.ufl.edu/UF00027829/00029
 Material Information
Title: The Florida anthropologist
Abbreviated Title: Fla. anthropol.
Physical Description: v. : ill. ; 24 cm.
Language: English
Creator: Florida Anthropological Society
Conference on Historic Site Archaeology
Publisher: Florida Anthropological Society.
Place of Publication: Gainesville
Frequency: quarterly[]
two no. a year[ former 1948-]
Subject: Indians of North America -- Antiquities -- Periodicals -- Florida   ( lcsh )
Antiquities -- Periodicals -- Florida   ( lcsh )
Genre: periodical   ( marcgt )
Summary: Contains papers of the Annual Conference on Historic Site Archeology.
Dates or Sequential Designation: v. 1- May 1948-
 Record Information
Bibliographic ID: UF00027829
Volume ID: VID00029
Source Institution: University of Florida
Holding Location: Department of Special Collections and Area Studies, George A. Smathers Libraries, University of Florida
Rights Management: All rights reserved by the source institution and holding location.
Resource Identifier: oclc - 01569447
lccn - 56028409
issn - 0015-3893

Table of Contents
    Table of Contents
        Page 1
    The Florida Anthropological society wants you!
        Page 2
    Editor's page : FA42(1)
        Page 3
        Page 4
    President's message - Harold D. Cardwell, Sr.
        Page 5
    In memorium : Ed Henriquez and Frank Morrison
        Page 6
    Archaeological excavations at the Stranahan House (8Bd259), Fort Lauderdale, Florida - Robert S. Carr
        Page 7
        Page 8
        Page 9
        Page 10
        Page 11
        Page 12
        Page 13
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    Seminole trading sites in South Florida : A new ethno-archaeological opportunity - Harry A. Kersey, Jr.
        Page 34
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        Page 36
        Page 37
        Page 38
        Page 39
        Page 40
        Page 41
        Page 42
    Seminole indian settlements at Pine Island, Broward County, Florida : An overview - Patsy West
        Page 43
        Page 44
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        Page 50
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    The Florida master site file - Marion F. Smith, Jr. and R. Douglas Walton, Jr.
        Page 57
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        Page 74
        Page 75
        Page 76
    Book reviews, current research and comments
        Page 77
        Page 78
    Announcement : "Rediscover San Luis" recreates the mission era in North Florida - April 21-22, 1989 event in Tallahassee
        Page 79
        Page 80
    Announcement : Florida anthropological society (and Florida Archaeological Council) annual meeting - April 28-30, 1989 event in Jacksonville
        Page 81
    Early registration form for meeting and banquet
        Page 82
    The Florida Anthropological Society wants you!
        Page 83
    Request for comments
        Page 84
Full Text


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MARCH 1989


Editor's Page: FA42(1) . . . . 3

President's Message by Harold D. Cardwell, Sr. . 5

In Memorium: Ed Henriquez and Frank Morrison . . 6

Archaeological Excavations at the Stranahan House (8Bd259),
Fort Lauderdale, Florida by Robert S. Carr . 7

Seminole Trading Sites in South Florida: A New Ethno-
Archaeological Opportunity by Harry A. Kersey, Jr. ... 34

Seminole Indian Settlements at Pine Island, Broward County,
Florida: An Overview by Patsy West . . .. 43

The Florida Master Site File by Marion F. Smith, Jr. and R.
Douglas Walton, Jr. . . . . 57


Catastrophism and the Old Testament: The Mars-Earth Conflicts
by Donald Wesley Patten. Reviewed by Scott Eubanks . 77

ANNOUNCEMENT: "Rediscover San Luis" Recreates the Mission Era
in North Florida April 21-22, 1989 event in Tallahassee.
Open to the Public . . . .. . 79

ANNOUNCEMENT: Florida Anthropological Society (and Florida
Archaeological Council) Annual Meeting April 28-30, 1989
event in Jacksonville. Open to the public. . ... 81

Cover Illustration: The Stranahan House in 1915. (Courtesy of Fort
Luaderdale Historical Museum).

Published by the


If you are interested in archaeology, ethnology, physical anthropology,
cultural anthropology and associated topics with a focus on Florida and surrounding
areas in the Southeastern U.S. and Caribbean, then The Florida Anthropologist, the
journal of the Florida Anthropological Society, and the papers presented at our
annual meetings will be of interest to you. If you want to join with professional
and avocational archaeologists and others in efforts to preserve and protect our
prehistoricc heritage, then join the Florida Anthropological Society to achieve
that goal. If you are looking for that special gift, then a gift subscription to
The Florida Anthropologist is your answer. You do not have to be a resident of
Florida to belong to the Florida Anthropological Society. Your membership fee
includes your subscription to the Society's journal and newsletter. We are a non-
profit organization founded in 1947.

REGULAR ($18)*_
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* NOTE: A $2 discount can be obtained for each subscrip-
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1st. This includes gift memberships.
ADD $4 for postage & handling for subscriptions
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Subscriptions received after September 30th will be credited to the following year.

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If gift membership, name of donor
If new member, indicate how you learned about our Society


What kinds of subjects would you like to see published in the Society's journal?

If you are not a member of an FAS chapter, would you like the address of the chapter
nearest to your Florida home mailing address? Yes No

Mail Application to: Membership Secretary, FAS
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Any amount in excess of the membership subscription rate may be counted as a tax
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account. For instance, contributions toward an enlarged or special publication
should be earmarked for the monograph account in general and also note the specific
publication, such as the First Spanish Period issue scheduled for Dec. 1989, if that
is its specific intended purpose.



With this issue, I have entered
my sixth year as the Editor of The
Florida Anthropologist. The grad-
ual transition in style and format
is finally culminating; the transi-
tion from typewriters to word
processors has been a major contri-
buting factor. I have tried to
broaden the range of articles pre-
sented in our journal, and have
successfully increased the amount
of material published annually.
Indeed, during my first five years
I have been able to publish 1676
pages, or nearly 22% of the total
of 7712 pages published since our
first issue in 1948. However, it
could not have been accomplished
without a lot of cooperation from
our members, authors, our Board of
Directors, my Editorial Review
Board, and my two Editorial Assist-
ants, George Luer and Joan Deming.
Indeed, were it not for the dedica-
tion and support of George and
Joan, you would be receiving a
lesser product than you have re-
ceived. We all owe them a debt for
which simple thanks seem inade-
quate. Further, it is noted that
George assisted Robert Carr during
his tenure as our Editor, thus
making him one of our most persis-
tent and dedicated volunteers.
This issue begins with a mes-
sage from Harold D. Cardwell, Sr.,
who is completing his second term
as our Society's President. It is
followed by a brief memorial to Ed
Henriquez and Frank Morrison, both
former members of the Palm Beach
County Archaeological Society, a
chapter of the FAS which recently
disbanded and conveyed its assets
to our monograph account. These
brief statements are followed by
three articles pertaining to
Florida's Seminole, an article on
the revitalized Florida Master Site
File program, a book review and
some current event notices.

The first article is Robert S.
Carr's "Archaeological Excavations
at the Stranahan House (8Bd259),
Fort Lauderdale, Florida". It is a
revision of the original 1982 manu-
script report, which saw limited
distribution. In combination with
Carr's 1981 report on the Brickell
Trading Post, this report makes a
significant contribution to our
understanding of Seminole trading
posts in south Florida. The cover
illustration features the Stranahan
House. The project demonstrates
the value of combining archaeolo-
gical research with historic docu-
mentary data to provide a much
richer understanding of the devel-
opment and use of the structures on
the property. It is part of a com-
prehensive restoration and renova-
tion plan for the property. The
project was sponsored by Stranahan
House, Inc. and the Fort Lauderdale
Historical Society, and received
volunteer assistance from three
Florida Anthropological Society
chapters. The structure has been
preserved for public visitation
The second article, by Harry A.
Kersey, Jr., concerns "Seminole
Trading Sites in South Florida: A
New Ethno-Archaeological Opportun-
ity." It provides the historical
data necessary for the archaeo-
logical testing and interpretation
of Seminole archaeological sites in
southern Florida. I believe that
it will prove to be an important
reference document for archaeolo-
gists, ethnographers, and histor-
ians studying Seminole culture.
Further, in combination with the
article by West, it might prove to
be of use to Seminole and Mikasuki
interested in documenting histori-
cally occupied lands and events.
The third article by Patsy
West, "Seminole Indian Settlement
at Pine Island, Broward County,
Florida: An Overview," is a well


Vol. 42 No. 1

March, 1989

focused study. It provides impor-
tant historic documentation on the
historic Indian occupation of the
Pine Island area. This report will
serve to provide a better under-
standing of the historic heritage
of Broward County and the state in
general. It appears likely that
Pine Island will be purchased by
local, county and state funds, and
become part of the County's park
system and the Town of Davie's
Greenspace project. The Pine
Island project and the Stranahan
House project both provide excel-
lent examples of projects initiated
and undertaken by concerned
citizens in cooperation with local
and state agencies.
The last article, by Marion F.
Smith, Jr., and R. Douglas Walton,
Jr., concerns the "Florida Master
Site File". The authors explain
the purpose and organization of the
file, its importance, and the man-
ner in which it may be used. They
also provide completed and blank
examples of the revised archae-
ological and structural site forms,
as well as the survey log sheet.
Copies of these forms may be
obtained from the Florida Master
Site File, or they may be
photocopied from their article.
There are two important meeting
notices in this issue. The first
announces the annual "Rediscover
San Luis" event in Tallahassee,
Florida on April 22, 1989, with a
free evening lecture on April 21st.
The second announces the annual
meeting of the Florida
Anthropological Society in
Jacksonville, Florida on April 28-
30, 1989. You do not have to be a
FAS member to attend, and non-
members are welcome. The Florida
Archaeological Council annual meet-
ing will be held at the same place
on April 28th. I apologize for the
short notice, but plead circum-
stances beyond my control a
three month period during which no

manuscripts were received for
review. Fortunately that problem
has been corrected; although, there
is still room for articles in the
June and September issue.
I hope that you find the
articles in this issue to be of
interest. In addition to the
continuing extraordinary efforts of
George Luer and Joan Deming, I wish
to acknowledge the efforts of
Robert S. Carr in helping to bring
together the Seminole articles in
this issue. Your comments and
suggestions are appreciated, as
they help me to evaluate my efforts
as your journal editor, and to plan
future issues.

Louis D. Tesar, Editor
March 22, 1989

He's Stealing From You!
The remains of prehistoric
and historic cultures belong to all of us.
When artifacts are stolen and archaeological sites are
destroyed, we lose important clues about the past forever.
Strict laws protect artifacts and sites on
State and Federal lands.
Report violations to your local law
enforcement agency

OFFICE PHONE (904) 252-4722 Ext 153

HOME PHONE (904) 252-6133

/azoid !(b CL. atdcivLdL, ^

President's Message


Indeed, the new era of Florida Anthropology is here, as the turn of the century
nears. Although the science of anthropology is young, new technology and the
use of the computer science and lasers will break down barriers and allow dis-
coveries never dreamed when the Florida Anthropological Society was organized.

It has been my privilege to have been the president of FAS for two years, the
40th and 41st years of its existence. In these two years, we have met our goals
of increase membership and the passing of the unmarked burial law which took
effect on October 1, 1987. We now distribute to law enforcement agencies a
brochure prepared by the Time Sifters chapter which explains in detail this bill.
In addition we sponsored a scholarship program open to all Florida high school

The challenge that faces us is the ability to raise sufficient funds to underwrite
our newsletter and our journal. An escalating cost to that end, I appointed a task
study committee in September, 1988 to provide creative ideas and imaginative study
on a continual basis to bring in revenues. This committee will report at the
quarterly board meetings. It is our hope that they will meet the goal we have set
for them.

As we face the new era, I feel that we have grown sufficient to require a full-
time professional director. Those of us now functioning have our own full time
jobs and cannot afford the time and commitment required for further growth. We
also need new office space for the proposed director. I suggest that we ask one
of the state universities for state office space and also needed is a grant to
underwrite the services of a director for the first two years. The proper person
should be able to build membership, write applications for grants, and so direct
the finances of the society so his own salary and publications are adequately

As I transfer the gavel to the incoming president, these are the continuing chal-
lenges. I thank the membership sincerely for the cooperation I have received. I
shall continue to work for the ongoing improvements and growth of our organization.


Harold D. Cardwell, Sr.
FAS President


Vol. 42 No. 1

March, 1989


For over fifteen years, the Palm
Beach County Archaeological Society
was a thriving, vital part of the
local community and the Florida
Anthropological Society. The
PBCAS's accomplishments during this
period were, in no small measure,
due to two men, Frank B. Morrison
and Edward G. Henriquez. Both men
actively participated in and guided
the Society through almost its en-
tire existence; their lives and the
Society's history are inextricably
entwined. Both men died this past
Ed Henriquez, raised in Cuba,
was a businessman with interests in
oil, construction and agriculture,
first in Boston, then Cuba, and fi-
nally as a long-time Florida resi-
dent. He is survived by his wife
Frank Morrison, a Toronto na-
tive, was a display manufacturer
with studios in Toronto, Chicago,
and finally New York City. He and
his wife Clivia, who also survives
him, retired to Florida in 1970.
Because both men had a life-long
interest in archaeology and conser-
vation, it was natural that they
join the Palm Beach County Archaeo-
logical Society soon after its
founding in 1970. Their involve-
ment in the PBCAS quickly became
much more than mere membership.
Frank Morrison and Ed Henriquez
became the axis around which the
Society revolved. Frank served
ably as Society president for many
terms. Ed, as treasurer for most
of its existence, carefully shep-
herded the Society's funds. Both
men actively participated in and
oversaw the Society's salvage
excavations, including the Patric-
ian Site (for which Frank co-
authored a paper for The Florida
Anthropologist), Littlefield Mound,
Chosen Mound, Riviera Site and
others. Both were deeply involved
in the PBCAS's first dig at the

Boynton Multiple Mound Complex;
more important, both worked tire-
lessly to insure its permanent pre-
servation and protection from loot-
ing. Ed and Frank knew digging
alone has little meaning for
archaeology: Each, in their offic-
ial capacities and otherwise,
pushed the Society to properly re-
cord and conserve salvage mater-
ials. Each, through publications,
public presentations, and museum
displays, strived to see that in-
formation about the area's prehis-
tory was made known.
Ed and Frank were enthusiastic
members, supporters and partici-
pants in the Florida Anthropologi-
cal Society.
Though neither Frank Morrison
nor Ed Henriquez was a professional
archaeologist, they were thoroughly
professional in their approach to
the discipline. They made lasting,
specific contributions -- both
heralded and not -- which enrich
our understanding of Florida's pre-
For those who knew and worked
with them, though, it was personal,
more ephemeral contributions that
had the greatest impact: Frank's
gentle, dry humor and Ed's patient,
persistent encouragement were a
glue which held the Palm Beach
County Archaeological Society to-
gether. They deeply affected all
around them. They will be missed.
The Palm Beach County Archaeo-
logical Society is now disbanding.
As our final act, in memory of
these two men, the Society contri-
butes its assets to the Monograph
Fund of the Florida Anthropological
Society. We can think of no more
fitting memorial to Frank Morrison
and Ed Henriquez's deep concern for
the furtherance and dissemination
of knowledge about Florida's past.
We can think of no more fitting
tribute to them as friends.


March, 1989

Vol. 42 No. 1


Robert S. Carr


On November 2, 1979, the Fort
Lauderdale Historical Society took
possession of the Stranahan House
and property situated along the
north bank of the New River in Fort
Lauderdale, Florida. As part of a
comprehensive restoration and reno-
vation of the property, it was de-
cided to conduct an archaeological
exploration of the tract. This ar-
ticle is a revision of the earlier
report by the author (Carr 1982)
which resulted from that study.
In the spring of 1982, an
agreement was made between the
author and the Stranahan Foundation
for him to direct archaeological
research at the Stranahan property.
A preliminary archaeological survey
and surface collection was conduct-
ed on the tract on June 8th, and
the field excavations were started
on June 18, 1982. The field work
was conducted over a three week
This archaeological research
project had the following five

1. To locate, record, and map any
subsurface structural features as-
sociated with the Stranahan House
and store, or any other structures
that might have existed on the pro-

2. To recover artifactual data re-
presentative of activities associa-
ted with the Stranahan House and

3. To recover artifactual data re-
presentative of pre-Stranahan his-
toric and prehistoric activities on
the property.

4. To recover environmental data
pertinent to interpreting the
geology and historic ecology of the
Stranahan property.

5. To provide a written report of
the archaeological findings and

Site Setting

The Stranahan House is situated
on the north bank of the New River.
Consisting of two major forks, the
New River historically has been a
major fresh water discharge from
the Everglades. The study site is
located about halfway between the
converging river forks and the
mouth of the river within Township
50 South-Range 42 East, Section 10
(Figure 1).

Figure 1. Map of the New River and
the Stranahan site (Center, shaded).
From USGS Fort Lauderdale South,
1961, photo revised 1969. (Scale 1:


Vol. 42 No. 1

March, 1989

The New River traverses the
Atlantic Coastal Ridge as it drains
eastward. Fort Lauderdale is loca-
ted within this physiographic re-
gion, as are most of south
Florida's cities. The coastal
ridge offered settlers one of the
few naturally available elevated
and well-drained locations for set-
tlement prior to the artificial
drainage of the twentieth century.
Geologically, the study area is
characterized by well-drained
quartz sands, specifically Immoka-
lee Fine Sand, St. Lucie Fine Sand,
Delray Fine Sand, and Broward Fine
Sand. This sand mantle overlies
limestone bedrock of both Miami
Oolite and Anastasia formation
(White 1970: Fig. 31). Rarely is
bedrock exposed to the surface in
the area, although within the site
there were certain areas adjacent
to the river where the oolitic
limestone bedrock was buried at a
relatively shallow depth below the
sandy soil.
Peat sediments of an unclassi-
fied type were also located during
the excavations. The peat included
large quantities of leafy and wood
detritus, some of these elements
being recognizable as being from
the saw palmetto (Serona repens
(Bartr.) Small), a plant common to
and typical of pine flatwoods.
A study of photographs in the
Stranahan collection at the Fort
Lauderdale Historical Museum indi-
cates that during the earliest per-
iod of the Stranahan occupation
(ca. 1895-1910) most of the land
was dominated by pine flatwoods.
Directly west of the store, a creek
drained southward (Figure 2) from a
cypress swamp situated where the
federal courthouse is now located.
This creek was bulkheaded and
the mouth probably widened to allow
for its use as a boat basin for the
trading store. No documentation
has been located that indicates the
exact date or identifies who was
responsible for the creek altera-

Figure 2. Survey map of the New
River by A. L. Knowlton, 1896,
depicting the Stranahan property

tion. However, these alterations
are shown in 1896 photographs of
the Stranahan tract, and there can
be little doubt that Stranahan was
responsible for them. The 1928
Sanborn map of Fort Lauderdale
shows the channelized creek, and
revisions made on the map between
1932 and 1935 indicate that the
creek was filled during that time
Today, little remains at the
site to indicate the nineteenth
century river setting, the exten-
sive pine flatwoods, or other
natural systems that once existed.
Downtown Fort Lauderdale, with its
maze of concrete and streets, has
replaced the natural landscape. A
Pantry Pride grocery store is situ-
ated directly west of the house and
covers part of the filled-in creek.
The grocery store's parking lot is
located on the north side of the
Stranahan property, and the New
River Tunnel cuts deeply into the
land and river directly east of the

Previous Archaeological and
Historical Investigations

Archaeological investigations of
nineteenth century trading posts in
south Florida are virtually non-
existent. Aside from Carr's work
at the Brickell Trading Post
located at the mouth of the Miami
River (Carr 1981b), this report is
the only other archaeological in-
vestigation of a Seminole Indian
trading post in south Florida.
A major historical study of
Seminole Indian traders has been
done by Harry A. Kersey (1975).
His book provides voluminous data
on the traders, the trading pro-
cess, and on trade materials.
Other works of interest include
a report of limited scope on the
Stranahan store by Craig and
McJunkin (1971). "Reminiscences of
the life of Ivy Stranahan" by
Burghard (1968) provides some

interesting but sketchy accounts of
the store's history. And, an in-
teresting and valuable photographic
history of the store's development
is available in an article by
Marjorie Patterson (1979).
The archaeological research on
the Stranahan tract was of double
value. First, it provided data on
the Stranahan store and, second, it
uncovered evidence of a significant
prehistoric occupation on the pro-
perty that predated the store by as
much as 1000 years. This prehis-
toric data adds to the information
revealed during other archaeologi-
cal surveys of the New River (Carr
1980, 1981a, 1986). These studies
indicate the rich prehistoric heri-
tage of the New River, and are the
first archaeological research on
the New River since Harrington's
work eighty years ago (1909:139-

Historic Setting

The earliest known historic doc-
ument referring to the New River is
the French map, Septemtrio America
of 1631, that depicts the "R. Nova"
just north of the Bay of Biscayne.
On the earlier Freducci map of
1514-1515, the geographer Cisco
identifies the "Rio Salado" (Salty
River) with the New River Inlet
(True 1944). However, that inter-
pretation cannot be certain because
the Rio Raton (present day Oleta
River), situated along north
Biscayne Bay, could have been the
Rio Salado.
Although there were several at-
tempts to place Spanish missions at
the mouth of the Miami River during
the sixteenth through the eigh-
teenth centuries, existing accounts
do not mention any Spanish visits
to the New River. However, it is
obvious that the Spanish knew of
the river, since it is depicted on
maps; their knowledge could have
resulted either from Indian infor-
mants or from direct explorations.

The discovery of a pile of conch
shells possibly opened by Europeans
in the early sixteenth century is
the only archaeological evidence,
thus far, interpreted as represent-
ing early contact in the area (Carr
The earliest white settlers
along the New River were probably
Bahamian "conchs," who began to
settle Florida during the period of
English rule of Florida between
1763-1783. Charles Lewis is the
earliest known white settler, hav-
ing arrived there about 1789
(Florida Title Company 1915).
After the United States had taken
possession of Florida in 1821, his
wife, Frankee Lewis, petitioned the
federal government for 640 acres of
land, as specified by the rules of
the Donation Act of 1824. Her
claim, based on demonstrating that
she had either settled or cultiva-
ted the land prior to the American
acquisition of Florida, was suc-
cessful and the land became known
as the "Frankee Lewis Donation."
It is not known when the
Seminole first arrived at the New
River. There is no documentation
indicating what, if any, interac-
tion these Indians had with the
Lewis family, or with other whites
before and during the eighteenth
century. However, it impossible
that during the 1820s or 1830s the
Seminole had camps along the New
After the American acquisition
of Florida, the area gained a
reputation for its beauty and
richness, and it is not surprising
that it had begun to attract a
large number of new settlers.
Steven R. Mallory, after staying on
the New River in the 1830s, wrote a
letter to Buckingham Smith in 1847
and reported the following:

In the neighborhood of New River,
upon all its forks and branches,
and between its two principal arms,
there is much good land lying in
small detached parcels and upon

which tropical fruits will readily
grow; the cocoanut, lemon, and lime
have been successfully tried.
This, just about New River, is a
fine country for a man with small
means, say three or four hands, who
wishes to be independent. The
woods and streams, abound with game
and fish, frost is rarely seen, the
country grows profusely... The
most indolent man I ever knew
prospered there (U.S. 62nd Congress
Before the outbreak of the
Seminole Indian Wars, there were
reported to be as many as 60 to 70
people, including both whites and
slaves, living on the New River
(Kirk 1976:12). A study of Monroe
County records by historian Arva
Parks (personal communication) in-
dicates that the war-time depopula-
tion of the New River caused many
settlers to lose their land claims.
Land rights were lost by William
Cooley, Samuel Kemble, Edward Marr,
Abraham Gallop, David Mellus, Joel
Yancey, Jr., David J. Williams, and
Lewis F. Breaker (Bonawit 1980).
The Second Seminole Indian War
severely reduced the number of
homesteads on the New River, and
brought the inception of a military
presence that lasted until the end
of the Third Seminole Indian War in
1858. The first military contin-
gent to arrive at the New River was
Major William Lauderdale's Battal-
ion of Tennessee Mounted Infantry.
On March 5, 1838, they constructed
a blockhouse 30 feet square with a
double tier for firing, and in
April, constructed pickets 60 feet
by 50 feet that were seven feet
high and sunk 1.5 feet into the
ground. This fortification, named
Ft. Lauderdale, was situated on the
north bank of the river one eighth
of a mile above "Cooley's patch"
(Weilding and Burgard 1966:5).
After the cessation of hostili-
ties, the remaining Indians began
to reoccupy villages and camps
along the New River. Little his-
tory is recorded for the river

during the years of the Civil War
to the 1890s. Apparently, settlers
were scarce during this time, and
the river was visited mainly by
hunters and fishermen. J.A.
Henshall (1884) wrote glowing
accounts of the fishing:

Rushing in and out with the tide,
at New River, fishes can be seen by
the thousands, which snap at any-
thing, even a bit of rag tied to
the hook and thrown to them by a
strong hand-line. We took crevalle
from ten to thirty pounds, always
large ones here, never less than
ten pounds.

History of the Stranahan Store

When Frank Stranahan (Figure 3)
arrived at the New River in 1893,
the area was largely unsettled;
although, more and more visitors
were being lured southward as gen-
eral knowledge spread of south
Florida's climate, land opportuni-
ties, and excellent hunting and
fishing. Stranahan came to work as
the superintendent of the Bay
Biscayne Hack Line Camp on the New
River and also to establish a trad-
ing post in a cooperative venture
with F.M. Welles of Boston.
Writing to Stranahan from
Jacksonville, in a May 6, 1893
letter, Welles stated:
I can sell here in Jax. any hides
or skins you are likely to buy but
hope to get better prices offered
for them in N.Y. Gator skins are
low can only get here 10 to 801
for "green salted" according to
size of from 3 ft. up. Indian
dressed deer skins I am offered
abt. $1 per lb., for cow hides 3 to
4 1/24 lb. I can sell all kinds of
skins or furs, beeswax, tallow,
gator teeth, live gators, etc., I
The establishment of a trading
post on the New River in the shadow
of the already successful Brickell
store on the Miami River, appears
to have been a matter of some


Figure 3. Photograph of Frank
Stranahan, undated (ca. 1890-1893).
This photograph was taken in Jack-
sonville, Florida and shows his af-
finity for the Indians by the head-
ware and buckskins he selected to
wear for this potrait. (Courtesy of
Fort Lauderdale Historical Museum).

concern for Welles. He writes to
Stranahan in a letter of June 2,
1893, that Stranahan should "get
the deed of the land all solid
before Mr. Bricketts [sic] has a
chance to get up to New River and
hear about the store." This might
have been a particularly difficult
problem because the Brickells owned
the land on which the Hack Line
Camp had been constructed. The
Brickells forced the camp to move
off their land, but it is not clear
whether the pending development of
a rival trading post was part of
the issue. It probably was not,
since on June 4, 1894, Mary A. and

r3 p~




" ~bi
1 ~ ~

William B. Brickell deeded 10.7
acres to Frank Stranahan. This
tract is the present site of the
Stranahan House.
Despite the emergence and pros-
perity of the Stranahan store, re-
lations between Stranahan and Mary
Brickell maintained a generally
positive quality, as indicated by
numerous letters between the two
(see the Fort Lauderdale Historical
Society collections). The letters
indicate that Stranahan became an
agent for Brickell's properties in
Fort Lauderdale.
A sequence of four different
structures used as trading posts on
the Stranahan property are indica-
ted in historic documents. Guy S.
Cunliffe, in a May 9, 1926 Miami
Herald article writes:

On his newly-acquired property, at
a point where his house now stands,
Mr. Stranahan built a shelter of
saplings and palmetto thatch.

... This (the structure of sap-
lings and palmetto thatch) was
later replaced by a wooden struc-
ture which, in turn, in July, 1895,
was torn down to make way for Fort
Lauderdale's first store. This was
a two-room building, measuring 20 x
24 feet operated by Stranahan &
Co., the company being M.B. Lyman
of Lantana who joined Mr. Stranahan
in his venture.

It is this third structure that
is featured in some of the photo-
graphs in the Stranahan collection
at the Fort Lauderdale Historical
Society. A careful study of the
photographs in that collection
indicates the growing prosperity of
the store's business as reflected
by continual improvements to the
store structure. (These features
are discussed in more detail in the
Photographic Interpretation section
of this report.) This one story
structure was used as a store until
1901, when it was moved to the
north and the two story wooden

house now standing on the site was
It is not clear exactly when
the Stranahan House was built. The
porch's southwest cornerstone has
the date July 5, 1900 incised into
it (Figure 13); although, that
stone does not necessarily date the
house or the porch construction.
Other sources suggest a 1901 or
1902 construction or completion
date (Patterson 1979). However, it
is probable that the construction
of the house was linked to Frank
Stranahan's marriage to Ivy Julia
Cromartie on August 16, 1900.
After the marriage there was a need
for larger quarters.
The first floor of the new house
served as a trading post until
1906, when a new store was con-
structed several blocks west of the
house and adjacent to the Florida
East Coast Railroad tracks. This
new location was occupied by the
Stranahan Mercantile Co. until 1912
when Frank Stranahan sold his in-
terests to the Oliver Brothers
(Nance 1962:580).
The historical significance of
the one story structure, which
served as the store from 1895-1901,
was recognized not long after it
was initially moved. It was the
subject of at least one picture
post card (ca. 1920) (Figure 10),
although there is some dispute as
to whether the garage building
depicted is actually the store. An
October 13, 1933 letter from Mrs.
John A. Johnston to Fort Lauderdale
City Manager J. Huey, regarding the
preservation of the structure,
states that the Daughters of the
American Revolution "hope to
remodel the structure, which is now
being used for a garage ....
Unfortunately, this preservation
effort was doomed to failure. The
building was destroyed, in the
storm of November 1935, soon after
it was moved to the Coast Guard
base on Fort Lauderdale Beach.
The two story Stranahan House

continued to be the residence of
the Stranahans. In 1929, Frank
killed himself, apparently despond-
ent over a growing number of eco-
nomic setbacks. Ivy Stranahan
continued to live in the house
until her death in 1971.
In later years, the structure
served as the Pioneer House
Restaurant. Extensive alterations
were made to the house from the
1930s through the 1970s by the
addition of a huge wraparound
porch. In 1959, the north-south
bridge east of the house was
replaced by a tunnel. Since the
1979 acquisition of the property by
Stranahan House, Inc., the modern
porch additions have been removed
as part of a restoration project
aimed at recapturing the circa 1915
character of the Stranahan House
and property.

Photographic Interpretation

A major element contributing
toward locating the site of the
first store and related features
was the interpretation of photo-
graphs in the Stranahan collection
at the Fort Lauderdale Historical
Museum. Several hundred photo-
graphs dating from 1895 to the
1940s were examined. A similar
study and review of these photo-
graphs, noting architectural fea-
tures and changes through time, had
been done by Marjorie D. Patterson
(1979:4-14). Her study included
important observations and raised
questions regarding the Stranahan
occupation of the property.
Unfortunately, no photographs
are known of the first two store
structures built between 1894-1895.
The earliest known dated photograph
(dated 1896; negative #5-2856) is
of the third Stranahan store,
viewed looking north from across
the New River (Figure 4). The
Stranahan House, while representing
only a small portion of the total
image, is clear enough to show that

it is of fairly recent construc-
tion. There is no wraparound
porch, a feature that characterizes
all but two other known photographs
of the store, and the store has no
attic window, suggesting that the
window was added later. Also, the
area east of the house is clear of
structures, including the "chickee"
shown in later date photographs,
while tents were a major part of
the camp to the west of the store.
Although faint, close scrutiny
indicates that a flagpost is loca-
ted southwest of the store near the
dock. Environmentally, the area
immediately east of the Stranahan
store is a pine flatwoods commun-
ity, while the area from the boat
basin westward to the camp combines
oaks with trees typical of a mixed
swamp forest, such as pond apple
and cypress trees.
A second photograph depicts the
store during this same time period,
and is shown in Patterson's article
(1979:7). It is a view of the
Stranahan camp and store from the
river looking north. A group of
Seminole Indians is shown standing
near the dock next to the flagpole.
Presumably, this photograph dates
to sometime after 1896, since a
pine tree visible just west of the
store in the former photograph is
absent in the latter photograph.
Another photograph from the
earliest era of the store is image
#5-4364 showing Frank Stranahan
standing adjacent to the boat basin
and creek directly west of the
house. The view shows the eastern
edge of the boat basin, and the
west side of the store is in the
background. This photograph also
shows what is presumed to be a
kitchen and/or living area attached
to the north side of the store.
However, it is also possible that
it is a storage area for trade
goods. Based on calculations de-
termined from the photographs, this
addition appears to be about 16
feet along its north/south axis. A


Figure 4. The Stranahan Store, 1896. This is
actually the third store structure erected on
the property by Frank Stranahan. (Courtesy of
Fort Lauderdale Historical Museum).

Figure 5.

The Stranahan Store, 1897. Note the addition of the
porch and the chickee. (Courtesy of Fort Lauderdale

small porch extending from the side
door has unfinished log sections as
supports. Although the photograph
is undated, it is probably from
Views of the second phase of the
store with its wraparound porch are
more numerous. These date from
1897-1901 and indicate that the
porch was constructed in at least
two stages, the first being the
construction of the porches on the
south and west side of the store
and the eastern porch being built
Most of these photographs in-
clude a view of the chickee east of
the store. The temporary tents of
the campground are gone, and
several wooden frame one-story
cottages are in their place. One
of the photographs, negative #5-
3327 (Figure 5), is dated 1897 and
shows that an oak tree opposite the
northeast side of the store is
about twenty years old. This tree
is still standing and now commands
the view of the eastern side of the
The flagpole was still present
during the first stage of the porch
construction (Figure 6). Based on
calculations made from studying
this photograph, the flagpole is
estimated to have been 50 feet high
and probably was made from a pine
tree. This height would have
allowed the flag and the Stranahan
store location to be seen from a
fairly long distance. Undoubtedly,
it was no small project to erect a
flagpole of that size near the
dock. However, the flagpole might
not have lasted long, as it is
absent in photograph #5-2859
(Figure 7), which dates to 1897-
1898. However, the absence of the
flagpole may be the result of the
camera angle, since the view
appears to show the store after the
first stages of porch construction.
Indeed, a later view (negative #5-
2860), showing the store with the
completed east porch, includes the

flagpole. Thus, if the absence of
the flagpole in the earlier photo-
graph was not the result of camera
angle, it might have been restored
after having been removed or
knocked down.
The three wooden boat tie posts
situated in the foreground of
Figure 7 became an important clue
for determining the location of the
store through archaeological exca-
vations. These wooden posts (and
their replacements) are clearly
shown in a wide variety of photo-
graphs that date from the time of
the first store through well after
the construction of the now-stand-
ing house. A photograph of the
store (negative #5-2859)(Figure 7)
shows the wooden posts very
clearly, as does the 1915 image of
the Stranahan House (Figure 8). In
this latter photograph, the posts
are shorter than shown previously
-- apparently the result of being
deliberately cut, partially buried
from the addition of fill on the
riverbank, or (following their
deterioration) replacement of the
original posts with shorter posts.
A comparison of the two images
(Figures 7 and 8) clearly indicates
that the first building was situ-
ated on the site of the southwest
quadrant of the Stranahan House.
(Note: The location of the posts
on the property were roughly
determined by surveyor Ted Riggs,
and test pit 50E/20N was excavated
in the hope of locating one of
these posts. The remains of a pine
post or plank two feet in length
was recovered in situ in this test
In addition to locating the site
of the first store, determining the
location of the site of the Indian
chickee built as a shelter for
visiting Seminole was a second
important goal for this archae-
ological study. Using measurements
calculated from a study of the
photographs, it was determined that
the chickee was situated about 40

Figure 6. The Stranahan Store and
Camp, ca. 1897-1898. (Courtesy of
Fort Lauderdale Historical Museum).

Figure 7. The Stranahan Store look-
ing northeast, ca. 1897-1898.
(Courtesy of Fort Lauderdale Histor-
ical Museum).

Figure 8. The Stranahan House in
1915. (Courtesy of Fort Lauderdale
Historical Museum).

Figure 9. Seminole Indians in the
Stranahan chickee, ca. 1896-1898.
(Courtesy of Fort Lauderdale His-
torical Museum).

feet east of the store. A photo-
graph (Figure 9) of several Indians
at the front of the chickee indi-
cates that it was erected in 1896
or 1897, and might have stood until
the time of the construction of the
two story house in 1901.
This photographic study was
used to help determine the location
of the third store, which was moved
when the house was constructed.
However, the results were not con-
clusive. A photograph dated 1903
(negative #5-2847) from the
Stranahan collection and included
in Patterson's article (1979:8)
depicts a building directly north

Figure 10. The Stranahan Store
after being moved and remodeled as
a garage, ca. 1915-1923. It was
subsequently destroyed in the 1935
hurricane. (Courtesy of Fort
Lauderdale Historical Museum).

of the house. This structure has a
porch and bears a strong similarity
to the store; however, its identi-
fication is not certain. This
location is presently the site of
the concrete slab which supports a
water tower. The 1928 Sanborn map
of the property shows a water tower
at that site and no wooden
structure is identified there or
anywhere in the near vicinity.
Revisions made on the Sanborn map
indicate that two structures were
either removed or demolished
between 1932-1935 (Patterson 1979:
14). The sites of these two struc-
tures are considerably removed from

the location of the building de-
picted in the previously described
1903 photograph. However, one of
these sites approximates the dimen-
sions of the store, thus consider-
ation must be given to the possi-
bility that it was relocated again
following its original relocation.
The only photograph of the third
store building after it was moved
from its original location is an
undated postcard in the Fort
Lauderdale Historical Museum col-
lection. The postcard is titled
"Indian Trading Post (1896) Ft.
Lauderdale, Fla." (Figure 10). The
building appears to be a garage and
seems to bear little resemblance to
the store. However, while super-
ficially there are major differ-
ences, the structural frame could
be the same as that of the store
building after it was removed in
1935 to Fort Lauderdale Beach,
where it was destroyed later that
year by a hurricane.

Excavation Methodology

Eight pits and trenches were ex-
cavated during the project (see
Figure 11) In addition, surface
collecting and the sifting of
disturbed top soil were conducted
within an area east of the house.
Measuring 32 feet along the
north/south axis and 25 feet east-
west, this area encompassed the
land between the tunnel and the
eastern porch of the house.
Seven test pits, varying in size
from two feet square to five feet
square, were excavated to locate
features and to collect an arti-
factual sample that would provide
data on the activities associated
with the Stranahan store, pre-
historic habitation, and on the
natural environment as it existed
during pre-modern times.
A test trench was excavated by a
backhoe in an effort to provide
environmental data and information
on the extent of sub-soil disturb-

ances. Test trench one was exca-
vated on the west side of the house
along a generally north/south axis
for a distance of 110 feet. The
trench was excavated to a depth of
three to four feet, a depth just
below the fluctuating water table.
The test pits were mapped in re-
lation to baselines set along
cardinal directions. An arbitrary
datum point was projected and three
different baselines were staked
across the tract by surveyor Ted
The test pits were excavated in
arbitrary six-inch levels, except
for Test Pit 50E/25N which was
partially excavated according to
natural strata. This excavated
soil was sifted through either one-
quarter or one-eighth inch screen,
the latter being used to recover
samples of faunal bone and beads.
A power auger was used in the
northern portion of the tract to
locate any material remains associ-
ated with the site of the Stranahan
store after it had been relocated.
However, a mantle of limestone fill
prevented the augering from
recovering much useful data. A
total of twelve holes were augered
in five-foot intervals along the
138 North grid line.

Excavation Results

Test Pit 43E/52N

This three-foot square test pit
was excavated with the goal of
sampling the area on the west side
of the Stranahan store. It was
located in the vicinity of the two
doors on the west side of the
store, an area expected to have
been the focus of considerable
Excavations indicated consider-
able disturbance throughout most of
the pit's thirty-inch depth. The
soil was subjected to screening
with a one-quarter inch mesh, with
lower levels being subjected to

I \ I

0 0

100N- /
138 N


/ I I




1- -I-I ---- 1-
\ i( I .. i I

figure 11. Map of the Stranahan House and property showing excavation
nits. The letter "A" represents the pine log feature uncovered in
est Trench (Drawn by Heidi Katz. Based on a survey made by Ted

Figure 11. Map of the Stranahan House and property showing excavation
units. The letter "A" represents the pine log feature uncovered in
Test Trench 1. (Drawn by Heidi Katz. Based on a survey made by Ted
Riggs) .

water screening. Although oyster
shells and prehistoric faunal bone
tended to increase in the lower
depths, historical material associ-
ated with the first store and the
later house occurred throughout the
pit. Grey sandy soil dominated,
with the soil becoming more and
more peaty in the lower six inches.
The water table finally prevented
any deeper excavation.
A small gold collar pin (Figure
19) was recovered from the twelve-
inch depth. This artifact proved
to be the most spectacular of the
Stranahan period artifacts recover-
ed during the project. It repre-
sents the emblem of the Improved
Order of the Red Man. An eagle is
depicted over a shield. Within the
shield are a combination of
American Indian items. The word
"tote" is written upon the breast
of the eagle. This item is further
discussed in the Summary of Results
and Conclusions section.

Test Pit 50E/20N

This five-foot square was loca-
ted between the Stranahan House and
the river. Its location was
selected to recover evidence of one
of the wooden boat posts originally
situated in front of the first
Stranahan store. It was thought
that locating the post would aid in
determining the store's location.
In addition, this unit was expected
to provide a relatively high amount
of cultural data because of its
location close to the house and
original store -- an area expected
to have been the site of consi-
derable human activity.
Screening was done largely with
a mechanical sifter using a one-
eighth inch mesh. The excavation
was begun using arbitrary six-inch
levels. However, by the time the
second level was started, it was
observed that the unit had natural
stratification. Subsequently, the

removal of material from this pit
was done as much as possible in
accordance to the natural strati-
fication and features.
This unit was particularly im-
portant because it resulted in the
recovery of significant environ-
mental and cultural data relative
to prehistoric activities at the
site. The remnant of an oyster bar
was uncovered at a depth of nine
inches below the surface on the
eastern edge of the pit, a feature
which graded lower to a depth of 12
to 14 inches along the western
edge. This sloping of the oyster
bar conformed to the slope of both
concretion and limestone bedrock
directly below the shell. The
concretion was about 10 inches
below the surface along the eastern
edge of the pit, and graded to
about 18 inches on the western
The significance of the oyster
bar with its underlying stratum of
concretion is that it represents a
feature associated with the mouth
of the creek that once drained
southward into the river at this
point. It also reflects an
estuarine environment consistent
with that reported historically.
Intermixed within and directly
above the oyster bar was consi-
derable evidence of prehistoric
habitation. Large quantities of
animal bone, marine shell frag-
ments, and pottery sherds were
In the disturbed grey sandy
soil above the oyster shell was a
variety of historic artifacts
associated with the Stranahan occu-
pation. The most significant
historic feature was the remains of
a vertical pine post located in the
northwest quadrant of the pit
(Figure 12). This post was about
two feet in length, and undoubtedly
is the center boat tie-post shown
in many of the early Stranahan
photographs (Figures 7 and 8).

Figure 12. The author mapping the wooden post in test pit 50N/20E.
(Photograph by David Allerton).

7'p.,. -, ".

Figure 13. The dated (July 5, 1900) cornerstone of the Stranahan
House. (Photograph by David Allerton).

SCALE: 1"1'






Figure 14. Profile of foundation of water tower, Stranahan property
(8Bd259), Fort Lauderdale, Florida.

Sample Units Test Pit 43E/50N 50E/20N


75.9E/105N 90E/30N 103E/35N 105E/85N

East Porch Other
Surface Collections Total

Levels 1 2 3 4 5 1 2 3 1 2 3 1 2 1 2 1 2 3 1 2

Sand tempered 2 6 5 16 11 29 8 18 1 2 2 53 3 225
plain pottery* 1 1 1 5 3

St. Johns 1 1 1 3 3 2 8 20
Plain* 1

St. Johns 1
Check Stamped* 1

Key Largo 1
Incised* 1

Unclassified 1 1

colummela tip


Colummela 1 2

Bone 2

Drilled 1
shark teeth

thark 13 1 1 1 13 29

Sandstone 1 1

Lithic net 1 1


Faunal bone 04 4.5 2. 5 44 2824575.9.5 2 2 5 .2 65.524.42.2 .05 6.2
(gms) _

Flint chip 1 1

Body sherds are enumerated in the upper half; rim sherds are enumerated in the lower half.

Table 1. Prehistoric Artifacts from the Stranahan Site (8Bd259), Fort
Lauderdale, Florida.

5im,,lP Init~ Tpst Pit 43F/SO)N SOE/20N 60E/25N

1 2

3 4

5 1 2 3 1 2 3

75.9EIIOSN 90E130N 103E/3SN l050/85N

1 2

East Porch Other
Surface Collections

Sam. le Ui Te---- Pit 43IO E1 r.. -

1 2

1 2 3


Iron nails 3 10 8 18 11 7 1 85 6 1 1 2 153

Iron discs 2 1 2 1 6

Straight pins 3 3
cartridges 1 4 1 1 5 6 18

Buckshot 1 1 1 3

Brass tacks 1 4 3 6 1 33 48
Gold plated 2 2
Gold eagle 1 1
Brass token 1 1
Copper canvas 7 7

Pocket knife 1 1

Sleeve stud 1 1

Glass beads 1 1 6 39 2 49

Window pane 55 3 45 3 1 107
Glass bottle 5 46 1 1 2 55
frags. 46 1 55
Mirror frags. 1 8 1 10

Shell button 1 2 1 4

Bone buttons 1 1

Historic 1 4 1 7 13
Stoneware 11 2
Bottle cork 1 1

Pencil 3


Table 2. Historic Artifacts from the Stranahan Site (8Bd259), Fort
Lauderdale, Florida.

Test Pit 60E/25N

This test pit was situated in an
area between the porch and the
river. The unit was excavated, in
part, to recover material associ-
ated with the first Stranahan
store, and to determine further the
nature of the geology and natural
environment of the tract.
The pit was excavated, in three
arbitrary levels, to a depth of 18
inches. Soil was sifted through a
one-eighth inch mesh screen.
Oolitic limestone and concretion
provided an irregular basal stratum
in this pit. The overlying stratum
was characterized by sandy soil,
loose rocks, and debris from the
recently demolished porch.
A moderate quantity of prehis-
toric and historic material was
recovered, but no features were
discerned. Prehistoric material
increased in amount with the depth
of the pit. For example, 24.5g of
animal bone were recovered from the
0-8 inch level, and 75.9g of bone
were recovered from the 8-12 inch

Test Pit 75.9E/105N

This pit was excavated to un-
cover the east profile of the
concrete foundation for the water
cistern located north of the house.
A review of photographs and the
1928 Sanborn map indicates that the
cistern was constructed some time
between 1915 and 1928. It appar-
ently replaced an earlier cistern,
that might have been located in the
present road right-of-way.
The pit was excavated to a
depth of 12 inches. The homogenous
white sandy soil within the pit
contained nails, glass, and ceramic
fragments. The foundation profile
indicated three different periods
of construction, as shown by three
different concrete floors (Figures
14 A, D, G). About one foot of
elevation had been added to the

foundation since the construction
of the original floor G.

Test Pit 90E/30N

This five-foot square test pit
was located adjacent to the south-
west corner support column of the
Stranahan House porch so that this
feature would be uncovered during
excavation. The sandy soil within
the pit was largely disturbed. An
area of rock and concrete fill was
encountered at the 26 inch level.
This feature was probably fill from
porch construction activities.
A moderate quantity of prehis-
toric pottery and a small quantity
of animal bones were recovered from
this pit (see Table 1). However,
this small quantity of bone is
biased -- the result of sifting
soil from this pit through one-
quarter inch mesh screen, rather
than through finer mesh. Historic
material also was recovered. Of
particular note were six glass
beads and several bullet car-
The uncovered porch foundation
was made of poured concrete and was
rectangular in shape. It appeared
to be of more recent construction
than the ca. 1901 construction date
of the house.

Test Pit 103E/35N

This three-foot square test pit
was excavated within the area east
of the Stranahan House porch, an
area already heavily disturbed by
bulldozing. It was hoped that
undisturbed strata might exist at
deeper levels, and that this pit
would sample an area occupied by
the Seminole chickee associated
with the store. The soil was
sifted through a one-eighth inch
mesh screen.
The pit was excavated through
18 inches of dark grey sandy soil,
exposing an undulating limestone
bedrock with irregular solution

cavities. Surprisingly, the zone
below six inches showed little dis-
turbance, and a moderate quantity
of prehistoric faunal bone and some
pottery was revealed (see Table 1).
A lense of oyster shell was
uncovered at eight inches below the
surface, another indication of the
prehistoric midden that underlies
this site.

Test Pit 105E/85N

This five-foot square test pit
was excavated to provide a data
sample of the area northeast of the
Stranahan House. It was apparent
after the removal of the first six
inches that most of the pit had
been severely disturbed, probably
from the construction of the tun-
nel. Because of this disturbance,
only an undisturbed quarter section
of the original five-foot square
pit continued to be excavated. The
loose white sandy soil yielded no
significant historic or prehistoric
artifacts or features. Excavation
was terminated at the 18 inch

Test Trench 1

An exploratory test trench was
excavated by a backhoe on the west
side of the house (Figure 15). The
trench was three feet wide and
three to four feet deep. It was
dug along a 110 foot length on the
20 foot north/south baseline. The
trench revealed extensive peat
sediments with an overburden of
sandy soil, probably representing
fill removed from the creek or
The most interesting feature un-
covered during the test trench
excavation was a hewn pine log
located at a depth of 20 inches
within the trench (Figure 16). It
was impossible to be certain
whether or not it was associated
with the Stranahan occupation, but
photographs from that period show

similar logs as part of docks and
siding along the creek. No attempt
was made to remove the log, and it
was reburied when the trench was

East Porch Sample Area

A 32 foot by 25 foot area be-
tween the east porch and the tunnel
superstructure was subjected to
surface collecting and sifting of
the upper levels of the sandy sedi-
ment. Unfortunately, this portion
of the Stranahan property had been
bulldozed when the restaurant porch
had been demolished. In some
places as much as two feet of soil
had been removed. Nonetheless, a
large quantity of historic and pre-
historic materials were recovered
through a one-eighth inch mesh
It had been determined through
the photographic interpretive stud-
ies that the Seminole chickee
associated with the third Stranahan
store had been located in this
area. The collection strategy was
designed to recover material from
the chickee and from associated
Seminole activity. The finding of
seven copper eyelets from a tarp or
canvas provided direct physical
evidence of the canvas roof of the
structure (Figure 9). In addition,
39 glass beads, a drilled brass
token from a bakery in Cincinatti,
and several pieces of costume
jewelry were found, all presumably
items lost by visiting Seminole
Indians. A single sherd from a
ceramic turpentine collecting pot
was also found in this area.

Other Collections

Surface collections were made on
other portions of the tract.
Shovel test pits were dug in the
northern portion of the property,
but little of interest was found,
other than historic materials
dating to the 1920s to 1940s.

Figure 15.
a backhoe.

Test Trench 1 being excavated
(Photograph by David Allerton)

Figure 16. A hewn pine log in Test Trench 1.
(Photograph by David Allerton).

Figure 18. Historic artifacts.
Left: Drilled brass token from
Langson's Bakery, Cincinnati,
Ohio; Right: Shell button.
(Twice actual size).

Figure 17. Prehistoric sharks
teeth. (Twice actual size).

lr' 'Y~'.4.;



Figure 19. Enameled gold pin from the Stranahan House. The word TOTE
stands for "totem of the eagle." This pin was the official emblem of
the Improved Order of Red Men, a secret men's society with strong in-
fluences from the Masons. Photograph enlarged to show detail. Inset
shown twice actual size.

L '


~rI, "II

Figure 20. Prehistoric artifacts.
Left: Strombus pugilis lip (1/3
actual size); Center: flint flake
(3/4 actual size); Right: colum-
nella awl (1/2 actual size).

Figure 21. Historic artifacts.
Bullets and a bone button (3/4
actual size).



Figure 22. Glass beads from the Stranahan Store.

(Drawing by Melinda




Three different metal-detecting
surveys by different individuals
were conducted. These searches
produced little of interest, large-
ly because of interference from the
tunnel generators and because of
the extensive fill on the site.

Summary of Results and Conclusions

An archaeological investigation
was conducted on the Stranahan
property between June 18 through
July 3, 1982. Seven test pits and
one trench were excavated to locate
and uncover evidence of the first
Stranahan store and associated
features, Seminole and prehistoric
Indian activities, and environ-
mental data associated with the
site's pre-development natural set-
Research for this project indi-
cated that there was a succession
of four different structures used
as the Stranahan store, beginning
with a palmetto thatch building in
1895 or 1895, followed by a small
wooden structure in 1895 and a more
substantial wooden store built
later the same year, and finally
the still preserved two-story
wooden house built ca. 1901, which
used the first story as a store
until 1906. No specific archaeo-
logical evidence of the foundations
or structure of the first three
store buildings was uncovered.
This may be the result of the
construction methods probably
employed for the first two build-
ings, and also because the third
structure had been moved to another
part of the property ca. 1901.
A considerable number of arti-
facts representing the earliest
Stranahan occupation and Seminole
trade was recovered. A sample of
44 glass beads associated with
Seminole activities dating between
1895-1906 was collected. These
were ornaments lost in the vicinity
of the chickee located east of the

Examples of the beads recovered
from the Stranahan store area are
shown in Figure 22 and are describ-
ed below. The order of presenta-
tion is from top to bottom and left
to right.

1. One molded (?), multi-faceted,
yellow vasaline glass, 7mm by 7mm
specimen was found in the East
Porch sample area.

2. One multi-faceted round black
bead with glossy iridescent polish
and of uncertain manufacture also
was found in the East Porch sample
area. The bead, which measures 6.5
mm in length and diameter, is very
similar to type 28 of the Brickell
store (Carr 1981b:190).

3. Two molded, opaque white milk
glass beads with a band of yellow
paint around the central circum-
ference were found, one in the East
Porch area and one from test pit
90E/30N. Both measure 5mm in
length and diameter. They are very
similar to type 5 in this sample.

4. One layered tube bead with an
opaque "white heart" and an opaque
cardinal-red exterior was found in
the East Porch sample area. This
bead, which measures 2mm in length
and diameter, is similar to the
most numerous recovered bead type
(#16) of the Brickell Store (Carr

5. One molded, opaque milk glass
bead with exterior gold paint was
found in the East Porch area. The
mold seam is visible around the
external circular circumference of
the bead. The specimen measures
4mm in length and diameter.

6. Two simple, hexagonal tube
beads with ground facets were found
in the South Porch sample area and
in test pit 90E/30N, respectively.
These clear emerald green beads
measure 6 to 7mm. They are similar

to type 10 of the Brickell Store
(Carr 1981b:188).

7. Three wire wound, irregular
elongated beads were found in the
East porch sample area. Two are
dark blue and one is turquoise in
color. The latter measures 13mm in
length and 5mm in diameter. These
specimens are similar in manufac-
ture and shape to type 27 of the
Brickell Store assemblage (Carr

8. One large, 10mm in diameter
and 7mm in length, roundish bead of
unknown manufacture was found in
the East Porch area. The chemical
patination on this bead prevents a
positive determination of its color
or manufacture technique.

9. Two opaque white beads of
uncertain manufacture were found,
one from beneath the East Porch and
the other from test unit 52N/43E.
Both are 7mm in length, while their
diameter ranges from 7 to 8mm.

10. One molded (?), cobalt blue
glass bead was found in the East
Porch sample area. It measures 5mm
in length and diameter.

11. One six-sided, simple tube,
ultramarine colored bead was found
in the East Porch sample area. It
measures 7mm in length and is simi-
lar to type 9 from the Brickell
Store assemblage (Carr 1981b:188).

12. Five five-sided, multi-
faceted, molded beads were found in
the East Porch sample area. Four
are rose-pink and measure 4mm in
length and diameter, while one is
cobalt blue and measures 8mm by

13. Seven molded beads, measuring
5mm in length and diameter, were
recovered from the East Porch
sample area and from test pit
90E/30N. The are of several

colors: cobalt blue (2), yellow
(2), turquoise (2) and black (1),
and are similar to type 10 from
this collection.

14. One hexagonal, pressed mold,
simple tube, opaque white milk
glass bead was found in the East
Porch sample area. It measures 5mm
in length and 3mm in diameter.

15. One simple tube, pressed mold,
clear glass bead was found in the
East Porch sample area. It
measures 5 mm in length and dia-
meter, and is similar to types 1
through 6 of the Brickell Store
assemblage (Carr 1981b:187-188).

Finally, while not illustrated in
Figure 22, fourteen seed beads, in
four color variations (4 opaque
white, 4 kelly green, 4 turquoise
and 2 ultramarine) were recovered
in the South Porch sample area.
All are less than 0.5mm in dia-
An analysis of the bead assem-
blage from Stranahan indicates 16
basic types with an additional 10
color and size variations. This
compares to the 30 types and vari-
eties recovered from the Brickell
Store (Carr 1981b). Five types
from Stranahan are similar to those
from Brickell. The overlap is not
surprising in view of the overlap
in chronology of the two trading
posts: 1896-1906 for Stranahan and
c. 1870-1900 for Brickell. Since
Frank Stranahan was an agent for
the Brickells, he might have been
buying some of the Brickell's
excess bead stock; however, there
is no documentation to prove this.
It is also possible that some of
the older Brickell-type beads
(e.g., all of the simple tube and
wirewound specimens) present at
Stranahan were lost by visiting
Seminole, who had acquired them
The most historically signifi-
cant artifact recovered was an

enameled gold pin (Figure 19). The
word "tote" is inscribed upon it.
Research conducted by Susan Gillis,
curator of the Fort Lauderdale
Historical Association, has deter-
mined that this pin was the
official emblem of the Improved
Order of Red Men, a secret men's
society with strong influences from
the Masons. This fraternal society
claims to be the oldest secret
order in United States of America,
having organized on a national
level in 1847, and reaching its
peak of membership in 1880s and
1890s (Schmidt 1980:287-289). The
word TOTE stands for "totem of the
eagle," and the pin is the emblem
of a new "chief" who has been
"adopted" or initiated into the
society. It is highly likely that
the pin is a personal belonging of
Frank Stranahan. As shown by his
dressing in Indian garb in Figure
3, Stranahan had a strong affinity
for the Indians, and it would not
be surprising that he was a "chief"
in the Improved Order of Red Men.
The discovery of a prehistoric
site on the property adds to the
historic significance of the tract.
The river side prehistoric camp
dates from ca. 800-1200 A.D., and
apparently was situated to take
advantage of an oyster bar that
once existed at the mouth of the
creek that drained across the
property into the river, The
faunal bone sample suggests that
the Indians relied mainly on a
fishing economy.
The results of this study serve
to demonstrate the value of archae-
ological studies in combination
with historic documentation in the
interpretation of historic struc-
tures and the activities associated
with their use.


The excavations at the Stranahan
property and the subsequent analy-
sis of recovered materials was a

cooperative project that included a
large number of participants.
Without their help this project
could not have been successfully
I am indebted to the Broward
County Archaeological Society, the
Everglades Archaeological Society,
and the Archaeological Society of
Southern Florida (chapters of
the Florida Anthropological
Society) for providing a large num-
ber of volunteers and equipment. I
am particularly thankful to Gypsy
Graves and Willma Williams (now
deceased) for their help in co-
ordinating this project through
these archaeological societies.
At least 30 people participated
in the field work and I will not
try to list all of them simply for
fear of omitting someone; but, I
would like to mention those who
provided unusual dedication and
expertise. In addition to some of
the people previously mentioned,
they include Ralph Dunn, Debbi
Carr, Cindy Brownfield, Myra
Houston, Marlene Harris, Marilyn
Spears, Jackie and Teddy Coplon,
Carol and Charlie Walker, Jack
Haas, Dorothy Bryan, Mary Shoup,
Ken Huges, Dennis Grinn, Nishmy
Alfonso, Anne Casper, Jo and Joe
Southard, and Linda Zouzoulas.
Those whom I have unintentionally
committed know who they are and all
of you are a part of the success of
this project.
I would particularly like to
thank David Allerton who assisted
me on this project, and who pro-
vided the majority of the photo-
graphic copies and original photo-
graphs for this report. Jeannie
McGuire conducted the cleaning and
the accession of most of the
recovered artifacts. Heidi Katz
drew the graph and map for this
report, and Melinda Maxwell drew
the excellent rendering of the
glass beads. The final report was
typed by the incredibly patient
Maria Temkin (and wordprocessed by

Louis Tesar following editing for
this publication).
Ted Riggs conducted the survey
of the tract, and his expert work
was invaluable towards selecting
the best locations for excavation.
Finally, I would like to thank
Stranahan House, Inc., and the Fort
Lauderdale Historical Society for
providing me with the opportunity
to direct this project. A special
thanks is given to Joan Milkus, Sue
Gillis, Dan Hobby, Terri Harrow,
and Rodney Dillon for their

valuable assistance during
course of this research.

References Cited

Bonawit, 0.
1980 Miami Florida Early Families and
Records. Miami, Florida.

Burghard, August
1968 Watchie-Esta, Hutrie (Mrs. Frank
Stranahan: Pioneer). The Historical
Society of Ft. Lauderdale, Ft.
Lauderdale, Florida.

Carr, Robert S.
1980 An Archeological Survey of the Near
Northwest Redevelopment Area, Ft.
Lauderdale, Broward County, Florida.
(Typescript on file with the Florida
Division of Historical Resources,
Tallahassee, Florida.

1981a An Archeological Survey of the South
Fork of the New River, Broward,
County, Florida. In Broward County
Comprehensive Survey Phase I.

1981b The Brickell Store and Seminole
Indian Trade. The Florida Anthropo-
logist 34(4):180-199.

1982 Archaeological Excavations at the
Stranahan House. Report on file at
Ft. Lauderdale Historical Museum.

1986 Historical Use Interpretation from a
Conch Shell Feature in Southern
Florida. The Florida Anthropologist
39(3, Part 1):164-170.

Craig, Alan and David McJunkin
1981 Stranahan's Last of the Seminole
Trading Post. The Florida Anthropo-
logist 34(2):45-50.

Cunliffe, Guy S.
1926 "First Store Recalled," The Miami
Herald, May 9, 1926.

Florida Title Company
1915 Abstract of Title to all of the
"Frankee Lewis Donation," #5274. (In
collection of Historical Museum of
Southern Florida).


Harrington, M.R.
1909 Archeology of the Everglades Region,
Florida. American Anthropologist 11:

Henshall, J.A.
1884 Camping and Cruising in Florida,
Robert Clarke & Co., Cincinati, Ohio

Kersey, Harry A., Jr.
1975 Pelts, Plumes and Hides -- White
Traders Among the Seminole Indians,
1870-1930. Gainesville: University
Presses of Florida.

Kirk, Cooper C.
1976 William Cooley: Broward's Legend.
Broward Legacy 1(1):12-20.

Nance, E.C.
1962 The East Coast of Florida. 3 vols.,
Del Ray Beach, Florida.

Patterson, Marjorie D.
1979 "An Historic Site," New River News,

Schmidt, Alvin J.
1980 The Greenwood Encyclopedia of Ameri-
can Institutions. Fraternal Organi-
zations. Greenwood Press, Westpoint,

True, David O.
1944 The Freducci Map of 1514-1515.
Tequesta 4:50-55.

U.S. 62nd Congress
1911 Everglades of Florida. U.S. 62nd
Congress, Ist Sess. Senate Document
No. 89. Washington, D.C.: U.S. Gov-
ernment Printing Office.

Weidling, Phillip J., and August Burghard
1966 Checkered Sunshine: The Story of
Fort Lauderdale 1793-1955. Gaines-
ville: University Presses of Florida

Welles, F.M.
1893 Letter to Frank Stranahan. On file
at the Fort Lauderdale Historical

White, William A.
1970 The Geomorphology of the Florida
Peninsula. Geological Bulletin No.
51. Florida Bureau of Geology,

Robert S. Carr
P.O. Box 45283
Miami, Florida 33145


Harry A. Kersey, Jr.

Over the last century, southern
Florida has yielded some major
archaeological finds extending our
understanding of prehistoric Indian
cultures. One has only to note the
work of Cushing at Key Marco,
Goggin at Goodland Point, and Lewis
at Mound Key, as well as other site
surveys, to confirm the extent and
significance of the region to
archaeologists. In contrast the
archaeological record of Seminole
Indians, who have occupied this
area of the peninsula for over 150
years, is virtually unstudied.
Relatively few Seminole, or more
accurately Mikasuki-speaking Semi-
nole, sites have been identified,
and only a handful have been sur-
veyed. Most of the known sites are
located in the Big Cypress National
Preserve, primarily south of the
Tamiami Trail. In 1978, The
Archeological Survey of Big Cypress
National Preserve: Phase I reported
that 24 Seminole sites had been
identified, 17 of which contained
prehistoric components. Of this
number, 2 could possibly be dated
ca. 1820-60, as many as 9 from ca.
1860-1900, and 20 from ca. 1900-40.
The dates of two sites were un-
determined (Ehrenhard, Carr and
Taylor 1978:11).
Perhaps the most striking fea-
ture of the literature on modern
(post-1800) Seminole culture is the
great disparity between archaeo-
logical and ethnographic data in
favor of the latter. This is due
in part to the fact that the
Seminole settlement pattern was
very diffuse. With a few notable
exceptions, their camps were
temporary in nature until early in
this century (Coe 1898:238). Thus,

it is difficult to identify sites
that were occupied continuously
over long periods of time. It was
not uncommon for Seminole families
to have several camps which they
occupied as they moved about in the
annual cycle of hunting, trapping,
planting and gathering. Even those
families which remained at their
hammock camps throughout the year
and carried on subsistence farming,
might pack their belongings and
move to other locales temporarily
to hunt, gather the kunti root, or
even stay for a time near a trading
post on the periphery of the
Everglades. This moving about
could create certain discontinu-
ities in the residual material
culture found at the camp sites.
Few of these sites have as yet been
systematically surveyed, although
some have been pillaged by souvenir
Until this century there was
little attempt to map the location
of Seminole camps except in the
most general way. It was known
that since the 1880s there had been
camps scattered throughout the Big
Cypress Swamp region from Fort
Shackelford on the north to Turner
River on the south. A few perma-
nent camps such as Californee and
Guava were well-known local land-
marks. However, it was not until
the Nash Report of 1930 that all
Seminole camps were located on a
single map. Nash pinpointed not
only the Big Cypress camps, but
also those on the east side of the
Everglades and north of Lake
Okeechobee as well (Nash 1931:89).
Despite the lack of extensive
archaeological field work in this
region, it is still possible to re-

March, 1989


Vol. 42 No. 1

construct a great deal of Seminole
culture as it existed between 1880
and 1930 -- the first half-century
of the modern era. One approach is
to employ the concept of ethno-
archaeology set forth in recent
works by Charles Fairbanks
(Fairbanks 1978:163; Milanich and
Fairbanks 1980:251). He suggests
that the archaeology of the Florida
Seminole could be placed in a
meaningful relationship with
ethnographic documentation of these
Indians. So, he posits a conjunc-
tive approach combining archaeology
and ethno-history which would yield
the most information and explana-
tion of characteristic Seminole
living styles. To facilitate such
an approach, Fairbanks has divided
Seminole history into five distinct
periods. The first (1716- 63) was
one of colonization in Florida; the
second (1763-90) was one of
separation from the Creek Nation;
the third (1790-1840) was one of
resistance to the United States and
removal; the fourth (1840-80) was
an era of withdrawal into the
Everglades; and the fifth (1880-
present) is the era of modern
crystallization. It is the last of
these periods that we are concerned
with here. Interestingly, there
seems to be some consensus on these
periods, if not their precise
dates, among scholars who have
studied the Florida Seminole
(Sturtevant 1971; Craig and Peebles
1974; Goggin 1964).
Most reconstructions of modern
Seminole culture in southern
Florida have been derived from
solid ethnographic sources which
collectively describe cultural
change over time. The best known
of these ethno-historical accounts
were early government reports and
surveys. The first of these
attempts to describe post-removal
Seminole culture was R. H. Pratt's
report in 1879 (Sturtevant 1956:1-
24). This was followed in the
winter of 1880-81 by Clay

MacCauley's study for the
Smithsonian Institution, which
yielded a more complete ethnologi-
cal description of a remnant group
(MacCauley 1883-84). These were
followed by a succession of reports
by Special Agents working to secure
land for the Seminole in South
Florida. The most informative of
these were Wilson (U. S. Senate
1888), Brecht (U. S. House 1897)
and Duncan (1898). Another per-
spective on the Seminole during
this period of greatly increased
contact with the outside world is
found in the journals of Bishop W.
C. Gray, who headed the Episcopal
mission effort among the Big
Cypress Indians at the turn of the
century (Kersey and Pullease
1973:257-73). After 1913, resident
government agents were assigned to
the Seminoles, and their annual
reports chronicled the rapid
acculturation of the tribe from
that point forward.
The second, and from my per-
spective perhaps equally important,
source of information on the
Seminole during the first half cen-
tury of the modern era, came from
those families who operated perma-
nent trading posts. Their business
ledgers, personal papers, photo-
graph collections, and oral
tradition have a great deal to tell
us about significant changes in
Seminole culture which do not
appear in the other sources (Kersey
1975). The trading posts and the
small communities which grew up
around them were significant
cultural contact points for the
emerging Seminole. Here they found
not only a market for the goods of
their hunting and trapping, but
also a degree of social acceptance
in the frontier egalitarianism
which marked southern Florida
before the arrival of the railroads
and accompanying population growth.
With the passing of the Florida
frontier early in this century,
Seminole fortunes declined rapidly.

The storekeepers who served
sparsely populated South Florida
region in the last quarter of the
nineteenth century welcomed an
Indian clientele. They were viewed
as equal trading partners who could
supply the valuable pelts, plumes
and hides which were in high demand
by the international fashion
industry of that day. The plumes
of the egret were used in fine
millinery, otter pelts for collars
and muffs, while alligator hides
were turned into shoes, belts, and
fine luggage. The market price for
these goods fluctuated greatly, but
the traders could usually resell
them to northern dealers at a
profit even though they maintained
a constant offering price to the
Seminoles for their goods. The
transactions at the trading posts
were not trade or barter per se, as
the Indians received cash money for
their products. They then selected
items from the store-keepers' stock
and paid for them individually.
Any excess cash left after these
negotiations the Indians took in
coins. These coins were often
punctured and worn jewelry fashion;
although some were melted down and
reworked as ornaments to adorn the
Seminole costume (Goggin 1940:25-
The trading posts were essen-
tial to the Seminole as a source of
the items which they needed to
sustain and enhance their life-
style. Primarily they bought guns
and ammunition, salt for curing
hides, food items such as coffee,
sugar and grits which replaced
kunti in making their basic camp
meal "Sofkee." The men purchased
various items of clothing such as
derby hats and conductors' caps,
vests, watch chains, and eventually
long trousers. The women bought
yard goods by the bolt, glass
beads, and hand-powered sewing
machines for making the unique and
colorful Seminole costume. The
points at which these transitions

in Indian purchasing patterns
occurred are well documented by the
trading family records.
This is not to imply that all
white traders were altruists who
held the best interests of the
Seminoles upmost in their dealings.
Many fly-by-night traders operating
out of wagons or temporary stores
sold Indians shoddy goods, plied
them with cheap liquor, and cheated
them out of their catches -- or
worse. The Indians, in turn, were
not always easy to deal with, and
had a propensity toward over in-
dulging in liquor, quarreling and
fighting among themselves. Never-
theless, these things rarely tran-
spired at the permanent trading
posts where storekeepers maintained
reasonable order. The occasional
intoxicated Seminole was dealt with
in such a way as to be no harm to
himself or others. The trading
transactions were for the most part
carried on harmoniously, and the
Seminole trusted the traders to
deal with them fairly. Further-
more, they had the advantage of
trading at several different stores
and being able to compare prices
offered or charged for goods.
The process for trading in al-
ligator hides was similar at most
of the stores. The Indians dis-
patched the gators either by using
single shot 32 caliber rifles, or
more often by severing the spinal
column with an axe. The carcasses
were then skinned out, taking only
the belly hide between the four
legs, as it was the only portion
tannable for leather. These were
salted heavily, rolled and tied and
taken to the trading posts. There
the hides were stretched out on a
long board marked off in feet and
inches. The going price for a
prime hide was approximately ten
cents a running foot. A hide free
of buttons, small boney protrusions
in the skin, might bring a bit
more. After the transaction, the
hides were stacked in barrels and

stored at a distance from the post
because of the stench while await-
ing transshipment to wholesalers in
Key West, Tampa or Jacksonville.
Initially, the Seminole traded
at stores which were established
along the lower east coast. This
often meant poling several days
across the Everglades with their
catch of pelts and hides. One of
the earliest traders was Bill
Brickell who came to the Miami
River in 1870. The Seminole poled
their canoes down the Miami River,
going around the limestone rapids
that were there until dynamited
early in this century. The trade
at this site ended with the coming
of the Florida East Coast Railway
in the 1890s. As late as 1965 an
archaeological survey of this site
by Robert Carr yielded a number of
samples of Indian trade beads and
other articles (Carr 1981).
Farther up the coast at present-
day Fort Pierce, the Hogg family
established a trading post on the
Indian River. A long dock was
necessary to transfer heavy items
from the supply boats. This build-
ing is still standing in the heart
of downtown Fort Pierce and is
being utilized commercially.
In 1892 a county road was com-
pleted between Lemon City (North
Miami) and the Lake Worth region.
The following year a stagecoach
line was formed to carry passengers
and freight between the two points,
with an overnight camping stop at
the New River. The camp for
travelers was operated by Frank
Stranahan, who saw the potential
for trading with the Indians. With
a variety of partners he erected a
store which the Seminole frequent-
ed. By the late 1890s it had under-
gone several expansions as the bus-
iness prospered. In 1901 Stranahan
built a new home on the site for
his bride, with the trading con-
tinuing in the downstairs portion
until 1906. The Stranahan House
has undergone restoration, and an

archaeological investigation was
conducted there in 1982 (see Carr,
this volume).
On the Gulf coast of south-
western Florida, the George W.
Storter family had settled on Allen
River in the late 1880s where they
farmed and cut firewood for
shipment by schooner to Key West.
In 1892 Storter took out a $1.50
occupational license and opened a
general store to serve the small
settlement and Mikasuki-speaking
Seminole who lived in the lower Big
Cypress Swamp and on Turner River.
As the Storter fortunes prospered
they continued to enlarge both
their home and trading post opera-
tion. Early in this century the
store was a tin roofed structure,
with an out building to store gaso-
line and green alligator hides for
shipment. The Indian trade came to
an end in 1922 when Storter sold
his holdings to Barron G. Collier,
and the old home became the Rod and
Gun Club of Everglades City. The
site of the trading post is still
part of the club property.
At Chokoloskee Island which lies
some six miles offshore from
Everglades City in the Ten Thousand
Islands, store keepers such as Ted
Smallwood bought pelts and hides
from the Seminole at the turn of
the century. In 1906, Smallwood
built his first store in his home,
but moved to the water's edge in
1917. After a hurricane in 1924
set the store awash, he placed it
on pilings over the water -- just
in time to avoid the devastating
flooding of the giant 1926 hurri-
cane. The store still stands and
is listed on the National Register
of Historic Places. Smallwood also
supplied Indian entrepreneur
Charlie Tigertail who had his own
store in the Everglades. The com-
pletion of the cross-state Tamiami
Trail highway in 1928 effectively
brought an end to the Indian trade
in the lower Big Cypress Swamp and
Ten Thousand Islands, as most fur

buyers cound then reach the Indian
camps. Despite the years of pedes-
trian and vehicular traffic at the
site, the Chokoloskee Store prob-
ably is still important archaeo-
logically and merits proper study.
Without a doubt the most isola-
ted and colorful of the Seminole
trading posts was Bill Brown's
"Boat Landing" deep in the Big
Cypress Swamp. Brown, an English-
man, had been trading with the
Seminole since the 1880s, carrying
his family and ox-carts of goods
from Fort Myers and spending weeks
among the Indian camps. To be
closer to the Indians he moved
first to the mission settlement of
Immokalee, and later to the very
edge of the Indian hunting area.
His home and store were at the
water's edge where the Seminole
hunting in the Everglades could
pole right up to his front porch.
Brown and his sons dug a hundred
yard long canal from the deep water
to the "Landing." His was the only
trading post that catered exclu-
sively to an Indian clientele, and
it was a prosperous enterprise.
Until Brown established his store,
the Seminole had to pole three days
across the Everglades to Miami or
New River to trade, or about the
same distance down to Storter's
store. Now, they could increase
their hunting time and improve
their income by coming to the "Boat
Landing" when hunting the western
side of the Everglades.
The Brown children learned the
language of the Mikasuki-speaking
Seminoles, and grew up hunting and
camping with the Indian families
which lived nearby. The Indians,
in turn, were always welcome at the
Brown home, and Mrs. Brown often
helped them learn new things such
as the use of sewing machines, and
even a bit of reading and writing
if they wished. For their part the
Indians reciprocated by teaching
the white family the secrets of
hunting and survival in a hostile
environment, the preparation of

herbal medicines, and edible plants
of the region. One of the Brown
sons, Frank, became the most
reknowned white guide and hunter in
the region and his services were
widely sought by sportsmen and
government officials.
In 1908 Bill Brown sold his
"Boat Landing" to the Episcopal
Church which established a medical
mission and hospital at that loca-
tion. The missionary, Dr. W. J.
Godden, continued to trade with the
Seminole on a limited basis until
his death in 1914. After that time
the mission station was closed per-
manently. Today the site is in the
midst of the Big Cypress Indian
Reservation, and stands high and
dry due to extensive drainage pro-
An interesting variation on the
trading post theme was Capt. Walter
Kitching's trading boat, the
"Merchant", which operated on the
Indian River between 1885-94.
Kitching, who primarily supplied
settlers along the broad river,
also traded with the Indians. With
the coming of the railroad to
southern Florida in the 1890s, he
opened a store in Stuart and car-
ried on an extensive trade with the
Seminole through the 1920s. His
brother operated a similar store
farther south in Jupiter, as did
the well-known Frank Bowers. To
the north of Lake Okeechobee the
Raulerson family, better known for
their cattle enterprises, had
operated a store since 1905 on
Taylor Creek. When the town of
Okeechobee City was platted in
1919, Ellis Meserve came to town,
married one of the Raulerson girls,
and opened a hardware store and
trading post. His clientele was
very heavily Indian for the first
few years. All of these traders
were dealing with the Cow Creek
Seminoles who had their camps to
the north and east of Lake
Okeechobee, and spoke a different
language from the Mikasuki-
Seminoles of southern Florida.

Ironically, the opening of the
Meserve store in 1919 came at a
time when the Seminole trade was
beginning to decline rapidly. The
drainage of the Everglades begun
under Governor Broward in 1907 had
lowered the water level to a point
that much of the bird and other
wildlife was decimated. Then, too,
around the turn of the century the
Audubon Society was successful in
having state and federal legisla-
tion passed outlawing the taking of
plume birds for their use domesti-
cally. White hunters with better
organization and equipment also had
invaded the Everglades to compete
with the Indians for the remaining
game. With the coming of World War
I the European markets were shut
off and the domestic market for
pelts, plumes and hides had all but
collapsed. Even when the market
for these goods recovered somewhat
during the "roaring twenties" the
Seminole never regained a preemi-
nent position in the Florida trade.
The extent of the documentary
evidence from these major trading
sites has been well established in
a number of recent works. The
ledgers, family papers, and photo-
graph collections have been supple-
mented by the oral history of sur-
viving family members. Neverthe-
less, it is imperative that the
sites which still remain be sur-
veyed by qualified archaeologists
both to confirm the documentary
sources and, if possible, to extend
our knowledge of the items actually
traded through new on-site discov-
eries. From such a melding of
sources, it may be possible to com-
pile an even more complete picture
of Seminole and non-Indian inter-
action during the early modern
period of tribal history.
Lastly, it should be noted that
neither ethnographic nor archaeo-
logical data presently available
can tell us the differential in
rates at which individual Seminole
or their extended family units
acculturated. It is generally be-

lived that the Seminole in Florida
adopted many aspects of material
culture while shunning most non-
Indian norms of beliefs and be-
havior until well into this cen-
tury. Even so, it is almost
certain that some Seminole sought
to adopt certain aspects of non-
material culture from non-Indians
well in advance of the rest of the
tribe. To test this thesis it
would be necessary to develop an
ethnology of a particular Seminole
family utilizing existing document-
ary evidence, and supplementing it
with an archaeological investiga-
tion of the family camp sites.
This is a tall order, but I would
suggest that there is at least one
historically well-known Mikasuki-
speaking family from the Big
Cypress Swamp that could be profit-
ably studied in this manner. They
have the unique virtue of appearing
consistently in the literature
throughout the period 1880-1930,
and their camp sites are still
known and relatively undisturbed.
The family to which I refer is that
of Old Billy Fewell and his
brothers, Miami Billy and Billy
Billy Fewell was a Mikasuki of
the wind clan. His date of birth
is uncertain, but would have been
prior to 1860 when his younger
brother was born (Sturtevant 1956:
17). He was first mentioned in
MacCauley's report of 1880-81, and
a drawing depicts him in tradi-
tional Seminole dress consisting of
a blanket turban, hunting coat,
shirt and breeches with cloth
leggins, and wearing moccasins
(MacCauley 1883-84:484). A pair of
silver gorgets were worn as adorn-
ment. MacCauley noted that he was
called "Key West Billy" by many
whites in recognition of having
once poled his canoe to that island
city where he remained for some
time. This was taken as a
manifestation of his interest in
learning about white society. This
interest in learning the white

man's ways was even more pronounced
in his younger brother whose name
was Konipha:ci but was variously
known as "Little Billie," "Billy
Conapatchie," and "Billy
Koniphadjo." Conapatchie, in about
1879, had gone to live for three
years with Captain F. A. Hendry of
Fort Myers, and there attended
school with white children and
became well known in the community
(Kersey 1970:19-21). This incur-
sion into white society placed him
in great jeopardy with the Seminole
The oral history accounts of
the trading families are suffused
with references to Billy Fewell,
Billy Conapatchie, and a third
brother known as Miami Billy.
Their camps in the Big Cypress
Swamp were not far from Brown's
"Boat Landing," and Frank Brown,
the trader's son, often camped and
hunted with the Indian family, and
learned their language well. He
also became a close friend of
Conapatchie's son, Josie Billie.
The family also frequently visited
Storter's store at Everglades City
and Smallwood's on Chokoloskee
Island. The Reverend G. W.
Gatewood, a Methodist minister at
Everglades City, recounted that
Miami Billy liked to wear white
man's trousers when he was in the
community, but did not want the
other Indians to know what he did.
Therefore, he would secret a pair
of trousers outside the town and
change costumes as he moved back
and forth from the Everglades. One
day the other Indians found his
trousers in their hiding place and
removed them, forcing Miami Billy
to come to town in his shirttail
(Gatewood 1944:29). Gatewood
thought Miami Billy took it with
good grace, given his less than
admirable disposition most of the
Episcopal Bishop W. C. Gray,
reporting to the church conference
of 1907, noted that "a missionary
in the Big Cypress had baptized Ho-

tul-ca-hat-sie, a sub-chief of the
Tiger clan" (Episcopal Church
1980:30). Six years later the
Bishop and the missionary were in
the Big Cypress Swamp seeking to
locate land for an Indian farm
experiment. The Bishop reported:
"On our return we found Billy
Fewell or Holulcahatsee, whom Rev.
Mr. Trout baptized some time ago,
was now desirous of confirmation.
I had a good talk with him, then at
the evening service I conformed
him. God grant this may be the
first fruits of what is yet to
come. I am glad I came here for
Christmas Day" (Episcopal Church
In 1928, Billy Fewell's camp
was known as Californee (peaches in
Mikasuki) and was visited by the
Reverend James L. Glenn of
Everglades City (Glenn 1945:64-67).
Glenn was later to become U.S.
Indian Agent in Florida, and had a
great respect for the old patriarch
of his tribe. His pictures and ac-
count of the visit showed a well-
kept traditional chiki camp, sur-
rounded by guava trees and banana
plants, on a high piece of land.
By that point old Billy was too
infirm to do much more than tend
his small garden, while his
daughter and son-in-law kept the
camp and livestock. One interest-
ing vignette was that the white
visitors lost the oil from their
car and had to borrow the oil from
a derelict Model-T in the Seminole
camp. This was the same individual
whom Roy Nash described in such
exquisite detail in his famous 1930
report to the U.S. Senate (Nash
1931:3-12). That report is popu-
larly taken to be the obituary of
the traditional Seminole way of
life. It painted a grim picture of
a remnant people forced by economic
and demographic changes beyond
their control and understanding to
change their life-style. In the
next five decades the Seminole
would turn to a life-style based on
federal trust lands and adaptation

to the dominant culture, but in
1930 they were basically a poverty-
stricken and dispossessed people
trying to survive the economic hard
times that had come upon them. It
is doubly ironic that Nash had
inadvertently selected as an exam-
ple of Seminole caught between two
worlds, perhaps the one family
which consistently had been most
receptive to white men and their
The foregoing are but a sample
of the evidence concerning Billy
Fewell and his family which is
available to researchers. The site
of Californee and other camps are
still known to older Seminoles and
many whites as well, and are
accessible to qualified researchers
through the Seminole Tribe. The
author encourages professional
archaeologists to consider serious-
ly this venture into ethno-
archaeology while there is still
time. Political attitudes change,
physical features are altered, and
years dim the memories of
informants -- the time for action
is now.

References Cited

Carr, Robert S.
1981 The Brickell Store and Seminole
Indian Trade. The Florida Anthro-
pologist 34(4):180-199.

Coe, Charles H.
1898 Red Patriots: The Story of the
Seminoles. Cincinnati.

Craig, Alan K. and Christopher Peebles
1974 Ethnoecological Change Among the
Seminoles: 1740-1840. Geoscience and
Man V. Bob F. Perkins, ed. Louis-
iana State University Press, Baton

Duncan, A. J.
1898 Report of A. J. Duncan, United States
Indian Inspector, to the Honorable
Secretary of the Interior; in regard
to the reservation of lands for the
use of the Seminole Indians of
Florida. Annual Reports of the
Department of the Interior for the
fiscal year ended June 30, 1898, Vol.
1, cc-ccxxxviii. Government Printing
Office, Washington.

Ehrenhard, John E., Robert S. Carr and Robert
C. Taylor
1978 The Archeological Survey of Big
Cypress National Preserve: Phase I.
Southeast Archeological Center,
National Park Service, Department of
the Interior, Tallahassee. (Mimeo-

Episcopal Church
1908 Journal of the Sixteenth Annual
Convocation of the Church in the
Missionary Jurisdiction of Southern
Florida. Orlando.

1913 Journal of the Twenty-First Annual
Convocation of the Church in the
Missionary Jurisdiction of Southern
Florida. Key West.

Fairbanks, Charles H.
1978 The Ethno-Archaeology of the Florida
Seminole. In Tacachale: Essays on
the Indians of Florida and South-
eastern Georgia During the Historic
Period. University Presses of
Florida, Gainesville.

Gatewood, George W.
1944 Ox Cart Days to Airplane Era in
Southwest Florida. Privately printed,
Fort Myers.

Glenn, James L.
ca.1945 My Work Among the Florida Seminoles.
University Presses of Florida, Gaines-
ville (in press).

Kersey, Harry A.
1970 Educating the Seminole Indians of
Florida, 1879-1970. Florida Histori-
cal Quarterly 49:16-35.

1975 Pelts, Plumes and Hides: White
Traders Among the Seminole Indians,
1870-1930. University Presses of
Florida, Gainesville.

Kersey, Harry A. and Donald B. Pullease
1973 Bishop William Crane Gray's Mission
to the Seminole Indians in Florida,
1893-1914. Historical Magazine of
the Protestant Episcopal Church 42:

Milanich, Jerald T. and Charles H. Fairbanks
1980 Florida Archeology. Academic Press,
New York.

MacCauley, Clay
1887 The Seminole Indians of Florida.
Smithsonian Institution, Fifth Annual
Report, Bureau of Ethnology, 1883-
1884. Government Printing Office,

Nash, Roy
1931 Survey of the Seminole Indians of
Florida. Sen. Doc. 314, 71st Cong.,
1st sess. Government Printing Office,


Sturtevant, William C.
1956 R. H. Pratt's Report on the Seminole
in 1789. The Florida Anthropologist

1971 Creek into Seminole. North American
Indians in Historical Perspective.
Eleanor B. Leacock and Nancy 0.
Lurie, eds. Rnadom House, New York.

U. S. Congress, House
1897 Report of the Commissioner of Indian
Affairs. Exec. Doc. 5, 55th Cong.,
2d sess. Government Printing Office,

U. S. Congress, Senate
1888 Message from the President of the
United States Transmitting a Letter
of the Secretary of the Interior
Relative to Land Upon Which to Locate
Seminole Indians. Exec. Doc. 139,
50th Cong., 1st sess. Government
Printing Office, Washington.

Harry A. Kersey, Jr.


Patsy West

Documentation of the continuous
settlement patterns on a group of
Everglades Islands located at the
headwaters of New River in Broward
County, Florida provides an impor-
tant insight into the ethnohistory
of the Seminole Indians during the
nineteenth century, a period of
continuity and change. The name
"Pine Island" was often used in the
literature to refer geographically
to these islands as a group. In
the latter part of the nineteenth
century the major islands were
identified individually, as Big
City Island, Long Key, and Pine
Island. These terms will be used
when discussing the specific is-
lands (U.S. House 1898) (Figures 1-
2). Herein, these islands will be
called collectively, the Pine
Island Complex. Pine Island itself
is most important in this study, as
it was the focal point of the
Southeastern Seminole's religious/
political system. The island is of
current importance as it is slated
for preservation and, as such, is
the topic of this study.
The Pine Island Complex was
probably one of the first permanent
habitation sites occupied by the
Seminole in southeastern Florida.
Future research will doubtless show
that the Complex was inhabited in
the early 1820s, as the large Snake
Creek Island some six miles to the
south ("Chitto's Island") was per-
manently occupied by 1828 (U.S.
House 1898:ccxxviii; West 1987).
The Mikasuki-speaking Seminole
called Pine Island coyisoka:coko:
li:, meaning "pine island (or
clump) place" (contemporary pronun-
ciation "ko-ya-ta-li") (Sturtevant

1956:57; Osceola 1985). Pine
Island is two and one-half miles in
length and at 29 feet above sea
level, it is the highest point in
Broward County. The island is com-
prised of six small and large
islands which were (in the days
before drainage) divided by
sloughs. While these features are
cohesive enough to have been
classified as a single island when
it was surveyed in 1898, today they
give the island a rolling terrain.
From tip to tip, the island con-
tains hammocks, pinelands, scrub,
and small savannas. Because of its
unique location and physical fea-
tures, it is the northernmost reach
for certain plants.
During the Second Seminole War,
Pine Island became known as the
legendary refuge for the Seminole.
The Island was in the uncharted
Everglades where the military had
never set foot, and appeared to be
secure. The area gained consi-
derable notoriety because Long Key
was one of the main residences of
Arpeika, Sam Jones.
Sam Jones, (his Indian name is
properly pronounced "Ah-bi-ah-ki,"
according to contemporary Seminole)
(see also Sturtevant 1953:68), was
the most powerful element in the
Second Seminole War. It was he who
kept the War going. Through his
awe-inspiring medicine, he stimu-
lated his warriors, while instill-
ing fear and frustration into the
U.S. troops as the long war dragged
Fort Lauderdale was established
at the forks of New River early in
1838 to monitor Seminole activity
in the area. From the newly


Vol. 42 No. 1

March, 1989


"" -2 .'-..- 'to _,

b o b o ,1 "

F l o r i d a .14.Nth I-_ -. t. o_ 'm

s... .. I *
.IN- All 4 ,, .-

r to' "

Figure 1. Portion of "Chart of the S. Western Extremity of
Florida", 1841. Note the cluster of named islands located

under the word Everglades. Pine Island is located to the
right side of the named islands. (National Archives).

F ..- -I ~-- t K,
4. '1.1 -vs -I. -r I

--) --- ., -- T

ilkL IW6
-r .pr .

________ _______ --. a.-- .(e

t 4
4~JI .C1 .4 a -h /

~f ref
s O -- ~.
-, -r -h *-I '5 A' ..11

c. T
.. *. S 2..

.- J. -. ~
___ II,.'~ ~ i

"',-.W 4 I

4.r 0'' ~

Figure 2.
group is
New River

Portion of Preeble map of 1842. The Pine Island
shown in the area just west of Ft. Lauderdale and
Inlet. (National Archives).

established fort, an expedition of
600 men set out to entrap Sam Jones
at Pine Island. A large encampment
was routed and the security of the
refuge was shattered (Steele 1986:
11; Army and Navy Chronicle 1838:
268-269). Another expedition to
the island was made in January,
1841, again hoping to capture Jones
and thus end the war. By this
time, the Pine Island Complex had
repopulated, and a report noted:

Each island in the [Pine Island]
group had been inhabited and
planted, and from the extent of the
clearings and number of wigwams
left their population could not
have been less than 600 (U.S. House
1898:ccxxix) (Figure 2).
The Second Seminole War finally
came to a close in 1842 with many
Seminole removed to Indian Terri-
tory west of the Mississippi. How-
ever, Sam Jones and his immediate
band were never captured. Activity
on Pine Island during the Third
Seminole War (1855-1858) is not
known. Certainly, the island had
seen its share of military activity
in the previous war, and appeared
prominently on maps. It may be
that the Indians considered the
area unsafe for permanent camps.
However it might be assumed that it
saw some use as a temporary camp
site and occasional gardening area.
Following the Third Seminole
War both the Pine Island Complex
and the Snake Creek Complex to the
south experienced a renaissance of
activity. These large post-war
camps regrouped into settlements
reminiscent of pre-war days. Old
Tiger Tail was the political head
of the Florida Indians (Ober 1875:
172; Cory 1896:31). A Mikasuki-
speaker, Tiger Tail lived seasonal-
ly in one of the two large camps on
Snake Creek Island around six miles
south of the Pine Island Complex.
These communities appear to have
been linked throughout the nine-
teenth century (West 1987).
There appears to have been a
shift of power among the Florida

Indians in the early 1870s.
Frederick A. Ober reported informa-
tion from a source who attended the
significant Corn Dance. At
Tustenuggee's large camp, thirty
miles from Indian River near Lake
Okeechobee, the important issue
concerning the leadership of the
Florida Seminole was settled. At
that event, Old Tiger Tail who had
"been chief so long" was displaced
from his position as head of the
Florida Indians by Tustenuggee, a
Muscogean-speaker. Ober's source
related: "That came near making a
fight; but it was proved that
Tustenuggu was descended from old
Micanopy and had ought to have been
chief long ago" (Ober 1875:142,
144, 171-2).
It is quite probable that this
political/religious split was ag-
gravated by Old Tiger Tail. A
newspaper article in 1869 reported
that Old Tiger Tail was going:

"...to the Big Cypress arrayed in a
new coat of paint to hold a
council. The object is to consoli-
date the different bands into one
common settlement, under one chief,
on the islands near the head of New
River..." (Peninsula 1869).

Certainly this information pro-
vides some questions for future
study. However the latter serves
to illustrate the importance which
Old Tiger Tail placed on the Pine
Island settlement and the signifi-
cance of the large Mikasuki speak-
ing Seminole population in south-
eastern Florida.
King has commented on post-war
Seminole leadership: warriors and
other traditional leaders maintain-
ed an attenuated version of the
war-time leadership structure, but
no attempt was made to revive the
civil system of their Creek antece-
dents. A very small population in
scattered settlements mitigated
against this. Instead, there
evolved political units affiliated
with busk groups (King 1978:26-27).
The situation at Pine Island,

which Sturtevant (1971:113) consi-
dered "unusual," nevertheless dis-
proves King's statement. This
settlement reflects Old Tiger
Tail's commitment towards the
continuance of a religious/
political system reminiscent of
pre-war days. Further, the scant
information available in the
literature hints at the possible
existence of other large post-war
settlements. It was only after
these settlements dispersed into
the small family camps typical of
the twentieth century, that fami-
lies traveled to designated Corn
Dance locations, where "artificial"
camps were constructed around a
ceremonial area.
Old Tiger Tail visited the Big
Cypress Swamp seasonally. Most
documented references discuss his
hunting trips in that area. He was
most frequently encountered by
visitors to the Miami area, how-
ever, from the conclusion of the
Third Seminole War in 1855 (even a
rare account during the Civil War)
until his death in 1881, attesting

to his perhaps more permanent resi-
dency at Snake Creek (West 1989a).
By the 1870s large camps dotted
the three islands of the Pine
Island Complex, housing one of the
largest concentrated Seminole
populations of Mikasuki-speaking as
well as Muscogean-speaking
Seminoles, possibly remnants of Sam
Jones' band which was known to
include members of both groups
(Carter 1839-1845:520). From this
period, until the camps' demise, as
many as five and no fewer than two
camps existed on Pine Island alone
(Fries 1898:38-39; Sturtevant 1956:
57-58) (Figure 3).
Pine Island might have become
the religious center for the south-
eastern Florida Seminole population
at this time. Mikasuki Seminole
Sam Huff, who had been born at Pine
Island around 1872, discussed Pine
Island's ceremonial role with an-
thropologist, William C. Sturtevant
in 1952. According to Huff,
"plenty of medicine men" lived in
the Pine Island camps (Sturtevant
1956:64). Festivals throughout the


(1898 SURVEY)




Figure 3. Map depicting the Pine Island Complex.
J.O. Fries' 1898 survey).



year would have included the busk
or Green Corn Dance, and the
Hunting and Snake dances.
Pine Island's ceremonial area
was simply described by a visitor,
James A. Henshall, who spent two
days at a Pine Island camp in
February, 1882. Henshall (1884:
162) reports that

At one side of the village is a
level, cleared space, with a tall
pole in the center, where they hold
their dances at state periods ...

Rare photographs were made of the
Pine Island dance ground in 1897 by
H. A. Ernst, as camp members demon-
strated the game. Ernst (1897)
also documented a Pine Island camp
and some of the young inhabitants
(Figures 4-6).
The camp was described by Hen-
shall as: "a cluster of twenty-five
or thirty huts on the edge of the
pine woods" (Henshall 1884: 158)
He further states that:

The houses are formed of upright
posts set in the ground, a thatched
roof of palmetto leaves and a floor
about three feet from the ground,
the sides being open. They sit on
the floors during the day, and
sleep on them at night, their beds
being rolled up in the day-time.
They all sleep under mosquito bars,
which are tucked up during the day.
The storehouses are A-shaped and
are closely thatched all around,
with a door in one end (1884:182).

Describing a night at the Pine
Island camp, Henshall marvelled at
the fireflies, chuck-will's widows,
great horned owl, the "twittering
and chattering of waterfowl, the
piping of frogs, and the occasional
bellow of an alligator" (Henshall
Only three major clan camps
have been positively identified on
Pine Island: Panther, Big Towns,
and Bird. A definite problem in
Seminole ethnohistorical study is
that nineteenth century Seminole
women and their important clan
information were totally ignored

(West 1983).
Polygyny, a once common Semi-
nole custom, was still in evidence
at the large Pine Island camps.
Resident Old Charlie had two wives
of the Big Towns clan and Old
Jumper had three wives of the
Panther clan. In large matriarchal
camps such as Pine Island, it would
have been no easy job managing camp
affairs, which was the elder
woman's responsibility. It is
quite probable that the elder wife
might have instigated her husband's
decision and even aided in the
selection process of a second wife
to aid her in camp duties (West
1985:6). Hudson confirms that the
principle wife's permission must be
gained before a man could take a
second wife (Hudson 1976:199).
Henshall noted that Little
Tommie and Little Tiger [this was
actually "Young Tiger Tail,"
identified by Henshall as Old Tiger
Tail's son] were the leader of the
Pine Island camp(s) at the time of
his visit (Henshall 1884:159).
Among his descriptions of the Pine
Islanders, he has included valuable
observations on childhood training:

The children are bright, active,
and full of fun... The boys are
never without their bows and
arrows, in the use of which they
are very expert, killing quail and
other birds, hares, squirrels, etc.
The older ones, with their dogs,
hunt gophers (land tortoises), and
spear aquatic turtles and fish
(Henshall 1884:166).
The cypress dugout canoe was
the Pine Island Seminole's major
means of transportation. They met
Henshall's party in their canoes as
those visitors neared the Island:

Seeing smoke several miles away, we
sailed in that direction through
intricate and narrow channels,
often making short cuts by plowing
through masses of lily-pads, deer
tongue, and lotus. As we neared
the smoke we saw several canoes
shoot out from behind islands on
our right and left, their white

sails gleaming and darting along in
the rays of the setting sun like
sea gulls... (Henshall 1884:155-

Henshall (1884:166) further states:
Their canoes are made of huge cy-
press logs, are beautiful models,
and carefully constructed. The
boys learn to handle and sail them
when quite young. They use the
pole in preference to the paddle,
owing to the shallow water, and
always sail them when there is a
fair wind.
Visible canoe trails connected
the islands (Fries 1898:29). How-
ever, the water level in the
Everglades surrounding Pine Island
was not always adequately high,
witnessed by the first military
expedition to Pine Island which
reached the Island on foot in
March, 1838 (Army and Navy
Chronicle 1838:268-269; Steele
1986:11). Henshall noted:

In the fall there is from four to
six feet of water in the Ever-
glades, caused by the heavy rains
of summer, but in the spring
navigation closes (Henshall 1884:

The islands of the Pine Island
Complex provided the Indians with
fertile fields. The 1841 Navy
account noted that pumpkins and
lima beans were the main crops
being raised (U.S. House 1898:
ccxxix). In the late nineteenth
century, these islands supplemented
subsistence for fifty persons on
Pine Island alone, with numerous
additional families on nearby Long
The Pine Island Seminole were
employing their traditional hammock
farming methods in 1898 when J. 0.
Fries surveyed the islands (Fries
1898:58). Large oak trees had been
girdled. They died, dropping their
leaves and exposing the rich,
fertile hammock soil to the sun.
The underbrush was cleared and
seeds planted. Crops that were
noted growing on the islands and on

Pine Island itself in 1898 were
potatoes, corn, and bananas (U.S.
House 1898:ccxi).
Unique to Seminole gardens was
a species of pumpkin known as the
"Seminole pumpkin." Called chassa-
howitska (Muscogean), translated
"hanging pumpkin," the seeds were
purposefully planted at the base of
the girdled trees. The vines grew
up the trees onto the branches
where the ripened fruit hung down.
According to botanist Charles C.

The Indian may have had two or
three things in mind when he
planted his pumpkins this way. The
fruit was out of the way of the
pigs and cattle. It was saving in
ground space...and...the fruit
would be a better quality away from
the dampness of the dark earth. It
was a curious sight to see an old
oak tree laden with hanging pump-
kins (Gifford 1944:39).
The starch coontiee" (Zamia
floridiana) was a plant which was
of major importance to the Seminole
gathering economy. Coontie was
being processed at a camp on Pine
Island during the time of the 1838
attack (Army and Navy Chronicle
1838:268-269). Although coontie
grew on Pine Island, the Pine
Island Seminole would have gone to
areas where there was a major
supply in order to harvest the
starch plant. The roots were
doubtless grubbed in the area of
the Broward International Airport
due east from Pine Island and
accessible from New River, where
they grew in abundance (West 1985:
6). Perhaps they were taken back
to Pine Island to be processed. If
so, it seems probable that the
coontie mash (the residue from pro-
cessing) which was a fine ferti-
lizer, might have been utilized in
their island fields, which were
utilized for generations.
Riverside trading posts on the
Miami River and later on New River
provided the late nineteenth cen-
tury Pine Island Seminole with com-
mercial goods in exchange for bird

plumes, furs, hides, and miscella-
neous Everglades products such as
alligator teeth and eggs, live baby
alligators, vegetables, etc. (see
Kersey 1975).
An additional and little known
source of nineteenth century South-
eastern Seminole prosperity was the
spoils of wrecking -- salvaging
goods from wrecked vessels or their
jettisoned cargos. With treacher-
ous reefs and poor navigation,
hundreds of ships wrecked off of
southeast Florida beaches in the
nineteenth and well into the
twentieth centuries. The Seminole
moving into southeastern Florida in
the early nineteenth century learn-
ed of wrecking from the master
British wreckers out of Providence
and Tavernier (West 1989b). The
Seminole's "passion for wrecking"
(Tallahassee Sentinel 1867) contin-
ued throughout the nineteenth cen-
However, the end was in sight
for the prosperous post-war camps
at Pine Island and Snake Creek.
The last decade of the nineteenth
century saw the demise of the Snake
Creek camps. These camps, closer
to coastal development than those
at Pine Island, had been surveyed
in 1870. Early drainage operations
followed with the subsequent influx
of settlers and farmers (West
1987). Pine Island, still isola-
ted, took in emigrants from the
Miami area camps, becoming a refuge
for the last time.
The encroachment of settlement
onto Seminole-held land led the
Federal Government to appoint a
number of inspectors whose job was
to locate land on which to settle
the Seminole. Sometimes lands were
designated, but lack of funding and
other problems hindered action.
Finally in 1898 under Indian
Inspector A. J. Duncan, J. O. Fries
was hired to survey the Pine Island
Complex as one of the areas, which
after extensive research, Duncan
had selected "for the purpose of
providing homes for the Indians"
(U.S. Surveyor General 1901:365).

When Inspector Duncan visited
Pine Island in 1898, he enumerated
the following "heads of families":
Miami Jimmie, John Jumper, Jimmie
Tustenuggee, Doctor Tommie, Tommie
Jumper, Old Charlie, Charlie
Willie, and Willie Billie. He
estimated that there were around
five persons to a family, probably
forty persons residing in a camp
(U.S. House 1898:ccxi).
Surveyor Fries entered a de-
scription of the two Pine Island
camps in his Fieldnotes, August 12,
1898 as a "large Indian Village
consisting of 9 huts...and another
consisting of 4 huts" (Fries 1898:
38). He knew that his efforts in
behalf of the Indians would not be
understood or appreciated, noting:

I made this corner post smaller
than common, and buried it in the
ground to try to hide it and thus
preserve it, as it stands close to
the path between the two Indian
villages. I believe that most of
the posts, set in the neighborhood
of Pine Island will very soon be
taken up and destroyed by the
Indians (Fries 1898:38-39).

"The Report of A. J. Duncan,
United States Indian Inspector, to
the Honorable Secretary of the
Interior, In Regard to the Reser
vation of Lands for the Use of the
Seminole Indians of Florida" dis
cussed the plight of the turn of
the century Seminole and employed
historical information to substan-
tiate the Indians' "right by occu-
pancy" to the islands of the Pine
Island Complex, noting:

In the case of the Seminoles, many
of them have been deprived of their
lands and homes through the greed
of a few feet of land; and from the
fact it is not surveyed land there
is no law by which they [the perpe-
trators] can be punished or by
which the Indians can be protected
(U.S. House 1898:cc).

In his recommendation, Duncan
said of Pine Island:
They have held this island from


-L L.

[4~ n.~



/4/h' f


/ 0/'.
/ /i~ f /v,{/ c7M2<


I- e /i/ /
Figure 4. Seminole stick ball game at the Pine Island busk
grounds. Photography by H.A. Ernst, ca. 1897. (Courtesy of
Denver Art Museum, Seminole/Miccosukee Photographic Archive


.C ^




-l j ,
- r

~*K .

We i '^ .sr nc7
Figure 5. Pine Island Seminole
Ernst, ca. 1897. (Courtesy
Seminole/Miccosukee Photographic

Camp. Photograph by H.A.
of Denver Art Museum,
Archive #449).

0 --

-- I-~J--~



-9 P_ /.

^ 1i;IWSB


c a- -:~'.i2
,, ~C`




i A

A 'I



Figure 6. Seminole group at Pine Island. (Courtesy of
Denver Art Museum, Seminole/Miccosukee Photographic Archive


I C I-

time immemorial, and it should be
reserved for them with the adjacent
hammocks and marsh lands (U.S.
House 1898:ccxi)
In 1898, plats of the three
major habitation islands of the
Pine Island Complex were submitted
to the United States Surveyor
General clearly marked "Indian
Lands Surveyed" (Plat 1898).
Duncan had recommended:

...that Pine Island, Long Key, and
Big City, if set aside, be connect-
ed and lands be set aside for that
purpose forming contiguous tracts.
The whole tract need not be recti-
linear, but the different tracts
contiguous or adjacent should be as
nearly so as possible(U.S. House

But Duncan was apprehensive about
the Government's interpretation of
the survey of the islands. Their
odd shapes did not conform to the
standards set for swamp land
selection. He noted in his report:

I wish to call your attention to
one fact in regard to the survey of
these islands that may cause some
discussion if an attempt be made to
exempt them and transfer them to
the State. The islands are pecul-
iar in shape and in many parts do
not include a majority of the
quarter quarter-section, which I
understand is the unit in determin-
ing the character of swamp lands.
It is a legal question, upon which
I am not competent to give an
opinion, but I would venture to say
that no court would countenance the
cutting up into parts of these
islands and destroying their
homogeneity and utility (U.S. House

Duncan's fears were realized.
When the Executive Order of June
28, 1911 was issued by President
William H. Taft, reserving lands
for the Seminole, only one small
piece of Pine Island and two of
Long Key were included. Apparently
Duncan's lengthy report on the
value of these settlement islands
to the Seminole was never seen by

those responsible for making the
physical selection, or such a
ridiculous and unusable choice
would not have been made. Big City
Island, being a larger piece of
land, was better shaped for the
process of land selection and
received half and quarter quarter-
sections (U.S. President 1911:678).
This island would, years later,
form the core of the Dania
In 1900, because of his know-
ledge of the Seminole and their
camp locations, surveyor J. 0.
Fries was selected to enumerate the
Seminole Indians for the 1900
census. He took as his assistant
Archibald A. Hendry, who spoke
their language. The Seminole re-
siding at Pine Island and Long Key
(Big City Island was abandoned)
were enumerated shortly after July
16, 1900. Unfortunately, the ex-
planatory notes which accompanied
this census appear to have been
destroyed once the statistics were
compiled in Washington, leaving no
specific data concerning the Pine
Island Seminole (see Kersey 1981).
Doubtless as a reflection on the
influx of refugees from the Miami
camps, Fries noted after leaving
Pine Island and Long Key, that
there were more Indians at these
camps "than people expected or
believed" (Kersey 1981:155).
Only a few historic Pine Island
families have been identified; how-
ever, their numbers are signifi-
cant. Statistics have been com-
piled from a valuable genealogi-
cally annotated Seminole Tribal
Census for 1940 (Indian Census Roll
1940). Based on identified Pine
Island families, 40% of the total
Florida Seminole population were
related to those living in the Pine
Island settlements. The descen-
dants of these people can be found
today as far away as the Brighton
Reservation northwest of Lake
Okeechobee, Naples and Immokalee in
southwest Florida, in the Big
Cypress Swamp, on the Tamiami
Trail, and of course on the Dania

Reservation in Hollywood. They
belong to the Seminole Tribe of
Florida, the Miccosukee Tribe of
Indians of Florida, and the
Independent Seminoles (West 1988).
It was doubtless not long after
Fries' final visit that the
Seminole left the Pine Island
Complex (Sturtevant 1956:58). The
camps were probably abandoned due
to the difficulties in attempting
to feed so many people. Their
hunting and gathering areas were
being overrun by settlement.
Further, drainage operations would
soon be initiated in the Pine
Island area, a situation with which
the Snake Creek refugees were
already familiar.
The Pine Island settlements of
large extended family camps were
the last of their kind. From the
time that these camps disbanded,
Seminole were known to live in the
small nuclear camps which typified
this century. The demise of the
Pine Island camps was truly the end
of an era.
In 1906, the Pine Island Com-
plex would become landlocked
between the North and South New
River drainage canals. By 1926,
the Boy Scout Camp for Dade County
was located on Pine Island (Miami
Herald 1926).
The Exchange Act of 1934 con-
densed Indian reservation lands
across the United States. The
Florida Seminole gained more land
surrounding Dania Reservation
(where only a handful of Indians
then resided) by the exchange of
those pitiful, incidental parcels
of "Reservation" on Pine Island and
Long Key (United States Senate
Report 1934; Coburn 1986).
The Seminole period of contin-
uous habitation at Pine Island saw
many changes, from their earliest
ventures into the Everglades,
through two wars with the United
States, the subsequent periods of
cultural adjustment, the influx of
refugees, and the final decision to
disband. This is the most signifi-
cant of all Seminole sites in

southeast Florida.
It is therefore miraculous that
today, amid the rampant and often
unchecked development on Florida's
Gold Coast, Pine Island has re-
mained in pristine condition. Now
landlocked by drainage and immi-
nently threatened by high density
development, it appears that Pine
Island will be purchased by local,
County and State funds. With Long
Key, Pine Island will become part
of the County's Park system and the
Town of Davie's Greenspace project.
The Seminole Tribe of Florida and
the Miccosukee Tribe of Indians of
Florida have enthusiastically sup-
ported this two year long project
from its inception and will hope-
fully be able to see their most
important historical site preserved
for future generations.

References Cited

1838 Army and Navy Chronicle 1835-1842.
Volume VI, Washington, D.C.
Carter, Clarence Edwin, Compiler and Editor
1962 The Territory of Florida. In Terri-
torial Papers of the United States,
1839-1848. National Archives.

Coburn, Dick
1986 Interview with the author, Legal
Office, Seminole Tribe of Florida,
Hollywood. October 1, 1986.
Cory, Charles Barney
1896 Hunting and Fishing in Florida, 2nd
ed. Boston: Estes and Lauriat.
Ernst, H.A.
1897 Anthropological Archives, Washington,
Fries, J. Otto
1898 Fieldnotes Volume 251 (July 30-August
19). On file Department of Natural
Resources, Bureau of State Lands,
Gifford, Charles C.
1944 Five Plants Essential to the Indians
and Early Settlers of Florida. In
Tequesta 4:36-44.
Hudson, Charles M.
1976 The Southeastern Indians. University
of Tennessee Press. Knoxville.
Henshall, James A.
1884 Camping and Cruising in Florida.

Scott, F.J., Superintendent
1940 Census of the Seminole of Florida as
of January 1, 1940. Annotated by W.
Stanley Hanson. Seminole/Miccosukee
photographic Archive, Ft. Lauderdale.

Kersey, Harry A.
1975 Pelts, Plumes, and Hides: White
Traders among the Seminole Indians,
1870-1930. University Presses of
Florida. Gainesville.

1981 The Florida Seminoles and the Census
of 1900. The Florida Historical
Quarterly 60(2):145-160.

King, R. Thomas
1978 The Florida Seminole Polity, 1858-
1978. Ph.D. dissertation, University
of Florida, Gainesville.

Miami Herald
1926 July 21, 1926 article.

Ober, Frederick A.
1875 Ten Days with the Seminoles.
Appleton's Journal of Science and Art
14:142-44, 171-73.

Osceola, Juanita Cypress
1985 Interview with author (0. B. W.
Osceola, Interpreter), Naples,
Florida. October 10, 1985.


T50S-R40E, T50S-R41E, and T51S-R41E.
J. Otto Fries, Surveyor. On file,
Department of Natural Resources,
Bureau of State Lands, Tallahassee.

Steele, Willard
1986 Archaeological and Historical Survey
of Pine Island, Broward County,
Florida. Directed by Robert S. Carr
for Sea Ranch Properties, Inc.

Sturtevant, William C.
1953 Chakaika and the Spanish Indians:
Documentary Sources Compared with
Seminole Tradition. Tequesta 13:35-

1956 A Seminole Personal
Tequesta 16:55-75.


1971 Creek into Seminole. North American
Indians in Historical Perspective.
Eleanor Burke Leacock and Nancy
Oestreich Lurie, Editors. Pages 92-
128. Random House, New York.

Taft, William H.
1911 Executive Order No. 1379, President
William H. Taft (June 28, 1911).
Page 678.

Tallahassee Sentinel
1867 Observations in Tropical Florida.
(From a Report made in the spring of
1866 to Col. T. W. Osborn, by Col.
Geo. F. Thompson...). May 7, 1867.

United States House of Representatives
1898 Report of the Commissioner of Indian
Affairs, Exec. Doc. 5, 55th Congress,
3rd Sess. Exhibit G. Report of A. J.
Duncan, United States Indian Inspec-
tor, to the Honorable Secretary of the
Interior in regard to the Reservation
of Lands for Use of the Seminole
Indians in Florida. cc-ccxxxviii.

United States Senate Report
1934 No. 985, Authorizing the Exchange of
the Lands Reserved for the Seminole
Indians in Florida for other lands.
73rd Congress, 2nd Sess. 1-2.

United States Surveyor General
1901 Miscellaneous Letters of the Surveyor
General, 19:365-366.

West, Patsy
1983 The Women in Seminole Society. Paper
presented at the Annual Meeting of
the Florida Anthropological Society,

1985 Seminoles in Broward County: The Pine
Island Legacy. New River News xxiii

1987 Archaeological and Historical
of the Snake Creek Complex.
S. Carr, Director.


1988 Presentation in support of the pre-
servation of Pine Island, Conserva-
tion and Recreational Lands, Land
Selection Committee Hearing, Talla-
hassee. June 22, 1988.

1989a Old Tiger Tail of Snake Creek: His
Life and Philosophy 1855-1881. Manu-
script in progress.

1989b Seminole Populations in South Florida
before 1835: The Everglades as a Pre-
War Environment. Manuscript in pro-

Patsy West
1447 S.W. Grand Drive
Ft. Lauderdale, Florida


Marion F. Smith, Jr.
R. Douglas Walton, Jr.


Within the Division of Historical
Resources (formerly the Division of
Archives, History, and Records
Management), the Bureau of Archae-
ological Research maintains records
vital to anyone concerned with
Florida's past. The Florida Master
Site File (FMSF) program has oper-
ated within the Department of State
since the late 1960s. Its primary
functions are (1) to collect in one
place information on sites repre-
senting the state's archaeology and
history, (2) to promote the collec-
tion of additional information on
archaeological and historical sites
-- which are rapidly disappearing
in developing Florida, and (3) mak-
ing that information available for
preservation, educational, and re-
search purposes.

General Description of Records

Records are kept on several
media, including paper forms and
maps as well as computer records.
The most important paper files ac-
cessible to the public are (1) a
site file of individual historical
or archaeological properties, (2) a
manuscript file of reports on ar-
chaeological and historical field
surveys and other documents, and
(3) an accession file of records on
certain artifact collections cur-
ated by the Bureau of Archaeo-
logical Research. In addition, two
map series are maintained: maps of
coverage of individual field sur-
veys, and site location maps on
which are plotted archaeological
sites and those historical struc-
tures that are listed on the fed-
eral National Register of Historic

Some information available on
paper forms is also entered on com-
puters to improve our ability to
search, report on, and analyze
Florida Master Site File informa-
tion. Prior to February 1987, the
FMSF program used the computing fa-
cilities of Florida State Univer-
sity. Since that date all informa-
tion has been available on our own
microcomputer system. This change
has greatly increased the useful-
ness and accessibility of our com-
puter records.
FMSF computer files include
only the most frequently used in-
formation from paper forms. Sepa-
rate computer data bases are main-
tained for standing structures, ar-
chaeological sites, survey reports
and other manuscripts, and acces-
sions to the artifact collections.
Our primary computer is a Zenith
248 IBM PC/AT compatible with 100
and 40 Megabyte hard disks and a
single-drive, 20 Megabyte Micro-
Bernoulli Box system used for rou-
tine backups of FMSF data and pro-
grams. We also run a Zenith 158
IBM XT-class compatible computer
with a 20 Megabyte hard disk, and
occasionally rent machines for ex-
tra capacity. The main software
used for data base work is dBASE
III PLUS, although we anticipate
switching to dBASE IV in the near
future. A number of customized
dBASE programs have been written to
aid in the maintenance and report-
ing of the computer files.
The FMSF and its users are
benefiting greatly from the ability
to transmit and receive information
in computer readable form. We can
transmit and receive data over IBM
standard 5.25 inch floppy disks, in
either 360 Kilobyte or 1.2 Megabyte
high density formats. Although the


March, 1989

Vol. 42 No. 1

public does not have direct access
to the computer files at present,
our ability to assist research,
planning, and management projects
will be increased greatly by the
computer programs that we are
developing, and by anticipated new
equipment. The Bureau has started
an experimental computer bulletin
board which can be used by prior
arrangement to transmit and receive
data over telephone lines for those
equipped with a computer, a modem
communications device, and appro-
priate communications software.
Further information on this system
is available on request.

Site Records

Site Forms

The paper records of the FMSF
(which document 14,000 archaeologi-
cal sites and 38,000 structures as
of March 1, 1989) are housed in
forty file cabinets in Room 425 of
the R. A. Gray Building at 500
South Bronough Street in Talla-
hassee, Florida. All records con-
cerning individual sites are or-
ganized into manila file folders
ordered by county, and within coun-
ties, by the last part of the state
identification number. According
to this nationally used system of
identifying sites, a three part
label is assigned. An example is
"8HI01333": the initial number
identifies the state according to
an alphabetical list (8 is Florida,
9 is Georgia) the following two-
letter code refers to the county
(HI=Hillsborough), and the final
number is assigned in the order in
which the list was reported to us
(1333rd site in Hillsborough County
to be reported to the FMSF).
Inquiries about sites should refer
to this file number whenever it is
The contents of an individual
site file vary enormously, but usu-
ally at least one standardized

Florida Master Site File form will
be present. The proper completion
of these forms, and their transmis-
sion to the FMSF, has for years
been the standard for minimum docu-
mentation of archaeological sites
and standing structures. Figures
1-4 and 5-7 are examples of com-
pleted site forms, and Figures 9-14
are blanks (which may be photo-
copied) of the archaeological and
structure forms for the use of
those who may have sites to report
to us (be sure to obtain the in-
structions for our forms before at-
tempting to complete them!).
Other information may also be
included in site files, such as the
very detailed site descriptions
needed to nominate sites for inclu-
sion on the federal government's
National Register of Historic
Places, as well as photographs and
historical documentation such as
newspaper clippings, manuscripts,
journal articles, letters, etc.
The contents of an individual
folder commonly number from about
four to twenty or more pieces of

Site Maps

Associated with the Florida
Master Site File are maps on which
are plotted the locations of ar-
chaeological sites, and of standing
structures that are listed on the
National Register of Historic
Places. The maps, over 1100 of
them, occupy seven map cabinets in
Room 425 of the R. A. Gray build-
ing. All maps are of the 7.5
minute USGS topographic series
(1:24,000 scale). Site locations
are labeled with the state site
number as a cross reference into
all other files.
Searching aids for the USGS map
series include an index map of
Florida on which the coverages of
individual map sheets are visible
and from which the map's specific
drawer location can be read. In

X original FLORIDA MASTER SITE FILE Recorder # Durnell-23
_ update Venion 11 11/8s Field Date 5/03/1987

SITE NAME(S) lis Stcp_
PROJECT NAME Jones Tract Archaeological Survey DHR#
OWNERSHIP private-profit priv-nonprof _priv-indiv _priv-unp city _county state itederal
USGS MAP NAME Salt SPrings 1970 CITY Salt Springs GV
UTM: ZONE 16 /Q EASTING /4/_-Y_0//11// NORTHING /3_/J 3/4/_/A jSQ/
COUNTY Marion TWP 14S RANGE 26E SECTION 5 1 NW i-1 SE i-1-i NW
(Optional) LATITUDE d __ s LONGITUDE d m s
ADDRESS/VICINITY OF/ROUTE TO Orala National Forest 2 mi. W of Lake George

TYPE OF SITE (All that apply) X._phit unspecified _hist aboriginal

aboriginal boat fort road segment
_agric/frrm blds fnidden _hell midden
burial mound mill unspecified shell mound
building remains mission _shipwreck
cemetery/grave mound unspecif esubsurface features
)dump/refutn plantation wall
earthwork _platform mound wharf/dock

HISTORIC CONTEXTS (All that apply)

Early Archaic
Early Swft Creek
Fort Walton
Glades unspecif
Glades I
Glades la
Glades Ib
Gladen II
Glade la

NONABORIGINAL: _.t Spn 1700-63
let Spanish unsp Brit 1763-1783
Ilt Spn 1513-99 2dSpn 1783-1821
let Spn 1600-98

Glade. Ilb
Glades IlI
Glad.. III

Gladea IIlc
Hickory Pond
Late Archaic
Late Swift Creek

Amer Terr 1821-44
Statehood 1845-60
Civil War 1861-65
Reconrtr 1866-79

hibt nonaboriginal hist unspecified

none specifid
extrtctive eit
X habit atn/homestead

single artifact
diffuse scatter
dense scatter>2/m2
Xvariable density

unknown culture aboriginal unspecif hist unspecified

Middle Archaic
Mount Taylor
Perico Island
Safety Harbor
St. Augstine

Pontrecn 1880-97
_SpWr 1898-1916
WW I 1917-1920
Boom 1931-1929

St. John. unspecif
_St. Johns I
St. Johns Ia
St. Johns Ib
St. Johns It
St. John. Ina
St. Johns Ilb
St. John. nc
Sant. Rossn

Depresa 1930-40
WW II 1941-49
Modern 1950-

Swift Creek
Weeden Island
Weeden Island I
Weeden Island II

prehitc -ceramic

_American 1821-
_Amerian 1821-99
XAmerican 1900-

Page 2

Division of Historical Resources, Florida Department of State

Site 8 Mr00241

no field check expoud ground _creened shovel _bounds unknown _remote sensing uncrened shovel
literature search pothole digger none by recorder insp ueposed ground Xscreened shovel
informant report auger--si._e _literature march _pothole digger )block excavn
remote sensing _unecrnd hovel _informant report auger--si:__ _gueo
Other/Remarks (#, ein, depth, pattern of units; screen site) 26 hi p-c/R r p pd shvrPel teu-s (O an diampt-r)
in N/S. E/W. NE/SW. SE/NW lines for boundaries; 1 lxl m test unit; all screened

unknown Yunslective (all artifacts) unknown _daub nonlocal-exotic bone-unspec
selective (some artifact) Xlithics brick/bldg mall X_metal unworked shell
uncollected _general (not by ubarea) Xceramic-aborig Xglaas bone-human worked shell
controlled (by subsaea) ceranic-nonabo _prec metal/coin bone-animal X..suburf feat.
Other (Strategy, Categories) ilncontnrolled surface collection in footpath exposure; plastic, fabric,
etc. modern artifacts also
SITE EXTENT Size (m2) 2100 Depth/Stratigraphy of Cultural Deposit lxl m unit, showed sparse
artifr-ts 0-20 cnm tbpc- surface: dark. middeny. dense matl 20-50 an below surface outside
Perpendicular Dimensions 40 m N/S direction by 50 m E/W directiorpip

SPACE COLLECTED Surface: #units 1, total area 5? m2. Excavation: #units 30, total vol 10.2m3
TOTAL ARTIFACTS Count or Estimate? Surface 4 Subsurface # 471 .

I St Johns Plain Ni 218
2 ainn's Creek Red N-_ 9
3 t Jnohns Check Stanped N- 1
Remarl -ks --^ I h lI I

4 fiber tenper eroded N= 3
5 N=
6 N=
7 N-

TEMPORAL INTERPRETATION Components: single prob single _prob multiple multiple X_uncertain
Describe each occupation spatially. For each, estimate begin, end dates BP; baais; if absolute datrn, give method, lab, id, date, range, etcr
Historic -ollection of metal/plastic/glass refuse occupying 4-5 sq. meters.
pr histnric: no evidence of other than St Johns I period, although 30 ac midden implies
mnre than a short occupation (see narrative)

ENVIRONMENT Nearest Fresh Water unnamed sink Distance (m) 30 meters SW
Natural Community terrestrial: xeric uplands: scrub (XUPS)
Local Vegetation out-sidre of path. 80% wire grass & weedy cover under Pinus clausa
Topographic Setting hill crest
Present Land Use Natinrnal Forest
SCS Soil Series Astatula Sand Soil Association Astatula-Paola


Eligible for National Register? _ye _no X lihkl, need information inufficent information
Significant as part of district? _yea _no _likely, need information Xiniuficient information
Significant at the local level? _e _no Xlikly, need information _insufficent information

SIGNIFICANCE STATEMENT FOR COMPUTER FILES (Limit to 3 lines here; attach full justification)
.PPosible intact St Johns I habitation site in unusual setting (sand pine scrub)
suggested by large area and high artifact density, as well as stratigraphy and possible
prehistoric trash pit.

DHR USE ONLY ------------------------------------------------------------- DHR USE ONLY
Local Office _
Florida Master Site Fle/D0ivi.on of Histonca Re.ources/The Capitol/Tallahassee, FL 32599-0250/904-487-2333

Figure 1. Page 1 of Archaeological Site Form

example (front of main sheet)

SITE INTEGRITY Overall Disturbance: none seen Xminor
Nature of Disturbances/Threats possible land exchange

substantial major _rdeposited

INFORMANT(S) Contact Information sea "Recorder" field
REPOSITORY Field Notes, Artifacts indefinite loan to Office of Contract Archaeology,
Photographs (negative nos) Rl-C-A-12 \ Peninsula University
MANUSCRIPTS OR PUBLICATIONS ON THE SITE Cultural Resources of the Jones Tract,
nr-la H ainnal Fnre-, onn file Florida Master Site File
RECORDER(S): Name Steve Dunnell Date of Form 5/17/1987
Affiliation/Address/Phone Office of Contract Archaeoloqv, Peninsula Univ. 999/888-7777

RECOMMENDATIONS FOR SITE standard avoidance procedures pending resolution of
p nsihle land exchange
NARRATIVE DESCRIPTION: Attach information on site discovery, history, current integrity, apparent
threats, environment, and your temporal and functional interpretations.
DISCUSSION OF SIGNIFICANCE: Attach justification for recorder's evaluation (Page 1).


Figure 2. Page 2 of Archaeological Site Form ui

example (back of main sheet)

Land Cite

wetland freeh
wetland ialt/tidal



Archaic unspec.
Belle Glade
Belle Glade I
Belle Glade II
Belle Clade 111
_Belle Glade IV
Cades Pond

SITE NAME Bus Stop /
NATURE OF SITE standing structure XXarchaeological site _both
continuations) Site was discovered by observation of a sherd in a /
footpath during the exposed ground portion of the survey. At time /
of acquisition by Government (1979), it had apparently been clearcut /
about 30 years before, so that the undisturbed appearance of the site / o
may be illusory. / o
On current evidence, the earliest occupation may have been Orange /
Phase peoples of the Late Archaic stage, as tenuously suggested by 3
eroded fiber-tempered sherds in adjacent shovel tests near the east- 0(Q
ern edge of the site. There is at least partial spatial overlap with 0
a later and far heavier St. Johns I occupation, as indicated by the
occurrence of St. Johns ceramics in one of the same shovel tests as
well as all around. No interpretation of the nature of the early /
occupation can be offered with this evidence.
The situation is different for the later component. The generally 4
high density of artifacts, the 30 cm depth of organic-laden and char-' /
coal-flecked midden deposit, and the possible trash pit partly revealed
by the 1 x 1 meter test unit, all suggest habitual reoccupation of a
favored locale, at the very least. **
B. DISCUSSION OF SIGNIFICANCE (Use back of page and continuations) I
Based on very limited preliminary examination, 8MR241 has a high
degree of integrity as an archaeological site. The location of an 0
apparent prehistoric habitation site in a sand pine zone is a major
departure from expectations. Dorian's Cultural Resources Overview,
Ocala National Forest (Master Site File manuscript number 1180) states
that o %
Approximately 11% (20,000 acres) of the sand pine scrub [in Ocala
National Forest] has been inventoried for cultural resources. No''
significant prehistoric or historic sites have been identified ---......
within this zone, indicating that the probability of these proper- /
ties is extremely low (Dorian 1984:4).
Simply put, the Bus Stop site is unique in the known archaeological
record of the area, and certainly deserves every effort at preserva-
tion. More testing may be needed before sufficient information ris
available for an assessment of National Register eligibility. '
and continuation sheets if necessary) No past work.
No past work., ...1 -.
** The historic refuse includes poptop cans, hence may postdate
the 1960's. Artifacts, distribution, and quantity would not be incon- O
sistent with a single pickup bedfull of refuse. The location just "- -
off a disused vehicle track supports this possibility.

Figure 3. Page 3 of example of Archaeologi- Figure 4. Page 4 of example of Archaeologi-
cal Site Form (front of optional supple- cal Site Form (site location on 1:24,000
mentary sheet) USGS topographic map)

Page 1
X original


Site 8 LE227

Recorder # JD-14

SITE NAME Richard A. Wool. Jr. House
HISTORIC CONTEXTS Spanish-American War
COUNTY Leon OWNERSHIP TYPE Private-individual
LOCATION (Attach copy of USGS map, sketch-map of immediate area)
ADDRESS 314 N Calhoun St CITY Tallahassee
VICINITY OF / ROUTE TO W side of N Calhoun. between E Tennessee
and E Virginia
USGS 7.5' MAP Tallahassee 1970 PR 1976
UTM: ZONE 16 EATING 761230 NOTHING 3371070

BUILDER: F M L Unknown
ORIGINAL USE(S) Residence-private
PRESENT USES(S) Residence-private

STYLE Colonial Revival
INTERIOR Irregular
STRUCTURAL SYSTEMS) Balloon wood fr-me
INFILL Unknown
PORCHES SFE/vreanda/untluten C(lorinth'n i lmn /k L1y -
ROOF: TYPE Hi_ SURFACING ,npn i t n hn l.~
SECONDARY STRUCS. Cnc-s ghl. hip ainrmpr
CHIMNEY: NO_3 MTLS Brirk LOCNS .nd nt[

EXTERIOR ORNAMENT Wood, terra cotta
NARRATIVE (general, interior, landscape, context; 3 lines only)
A typical turn of the century structure in scale and in har' tar
with its surroundings. Stylistically transitional into Colonial
Rrvival despite late Victorian massing and asymmetry.

Figure 5. Page 1 of example of Historical
Structure Form (front of main sheet)


Site 8 LE227


ELIGIBLE FOR NAT. REGISTER? _y n likely, need info insf int
SIGNIF. AS PART OF DISTRICT?_y xn likely, need info inst inf
SIGNIFICANT AT LOCAL LEVEL? _y Xn likely, need info -inst inf

SUMMARY ON SIGNIFICANCE (Limit to three lines provided; see page 3)
No historical significance, but interesting as rrereentin the
turn of the century phase in development of a traditional vhit.
middle/uner class neighborhood first settled in the 18An's

--- ~--------------- -- *

PHOTOGRAPHS (Attach a labeled print bigger than contact size)
LOCATION OF NEGATIVES Florida Division of Historical Resources




Figure 6. Page 2 of example of Historical
Structure Form (back of main sheet with

II (us 40 j Sf 10)

Figure 6. Page 2 of example of Historical
Structure Form (back of main sheet with
photograph and large scale map superim-

Page 2


3. a .b.t .. b omo-ba a a. O i Ii sI30 1* -LS *** ** t ....*.*..** ........a* .********

.. ~
g A

,A Rca rJ. Mu

". -' .o . .... .... .
6 / 7 6 1 2 3 / 3 3 7 1 0 7 0U H U S I HUUU H UUlu U og I a

i1 i Z s 'It. rI

c I "' iil;igiiiBiij1iii B IIIi sil
location map) COLLATE program.

Fgr 7. Page 36 of example of isorcal Fiur 8 m
oolaRichard le AG sr ized count iar nBIoUge ra dUbIy h
lc i mp 4OLLATE4progr2m.
1~~/761150/33710I" i-l s~ aal~i~:esB::8u

addition to the index map, we have
the site map drawer indexed
alphabetically by USGS map name.
National Register sites are indi-
vidually plotted, when map space
permits, on a separate 1:500,000
scale wall map of Florida.
One requirement for entry of
sites on the FMSF is the attachment
to the site form of a USGS 1:24,000
map (or a clear photocopy of the
pertinent portion of such a map)
with site location/extent marked as
precisely as possible. With such
information on all sites, the FMSF
will for the first time be able to
locate all sites in a uniform map
coordinate system (Universal Trans-
verse Mercator coordinates), a fun-
damental step toward a true
computer-aided geographic informa-
tion system.

Computer Records of Sites

Computer site records at the
FMSF are organized into two data
bases, archaeological and struc-
tural, each of which actually con-
sists of about a dozen data files.
Files in turn are comprised of two
to more than 100 information
fields. Details on the organiza-
tion and content of FMSF computer
records are given in the manuals
for completing site forms (see the
section "Documents Available on
Request" below).
The computerized site files are
being reorganized and updated al-
most continuously, but they are al-
ready extremely useful for us and
for our users. Inquirers should be
warned, of course, that there are
gaps in the computer files that
will require years to correct.
Requested listings do not include
predicted site locations, an issue
which will be of concern to users
with projects coming under federal
or state environmental impact laws.
Always consult with FMSF staff
before making plans based on FMSF
computer information.

Survey Reports and Other

The Bureau maintains an archive
of unpublished and published ar-
chaeological and historical manu-
scripts, especially reports on
field surveys, so that background
information for any area of the
state is available. By March,
1989, about 1900 manuscripts had
been filed at the FMSF. Most, but
not all, of these are unpublished
reports of field surveys for cul-
tural resource assessments. Three
paper text files relating to manu-
scripts, as well as a map series,
are maintained by FMSF staff.
Survey coverage areas are marked on
county highway maps (at one-half
inch to one mile, or 1:62,500,
scale), with a statewide file num-
ber which links the map to other
The first paper text file is a
FMSF Survey Log Form recording sum-
mary information about the survey
and describing the report that re-
sulted. These log sheets are kept
in seven three-ring binders in Room
425 near the survey coverage maps.
Within binders, the log forms are
arranged by survey file number.
The second file is an inven-
tory, ordered by statewide file
number, of the computer version of
the survey records. Kept in a
single binder, these records partly
duplicate the paper log sheets, but
are more compact and more uniformly
formatted. This paper file is in
the process of being updated and
reformatted; presently ordered by
survey number alone, when revised
it will be ordered by county and
within county by survey number.
Finally, and most important of
all, the FMSF keeps a paper file in
five cabinets consisting of the
full text of each of the 1900 manu-
scripts. They are arranged in
order of their file number.
Searching aids constructed by
computer are available for our man-

script collection. They take the
form of printed indexes based on
the following criteria: (1) title,
(2) agency requesting the survey or
work, (3) author, (4) township and
range map values locating the sur-
vey, and (5) county or counties
included. Although the survey
records on computer are in a usable
condition, we are currently doing a
major reorganization and update of
that data base.

Artifact or Accession Records

The third set of records re-
lates to "accession" information,
basic information about the history
of archaeological artifacts of
which the Bureau of Archaeological
Research has custody. About 3400
accession numbers have been given
out to date by the Bureau of
Archaeological Research. Although
not open to the public, the collec-
tions themselves are available to
qualified researchers if arrange-
ments are made in advance. Paper
records include a running paper
list used to assign and keep track
of accession numbers (numbers are
assigned serially within each cal-
endar year), a paper listing of the
computer records on accessions in
readable form, and an index volume
with separate lists ordered by (1)
site number where the artifact col-
lection originated, (2) archaeolo-
gist responsible for the field
work, (3) date, and (4) county from
which the collection came.

Why and How You Should Help Us

The Florida Master Site File is
largely the compilation of informa-
tion gathered by individuals, both
professional and amateur, who care
about Florida's past and the rapid-
ly growing threats to recorded and
unrecorded sites. No systematic
state-wide survey of cultural
resources has been completed, al-
though the Division of Historical

Resources encourages and supports a
large number of surveys through
the state's Historic Preservation
Grant-in-Aid program. This program
matches outside funds for several
purposes, including field survey of
architectural and archaeological
sites. In addition, surveys are
performed to comply with federal
and state environmental laws and
regulations. In both cases, parti-
cipant interest and project need
are the primary factors governing
the areas studied, although the
Division attempts to target survey
areas through the establishment of
priorities in its grant program.
Nevertheless, the FMSF's coverage
by geographic area is spotty,
depending on where work has been
Research on Florida's archaeolo-
gical sites and historic structures
is done for many reasons: to com-
ply with environmental protection
law for development projects; to
answer a research question posed by
a university scientist; to earn
academic credit for students of
historic preservation, archaeology,
and architecture; to satisfy indi-
vidual curiosity; or perhaps to aid
a state or local agency in long
range planning for land use. The
FMSF is an essential resource in
any such research.
You, the interested and inform-
ed public, play a major role in
collecting and improving the infor-
mation which we have on Florida's
past. We estimate that fewer than
10% of Florida's archaeological
sites and historical structures
have been recorded. If you know of
sites that may not be recorded and
that should be, check with us.
With the specialized knowledge that
many members of organizations like
the Florida Anthropological Society
have, you may be able to complete
forms yourself.
Additionally, if you become
aware of errors or obsolete infor-
mation in FMSF records, we urge you

to contact us. Examples of valu-
able updates would include desig-
nations of properties as histori-
cally significant by local govern-
ments or news of the demolition or
accidental destruction of sites or
structures that are listed in our
files. Remember that there is no
state program to actively track
cultural resources outside of state
lands. The Florida Master Site
File depends on you for its
The manuscript file at the FMSF
also stands to benefit from your
concern. If you are aware of
manuscripts with field observations
on Florida history or archaeology
that may not be on record at the
FMSF, particularly those that were
unpublished or saw limited distri-
bution, please contact us. We
would like to increase the compre-
hensiveness of our manuscript file,
and we are sure that some important
documents have never been brought
to our attention.
For those publishing research,
we suggest including our file num-
ber (e.g., "Florida Master Site
File Manuscript 1798") in biblio-
graphic entries for unpublished
documents that are on the Florida
Master Site File. Interested
parties will then be able to locate
such a source through us as a last
resort. Also, of course, your in-
quiries to FMSF about specific re-
ports are expedited when you can
include our file number.
The FMSF has developed a form
to aid fieldworkers in summarizing
their findings. We encourage all
persons submitting survey reports
to include this FMSF Survey Log
Sheet (Figures 15, 16 and 17) as a
frontispiece to the report. The
Survey Log Sheet should be routine-
ly included with (1) reports from
compliance projects and (2) reports
of survey projects funded with his-
toric preservation grants. It is
likely that this form will be re-
vised within the next year, and

those concerned should contact the
FMSF to assure that they have the
current version.

How to Help Us Help You

First, no amount of description
here will be as useful as a visit
to see the Master Site Files and to
talk to us. If you cannot come in
person, by all means use the tele-
phone (904)487-2333 to get a better
idea of whether we may help you.
Second, the Master Site File is
an archive and information source
only. Inquiries related to project
reviews for impact on cultural re-
sources, to compliance procedures
for Florida statutes or Federal law
respecting historical and archaeo-
logical sites, to state land use
planning, or to local government
comprehensive planning should be
directed to the Compliance and
Review Section of the Bureau of
Historic Preservation. Inquiries
relating to historic preservation
grants should be directed to the
Grants and Education Section of the
same bureau. Both offices have the
same address and phone number as
the Florida Master Site File.
Third, our mission is to help
the public, agencies, and consul-
tants, but resources are limited.
Our staff honors reasonable re-
quests for information. However,
requests that involve extensive
file searches (more than about one
hour of staff time) will have to be
done on a self-help basis. Re-
quests that result in large amounts
of photocopying (more than about 75
pages, usually about 15 site files
or one survey report) also will
have to be done on a self-help ba-
sis, with charges for resources
Please note that copies of our
computer inventory by site number
(Figure 8) contain the most re-
quested site information and are
free to the public. Aid in search-
ing the Florida Master Site File

for a specific site or class of
sites often depends on computeriza-
tion, since 52,000 sites are on
file at this writing and thousands
are added annually. Specialized
computer searches can sometimes be
performed by FMSF, but they must be
arranged in advance with the
Supervisor, and they can be done
only if workload permits.

Documents Available on Request

The following documents are
available, free of charge for sin-
gle copies, from the Florida Master
Site File:

1. Guidelines for Users. A one
sheet handout giving basic informa-
tion on the FMSF.

2. The Florida Master Site File.
Copies of this article.

3. Guide to the Historical Struc-
ture Form. About 80 pages of in-
structions on how to complete that
form, including information on re-
porting via computer in ways com-
patible with the Florida Master
Site File system.

4. Historical Structure Form (re-
vised November, 1987). One sheet
(two page, front and back) standard
form for recording standing struc-

5. Guide to the Archaeological
Site Form. Bureau of Archaeo-
logical Research, Florida Archaeo-
logy Report 8. About 90 pages of
instructions for paper and computer
reporting of archaeological sites;
will be available by April, 1989.

6. Archaeological Site Form (re-
vised November 1988). A one sheet
(two page front and back) standard
form for recording archaeological

7. County Inventories:

tory Handout with Example. A three
page handout which explains our
standard computer inventories of

8. Experimental Computer Bulletin
Board. One page description of the
electronic bulletin board main-
tained by the Bureau of Archaeolog-
ical Research.

9. Survey Log Sheet Form (revised
March, 1989). A one sheet, single-
side form for recording standard-
ized reference information on sur-
vey reports. Please note that a
copy of the survey location map
(i.e., a county road map) should be
attached to this form (see Figure
16 example).
The Future of
the Florida Master Site File

The Florida Master Site File
program is entering a new stage of
service to Floridians. In the cat-
egory of humdrum but necessary
change, we have revised the FMSF
Forms for standing structures and
for archaeological sites, and we
solicit the reactions of interested
parties. The changes are intended
to make the forms more useful for
research and administrative needs,
and more compatible with our com-
puter data bases. The manuals on
how to complete site forms have
also been revised.
We are taking measures to speed
the flow of information to you and
from you. The production of site
forms directly from computer input,
using computer programs made avail-
able by us, is one option we are
exploring. The use of computer-to-
computer connections to furnish
non-sensitive information directly
to users is another item on our
long range agenda. We are working
toward the eventual establishment
of the Florida Master Site File as
a full-fledged geographic informa-
tion system (GIS) with sophisti-


cated and user-friendly management
of graphic and textual data.
Finally, we hope to increase the
common understanding of Florida's
past by our own research (Smith and
Scarry 1988), and by assisting
outside research projects which
feed from--and back into--those
precious data in our custody.
We encourage anyone with ques-
tions or comments to contact us.
Our telephone number is (904) 487-
2333; SUNCOM 277-2333. Our mailing
address is:

Florida Master Site File
Division of Historical Resources
R.A. Gray Building, Room 425
500 South Bronough Street
Tallahassee, Florida 32399-0250.

Smith, Marion F., Jr., and John F. 14 AND FIGURE 17.
1988 Apalachee Settlement Distri-
bution: The View from the
Florida Master Site File.
The Florida Anthropologist

Marion F. Smith, Jr., Supervisor
R. Douglas Walton, Jr., Assistant
Florida Master Site File

Figure 9. Page 1 of blank Archaeological Site Form (front of main sheet)

Figure 10. Page 2 of blank Archaeological Site Form (back of main sheet)

Figure 11. Page 1 of blank Historical Structure Form (front of main sheet)

Figure 12. Page 2 of blank Historical Structure Form (back of main sheet)

Figure 13. Page 3 of blank Archaeological/Structure Form (front of optional
supplementary sheet)

Figure 14. Page 4 of blank Archaeological/Structure Form (back of optional
supplementary sheet)

68 Page 1

Version 1.1: 11/88

Site #8
Recorder #
Field Date

OWNERSHIP private-profit _priv-nonprof priv-indiv priv-unsp city county
UTM: ZONE 16 / 17 EATING /_/ /_/ /_/_/ NOTHING /
(Optional) LATITUDE d m s LONGITUDE d


-State -federal

i4 4 4 4
In s

TYPE OF SITE (All that apply) prehist unspecified _hist aboriginal

hist nonaboriginal hist unspecified

land site

wetland fresh
wetland salt/tidal




_aboriginal boat
agric/farm bldg
burial mound
building remains

mill unspecified
mound unspecif
platform mound

road segment
shell midden
shell mound
subsurface features

none specified
extractive site

single artifact
diffuse scatter
dense scatter>2/m
variable density

HISTORIC CONTEXTS (All that apply)

Archaic unspec.
Belle Glade
Belle Glade I
Belle Glade II
Belle Glade III
Belle Glade IV
Cades Pond

1st Spanish unsp
1st Spn 1513-99
1st Spn 1600-99

_Early Archaic
Early Swft Creek
Fort Walton
Glades unspecif
Glades I
Glades Ia
Glades Ib
Glades II
Glades IHa

1st Spn 1700-63
Brit 1763-1783
2dSpn 1783-1821

Glades IIb
Glades IIc
Glades III
Glades IIIa
Glades IIIb
Glades IIIc
Hickory Pond
Late Archaic
Late Swift Creek

Amer Terr 1821-44
Statehood 1845-60
Civil War 1861-65
Reconstr 1866-79

unknown culture

Middle Archaic
Mount Taylor
Perico Island
Safety Harbor
St. Augustine

Postrecn 1880-97
SpWar 1898-1916
WW I 1917-1920
Boom 1921-1929

aboriginal unspecif hist unspecified

St. Johns unspecif
St. Johns I
St. Johns la
St. Johns Ib
St. Johns II
St. Johns Ia
St. Johns lIb
St. Johns IIc
Santa Rosa

_Depress 1930-40
WW II 1941-49
Modern 1950-

Swift Creek
Weeden Island
Weeden Island I
Weeden Island II


American 1821-
American 1821-99
American 1900-


Eligible for National Register?
Significant as part of district?
Significant at the local level?

_yes _no _likely, need information
yes no _likely, need information
yes no likely, need information

insufficient information
insufficient information
insufficient information

SIGNIFICANCE STATEMENT FOR COMPUTER FILES (Limit to 3 lines here; attach full justification)

/ /_


Y ...---------------------------------. DHR USE ONLY
Local Office
Florida Master Site File/Division of Historical Resources/The Capitol/Tallahassee, FL 32399-0250/904-487-2333

Page 2

_no field check exposed ground _screened shovel
literature search posthole digger
informant report auger--size:
remote sensing unscreend shovel
Other/Remarks (#, size, depth, pattern of units; screen size)

bounds unknown remote sensing unscreenedd shovel
none by recorder _insp exposed ground _screened shovel
literature search postholee digger _block excavns
informant report auger--size: _guess

unknown unselectivee (all artifacts) _unknown _daub nonlocal-exotic _bone-unspec
selective (some artifacts) _lithics _brick/bldg matl _metal unworkedd shell
_uncollected _general (not by subarea) _ceramic-aborig glass bone-human _worked shell
_controlled (by subarea) _ceramic-nonabo _prec metal/coin bone-animal _subsurf feats
Other (Strategy, Categories)

SITE EXTENT Size (m2) Depth/Stratigraphy of Cultural Deposit

Perpendicular Dimensions m direction by m direction


Surface: #units total area m2.
Count or Estimate? Surface #

Excavation: #units total vol
Subsurface #

1 N= 5 N=
2 N= 6 N=
3 N= 7 N=

TEMPORAL INTERPRETATION Components: _single _prob single _prob multiple _multiple _uncertain
Describe each occupation spatially. For each, estimate begin, end dates BP; basis; if absolute dates, give method, lab, id, date, range, etc.

ENVIRONMENT Nearest Fresh Water
Natural Community
Local Vegetation
Topographic Setting
Present Land Use
SCS Soil Series

SITE INTEGRITY Overall Disturbance:
Nature of Disturbances/Threats

Distance (m)

Soil Association

none seen

INFORMANT(S) Contact Information
REPOSITORY Field Notes, Artifacts
Photographs (negative nos)





RECORDER(S): Name Date of Form


NARRATIVE DESCRIPTION: Attach information on site discovery, history, current integrity, apparent
threats, environment, and your temporal and functional interpretations.
DISCUSSION OF SIGNIFICANCE: Attach justification for recorder's evaluation (Page 1).


Division of Historical Resources, Florida Department of State

Site #8 69

Page 1

Version 1.1: 3/89

Site 8

Recorder #

LOCATION (Attach copy of USGS map, sketch-map of immediate area)




1/4 _








NARRATIVE (general, interior, landscape, context; 3 lines only)


_ y n (IF Y, ATTACH)

AH6E03102-89 Fla. Master Site File, Division of Historical Resources, The Capitol, Tallahassee, FL 32399-0250 / 904-487-2333




likely, need info
likely, need info
_likely, need info

insf inf
insf inf
insf inf

SUMMARY ON SIGNIFICANCE (Limit to three lines provided; see page 3)







PHOTOGRAPHS (Attach a labeled print bigger than contact size)


I Street/plat map, not

Attach a B/W photographic print here
with plastic clip. Label the print
itself with at least: the FMSF site
number (survey number or site name if
not available), direction and date of
photograph. Prints larger than contact
size are preferable.


Page 2

Site 8






_archaeological site _both



page and continuation sheets if necessary)

AH6E03202-89 Fla. Master File, Division of Historical Resources, The Capitol, Tallahassee, FL 32399-0250 / 904-487-2333

Page 3

Site 8



Site 8



Version 1.1: 3/89
Jones Archaeological Tract, Marion County, Florida

Dttable?* Y N


Dunnell, Steve

AFFILIATION Walton Archaeological and Historical Research Company
PUBLICATION INFO Unpublished manuscript on file-Bureau of Archaeological Research
Marion County, Jones Tract, Archaeological survey, Historical survey,
Cultural resource survey

NAME Floyd Smith Development Ccnpany
ADDRESS 603 Robin Rd., Exchangeville, Florida 32964

TYPE OF SURVEY (Use as many as apply): X archaeological
architectural X historical underwater


METHODS EMPLOYED (Use as many as apply):
_pedestrian Xshovel test
extensive excav. auger survey
remote sensing X windshield
OTHER METHOD(S) helicopter fly-over

unknown X
X test excav.


SITES Significance discussed N

Circle NR-elig/signif site nos:

NEW SITE NUMBERS : COUNT 3 LIST 8MRlllll,(8MR22222) 8MR3333


USGS MAP(S) Salt Springs 1970

TOWNSHIP/RANGE (list all township/range combinations eg, 04S/29E)

REMARKS (Use reverse if needed): heavy timber cutting machinery has
caicipe grpat disturbance and compaction of soil, resulting in extreme
fragmPntion of artifacts


SFor use of Fla. Master Site File only/Div. of Historical Resources/R. A. Gray Bldg/500 S. Bronough St/Tallahassee, FL 32399-0250

Figure 15. Example of completed Survey Log Sheet.


N A' 3 I O A A


M4 4*3 1
-S .0T "

CD J,wS ~ ~

14 If i5

CD~~~~2 222~ 24 I 0 1 2

eh r P

ED CIS 22 34 0

i-' t

NHR --
CD .i I a
Lak P 3 3 123
Chd'W 33 34 : VI III
% ..... R 25l

2 1 1

b"' T
E.18 I It

a I13 1 8
_a_ n
C*I l X.
22 \13....61 l,, 42
21 22 21 24

r-_26- 25 25 25

3. 3
33 35 33I
ro ea,


Si t

23 24

l r

F. M $pr J


Grano 19l





Version 1.1: 3/89

Plottable?* Y N





TYPE OF SURVEY (Use as many as apply): archaeological
architectural historical underwater

extensive excav.
remote sensing

as many as apply):
shovel test
_auger survey

unknown archival
test excav. postholee

SITES Significance discussed? Y N

Circle NR-elig/signif site nos:




TOWNSHIP/RANGE (list all township/range combinations eg, 04S/29E)

REMARKS (Use reverse if needed):


* For use of Fla. Master Site File only/Div. of Historical Resources/R. A. Gray Bldg/500 S. Bronough St/Tallahassee, FL 32399-0250

Figure 17. Blank Survey Log Sheet.


TESTAMENT: The Mars-Earth Conflicts
by Donald Wesley Patten. Pacific
Meridian Publishing Company, 13540
Lake City Way N.E., Seattle,
Washington 98125

Please don't let the title
throw you. If you have any inter-
est in magnetic dating, carbon
dating, tide level dating, or just
geology, archaeology or history in
general, this book is worth
reading. This is not to say that
you will agree with all of the
author's conclusions; however, his
data and reasoning merit considera-
After Mount St. Helen's little-
baby-sneeze of a blowoff put over a
cubic mile of mother-earth into the
atmosphere, academics have been a
little more willing to consider the
theories of the Planetary Catas-
trophists, of which Mr. Patten
proudly claims to be one. Aca-
demics are even beginning to accept
the idea that a planetary interfer-
ence, presumed to be the crash of a
huge asteroid upon earth, caused
the termination of all dinosaurs,
and only seem to be questioning the
date of occurrence. Perhaps then,
Mr. Patten needlessly wastes a lit-
tle too much time in the beginning
of this book in defending his point
of view, almost before he gives it.
While it would help to have
read Velikofsky's books, especially
Worlds In Collision, for the bene-
fit of it's very high level of
scholarship, and to be familiar
with Homer, the Old Testament and
other ancient writings, Mr. Patten
has provided sufficient quoted pas-
sages and references so that his
interpretations can be checked with
little difficulty. Patten's theo-
ries may carry more weight than
Velikofsky's because he has the
benefit of our space program dis-

coveries and modern, powerful com-
puters to do orbital mechanics cal-
Velikofsky was published in
1951, but it is likely that the two
may compliment each other. Cer-
tainly, Patten's work here is built
upon Velikofsky's documentary re-
search. Velokosky felt that Venus
was originally a comet, that even-
tually was captured by the sun and
before it's orbit could stabilize
it, disturbed the Earth and Mars
for centuries causing the catas-
trophes that appear in all ancient
writings. Velikofsky was the only
one to correctly predict the very
high surface temperature of Venus.
Patten says that it was Mars that
did the damage to the Earth's
environment and had effects that we
are still feeling today.
Patten believes that one of
Mars moons, one that was all ice,
was disturbed, exploded and fell to
the surface of Mars. The impact
was sufficient to create the cra-
ters we see and to change the orbit
of Mar's such that it would pass
dangerously close to the Earth at
regular intervals. The proximity
of each pass was influenced also by
the position of other planets in
our system, particularly Jupiter.
The net result being that ever so
often there would be a very close
pass (15,000 miles or so) that
would cause massive dislocations of
the surface of the earth, among
them massive rises and sinkings of
the surface of the earth. Patten
states that while orbital mechanics
calculations confirm everything
about the start and the effect of
the orbital change of Mars, he has
no good answer as to why this orbit
began to correct itself in 700 B.C.
Perhaps Velikofsky's comet should
be considered. Patten does note,
however, that the strength of the
Earth's magnetic field has been
growing smaller since then (off
about 2.3 % per 100 years).


Vol. 42 No. 1

March, 1989

Patten writes that there have
been 170 polar magnetic reversals
experienced by the Earth and that
these reversals were caused by the
electro-magnetic interference
caused by a close fly-by of another
planetary body, Mars. He examines
the catastrophic events described
in the ancient literature and
finds, especially in the Old Testa-
ment, a repetition or cycle of 52
and 104 years. He believes that
these cyclic occurring catastrophic
events, which began in 9900 B.C.,
ceased about 700 B.C., the termi-
nation being represented by "The
Long Night of Sennacherib" reported
in the Book of Isaiah and confirmed
in other sources. Sennacherib, you
will recall, was the Assyrian king
with his 200,000 or so troops drawn
up outside the walls of Jerusalem
waiting for the dawn to attack and
reduce the city. The night was
long, unusually long, and dawn was
a long time coming. When it did,
most (185,000) of the Assyrians
were dead without an arrow being
fired or even an angry word spoken:
"and, when they arose early in the
morning, behold, they were all dead
corpses." (Isaiah 37:36).
Patten suggests that Senna-
cherib's men, out in the open like
they were, were dispatched by the
huge electrical discharge from Mars
to Earth as it made a close pass-
by, an electrical flux tube similar
to that proven to exist between
several other heavenly bodies, Io
and Jupiter for example.
Other close passes each 52
years had resulted in upheavals in
the Earth's crust due to the
gravity of the passing planet,
volcanos and a slippage of the
Earth's crust, sometimes for
hundreds of miles. A complete
cycle would be 104 years when the
close passage would occur on the
same side of the earth near the
same geographical area. On alter-
nate 52 year cycles, the place of
close contact would change. In

other words, the eastern hemisphere
would be affected during one cycle
and the western hemisphere affected
the next cycle, 52 years later.
The book is filled with dia-
grams, satellite photos, collision
diagrams and citations to ancient
literature. Modern scientific
authorities are included, so a good
case is presented. Certainly what
is said here must be taken into ac-
count when considering magnetic
dating (just how accurate are those
magnetic pole projections anyway?)
or carbon dating (how can the atmo-
spheric count be stable if those
volcanos kept blowing up every 52
years). Might not the environmen-
talists consider that the weakening
of the Earth's magnetic field is
allowing a loss of our atmosphere
of sufficient extent that this is
the cause of the alleged heat rise
of the earth, and not the so-called
greenhouse effect?
See, there is something here
for everyone and I recommend this
book, with only one caveat. Not
since Boswell's Samuel Johnson has
there been a book that will put you
to sleep so fast. I believe it to
be because Mr. Patten has assembled
what were at one time a series of
talks or lectures so that there is
enough overlap and repetition that
it has a hypnotic effect. So, with
Catastrophism And the Old
Testament, not only will you get
your mind stretched, but it will
prove restful in the process.

Reviewed by Scott Eubanks
January 28, 1989


Customs and lifeways of the
17th-century mission period in
North Florida will come alive dur-
ing the fourth annual "Rediscover
San Luis" festival, Saturday, April
22nd, at San Luis Archaeological
and Historic Site in Tallahassee.
A day of displays, demonstra-
tions, and reenactments will trans-
port visitors to the era from 1633
to 1704, when Spanish priests,
soldiers, and settlers established
nearly twenty colonial outposts
among the Apalachee Indians, whose
province extended between the
Aucilla and the Ochlockonee Rivers.
From 1656, the mission of San Luis
de Talimali served as the adminis-
trative center of colonial activity
and the site of a large native vil-
lage, having in its heyday a com-
bined population of 1,400 people.
The townsite was burned and aban-
doned by its residents in 1704,
when threatened by invading British
and Creek Indian forces.
Sponsored jointly by the Museum
of Florida History and the Bureau
of Archaeological Research, both
agencies of the Florida Department
of State, Division of Historical
Resources, "Rediscover San Luis"
will commemorate the colonial
period with reenactments of crafts,
rituals, pastimes, music, and food.
The festival also will feature
exhibits and programs about the
archaeology of San Luis and other
sites and projects around the
state. In addition, a special
evening lecture entitled "Coast to
Coast, But Worlds Apart" will be
offered Friday, April 21, featuring
Drs. John Griffin and Robert
Hoover, experts in the history and
archaeology of Florida and
California missions, respectively.
They will discuss the differences
and similarities between the two
mission systems. This free program
begins at 7:30 p.m. and will be

held in the R.A. Gray Auditorium
(in the museum and State Library
building) located at 500 South
Bronough Street, Tallahassee.
Unrestricted parking generally is
available afterhours in any of the
nearby state parking lots.
Festivities the following morn-
ing will include reenactors from
the St. Augustine Garrison and
Living History Association, who
will be camped on the San Luis
grounds. Visitors will be able to
wander through their field base to
gain a sense of a soldier's life in
the early 1700s. Members of the
Society for Creative Anachronism,
the Springtime Tallahassee Spanish
Krewe, and local artisans also will
be present in period dress, assist-
ing with festival activities and
demonstrating such crafts as spin-
ning, needlework, pottery making,
and wood, leather, and pewter
working. Reenactments of Native
American traditions will include
shell carving, flint knapping, and
the Black Drink Ceremony, based on
the beverage, called cassinaa tea"
and made from the evergreen holly,
yaupon. This tea was consumed by
both Apalachee and Spaniards.
Many activities will be avail-
able especially for children, in-
cluding Spanish and Indian crafts,
games, and folktales. Youths will
learn how to make quill pens,
native pottery, arrows, shell
jewelry, and copper breastplates;
how to build a wattle-and-daub
wall; and how to plant a garden
typical of the era. In addition, a
"Kids' Discovery Center" is plan-
ned, in which aspiring scientists
can practice skills that simulate
archaeological activities.
Adult visitors interested in
archaeology will be offered a range
of exhibits, lectures, and on-site
experts, sharing information about
archaeological projects and
methods. Tours of the San Luis
Site will highlight past research
conducted on the Apalachee council


Vol. 42 No. 1

March, 1989

house and Spanish structures, as
well as the current excavation of
the mission village.
"Rediscover San Luis" will ex-
tend from 10:00 a.m. to 4:30 p.m.
An admission fee of $1.00 will be
charged for guests over 12 years of
age. Food and beverages will be
sold throughout the day, or
visitors may bring their own picnic
lunch. Parking will not be
available at the site; instead,
guests should park at nearby Godby
High School, 1717 West Tharp
Street, where shuttle buses will
transport them to the festival.
For additional information about
"Rediscover San Luis," please call
(904) 487-3711.

Submitted by K.C. Smith
Museum of Florida History

(Editor's Note: "Rediscover San
Luis" has been a popular areawide
attraction in previous years, and I
believe that this year will be no
exception. It is educational, re-
laxing, and enjoyable for individ-
uals and families alike. It pro-
vides an excellent way for visitors
to gain a better understanding of
Florida's prehistoric and historic
heritage. If you can schedule the
time, it will be well worth
attending, even if it means a few
hour drive. Treat it as a mini-
weekend vacation. Come the evening
of the 21st to hear the lectures,
spend the night, visit the Musem of
Florida History, drive through
Tallahassee's historic neighbor-
hoods (which are particularly
colorful at this time of the year
with the dogwoods and azaleas
blooming), and spend a delightful
day at San Luis Archaeological and
Historic Site.)

.*See Archaeology in Progress
*A 1702 Spanish Military Encampment with
Period Dress, Fife and Drums, Drill
Demonstrations, Black Powder Musket Firings
*Enjoy 17th Century Spanish:Music. Comedy.
Short Lectures on the History and Archaeology
of the Site
. 50 Acres of Lawn. Live Oaks and Flowering
* Food Available (or bring a picnic)

No Parking
is available at San Luis
catch the shuttle bus at
Godby High School parking lot

Before Tallahassee was Founded
Before Florida Became a State
The Mission Village of San Luis
Prospered and was Destroyed

APRIL 28-30, 1989

The Forty-first Annual Meeting of
the Florida Anthropological Society
will be held at the Omni Hotel (245
Water Street) in Jacksonville,
Florida. All activities will take
place on the 2nd floor of this
impressive facility. Parking is
$4.00/day. Registration at the
door will be $12.00. You do not
have to be a member of the Society
to attend.

Friday, April 28

3:00 pm The Florida Archaeological
Council (FAC) will hold its annual
meeting in advance of the FAS
Registration and Reception. The
FAC is the statewide organization
of professional archaeologists in

4:30 pm The FAS Board Meeting will
wrap up the year's activities,
prior to final counting of the
ballots, in preparation for the
installation of new officers on
Sunday. The meeting is open to all

6-8 pm Registration and Reception
This event will provide an informal
gathering for members and visitors
to wind down, renew acquaintances,
and prepare for the forthcoming
full-day papers on Saturday.

Saturday, April 29

7:30 am Registration will resume.

8:00 am Opening remarks; Presenta-
tion of Papers begins and continues
until 4:40 pm, with an 1.33 hour
lunch break and two 20 minute
coffee breaks. A detailed schedule
of the papers to be presented, and
summaries of their topic will be
available in Registration packets.

5:45 pm Reception

8:00 pm Banquet; Presentation of
awards. The guest speaker will be
Dr. Albert C. Goodyear. The title
of his speech will be "Early Man in
the Southeast. If Banquet tickets
remain, they are $20.00 each.

Sunday, April 30

9:00 am Annual Business Meeting;
Report from Chapters; Installation
of Officers; Comments; Adjournment
of the meeting.

TBA Possible workshops on various
topics of interest to members.

There are shops, restaraunts and
other entertainment all within easy
access of the meeting location. A
vicinity map is shown below to
assist in locating the Omni. The
telephone number for the Omni is
(904) 355-OMNI.





City, State, Zip


Annual Meeting at $10 each


Banquet at $20 each



Please make checks payable to FAS and mail to: Jerry Hyde, Northeast
Florida Anthropological Society, 4233 Oristano Road, Jacksonville, 32244.

NOTE: Registration at the door will be $12.00. Reservations for the
banquet must accompany early registration. The last day for early
registration is April 7, 1989.


If you are interested in archaeology, ethnology, physical anthropology,
cultural anthropology and associated topics with a focus on Florida and surrounding
areas in the Southeastern U.S. and Caribbean, then The Florida Anthropologist, the
journal of the Florida Anthropological Society, and the papers presented at our
annual meetings will be of interest to you. If you want to join with professional
and avocational archaeologists and others in efforts to preserve and protect our
prehistoricc heritage, then join the Florida Anthropological Society to achieve
that goal. If you are looking for that special gift, then a gift subscription to
The Florida Anthropologist is your answer. You do not have to be a resident of
Florida to belong to the Florida Anthropological Society. Your membership fee
includes your subscription to the Society's journal and newsletter. We are a non-
profit organization founded in 1947.

REGULAR ($18)*_
FAMILY ($20)*
PATRON ($100)
LIFE ($200)

* NOTE: A $2 discount can be obtained for each subscrip-
tion if you join/renew/subscribe before February
1st. This includes gift memberships.
ADD $4 for postage & handling for subscriptions
received after August 1st.
Foreign subscribers add $5 US for postage, etc.

Subscriptions received after September 30th will be credited to the following year.

FAS Chapter affiliation
If gift membership, name of donor
If new member, indicate how you learned about our Society


What kinds of subjects would you like to see published in the Society's journal?

If you are not a member of an FAS chapter, would you like the address of the chapter
nearest to your Florida home mailing address? Yes No

Mail Application to: Membership Secretary, FAS
308 6th St. NE
Largo, Florida 34640

Make check or money order payable to: Florida Anthropological Society.

Any amount in excess of the membership subscription rate may be counted as a tax
deductible charitable contribution to a non-profit organization. Please indicate
how you wish such gifts to be used so that they may be credited to the proper
account. For instance, contributions toward an enlarged or special publication
should be earmarked for the monograph account in general and also note the specific
publication, such as the First Spanish Period issue scheduled for Dec. 1989, if that
is its specific intended purpose.


Request For Comments

The Florida Anthropological
Society is composed of professional
anthropologists and others inter-
ested in historic preservation
issues. The Society has three
primary means of serving its
members: (1) its annual meeting,
(2) its quarterly Newsletter, and
(3) its journal, The Florida
Anthropologist. While FAS Board
members represent a cross-section
of our members at large, it is
nonetheless important that you
express your opinion on issues of
concern to you.
Become an active participant.
Let us know what topics you would
like to have discussed at our
annual meetings, what kinds of
topics you want presented in our
newsletter and journal, what kinds
of issues you want your FAS Board
to address, what ... Well, you get
the picture.
Write papers for presentation
at the annual meeting or submission
for consideration for publishing in
the newsletter or journal. Become
active in one of our many Chapters.
Give talks at schools and local
clubs on historic preservation
concerns. Write to you federal,
state and local officials express-
ing your support for preserving and
interpreting archaeological and
historic sites.
Speaking as the Editor of the
journal, I am once again soliciting
your comments on what you like or
dislike about the format, subject
matter, and the like with respect
to my performance and the product
which I produce. I take your
comments seriously, and will do my
best to satisfy your concerns in
that area.
Do you think that we should
organize tours of sites, and if so
to where and how? Do you think
that we should produce a popular
summary of Florida's prehistory and

history suitable for teaching
children and others about our
state's historic heritage? Should
we produce more brochures, such as
the burials law brochure, and if so
on what topic(s)? Write to me or
any of our FAS Board members and
let us know your concerns. Tell us
what we are doing wrong and what we
are doing right. However, before
you write me, I must tell you that
I am not very efficient if you are
expecting a written response to
your comments. So, do not become
exasperated if there is a long

Thanks for your
interest. Best Wishes,

time and

Louis D. Tesar, FA Editor
P.O. Box 1013
Tallahassee, FL 32302


March, 1989




Vol. 42 No. 1

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