The Florida anthropologist

Material Information

The Florida anthropologist
Abbreviated Title:
Fla. anthropol.
Florida Anthropological Society
Place of Publication:
Florida Anthropological Society.
Publication Date:
Quarterly[<Mar. 1975- >]
Two no. a year[ FORMER 1948-]
Physical Description:
v. : ill. ; 24 cm.


Subjects / Keywords:
Indians of North America -- Antiquities -- Periodicals -- Florida ( lcsh )
Antiquities -- Periodicals -- Florida ( lcsh )
serial ( sobekcm )
periodical ( marcgt )


Contains papers of the Annual Conference on Historic Site Archeology.
Dates or Sequential Designation:
v. 1- May 1948-

Record Information

Source Institution:
University of Florida
Holding Location:
Department of Special Collections and Area Studies, George A. Smathers Libraries, University of Florida
Rights Management:
All applicable rights reserved by the source institution and holding location.
Resource Identifier:
01569447 ( OCLC )
56028409 ( LCCN )
0015-3893 ( ISSN )


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THE FLORIDA ANTHROPOLOGIST is published by the Florida Anthropological Society, Inc., P. 0.
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issue. The Post Office will not forward bulk rate mail. Except for combined issues, we publish
the journal quarterly in March, June, September and December of each year.


Joan Deming
1839 Pine Cone Circle #28
Clearwater, FL 33520

M. Katherine Jones
P.O. Box 1013
Tallahassee, FL 32302

John F. Scarry
P.O. Box 1013
Tallahassee, FL 32302


Harold Cardwell
1343 Woodbine Street
Daytona Beach, FL 32014

AGENT: Ruth Thomas
545 Bayberry Drive
Lake Park, FL 34403

Elizabeth Horvath
7404 12th Street N.
Tampa, FL 33604

(Three Years):
Jeffrey Mitchem
Florida State Museum
University of Florida
Gainesville, FL 32611

(Two Years):
William Goza
Florida State Museum
University of Florida
Gainesville, FL 32611

(One Year):
Mitchell Hope
111 Sunset Drive
Sebring, FL 33870


Louis D. Tesar
Route 1 Box 209-F
Quincy, FL 32351

Joan Deming
1839 Pine Cone Circle
Clearwater, FL 33520

George Luer
#28 3222 Old Oak Drive
Sarasota, FL 33579


Robert S. Carr
Historic Preservation Div.
Office of Community and
Economic Development
Warner Place Suite 101
111 SW Fifth Avenue
Miami, FL 33130

James J. Miller
Division of Archives,
History, and Records
Department of State
The Capitol
Tallahassee, FL 32301-802C

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Florida State Museum
University of Florida
Gainesville, FL 32611

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1800 South Monroe St.
Tallahassee, FL 32301

Morgan H. Crook, Jr.
Dept. of Sociology
and Anthropology
West Georgia College
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Route 5, Box 19 Division of Archives,
St. Augustine, FL 32084 History, and Records
Department of State
The Capitol
Tallahassee, FL 32301-8020

COVER ILLUSTRATION: Reduced illustrations of Suwannee and Simpson lithic reduction sequence
from article by Daniel et al., this issue.







Editor's Page . . . . .

The Cove of the Withlacoochee: A First Look at the
Archaeology of an Interior Florida Wetland
by Brent Weisman . . . .

The Organization of a Suwannee Technology: The
View from Harney Flats by I. Randolph Daniel,
Jr., Michael Wisenbaker, and George Ballo .

Adaptations on the Georgia Coast During the Early
Prehistoric Period by Douglas R. Mitchell .

Comments on Some Ceramic Pastes of the Central
Peninsular Gulf Coast by Jeffrey M. Mitchem

The Santa Maria Mission Project by Kenneth Hardin

CURRENT RESEARCH: Tatham Mound Excavation Results
by Jeffrey M. Mitchem . . . .

BOOK REVIEW: The Myth of Evolution by Louise Thomas.
Reviewed by Kevin McCartney . . .




. 24

. 57

. 68

. 75

. 84

S 85




This issue contains several articles
which I believe will be of interest.
The first, by Brent Weisman, focuses on
the archaeology of an interior Florida
wetland, the Cove of the Withlacoochee
near the north central Gulf coast.
Brent reviews past and current research
in the area, presents a summary of area
history and prehistory and site types,
and focuses on current research on the
de Soto expedition and the Seminole War

The Second, by Randy Daniel, Mike
Wisenbaker and George Ballo, reports on
the organization of a Suwannee
technology in the Harney Flats area of
Hillsborough County, Florida. The area
of their study may have been an
interior savanna on the edge of the
drier Polk Uplands and with access to
the nearby river valley now inundated
and known as Tampa Bay. This article
presents an analysis of Paleo-Indian
lithic technology, with illustrations
and photographs showing various
artifacts and their reduction sequence.
The authors also investigate artifact
use-wear and tool kits in an effort to
gain a better understanding of the
culture which produced these artifacts.

The third article, by Doug Mitchell,
discusses adaptations on the Georgia
Coast during the early prehistoric
period. Doug discusses early
settlement patterns in the area in
relation to sea level and associated
environmental changes.

The fourth article, by Jeff Mitchem,
discusses ceramic pastes in the central
peninsular Gulf coast area and
continues the process of looking at
distinguishing traits which may provide
a better understanding of cultural
exchange and regional variability begun
in FA 38(3).

Indeed, it is time to stand back and
look at what has gone before with a
goal of either synthesizing what is
already known to gain a better
perspective of where to go in the
future, or to evaluate what has been

done and ask where can we go from here
by continuing to pursue this line of
research or alternatively what new
questions can we ask which might lead
us to more productive or other useful

Mitchem has also provided in our
Current Research section a brief
summary of the Tatham mound excavation
results. This site is particularly
important for its contribution to
research on the route of the de Soto
expedition and its effect on area
cultures. Since 1989 will mark the
450th anniversary of that expedition, I
hope to assemble an issue devoted to
the de Soto expedition and its route.
The Florida Department of Natural
Resources, in response to a request
from Governor Graham, has already
initiated a program to mark the
vicinity of this expedition's route
from the landing site to Florida's
border in order to help make our
citizens and visitors more aware of
this important event in our historic
heritage. As a further note, I would
also like to commend this project as a
continuing example of cooperation
between professionals, students
learning to become professionals, non-
professionals from one of our FAS
Chapters, local citizens and private
land owners.

Finally, Ken Hardin reports on the
results of current research at the
Santa Maria mission site on Amelia
Island in Nassau County, Florida. This
project is important for the research
data which it has and can yield, and
is an example of private support
efforts to help preserve our State's
historic heritage. Furthermore, it is
another example of the ability of
archaeological research to progress
while being sensitive to the beliefs
and feelings of the descendants of the
cultures represented. Following their
analysis the human skeletal remains
will be reinterred in a manner
respecting the beliefs of the deceased
at the time of their death.

By way of comment, anthropologists/
archaeologists, Native Americans and
others find themselves united in an
effort to protect prehistoric and
historic unmaintained and/or "unmarked"
(to many of us the earthen burial mound
or the vegetation and depressed grave
features which remain after wooden
markers have deteriorated to humus
"mark" so-called "unmarked" grave
sites) human burial sites from looting
and desecration by grave robbers or
"pot-hunters," by vandals, and by
developers who consider such sites of
little or no consequence at the least
or an undesired obstruction to be
bulldozed away without mention at the

Just because such remains are not in a
formally maintained christian cemetery
does not mean that they should not be
treated with respect. Such sites
should not be considered as good
artifact collecting locales, where
pots, jars, and personal jewelry and
buttons may be collected, and the
remains themselves desecrated and
discarded as so much insignificant
garbage. Think about it! How would
you feel if someone dug up the remains
of your great grandfather, for example,
to remove whatever rings, uniform
buttoms, or whatever favorite personal
possession with which he was buried,
and either discarded his skeletal
remains as so much junk or perhaps took
the skull home to place as a curiosity
on his/her desk or book shelf? If you
would be offended, then how do you
think Native Americans and other
minorities or the descendants of other
former residents of an area feel when
they learn that such has happened to
their relatives? If a grave site is
unmaintained because its makers have
died or immigrated, or because their
belief system requires such abandonment
to let Mother Nature reclaim the
remains, should we then feel free to
loot or desecrate such sites? I hope
that your answer is a resounding NO!
This issue will be dealt with more
formally in FA 39(3).

Shifting topics again. With the loss
of Kathy Poppell as our typist have
come adjustments. Kathy tutored me in
learning to use a Burroughs B-20 -- a
very user unfriendly machine at times
and one which seems to derive a
sadistic joy in frustrating and
exasperating users, no matter how
skilled, that is if a machine can be
said to have feelings. In frustration,
some of the material in this issue was
typed on an IBM Selectric II when the
Burroughs was being exceptionally
temperamental. Be that as it may, in a
moment of sympathy our current
President and now Editorial Assistant,
Joan Deming, volunteered to help with
the typing. It is with much
appreciation that I extend my thanks to
Joan for typing Mitchell's and
Mitchem's articles. Her assistance is
a major factor in the current issue
being produced on time.

If any of you have any suggestions for
improving The Florida Anthropologist
please feel free to send your
suggestions to me.

FLORIDA ON APRIL 11-13, 1986.

Louis D. Tesar, Editor
February 13, 1986

Brent Weisman


Despite over four decades of modern
archaeological research into Florida's
past, vast expanses of the state remain
unknown. A more comprehensive under-
standing of the prehistoric life in
Florida will become possible as these
little-known areas are surveyed and
their archaeological resources investi-
gated. Few areas within the state are
as poorly known to archaeologists as
the "Cove of the Withlacoochee," an in-
terior wetland covering approximately
25,200 ha (63,000 acres) of southeastern
Citrus County. The area is formed by a
big bend in the northward-flowing With-
lacoochee River and its confluence with
the Lake Tsala lake chain. This area is
bounded on the north by Route 200 (north-
east of Hernando), on the west by Route
41 (from Hernando south to Floral City),
on the east by the Panasoffkee Highlands
just east of the Withlacoochee River
(Sumter County), and on the south by
Route 48 (east of Floral City)(Figure 1).

Although de Soto's conquistadores were
probably the first non-Indians to tra-
verse the Cove wetlands, it was not until
the time of the Second Seminole War in
1835, almost three centuries later, that
the region was adequately mapped and
named the "Cove" (Scott 1837:287). In
the first accurate topographical descrip-
tion of the area, a United States mili-
tary officer defined the Cove as "formed
by a chain of lakes or ponds, communica-
ting with each other by boggy sluices,"
consisting of "pine islands, cypress
swamps, hammocks, scrub and ponds"
(Linnard 1837). The Withlacoochee River
itself had only recently been recognized
by that name, having previously been
known as the Amasura (Fairbanks 1974:358)
(for relevant pre-1836 maps, see Thomas
Nairne 1712; Kitchen 1760, 1765; Thomas
Jeffery 1775, available in the David True
collection at the University of South
Florida in Tampa).

While the Seminole War military personnel
and the Indians recognized the uniqueness
of the Cove topography (Scott 1837:224),
it was not until well into the twentieth
century that a detailed knowledge of Cove
geology and hydrology was gained. Lake
Tsala Apopka is underlain by Eocene lime-
stone formations, while the adjacent up-
lands are capped with more resistant Mio-
cene sediments. The lake itself dates to
the Sangamon Interglacial Period, when the
receding Wicomico Sea, which had risen to
a mean sea level of 30 meters (100 feet)
above present day sea level (covering large
portions of central Florida), was impounded
by the Brooksville Ridge to the north and
east. Eventually a portion of this ridge
near Dunnellon was undermined by ground-
water discharge, causing the unusual north-
ward flow of the Withlacoochee River. As
the river increasingly incised its channel,
a portion of the ancestral lake was drained.
The deeper pools remaining are now known as
Lake Tsala Apopka and Lake Panasoffkee
(Attardi 1983).

Most of the present day vegetation in the
Cove is sawgrass marsh and mixed hardwood
or cypress swamps. Together, these wet-
lands provide valuable habitat for many
species of bird, fish, reptiles, and various
freshwater molluscs. Particularly, the
Viviparus georgianus (Say) snail and the
mussels Lampsilius teres (Rafinesque) and
Elliptio buckleyi (Lea) are predominant in
the archaeological remains left by prehis-
toric Cove people. Upland hammock areas,
covering about 25% of the Cove, also host
a variety of fauna. These areas, charact-
erized by live oak-dominated (Quercus
virginiana Mill) mesic hammocks or oak
scrub, are frequented by the white-tailed
deer, raccoons, bobcats, and other small-
to medium-sized mammals.

Previous Archaeological Research

The eminent Florida archaeologist John
Goggin turned his attention to the Lake
Tsala Apopka area in 1947 as part of a

Vol. 39 Numbers 1-2 March-June, 1986

8ci194 *


0 5

Figure 1.

The Cove of the Withlacoochee, showing the Withlacoochee
River, Lake Tsala Apopka, and eleven archaeological sites
described in the text.



larger effort to refine culture period
chronologies based on pottery types in
central Florida. On the basis of his
surface collection of several Cove sites,
Goggin defined the types Pasco Plain and
Pasco Check Stamped and suggested that
these heavily limestone-tempered wares
were manufactured in the Withlacoochee
area before, during, and after the
Weeden Island period (Goggin 1948:8, 9).

In 1949, Gordon Willey cursorily describ-
ed what was then known of Cove archaeology
based on data from a site on Duval Island
east of Floral City with a Deptford period
component, the Weeden Island period repre-
sented by a Dampier's Island collection
(now at the Florida State Museum), and a
small Safety Harbor period collection from
somewhere on the shores of Lake Tsala
Apopka (Willey 1949:324). During this
time, both Montague Tallant and Clarence
Simpson began digging several of the more
accessible midden sites in the area, but
each moved on to other areas without com-
pleting site reports on their work. Thus,
as the 1940s drew to a close, notions of
Cove prehistory, such as they were, were
based primarily on similarities observed
between the scattered finds of Cove pot-
tery and pottery typologies developed for
better-known sites along Florida's Gulf

The first controlled excavations of With-
lacoochee sites took place in 1955, when
John Goggin returned to the Cove, leading
a University of Florida summer field
school. As he had been eight years
earlier, Goggin was still very much con-
cerned with defining archaeological cul-
ture period sequences based on changing
frequencies of pottery types. Two river-
ine shell middens were selected for exca-
vation, the Fly Over Mound (8Ci29) and
the Hailey Mound (8Ci32). Now, only the
location of the Hailey Mound is known.
This site is located on the west bank of
the Withlacoochee River approximately 800m
south of the Route 44 bridge. Here, Goggin
and his students excavated a trench 1.5m x
3m x 1.5m, exposing a circle of nine post
molds at a depth of about 35cm. These post
molds were subsequently interpreted as the
remains of a circular house about 3m in

diameter (Cantrell 1955). Based on the
abundance of Pasco Plain sherds recovered,
the site was assigned to the Weeden Island
period. It is of interest that Goggin and
his students surmised a correlation between
a change from hunting-based to a shellfish-
gathering economy and the advent of the
first fiber-tempered pottery. It was
likely that Goggin suspected increasing
population pressures to be a catalyst for
both phenomena.

Perhaps to further test the assumption of
population growth, Pasco Plain sherds from
Goggin's other excavation, the Fly Over
site, were segregated into eight vessel
form categories, and an attempt was made
to seriate vessel form through time
(Cantrell 1956). Had populations been
expanding, perhaps this would be reflected
in an overall increase in the size of
bowls or as a change in most common vessel
form. However, no such changes were de-
tected in the study. Yet Goggin's approach
clearly anticipated the search for material
correlates of population growth that was to
characterize much archaeology of the 1970s.

Ten years later, in December 1965, Ripley
Bullen and Walter Askew published the re-
sults of their test excavations conducted
in 1963 at the Askew site (8Ci46), near
Turner's Fish Camp east of Inverness.
Bullen was hoping to untangle the compli-
cated relationship between Perico, Pasco,
and Deptford series ceramics by strati-
graphically testing a midden where sherds
of these three series were suspected to be
present. Two test units were excavated,
penetrating the midden deposits to an un-
derlying grey, limey "clay." Bullen con-
cluded (1965:204) that the midden had been
formed on a small bluff overlooking the
river by people living there during the
Transitional period, a later Deptford-
influenced period, a Perico period, and
the Weeden Island period (1965:214). This
suggests occupation at the Askew midden
beginning as early as 1000 B.C., and ex-
tending through at least A.D. 800. Bullen
identified a total of 20 pottery types
from the two units, with Pasco Plain being
the majority ware in both cases. He also
recovered specimens of worked bone, two
notched points resembling the Citrus type,



utilized flakes, large scraper knives,
twohuman coprolites, and the flexed
burial of a child.

Bullen and Askew acknowledged the cul-
tural affiliations between the river-
dwellers of the Withlacoochee and Gulf
coast peoples, implicit in the earlier
works of Goggin and Willey. Following
this lead, the most recent synthesis
of Florida prehistory includes the
Withlacoochee region in the north penin-
sula Gulf coast area (Milanich and
Fairbanks 1980:22). Still, there was
little attempt to assess the relations
among sites within the Cove. Further,
despite excellent historical documen-
tation (Mahon 1967), early researchers
seemed to be unaware that the Cove had
been the home of a large Seminole Indian
population during the Second Seminole
War (1835-1842). This study explores
both of these issues.

The history of Seminole archaeology in
the Cove begins with the discovery of
the Henry Prince diary in a Minnesota
attic in 1980. It was the duty of
Prince, a military topographer, to map
the Cove from horseback during the
Seminole campaign of 1837. In his diary,
Prince included a sketch map locating
Powell's Town (Osceola's village),
describing it along with several other
abandoned Seminole villages that he en-
countered during his mapping foray. By
the spring of 1983, after studying the
diary for nearly two years, Inverness
historian Don Sheppard thought the
Powell's Town location could be pin-
pointed within the heartland of the Cove.
He approached Jerald T. Milanich of the
Florida State Museum with a proposal to
conduct an archaeological survey of a
small peninsula on the Flying Eagle
Ranch, just west of the Withlacoochee
River and south of Route 44. Few Native
Americans have captured the imagination
of the non-Indian community as has
Osceola, and Milanich was able to quickly
secure funding from the Wentworth Founda-
tion to support a week-long field survey
searching for Powell's Town. The field-
work, with Weisman as field assistant,
was conducted during the week of May 9,

1983, and a short, informal site report
was issued shortly thereafter (Wesiman

A survey of the hammock-covered peninsula
revealed a group of nine Viviparus shell
middens (8Cil92) containing mostly lime-
stone-tempered plain pottery. No Seminole
Indian artifacts, which would have included
brushed pottery, faceted glass beads, iron
tools, glass bottle shards and English-
made ceramics (Fairbanks 1978), were re-
covered in the initial surface collection.
Despite this negative evidence, because
the historical documentation seemed strong,
it was hoped that subsurface testing might
reveal evidence of Seminole activity in
the area.

Four 2m x 2m units were excavated in the
most northern midden, which measured 22m
long, 16m wide, and just less than a meter
high. All units were dug to the sterile,
clayey matrix in 10cm levels. At a depth
of 70cm below the ground surface, near the
bottom of the midden, a charcoal sample
was obtained that was subsequently radio-
carbon dated to 143040 years B.P. (Beta
6921). This indicated that the shell mid-
den, characterized exclusively by lime-
stone-tempered plain pottery, was early
Weeden Island.

The most intriguing feature of the midden
was a layer of white sand, encountered
just below the topsoil. The sand cap was
segregated from the midden below by a thin
band of buried humus. The presence of
three shallow borrow depressions nearby
suggested that the cap had been intention-
ly constructed.

Over 200 limestone-tempered sherds were
recovered from the sand cap, many of them
lightly brushed, including a number of rim
pieces bearing typical Seminole punctations
just below the lip (Figure 2). The recon-
structed vessel was large (30cm diameter)
and globular with a restricted orifice.
This is a characteristic Seminole vessel
form, pictured in Goggin (1958), Milanich
and Fairbanks (1980:255), and seen in the
large collection of Seminole vessels from
the Oven Hill site (8Dil5) on the Suwannee
River (curated at the Florida State Museum).



Several sherds of green bottle glass, a
twentieth century cartridge casing, and
a number of charred and cracked deer long
bone fragments were also recovered from
the cap. Large pieces of burned wood
were encountered as well.

Material evidence for Seminole use of
the sand cap was strong. Unfortunately,
the Prince document located Powell's
Town at least one-half mile (0.8km) from
the Withlacoochee, whereas 8Cil92 is only
half that distance away. Later systematic
subsurface surveys on a 10m grid of the
alleged Powell's Town location and in the
vicinity of the sand-capped midden dis-
closed only a few more sherds of green
glass near the previous excavation. From
an archaeological standpoint, this was
not compelling evidence for the location
of Powell's Town.

Perhaps the hammock had been the scene
of Seminole Indian ceremonialism, rather
then Powell's Town. In this view, the
sand cap may have served as an elevated
focal point for the Green Corn Dance
ceremony, where clan leaders gathered to
partake of the fabled black drink. The
large black-drink vessel, fashioned
especially for the occasion, was left be-
hind at the conclusion of the festivities.
Ethnographic support for this contention
comes from Capron (1953:178) who described
the Green Corn Dance grounds as being lo-
cated with privacy in mind, in a large
opening of two to three acres, and never
near any permanent Seminole camp. The
central Green Corn Dance structure, or
the "house where the warriors sit,"
measures 10 x 14 feet (3m x 4m) and is
always located near water because of the
ritual importance of bathing (Capron 1953:

At the end of the first field session, the
Powell's Town location remained in doubt.
Further, the background literature search
indicated that prehistoric archaeology in
the Cove of the Withlacoochee was poorly
known as well. The need for continued
survey was clear, and work was resumed in
July 1983. The 1983 season, lasting a
total of five weeks, was sponsored by the
Inverness Rotary Club. Another five weeks

of fieldwork, conducted during the sum-
mer of 1984, was supported by grants
from the Wentworth Foundation and the
Florida Department of State, Division of
Archives, History and Records Management,
Bureau of Historic Preservation.

Archaeological Sites In The Cove Of The
Withlacoochee A Preliminary Statement

The 1983 and 1984 surveys led to the de-
scription of thirty archaeological sites
in the Cove of the Withlacoochee. Seven
of these sites are discussed in some de-
tail below and appear in Figure 1. To
date, the survey technique has been pri-
marily judgemental. Locations suggested
by local informants were investigated,
and where possible, previously recorded
sites were revisited. General surface
collections were made at each site. The
1984 work concentrated on isolating
Seminole Indian villages indicated in
the Prince diary. This phase of the sur-
vey required systematic subsurface test-
ing, as will be described later in the

There are two types of domestic archaeo-
logical sites in the Cove: riverine shell
middens, and non-midden siteslocated on
sandhills or sand mounds. The riverine
shell middens are located close to the
present bank of the Withlacoochee, and
are composed primarily of Viviparus snail
and freshwater mussel shells, bones of
various freshwater reptiles, fish,
small mammals, and deer, and limestone-
tempered plain pottery. Several of these
sites contain pottery with Perico-like
rim decorations (Figure 3). The sand
mounds, usually located near water but up
to 1 km or more away from the river, gen-
erally lack shellfish remains and Perico
pottery, and are more likely to contain
sand-tempered pottery and decorated pot-
tery on both sand-tempered and limestone-
tempered pastes.

It is likely that there are differences
of both time and function between the two
types of sites. Radiocarbon dates from
two middens, 8Cil92 (1430 40 B.P., Beta
6921) and Board Island (8Cil95)(1570
130 B.P., Beta 9434) (Weisman 1984:6),







Seminole pottery from the Cove. (A-C;
D-E; & F) Winter Park Brushed from
Newman Gardens, Zellner Grove and
Alligator Ford respectively; (G)plain
punctated rim from Wild Hog Scrub; and,
(H) Withlacoochee Brushed from 8Cil92.

Figure 3.

Perico pottery from the Cove. (A)
Perico Linear Punctated from 8Cil90;
(B) Perico Incised from 8Cil90;(C &D)
Perico Punctated from 8Sm35 and 8Cil95
respectively; (E) Perico Linear Punc-
tated from 8Cil90; and (F) Perico
Punctated from 8Cil94.

Figure 2.

indicate that the riverine middens were
accumulating at least from late Deptford
through early Weeden Island times. Deco-
rated pottery, such as St. Johns Check
Stamped, Prairie and West Florida Cord
Marked, Pinellas and Safety Harbor Incised,
and various Seminole brushed types found
at sand mound sites suggestlater occu-
pations at these sites. However, at
least one collection of Weeden Island
pottery is known from a non-riverine site
(the Dampier's Field collection curated
at the Florida State Museum), indicating
some dual use of both kinds of sites by
Weeden Island peoples. Re-use of early
midden sites by late Weeden Island or
Safety Harbor people must be considered
as well. A sacred-secular split in
pottery types at this time, with the
later utilitarian pottery resembling
earlier Deptford or Weeden Island wares,
would complicate attempts to develop
midden chronology based on ceramic
evidence alone.

Test excavations were conducted at sev-
eral sites. These excavations are de-
scribed in more detail below:

Island shell midden was located during
the July 1983 survey, and a team of
University of Florida anthropology
students and volunteers from the Withla-
coochee River Archaeology Council (WRAC)
returned to the site in November 1983
for test excavations. This work is de-
scribed in greater detail by Weisman and
Mitchem (1984) and a revised version is
being prepared for publication.

To date, the Board Island research has
yielded two significant findings. First,
the stratigraphic association of Perico
ceramics with a radiocarbon date of 1570
130 B.P. (Beta 9434) indicates their
potential as a horizon marker in Cove
prehistory. This is particularly impor-
tant in a region where the dominance of
plain pottery makes the chronological
ordering of sites difficult.

The second accomplishment of the Board
Island research is the compilation of a

detailed species list derived from midden
faunal remains. Because of the fine-
screen recovery techniques used, twelve
species of fish, eight species of turtle,
and various snakes were identified from
a single 5cm level. As sampling of this
sort becomes more widespread in archaeo-
logical work, a balanced understanding
of these early fishing-gathering-hunting
economies will become possible.


The Van Fossen site is a Viviparus shell
midden, containing up to 500 cubic meters
of deposits, located on a small 2m high
bluff on the west bank of the Withlacoo-
chee River near the Cove's northern
boundary. Permission to excavate was
readily granted by the landowners, after
whom the site is named.

A single Im x Im unit was excavated in
10cm levels, encountering a dense, consoli-
dated midden deposit between 45cm and 70cm.
The soil above 45cm appeared disturbed, and
part of it was undoubtedly spoil from a
nearby site robber's trench. All excavated
material was sifted through 0.635cm mesh

Figure 4 shows some of the items recovered
from the Van Fossen midden. Sand-tempered
plain pottery is the majority ware, in con-
trast to many of the other Cove middens
where limestone-tempered pottery predomi-
nates. Also in contrast to other Cove
middens, a Weeden Island affiliation is
discernible based on the pottery recovered.
Sherds of the types Weeden Island Plain
(Willey 1949:412) and Carrabelle Punctated
(Willey 1949:plate 30f) were recovered, as
well as a miscellaneous punctated style
(Figure 4). A single Perico Linear Punc-
tated sherd (Bullen and Askew 1965:209)
was recovered, probably from a disturbed

Van Fossen was occupied either later in
time, or by people under a slightly dif-
ferent cultural influence than the bulk of
the Cove middens. A partial explanation
for the site's apparent uniqueness may lie
in its special geographical situation. It





Artifacts from Van Fossen (8Cil94).
(A) portion of Busycon shell dipper;
(B) Carrabelle Punctated sherd;
(C) shark's tooth; (D) unidentified
punctated sherd; (E) unidentified
incised sherd; (F-G) Bobcat (Lynx
rufus) mandibles.

Figure 5.

Pottery from Alligator Ford (8Cil99).
(A) Savannah Fine Cord Marked sherd;
(B) cord marked sherd; (C) St. Johns
Check Stamped sherd; (D) possible
Creek incised; (E) Pasco Check Stamped
sherd; (F) unidentified punctated

Figure 4.




is at a natural fording place in the river,
perhaps the only one accessible without
first having to traverse the Cove swamp-
lands. The aboriginal inhabitants of the
site would always be in a position to
garner new and unusual cultural influences,
and may have in fact provided a way station
for generations of mobile prehistoric

VILLAGE SITE. Alligator Ford is a sand
mound site covering less than 1 ha just
east of the Shinn Ditch slough and 800m
northwest of the 8Cil92 shell middens.
Located on high ground, and close to both
lake-based and hammock resources, includ-
ing tillable soils, the site undoubtedly
served the interests of aboriginal
forager-gardeners for many years.

Two lm x im units were excavated, one
near the point of highest elevation, and
the other 44m downslope to the west. The
units were excavated in 10cm levels, and
all soil was sieved through 0.635cm mesh
screens. The first unit contained sherds
to a depth of 30cm, and below this, to a
depth of 60cm, much lithic debitage. The
pottery included a single Seminole brushed
sherd (0-10cm)(possibly Winter Park
Brushed, Goggin 1958), and Pasco Check
Stamped (Goggin 1948:8) and sand-tempered
cord marked sherds either of the Prairie
Cord Marked (Goggin 1948:3; Milanich 1971:
33, 56) type or West Florida Cord Marked
(Willey 1949:338, 440) from 20-30cm. The
second unit, although exhibiting a deeper
cultural stratum (to 70cm), had a similar
range of pottery types, plus a St. Johns
Check Stamped sherd from 20-30cm.

Figure 5 illustrates some of the Alligator
Ford pottery. Pictured are a large
Savannah Fine Cord Marked sherd, similar
to a restored vessel from the Tierra Verde
site (8Pi51) in Tampa Bay, curated at the
Florida State Museum (Sears 1967:61), a
possible Pinellas Incised sherd, and an
incised sherd of possible Creek affilia-
tion (Dickens 1979:123). Although most of
the pottery found at Alligator Ford is
limestone-tempered plain, the decorated
pottery suggests a generally late occupa-
tion. This would span late Weeden Island

(Pasco Check Stamped, Savannah Fine Cord
Marked) through Safety Harbor (Savannah
Fine Cord Marked, Pinellas Incised, St.
Johns Check Stamped) to historic times
(Seminole Brushed, 'treek" incised).

Faunal remains were scattered throughout
the levels in the two units, and were
mostly turtle, fish, deer (with butcher-
ing marks) and a muskrat (Neofiber alleni).
No snail shells or mussel shells were re-
covered, and no consolidated midden de-
posit was encountered.

AND SEMINOLE. After the initial attempt
to discover Osceloa's village at Powell's
Town failed, the Prince diary was reeval-
uated in hope of finding pertinent, but as
yet overlooked, clues as to the town's
location. Figure 6 shows the somewhat
different renditions Prince himself drew
of the site. The two things that all of
the Prince documents (the two maps and
his diary account of April 25, 1837) had
in common was that the site was on an
"oak scrub elevation" one-half mile (0.8km)
away from the Withlacoochee River. Wild
Hog Scrub, the only oak scrub in the vicin-
ity (located approximately 1.6km north of
the first Powell's Town excavation), clear-
ly fit these conditions.

The first surface search of this suspected
Powell's Town site yielded 15 sand-tempered
sherds, including one slightly out-flaring
rim sherd bearing square Seminole-like
punctations (Figure 2g). The second search
produced a hand-forged horse's bridle bit
(a similar fragment was found at Zetrouer,
a Seminole burial (Goggin et al. 1949))
(Figure 7), sherds of green liquor bottle
glass, and, the most exciting find of all,
an intact three-legged cast-iron cooking
pot (Figure 8).

The cast-iron cooking pot is 16.5cm tall
and 18cm in diameter. It is approximately
4mm thick, and has a round sprue hole 2.5cm
in diameter on its bottom. According to
Mr. John D. Tyler, an expert on cast-iron
cooking vessels, this pot, in the shape of
its ears and its full body form, probably
was made between 1750 and 1780. The place
of manufacture was probably England, based



I /t

S.. .j 1,. 7 ..

l'" "'S .' ".- -A ,

.. ... ..- -
S, ) ,, ,, .
.hTI- 7 f ..
-. / ., -... *.." .'-, ,( <.i.

uvlJ ci)). t: C l,,,^

Figure 6. The two Prince views of Powell's Town. (Left) from his diary, and (Right) drawn several
Weeks later as part of an overall map of the Cove. Note: The diary map indicates south
wo at the top of the page.


Artifacts from Wild Hog Scrub (8Cil98).
(A) plain punctated Seminole sherd;
(B-C) plain sherds found in association
with above; (D) bridle bit; (E) green
bottle glass.

Figure 8. The cast-iron cook pot from Wild Hog Scrub
(8Cil98), manufactured c. 1750-1780.

Figure 7.

L No- M M

on characteristics of the sprue (Tyler 1984
personal communication, also see Tyler
(1976) for an excellent discussion). Evi-
dence for three-legged cast-iron cooking
pots in Seminole assemblages is presented
in Lewis (1968:82), Fairbanks (1978:176)
and Lockey (1945:163). In general, while
three-legged pots were not in common use
in Europe during the eighteenth century,
they were common Indian trade wares
(Brain 1979:134).

The most likely point of origin for the
three-legged vessel from Wild Hog Scrub
is Spalding's Lower Store (8Pu23) where
the remains of a similar, but larger
(35cm diameter), vessel were found in the
excavation of this late eighteenth century
British trading post (Lewis 1968:82). How
this vessel found its way to the banks of
the Withlacoochee is uncertain, but items
of this sort were undoubtedly curated by
the Seminoles for some time. Cast-iron
vessels are still in use in backwoods
Florida today, some of them manufactured
over 70 years ago.

The evidence is compelling that the site
of Powell's Town, or Osceola's wartime
encampment, has been located on Wild Hog
Scrub. But the identification of sub-
surface features, such as post molds,
hearths, or trash pits, may prove to be
very difficult and time-consuming in this
densely wooded scrub. At present, a sys-
tematic program of subsurface testing has
begun, initially focusing on the areas of
flagged surface finds. Osceola reported-
ly was encamped here with less than 30 of
his followers for less than a two-year
period. Excavations in 1985 have netted
more green glass, a lead shot, cow bones,
and several peach pits.

During the Powell's Town search, a large
17m x llm x 2m) intact mound was discov-
ered near the southeastern edge of the
scrub. Nearby, borrow pits are located
to the north and east of the mound. Named
the Tatham site, this apparently was a
ceremonial center for an inland Safety
Harbor culture. Limited shovel testing
revealed that the mound may contain
shallow (20cm deep) burials interred with

Safety Harbor Incised and Pinellas Incised
pottery. This is the most inland manifes-
tation of the Safety Harbor culture known
north of Tampa Bay, and may represent the
aboriginal province of Tocaste visited by
the Spanish explorer de Soto in 1539
(Swanton 1922; Bourne 1973:II, 65).

There is no village directly associated
with the mound, suggesting that its loca-
tion may have been central to several out-
lying Safety Harbor towns. Assuming that
Pinellas Incised and Safety Harbor Incised
sherds may not be present in a village
context, the problem becomes one of iden-
tifying other late period pottery types in
the Withlacoochee middens (or village
mounds). Alligator Ford, just over 1 km
to the southwest, or Bayonet Field (8Cil97),
almost 3km to the north, are likely sites
of Safety Harbor villages. Portions of
the Tatham Mound and Bayonet Field were
excavated by the 1985 Spring Semester
University of Florida Archaeological Field
School, yielding a sixteenth century date
(based on dateable Spanish glass beads) for
the former site and a thirteenth century
date (radiocarbon) for the latter (Mitchem,
WeiSman et al. 1985). Another University
of Florida field school will be conducted
at the mound beginning in September 1985.

leaving Powell's Town about noon on April
25, 1837, Lt. Henry Prince followed a
southwesterly course, island hopping and
wading sloughs in an attempt to reach
Fort Cooper by nightfall. After many
delays and much wearisome going, finally
near sunset Prince bounded on to high
ground where he passed through an abandoned
Indian town of "board houses." Pressing
on, he and his men forded a "perfectly
black creek," climbed the ridge on the
other side and entered, as Prince describes
it, the other half of the town that they
had just passed. Several hours later, his
horse whinnying with excitement at the
sight of Fort Cooper's lights, Prince re-
turned safely from his two-day foray in
the Cove. The Prince map depicting this
portion of his sojourn, drawn several weeks
later, is shown in Figure 9.



i r;n 'u
~4i: .,.
4" ,1.

t r


The Prince map illustrating the "Black Creek Town." It appears as two separate cabins in
the left center of the drawing. The Fort Cooper road is on the left. The Withlacoochee
River and Jumper Creek are on the right.


S 0 to.

**71 "
,r-"l it

Figure 9.

A., ^"'n:: \ \

A .1

a. S



Seminole artifacts from the Zellner site.
(A-B) Green-glazed pipe bowl fragments;
(C) Military "great coat" button;
(D) "notched" rim sherd from Zellner #1;
(E-F) "notched" rims from Zellner #2.

Figure 11.

Lithic points from the Cove of the
Withlacoochee. (A-B) Pinellas points
from near Duval Island; (C-D) Florida
Copena point from 8Sm35 and 8Cil92
respectively; (E) Florida Archaic
Stemmed point from 8Cil92; (F) Citrus
point from 8Cil94; (G) Bolen Beveled
point from 8Cil90.

Figure 10.


The "perfectly black creek" still exists
today, and once this was located, por-
tions of the "black creek" town were dis-
covered with relatively little difficulty.
On the northeast side of the creek, where
Prince first entered the town, the site
has been named Newman's Garden (after the
current landowners) and appears as a large
(31m x 17m) dark soil stain containing a
surface scatter of Winter Park Brushed
(Goggin 1958) sherds.

Across the creek is the Zellner orange
grove, where four clusters (20m-30m in
diameter) of Seminole pottery were iso-
lated, each about 100m apart. These
sites were named, prosaically, Zellner
1, 2, 3 and 4, and are probably the
remains of single-household clan camps
(Weisman 1984a). In the first stage
of excavation at Zellner 1, fragments
of a green glazed nineteenth century
kaolin pipe bowl (Hume 1972:303) and
a military "greatcoat" button, dating
from between 1820 and 1839 (Wyckoff
1984:85), were recovered (Figure 10).
To date, no evidence of a structure
has been detected.

Across the creek, the remains of a
Seminole dwelling may have been unearth-
ed in excavations of Newman's Garden.
Just below the thick (15cm) plow zone
mantle, portions of charred timbers
(up to 20cm wide) were located, possibly
representing a board house (or houses)
burned during the military's "scorched
earth" campaign of 1840 and 1841 (Clark
1841). Unfortunately, the upper por-
tions of these features have been lost
due to plowing. Further interpretation
of these findings await further excava-
tion. A brass button, brushed punctated
Seminole pottery, and other artifacts
from the Zellner site are illustrated
in Figure 10. The Newman's Garden and
Zelner sites will be the focus of con-
tinued research into the nature of
Seminole culture during the troubled
war years. A detailed report describing
these investigations will be issued in

Aboriginal Pottery in the
Cove of the Withlacoochee

Decorated aboriginal pottery types from Cove
archaeological sites demonstrate clear
affinities between Cove people and cul-
tures of Florida's central Gulf coast.
Though scarce, these types serve as well
to establish chronological relationships
comparable to better-known Gulf coast
sequences (Milanich and Fairbanks 1980:

Identifiable pottery types include fiber-
tempered Orange series wares (at Boswell
Point and the Askew site; Bullen and
Askew 1965) and semi-fiber-tempered sherds
(from Askew and 8Cil92) indicating Late
Archaic and Transitional Period occupa-
tions. Perico pottery (Figure 3)(Willey
1949:364), now defined solely as a type
of pottery exhibiting unique stab and
drag rim punctations (see Goldburt 1966
for discussion), has been recovered in
excavations at Askew, Van Fossen and the
Board Island sites, and may have utility
as a late Deptford Period marker.

Weeden Island types include Carrabelle
Punctated and Weeden Island Plain from
Van Fossen, Pasco Check Stamped (Goggin
1948:8) from Alligator Ford and Askew,
and Sarasota Incised from the Zellner

Safety Harbor period or protohistoric
occupations are represented by Pinellas
Incised (Willey 1949:482) and Safety Harbor
Incised (Willey 1949:479) sherds from
Tatham and Ruth Smith (Mitchem and Weisman
1984), Savannah Fine Cord Marked from
Alligator Ford, and St. Johns Check Stamped
from various sites.

The nineteenth century Seminole migration
into the Cove can be traced through the
appearance of brushed pottery at the
Zellner and Newman sites, at Alligator
Ford, 8Cil92, and plain punctated pottery
from Wild Hog Scrub. While pastes are
generally similar (with the exception of
the heavily limestone-tempered ware from



8Cil92), rim treatments seem to vary from
site to site. Although the idea remains
untested as yet, specific rim treatments
may be attributable to discrete Seminole
clans (Sears 1959:29; Weisman 1984a).
Goggin's 1959 study of Seminole pottery
is still the definitive work, although
other illustrations can be found in
Sears (1959) and Dickens (1979).

While most of the above-mentioned pre-
historic pottery types were defined from
large Gulf coast assemblages, it is no
easy matter to postulate direct or
frequent contact between Gulf cultures
and those in the Cove, or even hypothe-
size a rationale for such contact. It
is tempting to think that Weeden Island
and Safety Harbor pottery in the Cove
represent the cultural high tide line
of the web of influence radiating out
from dominant Gulf coast peoples. This
of course would point the arrow of in-
fluence from the coast inland.

Goggin, however, suggested in 1948 that
the most common type of pottery in the
Cove, limestone-tempered Pasco Plain,
had its heartland from the Lake Tsala
Apopka region south into Pasco County,
indicating the development of a strong
regional culture inland. Later, Bullen
was to shift the suspected seat of
Perico manufacture from Manatee County,
where the Perico Island (8Ma6) type
site is located, well to the northeast
in Citrus and Hernando counties (Bullen
and Askew 1965:215). A strong tradi-
tion of limestone-tempered and sand-
tempered utilitarian wares persisted
in the Cove, possibly up through proto-
historic times. Efforts to distin-
guish chronologically significant plain
wares in the Cove area have not been
successful (Cantrell 1956), nor have
technological analyses been carried out
that might establish vessel use cate-
gories based on paste characteristics.

At the present time, it can be suggested
that limestone-tempered pottery was
locally made for household use, while
ceremonial Weeden Island and Safety
Harbor type pottery may have been imported

from the coast.

More definitive state-

ments await detailed chemical and mineral-
ogical provenience studies.

Prehistoric Stone Technology in the Cove

Bullen (1975:24, 25) defined two projec-
tile point types, Hernando and Citrus,
mostly on the basis of collections from
this part of central Florida. These are
both basally notched points that Bullen
thought may have been components of the
same tool kit. He placed their manufac-
ture between 500 B.C. and A.D. 200,
roughly during the Deptford Period. At
Van Fossen, the base of a Citrus point
was found between 30 and 40cm in depth
(Figure 11).

Early Archaic Period points have been
located in two Cove sites. At Board
Island, the base of a Bolen Plain point
(Bullen 1975:51) was recovered from 45
to 50cm, and a surface find of a Bolen
Beveled (Bullen 1975:52) point was made
at Alligator Dagger.

Trianguloid Florida Copena points (Bullen
1975:23), believed to date as early as
500 B.C., can be found in the Cove as well.
Many of the archaeological sites in the
Cove contain some amount of lithic debi-
tage, and less commonly, utilized flake
tools. Lithic scatter sites are poorly
known and, sampling bias aside, may be
rare within the confines of the Cove.
Possibly, Cove Indians travelled short
distances to the surrounding highlands
to quarry and work stone. In any case,
stone tools and weapons used in the Cove
were made mostly from native Florida

Preliminary Interpretations
of Cove Prehistory

The most visible aspects of Cove archae-
ology are the numerous shell middens dot-
ting (primarily) the western shore of the
Withlacoochee River. Although Archaic
people may have been the first occupants
of these sites (non-ceramic components
may be present at Board Island, Hailey
and other middens), radiocarbon dates from



Board Island and 8Cil92 suggest that their
heyday was well into the fifth and sixth
centuries A.D. While it is difficult to
discern chronological sequence within many
of the middens relying solely on material
remains, it is reasonable to suppose that
they reflect an effective fishing-gathering-
hunting adaptation to riverine faunal re-
sources lasting one thousand years or more.
Although temporally falling within the
Deptford Period, occupations in the Cove of
the Withlacoochee during this time probably
did not result from the seasonal movement
of coastal Deptford peoples inland. Arti-
facts from the late Deptford Period Board
Island site suggest little direct contact
with coastal peoples and indicate perma-
nent year-round habitation (Weisman and
Mitchem 1984).

While several of the riverine middens may
have been intermittently occupied through
protohistoric times, the appearance of
Weeden Island Period pottery (and later,
Safety Harbor Period pottery) at non-
riverine sites suggests a general shift
away from a riverine-based subsistence
perhaps by A.D. 600. The Alligator Ford
and Duval Island sites are good examples
of apparently late period villages not
based on a shellfish economy. A movement
away from poorly-drained riverine loca-
tions was probably related to the need
for better-drained agricultural soils,
although archaeological evidence for
cultigens is lacking. Documentary
accounts from the de Soto expedition
indicate that, at least by the sixteenth
century, hamlet-style agriculture pre-
vailed in the area. At the time of
Spanish contact, the Tsala Apopka area
was probably ruled by the powerful chief
of Tocaste, whose domain was bounded by
the Withlacoochee River to the north and
east. Although systematic archaeological
survey has yet to be carried out, no
Safety Harbor artifacts are known east
of the river. As it had throughout pre-
history, the Withlacoochee functioned as
a natural boundary demarcating aboriginal

Major questions remain before an adequate
understanding of Cove prehistory can be

gained, and their answers will likely re-
main impressionistic until substantive,
focused research is conducted at both
riverine and non-riverine sites. Major
problems seem to be explaining why an
abandonment of river-based life should
occur, establishing contemporaneity (or
the lack of it) between riverine sites
and non-riverine sites, and detecting
in-situ cultural developments versus
influences from afar. However distant
the answers to these questions may be,
their contribution to the jigsaw puzzle
of Florida's past will be enormous.

Seminole Indians in
The Cove of the Withlacoochee

The last of the native Americans to in-
habit the Cove wetlands were the Seminole
Indians, who probably migrated into the
area in significant numbers after the
signing of the Treaty of Moultrie Creek
in 1823. Under the terms of this treaty
the Seminole were to occupy a large
central Florida reservation (which in-
cluded the Cove, see Mahon 1967: end-
piece, and Fairbanks 1974:358) until
their removal to Indian Territory
(Oklahoma) which was to take place in
1835. Writing of this portion of the
reservation in 1826, William P. Duval
reported that "the lands on the Big and
Little Withlacoochee are poor" and noted
no major settlements in the area (New
American State Papers Vol. 6 1972:458).

The first Seminole villages probably
occurred on the high ground periphery of
the Cove, near the modern towns of
Hernando and Floral City. Here, the
Indians of Eneathlocco Emathla's Town and
Choilly Hadjo's Town (Prince 1837) could
pursue a way of life not radically dif-
ferent from their earlier days on the
Alachua Prairie and elsewhere in the
central Florida highlands. This way of
life involved herding free-ranging cattle,
cultivating corn, pumpkins and beans, and
limited bartering with white traders for
other domestic staples and hardware.

At the outbreak of the Second Seminole
War late in 1835, these villages were



abandoned, and these and other Seminole
moved deeper into the protective reces-
ses of the Cove. Archaeological and
documentary evidence suggest that these
settlements, including Powell's Town
and the Black Creek Town, retained the
earlier village pattern of board houses
or cabins scattered around a town square
while eschewing much of the white man's
culture. This is reflected archaeologi-
cally by the abundance of traditional
Seminole pottery at these sites and the
virtual absence of English ceramics,
glass beads, and other trappings of
Western society. Given the material
conditions of their lives, nativistic
impulses, and their hostile attitudes
toward the American invaders, such an
artifactual assemblage is not unex-

Spearheaded by the Seminole leaders
Osceola, Wildcat, Alligator, Cloud
and Jumper, the resistance movement
was successful in repelling the white
invaders through late 1836, when
finally the military penetrated their
Cove stronghold and routed the Indians
southward. By 1840, after the initial
Seminole intransigents had been
driven from the Cove, the situation
again heated up, and a second military
campaign was launched.

Military documents from this campaign
indicate a dramatic change in
Seminole lifeways. Although the
Indians still maintained gardens of
corn, beans, and squash, and managed
herds of cattle (hogs too), they had
retreated to the small hammock islands
of Lake Tsala Apopka, separated from
the mainland by expanses of sawgrass
marsh or swampy bog (Clarke 1841).
This shift reflects a concern for
defensibility even greater than that
shown four years earlier in the
campaign of 1836. One of the towns
discovered by the troops is described
as a "deserted village of thirteen
lodges upon a small spot of dry land
in the midst of a cypress swamp"
(Gates to Clarke, July 3, 1841). At
another location, this same chronicler

describes destroying villages of three to
four lodges that had been used as coonti-
making camps. At still another spot,
almost unbelievably, the army destroyed
12,000 pounds of jerked beef, abandoned
on the lake shore by fleeing Indians.
Perhaps the port of Havana, the scene of
much Seminole trading in the pre-war years,
still provided markets for Seminole goods.

With the close of this campaign and the
passing of the Seminoles, a dramatic new
era began which would alter forever the
balance of life in the Withlacoochee Cove
wetlands. On the heels of the first
homesteaders came the economic boom times
supported by timbering and the phosphate
industry. Now, the flavor of life in the
Cove is seasoned with the same myriad
complexities to which we have all become

Yet archaeology is teaching us that life
before history was equally complex. To
the protohistoric peoples just before
Spanish contact, the Cove may have been
a buffer zone where the various tensions
created by the push and pull of the
emerging central Timucuan and Tocobagan
chiefdoms were played out. For the
Weeden Island Period peoples before them,
the Cove functioned as both an edge and
a center for their world. Earlier still,
the Cove was looked upon as a great
storehouse of richness, where fish, shell-
fish, and game were plentiful. Continued
archaeological research in the Cove of
the Withlacoochee will provide us with
valuable understandings of past lifeways
in wetland habitats.


The first draft of this manuscript was
written in the heat of a fitful summer,
and with the apparitions of Goggin and
Willey peering over my shoulder, was
discarded with remarkable ease. The
second and third drafts benefitted
greatly from the very real counsel of
Dr. Jerald T. Milanich and Dr. Prudence
Rice of the Florida State Museum, and
the fourth and final drafts from the
Florida Anthropologist editorial review



process directed by Louis Tesar.

The following individuals and organiza-
tions deserve special mention for their
contributions to the fieldwork -- Don
and Marsha Sheppard, Paul Anderson, the
Boy Scouts of America, the Citrus
County Historical Society, and the
many intrepid volunteers of the
Withlacoochee River Archaeology Council.

The Wentworth Foundation, the Inverness
Rotary Club, and the Florida Department
of State, Division of Archives, History
and Records Management, Bureau of
Historic Preservation all provided
crucial financial assistance.

The cooperation of the following
landowners greatly eased the performance
of our duties -- Mr. and Mrs. L.A. Van
Fossen, Mr. Fred Spooner, L.A. Boswell,
Mrs. Ruth Smith, The Boy Scouts of
America, the Edwards family, Mr. and
Mrs. Lloyd Newman, and Mr. Phil Zellner.

References Cited

Attardi, Vincent J.
1983 An Environmental Description of Lake Tsala
Apopka. Environmental Section, Technical
Report 1983-4. Southwest Florida Water
Management District, Brooksville.

Brain, Jeffrey P.
1974 Tunica Treasure. Papers of the Peabody
Museum of Archaeology and Ethnology, Harvard
Univer aty. Vol. 71,

Bullen, Ripley P.
1975 A Guide to the Identification of Florida
Projectile Points. Revised ed. Gainesville:
Kendall Books.

Bullen, Ripley P, and Walter Askew
1965 Tests At The Askew Site, Citrus County,
Florida. The Florida Anthropologist

Cantrell, B. C.
1955 Reports on Excavations Conducted by the 1955
Summer Archaeological Field Season of the
University of Florida. Manuscript on file,
Department of Antherpology, Florida State
Museum, Gainesville.

1956 Pasco Plain Vessel Forms from Ci 29, a
Withlacoochee River Site. Manuscript on
file, Department of Anthropology, Florida
State Museum, Gainesville.

Capron, Louis
1953 The Medicine Bundles of the Florida Seminole
and the Green Corn Dance. Bureau of American
Ethnology Bulletin 151:155-210.

Clarke, N. S,
1841 Scouting on the Withlacoochee. Keenan-Brown
manuscript collection. On file P. K. Yonge
Library of Florida History. Gainesville.

Dickens, Roy S., Jr.

1979 archaeological Investigations At Horseshoe
Bend National Military Park, Alabama.
Alabama Archaeological Society. University
of Alabama.

Fairbanks, Charles H.
1974 Ethnohlstorical Report on Florida Indians.
Florida Indians III. New York: Garland
Publishing Inc.

1978 The Ethno-Archeology of the Florida Seminole.
In Tacachale, Essays on the Indians of
Florida and Southeastern Georgia during the
Historic Period, Jerald T. Milanich and Samuel
Proctor editors. University Presses of
Florida, Gainesyille.

Goggin, John M.
1948 Some Pottery Types from Central Florida.
Gainesville Anthropological Association
Bulletin Number 1. Gainesville.

1958 Seminole Pottery. In Prehistoric Pottery
of the Eastern United States, J. B. Griffin
editor. Museum of Anthropology, University
of Michigan, Ann Arbor, Michigan.

Goggin, John M., Mary E. Godwin, Earle Hester,
David Prange, and Robert Spangenburg
1949 An historic Indian burial, Alachua County,
Florida. The Florida Anthropologist 2:10-25.

Goldburt, Jules
1966 The Archeology of Shired Island. Unpublished
M.A. thesis, Department of Anthropology,
University of Florida.

Hume, Ivor Noel
1972 A Guide to Artifacts of Colonial America.
New York: Alfred A Knopf.

Lewis, Kenneth E., Jr.
1968 History and Archeology of Spaldings Lower
Store (Pu-23), Putnam County, Florida.
Unpublished M.A. thesis, Department of
Anthropology, University of Florida.

Linnard, T, B.
1833 Memoirs to accompany map of military opera-
tions in Florida. Miscellaneous File Number
284. National Archives, Washington, D.C.

Lockey, Joseph B,
1945 East Florida 1783-1785. Berkeley: University
of California Press.

Mahon, John K.
1967 History of the Second Seminole War, 1835-1842.
Gainesville: University of Florida Press.

Milanich, Jerald T.
1971 The Alachua Tradition of North-Central
Florida. Contributions of the Florida State
Museum, Anthropology and History 17.

Mflanich, Jerald T. and Charles H. Fairbanks
1980 Florida Archaeology. New York, Academic Press.

Mitchem, Jeffrey M. and Brent R. Weisman
1984 Excavations at the Ruth Smith Mound (8Ci200).
The Florida Anthropologist 37(3):100-112.



Mitchem, Jeffrey M. and Brent R. Weisman, Donna L.
Ruhl, Jenette Savell, Laura Sellars, and
Lisa Sharik
1985 Preliminary Report on Excavations at the
Tatham Mound (8-Ci-2031, Citrus County,
Florida: Season 1. Florida State Museum
Miscellaneous Project Report Series
Number 23. Gainesville.

New American State Papers 1789-1760
1972 Volume 6. Wilmington: Scholarly Resources Inc.

Prince, Henry
1837 The diary of Henry Prince. On file P. K.
Yonge Library of Florida History, Gainesville.

Scott, Winfield
1837 Proceedings of the Military Court of Inquiry
in the Case of Major General Scott and Major
General Gaines. Filed under Scott, Winfield,
in the P. K. Yonge Library of Florida History,
Gainesville, Identical to Senate Document
224, 24th Congress, 2nd Session, March 2, 1837.

Sears, William
1959 A-296 A Seminole Site in Alachua County. The
Florida Anthropologist 12:9-25.

1967 The Tierra Verde Burial Mound. The Florida
Anthropologist 20:25-73.

Swanton, John R.
1922 Early History of the Creek Indians and Their
Neighbors. Bureau of American Ethnology
Bulletin 73. Washington, D.C.

Tyler, John B.
1976 Cast iron cooking vessels. In Antique Metal-
ware, James R. Mitchell editor. New York:
Universe Books,

Weisman, Brent
1983 The Search for Powell's Town: A Preliminary
Report on Survey and Test Excavations. Florida
State Museum Miscellaneous Project Report
Series Number 19.

1984a Seminole Indians During the Second Seminole War:
An Archaeological Perspective from the Cove of
the Withlacoochee, Florida. Paper presented at
the 41st Conference of the Southeastern Archae-
ological Conference, Pensacola, Florida.

1984b New Radiocarbon Dates From Withlacoochee River
Shell Middens. The Florida Anthropologist

Weisman, Brent and Jeffrey Mitchem
1984 Test Excavations at Board Island, Citrus
County, Florida. Paper presented at the
36th Annual Meeting of the Florida
Anthropological Society, West Palm Beach.

Willey, Gordon R.
1949 Archeology of the Florida Gulf Coast.
Smithsonian Miscellaneous Collections,
Volume 113.

Wyckoff, Martin A.
1984 United States Military Buttons of the
Land Services 1787-1902. McLean County
Historical Society, Bloomington,

Brent Weisman
Department of Anthropology

Florida State Museum

University of Florida
Gainesville, FL 32611




I. Randolph Daniel, Jr., Michael Wisenbaker, and George Ballo


Good evidence of a substantial Paleo-
Indian occupation in Florida has long
been elusive. Despite the fact that
lanceolate bifaces (similar to the
fluted point horizon found throughout
North America) have been recognized in
Florida for over thirty-five years
(Simpson 1948), little has been added
to significantly contribute to our
understanding of this early occupation.
Until recently the only archaeological
evidence of early man in Florida
remained the diagnostic unfluted
lanceolate bifaces (i.e., Suwannee and
Simpson points); although the
traditional fluted Clovis point is also
present but much less common (see
Dunbar and Waller 1983; Goodyear et al.
1983). Unfortunately, the vast
majority of these artifacts nave been
recovered from poor contexts, usually
as isolated finds on land or more
commonly underwater by divers,
particularly in North Florida rivers
(Dunbar and Waller 1983).

More recently, new archaeological data
have been recovered from springs and
rivers in the form of culturally
modified Pleistocene faunal remains
(Clausen et al. 1979; Webb et al.
1983:82-83). Secure dates of these
remains indicate Paleo-Indians occupied
Florida from 12,000 to 10,000 B.P.
Unfortunately, none of these dates has
been associated with any of the
diagnostic bifaces noted above.

It is these tantalizing bits of data,
along with the work of previous
researchers, that are responsible for
the long held and asinine assumption
that most significant Paleo-Indian
sites in Florida are located underwater
in rivers, springs, or along the coast
(e.g., Clausen et al. 1979; Waller
1970; Milanich and Fairbanks 1980:35-
37). Little mention, however, is made
of the possibility of the existence of

any important Early Man land sites. If
such sites exist, the implication has
been that they are small and
insignificant. "Populations must have
been quite small since all Paleo-Indian
camp sites are represented by only
scatterings of tools and debris. None
of the dense or large Paleo-Indian
sites like those known for other areas
of the Eastern United States...have
(sic) yet been found" (Milanich and
Fairbanks 1980:38).

As a result of work conducted at Harney
Flats site 8Hi507, a large (1.35 ha)
deeply stratified Early Man site
containing in situ deposits of Paleo-
Indian cultural material, we can now
confidently revise the above statement.
The Harney Flats site was excavated as
part of the Florida Department of
State's 1-75 Highway Salvage Program in
Hillsborough County (see Jones and
Tesar 1982). The site is located on
the northern edge of Harney Flats, a
large inland basin covering several
square kilometers, near the boundary of
the Polk Upland and the Gulf Coastal
Lowlands (Figure 1). Test excavations
were conducted in 1981, and as a result
more extensive salvage work was carried
out during late 1981 and early 1982, by
the Bureau of Historic Sites and
Properties (now Bureau of
Archaeological Research). The results
of this project are presented elsewhere
(Daniel and Wisenbaker 1983, 1984a,

The present paper focuses on one of the
major goals of the project; the
formulation of a Paleo-Indian/Suwannee
stone tool typology. This typology was
made possible by the recovery of over
1,000 stone tool specimens during the
excavations. The large number of
recovered tools is believed to be
related to the postulated site
function -- a quarry related base camp.
Silicified limestone and coral are
abundant in the area and refurbishing

Vol. 39 Numbers 1-2 THE FLORIDA ANTHROPOLOGIST March-June, 1986

tool kits is believed to have been a
major activity at the site (Daniel and
Wisenbaker 1984b).

The purpose of this presentation is
twofold: first, to present an overview
of the Paleo-Indian/Suwannee stone tool
assemblage and technology from Harney
Flats, with an emphasis on unifaces;
and, second, to discuss the
organization of the technology. As a
result of our analysis, we believe that
certain unifacial tool forms are
diagnostic tools of the Paleo-Indian
time period in Florida. Some
implications of this possibility will
also be discussed. Furthermore, we
attempt to understand why certain tool
designs were created and how these
designs were used and managed within
the total settlement system. Our
analysis is an attempt to go beyond the
traditional techno-functional stone
tool study and examine the lithic
assemblage from a settlement system

The Methodological Basis of the

Three approaches were integrated to
form the framework of the analysis.
These include: 1) a morphological/
technological analysis; 2) a functional
analysis; and, 3) a technological
organization analysis.

A morphological/technological analysis
was performed to define the tool types
morphologically and to learn how the
stone tools were manufactured. In
utilizing this approach it is important
to note that lithic reduction is a
subtractive process (Deetz 1967:48) and
that the manufacture and use of a stone
tool usually results in certain
morphological changes during its
uselife. Therefore, artifact "types"
are often a point in a dynamic process
of transformation, and perhaps could be
better viewed along a continuum.

That is, while some specimens
may fit the ideal type des-

criptions, many will lack all
of the defining criteria. The
result is that not all
morphological variability is
accommodated, much less
explained. The source of the
difficulty lies in the
classification of formerly
dynamic tools into categories
which are a reaction by the
classifier to modal forms in
the specimens, rather than an
understanding of the processes
which lead to formal patterns
("types") and the gradations
between. Once the sources of
variation are understood, then
the selection of attributes
and construction of types
becomes more meaningful
behaviorally. Ideally,
classification becomes more
successful in that variation
is accounted for rather than
ignored or qualified by
generating subtypes (Goodyear
et al. 1983:47).

From our perspective, many of the
patterned shapes exhibited by the
unifaces described below become more
meaningful if viewed as stages along a
morphological continuum that results
from tool use and resharpening.

A primary objective in the analysis of
lithic artifacts recovered from Harney
Flats was to determine how such
artifacts were used or functioned in
various site activities. To accomplish
this, a sample of the stone tools
assigned to various morphological
categories or types was examined for
traces of wear. The value of this
approach lies in the fact that wear
traces, such as edge flaking, rounding,
polishing, and striation, occur as a
direct result of tool use and therefore
are relatively sensitive indicators of
both tool action (e.g., sawing,
scraping, chopping) and material worked
(e.g., hard, medium, or soft). The
efficacy of such a use-wear or micro
wear analysis in determining the



0 10 Miles
O 10 Kilometers
US. |
{Thonotosassa ;
8Hi507 RAY |

— Spgtitie Ps
; Manatee R. __
7 gph ts


8 Hi 507


functions) of stone tools has been
demonstrated by a number of
investigators (Semenov 1964; Keller
1966; Tringham et al. 1974; Wylie 1975;
Odell 1977; Brink 1978; Newcomer and
Keeley 1979; Odell and Odell-Vereecken
1980; Keeley 1980).

As strongly recommended by Keeley
(1974:328) and Odell (1975:237) the
analysis of wear traces on
archaeological specimens was supported
by an experimental program in which
tools similar in form and raw material
to the actual specimens were used in a
variety of activities (sawing and
scraping wood, scraping nide, etc.)
considered to approximate those which
may nave occurred at the site. Over 150
experimental tools made of local raw
material were fabricated for
experimental purposes. Fifty-four of
these tools were actually used to work
hard or materials such as bone and dry
antler, medium-hard materials such as
wood and soaked antler, and soft
materials such as hide. Photographs
were taken at various stages of tool use
to document the edge damage occurring on
experimental tools. Several of these
tools were artificially patinated to
simulate the heavily weathered and
patinated condition of the Harney Flats
artifacts. Data from these experiments
were used in making functional
assessments concerning the Harney Flats
specimens. In regard to such assessments
it should be noted that experimental
results indicated that of the four
criteria normally employed in functional
assessment i.e., rounding, polish,
flaking, striation, only flaking and to
a limited extent edge rounding, could be
used in analysis of the Harney Flats
specimens due to the patinated and
weathered condition of these artifacts.
The results of the use-wear analysis
outlined below are based on an
approximate 20% random sample of
artifacts from each type (Ballo 1985).

Finally, our lithic analysis also
included an examination of the organi-
zation of the technology at Harney

Flats. Technological organization, a
concept originally defined by Binford
(1979), has been applied by Goodyear
(1979, 1982 et al. 1983) to the re-
search of Paleo-Indian stone tool
technologies. As Goodyear has noted,
traditional techno-functional studies
are important "... but are not suffi-
cient in themselves to allow an under-
standing of how and why prehistoric
adaptations took place. The study of
why certain tool designs were created
and how these designs were implemented
and manipulated within the total
settlement system refers to the
organization of the technology"
(1982:24-26). Goodyear (1979), for
example, postulates that Paleo-Indian
groups used high quality crypto-
crystalline material to create portable
and flexible technologies necessary in a
life-style characterized by nigh
mobility. Since biotic resources and
lithic resources are usually not evenly
distributed geographically, a portable
and flexible technology can offset
potential spatial and temporal
incongruences between resources and
consumers. This is accomplished by
manufacturing tools that can be
efficiently and reliably maintained and
recycled or transformed from one core or
tool form into another. Since his
hypothesis is an attempt to understand
how technological adaptation reflects
settlement adaptation, we feel that the
Harney Flats assemblage offers an
excellent opportunity to examine
Goodyear's hypothesis for Paleo-Indian
groups in Florida.

By examining the technological
organization at Harney Flats, an attempt
is made to go beyond the traditional
techno-functional stone tool study, and
to examine the role of the lithic
assemblage in a Paleo-Indian settlement
system adaptation. Simply, what does
the organization of the technology tell
us about Paleo-Indian settlement
behavior in Florida? In short, we
believe that the stone tool assemblage
represents a curated technology that was
an adaptation to a logistical settlement



system (see Binford 1980) in Florida ten
to twelve thousand years ago.

The Assemblage

As is traditional in studies of Paleo-
Indian tools (see MacDonald 1968), we
make a distinction between two main
groups of artifacts bifaces and
unifaces. Each of these groups is
further subdivided into classes. A
series of attributes were examined to
define each class visually, metrically,
technologically and to a certain extent,


Forty-nine reforms, the majority of
which are broken, were recovered from
the Harney Flats site. Some of the more
diagnostic specimens are discussed below
within the framework of a hypothetical
manufacturing sequence (Figure 2).
Because of the relatively small sample
and tne fragmentary nature of many of
the specimens, tne following is meant as
a subjective outline, presented as a
possibility that needs additional
testing with a larger sample.

Suwannee Point

Bullen originally defined the Suwannee
point as:

A usually large and fairly
heavy, lanceolate shaped,
slightly waisted point with
concave base, basal ears, and
basal grinding of bottom and
waisted parts of sides. Basal
thinning and suggestions of
fluting are but rarely present.
Workmanship varies from good to
poor (1975:55).

All of the Harney Flats specimens
display shaping and thinning to some
degree, so the blank type is difficult
to determine. One of the large flakes
recovered, however, is a possible blank
form (Figure 2a). This blank is
approximately 15.5 cm long and 7.8 cm at

its widest point. It is about 1 cm
thick, although a longitudinal ridge
along one side is as much as 1.4 cm
thick. Two longitudinal scars along its
dorsal ridge suggest the removal of
previous blanks, and consequently, it
appears somewhat trapezoidal in cross-

If such "blade-like flakes" were used as
blanks, it is likely that special cores
were prepared to produce them. No such
cores, however, were uncovered during
the excavations at Harney Flats. Small
polyhedral cores (used for the removal
of blade-like flakes) were found, but
none is large enough to have produced a
flake such as that described above.

The next stage is the preform. Speci-
mens illustrated in Figures 2b, 3a, and
3b represent the initial shaping and
middle preform stage. The refitted
example is roughly shaped to a lanceo-
late form. These specimens are rela-
tively thick, and plano-convex in cross-
section (also indicative of a blade-like
blank). They also exhibit large flake
scars which originate from the lateral
margins. These are noted by Goodyear et
al. (1983:48) as diagnostic character-
istics of Suwannee and Simpson points.

Although the basic lanceolate form is
present in the refitted specimen
(Figures 2b and 3a), the edges are
somewhat irregular, and the lateral and
basal margins are definitely not ground.
Moreover, ears are not evident in this
initial stage although some specimens
exhibit a slight concavity at the base.

The remaining reforms are smaller and
display more flaking on their surfaces.
The one distinguishing characteristic of
this middle preform stage is the shape
of the lateral margins of the base.
This may reflect the difference between
the haft area of the Suwannee and
Simpson point (Bullen 1975:54-57). The
specimens with more parallel, straight-
sided bases are suggested to represent
Suwannee reforms (Figures 2c, 3c and















I m




\ /"\
1 \

/I \

/ \

Figure 2 (Continued). Suwannee/Simpson Point Continuum. (C) Middle Stage Suwannee Preform;
(D) Final Stage Suwannee Preform; (E) Completed Suwannee; (F) Middle Stage Simpson
Preform; (G) Final Stage Simpson Preform; (H) Completed Simpson.

Suwannee/Simpson Point Continuum.
(C-D) Middle Preform Stage.

(A-B) Initial Preform Stage;

Figure 3.

while the specimens with contracting or
tapering bases are thought to represent
Simpson reforms (Figure 2f, g). The
Simpson point has a noticeably indented
or wasted haft area compared to the
blade, as opposed to the Suwannee which
is only slightly wasted. Another
notable difference between the Suwannee
and the Simpson forms is that the ears
are not as well formed in the latter.

The specimens in Figures 2c, 3c, and 3b
represent middle stage reforms for the
Suwannee point. The lateral margins and
the bases of these forms are straight-
sided and lateral thinning is exhibited
along the midsection and the base.
Basal thinning is present on some
specimens although it appears to be
associated with straightening the base
in the preform stage and shaping the
concavity and the ears in the final

The specimen in Figures 2d and 4a
represents a completed, thinned and
shaped Suwannee preform. Lateral
thinning scars are prominent on one
side, while the other side displays
smaller pressure flaking at the lateral
margins that obscures the larger
thinning scars. Most of the pressure
flaking is restricted to the base, which
is slightly waisted. Although some
indication of an eared base is evident,
the ears are not fully developed and the
haft area is not ground. Lastly, the
blade appears in need of sharpening.
The final product would result in a
finished (but broken) Suwannee point
(Figures 2e and 4b).

Thirteen bifaces classified as Suwannees
were chosen for use-wear analysis. This
group consists of five complete or
nearly complete Suwannees and eight
basal fragments. One of the complete
specimens exhibited detectable traces of
wear and was classified as utilized.
This obviously resharpened point
displayed light step and hinge scarring
of one lateral margin in conjunction
with moderate rounding of the immediate
edge and adjacent surface features.

Based on comparison to experimental
tools, a sawing action against harder or
more resistant raw materials is
indicated. A second of the complete
Suwannee points has been reworked into
an endscraper configuration. Inten-
tional flaking of what was most likely a
transverse blade fracture has resulted
in an unifacially beveled distal margin.
A very light smoothing of the distal
margin was noted but was so slight as to
be indistinguishable from that which
might normally be attributable to
weathering. The specimen was thus
classified as indeterminate in regards
to utilization. Of the three remaining
Suwannee points, including another that
displayed evidence of resharpening, none
exhibited detectable traces of wear.

Examination of the eight Suwannee basal
fragments indicated that five were most
likely the result of the manufacturing
process. This conclusion was based on
flaking characteristics and on the lack
of preparation of basal elements for
hafting (i.e., grinding). Three basal
fragments, however, were thin, finely
flaked, and exhibited ground lateral
margins and basal concavities. These
specimens appeared to be finished
products transversely fractured slightly
above or at the termination of grinding
on the lateral margins. It is quite
possible that these basal fragments are
the result of haft snap, a transverse
fracture across the hafted portion of an
artifact that is likely due to
utilization (Johnson i979:26; 1981:26-
28). Such fractures could occur at the
junction of the hafted and unhafted
portions of the tool due to the stress
of impact, bending, or other forces
acting on the body of the tool.

Simpson Point

Middle stage Simpson reforms are
illustrated in Figures 2f and 4c. They
also exhibit lateral thinning flake
scars from larger reforms. The
tapering or "waisted" base is the
distinguishing feature of these
reforms. The stronger tapering of the



base in the Simpson preform is needed to
complete the final waiting which
distinguishes the Simpson from the
Suwannee. As noted above, such tapering
is not necessary for the more parallel-
sided Suwannee.

Late stage reforms, in a similar manner
to late stage Suwannee reforms, are
tninner than middle stage reforms and
also have shorter (smaller?) flake
removals along the lateral margins. The
final stage preform requires shaping the
ears by indenting along the margins and
at the base and would appear as in
Figures 2g and 4c. The basal concavity
is well formed and indented but lacks
basal and lateral grinding. It seems
evident that this specimen was broken
during manufacture because of inclusions
within the material. Figures 2h and 4f
snow a completed Simpson, although a
portion of one ear is broken and a flaw
is evident at the tip of one side of the

Only two Simpson points were chosen for
analysis. One specimen is a basal
fragment occurring as a result of a
transverse blade fracture or lateral
snap (Johnson 1979:25; 1981:26-28).
This fracture was associated with a
large cortex inclusion within the blade.
The lateral margins and basal concavity
are not ground. Evidence thus indicates
that this specimen is a late stage
production failure. No detectable wear
was noted on this tool.

The second specimen is a complete
Simpson exhibiting a slight alternate
beveling of its lateral margins
indicative of resharpening. Damage to
the immediate edge of these margins
consists chiefly of intermittent
rounding of edge prominences. Such
damage could be the result of use or
simply be remnant abrasion from edge
preparation from flaking (see Sheets
1973:215-218). The weathered condition
of the artifact precludes an attempt to
distinguish the two types of damage.
The specimen was therefore classified as
indeterminate in regards to utilization.

Lozenge-shaped Bifaces

A group of twenty-three smaller
lanceolates are also present in the
assemblage (Figure 5a-c). these are
similar to what Goodyear et al.
(1983:51) term narrow lozenge-shaped
forms. They are small, sometimes
delicately made, and as Goodyear noted,
should date to the Paleo-Indian period
based on their technological attributes.

Lateral thinning is common on these
forms although some specimens exhibit
small basal flake scars that originate
from their bases. Unlike the Suwannees,
no lateral grinding is apparent on their

Some of the small lanceolates could be
reforms for smaller Suwannee points but
most appear to be finished rather than
in a stage of transition. In addition,
they appear rather small to be reforms.

Other than those mentioned by Goodyear,
this type of biface has not been
emphasized in the literature as dating
to the Paleo-Indian period. This
probably results from the lack of
general basal distinctiveness which
characterizes Suwannee or Simpson
points, although the small lanceolates
do exhibit certain technological
similarities. As a result of the
excavations at Harney Flats, however,
this form of biface can be assigned to
the Paleo-Indian period based on both
contextual and technological

The group of seven lozenge shaped
bifaces selected for use-wear analysis
consists of four basal fragments and
three complete specimens. The four
basal fragments all are the result of
transverse blade fractures or lateral
snaps (Johnson 1979:25; 1981:26-28), the
majority being associated with
structural flaws within the body of the
tool. Flaking characteristics step
fracture anomalies, edge preparation
remnants, and breakage patterns suggest
that these specimens are late stage




Suwannee/Simpson Point Continuum. (A) Final Stage Preform; (B) Completed (Broken) Suwannee; (C) Middle
Stage Simpson Preform; (D) Final Stage (Broken) Simpson Preform; (E) Completed Simpson.

!" f!^

Figure 4.



Figure 5. (A-C) Lozenge Shaped Bifaces; (D-F) Other Lanceolates.


(A-C) End Scrapers; (D-F) Discoidal Scrapers.


Figure 6.




production failures. No detectable
traces of wear were identified on any of
these basal fragments.

The tnree complete lozenge bifaces
include two classified as preforms and
one nearly finished form. Again,
flaking characteristics, edge
preparation patterns, artifact
thickness, etc-, suggest that these
bifaces represent middle to late
manufacturing stages. The lateral
margins of these specimens exhibit no
distinguishable traces of wear. What is
common on the lateral margins of these
specimens are identifiable grinding
remnants, presumably the result of
preparation of these edges for flaking
(see Sheets 1973:215-218).

Other Lanceolates

The remaining lanceolates are broken or
exhausted forms (Figure 5d-e). These
include bases that appear to be the
smaller variety of Suwannee or Simpson
described by Goodyear et al. (1983).
One of these exhibits reworking of the
distal end into a steep edge similar to
the Suwannee end scrapers, sometimes
described in the literature (e.g.,
Goodyear, Thomas and Warren 1968:91;
Purdy 1981:11-12). Such multiple use
and recycling is common in the lithic
assemblages of eastern Paleo-Indians
(Goodyear 1979).


The unifacial assemblage from the Harney
Flats site is divided into several
classes. The unifaces that appear to
meet the criteria for curated or
personal gear (Binford 1979:262~-263;
1977:33-34) include end scrapers,
discoidal scrapers and oblong scrapers.
These tool types display a consistency
in form evident in Paleo-Indian
assemblages throughout North America.
They also demonstrate considerable
effort in manufacture, suggesting longer
use lives (see Goodyear 1974; House
1975). These tools exhibit evidence of
maintenance (i.e., resharpening),


portability (i-.e., hafting or small
size), and flexibility (i-e., designs
that can be transformed from one tool
form to another). The bifaces discussed
previously also fall within the curated
gear category since they, too, display
formal shapes.

The remaining unifaces are classified as
expedient or situational gear (Binford
1979:264-266; 1977:33-34). These
include thick and thin unifaces. The
primary difference between thick and
thin unifaces is an arbitrary one —- the
thickness of the working edge. If the
edge of the tool was consistently more
than 10 mm thick, it was classified as a
thick uniface; on the other hand, if it
was 10 mm or less it was classified as a
thin uniface. Both thick and thin
unifaces are made from flakes of various
sizes and tend to be larger than the
formal unifaces.

Based on their larger size and variable
form, we assume that the thick unifaces
were predominately nand held tools (see
Keeley 1982:801). When a tool is
hafted, its margins tend to be regular.
Hand held tools, however, can
conceivably have any or all of the edges
modified or resharpened. Consequently,
they usually display greater
morphological variability. Almost all
of the retouch on these tools is limited
to the flake margins along tne working
edge, although some specimens exhibit
flaking characteristics more commonly
found on the curated tools. Based on
Gould's ethnoarchaeological studies, the
marginally retouched, hand-held tools
tend to be expediently used and
discarded (Gould 1980:118-119, 127-129).

End Scrapers

One hundred and thirty-four end scrapers
were recovered at Harney Flats, 95 of
which are whole (Figure 6a-c). The
remainder are mostly proximal and distal
fragments. These tools appear similar
to the “trianguloid end scrapers”
commonly found on many early sites in
the southeast including the Hardaway

39 (1-2)

site (Coe 1964), the Brand site
(Goodyear 1974), Russel Cave (Griffin
1974) and the Stanfield-Worley Bluff
Shelter (DeJarnette et al. 1962).

A prominent tool in early assemblages,
the end scraper is traditionally
described as a roughly triangular or
tear-dropped shaped flake with a rounded
working edge, usually opposite the end
with the striking platform. It is
characterized by tapering stem, by
extensive retouch often tending to
diminish the lateral margins, and by a
steeply chipped working edge (MacDonald
1968:90). Almost half of the end
scrapers from Harney Flats are ovoid or
oval with most of the remainder being
more rectangular in plan view. A basic
flake morphology is evident as
approximately half still retain a
striking platform or bulb of percussion.

Lateral marginal chipping, resulting in
a tapering effect, has traditionally
been interpreted as an attempt to shape
the stem for hafting. This feature is
observed on practically all of the
Harney Flats end scrapers. As Morse
(1973:27) noted, shaping of the margins
allows the artifact to be easily hafted
without binding by inserting it within a
hollowed-out antler handle. This is not
to suggest, however, that this was the
only means for hafting a scraper.
Keeley (1982:799) proposes two other
types of haft arrangements besides the
"jam" or wedge haft described above.
These are the "wrapped" or tied haft
where the tool is lashed to a handle or
shaft, and a mastic haft where an
implement is secured by means of a glue,
resin or tar.

Two other lines of evidence suggest the
end scrapers were hafted. The first is
the removal of one or two flakes from
the ventral surface at the proximal end
of the tool. This deliberate removal of
a few flakes from an otherwise unchipped
surface near the stem end (particularly
the bulb of percussion) provides a
better hafting surface. Second,

evidence is also found in the broken end
scrapers themselves. Most of these
fragments include proximal or distal
ends, frequently formed by lateral snaps
where the stem joins the scraping end;
perhaps a result of a strong force
applied through the stem. The same
breakage pattern was observed at the
Brand site where Goodyear (1974:44)
assumed that hand holding could not
exert enough force to snap such a thick
part of the tool. Apparently, only
hafted tools would exhibit such breakage

As a whole, these tools more closely
resemble Coe's (1964:75) variety of
Class I end scrapers, which are made
from trimmed, prismatic flakes, rather
than the tear drop variety, with flaking
covering the dorsal surface. On the
other hand, a few of the end scrapers
are much larger and shaped differently
than those described above. They are
triangular in shape, much thicker, and
probably are recycled from the broken
oblong scrapers described below.

Twenty-four end scrapers were randomly
selected for use-wear analysis. Three
of these tools, after a preliminary
evaluation, were considered unsuitable
for further study due to their
fragmentary nature or due to excessive
damage attributable to weathering.
Fourteen of these tools, based on an
examination of edge scarring and
abrasive damage patterns, were
classified as utilized. The
distribution of wear traces along
working edges indicates that the
majority of these tools were employed in
a scraping mode of use. Three tools
exhibit bifacial damage to lateral
margins suggestive of use in a cutting
or sawing action. Finally, the working
edge of one specimen displays a
projection intentionally fabricated and
used in graving. The intensity of
working edge damage indicates that most
of these tools were used to work medium
to hard raw materials. Two tools
exhibit extremely light damage to
working edges possibly attributable to



working a medium material but which may
reflect contact with an even less
resistant, i.e., soft, work material.
Edge angles of working edges used in
scraping and graving range from 61 to 80
degrees with a mean of 69 degrees. Edge
angles of the tools used in sawing were
similarly high, ranging from 51 to 65
degrees, with a mean of 60 degrees.

Seven of the twenty-four endscrapers
examined were classified as
indeterminate in terms of wear analysis.
Two of these tools exhibit such slight
alteration of their immediate edges that
it could not be ascertained whether such
damage was attributable to use or simply
to edge erosion due to weathering.
Three tools exhibit rounding and
scarring of distal margins identifiable
as grinding and intentional flaking in
what appears to be attempts to reshape
or resharpen the bit portion of the
tools. Finally, two tools exhibit no
distinguishable traces of wear and
display flaking characteristics and
breakage patterns that suggest they are
production failures.

Discoidal Scrapers

These unifaces are similar to the end
scrapers except that they are more
circular in outline (Figure 6d-f). They
may be the hand held version of the
hafted tool (see Morse 1973:27). Sixty-
seven are present in the Harney Flats
assemblage, of which sixty-five are
whole. Over half of this class of tools
lack a striking platform, exhibit
retouch around their entire
circumference, and many have their
entire dorsal surface retouched. A
smaller percentage are bilaterally and
distally retouched with unworked
proximal or platform edges. It is
assumed that these tools could have been
hand held and the working edge used and
rotated as needed.

These unifaces are similar in form to
Coe's (1964:78) oval scrapers, with one
variety being made from broad thin
flakes. The discoidal end scrapers from

the Brand site (Goodyear 1974:46) are
also somewhat similar to the small thin
discoidal unifaces in the assemblage.
The group with retouch around their
entire circumference are similar to
those illustrated in Cambron and Hulse

Twelve discoidal unifaces were randomly
selected for use-wear analysis. Nine of
the sample, based on an examination of
scarring and abrasive damage patterns,
were classified as utilized. The
distribution of wear traces along
working edges indicates that eight of
these tools were employed in a scraping
mode of use. The nineth specimen
classified as utilized exhibits a
projection intentionally fabricated and
used in graving. The intensity of
working edge damage on these tools
indicates that five were used to work
hard raw materials and the balance
medium to less resistant materials.
Edge angles of working edges used in
scraping and graving ranged from 57 to
76 degrees with a mean of 68 degrees.

Three of the twelve discoidal unifaces
examined were classified as
indeterminate in terms of wear analysis.
Damage to the margins of these tools
consisted of such slight or light edge
alteration that it could not be
ascertained whether such damage was
attributable to use, raw material
graininess, the effects of weathering or
to some combination of these factors.

Oblong Scrapers

The final curated tool form in the
uniface category is the oblong scraper.
Eighty are present in the Harney Flats
assemblage. This is a relatively narrow
(oblong), thick tool; about half of
which exhibit flaking over their entire
dorsal surface. They appear mostly oval
or ovoid in plan view although a small
percentage are either triangular,
crescentric, or lanceolate. Over half
of these specimens are plano-convex in
cross section, followed by triangular or



trapezoidal shapes. These different
shapes are not viewed as different tool
types but rather as different stages in
a use life continuum. A simple
transformation in the life history of an
oblong scraper is postulated in Figure
7. The flexibility of this tool form is
evident as it could ultimately appear as
any of the exhausted forms in Figure 8.

Similar unifacial forms have been
recovered from various other contexts in
Florida (e.g., Warren 1973:119-120;
Bullen 1958:Plate VIII G). Purdy
(1981:18-19) describes a collection of
33 specimens which she calls "Hendrix
scrapers" and identifies them as being
part of a Paleo-Indian "tool kit". Many
of the tools illustrated in her work are
virtually identical to those found at
Harney Flats. She also notes a
difference in the size range of this
tool type, which we view as resulting
from use and resnarpening. Purdy
indicates that all these specimens were
used as scrapers, with some utilized for
cutting and piercing. She also
describes another type, the "snub-nosed
(oblong) scraper", as belonging to the
Paleo-Indian "tool-kit". Again, we
would not view the Hendrix and snub-
nosed scraper as different types but as
variations of a single tool form.

It is uncertain if this type of uniface
is present in other North American
Paleo-Indian assemblages, however, some
morphologically similar specimens may be
present at the Shoop (Pennsylvania) and
Bull Brook (Massachusetts) sites
(Witthoft 1952; Byers 1954). Witthoft
(1952:478) has described the Enterline
side scraper as an unhafted pointed
tool, one to three inches long and
steeply retouched on the two long edges
and also at the tip. It is unifacial
and made on either a flat or a curved
flake. Unlike the Harney Flats
specimens, the remnants of the bulb of
percussion are generally at the pointed
rather than the long end.

Fourteen oblong unifaces were randomly
selected for use-wear analysis. In

regard to this particular group, the
limitations imposed on analysis by
patination, weathering, staining, and
raw material coarsness were excessive.
Of the sample, only three specimens
could be classified as utilized based on
assessment of edge scarring and abrasive
damage patterns. The distribution of
edge damage indicates that two of these
tools were used in a scraping action.
The intensity of edge damage suggests
that these implements were used to work
medium to hard raw materials. One of
these tools also shows some damage at
the more tapered end that may indicate
some use in a graving action. Working
edge angles of these tools were 64 and
65 degrees respectively. The third tool
classified as utilized was employed in a
sawing or low angled rasping motion on
material of medium hardness. The
working edge angle of this tool is 55

Five of the oblong unifaces examined
were classified as indeterminate in
terms of wear analysis. Three of these
tools exhibit such slight alteration of
their immediate edges that it cannot be
determined whether such damage is the
result of use or of edge erosion due to
weathering. Two other specimens exhibit
flaking characteristics and/or
identifiable grinding patterns that
suggest that they were either in
production or in a reworking or
resharpening episode at the point of
discard. Finally, six tools, five of
silicified coral and one of silicified
limestone, were fabricated from
extremely coarse or grainy raw materials
which were subsequently severely
weathered. While some edge damage or
edge alteration can be seen on a number
of these specimens, it cannot be
accurately identified as to origin given
the poor condition of these artifacts.
These specimens are basically unsuitable
for use-wear analysis.

Thick Unifaces

Two hundred and forty thick unifaces,
the majority of which are broken, were



Figure 7. Oblong Scraper Continuum.



Figure 8. (A-F) "Exhausted" Oblong Scrapers.


recovered at Harney Flats. This class
of tools includes flakes that are
unifacially retouched along their
margins with working edges greater than
10 mm in thickness (Figure 9a, b). A
flake morphology is evident as many
still retain a striking platform with a
wide variety of plan view shapes. The
predominant forms are irregular, oval,
ovoid, and triangular. The working
edges are mostly convex, subconvex, or
straight. A few are irregular or
concavo-convex. The shapes of the
working edges are felt to be primarily
the result of two factors. Since these
tools are made from flakes with minimal
retouch, it is likely that the shapes of
the edges generally conform to the
outline of the flake. The other
possibility is that use and resharpening
influenced to a degree the shape of the
edge. This latter possibility is not as
likely, however, since the majority of
the specimens are probably expedient
tools with little intentional shaping
along the edge beyond the initial
retouching. They were probably
manufactured for a specific task and
discarded upon its completion, with
little chance for further reuse or

Some of these specimens are equivalent
to Coe's (1964:77-78) sidescraper I or
II types from the Hardaway site. The
thick uniface category also includes a
type of uniface sometimes referred to as
a humped-back or turtle back scraper.
Harney Flats' examples are generally
round, plano-convex in cross section and
exhibit steep edges. Many appear to
have originally been polyhedral cores
that are slightly reshaped for use in
scraping. Similar tool forms are
present in other highway salvage
excavations in Hillsborough County
(e.g., Daniel 1982:117). Cambron and
Hulse identify similar specimens as oval
core scrapers and note the possible
association with Paleo-Indian and Early
Archaic sites in Alabama (1964:7).

Forty-five thick unifaces were randomly
selected for use-wear analysis. Of the

sample, twelve specimens were classified
as utilized based on an assessment of
edge scarring and abrasive damage
patterns. The distribution of edge
damage along working edges indicates
that ten of these tools were used in a
scraping action. Two tools exhibited
bifacial damage characteristic of use in
a sawing action. One of these also
displayed a projection used in graving.
The intensity of edge damage suggests
that these tools were used to work
medium to hard materials. Edge angles
of the tools used in scraping ranged
from 55 to 84 degrees with a mean of 69
degrees. Edge angles of working edges
used in sawing were 60 and 62 degrees

Ten of the forty-five thick unifaces
examined exhibit damage to portions of
their margins that was not amenable to
clear or precise interpretation. Three
of these tools exhibit such slight
alteration of their immediate edges that
it cannot be determined whether such
damage is the result of use or of edge
erosion due to weathering. Seven other
tools exhibit more extensive damage to
portions of their margins that cannot be
distinguished as the result of use,
spurious damage, intentional flaking,
edge preparation prior to flaking, or
some weathering phenomena. Much of the
difficulty in assessing such damage is
due to or aggravated by the coarseness
or graininess of the raw materials from
which many of the tools were fabricated
and by the adverse effects of patination
and weathering. These tools were
therefore classified as indeterminate in
regards to wear analysis. In a similar
fashion, two additional thick unifaces
were totally excluded from analysis due
to extremely severe weathering in one
case and due to severe damage caused by
exposure to heat in another.

The balance of the sample consists of
thirteen basically complete specimens
and eight uniface fragments. Flaking
characteristics, remnant cortex, edge
preparation patterns, and breakage
patterns suggest that most, if not all,



of these specimens are detritus
associated with uniface production.
While no distinguishable traces of wear
occur on any of these artifacts all are
affected, at least to some degree, by
edge and surface erosion due to
weathering. These artifacts, therefore,
were also classified as indeterminate in
terms of wear analysis.

Thin Unifaces

This class comprises a vast array of
unifacially retouched flakes with
working edges of 10 mm or less in
thickness (Figure 9c-e). These would
include some unifacially retouched
flakes that are usually placed in a
modified flake or flake tool category.
One hundred and forty-two broken and
whole thin unifaces are present in this
class. A basic flake morphology is
evident in these tools as many retain a
striking platform and exhibit no cortex.
Once again, it appears that emphasis is
placed on retouch of the working edge,
although a few examples exhibit a more
formal shape with some extensive retouch
over the dorsal surface.

Many of these unifaces resemble Coe's
Sidescraper Type III made from "thin
narrow flakes" (Coe 1964:79), although
they are not restricted to this.
Similarly, the steeply chipped side
scrapers at the Brand site (Goodyear
1974:47-50) also appear similar in form.

Twenty-six thin unifaces were randomly
selected for use-wear analysis. Based
on an examination of edge scarring and
abrasive damage patterns, seven of this
group were classified as utilized. The
distribution of wear traces along
working edges indicates that these tools
were employed in a scraping mode of use.
The intensity of edge damage suggests
that five of these tools were used to
work materials of medium hardness and
two tools, hard materials. Working edge
angles on the implements ranged from 41
to 70 degrees with a mean of 59 degrees.

Eight of the twenty-six thin unifaces

examined exhibit such slight alteration
of their immediate edges that it cannot
be determined whether such damage is the
result of use or erosion due to normal
weathering processes. To restate, such
damage could be the result of working a
material of soft to medium hardness, the
result of simple weathering of an unused
edge, or the result of subsequent
weathering of a lightly used edge.
Thus, a clear or precise interpretation
of edge damage on these particular tools
is not feasible. It should be noted,
however, that a number of these tools
possess finely flaked potential working
edges. Two additional thin unifaces
were also classified as indeterminate
due to problems in interpretation caused
by weathering and spurious damage on one
specimen and due to the removal of the
majority of the working edge of the
other. Damage to the latter appeared to
have occurred in a reworking or
resharpening episode.

Seven of the twenty-six unifaces
examined consisted of two complete
specimens and five fragments. Flaking
characteristics, edge preparation
remnants, remnant cortex, and breakage
patterns all indicate that these
artifacts represent later stage
production failures. Since some slight
edge alteration occasionally occurs, or
might be expected, on portions of these
artifacts they too are classified as
indeterminate in terms of microwear
analysis. Finally, two artifacts were
so severely damaged as evidenced by
potlidding, crazing and some edge
shattering due to accidental exposure to
heat, that they were in an unsuitable
condition for use-wear analysis.

The Remaining Assemblage


Four main types of cores occur in the
Harney Flats assemblage. They are
bifacial, unidirectional polyhedrall),
multidirectional and possible micro



C 0

Figure 9. (A-B) Thick Unifaces; (C-E) Thin Unifaces.





V ~ -,.~i

";i _-S~fl -~



- pi~

,* C.

,O u










cores. Numerous core fragments are also
present. Virtually all of these cores
are made of chert (silicified

Only 16 bifacial cores and fragments are
present, most of which are fragments.
Two of the complete bifacial cores are
noteworthy. The first is a large oval
shaped piece resembling a "handaxe"
(Figure 10a). It weigns 654 gm and
measures 155 x 103 mm. Large flake
scars are present, presumably produced
from hard percussion flake removals,
this core appears to be in an early
stage of preparation. The second
specimen is more circular (133 x 121 mm)
and weighs 766 gm. It also exhibits
large flake removals, presumably
resulting from early stage reductions.

The flexibility of the bifacial core
form is noted elsewhere (Keeley
1980:160-162). As a core form it could
be used to manufacture flakes for
subsequent use, or it could be modified
and used as a tool itself. This tool
type is part of the assemblage at Wells
Creek (Dragoo 1973:20).

Unidirectional (Polyhedral) Cores

Eighteen cores of this type are present
in the assemblage (Figure lOb-c). They
usually have a prepared flat top (the
striking platform), and are cone-shaped
as a result of the removal of
unidirectional blade-like flakes.
Others are wider and more domed-shaped,
resembling large unifaces. In fact,
many of the thick unifaces appear to
have been cores that were subsequently
resharpened for use as unifaces.
Polyhedral cores used as scrapers were
also recovered from the Wells Creek site
(Dragoo 1973:39-42).

Multidirectional Cores

Thirty-two multidirectional cores were
recovered at Harney Flats. These are
large, amorphous pieces, and may weigh

as much as several hundred grams. They
all evidence flake removal from several
different directions; however, almost
all of the specimens contain bands of
impurities or inclusions which would
nave made further reduction difficult.
Although they are classified as cores,
some of the larger specimens also may
have functioned as anvils, since they
display small round pits and linear cut-
like depressions. These pits occur on
the smoother portions of the specimen
which are not generally conducive to
proper flake removal.

Micro Cores

The final class of cores consists of
seven specimens that may be described as
microcores. They are small, roughly 20-
25 mm on a side, and range in weight
from 6 to 37 grams. The flake removals
occur from at least two directions, but
none would be categorized as bipolar.
Similar specimens have been recovered
from primarily Archaic contexts at other
sites in Hillsborough County (e.g.,
Gagel 1981:282; Welch 1983:79).

The exact function of these cores is
uncertain. They could be used for the
production of microliths; however, no
microliths were recovered from the
Harney Flats site. If microliths were
intentionally manufactured at the site,
it is possible that they could have
broken or been missed in the screening
process. On the other hand, these
specimens could represent exhausted
cores. Due to the proximity of
available raw materials, the latter
seems improbable.


Fifty-five hammerstones, approximately
half of which are broken, were recovered
at Harney Flats. These include several
cores recycled as hammerstones. Three
general shapes are present within the
group, although some overlap is evident.
The first group is roughly spherical in
shape, and varies from approximately 31
to 80 mm in diameter. This includes six





Figure 11. Hammerstones.



It 9

V; 1

Figure 12. Sandstone Abraders (Obverse and Reverse).



small hammerstones that weigh 20 to 80
grams. Within the larger group some
weights exceed 500 grams (Figure lla-c).

The second group includes oblong
nammerstones that tend to be about one
and a half times longer than they are
wide (Figure lld-e). They vary in
weight from 80 to 560 grams. The final
group is more irregular in shape and
consists primarily of hammerstones
recycled from cores. Their irregular
shape probably results from their
original core form. They display
battering and pitting, mostly on former
edges or striking platforms. They
usually weigh several hundred grams. It
is also interesting that on at least
three occasions, two or three
hammerstones were found together in the
excavations and appeared to be "cached"
for future use.


Six pieces of sandstone, three of which
definitely functioned as abraders, form
another part of the assemblage. The
first two (Figure 12) found together in
an apparent cache, are made of
foraminiferal packstone. This rock is a
type of limestone composed of quartz
sand and phosphate pellets, with
abrasive qualities. Outcrops of this
sandstone are common in the area, the
nearest known source being along Cow
House Creek just north of the site (Sam
Upchurch, personal communication). The
first is a blocky piece weighing 501
grams and exhibits two grooves on
opposite sides (Figure 12a). The first
groove runs across one flat face for
about 75 mm. It is 2 5 mm deep, 4 6
mm wide, and somewhat U-shaped in cross
section. The groove on the opposite
flat face is 62 mm long, distinctly more
V-shaped in cross section and is 2 5
mm deep and 4 8 mm wide.

Its companion piece is also blocky but
heavier (675 gm) and exhibits no grooves
(Figure 12b). Instead it is
characterized by smooth flat working
faces on four sides of the block. This

suggests that the flat face of the stone
was being placed against the material
worked. These faces are smooth to the
touch in contrast to the rougher, grainy
natural surface.

Another sandstone object was also
recovered, less than one meter away from
the cache described above. It contains
larger quartz particles and is smaller
(132 gm) and more amorphous in form.
There are at least eleven grooves at
various locations and angles on its
surface. They vary in length and depth
and sometimes cross cut each other. The
longest groove is also the deepest (5 -
6 mm), and is V-shaped in cross section
and about 6 mm wide.

The grooved abraders possibly functioned
to grind the hafted edges of points or
for the production of bone tools such as
points, pins, and perforators. Bone
tools were probably an important part of
Paleo-Indian assemblages (see Frison and
Zeimens 1980), while bone "pins" in
particular are alleged to have been
important in Florida for this time
period (Waller 1983). It is difficult
to be specific about the function of the
flat abrader, but it too was probably
used for working bone.

The remaining pieces of sandstone are
also included in this group, but unlike
the preceding specimens, they have no
grooves or apparent utilization and may
be fragments of larger pieces.

In addition to the above tools,
artifacts from the early component
include adzes, hafted spokeshaves,
flakes with projections, blade-like
flakes, some implements made of exotic
non-cryptocrystalline stone and a
tremendous quantity of flake debitage.
With the exception of the debitage,
these additional artifacts represent a
minor percentage of the assemblage. A
complete description of these remaining
artifacts and a more detailed record of
all tool attributes and dimensions is
presented in the final report (Daniel
and Wisenbaker 1984b).



The Organization Of A Suwannee

Mobility and Raw Material Selection

Goodyear (1979) argues that evidence for
the high mobility of Paleo-Indian groups
can be seen in the geographic
distribution of exotic or non-local raw
material used in the fabrication of
stone tools present in many Paleo-Indian
sites in Eastern North America. Based
on an argument by Binford (1979),
Goodyear sees this phenomenon as
representing embedded strategies of raw
material procurement. Binford notes
that as groups move seasonally to
different locales they gather lithic raw
material indigenous to that region.
Only in an emergency were special trips
made to procure material.

From my perspective, the
presence of exotic cherts may
be a fair measure of the
mobility scale of the
adaptation appearing as a
consequence of the normal
functioning of the system, with
no extra effort expended in
their procurement (Binford

Based on this argument, Goodyear feels
that most of the exotic remains in
Paleo-Indian sites are the result of

While the mobility of Paleo-Indian
groups in Eastern North America appears
well established, little is known about
the mobility of groups in Florida.
Recently, however, new research has made
the beginnings of the study of early
hunter-gather mobility possible through
identification of stone tool raw
material selection. Based on the
development of a geological method of
chert source identification by Upchurch,
Strom and Nuckels (1983), source
identification of lithic raw materials
is now a possibility in Florida.
Goodyear et al. (1983), have recently
conducted a preliminary raw material

study on a sample of 27 Paleo-Indian
lanceolate-shaped points from the Tampa
Bay region. Based on the presence of
non-local chert present in other Eastern
Paleo-Indian sites, Goodyear hoped that
specimens of material from quarry areas
outside the Tampa Bay region would be
found in the sample. In contrast to
this pattern, however, no exotic cherts
(i.e., from outside the Tampa Bay
region) were identified in the study.

Some reasons were offered for this
apparent anomaly. First, the results
may simply be a function of the small
sample size. On the other hand, it may
represent a pattern in Florida which
resulted from the fairly continuous
availability of chert along the central
Florida Gulf coastal area. As Goodyear
et al. note "... it may be the degree of
curation was less such that tools were
not used for long enough periods of time
to travel as far as the person"
(1983:61). In addition, the movement of
Paleo-Indian settlement systems may have
not been north to south along the state
as projected, but rather east to west
along the various drainages emptying
into the Gulf of Mexico. An east to
west pattern following drainages along
the Gulf Coastal Lowlands and Polk
Upland has been postulated for the
Archaic period (Daniel 1985) and may
have had its origins in the Paleo-Indian
period. As noted earlier, it has long
been recognized that some early sites
are now innundated and many representing
the Paleo-Indian settlement system may
be underwater in Tampa Bay.

Examination of the Harney Flats material
by Upchurch (1984) yielded similar
results in that no exotic cherts were
observed in the sample of bifaces (n=36)
or unifaces (n=240). Only raw materials
from the Hillsborough River and Upper
Withlacoochee River Quarry Clusters were
identified (i.e., within a few
kilometers of Harney Flats). In fact it
is believed that much of the material
came from within the immediate vicinity
of the site. The overwhelming choices
for raw material at Harney Flats were



the limestone replaced cherts as opposed
to the silicified corals present in the

Within the silicified limestone there
appears to be a preference of chert
types for bifaces. Two chert Types were
equally prominent (36%) in our sample;
pelodial grainstones-breccias and
mudstone-grainstone fabrics. This may
reflect a preference for these raw
materials in bifaces as 17 of the 27
bifaces in Goodyear's study are
manufactured from these chert types.
Moreover, it has been observed that many
Suwannee and Bolen points are often made
of pelodial grainstones-breccias; which
are often referred to by amateur
archaeologists in the area as "old
flint" or "bay bottom chert" Goodyear et
al. 1983:58). It is noteworthy that the
source for this material is now believed
to be located underwater in Tampa Bay
(Upchurch 1984; Goodyear et al.
1983:58), but would have been exposed
during lower sea level stands when what
is now Tampa Bay was a River Valley
during Paleo-Indian times.

A somewhat similar pattern is exhibited
in the raw material selection in the
unifaces. Mudstone-grainstone chert
types are predominent (60%), followed by
pelodial grainstones-breccias (27%).
The implications of these studies are
still unclear, but they suggest that the
Paleo-Indian groups in Florida may not
have been as mobile as they were
elsewhere in Eastern North America.
Given that Florida is a peninsula, and
therefore a relatively restricted land
mass, this should not be surprising. It
is still likely, however, that a spatial
or temporal incongruence existed between
resources at some point in the yearly
round, and there was still a need for a
portable and flexible assemblage of
stone tools. This is demonstrated in
the choice of limestone replaced cherts
over silicified corals. This is also
consistent with the resutls of
Goodyear's study and reflects the
pattern elsewhere in Eastern North
America, of a preference for quality

cryptocrystalline raw material by Paleo-

The Curated Toolkit: Evidence of
Maintence and Recycling.

A certain regularity in tool forms
across North America has long been
recognized for the Paleo-Indian time
period. This characteristic is also
observed in the assemblage at Harney
Flats. As noted earlier, certain
classes of tools exhibited greater
degrees of labor in manufacture and are
therefore believed to have been curated
(cf. Binford 1977; 1973). That is, many
of the unifaces exhibited a formal shape
as a result of substantial retouch and
modification. This is viewed as an
indication of a relatively longer use-
life, or planned use-life. This would
be manifested in tools being transported
from site to site and maintained by
reshapening and recycling. The evidence
for this is present in other Paleo-
Indian assemblages (Goodyear 1979:12).
As outlined below, there is more
evidence of tool maintenance than tool
recycling in the Harney Flats
assemblage. This is believed to be a
consequence of the site's location in an
area where raw materials were abundant.
This factor would lessen the need to
transform one tool form into another.

Tool curation can be outlined on a class
by class basis at Harney Flats. The
hafted lanceolate bifaces are the most
distinct and perhaps the best made tools
in the entire assemblage. Hafting
implies portability and therefore
curation. A pattern of tool maintenance
has been observed in resharpening the
blade and tip edges of these points
(Goodyear et al. 1983) and also observed
in our assemblage. Only a single case
of biface recycling is present; where a
Suwannee point is transformed into an
end scraper. Such cases have been
reported elsewhere (Goodyear, Thomas and
Warren 1968), but are apparently rare.
Such occurrences are interesting,
however, since they probably reflect
instances of "personal gear" being



transformed into "situational gear" (cf.
Binford 1979). In certain situations
where a tool need is immediate but
unavailable, almost any readily
available material is utilized to
complete the task. Moreover, Binford
notes that these instances of drafting
personal gear into situational gear take
place under conditions of low raw
material availability and are most
likely to occur at special purpose

Another tool form believed to be hafted
is the end scraper. Again, these tools
appear to be maintained rather than
recycled. Many short stubby specimens
occur in the collection and are believed
to have been exhausted and discarded at
the site. It is likely that other end
scrapers were manufactured to replace
them. Such evidence for "retooling"
(see Keeley 1982), which is thought to
have been a primary activity at the
site, is exhibited in the analysis of
site structure (Daniel and Wisenbaker
1984b:305-309). No evidence of
recycling end scrapers into other tool
forms is indicated in the assemblage,
unlike Debert (MacDonald 1968:91) and
Vail (Gramly 1982:34) where end scrapers
were transformed into pieces esquillees
(bipolar cores), used for the production
of small flakes (Goodyear 1982). Use of
these tools for cores is believed to be
related to the relative scarcity of raw
material. Since the availability of raw
material was not a problem at Harney
Flats, the transformation of end
scrapers into cores would be

Another unifacial tool form, the oblong
scraper, represents a good example of
the flexibility of the assemblage.
Although some could have been hafted,
the majority appear to have been hand
held. The variations in shape are seen
as representing dynamic stages of tool
use and resharpening. The flexibility
manifested in these forms suggested a

tool design capable of rejuvenation or
alteration into forms suitable for a
particular occasion (e.g., pointed at
one end for perforation or graving).
Additionally, some specimens were
apparently recycled into end scrapers.
Other broken or shortened specimens
evidenced resnarpening into large end
scraper forms. Like the transformations
of Suwannee points into end scrapers,
these recycling probably took place
when the need arose for a functional
form that was not present in the tool
kit and consequently had to be recycled
from an available tool form.

These occurrences have implications for
the interpretation of site function.
Since raw materials were readily
available at Harney Flats, end scrapers
could easily nave been manufactured
without having to be recycled from
another tool form. This suggests that
this tool recycling took place elsewhere
and these tools were subsequently
brought to Harney Flats and discarded.
If so, it is likely that they were not
necessarily used there, but rather
represent examples of the final stages
of an exhausted tool kit brought to the
site to be discarded and replaced (see
Gramly 1980).

Perhaps the best example of flexibility
in the assemblage is the bifacial core.
It is probably the most general purpose
tool in the assemblage since it could
fulfill a number of different purposes
if needed. When properly reduced, the
bifacial core could function as an
handaxe. If large enough, it could
serve as a core from which flakes could
be removed. Ultimately, it could even
be shaped into a point. Its most
important property, however, is
undoubtably its portability.

To provide for all these tasks
with flakes, one would need to
carry an inconvenient number of
them of various sizes, shapes



and edge angles, plus, perhaps,
a core and hammerstone -- not a
very handy assortment to carry
on the chase (Keeley 1980:161).

The Organization of the Technology at
Harney Flats

We believe that the apparent abundance
of available raw material at Harney
Flats has influenced assemblage
composition. This is perhaps best
reflected in the large number of
unifaces, both curated and expedient.
The relatively large number of both
classes of tools is interesting in
itself. The presence of curated tools
at Harney Flats may not necessarily
indicate that they were utilized there,
but rather that they were simply
discarded and replaced by others.
Indeed, evidence of actual tool use at
Harney Flats is probably best seen in
the expedient unifaces.

The many expedient unifacial tools at
Harney Flats is consistent with the
model of expedient tools being utilized
at sites near sources of lithic
material, while curated tools are
conserved for use elsewhere (cf. Keeley
1982:803-804). The implication is that
sites away from lithic sources
(habitation or special purposes sites)
should contain curated unifaces as
opposed to the expedient forms.
However, Binford (1976), has argued that
curated tools are not always found at
the sites where they are used.

... if broken in the context of
use, (curated tools) are
frequently transported to
residential locations where
they may be recycled or
repaired for future use

The relatively large numbers of curated
tools at sites near quarries may be
evidence for the discarding of exhausted
tools and their replacement by newly

manufactured forms. A group about to
leave a site near lithic raw material
may have retooled in anticipation of
future travel in areas where there may
not be enough time or suitable material
to manufacture tools (see Gramly 1980;
Keeley 1982:803-804). Consequently,
curated forms may have been deposited at
sites near lithic sources where they are
replaced, and repaired or recycled at
habitation sites where fresh raw
material is not readily available.

There are indications in the assemblage
at Harney Flats for the portable and
flexible technology postulated by
Goodyear. More evidence is found,
however, for tool manufacture than for
tool maintenance. The curated tools
reflect an assemblage with low
diversity. That is, it is a general
purpose tool kit containing
multifunctional tools. This
organization is entirely consistent with
mobile groups.

Due to the relatively high
mobility of most hunter-
gatherer groups, the gross
number of artifacts which can
be carried between residences
is ultimately limited. Given
this constraint, the degree to
which specialization of tools
can take place is restricted.
Generalized assemblages will be
expected in cases where tools
are needed for a wide range of
jobs (Torrence 1983:13).

Our comments on the lack of diversity
and the generalized nature of the
assemblage refer to the curated portion
of the tool kit. This is in contrast to
the larger number of forms exhibited in
the expedient unifaces. Functionally
equivalent forms of curated and
expedient tools are noted in the
assemblage. The important difference is
that the expedient tools are more of a
response to specific and immediate
tasks. The curated tools, on the other
hand, are planned for long-term use and
must meet different types of tool needs.



This is what Binford is referring to
when he states:

We can expect many such tool-
design parallels, that is tools
of very different design being
used for identical tasks; but
this is not to say that they
are functionally isomorphic,
since they are clearly designed
for very different intended
roles within the technology

The particular nature of the Harney
Flats site is noteworthy in that has
allowed us to see different strategies
of tool design. In addition to the
postulated curated and expedient forms
identified in the assemblage, there is
also evidence of "site furniture" (see
Binford 1979). These are items that are
stored at sites awaiting use by any
inhabitants. These are represented at
Harney Flats by cached items such as
hammerstones and sandstone abraders.
Many of the cores could also represent
stored items awaiting reuse.


In summary, the organizational
properties of the Paleo-Indian
technology at Harney Flats are seen as
being "location centered" (Binford
1979:255). This perspective has allowed
us to interpret a site where an
assemblage has been influenced by
readily available quantities of lithic
raw material. Since the manufacturing
of different tool types is seen as a
principal activity at the site,
inferences were made as to the intended
roles of these tools from the
perspective of the entire settlement

The identification of Paleo-Indian stone
tool types, other than bifaces, has
certain implications for future work in
Florida. We believe that many of the
unifaces are sufficiently diagnostic to
identify potential early components in
the absence of traditional lanceolate

bifaces. This can be particularly
important, for example, when evaluating
deep sand lithic sites common in the
Tampa Bay area. Since stone tools
comprise virtually the only class of
archaeological remains from these sites,
the identification of these unifaces as
temporal markers increases our ability
to better evaluate site significance.
This is particularly important in
Cultural Resource Management work when
site assessments are often based upon
meager data collection from
archaeological survey or limited site

As evidence of this, Daniel is
reexamining the assemblages of the
excavated sites of the 1-75 Highway
Salvage program and has found Paleo-
Indian material in at least eight of the
thirteen sites (data in possession of
Daniel). As a result, we believe this
will demonstrate that a wider
distribution of early sites (or at least
sites containing early components) exist
in the Tampa Bay area than previously

Finally, our analysis is a preliminary
attempt to demonstrate that studies of
stone tools and lithic sites are
relevant to the study of past human
behavior. This is in response to the
implied (and sometimes explicit)
comments of many Florida archaeologists
who believe that lithic sites contribute
little of significance to the
understanding of cultural prehistory,
much less to the study of cultural
systems. Lithic analysis is at an
analytical crossroads in Florida. If
the traditional techno-functional path
largely pursued in the 1-75 Highway
Salvage program is continued, it will
provide extremely limited insights into
our study of the past. We must expand
our view of the role of tool assemblages
beyond simply identifying their
functions in a particular set of
activities. Once we can begin to
understand how stone tool technologies
are integrated into settlement systems,
then we can begin to study aspects of



human behavior that are of wider

anthropological interest.


We would like to tank the following

individuals who contributed to this

paper. Charlie Poe drew Figure 1, while

Beth Misner drew the remaining artifact

illustrations. Roy Lett photographed

the artifacts. We also appreciate the

comments of Albert Goodyear concerning
the Harney Flats assemblage and the

editorial assistance of Louis Tesar.

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Michael Wisenbaker
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The Capitol, Tallahassee, FL 32301-8020




Douglas R. Mitchell


Much has been written in recent years
concerning coastal productivity and
adaptation. Frequently however, settle-
ment pattern studies of coastal areas do
not consider the impact of rising sea
levels on early sites. For the period of
12,000 to 5,000 BP*, most coastal sites
on the Atlantic coast would not be visi-
ble on what is today coastal land due to
the eustatic rise in sea level. It is
argued here that settlement pattern re-
constructions for this early period would
be erroneous in light of this. Jones
(1977:356-358) has argued that early
sites now found near the coast are in
fact interior portions of interior-
coastal settlement patterns, the early
coastal sites now being inundated.

A review of the literature on rising sea
levels will be discussed in the context
of coastal geology and ecology. The
various sea level curves will be consi-
dered for the west Atlantic coast, in
particular the Georgia coast. Settlement
patterns will be considered for early
sites in this area in light of excavated
archaeological sites, hypothesized catch-
ment areas, and adaptations to a coastal
environment. Finally, two models will be
proposed for the prediction of early set-
tlement-subsistence patterns along with a
brief discussion of the effect of rising
sea levels on local demography and set-

Sea Level Change

It is clear that world-wide sea level has
fluctuated greatly over the last 30,000
years due to glacial activity. This eu-
static fluctuation has been documented in
several areas but remains controversial
due to differential dating methodologies,
regional glacial variation, and tectonic
movement. Along the northern Atlantic

coast, glacial downwarping further com-
plicates sea level curves. In the
southeast United States, the geology is
more conducive to the dating of eustatic
fluctuations. Here there is a large
coastal plain so that land movement prob-
ably had little effect on overall sea
level fluctuations.

Several attempts have been made at esta-
blishing a general rate of sea level
rise. The results have been variable as
demonstrated in Figure 1. Regional var-
iation undoubtedly accounts for some of
the variation in the curves. It has been
pointed out, however, that several of the
curves were based on "mobile" dates, in
which the material dated was subject to
sediment transport (Blackwelder et al.
1979:619). In addition, it has been
noted that dates have been taken from
shells which could have existed over
broad depth ranges (MacIntyre et al.

Milliman and Emery (1968:1122-23) used
eighty C14 dates to establish one of the
most widely used sea level curves. Their
dates indicate that sea level was near
the present one at 30,000 to 35,000 BP.
Due to glacial growth it fell slowly
until about 21,000 BP, then fell rapidly
reaching a maximum lowstand of -130m at
16,000 BP. With the Holocene transgres-
sion c. 14,000 BP, the sea level rose
rapidly until 7,000 BP when it began a
more gradual rise. The utility of the
Milliman and Emery sea level curves has
been questioned, however, for areas south
of Cape Hatteras (Blackwelder et al.
1979; MacIntyre et al. 1978; Dillon and
Odale 1976).

Emery and Edwards indicate a probable low
of -123m at about 19,000 BP (1966:733-
734). They also noted the potential for
the existence of early inundated sites
due to rising sea levels. Blackwelder
et al. (1979:620) used dates obtained

Vol. 39 Numbers 1-2

March-June, 1986


Inland site eatchment area
Activities include hunting
trapping. fishing. gather
lithic procuraent. Prilr
resources include deer, tu
fowl, turtle, flora. (Prob
included Mgafauna for Pal

c. 10 kO.

Coastal site catchment are
Activities include hunting
gathering, fishing. Primar
resources include mollusco
shellfish. fish. deer, tur
waterfowl. flora.


oo- ,


Model 2

Figure 1. Comparison of various sea
level rise calculations.

Figure 2.

Hypothetical site catchment
areas for inland and coastal

Figure 3. Two proposed models for

No Scale

from in situ material and concluded that
the maximum lowstand was less than -100m.
Numerous theories have been proposed by
various investigators regarding sea level
curves (Kraft 1971; Curray 1965; Butzer
1971; Emery and Garrison 1967; Jelgersma
1966). Some researchers have even tried
to establish a mathematical rate for the
eustatic sea level rise (Redfield 1967).

Despite the bewildering array of sea
level curves, researchers generally agree
on a sea level near present about 35,000
BP (except for Curray 1965), a maximum
lowstand during the glacial maximum, and
a concomitant rise in sea level during
the glacial retreat. Sea level rise ap-
pears to have leveled off around 4,000 to
5,000 BP with only a 2-3m slow, gradual
rise after that. For the purposes of
this paper, Blackwelder et al. (1979)
will be followed for the period from
12,000 to 10,000 BP.

Local variations in sea level rise are
evident for the southeast United States
from 4,000 to 5,000 BP to the present.
Establishment of a general curve would
probably not be accurate enough to deal
with local inconsistencies (Ruppe 1980:
42). Archaeological and geological work
in specific areas will be necessary to
determine more accurately these fluctua-
tions. A recent study was done by com-
bining data on archaeological sites and
dendrochronology to produce a micro-
regional sea level curve for the Georgia
coast. This information indicates that
sea level was near -14m at 7,000 BP, rose
to -1.5m between 4,500 to 3,100 BP, fell
to -4m between 3,000 and 2,400 BP, and
rose again sometime after 2,400 BP to its
present position (DePratter and Howard
1981:1292). Data using similar geologi-
cal and archaeological dating techniques
from near Charleston, South Carolina pro-
duced a nearly identical curve (Brooks et
al. 1979).

Coastal Geology and Ecology

The coast of Georgia is characterized by
barrier islands. This is a rather unique
phenomenon of the southeast United
States, and coastlines of this type are

generally characteristic of trailing
edges of migrating continents (Inman and
Nordstram 1971). Most of these barrier
islands formed during the Pleistocene and
represent a complex interaction of late
Pleistocene-early Holocene coastal
change. The southeast Atlantic coast was
not fed by glacial sediments or meltwater
which has an effect on barrier island
formation. The nature of barrier island
formation is not clear but it has been
suggested that dune formation may have
been a primary cause (Hoyt 1968). This
coastline apparently at many times in the
past had no barriers along the Pleisto-
cene shoreline, and those that did exist
probably had a short survival time (Duane
and Field 1976:699). This would obvious-
ly have an effect on estuarine marsh
development. Stillstands, a condition in
which sea level change was negligible,
probably did occur periodically allowing
the development of productive estuarine
marshes. Edwards and Merrill suggested
that "estuaries were dominant features on
the Holocene coastal plain landscape and
probably provided opportunities for some
molluscs to become very abundant"

The vegetational history of the southeast
coastal plain reflects the nature of the
glacial and post-glacial climate. Using
pollen profiles taken from this area,
Watts (1971, 1980) has outlined the veg-
etational history of the Georgia coastal
plain. From about 23,000 to 13,000 BP,
during the main Wisconsin advance, the
vegetation was dominated by a spruce/pine
association. From about 12,800 to 9,500
BP there is evidence for a hickory-rich
deciduous mesic forest (Watts 1980:192-
194). During the period from 8,200 to
5,000 BP, the vegetation of this area was
dominated by an oak forest (Watts 1971:
676). With the sea level rise and in-
creased precipitation, a pine-dominated
flora predominated the area with the pre-
sent associations being acquired by about
5,000 BP.

The Georgia coast currently supports a
climax forest of magnolia-live oak. The
major forest types on the Georgia sea
islands are live oak, pine, mixed hard-
wood, cypress-gum, and bay. The maritime



forest is characterized by a distinct
dominance of live oak (Johnson et al.

Settlement Patterns

The explication of settlement patterns
for the early prehistory of the Georgia
coastline is important to our under-
standing of the cultural systems of this
area. Giving meaning to these patterns
is dependant upon an understanding of the
processes which operated to bring such
patterning into existence (Binford 1980:
4). Settlement pattern studies have
generally focused on man-land relation-
ships and more recently man-man relation-
ships. It is the former that will be em-
phasized. It is necessary to focus on
man's activities related to resource ex-
ploitation when dealing with a highly
productive coastal environment. At this
time, no settlement analysis can be con-
sidered complete on the coastal area
prior to 5,000 BP because of the nature
of the changing coastline and rising sea

Clearly, coastal environments are highly
productive with highest productivity
being associated with broad, shallow
topography. Consideration must be made
for spatial and temporal controls of
coastal productivity due to the rapidly
changing early Holocene environment
(Perlman 1980:262-270). Changing coastal
configurations undoubtedly had an effect
on settlement patterns. During the peri-
od of 12,000 to 5,000 BP, sea level was
rising which may have produced a richer
estuarine biota due to the absence of
hypersaline conditions (Chapell and Thom
1977:287). This may have concentrated
human habitation on the landward edges of
lagoons while intermittent still-stands
would have allowed productive marsh
succession, attracting human use.

Relatively nothing is known about coastal
adaptation in this area until after 5,000
BP. Several studies have detailed the
settlement for post-5,000 BP aboriginal
occupation. The importance of an archae-
ological perspective is the ability to
study coastal adaptation through time.

Since nothing is known for the earlier
prehistoric adaptation of the Georgia
coast, it will be necessary to review the
extant literature on later occupations
for a fuller understanding of this area.
Due to the abundance of archaeological
work done in this area, extrapolations
will be made from relevant archaeological

Marrinan (1975) conducted investigations
at an Archaic shell midden on one of the
Georgia barrier islands. After 4,500 BP
there is evidence for the exploitation of
productive salt marshes with the subsis-
tence based primarily on mollusc gather-
ing and fishing. The tidal creek biotope
was exploited most intensively with the
marsh and forest biotopes contributing
somewhat less to the subsistence base
(Marrinan 1975:117). The cultural inven-
tory indicated a specialized technologi-
cal adaptation. Inter-regional relation-
ships were indicated due to non-local
lithic artifacts. Marrinan concluded
that this site represented a spring to
fall occupation (1975:117), suggesting
that it was part of a larger, more ex-
tensive settlement pattern.

In a review of coastal marsh sites in
Georgia, the relative lack of stone was
noted, presumably due to its geological
absence from the coast. It was suggested,
however, "that it could also represent
the distinctiveness of the cultural adap-
tation to a salt marsh-lagoon environ-
ment" (Crusoe and DePratter 1976:13).
Citing geo-environmental evidence, Crusoe
and DePratter suggest that the shell
mound Archaic people shifted from an
inland settlement to coastal marsh adap-
tation after 4,500 BP when large oyster
beds would have formed there (1976:2).
This does not appear tenable when consi-
dering other evidence and does not take
into account the high likelihood of inun-
dated sites. Using survey information on
late prehistoric sites on a barrier is-
land, a model has been proposed suggest-
ing that settlement frequently focused on
marsh/tidal creek environments (McMichael

Analysis of faunal materials from various



post-4,000 BP coastal plain and coastal
sites indicates utilization of broad
environmental zones (Wing 1977). The
Cumberland Island site material suggested
a constellation typical of a broader en-
vironmental zone which "although close to
the sea and marine resources, also pro-
vides abundant land and freshwater re-
sources which were extensively used"
(Wing 1977:84). Sea level fluctuations
may have also had an effect on resource
availability in relation to scheduling
(Brooks et al. 1979), consequently af-
fecting settlement patterns.

It appears that adaptation to a coastal
setting occurred after 4,500 BP. The
highly productive barrier island en-
vironment was conducive to aboriginal
occupation for at least part of a subsis-
tence year. There is some indication
that late prehistoric groups were able to
utilize this environment on a permanent
basis, aggregating into year-round vil-
lages (Crook 1978). It is also apparent
that some resources, most notably lith-
ics, were not available on the coast.
These would need to be obtained either
through some form of exchange or as part
of a mobile settlement-subsistence

Our understanding of man-land relation-
ships is just beginning. Studies on
hunter-gatherer settlement patterns tend
to indicate though that relatively small
groups had an intimate knowledge of their
environment and practiced sophisticated
scheduling strategies (e.g., Jochim
1976). These logistically organized
groups may have had specific resource
procurement tasks (Binford 1980) and were
not merely wandering bands.

Adaptation to coastal resources may have
occurred during the Paleoindian Period.
Dumont (1981:27) has postulated a model
of environmental degradation in the
northeast United States leading to
Paleoindian adoption of a broad based
subsistence economy. The rapidly
changing floral associations during the
post Pleistocene and its consequent ef-
fect on megafauna stimulated a shift in
emphasis to riverine, lacustrine, and

coastal areas. This emphasis on aquatic
adaptation would have continued into the
Early Archaic Period. Rising sea levels
are recognized as obscuring the archaeo-
logical evidence for early sites as well
as affecting the regional water regimes
(Dumont 1981:27). Environmental change
was not severe on the Georgia coastal
plain but may have followed the same
general trends due to the disappearance
of certain fauna.

Early coastal adaptation in this area
probably included ties to inland re-
sources. In other coastal areas this
inland-coastal round has been postulated
as part of a broadening of the subsis-
tence base to incorporate the effects of
environmental fluctuations.

Before 7,000 BP small settle-
ments with coastal and inland
resource exploitation patterns
were established in several key
littoral locations. They ex-
ploited resources from the sea,
the coast range, the lowland
interior basins, upland basins,
probably as part of a seasonal
round. Hunting of land based
mammals on a seasonal basis
supplemented the collecting of
shellfish and some fishing from
shoreside stations (True 1975:

Due to their preservation, it is fre-
quently assumed that shellfish were the
main staple of some prehistoric people's
diet. It is clear, though, that most
shell middens represent temporarily oc-
cupied locations and that molluscs do not
contain adequate levels of nutrition for
long term settlement (cf. Lightfoot and
Ruppe 1980).

A changing environment and rising sea
levels undoubtedly necessitated strategic
scheduling by early man. These changes
were not rapid in a short term sense but
may have resulted in subtle scheduling
shifts over several generations. Fluc-
tuating territories may have been estab-
lished which could be exploited by com-
munally organized teams of hunters and
fishermen using collective methods



(Broadbent 1979:198). One type of heur-
istic device used for considering the
economic exploitation of an area is that
of site catchment area analysis (Vita-
Finzi and Higgs 1970). Site catchment
areas, in the broadest sense of the term,
include those resources which were ex-
ploited by the inhabitants of a partic-
ular site. Larson (1980:1-5) has divided
the southeastern Coastal Plain into sev-
eral sectors which are defined as areas
of relatively distinct biotic and abiotic
features exploited by an aboriginal so-
ciety on an annual basis. The sectors
appropriate here are the coastal sector
and the (inland) pine barrens sector.

Figure 2 includes two hypothesized catch-
ment areas for a group exploiting inland
resources and a group exploiting coastal
resources. A coastal catchment area
would have included the following re-
sources: molluscs, fish, shellfish, tur-
tle, waterfowl, whale, deer, bear, and
various floral resources (e.g., cocoa
plums, saw palmetto berries). An inland
catchment area would have included deer,
bear, turtle, fish, turkey, other fowl,
and various floral resources (Wing
1977:Table 1; Larson 1980:29-34). While
there was probably some overlap between
the utilization of coastal and inland re-
sources, different catchment areas would
have included differential proportions of
these assemblages. Paleoindian inland
sites would presumably have included var-
ious forms of now extinct megafauna.
Archaeological information concerning
floral resources exploited is rather
scanty (with the exception of nuts) but
undoubtedly a variety of flora would have
supplemented the diet.

Different procurement strategies would
have also been necessary to deal with the
diversity of resources on land and on the
coast. Inland strategies probably in-
cluded hunting, gathering, trapping, and
some fishing along rivers. Collecting
coastal resources would have required
little specialized technology although
marine fishing (if practiced by these
aboriginal coastal groups) would require
a specialized tool kit (Butzer 1971). A
blending of these adaptations would occur


in some areas due to the indefinite
boundaries of environmental zones.

With a changing environment during the
early Holocene, scheduling would have
been important in order to utilize
efficiently a diverse resource base.
Blank (1980:74) hypothesized from data in
Florida that resource exploitation would
have centered around the less available
(seasonal) resources due to the fairly
constant availability of other resources,
e.g., dry land mammals. Seasonal move-
ment as part of the annual settlement
pattern indicates an advantageous ex-
ploitation of available resources.
"These site types represent sites
used in different portions of the annual
cycle of a hunting and gathering people,
and reflect the food quest being pursued
at different times of the year" (Griffin

Site catchment areas must be viewed in
terms of the overall settlement-subsis-
tence system. It is apparent from the
existing archaeological evidence that
post-5,000 BP hunters and gatherers used
both inland and coastal resources. This
type of settlement-subsistence system is
hypothesized for Paleoindian and Early
Archaic populations as well. According
to paleoclimatic reconstructions, the
inland vegetation associations were
changing between 10,000 and 5,000 BP
(Watts 1971). Resource variance at that
time may have been responsible for a risk
minimizing, broad spectrum strategy. As
proposed by Dumont (1981), climatic fluc-
tuations may have stimulated increased
attention to coastal resources. Because
of our incomplete knowledge of human
adaptation to the paleoenvironment, we
must approach this problem through model

Models concerning the settlement-
subsistence for these earlier periods
must remain hypothetical due to the
paucity of archaeological data. They
must be structured though in order to
take into account the following:

1) particulars of regional
topography, 2) probable resource


distribution (in part a func-
tion of regional topography),
and 3) cyclical or periodic
variation in resource avail-
ability and in the use-occupa-
tion of a particular locus in
the site system (Clark and
Lerner 1983:132).

Five settlement-subsistence models are
proposed by Thomas et. al. (1975) which
suggest arrangements of base and tem-
porary camps located in response to sea-
sonal resource procurement. These vari-
ous models take into account inland and
coastal resource productivity. Clark and
Lerner propose three settlement-subsis-
tence models for the coast of Spain.
These include a bipolar base camp system,
a base/temporary camp system, and a no
base camp/seasonal round system (1983:
132-133). Crook (1984) has documented
the history of aboriginal occupations on
the Georgia coastal islands which involve
evolving semi-sedentary, hunting and
gathering groups. He proposes a model
wherein settlement shifts provided these
groups with "an effective means to ex-
ploit different ecological niches and an
opportunity to adjust resident population
sites to match the varying yield of
available resources" (Crook 1984:261).

What type of models) would be appropri-
ate for the Georgia coast for 12,000 to
5,000 BP? First it must be noted that
empirical data are lacking for early
sites in this area. Assuming that bar-
rier islands were in existence for much
of this period, a very productive tidal
creek estuarine environment would have
existed on the coast. Some evidence in-
dicates early Archaic use of estuarine
environments. Archaic shell middens
dating to 7,000 BP have been preserved
and investigated in the Lower Hudson, due
to the unique topography there. Brennan
(1974) suggests that this coastal adapta-
tion probably grew out of an earlier
adaptive system. Some recent investiga-
tions have focused on inland Paleoindian
sites in Florida (Daniel and Wisenbaker
1983) which may increase our knowledge of
seasonal exploitation. Evidence for
megafauna exploitation has been found on

an inundated site in Florida (Hoffman
1983) suggesting that much of the neces-
sary information for settlement system
reconstruction remains underwater.

Marrinan (1975) suggests a spring to fall
occupation for a barrier island shell
midden based on analysis of the cultural
inventory and faunal material. Based in
part on this data, one model would postu-
late the existence of a spring to fall
base camp on the coast and a winter base
camp in the interior. The inhabitants of
a coastal camp would have been able to
take advantage of the productive salt
marsh estuarine resources. There is
evidence to suggest that coastal middens
represent a seasonal occupation with
repeated reoccupation (Ruppe 1980).
Early hunting and gathering groups may
have had a base camp in the interior in
order to exploit more efficiently faunal
and floral resources there as well as
lithic resources. Freshwater rivers
would have also been an important com-
ponent of an inland catchment area.

A second model is proposed for the pres-
ence of only one base camp, located so
that proximity to the coast and inland
would be within the overall exploitation
territory of a group. Shell middens may
represent only short term, transitory or
specialized extraction camps. Their high
archaeological visibility frequently is
misleading, due to the fact that many
middens represent multiple occupations.
Small, specialized inland activity camps
would also exist and would be character-
ized by a distinctive artifact assemblage
(See Figure 3).

From what is currently known about hunt-
ers and gatherers they are thought to
consist of small mobile bands. With the
settlement pattern of model 2, a single
base camp would allow the flexibility
inherent in a system which incorporated
various procurement strategies on a di-
verse resource base. Hunting, gathering,
shellfish collecting and fishing are all
assumed to be part of the sophisticated
subsistence scheduling. It has been sug-
gested that Paleoindians were adapted to
a fine-grained (heterogeneous) environ-



ment which would agree with the tentative
paleoenvironmental reconstruction. "The
fine-grained nature of the environment
demanded a rather generalized adaptive
strategy for those eastern Paleoindian
populations, in contrast to the seemingly
more specialized western tradition"
(Carbone 1983:14).

Model 1 is tentatively proposed as the
settlement system for these early groups.
There is evidence to indicate that post-
5,000 BP groups utilized coastal re-
sources as part of a seasonal round,
occupying the coast from perhaps late
spring to fall. Winter base camps may
have been established in the interior to
engage in hunting and lithic resource
procurement. The existence of this type
of bipolar system may have minimized
procurement risk through residential

The purpose of models is to provide a
theoretical framework through which
hypotheses can be tested. The above
models suggest two types of settlement
patterns which may have existed for
aboriginal groups occupying the Georgia
coast from 12,000 to 5,000 BP. It is
obvious that testing these hypotheses
against the archaeological record will be
difficult at best. Several thousand
meters of the continental shelf are now
submerged due to the rise in sea levels.
Nearly all evidence for early coastal
adaptations is now obscured beneath the
Atlantic. Interior portions of early
settlement systems do exist (Dunbar and
Waller 1983) but this is argued to be
only a part of the system.

It is also important to consider the ef-
fect of rising sea levels on settlement
patterns and population distributions.
Binford (1968) suggested that rising sea
levels were responsible for substantial
territory reduction causing resource
stress in coastal areas of Europe and the
Levant. He saw this as being partly re-
sponsible for the beginnings of agricul-
ture in the Near East. Undoubtedly the
reduction of territory did have some ef-
fect on settlement patterns and resource
scheduling. Whether it led to drastic
changes in subsistence strategies is be-

yond the scope of our limited knowledge
of these settlement systems. It has been
suggested that population build-up in
coastal areas may be controlled by terri-
torial access limitations (Cordell 1980:
39). Rising sea level, along with other
factors, may have caused a population in-
crease in interior areas with increased
specialization at coastal sites.


An attempt has been made to sort through
the maze of data on rising sea levels
from about 35,000 BP to the present.
Eustatic sea level change is important
for our understanding of coastal adapta-
tions. Blackwelder et. al. (1979) have
presented the most acceptable sea level
curve to date which is supplemented by
information pertinent to the Georgia
coast. These data indicate that at ap-
proximately 12,000 to 10,000 BP the sea
level was -31m to -22m below the present
sea level. This has obvious implications
for the locations of early man sites in
this area.

Paleoenvironmental reconstructions for
the Georgia coast indicate that the post
Pleistocene environment was characterized
by change. The vegetational history of
this area was discussed within the frame-
work proposed by Watts (1971, 1980) and
Johnson et. al. (1974). An oak savannah/
prairie association existed after 10,000
BP to about 5,000 BP, when the present
pine dominated environment came into ex-
istence. Live oak currently dominates
the coastal vegetation community. Mega-
fauna may have been able to exist here
slightly longer than in the more northern
latitudes (Kurten and Anderson 1980).
Paleoclimatic fluctuations and barrier
island formations may have led to an
early cultural adaptation to a coastal

Settlement patterns were considered in
light of currently held views about early
hunters and gatherers and the existing
archaeological information on later
(post-5,000 BP) coastal sites. The archae-
ological information for coastal
Georgia is fairly abundant beginning with



c. 4,500 BP Archaic shell middens and
subsistence and settlement patterns are
inferred from these sites. The recon-
struction of Paleoindian and Early
Archaic settlement patterns is hampered
by the high probability of site inunda-
tion. Two models are proposed for these
settlement patterns. One proposes a bi-
modal base camp system (interior-coastal)
while the other proposes a base camp
proximal to both the coast and interior,
with specialized activity sites taking
advantage of both environments. While I
have suggested that model 1 may be more
appropriate, there are other possibil-
ities as well. Diachronically, groups
may have shifted strategies in response
to environmental fluctuations, resource
stress, or other social factors. Settle-
ment patterns could have included aspects
of both models, and others as well. How-
ever, it is felt that the two models pro-
posed provide a useful framework for
structuring our inquiry concerning these
early settlement patterns.

Models are abstractions based on hypo-
theses which by their nature demand
testing, refinement, and further modi-
fication. Archaeological testing of
these models is essential to our under-
standing of early settlement patterns.
Any attempt at reconstructing Paleoindian
and Early Archaic lifeways on the Georgia
coast must remain incomplete without
knowledge of the whole system. Re-
searchers have recognized the signifi-
cance of inundated sites on the continen-
tal shelf for years (Emery and Edwards
1966) and the incompleteness of settle-
ment systems in coastal areas is becoming
increasingly acknowledged by archaeolo-
gists (Lampert and Hughes 1974; Perlman
1980). While some of the earlier evi-
dence may have been drastically altered
by post-depositional forces, it is clear
that inundated sites do exist with rela-
tively complete integrity (Ruppe 1980).

Implicit in the above discussion has been
the idea of predictive modeling for the
location of underwater archaeological
sites. In order to confirm or refute
models of early settlement patterns it
will be necessary to employ sophisticated

underwater survey and testing programs
(cf. Ruppe 1978, 1983). This will
enable us to deal more effectively with
settlement locations. More subsistence
information is needed on coastal shell
middens and early inland sites in order
to reconstruct pre-5,000 BP settlement
patterns. Inferences from these sites
will aid in modeling complete settlement
systems for the early prehistory of the
Georgia coast.


I would like to thank Dr. R.J. Ruppe
whose seminar in underwater archaeology
provided the stimulus for this paper. I
would also like to thank David Eshbaugh
and Steve Koski for helpful discussions
and suggestions. Finally, I appreciate
the comments of anonymous reviewers and
especially those of Dr. Morgan Crook, Jr.

* All dates used in this paper are
expressed as uncorrected radiocarbon
years before present (BP).


Binford, Lewis R.
1968 Post Pleistocene Adaptations. In New Perspectives
in Archaeology, edited by Sally R. Binford and
Lewis R. Binford, pp. 313-341. Academic Press,
New York.
1980 Willow Smoke and Dog's Tails: Hunter-Gatherer
Settlement Systems and Archaeological Site
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Douglas R. Mitchell
Department of Anthropology
Arizona State University
Tempe. Arizona




Jeffrey M. Mitchem


The purpose of this paper is to reex-
amine several assumptions which archae-
ologists have made in interpreting pot-
tery from sites in Central Peninsular
Gulf Coast Florida. The study of new and
overlooked data from Florida and else-
where reveals the need to question some
past interpretations as well as to inves-
tigate certain aspects of pottery in more

Much of the archaeological literature
from Florida deals with pottery. It is
used to date sites, to infer cultural
connections, and to identify patterns of
trade and interaction, among other
things. Often, ceramic artifacts are the
only source of such information from a
site, and are therefore exceedingly
valuable for interpreting past human

Gordon R. Willey (1949a) produced the
first major work describing and classi-
fying the types of pottery found in
archaeological sites along the Florida
Gulf Coast. Many of his descriptions are
still used today, and even though subse-
quent work has altered some of his ori-
ginal interpretations (Bullen 1968; Luer
and Almy 1980, 1982), his basic chrono-
logy stands unmodified.


In peninsular Florida, the presence of
mica in the paste is often considered
evidence that a particular vessel was
manufactured in northwest Florida or
Georgia and traded south. Ripley P.
Bullen (1971:8) made this assumption in
discussing the results of his analysis of
artifacts from the Sarasota County Mound,
where he stated:

Micaceous material is commonly
found in clay deposits of the

Vol. 39 Numbers 1-2

Apalachicola region of northwest
Florida, and vessels found in pen-
insular Florida which contain mica-
ceous inclusions are assumed to
have been imported from that region.

Later in the same article, he expressed
this idea as fact: "The micaceous paste
sherds indicate trade from northwest
Florida" (1971:28).

In discussing ceramics from the Crystal
River site, William H. Sears (1973:33)
also states this assumption: "Following
it in the main mound is some Weeden
Island material, some sherds of which...
are made with a micaceous paste of north-
west Florida or south Georgia origins".
In neither of these cases is any other
supporting evidence cited.

A search of the geological literature
reveals that these interpretations based
on the presence of mica might not be true
in all cases. An early publication dis-
cussing the clays of Florida suggests
that mica is quite common in Florida

It [mica] is abundant in the clays
of Florida. Few clays of the State
are free from it, while in some of
those in the western counties it is
present in large quantities. The
chief mica is muscovite because it is
less easily weathered (Bell 1924:73).

More recent publications indicate that
extensive deposits of kaolinitic clay
containing small amounts of mica are
known from parts of Clay, Putnam, Marion,
Lake, and Polk Counties (Calver 1949:2,
1957:57; Pirkle 1960). These deposits
are in a belt approximately 40 km wide
and 241 km long running along the Lake
Wales Ridge, with an eastern boundary
about 16 km west of the St. Johns River.

No micaceous clays have been discovered
on the Gulf Coastal Plain or the Atlantic

March-June, 1986


Coastal Plain of peninsular Florida, and
there are apparently no deposits located
close to the surface south of Polk County
(Calver 1949:2; Pirkle 1960:1382). How-
ever, this could be due to the lack of
sampling of clays and searching for de-
posits in these areas.

At least one researcher has hypothesized
that there might be micaceous clay de-
posits along the peninsular Gulf Coast
(B. William Burger cited in Mitchem and
Welch 1983:144). According to Burger,
changes in sea levels in the past and
consequent greater erosion of the
Appalachian Mountains by the Apalachicola
River may have resulted in the redeposi-
tion of sediments (including micaceous
clays) along various sections of the Gulf
Coast (B. William Burger cited in
Mitchem and Welch 1983:144). This would
seem unlikely, however, because in some
areas along the Florida Gulf Coast,
littoral (in-shore) currents (the main
agents of sediment transportation) move
north rather than south (Johnson 1956:
2222, 2225).

Regardless of whether such clays occur on
the coast, it is not always safe to as-
sume that pottery with micaceous paste
found in peninsular Florida represents
exchange with northwest Florida or
Georgia. Obviously, if a classic (in
terms of decoration and vessel form) Fort
Walton Incised vessel with micaceous
paste was found on a Safety Harbor site
south of Tampa Bay, it would be reason-
able to suggest that the vessel had been
traded from northwest Florida. But in
the absence of such evidence as vessel
form and/or decoration, a central Florida
origin must be considered possible.

Sponge Spicules

Several archaeologists have noted the
presence of large numbers of sponge
spicules in St. Johns pottery. First
mentioned by John M. Goggin (1952:101),
the spicules seem to be responsible for
the "chalky" feel of St. Johns ware.

Spicules are silica or calcium carbonate
structures which form part of the skele-

tal tissue of sponges (Borremans and
Shaak 1986; Johnson 1945:13-14). The
spicules in St. Johns pottery are silica,
indicating that they are from freshwater
sponges. Though identification of spe-
cies from spicules is difficult, Curtiss
E. Peterson (1971:6) was able to identify
the sponge spicules present in some St.
Johns pottery to the class Demospongiae
and family Spongillidae. Therefore, the
deposits from which the clays were ob-
tained were probably originally riverine
or lacustrine sediments (Borremans and
Shaak 1986).

Several authors have argued that St.
Johns ware was manufactured solely in the
northern St. Johns region and traded
elsewhere. James B. Griffin (1945:220)
was the first to suggest this hypothesis,
followed by Vera M. Ferguson (1951:49).
Some later authors continued uncritically
to accept and restate the hypothesis that
whenever St. Johns pottery is found out-
side of the St. Johns River drainage, it
indicates trade with the people of the
northern St. Johns region (Crusoe 1971:
41; Sears 1982:25-27).

Some recent studies have challenged this
hypothesis with new data. Borremans and
Shaak (1986) conducted research in 1976-
1977 which revealed that the spicules
present were from freshwater sponges and
that spiculite clay deposits were there-
fore likely to occur in many different
parts of Florida, not just the northern
St. Johns area. Thin-section and micro-
scopic study of "chalky" sherds from
several counties in Florida revealed that
all contained quantities of spicules.
They further suggested that the spicules
act as a natural aplastic, generally
making the addition of other tempering
agents unnecessary. The use of crushed
and burned freshwater sponges as temper
in potter's clay is known from ethno-
graphic accounts of several South
American Indian groups (Linne 1965:29-

In a study of St. Johns pottery from
Brevard County, Christopher T. Espenshade
(1983:185-188) argues that "chalky" wares
resulted from the use of local mucks in
pottery production. Muck includes soils


with large amounts of organic matter
present, and are often associated with
peat deposits (Griffin et al. 1982).
Many of these deposits probably represent
old lake bottoms, which would be likely
to have had sponges living in them.
Based on geological literature and field
experience, he was able to compile a map
of known and probable muck deposits in
Florida (Espenshade 1983:Figure 8.1),
which suggests that such deposits are
widespread. The frequently noted dark
coring of St. Johns pottery (Ferguson
1951:23; Goggin and Sommer 1949:44;
Willey 1949a:445, 1949b:98) would seem to
fit with Espenshade's hypothesis about
the use of muck, because the dark coring
would be related in part to the high
carbon content of the clay (Rye 1981:114-
118; Shepard 1956:106).

The hypothesis that all St. Johns ware
originated in the St. Johns River Basin
is outdated. Though spiculite clays have
not been reported from west peninsular or
south Florida, this is undoubtedly due to
the lack of collection and study of sur-
face clay samples from these areas.

"Limestone" Tempering

Limestone tempered pottery is found in
many areas of the Southeast (Haag 1939),
and was produced for long periods in some
regions. In Florida, Goggin (1948:8-9)
named and described the Pasco Series of
pottery, characterized by large numbers
of fragments in the paste. He referred
to these fragments as limestone, noting
that they often leach out of the sherds,
leaving numerous holes (1948:8). Pasco
pottery is most common along the Gulf
Coast north of Tampa Bay, but is also
found in smaller quantities to the east
and south.

Willey (1948:215, 1949a:364-365) de-
scribed a similar sand and limestone
tempered Florida ceramic series, which he
named Perico, based on collections from
Perico Island in Manatee County. Though
there are differences in vessel form and
decoration between the Pasco and Perico
series, the paste is often indistin-
guishable, both being characterized by

large numbers of white, red, and/or brown
fragments. The difficulty of distin-
guishing sherds of Pasco and Perico
pottery has been discussed by Goldburt
(1966:55-62, 73).

From a technological standpoint, the use
of limestone as aplastic ("temper") in
pottery is of interest because it has
several drawbacks. First, the large
particles make a clay mass difficult to
shape into a vessel. Second, since lime-
stone has a high pH, it can react to
acids and leach out of the vessel, leav-
ing pitted surfaces or even producing
holes extending through the vessel wall
(Goggin 1948:8). This has been observed
in shell tempered pottery as well (McKern
1935; Shepard 1936).

The third, and most significant disadvan-
tage of limestone inclusions is a pheno-
menon known as "lime-popping" or "lime-
blowing". This is a chemical reaction
which occurs when limestone or shell is
heated to high temperatures (such as
during the firing of a pottery vessel),
causing changes in the chemical structure
which result in rapid expansion of the
materials as they cool (Avery 1983:17;
Mitchem 1982; Rye 1976:120-121; Shepard
1956:30; Steponaitis 1983:20). Lime-
popping can produce detrimental effects
on vessels ranging from simple spelling
off of surfaces to total destruction of
the vessel. Several archaeologists have
conducted experiments and recorded ethno-
graphic examples of techniques employed
by potters to mitigate this effect (Avery
1983; Mitchem 1982; Rye 1976).

The last two drawbacks could be avoided
by substituting some other mineral in
place of limestone. It appears that this
may have occurred in some cases, though
it is impossible to determine on the
basis of present knowledge whether the
substitution was intentional. Deming
(1975:24), in discussing pottery from a
mound in Manatee County, cites one

These wares were mostly plain
and marked by numerous holes,
originally believed to indicate
places where the assumed lime-



stone temper had leached out.
A negative reaction with hydro-
chloric acid followed by closer
examination under a microscope
and consultation with a geologist
revealed the temper to be a sili-
cate clay, commonly referred to
as "Fuller's earth", rather than

The presence of holes in the sherds
probably indicates that some of the ori-
ginal inclusions were limestone, which
later leached out. But it is important
to note that many of the inclusions were
not limestone. Recent work on Pasco
Series ceramics from many Florida sites
has revealed that this is true for a
large number of the Pasco sherds examined
(Mitchem 1982). Many of the inclusions
in the sherds studied did not react to a
5-10% solution of hydrochloric acid, in-
dicating that they were not composed of

Many of the sand- and grog-tempered plain
ceramics from the central peninsular Gulf
Coast region referred to by Luer and Almy
(1980:212-213) may actually contain in-
clusions of fuller's earth or other sub-
stances (identified as "grog"). Fuller's
earth has been found at Moundville,
Alabama, in contexts strongly suggesting
its use as aplastic in pottery manufac-
turing (Peebles 1974:79), and it would
seem reasonable to assume that west
peninsular Florida could also have used
it in manufacturing some of the pottery
archaeologists call Pasco or Perico ware.

But even if we accept that such non-
limestone raw materials were used in some
cases, it is still unclear whether the
choice was intentional or not. There is
some question as to whether the inclu-
sions in Pasco ware were intentionally
added as temper, or whether they occur
naturally in the clay. At present, we
have no data with which to address this
problem. What is needed is study of a
large number of clay sources, concen-
trating on the area north of Tampa Bay.
By obtaining samples of clay sources near
sites with predominantly Pasco ceramics,
it should become apparent after studying
only a few sites whether the inclusions

are natural or not.

If they appear to be purposely added as
temper, the next logical step is to
search for sources of limestone, fuller's
earth, and other suitable raw materials
which the potters may have exploited near
their homes. Such data could lead to the
recognition of settlement patterns based
on the location of those specific re-

Conclusions and Implications

The major points of this article can be
summarized as follows:

1) The assumption that micaceous
paste pottery in peninsular Florida sites
represents trade ware from Northwest
Florida or Georgia is probably not valid
in all cases.

2) St. Johns ("chalky") ware found
outside of the St. Johns River Basin
does not necessarily indicate contact or
exchange with the cultures of the St.
Johns Basin.

3) Pasco and Perico pottery types
may contain fragments of material other
than limestone, and the type descriptions
for these should be broadened according-

These three issues can be studied most
effectively by focusing on data on re-
source use and procurement. These are
the very kinds of data which we are
lacking for west peninsular Florida.

Earle and Ericson (1977:5) discuss the
study of raw materials, using chemical
characterization as a means of deter-
mining sources and proposing testable
hypotheses about prehistoric exchange.
Some elemental analysis of Florida sherds
has been conducted (Doran 1984), and
shows great promise, but similar studies
of raw materials have not yet been at-

Specific methods of research can be pro-
posed to investigate questions of the
manufacture and exchange of pottery in



west peninsular Florida. The results of
such studies could greatly expand our
knowledge of the development and inter-
action of Florida's aboriginal cultures.

Most importantly, attempts should be made
to locate clay sources near known sites.
Studies by Arnold (1975:192, 1985:50)
have indicated that potters tend to ob-
tain the primary raw materials for pot-
tery making from within a five to seven
kilometer radius of their place of resi-
dence. Following Espenshade's (1983)
example, archaeologists should first
consult soil survey maps to determine if
known clay sources are in the vicinity of
the site(s) under study. When promising
locations are visited, exposed areas
(especially river or stream beds or
sinkholes) can be examined to search for
likely clay sources.

Samples can be taken, allowed to dry, and
examined by whatever techniques are
available to obtain data for comparison
with sherd data. A similar technique can
be used to search for and study other raw
materials available near sites, such as
limestone outcrops or fuller's earth de-

Though sophisticated chemical and physi-
cal analyses are very useful, the identi-
fication of mica or sponge spicules can
be performed using a microscope. Spic-
ules can be identified at 10x or greater
magnification, as can flecks of mica.
Limestone can be identified by testing
suspected fragments with a 5 or 10%
solution of hydrochloric acid (HC1),
making sure that the sample is free of
small fragments of shell or other cal-
careous substances which would produce a
bubbling reaction like that of limestone.

The discovery of clay sources containing
mica or sponge spicules near sites where
sherds exhibit these inclusions would of
course suggest local manufacture rather
than trade. However, interpretations
should be made with caution when sampled
local clays do not contain the inclu-
sions. This could be the result of sam-
pling error due to only small amounts of
the aplastics being present or their
presence only in certain strata or parts

of the clay deposit (which might not have
been included in the sample).

In terms of limestone and other materials
used in Pasco and Perico ceramics, the
major question involves whether these
materials were intentionally added or
whether they occur naturally in the
clays. This should become quickly ap-
parent upon the collection and examina-
tion of several clay samples.

Other questions follow logically. Did
the potters specifically try to collect
limestone for use as temper? Did they
try to avoid its use, and use fuller's
earth or some other material instead (due
to the lime-popping problem)? Did they
first begin using limestone, then switch
to some other material as problems with
the use of limestone became apparent?

All of these questions can be addressed
by the use of technological analyses of
clays and sherds. For instance, if the
potters consistently used limestone, and
it does not occur naturally in the local
clays, then they would have had to miti-
gate the lime-popping problem by either
keeping the temperature low, adding salt,
or using some other method (Avery 1983;
Mitchem 1982; Rye 1976). Replicative
experiments using local materials and
retiring of sherds for comparison could
be used to address this issue.

The study of Florida ceramics offers a
great deal of valuable cultural infor-
mation. But studies are limited if they
are concerned only with sherds (ignoring
raw materials) and unsubstantiated pub-
lished statements are uncritically taken
as fact. It is hoped that future studies
will include consideration of the local
environmental contexts of pottery as well
as the cultural contexts.


The author would like to thank Bonnie G.
McEwan and three anonymous reviewers, who
read and commented on earlier drafts of
this paper.




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Florida Ceramics. The Florida Anthropologist 37:115-119.

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Espenshade, Christopher Thomas
1983 Ceramic Ecology and Aboriginal Household Pottery
Production at the Gauthier Site, Florida. Unpublished
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Florida, Gainesville.

Ferguson, Vera Masius
1951 Chronology at South Indian Field, Florida. Publications
in Anthropology No. 45. Department of Anthropology, Yale
University, New Haven.

Goggin, John M.
1948 Some Pottery Types from Central Florida. Bulletin No.
1. Gainesville Anthropological Association, Gainesville.

1952 Space and Time Perspective in Northern St. Johns
Archeology, Florida. Publications in Anthropology No. 47.
Department of Anthropology, Yale University, New Haven.

Goggin, John M. and Frank H. Sommer III
1949 Excavations on Upper Matecumbe Key, Florida.
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Anthropology, Yale University, New Haven.

Goldburt, Jules S.
1966 The Archeology of Shired Island. Unpublished M.A.
thesis, Department of Anthropology, University of
Florida, Gainesville.

Griffin, G. M., C. C. Wieland, L. Q. Hood, R. W. Goode III,
R. K. Sawyer, and D. F. McNeill
1982 Assessment of the Peat Resources of Florida, with a
Detailed Survey of the Northern Everglades. Governor's
Energy Office, Tallahassee.

Griffin, James B.
1945 The Significance of the Fiber-Tempered Pottery of the
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Haag, William G. (editor)
1939 Pottery Type Descriptions. Southeastern Archaeo-
logical Conference Newsletter 1(1).

Johnson, J. W.
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1945 The Freshwater Sponges of Alachua County, with a
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Luer, George M. and Marion M. Almy
1980 The Development of Some Aboriginal Pottery of the
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1982 A Definition of the Manasota Culture. The Florida
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1935 Cell-Tempered Pottery. American Antiquity 1:152-153.

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1982 Experiments in the Manufacturing Technology of Pasco
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at the 39th Southeastern Archaeological Conference,

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1983 Ceramics. In Mitigative Excavations of the South
Prong I Site, 8-Hi-418, and the Cates Site, 8-Hi-425,
Hillsborough County, Florida, by James M. Welch, pp. 141-
166. Archaeological Report No. 13. Department of
Anthropology, University of South Florida, Tampa.

Peebles, Christopher S.
1974 Moundville: The Organization of a Prehistoric
Community and Culture. Unpublished Ph.D. dissertation,
Department of Anthropology, University of California,
Santa Barbara.

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1971 Summary Report of Microscopic Examination of Aboriginal
Chalky-Paste Ware in Florida. Ms. on file, Department of
Anthropology, Florida State Museum, Gainesville.

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1960 Kaolinitic Sediments in Peninsular Florida and Origin
of the Kaolin. Economic Geology 55:1382-1405.

Rye, Owen S.
1976 Keeping your Temper under Control: Materials and the
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Anthropology in Oceania 11:106-137.

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Sears, William H.
1973 The Sacred and the Secular in Prehistoric Ceramics.
In Variation in Anthropology: Essays in Honor of John C.
McGregor, edited by Donald W. Lsthrap and Jody Douglas,
pp. 31-42. Illinois Archaeological Survey, Urbana.

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Okeechobee Basin. Ripley P. Bullen Monographs in
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1936 "Cell-Tempered" Pottery. American Antiquity 2:137-

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1983 Caramics, Chronology, and Community Patterns: An
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1948 Culture Sequence in the Manatee Region of West Florida.
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Jeffrey M. Mitchem
Florida State Museum
University of Florida
Gainesville, Florida 32611




Kenneth Hardin

On December 12, 1986 George and Dottie
Dorion received the Archaeological
Conservation Award of tne Division of
Archives, History and Records
Management, Florida Department of
State, for their outstanding
contribution to the research and
protection of the significant
archaeological site located on tneir
property on Amelia Island, Florida.
Tnose presenting the award to the
Dorions, Randall Kelley, L. Ross
Morrell, Jim Miller and Marsna Chance
were equally impressed by the aspects
of the site research and tne Dorion's
support that made the entire effort
possible. Tnis paper briefly presents
the preliminary results of the first
archaeological field season, and
reveals some of the motivations behind
the private sponsorship of the project.

The Dorion site contains a portion of
the 17th Century Spanish Franciscan
mission of Santa Maria as well as
prehistoric and 19tn Century habitation
components. The first field season was
conducted by Piper Archaeological
Research, Inc. (PAR) of St. Petersburg,
Florida in August 1985 under the
sponsorship of the Dorions, while a
second field season is currently
underway utilizing PAR staff to
supervise seventeen undergraduates from
Williams College, in Williamstown,

Tne project began wnen Dr. Dorion
called the author concerning human
remains uncovered by a backnoe operator
during tree removal on the property.
The identification of these remains as
coming from the floor of the Santa
Maria doctrine church was an essential
first step to site research (Hardin and
Ballo 1985). However, because the site
is located on private property in a
controlled access resort setting,

patient coordination witn private
developers, resort officials, the local
homeowners association, tax lawyers and
accountants was essential in initiating
fieldwork. Also, without the
capability to mount a field project on
short notice with a small group of
trained professionals, research could
not have been undertaken. There was no
legal requirement for such work and it
was utter good fortune that the project
parcel was purchased by such
enlightened people as the Dorions.

The general vicinity of nte Dorion
property had previously been identified
as a probable mission location. Ripley
Bullen and Jonn Griffin (1952)
determined from documentary and
artifactual evidence that the mission
was located in the vicinity of Harrison
Creek. During cne Florida State Museum
excavations of 1971 Tom Hemmings and
Kathy Deagan (1973) investigated a
portion of the mission aboriginial
village site located just south of the
current project area. In 1973, B.
Calvin Jones of the Florida Department
of State, Division of Archives, History
and Records Management identified
mission structural features and
artifacts (Jones, personal
communication). However, it wasn't
until its disturbance by a backhoe in
1984 and subsequent identification that
the precise site of the mission became
known to Amelia Island Plantation
officials, residents and the
archaeological community.

The Santa Maria mission was situated
midway in the chain of Spanish missions
in the Province of Guale, on the east
coast of Spanisn Florida. By the time
of the official 1674 visit of the
Bishop of Santiago de Cuba, Gabriel
Calderon, the northernmost extant
mission was Santa Catalina de Guale

Vol. 39 Numbers 1-2

March-June, 1986


located on present day St. Catherine's
Island, Georgia. Shortly after this
time, a series of Indian rebellions
encouraged by the Englisn resulted in
the evacuation of Santa Catalina and
nearby missions to the Santa Maria
mission and elsewhere.

The shipwrecked English Quaker,
Jonathan Dickinson, visited Santa Maria
in 1696 and reported the abandonment of
all missions north of it (Andrews and
Andrews 1975). In 1702, tne Santa
Maria mission was finally abandoned as
a result of the unsuccessful Britisn
attack on St. Augustine in 1702 led by
Governor James Moore of the Carolinas.

The site was reoccupied by English
settlers from South Carolina, the
Samuel Harrison family, sometime in the
1770's. The original 18tn Century
plantation house was razed during the
Civil War and subsequently rebuilt on
the same spot. This second structure
was demolished in 1972. Interestingly,
Harrison family tradition placed the
mission location north of the original
Harrison homestead, when in fact the
plantation house sat squarely over the
remains of the mission church and its
Christianized Indian burials (Mrs. D.
Bartells, personal communication).

It may have been the protective cover
that the house afforded for centuries
which accounts for the excellent state
of preservation of tne human remains.
Ironically, C.B. Moore stayed in the
house with the Harrisons while digging
several mounds on the property in 1901
(Moore 1922).

The project site is located on a small
bluff overlooking a tidal creek of the
Amelia River on the southern end of
Amelia Island. The eastern half of the
site is an old agricultural field while
the southwestern portion of the site
contains the cemetery area. In
addition, a small prehistoric and
protonistoric shell midden is located
in the northwestern portion of the

At the outset, then, tnere was at least
one known significant feature the
subsurface remains of the mission
church and the likelihood of as yet
undiscovered significant deposits from
the prehistoric, and several historic
periods. Thus, the goals of our
investigation were twofold: to assist
the current landowners in selecting a
homesite within the three acre parcel
that would allow minimal disturbance to
cultural resources and to utilize the
window of opportunity created by the
delayed house construction to conduct
limited excavations. It was hoped that
these excavations would contribute not
only to research on mission life and
aboriginal acculturation, but also
enhance the site's value to the
homeowners and the community in the
form of greater appreciation of the
cultural heritage it represents.

The field methodology was designed to
uncover extensive information about the
entire site and intensive data about
the mission church. The excavation of
a portion of the church area was
conducted concurrently with subsurface
testing of the entire parcel.
Excavation units were situated to
overlap disturbed areas where burials
were known to occur and undisturbed
areas where burials and/or church
features were expected.

Clark Larsen, of Northern Illinois
University, along witn nine excavators
from the Santa Catalina project
(Directed by Dave Thomas of the
American Museum of Natural History),
assisted during this early phase.
Larsen is currently conducting the
osteological analysis for the project
and it is hoped that tne Santa Maria
sample will provide good comparative
data for his study of prehistoric and
protohistoric coastal Indian health and
diet. The Indian rebellions of the
mid-17th Century forged close links
between the Santa Catalina and Santa
Maria inhabitants. Coincidentally, to
date these are the only two eastern
mission sites where the mission
cemeteries have been investigated.



Thus, it is hoped the limited
excavations at the Santa Maria site
will contribute to extensive, long term
research at Santa Catalina.

Louis Tesar coordinated on tne
project's behalf with representatives
of the Governor's Council on Indian
Affairs to make sure that the
procedures for the excavation and
subsequent treatment of the Indian
remains met with the concerns of
Florida's Native Americans. There are
no known living descendents of these
Guale/Yamassee Indians whose remains
are interred at the Santa Maria
mission; however, because of their
burial in the church floor, they must
have been practicing Roman Catholics.
Therefore, out of respect for tne
beliefs of the buried individuals, the
excavated remains from Santa Maria
eventually will be reinterred in a
Roman Catholic cemetery.

A dark midden layer, approximately 30
cm thick containing redeposited 17th,
18th and 19th Century artifacts, covers
the cemetery layer. The Santa Maria
burials conform to the general pattern
found at Santa Catalina. The closely
spaced fully recumbent primary burials
with hands folded over the chest were
facing roughly westward, the heads
pointing roughly eastward (Figure 1,
Upper). Modern disturbance occurring
during tree removal impacted or
demolished an estimated eight burials.

Mission burial practices themselves
also resulted in dispersed elements.
If the graves were marked, such markers
were often disregarded, for the
majority of burials uncovered exhibited
some degree of disturbance by later
interments. Furthermore, a large
anomalous pit feature located in the
southeastern portion of the church
floor contains as many as 25
disarticulated individuals (Figure 1,
Lower). Preliminary analysis indicates
that this feature may represent the
earliest depositional event in the
cemetery, suggesting the removal and

transportation of remains from an
earlier mission or charnel house.
Information on similar features from
other mission cemeteries would be

In addition to the anomalous pit
feature burials, the complete or
partial remains of ten individuals were
excavated, many in a comparatively good
state of preservation. No sub-adult or
European burials were excavated in
situ; however, Larsen's examination of
the bone from the backnoe disturbed
area reveals at least two subadults.
His preliminary analysis further
reveals that the excavated remains are
distinguished by a high incidence of
tooth decay.

No beads, shroud pins or remains of
coffins have been observed to date. In
fact, the only grave goods or furniture
thus far recovered is a bone projectile
point or pin found adjacent to a
shoulder of Burial 3B. Paradoxically,
Florida black bear long bones were
found beneath the thoracic region of
another burial.

A possible wall trench feature
containing raw green clay lumps was
uncovered adjacent to a large posthole
containing coquina rock clusters. No
burials were found north of this
feature which is interpreted to
represent a portion of the north wall
of the church. Although daub fragments
can be found everywhere on tne site, no
daub features have been found in the
church area and it is assumed that
later historic use obliterated all but
deep structural features. No mission
period religious artifacts were
recovered from the cnurcn area during
this field season but this may result
from our investigation of the church
periphery instead of the central altar
area. The eastern wall of the church
may be represented by a series of
postholes observed in excavation unit
26N/52W. Church boundaries have been
estimated based on the occurrence of
cemetery fill and structural features.



If this depiction is correct, the
church was approximately 14 meters in
length and 7 meters in width. As with
other mission churches, it appears to
be oriented at a 45 degree angle west
of north.

As further background, a plan map of a
fortified mission on Amelia Island
enclosed in a letter sent from St.
Augustine in 1691 by Governor Quiroga
to the Spanish Crown may refer to the
Santa Maria mission on Harrison Creek.
However, it is also possible chat the
map may instead depict an earlier Santa
Maria wnich may nave been located on
the north end of Amelia Island or a
plan for mission structures not yet
built. If it was meant to depict tne
Santa Maria under study, it was either
idealized or there has been a dramatic
eastward movement of Harrison Creek in
the last three hundred years; however,
there is no geologic evidence for the

Nevertheless, in an attempt to locate
features depicted on the map, and otner
cultural resources, a testing program
of digging and screening posthole tests
located on five meter grid centers was
conducted. Concentrations of burnt
daub, Spanish artifacts, prehistoric
ceramics, protonistoric ceramics and
Plantation period artifacts were
plotted, and density contour maps
generated. Resistivity mapping was
initially contemplated but because of
the lack of baseline data, the high
degree of modern subsurface disturbance
and the large area to be covered, it
was felt that posthole testing would be
more cost-effective in identifying site
boundaries and potential subsurface

An excavation unit placed around one
posthole test that contained mammal,
possibly numan, bone revealed a bottle
nose porpoise skull in an aboriginal
midden context. Another unit, 68N/54W
was situated in an area of the densest
concentration of daub, protonistoric
and Spanish ceramics. This im x 2m

unit produced 295 protonistoric sherds,
34 olive jar snerds, and 5 snerds of
majolica. Although no mission period
features were identified, this area is
felt to be the location of the friars
lodgings or "convento" and is one focus
of tne current fieldwork.

Before the following brief discussion
of the general artifact classes it
should be noted tnat all artifacts,
fieldnotes, and reports nave been
donated by the Dorions to the Florida
Department of State, Division of
Archives, History and Records
Management, where they will be curated
by the Bureau of Archaeological
Research. Some of the materials will
be loaned back to the community to
eventually mount a local exhibit on
Amelia Island or nearby. Tne Florida
Museum of Transportation History in
Fernandina Beacn is being considered.
Tne human skeletal remains are
scheduled for reburial following their

A total of 1238 Spanish and aboriginal
snerds were recovered from controlled
excavation units and another 1010 were
recovered from the posthole tests and
from the surface. 75% of the excavated
ceramics were classified as the
protonistoric ware referred to as San
Marcos in Florida and Altamana
elsewhere. The most common surface
treatment found on tnis predominately
gritty tempered ware was simple or
cross-simple stamping, with complicated
stamping, incising, rim punctation, red
filming, check stamping, and burnishing
also present. Over-scamping was a
quite common San Marcos surface
treatment. Two strap handle fragments
on San Marcos paste were recovered.

Aboriginal ceramics of the Savannan
Series comprise 9% of the sample, with
fine cord marking the predominate
surface treatment. Spanish
manufactured ceramics, majolica and
olive jar sherds, represent 5% of the
sample. All but one of the olive jar
snerds were classified as Middle Style




(Upper) Example of articulated, fully recumbent
burials in the Santa Maria mission ceme-
tery on Amelia Island, Nassau County,
(lower) Large anomalous pit feature containing
disarticulated burials in the Santa Maria
mission cemetery on Amelia Island, Nassau
County, Florida.


Figure 1.


(1580-1780), wnile one thin snerd witn
interior green glazing may be an Early
Style variety. Tne sample of tin
enameled eartnenwares is small but
several blue and polychrome types are
present. Jacquelyn Piper is conducting
a detailed analysis of the Spanish

The remaining 8% of the sample is
comprised of sand tempered plain, St.
John's Series and Willmington Series,
and shell tempered plain ceramics.
These, along with the Savannah Series,
were found throughout the site. An
attempt will be made to conform to a
standard entry cataloging system
designed by Gary Shapiro for use at San
Luis, using dBASE II.

One thousand six hundred and forty-
eignt grams of burnt wall daub
fragments were recovered. Tne daub
occurred in disturbed contexts in tne
upper levels of the site, and while no
daub features were observed, the area
of greatest concentration occurred
north of the church area at the site of
the possible "convento". Some of the
daub fragments exhibit features that
will be examined for structural clues.

The recovered 18th and 19tn Century
artifacts are reflective of tne
economic and political life of the high
status Harrison family household.
Decorated pearlwares, porcelains and
pressed glasswares were common. An
1840s half-dime in good condition was
recovered from the historic midden
layer associated with the plantation
house. Iron nails and occasional lead
shot were found in many places on the
south portion of the site. A small
trash pit yielded a circa 1812 U.S.
General Service button, Civil War era
ordinance, and a number of bottles
including French champagne bottles.

Current fieldwork is focusing on the
investigation of deep structural
features of the church, the excavation
of a sample of burials from other areas
of the church floor as well as
investigation of the possible

"convento" area. Our research goals
continue to be a greater understanding
of mission life and the process of
aboriginal acculturation. Our
management goals are to nelp tne
present-day landowners build their home
in a spirit of stewardship for the
heritage left behind by the preceding
residents within tne context of this
unplanned economic burden for the

At the occasion of the presentation of
the Archaeological Conservation Award
and the legal transfer of artifacts to
the State of Florida tne professional
historians and archaeologists present
commented on tne uncommon interest and
support shown by the Dorions to this
unexpected aspect of their homesite.
The Dorions are accomplished individuals
in their respective fields, Dr. Dorlon 1"
a research environmental and energy
chemist for the Bacardi Corporation and
Mrs. Dorion, a registered nurse, is an
outstanding triathlete and community
activist. I recently asked the Dorions
to respond to some of the most
frequently asked questions concerning
this project. Their following
responses will, I think, be helpful to
working professionals, avocational
archaeologists, and The Florida
Anthropologist readers and concerned
community members in general.

Q. Dottie and George, many landowners
faced with a situation such as yours
would at best have remained silent
about finding human burials for fear of
disrupting house construction or
affecting property values. What
compelled you to retain professional
archaeologists? Were you ever afraid
of jeapordizing house construction?
Why did you personally sponsor the

Dr. Dorion: We initially viewed this
as an opportunity that had to be
realized. We knew that if we didn't
properly study this unexpected
phenomenon, that we would always be
wondering "What if?". As you get
older, you see more clearly that life



offers only a finite number of
opportunities, so you must strive to
take advantage of each one. Here was
an unplanned opportunity.

Mrs. Dorion: I would say that our own
ethical considerations compelled us to
take the risks you mentioned. George
and I never discussed "if" we would
pursue archaeological research, only
"how" best to accomplish it. As to the
delayed nouse construction, we decided
that over the long run, a delay
wouldn't make much difference.

Dr. Dorion: You asked about our
reasons for selecting professionals to
do the work. In this or any other
undertaking, we would naturally seek
the expertise of a knowledgeable
specialist. Your name and that of your
firm were recommended to me by a
quality engineering firm with which our
company is working on another project,
and in may conversations with that firm
and you, I discovered that Piper
Archaeology had already conducted a
survey for the Plantation on the south
end, so you were familiar with the

Q. Have you both always been
interested in history and archaeology?
Were you previously aware of the
important role the Spanish played in
the history of Florida?

Mrs. Dorion: I learned a great deal
about Florida history while our
children were in school, from the
Florida history books they brought
home. We have always been interested
in history in general as a result of
our liberal arts background and the
wide exposure to other cultures that
traveling has afforded us.

Dr. Dorion: Our appreciation also
results from an interest in our family
histories. Dottie has Scotch/English
ancestors that settled in New England,
while my family is of German/French/
Hispanic origins. People of several
different cultures lived on this site,
some of these groups are represented in

our own family histories. Our
ancestors faced many of the same
problems of confronting and adapting to
new cultures -- problems that were
faced by the mission Indians,
Spaniards, and English settlers. In
fact, Dottie and I come from two quite
different cultures and know about

Q. Why are you interested in having a
local display of the recovered
artifacts? What will be done with the
human remains that are excavated?

Mrs. Dorion: Not only does the site
reveal a lot about the history of
Florida, but it is extremely important
to local, community history. We need
to have some exhibit in the Ameilia
Island community. As to the question
of the human remains, they will be
reburied in a Roman Catholic cemetery,
because they were Roman Catholic
Indians. Our own religious principles
lead us to respect the beliefs and
burial customs of these people, so we
want to treat their remains with the
respect they are due. However, we
aren't in any way repelled by the idea
of a cemetery on our property. Our
church participation and my involvement
in the hospice movement shows that
death is as natural a process as birth.

Dr. Dorion: Our public slide
presentations, newspaper articles and
local exhibits allow everyone a needed
opportunity to pause for a moment to
consider the positive aspects of
economic growth and development on one
side and our historic heritage and
ethics on the other. As with many
things, we need to achieve a balance.
It reminds me of something you said
last year, that I was thinking about
lately. Prehistoric Indians lived in
Florida for thousands of years before
the arrival of the Spanish who
controlled Florida for three hundred
years, while we English speakers nave
only been here for two hundred years.
Archaeological research like this gives
us insight into short versus long range
planning and a clearer understanding of



our heritage.

Q. Why did you sponsor the
participation of Williams College
students during your second excavation

Mrs. Dorion: George and I feel
strongly about the need for private
individuals and companies to take an
active role in the education of
students and employees, to work with
educational institutions and to
encourage private/public involvement in
education. We hope that our
archaeological project will encourage
others to become positively involved
with educational institutions.

Dr. Dorion: Yes, this project is a
good example of private/public
involvement. We have a private sector
archaeology firm, utilizing expertise
from academe to conduct research and
instruct college students about public
historical events, on private property,
sponsored through private funds. Other
key players are the Florida Department
of State, a public body, and Amelia
Island Plantation, a private resort
community. The private individual or
company can nave a surprisingly
important role to play in education and

Q. Do you feel that the experience has
been a positive one for the Dorions?
What would you say to other people
under similar circumstances?

Mrs. Dorion: It is wonderful that it
nappended and we were able to do
something about it. It was time well
spent in terms of meeting new people,
having new experiences and learning
more about archaeology. It was
particularly exciting for me to
participate in the excavations and
uncover important artifacts and learn
archaeological techniques.

Dr. Dorion: It improved the quality
and our perception of our acquaintances
in that several phoney individuals

exposed themselves. I point my finger
at those people who give lip service to
the importance of historic preservation
and environmental protection but
criticized us for actually spending our
own money to do it. This work may also
have a positive effect on the tax codes
to permit tax deductible support for
valuable projects like tnis one. I
nave to believe that the IRS is also
supportive of legitimate cultural
resource projects like ours.

Q. What are your future plans
regarding your homesite?

Mrs. Dorion: We might consider some
kind of marker or designation on the
site. We were impressed with tne
outdoor displays at the San Luis
mission site in Tallahassee. Our site
represents an interesting challenge for
our architect, who will nave to design
the house around the historical/
religious finds.

Dr. Dorion: That also depends on the
results of tne current research. We
are keeping our options open. There is
always the complex decision that
includes moral and economic matters.
Also, the current fieldwork
incorporating the Williams College
students is going so well that we are
considering a summer archaeological
field school, perhaps in cooperation
with interested Florida universities.

Editor's Note: After this paper had
been written and submitted for
publication, a significant find was
made at the Santa Maria Mission/Dorion
site which will be of interest to
scholars and others interested in
Florida history. Rather then revise
the article, I requested that Ken send
me a photograph and related
information. The find in question is a
mission seal (Figure 2).

Ken reports that this seal was
recovered during the last week of the
January 1986 field season, which
involved students from Williams



Ot, 0o OZ( 01

College, Williamstown, Mass. This
solid brass artifact, 94 mm in length,
was recovered near a collapsed daub
wall in the possible "convento" area.
Such a seal would have been essential
to the friars in exercising their
prerogative of direct communication
with the Spanish Crown. It depicts St.
Catnerine of Alexandria surrounded by
traditional icons. Tne abbreviated
Spanish reads "Santa Catalina, Martyr."
Its occurrence at Santa Maria is
historically significant because it may
nave originally belonged to Catalina de
Guale, where no seal nas been recovered
(David Hurst Thomas, personal


Andrews, Evangeline Walker and Charles McLean Andrews
1975 Johnathan Dickinson's Journal. Southeastern printing
Company, Inc., Stuart, Florida.

Bullen, Ripley P., and John W. Griffin
1952 An Archaeological Survey of Amelia Island, Florida.
The Florida Anthropologist 5(3-4):37-64.

Hardin, Kenneth W., and Janice R. Ballo
1985 A Preliminary Archaeological Assessment of the Dorion
Tract and Harrison Homestead Site (8NA41) Amelia
Island, Florida. Manuscript on file, Piper Archaeo-
logical Research, Inc., St. Petersburg, Florida

Hemmings, E. Thomas, and Kathleen A. Deagan
1973 Excavations oon Amelia Island in Northeast Florida.
Contributions of the Florida State Museum, Anthropology
and History 18. Gainesville, Florida.

Moore, Clarence B.
1922 Certain Florida Coast Mounds North of the St. Johns
River. Indian Notes and Monographs, Museum of the
American Indian, Heye Foundation, Miscellaneous
Papers, No. 26, pp. 49-70. New York.

Kenneth W. Hardin
Piper Archaeological Research, Inc.
P. O. Box 919
St. Petersburg, FL 33731


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Tatham Mound Excavation Results

From September until December of 1985,
the Florida State Museum and University
of Florida conducted an archaeological
field school at the Tatham Mound in
eastern Citrus County. This was the
second season of work at the site.
Excavations were directed by Jeffrey M.
Mitchem under the supervision of Jerald
T. Milanich of the Florida State
Museum. Dale L. Hutchinson (University
of Illinois) served as the project

University students and volunteers from
the Withlacoochee River Archaeology
Council concentrated efforts on the
central portion of the mound,
uncovering at least 53 primary and
bundle burials, along with hundreds of
scattered bones. At least one
cremation was also located.

Five primary burials had European
materials buried with them. An
extended adult male had two Nueva Cadiz
beads and several shell beads in situ
on his neck. Another extended burial
had several strands of shell beads on
the neck and nine faceted Nueva Cadiz
beads worn on the wrists or in the
pelvic region. A flexed female
interment had seven olive-shaped blue
glass beads, two Nueva Cadiz beads, and
three small silver disc beads present.

A nearby flexed adult male had a
necklace of alternating shell and
silver beads and one copper bead.
Eight of the silver beads were
cylindrical or roughly cone-shaped, one
was a rolled piece of sheet silver, and
two were small discs. This burial was
oriented with the head to the east,
directly opposite of all the other
primary burials in this section of the
mound. The fifth burial was an
extended young adult female with a
necklace of seven faceted chevron beads
and 12 shell beads.

The fieldwork also produced a large
number of aboriginal and European

artifacts not associated with burials.
These include an exotic ground stone
pendant, two quartz crystal pendants,
an engraved fragment of possible
siltstone, a silver disc which may have
fragments of leather adhering to it,
two faceted chevron beads, seven Nueva
Cadiz beads, 21 silver beads, a rolled
gold bead, and a small hemisphere of
sheet gold. Numerous broken vessels of
Pasco Plain, Englewood Incised, St.
Johns Plain, St. Johns Check-Stamped,
and other ceramic types were also
recovered. Several Busycon shell
dippers were found on the mound top,
near where many others were recovered
during the first field season.

The mound has yielded evidence of at
least 35 individuals buried in one
episode, strongly suggesting a European-
introduced disease epidemic. Several
sword-like wounds on human bones also
reveal some probable Spanish-Indian
warfare. The Nueva Cadiz and faceted
chevron beads indicate a date of A.D.
1500-1560 for this top stratum of the
mound. The location of the site
implies that this area may have been
visited by the expeditions of Panfilo
de Narvaez (1528) and/or Hernando de
Soto (1539). The nearby Ruth Smith and
Weeki Wachee mounds (Mitchem et al.
1985) have yielded similar assemblages
of European materials, suggesting that
the residents of all three sites were
contacted by the same expeditionss.
This hypothesis is strengthened by the
fact that four of the varieties of
Nueva Cadiz beads and one of the
faceted chevron bead varieties found at
the Tatham mound were previously known
only from the Ruth Smith and Weeki
Wachee mounds (Smith and Good 1982:48-

References Cited

Mitchem, Jeffrey M., Marvin T. Smith, Albert C. Goodyear,
and Robert R. Allen
1985 Early Spanish Contact on the Florida Gulf
Coast: The Weeki Wachee and Ruth Smith
Mounds. In Indians, Colonists, and Slaves:

Essays in Memory of Charles H. Fairbhnka,
edited by Kenneth W. Johnson, Jonathan M.
Leader, and Robert C. Wilson, pp. 179-219.
Florida Journal of Anthropology Special
Publication No. 4, Gainesville.

Smith, Marvin T. and Mary Elizabeth Good
1982 Early Sixteenth Century Glass Beads in the
banish Colonial Trade. Cottonlandia Museum
Publications, Greenwood, Mississippi.

Submitted by:

Jeffrey M. Mitchem
Florida State Museum
University of Florida
Gainesville, Florida 32611


The Myth of Evolution by Louise Thomas.
Copyright 1985. 110 pages, hardbound.
Published by the Exposition Press of
Florida, Inc., 1701 Blount Rd., Pompano
Beach, FL 33069. ISBN 0-682-40231-1.
Retail price: $7.50.
Reviewed by Kevin McCartney.

During the current decade science has
found itself under heavy fire from many
quarters. As science has grown
increasingly complex and
incomprehensible to the layman, its
benefits are more often seen in a
sinister context. This problem has
been compounded by a deemphasis in the
teaching of science and mathematics in
our schools (see, for example, Science
231:693-699). In recent years there
has even grown a vociferous movement to
give equal time in our public schools
to the teaching of creationism in
science classes. This movement is even
joining the political arena, for
example, Florida's Governor Graham has
become a proponent of it (see
Tallahassee Democrat, February 17,
1986). It seems fortuitous, then, that
a creationism book should be sent to
The Florida Anthropologist for review.

The creationism movement has undergone
considerable change since the early
1970's. Creationism is now spoken of
as "creation-science." The Christian
Bible is no longer used as a primary
reference and is often barely
mentioned. Creationism is presented
instead as a science in its own right.
Statements are usually referenced and
scientific jargon and formulation is
used to give creationism a scientific
appearance. The creationists, however,
are very selective about the evidence

that they choose to accept and very
rarely discuss any scientific problems
with their conclusions. Their
conclusions are that the earth is very
young (generally less than 10,000
years), that species are distinct and
unchangable, and that complexities in
the geologic record can be explained by
a single worldwide catastrophe.

The creationist literature seldom tries
to defend the scientific basis for
creationism. The scientific method is
not used, nor are conclusions
rigorously tested. The creationist
literature instead seeks to attack the
validity and conclusions of science.
While creationism is depicted as a
science, science is often depicted as a
philosophy; creationism and science are
thus seen as equal and deserving of
equal treatment. Controversies within
science are then used to show that
scientists themselves are in general
disagreement with one another and thus
cast doubt on any scientific
conclusions. These scientific
disagreements do not have to be in the
same timeframe; scientific quotations
from the turn of the century can be
used to show the fallacy of current
research, and vice versa. Occurences
where scientists were obviously wrong
or easily hoaxed are discussed at great
length with the implication that they
can be wrong everywhere else as well.
The general philosophy behind much of
the creationist literature appears to
be "if science is wrong, then
creationism, its only alternative, must
be correct."

The book being reviewed here is typical
of much of the creationist literature.

It is not as sophisticated as many
(from the Institute for Creation
Research, for example), and the quality
of its writing and illustrations are
only fair at best, but the layout and
conclusions are similar to many other
books of the genre. The bookâ„¢s opening
sentence sets the scene: "Many of the
so-called proofs of Darwinâ„¢s theory
have been proven false, or at least on
very shaky ground.” Unfortunately, the
subsequent text does not reference
these studies; indeed, there is no
reference from any scientific journal.
Disregarding references from
encyclopedias, dictionaries, newspapers
and the Bible, the majority of the
references are to sources more than
twenty years old. Most references are
to popular books written by non-

The primary thrust of the book deals
with fossil man, although there is
little evidence that the author is
aware of recent thought on this
subject. The author believes that the
entire fossil hominid record, except
Neanderthal Man, represents either
forgeries or apes that are unrelated to
our species. The major fossil
discoveries are discussed briefly, with
Piltdown Man receiving by far the most
attention. The fossils are called by
their original generic names
(Sinanthropus, Pithecanthropus,
Zinjanthropus) with little effort made
to show the relationships between them.
The disappearance of the Peking Man
fossils during World War II receives a
disproportionate amount of attention;
the author somewhat wistfully wonders
if this loss was accidental or done to
relieve the scientific world of some
embarrassment. "Lucy" receives little
more than passing reference (less than
Cardiff Man, for example), and is
generally discounted because only 40%
of the skeleton was found; the "first
family” and Mary Leakey~s footprint
discoveries go unmentioned.

The manner in which the fossil evidence
is discussed is shown by the following



quote from the text: “Anthropologists,
anatomists, and other fossil hunters
and examiners seem to have a tendency
to believe what they want to believe,
and they apparently wanted very badly
to believe that the australopithecines
walked the earth like Homo sapiens.
They do not necessarily intend to
deceive or mislead anyone, because they
believe it themselves, but as it
sometimes happens with these people,
they give out their own ideas as proven
facts when they are really only

Other thrusts are directed at the
geologic time scale and the age of the
earth. The author~s knowledge of how
these were reached is woefully
inadequate. She assumes that the
earth’s 4.5 billion year age was
determined by finding rocks of that age
(there are none that old; the age is
determined by measuring the relative
abundances of long-halflife isotopes in
the earth). She complains of the usage
of such complex terms as "Cretaceious”
(sic) and "Siluranium” (sic), and
concludes that the Precambrian rocks
“could be remnants from another world."
There is also a poor understanding of
the accuracy, and limitations, of
geologic dating. For example, she asks
why Lucy was dated with volcanic
basalts from nearby beds, when the
fossil bones could have been dated
directly by the carbon-14 method? (!)

A critical review of this book could
easily become larger than the book
itself. There is little information
and many errors. The author casts
doubt upon nearly all scientific
conclusions that she encounters, but
fails to consider the evidence upon
which these conclusions were reached
and seldom offers alternatives.
Important information is frequently
ignored. Trivial comments are
referenced without end (including 27
references from 5 encyclopedias) while
questionable scientific statements are
not referenced at all. The book is
written for an uneducated and

39 (1-2)

uninformed audience, and it leaves them
that way.

The criticisms offered against this
book can in general be extended to the
entire creationist literature. The
movement, despite its claims, appears
to have within it no element of
science, and hence should not be taught
as science. This reviewer strongly
recommends, however, that all
scientists become more aware of this
movement and its implications. He
suggests the following sources for
additional information: Requests for
information from the Institute for

Creation Research (P.O. Box 2666, El
Cajon, CA 92021) will place you on a
monthly mailing list which includes a
creationist newsletter and a "creation-
science" publication (there is no
charge); the opposition is voiced in
the journal Creation/Evolution (P.O.
Box 146, Amherst Branch, Buffalo, NY
14226-0146), subscription rates are $9
($10 foreign rate) for four issues.

Submitted by:
Kevin McCartney
Department of Geology
Florida State University
Tallahassee, FL 32306


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