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Political and economic interactions between Spaniards and Indians

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Title:
Political and economic interactions between Spaniards and Indians archeological and ethnohistorical perspectives of the mission system in Florida
Creator:
Loucks, Lana Jill, 1953-
Publication Date:
Language:
English
Physical Description:
xvii, 366 leaves : ill. ; 28 cm.

Subjects

Subjects / Keywords:
Anthropology ( jstor )
Bones ( jstor )
Ceramic materials ( jstor )
Corn ( jstor )
Decorative ceramics ( jstor )
Excavations ( jstor )
Hispanics ( jstor )
Majolica ( jstor )
Prestige ( jstor )
Priests ( jstor )
Acculturation ( lcsh )
Anthropology thesis Ph. D ( lcsh )
Dissertations, Academic -- Anthropology -- UF ( lcsh )
Excavations (Archaeology) -- Florida ( lcsh )
Indians of North America -- Missions -- Florida ( lcsh )
Timucua Indians -- Missions ( lcsh )
Genre:
bibliography ( marcgt )
non-fiction ( marcgt )

Notes

Thesis:
Thesis--University of Florida.
Bibliography:
Bibliography: leaves 349-364.
General Note:
Typescript.
General Note:
Vita.
Statement of Responsibility:
by Lana Jill Loucks.

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000092942 ( ALEPH )
06025225 ( OCLC )
AAK8351 ( NOTIS )

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POLITICAL AND ECONOMIC INTERACTIONS BETWEEN SPANIARDS AND INDIANS:
ARCHEOLOGICAL AND ETHNOHISTORICAL PERSPECTIVES
OF THE MISSION SYSTEM IN FLORIDA








BY

LANA JILL LOUCKS


A DISSERTATION PRESENTED TO THE GRADUATE COUNCIL
OF THE UNIVERSITY OF FLORIDA
IN PARTIAL FULFILLMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE
DEGREE OF DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY





UNIVERSITY OF FLORIDA


1979















ACKNOWLEDGMENTS

After the astringency of dissertation style, writing acknowledgments is relatively pleasurable. As one counts up the various persons and organizations one wishes to thank, the realization dawns that it is wise to write one's dissertation as early as possible lest the enumeration become totally unmanageable.

I would like to express my gratitude to Owens-Illinois, Inc., owners of the property on which this research was carried out. Mr. Harry Bumgarner, Manager of Southern Woodlands, has been particularly cooperative in allowing me and many others to work on Owens-Illinois property. The Wentworth Foundation of Clearwater, Florida, Mr. William Goza, President, funded the 1976 field research performed by Dr. Jerald T. Milanich and a University of Florida Archeological Field School. The National Endowment for the Humanities funded the 1978 field research and the grant has supported myself and another graduate student during the analysis and writing period.

There are several Suwannee County residents who, perhaps unwittingly, have provided information which I have used in this dissertation. I would like to thank Mr. Lynne Johnson, Mr. Edmond Montgomery, Mr. Howe Land, and Mr. Leon (Lex) McKeithen. Mr. McKeithen was extremely helpful in providing information and making introductions. le also allowed the 1978 crew to live on his property in Columbia County.

I thank Mr. Rick Stokell most heartily for serving with me as the

1977 survey crew. The days spent finding no sites, the thrashing through ii









smilax thickets in the late afternoons, and the cautious trudging through rattlesnake territory would have been unbearable without his companionship, dedication, and interest. Several people put in a day or two on the survey, and I thank them, but Rick was there through proverbial thick (undergrowth) and thin (site distribution).

The 1978 field crew who participated at Baptizing Spring was small, enough that I'can thank them individually. William Easton, map librarian and hockey manager at Illinois State University, Vicki Bagnell, Wade Hannah, and Woody Meiszner comprised the more or less permanent crew. David Stern, Patricia Vazquez, Renee Andrews, and TammieHearn were the faithful weekend volunteers who kept coming back time after time and who made the extra trips back and forth to Gainesville well worth my while. I owe a special thanks to Woody Meiszner, another graduate student, who was my "right-hand man" in the field and who, with his background as an accountant, offered advice on personnel management and time budgeting (none of which I think I ever implemented). He was also a good friend whose inquiring mind kept my own thought running at a lively pace. Ms. Virginia Hanson also contributed to the field work but, more importantly, continued the analysis of ceramics which I had started. I owe her a debt of gratitude for her perserverence and commend her strong belief in the responsibilty for carrying out one's commitments.

At the end of one's structured educational career, the benefits owed to numerous professors come rushing back in an overwhelming flood of memories. There is not enough space to thank all of them. Very generally, I would like to thank the faculty and staff of the Department of Anthropology and at the Florida State Museum. Those whom I have ever come in contact with have been very good to me and I hope that I may be iii









a credit to their time and efforts. Dr. Art Hanson inspired my interest in economic anthropology and spent extra time discussing my project with me during its incipient stages. Dr. Leslie Sue Lieberman has been not only my employer but my friend as well. I sometimes believe that she rescued my sanity when the hours at night became too long. Dr. Prudence Rice is a demanding professor, a fact I can appreciate since it makes one's accomplishments that much more satisfying. She has brought ceramic technology to the Department and Museum, and I hope they both remain. Dr. Jack Ewel, fondly remembered from my course in ecosystems, opened new vistas and the other students in that class were such that I was sorry to see the last field trip end. Dr. William Maples, Curator of Social Sciences at the Florida State Museum, has always kept my interest in human osteology and forensic science at a keen level. He has allowed me several privileges at the Museum and his caustic remarks regarding the ineptitude of archeologists have kept me amused; I have too much respect for him to suffer indignation so I have simply tried harder not to be ignorant.

Mrs. Lydia Deakin, our principal secretary and over-worked troubleshooter, has gone out of her way to help me in many situations and has proved to be a most benevolent conspirator. She has also taken a personal interest in my life and times, and my gratitude is best expressed in saying that I cannot express it.

The members of my committee will always be special people, if only because they comprise my committee. Dr. Michael Gannon has been very interested in this project and provided me with information on what historians expect to have as information. He also made me realize that persons not familiar with Florida might even want to read this report.

iv









Dr. Cannon also bolstered my spirits by being the first to say that he

thought my work did make a contribution to Florida mission research.

Dr. Elizabeth Wing allowed me freedom in the Zooarcheological

Laboratory of the Florida State Museum. I do not feel that I know her well but the inferences are clear that she is a remarkable person. She has always taken an interest in my work, considered my schemes and ideas, has volunteered information, and stimulated my curiosity. One can expect to work hard to please Dr. Wing, but it is extremely rewarding to do so.

I have very special feelings for Dr. Kathleen Deagan as she was the first archeologist I ever worked with. Her field techniques are meticulous, her intellect keen, and her personality marvelous. She has been such a pleasure to be associated with. I known that anything I, or others, have written will receive honest and thoughtful criticism and consideration.

Dr. Jerald Milanich provided me with my first introduction to

Florida prehistory and I've been hooked ever since. He found money for me to carry out the survey and assented to our living at the Florida State Museum field camp during our summer season. Conversations with him, especially the longer ones, are always thought-provoking and stimulating. He is an excellent critic (a fact I usually appreciate two or three days after the initial shock) and having him on my committee has been invaluable.

Everytime one of Dr. Charles Fairbanks' students graduates, there is a real problem in trying to say something about him that has not already been said. Like all others, I find myself in this quandry. As my chairman, he has read completely each chapter as it issued from my typewriter. His knowledge on a myriad of subjects is astounding (and

v









sometimes depressing). lie takes personal and professional interest in eeyr student who comes to his office. For Dr. Fairbanks, office hours tend to be a mere formality and I sometimes think we, his students, often take advantage of his generosity and patience. Of all the things I have learned from him, the most important have been concerned with professional ethics, responsibilty to one's colleagues, and how to be a teacher. I am grateful to have known him and to have worked under his guidance.

There are numerous peers who have enlightened my viewpoint and

added several dimensions to my personality. We are all cohorts who have lived in a basement somewhere and I want to thank them for providing entertainment and moral and intellectual support, not to mention knowledge in areas where I am lacking. Robin Smith, Nicholas Honerkamp, Theresa Singleton, Betsy Reitz, Nina Borremanns, Brenda Siglar-Lavelle, Sue Mullins, Ann Cordell, Mimi Saffer, Virginia Hanson, Malinda Stafford, Jere Moore, Gerry Evans, and Arlene Fradkin are only the most important few that immediately come to mind. I would particularly like to acknowledge Robin Smith as a person whose intellect and sensitivity I admire and whose friendship I cherish.

Arlene Fradkin voluntarily analyzed the faunal material from the summer season at Baptizing Spring. Betsy Reitz found, and took it upon herself to analyze, faunal material from another mission site as comparative data. Betsy has finished her dissertation a little ahead of me and I have benefited by being able to compare "notes" on the processes and frustrations involved. She is a veritable wealth of information regarding faunal analysis and excells in numerous other areas. I admire her greatly and I have been the one to profit from our conversations.









Brenda Siglar-Lavelle and I have had many conversations concerned with our research, which overlap after a fashion, and just as many that have had very little to do with the academic side of graduate life. I usually come away impressed with my own ignorance and, luckily, stimulated to do something about it. She is a very bright and gutsy lady and deserves more recognition than I can possibly provide.

Two former doctoral students, who successfully completed their degrees andhave moved on to other "pastures," provided me their minds as great reverberating sounding boards. Ray Crook, with whom I think I was somewhat harsh concerning the relevance of archeology, gave me platters of food for thought. Tim Kohler, a very special friend and confidante, is a man whose consideration, thoughtfulness, humor, generosity, and intellectual brilliance I can never adequately acknowledge. He helped me through some very hard times and rejoiced in my minor triumphs. A distance of 4000 miles has not made him any less accessible, even though I have gotten him out of bed on Sunday mornings to discuss corn (Zea mays) over the telephone.

It ought to be obvious to anyone who is particularly fond of mulling over "acknowledgements" that there are an inordinate number of good people and scholars all gathered in the same arena.

One's parents and family, if one is lucky, are supportive, generous, kind, and interested. I am extremely fortunate in having parents who have dragged me out of the basement lab for weekend excursions, who have kept me provisioned with food (and sometimes money just when I needed it most) throughout my graduate student existence, and most importantly, have been interested in what I've been doing. Connie and Bob Loucks have always been extremely proud of me, praising me beyond my blushing worth.

vii-









I would like to say that I have been extremely proud of them, for they are industrious, caring people who excell in their own fields and interests. My brothers have worked industriously and without compensation to keep my car in running order. We have never talked very much but there is not always the need (and it is embarrassing) when siblings become as close as we have grown. I think of them a great deal. I also would like to say, with regard to my relatives still in Canada, that I am just as pleased as punch that my graduation has been a topic of conversation and pride among them. I am very glad to be one of the clan, for an anthropologist and an archeologist can appreciate what it means to have time depth in one's life.

In the face of all these acknowledgements, it is somewhat presumptuous to assume final responsibility for this dissertation. No matter what others have given, however, it has all come together (or flown apart) within my own head. The final product is my own responsibility and any deficiencies are of my own making. Writing a dissertation, or any major work, is like painting a good picture: the result is usually a surprise to the artist who feels that it must have been executed by someone else.


viii















TABLE OF CONTENTS


ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS ........ ....................... ii

LIST OF TABLES .... ... .............. .......... xi


LIST OF FIGURES ............. .


.I. xiii


ABSTRACT ............ ......................... ..


CHAPTER ONE: INTRODUCTION ... .........
Acculturation ...... ................
Archeological Acculturation Studies ....
Specific Goals and Assumption of this Study


CHAPTER TWO: CONCEPTS OF ECONOMIC ANTHROPOLOGY
AND POLITICAL ORGANIZATION ................
Modes of Exchange .. ......... ...............
Exchange Spheres ....................
Economics, Prestige, and Power .............
Economic Archeology ......... ..................

CHAPTER THREE: PROTOHISTORIC TIMUCUAN AND SPANISH
MISSION PERIOD ECONOMICS .... ............
Modelling Timucuan Economics ..............
Peninsular Economic and Demographic
Conditions (1482-1700) ....... ................
Spanish-Indian Interaction (1564-1650) .........
Priests, Soldiers, Civilians, and Indians: 1650-1675
1675 1704 .......... ........................
Economic Interactions During the Mission Period......
Hypotheses . .. .

CHAPTER FOUR: ARCHEOLOGICAL CONTEXTS OF SPANISH-INDIAN
LIFE AT FLORIDA MISSIONS ............
Mission Archeology (1948-1977) ..... .. .
Interpretations, Inferences, and Hypotheses
of Previous Research ....... ..................
The Utina ........... .........................
Baptizing Spring . ... .


CHAPTER FIVE: STRUCTURAL REMAINS AND MATERIAL
CULTURE AT BAPTIZING SPRING ..
Structures at Baptizing Spring .....
Lithic Artifacts ..............
Spanish Artifacts ...... ...............


xv


1
2 6 8


12 13 15 16 18


21 32

35 39 50
57 63 72


80 80

91
97 100


127 129
150 167









Indian Manufactured Ceramics ..... ............ .185
Faunal Remains ... ............... ........ ..221
Floral Remains ........ .................. 233

CHAPTER SIX: ARCIIEOLOGICAL INDICATORS OF SOCIAL
AND ECONOMIC RELATIONSHIPS ... ..... 237
Ceramic Diversity ..... ............. .... 238
Similarity and Correlations ...... ....... .. 251
Distribution of Non-ceramic Prestige Goods ....... ..267 Weapons and Subsistence ...... ............... .268
Artifact and Structure Associations ... ....... ..281
Sites Adjacent to Baptizing Spring .... ....... ..288
Comparison of Mission Period Sites ... ......... ..293

CHAPTER SEVEN: CONCLUSIONS: SPANISH-INDIAN
INTERACTION .... ............. ... 317

APPENDICES

A. EXCAVATION DATA AND DETAILED
FEATURE DESCRIPTIONS ..... ........... .329

B. COMPLETE RAW DATA FOR LITHICARTIFACTS ...... .337

C. ANALYSIS OF CORNCOBS FROM THE BAPTIZING SPRING
SITE, FLORIDA ............ .......... 340

BIBLIOGRAPHY ... .................. .......... 350

BIOGRAPHICAL SKETCH ........ ................... ..365














LIST OF TABLES

Table 1. Gifts and Trade Goods Exchanged between
Indians and Europeans ...... ........... ... 43

Table 2. Flora Local to Baptizing Spring Vicinity..... 106 Table 3. Worked Lithic Tools ..... .............. ... 158

Table 4. Utilized Lithic Tools ...... ................ .163

Table 5. Debitage by Form Group ....... ............ .166

Table 6. Non-ceramic Spanish Artifacts ..... ............ .168

Table 7. General Distribution of Identifiable
Spanish Ceramics ....... .................. 175

Table 8. South's Mean Ceramic Date Formula .... .......... .183

Table 9. Raw and Relative Frequencies of Aboriginal Ceramics 186 Table 10. Summary of Lip and Rim Forms for Selected Ceramics 210 Table 11. Species and Classes Represented in Structures A
and B, Aggregated Spanish Area (A+B), and the
Village: Number and % by Fragments ... ........ .224

Table 12. Class Percentage by MNI of Fauna ... .......... .226

Table 13. Summary Descriptive Statistics from 1979 (Kohler,
Appendix C) Analysis of Carbonized Corncobs ...... .235 Table 14. Aboriginal Ceramic Categories Used in Calculation of
Shannon-Weaver Diversity Index ... ......... ... 248

Table 15. Aboriginal Ceramic Diversity .... ............ .250

Table 16. Weighted Ceramic Group/Type.Counts ... ......... ..257

Table 17. ANOVA Table for One-way Analysis of Variance between
Spanish and Indian Structures ............. 260

Table 18. F Values of One-way Analysis of Variance between
Structure Pair A-C and Pair A-D by Ceramic Type/Group 262 Table 19. ANOVA Table for One-way Analysis of Variance between
Structure C and Structure D ..... ............. .263

xi










Table 20 Table 21 Table 22. Table 23. Table 24. Table 25. Table 26. Table 27. Table 28. Table 29.


SWhite-tailed Deer (Odocoileus virginianus) Element Distribution ...... ..................

* Faunal Species and Elements from Spanish Structures (White-tailed Deer excluded) and Village ........

* Worked and Utilized Lithic Artifacts from Structures C and D ....................

Identifiable Aboriginal Ceramics Collected from the Surface of Sites Adjacent to Baptizing Spring .

Distribution of Spanish (or European) Ceramics versus Aboriginal Ceramics at Three Mission Period Sites . . .

* Classified Majolica Types and Diversity for Nine Florida Mission or Visita Sites ..........

Aboriginal Ceramics from Eight Florida Mission Period Sites: Aggregated by Design ... ..........

Cultures Represented by Identifiable Aboriginal Ceramics at the Eight Florida Mission Period Sites

Non-ceramic Spanish Artifacts Compared between Spanish Mission Period Sites in Florida .....

Floral and Faunal Remains Preserved at the Different Mission Sites Reported in Florida ...


271 273 285 290 295 297 301 303


307 312














LIST OF FIGURES

Figure 1. General Geomorphological Areas of Florida and
Location of Certain Eastern and Western Timucuan
Tribes and the Apalache .................... 22

Figure 2. Hypothetical Flow Chart of Prehistoric/Protohistoric
Timucuan Economic System .... ............. .36

Figure 3. Location of Selected Excavated Mission Period Sites 82 Figure 4. Contour Map of Vicinity Around Baptizing Spring 101 Figure 5. Sites Adjacent to Baptizing Spring .... ........ 110

Figure 6. Baptizing Spring Site Plan ...... ............ .120

Figure 7. 1978 Excavations and Location of Transit Stations


and Bench Marks


. . 123


Excavation and Floor Plan of Structure B Excavation and Floor Plan of Structure A Excavation and Floor Plan of Structure D Excavation and Floor Plan of Structure C Clay-lined Feature .... Profile of Clay-lined Feature ........ Cultural Features in Central Portion of T Simplified Examples of Use Wear ....... Generalized Lithic Artifact Forms ... Coral Core Gouging Tool ... ..........

Copper and Glass Ornaments ... Religious Medallion Found in Structure C Ichtucknee Blue on White Plate Santo Domingo Blue on White Handled Bowl xiii


r


. 131

. 136

. 141

. 144

. 147 147

ench #1 148 152

. 155

.165 171

. 173

. 177

. 179


Figure Figure Figure Figure Figure Figure Figure Figure Figure Figure Figure Figure Figure Figure









Figure 22. Figure 23. Figure 24. Figure 25. Figure 26. Figure 27. Figure 28.


Figure 29.



Figure 30. Figure 31. Figure 32. Figure 33. Figure 34. Figure 35.


Lip Profiles ........ .................... .191

Surface-Scraped and Impressed Ceramics ......... .194

Loop Cross Motif Complicated Stamped Ceramics 196 Solid Cross Motif Complicated Stamped Ceramics 197 Rectilinear Complicated Stamped Design Motifs 198 Curvilinear Complicated Stamped Design Motifs 201 Curvilinear Complicated Stamped Design Motif and Cross-Incised Sherd ..... .............. .203

Identifiable Paddle Variations: Groups of More than One Sherd Each for Cross Motif Complicated Stamped.. ........ ................... 207

Jefferson Ware Pinched Rims .... ............ .212

Miller Plain Bowl from, Structure A ... ......... ..217

Colono-Indian Ceramic Forms ..... ............. 219

Colono-Indian Ceramic Sherds: Basal Profiles 220 Partial Pig (Sus scrofa) Carcass .... .......... .229

Bone Counters or Gaming Pieces .... ........... .232


xiv















Abstract of Dissertation Presented to the Graduate Council
of the University of Florida in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree of Doctor of Philosophy POLITICAL AND ECONOMIC INTERACTIONS BETWEEN SPANIARDS AND INDIANS:
ARCHEOLOGICAL AND ETHNOHISTORICAL PERSPECTIVES OF THE MISSION SYSTEM IN FLORIDA

By,

Lana Jill Loucks

June 1979

Chairman: Charles H. Fairbanks
Major Department: Anthropology

There has been no published archeological research which has investigated both Spanish and Indian sectors of mission villages in Florida. It has either been impossible to distinguish these areas or the reports of such possible investigations have been very preliminary. This study was designed specifically to examine acculturation processes and SpanishIndian interaction during the mission period in northern Florida (ca. 1606-1704). Concepts from economic anthropology and organizational theory were employed in examining ethnohistoric data in order to formulate a model of political and economic change in Timucuan society. Hypotheses relevant to archeological investigation were generated on the basis of this model.

Prior to Spanish arrival, the Timucuan politico-economic system

appears to have been based largely on balanced, reciprocal transactions and share-out and mobilization forms of redistribution. Early SpanishIndian interactions seem to have conformed to this system but, as time

xv







progressed, interactions became increasingly unbalanced. Owing to dramatic demographic disruptions and the decreasing ability of Spaniards to meet native economic and behavioral expectations, the mission system declined rapidly. Ultimate collapse of the Florida mission system was probably due more to internal factors than to external ones.

Archeological research at Baptizing Spring, a Utina mission site in Suwannee County, Florida, was carried out to investigate hypotheses relating to Spanish endorsement and perpetuation of native politicoeconomic roles. This site may have been the early 17th century mission of San August3*n de Urica (ca. 1610-1656?).

Patterns of Spanish and aboriginal artifact distribution between two aboriginal and two Spanish structures suggest that Indians obtained primarily ornamental items from Spaniards. European-origin and aboriginal prestige goods, hypothetically identified in the model and through previous research, were found to cluster in one of the Indian dwelling areas. This suggests that native prestige goods maintained their symbolic significance and that European goods of similar types provided Spanish reinforcement of aboriginal roles and status. In addition, it was found that Indians had access to introduced domesticates but that these may have been restricted to high-status individuals. Artifact assemblages differed significantly between Indian-Indian and Indian-Spanish structural areas suggesting that Spaniards had restricted access to certain food resources, non-local, and locally manufactured goods. Data also suggest that demographic upheaval and .population shifts may be represented in the archeological record.

The Baptizing Spring site was compared to other excavated mission period sites in Florida. On the basis of these comparative data, it xvi









appears that this mission site did not enjoy the relatively greater wealth of larger, more important missions in Apalache and coastal Northeast Florida. Necessary information is not available from these other mission period sites to substantiate or reject the hypothesis that introduced technological items were dispersed among Indians rather than restricted to Spanish or Spanish-supervised usage at haciendas, ranches, and missions. Such items were not found among artifacts at Baptizing Spring where basically traditional technological, subsistence, and social patterns appear to have been retained. The only evidence of the presence of European weapons -- firearms -- was recovered from the postulated high-status Indian dwelling.


xvii















CHAPTER ONE
INTRODUCTION

Research concerned with Spanish-Indian interaction in Florida has suffered from a lack of clearly stated theoretical basis. The study of acculturation is usually mentioned as a working objective but by itself acculturation is little more than a general term which describes a particular kind of culture change. It is the processes, the means by which change is initiated and reactions to these means, that dictate the direction of culture change. There is little doubt that a concerted program of directed change brought native-Floridians into the Spanish colonial system. The degree to which Indians were acculturated, however, has been argued and the actual kinds of interactions which took place have not been examined in detail.

A Spanish mission site was discovered in Suwannee County, Florida, in 1976 following clearing and bedding activities for pine planting by Owens-Illinois, Inc.. Considerable exposure of the site left it open to local collectors,who are extremely active in this area,and to erosion. Hasty excavation of the two presumed Spanish building areas was performed by Dr. Jerald T. Milanich of the Florida State Museum. In the ensuing two year period, fairly limited documentary research was undertaken with the intent of continuing excavation at the site. In 1977, a survey of the surrounding area (Loucks 1978a) revealed six sites within 500 m of the mission. These sites were partially surface collected using various sampling techniques as it was hoped that they could be temporally and functionally linked with the mission site.

1








Dr. Charles 1H. Fairbanks of the Department of Anthropology,

University of Florida, applied for and received a grant from the National Endowment for the Humanities. Further excavation in the aboriginal sector.of the mission village was planned in order to examine the lifeways at a Spanish-Utina mission and the material correlates of acculturation. The aims in the proposal were to construct a general picture of the shared influences on material culture of both Spaniards and Indians and to examine the processes by which acculturation was accomplished. Excavations in both Spanish and Indian living areas had never been carried out at a single mission site in Florida, therefore no statements could be made concerning the functioning of a mission as a whole unit.

This dissertation focuses on the Baptizing Spring site (8 Su 65) as the testing ground for certain hypotheses concerning interactions between Spaniards and Indians. The theoretical orientation derives largely from anthropological economics and its related fields of interaction, social exchange, and organizational theory.


Acculturation

Conceptually, acculturation entails both processes and results of

contact between cultures. In practice, it is difficult to study because to do so requires an holistic approach. This is especially true when formulating models to implement directed culture change.

Acculturation studies have been associated primarily with British and American functionalism (Plog 1977:26). American interest was sparked by the growing conviction that diffusion did not fully explain sociocultural change. In England, the problem was enhanced through an awareness of forced cultural changes in colonization efforts. In 1936









the American Anthropological Association held formal discussions regarding the subject's suitability for anthropological investigation. Agreement on central issues was necessitated by involvement of anthropologists in American Indian administrative problems. Later, World War II provided impetus to acculturation awareness as forced culture contacts occurred and post-war issues of decolonization had to be faced (Bee 1974:94, 95).

In view of the contemporary concern with applied anthropology at most research institutions, it is difficult to realize that it was necessary to formally recognize contact culture change as an appropriate topic for anthropological attention. Acculturation studies have figured in sociocultural research for at least forty years; in anthropology these studies have been primarily ethnohistorical and ethnological in nature. Such works include Bohannan and Plog's (1967) Beyond the Frontier, Everett Rogers' (1969) Modernization Among Peasants, and the well-known volumes by Linton (1940), Foster (1960), and Spicer (1961) which spurred and provided concepts for acculturation study.

Many studies have concentrated on the pressing problems brought about by economic development: Nash's Machine Age Maya (1958) and Salisbury's (1962) study of technological change in New Guinea are two such examples. Impacts of political and economic change and the introduction of new technologies, health care and education programs, changed food crops and material goods have all been studied either before or after the fact. Directed change, both at home and abroad, is a major governmental preoccupation.

R.L. Bee (1974:98-106) has summarized four distinct facets of acculturation studies: cultural systems, contact situation, conjunctive







4

relations, and acculturation processes, Each culture system particip ting in contact situations exists as a separate, independent entity prior to contact. Within these systems, certain properties act to maintain independence. Physical or "subtle" boundary-maintaining mechanisms exist, internal structure is flexible within a culturally prescribed range, and self-correcting mechanisms affect the ways in which forces of conflict are balanced by forces of cohesion.

The contact situation, as defined by Bee (1974:102), involves ecological and demographic parameters which influence the outcome of acculturation. Technological capabilities and environmental limitations of the recipient group are major features that determine which technologies and goods will be accepted. If new techniques and practices are not adopted, the explanation may be that the cost of doing so is too great, rather than that the recipient's behavior is too conservative (Schneider 1974:192). Demographic variables concern the number of people or groups involved in the interaction, their ages, and their sex. In some contact situations, interaction is limited to males in a certain age group (e.g. fur traders). In other situations, primary interactions may be between males of the superordinate group and females of the subordinate group. Such was the case in St. Augustine where Spanish men, largely soldiers, married Indian women (Deagan 1974).

Bee's "conjunctive relations" (1974:102-103) are composed of two aspects: (1) structural limitations and (2) "filtering" of information. The-former refers to the limitations placed on interactions by the context of the interaction, be it religious, economic, militaristic, or a combination of these. Viewing contact in this manner enables the definition of paired relationships such as "buyer-seller" and "missionary-









convert." The recognition of these paired relationships facilitates the study oF acculturation using a transactional orientation which can simplify model formation.

The second aspect is similar to features in Foster's description of conquest culture situations. Only a small part of the totality of traits and complexes that comprise the donor (superordinate) culture are introduced. These are further diminished in the geographical region of the recipient (subordinate) culture (Foster 1960:227). Priests, for instance, participated in a limited part of Spanish culture. Regular order priests acted within monastic spheres entirely different from the public sphere of the secular priests. Each group had their different tasks and roles defined by the Church. In Florida, as in other parts of New Spain, military and secular officials added a further dimension of Spanish culture which was restricted to males of differing ethnic and economic backgrounds. The recipient culture also may present only a partial rendering of the total system. Certain activities may be hidden from outsiders or only superficially represented.

The final facet of acculturation studies involves the processes themselves, several of which have been subsumed under the general categories of diffusion, evaluation, and integration (Bee 1974:104). Different responses of populations to contact situations are seen in terms of a typology of processes or outcomes: cultural creativity, cultural disintegration, reactive adaptation, progressive adjustment (fusion and assimilation), and stabalized pluralism (Plog 1977:29). Spanish colonization was a directed contact encounter: "societies [were] interlocked in such a way that participants in one culture [were] subject not only to sanctions in their own system but also to








those operative in the other system" (Spicer 1961:520). Directed contact is characterized by effective control of some type and degree by members of one society over members of the other with certain behavioral changes sought by the superordinate group. Changes which occur, however, are determined by both cultural systems (Spicer 1961:520).


Archeological Acculturation Studies

Plog (1974:8) has argued that the area in which archeologists are best able to employ their talents is the study of change. Basically, four paradigms have dominated this field: evolutionism, cultural ecology, behavioralism, and acculturation (Plog 1977:25). In prehistoric archeology, culture contact studies have been approached through the effects of trade and conquest/population movements. It has been difficult, however, to distinguish changes brought about by different kinds of contact. A particularly appropriate example concerns the appearance of complicated stamped ceramics that reflect Georgia design motifs and styles in northern Florida during the late prehistoric/protohistoric period. It is not known whether the appearance of these ceramics is related to diffusion of techniques, trade, or actual population mixing (Milanich 1978:75).

The study of acculturation processes can be carried out at sites of known contact situations but such studies have been relatively few. Considering the rich colonial history of the United States, this gap in archeological research is somewhat surprising. One can guess, however, that there is some feeling that contact sites are less exotic than prehistoric sites and more bothersome than strictly colonial European or American sites. Particularly because archeologists attempt to








understand cultural process from the examination of material objects, the European-Indian sites would seem to provide excellent opportunities for the study of culture change. These sites hold the physical results of two or more very different cultures coming in contact and coexisting for a usually discoverable period of time. The introduction of goods can be related to their function and the contact situation (e.g. French fur traders who had sporadic contact with Indians and were not interested in precipitating specific social changes versus Spanish missionaries who had very definite plans for changing Indian life). Thus, hypotheses concerning their impact and the cultural processes which accompanied introduction and acceptance can be made. Supplied with a substantial historical and anthropological background, these hypotheses can be formulated prior to field research and tested.

Perhaps contact sites have received less attention than fully

prehistoric sites because historic archeology is of relatively recent interest. Many historical archeologists have yet to agree on, or realize, what it is that they should or could be doing (Moran 1979). There is also a theoretical dichotomy between those who think historic archeology should be historical versus those who feel it should be anthropological. A recent symposium on acculturation studies held at the 1979 Society for Historical Archaeology Conference revealed that, with few exceptions, these archeologists are still describing material culture, reading documents and probate inventories, and making little or no attempt to view their findings in anthropological terms or to offer processual interpretations. Exceptions included Keeler's (1979) attempt to apply systems theory to changes among the Chinook Indians (although he wasn't exactly sure how to go about it nor what to do with his data),









Baker's (1979) study of Colono-Indian pottery and Catawba culture change, and Brown's (1979) study of French and Indian Interaction in the Lower Mississippi valley. One of the few historical archeological works which has proposed and tested hypotheses of acculturation processes is that by Deagan (1974) wherein she examined the role of Indian women, married to Spaniards, as the primary agents and affectors of both Indian and Spanish material culture change.


Specific Goals and Assumptions of this Study

It is invalid to assume that two transacting groups reach an

agreement on the basis of identical understandings, values, and expectations (Salisbury 1976:42): ". common membership in a single moral community can be seen as providing the sanctions that prevent the terms [of a transaction or interaction] from becoming too disadvantageous for the less powerful" (Salisbury 1976:44). The major assumption of this study is that two groups with different cultural and value systems have differing expectations of interaction behavior. In situations marked by disparity of power and-cultural complexity, the donor group changes its behavior in some degree but the major changes occur in the recipient group's behavior (Foster 1960:7). If, however, cultural complexity and power are not greatly disparate one might expect less behavioral change and greater conflict as both groups act to maintain their own systems. Conflict will arise when either side refuses to yield over a situation where values and behavioral expectations clash. Some changes will be superficial if practices and beliefs of both groups are similar. A relevant example is the substitution of Catholic saints and religious figures for aboriginal ones in Mesoamerica. On the surface, Catholicism replaced native religion-yet Amerindian statuary, beliefs, and behavior









remained, for the most part, unchanged. If negative reinforcement is a factor, the behavior in question may simply "go underground" and appear to have been removed as in the case of kiva ceremonialism among the Rio Grande Pueblo (Dozier 1961:95). The working hypothesis of this study is that Spanish and Indian behavior and expectations of behavior on the part of each group did not change and that this lack of change created conflict and contributed strongly to the internal collapse of the mission system in Florida.

It was earlier stated that the study of acculturation requires an holistic approach. Archeological and historical information, however, present only a fragmentary picture of past cultures and it is usually impossible to perceive every aspect of a cultural system. Since economics ties together political, religious, economic, and social organization, an anthropological economic approach was adopted. Another factor which dictated this approach is the obvious truism that artifacts and their distribution are the physical results of economic activity: production, transaction, distribution, and consumption. Viewing contact situations in terms of paired relationships (see above) also involves economic theory which deals specifically with interpersonal and intergroup relationships.

The following chapter develops the theoretical basis -- derived from economic anthropology and organization theory -- for the hypotheses. Chapter Three presents ethnohistoric data on the Timucua during the early contact period and throughout the mission period. Economic and political conditions in Spain are briefly discussed and models of pre-contact Timucuan economic systems and mission period interactions are proposed.









Changes, or l.ack thereof, In interac ttonal behavior and expectat ions throughout the Franciscan residency at the Florida mission (1573-1704) are discussed. Finally, hypotheses formulated from the documentary evidence and theoretical data are presented at the end of this chapter.

Chapter Four reviews mission period archeology in Florida and offers a discussion of inferences and conclusions reached by previous investigators. Information known about the Utina Indians is presented and the Baptizing Spring site is very tentatively identified as a documented mission of the first half of the 17th century. In addition, an overview of the 1977 survey near Baptizing Spring and excavation data from the 1976 and 1978 field seasons are discussed.

Chapters Five and Six detail structural and artifactual data (excluding material from surface collection at Baptizing Spring) from the mission site and survey sites. The mission data are described in Chapter Five and interpreted in light of the hypotheses in Chapter Six. Also in this latter chapter, the survey sites and other mission period sites are compared to Baptizing Spring. Chapter Seven presents a brief summary of the goals, hypotheses, and tested outcomes of the research project. A description of Spanish-Indian interaction as perceived archeologically at mission sites, especially at Baptizing Spring, is presented.

The ethnohistorical analysis presented in Chapter Three is an integral part of this thesis since it established the research framework employed in the study. Only selected aspects, however, are testable in an archeological situation. Through documentary analysis it was found that (1) economic and political controls were major cohesive factors of the Florida mission system, and (2) the mission system in Florida collapsed largely because of internal dissension brought about by the







11

failure of Spanish agents to meet Indian expectations of "proper" behavior and their economic demands, not because of external forces in the form of Yamassee and Carolinian raiders. The archeological thrust of this research, also based on documentary evidence, was that Indians and Spaniards attempted to maintain traditional-political subsystems by differentiating access rights to European goods.















CHAPTER TWO
CONCEPTS OF ECONOMIC ANTHROPOLOGY AND POLITICAL ORGANIZATION

A material transaction is usually a momentary episode in a continuous social relation. The relation exerts governance: the flow of goods is constrained by, is part of,
a status etiquette (Sahlins 1965:139).


The above statement embraces the essence of economic anthropology: the study of exchange embedded in the study of social relationships between groups or individuals. Herein lies the primary difference between economists and anthropologists. The former deal largely with material goods and services -- measurable entities -- while recognizing the importance of unmeasurable social "preferences." The latter emphasize the intangible social aspects of exchange. As stated by Firth (1970:4), the material dimension of an economy is a basic feature but the significance of an economy lies in the transactions of which it is composed and in the type of relationships which these transactions create, express, sustain, and modify. Although many economists working in anthropology downplay "social invisibles" (Pryor 1977:95) such as love, prestige, and status, many anthropologists working in economics agree that these intangibles are just as important as quantifiable commodities.

A recent development along these lines is the appearance of what has been dubbed "transactional" or "social exchange" theory. Social exchange theorists include human animate values along with inanimate and animate non-human objects in their analyses (Schneider 1974:20).









Social exchange describes a transaction of material or social value in return for obligations expressive of subordination (subservience, deference, clientship, or respect) or alliance manifested by expressions of respect and friendliness if the social exchanges off-set each other (Schneider 1974:148). The outcome, then, is determined by the value of the material or social element exchanged.

Some of the distance between economists and anthropologists can be lessened if the distinction between material and social is replaced by the more general idea of "property" where property is defined as rights in things rather than things themselves. If this is done, economics would be definable as the study of allocation of property (Schneider 1974:148, 152). Economics, however, is more than allocation. It also entails management, production, distribution, and consumption of resources. Social resources, in terms of access to goods and services (Wilmsen 1972:2) as well as relationships, are just as critical as natural resources.


Modes of Exchange

Since Sahlins (1972) defined and popularized the three states of reciprocal interaction, the terms and their descriptive foundations have been argued and reworded ad nauseum. It is probably true that no major theoretical strides have resulted and that reciprocity is basically conceived of in the same light as previously. True to his economic background, Pryor defines reciprocity as exchange in which the forces of supply and demand are masked (as opposed to market exchange where these forces are overt). He precludes possible balancing with "social invisibles" and limits reciprocal interactions to situations including counterflows of goods and services of more or less equal value (Pryor









1974:186). Sahlins invited argument primarily by describing a "negative" reciprocal transaction since in doing so he contradicted the very meaning of reciprocity: flow and counterflow. His selection of the term negative, however, pertained-to the social context and function of a particular type of transaction, "the attempt to get something for nothing with impunity" (Sahlins 1972:195). Examples of such behavior include theft, gambling, stealing, and bargaining. Schneider (1974:154) attempted to describe negative reciprocity in more lucid terms as exchanges which lack governing norms. Even this is incorrect, however, as there are socially prescribed situations in which negative reciprocity is acceptable or unacceptable. In this study the concept of negative reciprocity will be preserved intact, recognizing the terminological ambiguity but accepting it as a concept with which most anthropologists, even opponents, are familiar.

Generalized reciprocity is subject to norms which dictate sharing of wealth and resources without resort to rational calculation of value or gain (Schneider 1974:154). The unmodified form would describe "free gift giving" and other variants include generosity, hospitality, and helpfulness, in which there is neither immediate nor future expectation of return (Sahlins 1972:193). Return to the giver, however, consists of the social theorists' manifestations of subservience, indebtedness, or alliance.

The "true" mode of reciprocity, balanced transactions, is simply exchange with its implied characteristic of counterflow of goods and services from one party to another (Pryor 1977:27). Balancing connotes exchange of equally valued elements but it must be remembered that "balance" depends on the range of socially accepted exchange ratios.









Cultural norms serve to ensure peaceful and honorable behavior in transactions (Schneider 1974:154). Balanced reciprocity is also subject to value and time limits which may terminate further interaction possibilities (simultaneous exchange of the same type of goods) or may guarantee future exchange -- time-lapse between counterflows of unequally valued goods (Sahlins 1972:194-195). 'Some economic anthropologists feel it is preferable to view "balanced reciprocity" as successive transactions (Salisbury 1976:48).


Exchange Spheres

Exchange or transactional spheres are composed of differing material items and/or services and may be further distinguished by differing modes of exchange. Each sphere is distinct from each other sphere by virtue of the goods or services it encompasses and the exchange modes operative within it. Cultural classification of material items into subsistence and prestige categories usually indicates the presence of at least two different spheres (Bohannan and Dalton 1965:5-6). Prestige sphere is a phrase covering a multitude of individual and group transactions, ceremonies, and goods which are "honorific" because they symbolize position, status, rank, reputation, and power (Dalton 1971a:14). Items in a prestige sphere are segregated from transactions concerning ordinary goods such as those within a subsistence sphere (e.g. foodstuffs) except in emergencies such as famine when valuables may be sold to outsiders (Dalton 1971a:15). In the latter case, prestige goods may become "devalued" as other necessary goods suffer crucial scarcity.

The significant characteristic of exchange spheres is that, under usual circumstances, only goods within the same sphere are exchanged. It









seems to be universal that various spheres are hierarchically ranked on the basis of moral evaluation. Institutionalized situations exist in which spheres are "over-ridden, situations in which items are 'converted' from one sphere to another." Conversions are regarded as morally good or bad, converting "up" or "down," rather than as skillful or unskillful (Bohannan and Dalton 1965:8).


Economics, Prestige, and Power

Probably the most important "social invisible," and the one which Pryor believes he has shown to have inadequate causative power in determining economic activity, is prestige. The position of individuals in power is established, continued, and constantly reinforced by prestige that derives from elaborate display and consumption of economically valuable goods (Herskovits 1965:462). This belief embodies the economic act of conspicuous consumption yet Herskovits emphasizes intrinsic value rather than social value, and the two are not always synonomous. Dalton (1971a:14) maintains that prestige goods are "intensely social because they rearrange [emphasis mine] one's position in society, one's rights and obligations." This is tantamount to saying that it is goods which decide status and role rather than one's access to prestige goods which validates rank and prestige (Schneider 1974:147). Recognizing patterns indicative of differential access to and distribution of goods is a common goal of archeologists studying ranked societies. Although inheritance patterns may accord individuals rights to certain goods, it is these rights which validate position and the goods themselves function as symbols of these rights of access. The right of acquisition determines the nature of the result, not the acquisition or ownership per se.









Two types of politico-economic interactions need to be discussed but it is first necessary to distinguish between power and authority. Power entails the ability to forcefully control or influence a second party and this power resides in control of valued items (Emerson in Hall 1972:205). Power relations arise out of both positively and negatively balanced exchanges and also out of unbalanced transactions and open conflict (Whyte 1971:172). Authority, on the other hand, lacks force: directives or orders are followed because of the belief that they ought to be followed (Hall 1972:207). Authority, then, is positively reinforced by society while power is negatively reinforced by the governing group or individual. Prestige goods validating power and authority may be different: goods exacted through tribute payments on fear of punishment for failure to render symbolize power whereas other prestige goods accorded on the basis of respect, rank, or inheritance rights reinforce authority.

The effective establishment of authority obviates a need for overt sanction in daily activities since authority is sustained by creating social obligations. If a superior ,commands voluntary obedience from subordinates he need not induce them to obey by promising rewards or threatening punishment. "Use of sanctions undermines authority" (Blau 1971:160,161). Authority involves the exercise of social control which rests on willing compliance of subordinates with certain directives of superiors (Blau 1971:158). The linkage between authoritarian control and economic activities is succinctly provided by Mary Douglas' concept of licensing in which authority serves to protect vulnerable areas of an economy. Political-economic "license," although often tacit (i.e. unsanctioned), creates monopoly advantages for those who receive the









benefits of it, both superiors and subordinates (Douglas 1970:131). Tn her words, "both parties become bound In a patron-client relation sustained by the strong interests of each in the continuance of the system'."


Economic Archeology

Previous archeological and prehistoric economic studies have dealt primarily with ecological and geographical models of interaction. The European "school," in general, includes (1) the development of agriculture, (2) settlement pattern and land use at different periods,

(3) seasonality, and (4) trade and its motivation among current themes in archeology (Sieveking 1977:xv). Social exchange models used are, those derived from geographical theory: central place, locational, and network analyses (Sieveking 1977:xxi). Higgs' edited volume Paleoeconomy (1975) equates economy with resource exploitation and, although topics include ethology and human exploitation behavior, the articles concentrate on environmental description and exploitation, site catchment, subsistence, settlement'patterning, and territorial and ethological analysis of animal resources.

North American and Mesoamerican interests in prehistoric economics also have concentrated on trade networks and resource utilization. The sophistication of analytical techniques such as neutron activation and petrographic analysis have enabled delineation of interregional trade networks but the inability or unwillingness to hypothesize 'and test behavioral elements of exchange from presence and distribution of artifacts has resulted in the exclusion of a basic feature of any economic system. Granted, it is often difficult if not impossible to extract human behavior from material remains, but this is the proposed goal of









numerous archeologists. It is no longer valid to offer excuses on the basis of lack of models when such studies as Salisbury's (1962) on technological change in New Guinea, Barth's (1970) "Economic Spheres in Darfur," Bohannan's work on the Tiv (1955), and Dalton's numerous studies of market systems, to mention a very few, provide several case studies of economic processes and concepts illustrated by changes and patterns in material culture. This is particularly true when ethnohistoric data are available on which to build hypotheses concerning economic systems.

It is pointless to list and discuss the numerous archeological endeavors in describing and modelling economic interactions. A brief glance through American Antiquity, archeological textbooks, and other sources reveals that much of the work done has been concerned with trade. Perhaps the advocation of regional studies and the increasing number of surveys have been influencing factors. Rarely, however, is one able to find articles which deal with actual social and behavioral attributes of economic interaction. Exceptions include a considerable amount of ,work done on the significance of the distribution of prestige goods. Peebles (1974) was able to define several status groups on the basis of differential distribution of elite goods associated with burials and on the basis of burial placement in ceremonial center mounds, smaller mounds in villages, and beneath house floors. Settlement patterns and features have also been used to define periods of conquest and expansion and to infer levels of economic development (Sears 1968:147). In the southeastern United States, William Sears used attributes of artifacts, particularly ceramics, to propose presence of craft specialization which reflected wealth and organization within societies (Sears 1961:22) and









status hierarchies reflected in "sacred and secular" dichotomization (Sears 1973). Recently, Kohler (1978) used changing patterns of trade/ elite and utilitarian ceramic distribution to delineate different status-associated living areas within a Weeden Island period ceremonial center village. In historical archeology, Otto (1975) measured ceramic type and vessel form diversity, as well as differences in house plan and diet, to show correlations between status and access to goods.

Social and economic implications of differential interaction are

not usually studied; rather, they are taken as given. A study by DeGarmo (1977:157), however, concentrated on discovering social groupings as defined by archeological measures of variability in behavior. He used distribution of certain artifacts to delineate production and distribution groups within a single settlement and to identify three interpretive "possibilities" relative to manufacture and consumption of goods. Even going this far, the behavioral correlates and social significance were not discussed.

In Chapter Three it will be seen how ethnohistoric data can be used to place past cultural economic systems into anthropological perspective and how models of economic behavior and culture change can be constructed. The nature of the sites under study and the existence of historical records facilitates the kind of analysis advocated above and it is recognized that this approach is not always possible. Given more interest in social exchange theory by historical ,archeologists, it may someday be possible to apply formulated models to prehistoric sites.














CHAPTER THREE
PROTOHISTORIC TIMUCUAN AND SPANISH MISSION PERIOD ECONOMICS

Many subgroups composed the larger Timucua group. The Saturiwa

and Agua Dulce were included among the Eastern Timucua and the Yustega, Utina, Potano, and Ocale comprised the Western Timucua. Primary differences between the various tribes appear to have derived from environmental situation. Eastern Timucua occupied lower, marshier, and geologically younger (less fertile) soils than did their inland counterparts. The coastal saltmarsh (especially along the northeastern Florida coast) and estuarine habitats, however, were fertile beyond any natural soil configuration in Florida. Western Timucua inhabited more fertile soil districts in the Central Highland region, a strip which corresponds roughly with the 100 foot contour (Figure 1).

North Florida aboriginal political organization was a chiefdom (as defined by Service 1975:80) characterized by hereditary inequality, primogeniture, permanent leadership, and hierarchical authority. Chiefdoms have been identified as redistributive societies (Service 1962:144). A patron-client relationship is well-established between superordinates and subordinates and the former concentrate power independent of that allocated by the general populace (Adams 1975:228). The concept of redistribution can be described in terms of centric, or focused, transfers (unbalanced) characterized by the high degree to which they radiate to or from a single individual or single community-wide institution. This community-wide focal point is the distinguishing feature of centric 21

















.'. APALACH
-. .. U ,


[] COASTAL LOWLAND 9E CENTRAL HIGHLAND

l TALLAHASSEE RED HILLS






















Figure 1. General Geomorphological Areas of Florida and Location of
Certain Eastern and Western Timucuan Tribes and the Apalache.









transfers which can be one-way or two-way. Centric transfers are usually regressive in that goods and services flow from the poorer to the richer (Pryor 1977:34, 250, 280, 286). Recently, the concept of redistribution has been separated into four organizational forms collectively viewed in the past as "redistribution." Briefly, these are:


1. levelling mechanisms









2. householding




3. share-out




4. mobilization


institutionalized behavior that counteracts the concentration of wealth by individuals or groups (e.g. ceremonial obligations, potlaching); these mechanisms have no single formal structure but are distributive in their effects

pooling and general consumption of goods produced under division. of labor characteristic of a domestic unit

allocation of goods produced by cooperative labor to participants and owners of the factors of production

recruitment of goods and services for the benefit of a group not coterminus with the contributing members (Earle 1977:215)


To "share-out" can be added the allocation of goods to an "insurer," one who insures, at least in the minds of the people, present and future yields on production. Redistribution in the form of mobilization is basic to ranked and stratified societies and should be interpreted as an essential mechanism used to finance the political and private activities of the elite population (Earle 1977:216, 227). As will be shown, Timucuan society manifested both share-out and mobilization redistribution wherein goods, services, and information were the "goods" redistributed.









Timucuan social attributes included clan distinction, linked

clans, and warrior/non-warrior distinction (Garcilaso de la Vega 1962:15; Swanton 1922:369). There were a limited number of primary chiefs whose influence was regional and a greater number of secondary, village chiefs. Both were generally referred to as "caciques" although tribal affiliation was often designated through use of the most powerful cacique's name. "Nobles" were set apart from "commoners" by dress, behavior, and location of dwellings within a village. Copper ornaments, featherheaddresses, and tatooing were common symbols of high status. Feather headdresses also distinguished warriors from non-wariors during times of war (Garcilaso de la Vega 1962:15; Le Moyne in Bennett 1968:24). Highranking individuals were carried on litters during state affairs and special benches or shelters were prepared for them when they alighted (Le Moyne in Bennett 1968:93). According to Garcilaso de la Vega (1962: 170-171), a cacique's residence was larger than others and placed on a natural or artifical mound. Nearest to him, sometimes her, and around a central plaza lived other high-status persons. Lower status families lived further away from the central area. Unfortunately, Garcilaso de la Vega should be invoked with caution since his information was not first hand. Among the Eastern Timucua, however, Le Moyne (in Bennett 1968:62) described a similar village patterning although the cacique's dwelling was centrally located within the village; higher status individuals did live nearest him.

Public meetings which were presided over by the cacique, shamans, and elders, have been described in detail elsewhere (see Swanton 1922: 359; Le Moyne in Bennett 1968:60). Prescribed seating arrangements aid formalized order of presentation and ritual drinking of cassina (Ilex









vomitoria) were characteristic of these meetings. A cacique enjoyed considerable power and authority; few early accounts failed to note his "nobility," eloquence, and pride. Le Moyne, Laudonni'ere, and later, Father Pareja (Milanich and Sturtevant 1972), bore witness to his ability tocommand tribute and obedience through fear of punishment.

The Timucua were semi-sedentary, central-based horticulturalists and hunters and gatherers. Two crops of maize, the primary vegetable staple, were planted each year during the late spring and summer. Other produce included beans, gourds and other squashes. Maize was grown in communally farmed fields under direction of the cacique or his representative. Other crops were-grown in gardens adjacent to individual dwellings (Ribault 1964:73). All, or most, villagers worked to clear, sow, and harvest the "cacique's field." Swidden techniques of clearing were employed and fields were used for consecutive plantings until fertility declined below productive levels (Covington and Falcones 1963: 148; Laudonni'ere in Sauer 1971:205). Late fall and winter months were spent in the forests, hunting and foraging (Le Moyne in Bennett, 1968:44). Wild foods such as nuts, persimmons, wild plums, berries, and others probably added considerably to both winter and spring-summer diets. Foods were dried and/or smoked to be saved for winter rationing.

Early explorers, biased by the need to understand political underpinnings, generally concentrated on interactions between different status groups, principally on the level of elite versus subordinate. When no rank was differentiated and the Indians were treated as an ethnic entity, Father Escobedo (writing ca. 1589-1600) noted that within a village, Indians treated each other with generosity (Covington and Falcones 1963: 143, 148, 151). This reflects an ideal (Eastern) Timucuan conceptualization of behavior since stealing was common although supposed to









go undetected (Le Challeux in Lorant 1946:94, 96). To refuse a request

was dishonorable; food was freely distributed among the "poor"; a cacique must never act "greedy" (Covington and Falcones 1963:143). Nothing is known about kinship ties and the obligations entailed. Generosity may have pertained to all goods but, acknowledging the restricted possession of prestige items, it is probable that generosity operated only in terms of food, and, possibly, basic utilitarian goods. Food is the one material good most usually linked with generalized reciprocity and hospitality (Sahlins 1972:216).

Food was given freely to outsiders, Europeans, or was traded (Le Moyne in Lorant 1946:36; Ribault 1964:77, 81). Exchange of food for non-food items may.have been restricted to interactions between outsiders and villagers as it is often considered improper to make such exchanges with one's kin. Items given freely between kin do not carry the same significance as items given outside the kin realm. Food distribution is particularly sensitive to injunctions for or against its sharing and trading (Sahlins 1972:216). Reciprocity, especially in its generalized form, reflects the imbeddedness of particular transactions in longterm relationships (Salisbury 1976:44) and blood ties may be stronger than simply long-term relational ties. It is noteworthy that foods prepared for winter provisioning were not available to the French at any rate of exchange (Le Moyne in Swanton 1922:359). Food exchange with outsiders may have been restricted to occasions when villagers lacked calculable reason to conserve or when a show of hospitality was politically expedient. There is little doubt, however, that Indians sought to gain from provisioning the French. Le Moyne (in Bennett 1968: 98) reported that they stopped bringing in provisions as soon as they realized that the French had no more goods to exchange.









Father Pareja's 1613 Confessionario (Milanich and Sturtevant

1972), although written after the French had come and gone from Florida and the Spaniards had been established for roughly 50 years, has been used as a valued source of ethnographic information regarding aboriginal practices and behavior. Since the main purpose of Pareja's book was to provide questions which would-reveal the continuation of nonChristian, Indian practices, the author considers it as a pertinent source to be used in this section. It is interesting that after more than half a century of contact with Europeans, the Eastern Timucua still retained many of their beliefs and continued in many of their obviously incompatible roles (e.g. sorcerers, shamans).

A second "native" trait was gambling/stealing (Milanich and Sturtevant 1972:33; Le Challeux in Lorant 1946:94, 96), both of which fall under Sahlins' definition of negative reciprocity. Gambling, however, is a neutral transfer and does not systematically affect the distribution of goods in society toward or away from greater equality (Pryor 1977: 255). The major cost of these transactions was prestige loss on one side and prestige gain on the other (Covington and Falcones 1963:148149). Neither stealing nor gambling was considered immoral by the Timucua. Either activity may be seen as a means of earning prestige, particularly during peace times when excellence in battle was not an open means of attaining it. The actual winnings or material gains were symbolic of the acheived prestige. Ownership of certain items may have been shared by kinsmen with bundles of rights attached. One does not know which goods were stolen consistently and which were not, nor what social ties linked culprit to supposed victim. The question of stealing may be one of European ethnocentricity rather than negative reciprocity.









Elite versus non-elite interactions include those transactions

between patient/client and curer/sorcerer and commoner and elite. The former are included under the assumption that sorcerers definitely, and curers and herbalists possibly, participated in a higher ranking than the average villager. Remittance for curing and spell-casting, although insured and inflated through threat of witchcraft, may be viewed as one flow in a balanced reciprocity (see Milanich and Sturtevant 1972:30, 31). The initial flow issued from the curer or sorcerer in the form of the service or "good" purchased -- health, a marriage ceremony, or a spell. The test of balanced reciprocity is intolerance to one-way flow (Sahlins 1972:195). Intolerance is obvious on the part of the sorcerer or curer but must be hypothesized for the client. Presumably a client or his relatives could avenge a job poorly done: a spell or cure that failed or exacerbated the situation. A sorcerer could suffer prestige and clientele loss or be threatened by a competitor. It is difficult to believe that negative reinforcement was one-way.

A cacique, with the inherited authority to receive tribute and

obedience, and power to obtain it if challenged, reciprocated through the management of production and share-out redistribution. Supernatural confirmation of allocative rights supported through his shaman and social acceptance by his people allowed the cacique control over public granaries (Milanich and Sturtevant 1972:23-26, 31, 34). The authority structure, composed of chief and shaman, not only organized and directed labor in horticultural production but also ensured fertility in return for obedience and part of the yield. Control over maize fields and public storehouses would have reinforced chiefly position.









The presence of public fields and granaries fostered village

solidarity and subsidized labor, war efforts, feasting, provisioning of the "poor," and entertaining guests. Shamans who "tasted" the first corn and prayed over the lakes, arrows, forests, and fields (Milanich and Sturtevant 1972:23-26) further reinforced the dependence of lowstatus individuals on the elite. Furthermore, since a shaman or chief alone could open the granary, dependence was doubly insured. This mutually agreed upon interdependence constitutes licensing, as defined in Chapter Two (Douglas 1970).

Additional services performed by:the cacique included alliance formation, arbitration of disputes, revenging war deaths, arranging marriages, and organizing war efforts. For these corporate utilities and because of his importance as a leader, provider, and distributor, the cacique could expect respect, obedience, and yearly tribute payments of "pearls and other moneys made of shell and chamois (dressed hides]" (Canzo 1600). Escobedo stated that a cacique was supposed to be generous but, as Sahlins (1972:210) notes, in chiefly redistribution the flow between chief and people is fragmented into independent, small transactions. A cacique may accumulate many goods but is required to give out more or less. Accounts of aboriginal distribution do not indicate lower limits being exceeded to the point that a cacique lost his authority. The situation at the end of the mission period, however, suggests that such limits were recognized by Indians and that failure to distribute quantities of goodswithin prescribed limits could result in loss of position and concomitant authority. The loss of ability to enforce, however, had no little effect on loss of authority.









Interregional interactions are poorly known. Garcilaso de la Vega (1962:253-254) gave the impression that there was a special group of long-distance traders dealing in common and/or elite goods. Ribault (1964:74-75) mentions getting gold and silver in trade with Indians south of the mouth of the St. Johns River but these metals could have been scavenged from shipwrecks. Le Moyne (in Bennett 1968:104-105) knew that the Caloosa near Tampa Bay were getting precious metals from wrecked treasure fleet vessels but contended on the basis of what he was told by the Saturiwa and Utina, that the Eastern Florida tribes received gold and silver from Indians in the Appalachian Mountains (Le Moyne in Bennett 1968:95, 99). He does not, however, mention longdistance traders among the Indians. It has usually been recognized that much, if not all, of the gold and silver obtained by Indians came from salvaging wrecks (Bushnell 1978:45). Since copper was a prehistoric trade item, however, there exists the possibility that some of the precious metals traded to Europeans did come from distant places.. Whether or not there was an organized group of specialized traders can not be determined.

In order for such a group of traders to have existed, there would have had to have been pan-Southeastern sanction of their activities so that safe passage through hostile territories would be insured. The prehistoric and early historic Southeastern Indians were well-known for their propensity for belligerent behavior. There are several possible explanations: (1) these "merchants" were actually links in a system of trade partnerships; (2) as outsiders, not belonging to a particular tribe, they existed outside the realm of inter-tribal hostility;

(3) their activities provided scarce and valued items; and (4) traders







31

might have acted as spies. None of these need be mutually exclusive and quite possibly there were several reasons why traders were allowed to travel through many different regions; however the third reason is probably the most important. Mobilian, a trade jargon or kind of lingua franca, was reportedly spoken by all the tribes east of the Mississippi. The Apalache were the only Florida tribe listed among those using the language (Haas 1975:257-258). The presence of a trade language would certainly suggest that trade interactions occurred over the Gulf States, at least, and there is no reason to think that such activities would be absent. It is interesting that the Apalache were the only group mentioned as speaking the language. Could this be an oversight, or lack of information, or could the Apalache have excercised some control over trade goods coming into Florida proper? It certainly suggests that when the Indians told Le Moyne the gold and silver came from "Apalatcy" (Le Moyne in Bennett 1968:84) they could very well have meant that it came from Apalache not the Appalachian Mountains as Bennett (1968) interpreted. The problem does remain, however, that there are no mountains in Apalache (western Florida).

One final level of interaction that can be examined is loosely termed transactions between human and supernatural, the propitiation of natural elements which provided sustenance being the primary example. One of the most, if not the most, important shamanistic functions was the insurance of successful yields from lakes, fields, forests, etc. For their services, shamans received half the catch of fish, the first deer killed, the first corn, and so forth (Milanich and Sturtevant 1972: 23-26). These transactions represent a cyclical flow wherein shamans acted as intermediary agents between humans and supernatural forces.








Supplication of the latter was returned as yield in resources to the people who returned part to the shaman in recognition of his role, thus regenerating and maintaining the cycle.


Modelling Timucuan Economics

On the whole, aboriginal modes of exchange related to political and maintenance organization appear to have been characterized by balanced reciprocity. Generalized reciprocity was typical within kin/ village contexts and seems to have been a feature of initiatory interactions between Indians and Europeans as well. The question arises as to whether or not "free" exchange was precipitated by mutual good wishes or if Indians were merely attempting to supplicate recognized superior power. In the latter case, then, the "gift" would have been balanced by intangible elements such as peace and freedom from retribution. Trade with the French, at least, seems to have held no awe for the Eastern Timucua who had no qualms about refusing to trade. From documentary sources, the only goods which were consistently described as gifts given by Indians were foodstuffs and possibly other items used in every-day household activities.

Negative reciprocity was reflected in activities such as gambling, possibly stealing, and most assuredly warfare. The ultimate motivation was the garnering of material items symbolizing prestige. War booty would not only add to a man's wealth but would also have added to his status. In all other activities exchange was more or less balanced, characterized by two-way flow of material and/or non-material elements.

Determination of exchange spheres can only be hypothetical although it is' highly probable that such spheres existed (cf. Bohannan and Dalton 1965:6). The obvious division is between subsistence and prestige/









luxury goods. The former would include all foodstuffs as well as food procurement and processing items such as hoes, digging sticks, bows and arrows, fishing paraphernalia, axes, knives, grinding stones, pottery vessels for cooking and storage. Weapons, which have dual functions in warfare and food procurement, might entail special injunctions concerning dispensation. Even when given in balanced transactions only goods within this sphere would be exchanged under-normal circumstances. In emergency situations (e.g. bad harvest, crop destruction during warfare), non-food items may be exchanged to obtain food or, if food is plentiful it might be traded with outsiders to acquire desirable articles which may indicate prestige ("conversion up"). The last case might cause the outsider to "lose face!' while augmenting prestige for the Indian.

Goods in the hypothetical prestige sphere would have included fishbone counters (only on the East Coast?) and "green and red stones" (greenstone and hematite?) -- gambling winnings (Le Challeux in Lorant 1946:94) -- pearls, chamois, shell, cassina, feathers, metal ornaments, and litters. Although they were not exchanged, litters are included because they were important symbols of high status. Tobacco, which was smoked in curing ceremonies (Le Moyne in Bennett 1968:42) and on other ritual occasions, may also be included as a prestige item although restriction of its usage is not certain. The same may be said for cassina; it was a ritual substance used in political meetings, ceremonies, and as harvest payments. Both maize and cassina could be classified as ritual items, the latter because it represented the cacique's authority, village solidarity, and supernatural favor.

Prestige items were of at least three kinds: some goods reflected









,authority position in that they were restricted to high-status individuats who had rights of access by virtue of their ascribed status. In so far as cassina and tobacco were ritual substances, they may have been associated with high-status usage more so than with usage by commoners and, therefore, might be included under "authority" prestige goods. Other prestige items, principally those received by the cacique as tribute, reflected power. Lastly, acquisition of certain goods such as gambling winnings and war booty, including slaves and scalps, symbolized achieved status. Distribution of achieved status goods might not exhibit unequal distribution among the populace since, theoretically, anyone could gamble or kill. Presumably, however, goods acquired as war booty would be restricted to males, possibly within a certain age group.

Copper ornaments were available only through trade networks and

were restricted to high-status individuals ("authority-prestige goods"). Pearls, shell dippers, and dressed hides must have been physically available to anyone but were eventually accumulated by the cacique via tribute payments -- "power-prestige goods" associated with mobilization redistribution. Feathers were also avaliable, in the physical sense, to anyone but usage was restricted to elite persons and warriors, representing both ascribed and achieved rank. Feather headdresses were worn by warriors only (?) during wartime; at other times they would have been used by high-status groups. Perhaps during war the latter displayed additional symbols of status associated with their inherited positions. Certainly, behavior would have set elites apart from common warriors. The only good which definitely would have been limited due to non-local availability was raw or ornamental copper and possibly gold and silver. Except on the east coast of Florida, pearls would also have been nonlocal in origin.









Figure 2 illustrates a simplistic view of material flows. In this diagram, traders are included parenthetically to indicate that their status as a group is uncerLain. It is obvious that some prestige items and tribute goods had to be acquired by all individuals, or only those adults (males?) in a position to get them, but that these were monopolized by the cacique thus preventing competitive accumulation. These goods would be assigned prestige value only after acquisition by the cacique. Prior to that event they did not allocate prestige to the tributary. Additionally, these tribute goods plus other high-status items such as ceremonial whelk dippers, cassina, and gold and silver could be traded within or between regions allowing the cacique and other elites direct control of trade in luxury items.

Wealth inheritance would have given nephews (and sons) of the elite a congenital advantage. Primogeniture would preclude dispersal of accumulated wealth, concentrating material wealth and prestige within a relatively small group. "'Young nobles" may also have had special opportunities to build their positions as it was fairly common for heirs of caciques to act as special messengers and to acquire prestige through special "noble deeds" (se Garcilaso de la Vega 1962:125-126, 145, 154155).


Peninsular Economic and Demographic Conditions (1482-1700)

Between the years 1482 and 1700 Spain suffered serious population decline and major demographic changes. During the reign of Ferdinand and Isabella, all areas experienced considerable losses through emigrationwith the exception of Castile where population increased (Vicens Vives 1969:291). Nationwide population drop over the 200 year period has been estimated at 30% to 40% -- from nine or ten million to six
















KEY:


B WAR PLUNDER H RESTRICTED HIGH
STATUS GOODS
N NON-LOCAL GOODS O ORGANIZATION P PRESTIGE GOODS PR PROTECTION R PROVISION T TRIBUTE


Figure 2. Hypothetical Flow Chart of Prehistoric/Protohistoric Timucuan Economic System.








mtL[i.on (Mosesq 189/4: 125) -- or a loss of three million between the end of the 16th century and 1723 (Davies 1961:158). Excepting Andalucia, all major Castilian cities experienced serious population reduction from 1594 to 1646. By the latter date, almost all these cities had lost at least half of their population, many as much as 75%, most of whom moved to inland cities particularly in northern Spain. By 1680, Seville had undergone serious demographic and economic retrogression (Davies 1961:157).

There were several reasons for this drastic population reduction, emigration being the major cause usually cited. Not only were some of the "best elements" being drawn off to Spanish armies and conquest (Davies 1964:23), but forced emigration of Moors and Jews, who were the primary agricultural workers and craftsmen and financiers, had additional impact on demographic and economic conditions. There are no reliable estimates of the number of conversos who left Spain in the aftermath of the Inquisition. Suggested figures put the total for the whole country at 500,000: 150,000 Jews and 300,000 Moriscos after the revolt of 1502 (Vicens Vives 1969:291).

More than 80% of the Spanish population were peasants; urban workers constituted 10-12%, urban middle class merchants, citizens, and ecclesiastics 3-5%, and less than 2% nobility. Peasants, unable to make a living from the soil, moved to urban centers to become beggars and vagrants (Davies 1964:273; Vicens Vives 1969:293). Movement to cities and emigration of Moors precipitated a shortage of agricultural workers. Spaniards, who despised agricultural work as a job previously performed by the Moors, refused to take up the task (Davies 1964:273).









The ranks of public officials'and ecclesiastics swelled and in the mid-1600s the government declared it would no longer support the increasing numbers of priests and monks (Davies 1961:102). Circa 1500, 1.5% of the population (the nobility) owned 97% of the Peninsula and during the 16th century the religious class, about 2% of the national population, monopolized almost half of the national income (Vicens Vives 1969:293, 340).

Until roughly 1540, sheep raising for wool and the textile industry dominated economic perogatives (Davies 1964:23; Vicens Vives 1969: 302). They became so important that a-special management board was established and agricultural production was severely hampered by national interests, loss of land to pasture, and more enticing incentives to concentrate on sheep raising. Textile manufacture flourished in the beginning of the 16th century but around 1540 began to decline. Importation of gold and silver from America had caused significant price increases (400% during the 16th century) creating the desire to buy in foreign markets and a concomitant decline in the quality of Spanishproduced goods (Davies 1964:266; Moses 1894:129). Added to this, the flow of bullion from the New World also began to drop off during the first quarter of the 1500s (Davies 1964:263). By the middle of the century, Spain no longer exported textiles but actually needed to import them to meet her own demands (Moses 1894:129). Perhaps related to this, the importation of hides from Buenos Aires, Cuba, and other parts of New Spain, became important (Davies 1961:150; Moses 1965:267; Vicens Vives 1969:357, 403). Spain then exported these hides or leather to other countries (Vicens Vives 1969:357, 358-359).









Philip III began debasing coinage, which had already been debased to copper, in 1600. He further reduced the weight of coins in 1602 and required that all payments be made with copper. By 1605 very little silver was to be found anywhere in Spain and the premium on it rose so high that continental trade was stifled (Davies 1964:266-267). During the reign of Charles II (1665-1700), Spain was sunk in deep economic depression. Very little was sent to America during the last decade of the 17th century except wine (which could not legally be made in the New World). Many goods were exported to the colonies from foreign countries under pretext of coming from Spain. These goods primarily included wax, spices, paper, cloth, and mercury. American exports to Spain consisted of hides, "chinaware" (Aztecan and Chinese), grain, tobacco, tropical drugs, copper, and mostly gold and silver (Barozzi e Berchet in Davies 1961:149-150).


SPanish-Indian Interaction (1564-1650)

The topic of Spanish and Indian interactions is the hardest to arrange since insights to economic and social transactions are scattered over numerous sources, both primary and secondary. It appears, however, that three general periods can be defined on the basis of topics covered by those sources which were reviewed. Letters and cedulas included in the Ethnohistory Index (P.K. Yonge Library of Florida History) that contain information on Indians concentrate on gifts made to Indians prior to about 1650. After that date, very little mention of "gifts" is made at all. During the last two periods used here, 1650-1675 and 1675-1704, priests, visitadores, and government officials spent more paper describing actual situations and conflicts between Indians and Spaniards.









Data are presented topical ly and chronologically In an attempt to show continuation of or changes in policy and attitudes. It was impossible to confine discussion to the Timucua, especially after the mid-1600s, since references to this group are relatively few. Latter 17th century accounts are basically concerned with the Apalache in western Florida (for reasons that will be discussed later). Until the early 1600s, contact with Western Timucua was sporadic; missions had not been established, therefore description of early interactions must be garnered from sources describing the Guale and Eastern Timucua. Although the Indian groups differed to some extent, it does not seem likely that Spanish policy would have been enacted differentially.

The beginning date of the construction of Fort Caroline by the French (1564) near the mouth of the St. Johns River is given as the starting date for this evaluation since the French settlement spurred Spain to the first successful attempt at colonization. Most data, however, will extend from 1573 onward, after the Franciscans took over the mission field from the Jesuits.

Pope Alexander VI issued a papal bull in 1501 giving the Crown a

grant of ecclesiastical tithes in all newly found regions under the condition that sovereigns made themselves responsible for the introduction of Catholicism and maintenance of the Church and for the instruction and conversion of Native Americans. In 1508, Pope Julius II issued another bull conferring full patronage on Ferdinand and his successors (Haring 1963:167).

It is popularly well-known that Juan Ponce de Leon landed in

Florida and officially proclaimed it as property of the Spanish Crown in 1513. Two of the most famous entradas, that of Panfilo Narvafez (1528)









and that of Hernando dc Soto (1539), brought Spaniards in contact with interior tribes. The results were disastrous, especially those which arose out of de Soto's policy of brutalizing the natives and destroying their villages and fields.

Pedro Menendez de Aviles, who expulsed the French (1565) and became the first long-term governor of Florida (1565-1574), undertook the colonization of Florida for several reasons, the most important of which were the promise of economic gain and increased social position. Revenue to the Crown and the priveleged adelantado, good defensive location against enemies, and guaranteed profit from trade and agriculture were among the primary reasons for establishing the colony (Lyon 1976:45). The adelantado's agreement with the Crown included his responsibility tobring natives to the Christian faith and loyal obedience of the king. The 1563 ordinances indicated that an adelantado was allowed to create two-generation re artimientos of Indians in each established village. They also provided that three-generation encomiendas could be granted to other settlers in areas aside from ports or main towns (Lyon 1976:50).

Since the French had conceived good relationships with the Indians of the northeastern Florida coast, tensions were high between Indians and Spaniards. When the latter took control of Florida in the mid- ys, relations were primarily based on trade. Menendez was, however, to receive tribute from caciques in the name of the king. Serious evangelization-was to wait for a more propitious time (Lyon 1976:118119)..

Missions were to serve dual purposes along the Florida frontier:

they were to be agricultural and religious schools (Haring 1963:183) as








well as nodes in a defensive network which, it was thought, would serve as a buffer against French and British encroachment from the north. Indians were to supply the labor force necessary to construct physical defenses (such as the fort in St. Augustine), roads, and bridges. They would also provide the bulk of the subsistence support. Promotion of self-sufficiency supported by native cultivation was among the primary objectives (Rogel in Gannon 1967:33).

There is no doubt that Spaniards regarded their duties to Church and God with utmost respect. Population decline in Spain (and the threat of Protestantism) made the duty of conversion more pressing in order to maintain the Catholic religion as an important source of power and enlightenment. The fact remains that Church and State were closely aligned and shared access to a great deal of potential wealth. Mission Indians provided bodies and souls which could encourage the realization of that wealth.

Gifts and Trade

Since the earliest peaceful attempts of the Spanish to win over the Florida natives, gifts had been offered as tokens of their friendship. Father Luis Cancer de Barbastro offered gifts which, although of little value to Europeans, "were highly prized by them [Indians] and much appreciated" (in Gannon 1967:11). Spaniards gave gifts not only to open relationships but also to placate (Geiger 1936:3). Brother-in-law and chronicler of Menendez, Solis de Meras (1923:184) reported that Guale Indians who arrived in St. Augustine in 1566 to receive gifts and food went away declaring war if they did not receive them. Expenses for gifts to both.Christian and "heathen" Indians were authorized by cedulas in 1593 and 1615 (Father Moreno 1654). Table 1 summarizes gifts and trade goods given and received by Indians.






43


Table 1. Gifts and Trade Goods I'xchanged between Indians and Europeans.


Gifts


Sources


clothes, flour, tools

blankets, knives, fish hooks, scissors, hatchets, glass beads, sickles

mirrors, knives, scissors, bells, and "things highly prized"

garments, beads, hatchets, machetes, (given to "principal Indians")

corn, hoes, (given to Indians south of St. Augustine "to increase their estimation of us")


Governo Canzo, 1597


Covington and Falcones, 1963 (Father Escobedo, original ca. 1589-1600) Solis de Mera/s, 1923 (original ca. 1566) Solis de Meras, 1923


Governor Ibarra, 1605


European Trade Goods


jewelry, knives, scissors, axes


Covington and Falcones, 1963


Indian Gifts*


deer hides (painted and unpainted), meal, little cakes, roots (sassafrass?), gold, silver, copper, pearls, beans, fish, shellfish, meat

maize (flour, roasted, ears), smoked meat, wild roots (medicinal and other), metals


Captain Ribault, 1964 (original, 1562)


Le Moyne in Bennett, 1968 (chronicler for Laudonnilere, original, 1591)


Indian Trade Goods


ambergris, maize, smoked meat, fish


Covington and Falcones, 1963


* Many of these gifts were also traded items.









It appears that gifts were sometimes, if not always, given to

caciques (Canzo 1597, 1599; Cedulario San Lorenzo 1593). Whether or not the cacique distributed these goods among his village is not known. 'Presumably, some of the goods were at least distributed to other elite individuals. Caciques, as leaders of the villages, received special Spanish attention. The goods given to "principal Indians" listed by Solis de Meras (1923:148, 127) differ from those he indicated as general gifts. There is only one specific reference among the numerous sources reviewed which indicated that caciques, those who were obedient and good converts, received special compensation. In this case, Governor Canzo (1600) awarded 150 ducats to Dofia Maria, cacica of Nombre de Dios just north of St. Augustine, and 200 ducats to Don Juan, cacique of San Pedro on Cumberland Island, Georgia.

It is impossible to ascertain how important cash actually was to Indians. Father Escobedo, stationed at Nombre de Dios from 1589 until about 1600, wrote that food was scarce and "unfaithful" Indians took advantage of festival days to hunt and then sell ducks (I real), turkeys (15.5 gold reales), and rabbits (2 reales) to those who had stayed indoors. Leather "moccasins" made to order out of deerskin sold for three ounces of Mexican silver (Covington and Falcones 1963:143, 144). Escobedo also ranked Eastern Timucuan preferences for trade goods: fish hooks, axes or hatchets, knives, scissors (in descending order). Glass beads apparently "delighted" all Indians (Covington and Falcones 1963: 145, 146).

Labor and Taxes

Writing for Governor Salinas, Ramirez (1622) noted that it was customary for Indians to come to St. Augustine from Guale to cultivate the









"savannas." Caciques were required to send up to 50 Indians from each village, dependent on its size. Soldiers were sent to issue orders for labor and were supposed to provide necessary provisions and passage money for the journey. Upon arrival in St. Augustine, Indians were to receive gifts and to be paid (probably in goods) for their work. If caciques did not send Indians, Salinas warned, they were to be severely punished. Thus, the colonial system of repartimiento also found a place in Florida. In 1637, Governor Horryutiner reported that Indians were required to carry provisions for the priests from St. Augustine to Apalache (Matter 1972:253). The use of Indian labor continued through the mission period even though the Crown constantly ordered against it.

Native Floridians retained the practice of paying tribute to

caciques in traditional goods and, in addition, they were required to pay tribute (or tithes) in corn to the government (Bushnell 1978:38; Royal Officials 1605). The corn, and probably other foodstuffs, was used to provision soldiers stationed at St. Augustine (Governor Marques, 1579, in Conner 1930:229). Prior to 1600, each "friendly" Indian and cacique was taxed one arroba (roughly 25 pounds) of maize per year. In 1600, this tax was reduced to six ears of corn because of the hardship caused by the earlier tax and the poverty of the Indians (Canzo 1600). Mission Politics and Economics

Each mission priest lived at a more or less centrally located, primary village (doctrina) and administered to nearby sub-stations (visitas). The priest either visited these outlying villages to teach doctrine and perform baptisms (Geiger 1937:69), or Indians came into the doctrina on Saturday evenings, or evenings before holy days, and stayed overnight to hear mass the next day (Geiger 1936:14). Villages









that lacked a resident priest supposedly competed with each other to build the best church and residence for a future priest in the event that they should ever be allotted one (Ore 1936:104, 107).

Franciscans, as mendicants, were dependent on alms begged from the community for their support (Ore" 1936:79). Due to the general poverty of Florida, especially in its early settlement period, priests were supported by the Crown along with the soldiers and secular officials. The situado, royal subsidy, was shipped from Spain, Cuba or the Mexican Peninsula. Perishables were generally of poor quality and spoiled; all subsidy goods were extremely expensive. The reality, of Florida poverty has been questioned by many and it is generally felt that reports issuing from priests, treasurers, and governors to the Crown were exaggerated in attempts to obtain more goods. Bushnell (1978) has studied the St. Augustinian and general north Floridian economic conditions in detail and the kinds of goods she cites, particularly those enjoyed by the hidalgos, do not hint at an overwhelming poverty. Recent zooarcheological research carried out on St. Augustinian material also suggest that poverty might have been exaggerated (Reitz 1979). If the data from St. Augustine have been intentionally biased, it is also possible that information regarding poverty at the missions might also have been overstated. Certainly, the level at which the Spaniards were used to living was drastically different in Florida and the fact that they probably went without things to which they were accostumed may have prompted many feelings of poverty. As long as there were Indians to hunt and farm, food should not have been very scarce.

Since Spaniards were, in general, uninspired over agricultural

duties, the mobilization of Indian labor to provide for garrison, town-








dwelling, and mission personnel was extremely important. Although livestock management was more in line with the Peninsular activities they were accustomed to, farming does not appear to have been a particular skill enjoyed by Spaniards. Neither, it seems, were they satisfied with the nature of Native Floridian farming techniques. Governor Salinas (1620) asked the king for permission to import 20-30 Indians from Honduras or New Spain who would teach the Indians how to farm. Four Franciscans also asked for about 30 people to settle and farm near the priests (Pesquera et al. 1621). Periodically, from 1620 through the 1670s, governors made requests to the Crown to furnish them with Indians from Campeche or Honduras who would either teach the natives to grow indigo and cochineal, cash crops, or grow them themselves (Consejo de Indias 1623; Cedulario, Madrid 1623; Francisco de la Guerra y de la Vega 1673; Cedulario, Madrid 1673). According to Bushnell (1978), these were merely proposals and the enterprise was never funded or carried out. Whatever the truth of the matter may be, most accounts impress the reader with an overall subsistence sufficiency. In later periods, there was enough maize, beef, and hides to allow exportation to Havana and illicit trade.

Cedularios of 1641 and 1663 awarded regular clergy annual subsidies of flour, wine, oil, vinegar, salt, blankets, robes, dishes, candles, paper, and other items (Tepaske 1964:179). Father Pareja's (in Ore 1936:105, 107) famous and astringent letters, however, attest to extreme poverty at the missions. Furnishings for the church were obtained despite poverty because Indians brought deerskins to buy wax (candles) and to pay for burial of their dead. At some missions, he reported, pigs and arrobas of maize were used to purchase small bells.









Hides brought to the priests were probably sold or traded (by the priest) to obtain requisite fixtures. Judging from the list of Spanish imports from America and exports to other countries, hides and leather goods were probably a good medium of exchange, especially if cash was not on hand or simply not allowed to be used by Indians. On the east coast of Florida, south of St. Augustine, ambergris was collected by Indians and/ or representatives of the governor. This substance turned a very high profit in Spain and also for the Indians who traded it. In St. Augustine, at least, ambergris was definitely used instead of cash money (Bushnell 1978:43).

Priests supplemented royal subsidies with alms of maize, beans, or toasted flour received from Indians (Ore 1936:105). In many cases, everything priests obtained from their charges was justified as alms since Franciscans were subject to vows of poverty.

Soon after the Spaniards began intensive missionizing activities, native populations were "reduced" into centralized villages, either missions or visitas. Centralization of Indian populations was a major objective from the outset (Geiger 1936:16) and was necessary not only to provide control over the Indians but also to provide a conveniently available repartimiento labor pool.

By 1597 Guale mission Indians were peaceful in the aftermath of

death and destruction of villages and fields precipitated by the revolt of mission Indians along the Georgia Coast. Governor Marqu6s informed the Audencia de Santo Domingo that he hoped Indians would become good Christians but that adults, who had their own religion and did not want to convert, were preventing their children from being taught (Connor 1930:224-229). Within 20 years this situation had altered drastically








and at SMn Juan de[ Puerto at the t1-11th of the St. John.,; River, Fther Pareja (1602), reported that natives assisted at high mass and vespers.

All was not well between priests and their converts, however, nor between caciques and their villagers. Pareja (1602), who served in the Florida mission field for almost 40 years, asked the Crown to order governors to threaten to punish Indians so that natives would do as their caciques told them. Once caciques became Christians, their subordinates no longer obeyed them. The general consensus on the friars' part was that it was the duty of the governor to punish Indians. Father Lopez (1605) stated that the priests should be seen as "loving fathers," not the governors. The continuous rivalry between secular and religious personnel and the inability to divide jurisdiction (a fault built into the Spanish system) was to plague Florida throughout the mission period.

The one major change in political organization was the breakdown of tribal level organization characterized previously by intervillage alliances (Milanich 1978:67). After 1633, Milanich states, there were no references to major regional chiefs, only to caciques of individual villages. At the Timucuan missions visited by Rebolledo in 1657, however, it appeared that visita or village caciques were subordinate to caciques of primary regional villages where missions were located (Pearson 1968:97). The position of the cacique was maintained and priests attempted to enhance this role since the chief could be an important avenue through which to work conversion (Pearson 1968:67). Settlement and Demographic Changes

Aside from the temporary shift of work details to St. Augustine and reduction, both important factors, there is little mention in the documents of this period which concern demographic change. Pareja








(in Geiger 1937:145) wrote that some Potano had left their own villages to settle in Christian communities and it is possible that centralization was forced or made highly desirable by promises of economic, and religious, benefits.

The role of disease and epidemics has not been widely reported but this may be a bias resulting from selection of sources. Between 1614 and 1617 epidemics brought about many deaths and completely depopulated some villages (Geiger 1937:251). According to friars' estimates, which may be exaggerated, half the Indian population in Florida was killed (Bushnell 1978:19).


Priests, Soldiers, Civilians, and Indians: 1650-1675

This is a rather arbitrarily assigned period but it begins at about the same time as major political and economic problems in Spain were occurring and it ends roughly at the time when Spanish Florida had to turn its attention to British and Indian ally encroachments. A further dimension was added to frontier Florida economy around 1655 when civilian or military cattle ranching had begun to be important. The cattle industry reportedly did not become extensive until around 1700 (Arnade 1965:6) but earlier accounts of cattle ranches, and the problems they were creating, do exist.

Gifts and Trade

The Royal Treasurer Jose de Prado (Moreno 1654) advocated that gifts to Indians be eliminated because they constituted a heavy drain on St. Augustine funds. He suggested, instead, that Indians should be fed when in St. Augustine or when sick but that gifts only be given when a new governor was installed. There is a notable lack of accounts of gift-








giving which may be a reflection of decreased amounts of gifts to give or simply documentary sample bias. More interesting, in any event, are the other exchanges Indians participated in. Indians had many items to offer which Spaniards wanted: sassafrass (which brought a good price in Spain), ambergris, deer and buffalo (?) skins, nut oil, bear grease, tobacco, canoes, storage containers, and, most of all, food. Indians wanted whatever the Spaniards had: weapons, construction and cultivating tools, nails, cloth, blankets, bells, beads, church ornaments, and rum (Bushnell 1978:13). The problem was to supply enough of what the Indians wanted. Governor Rebolledo had 60,000 pounds of pig iron beaten into tools to barter for ambergris with the coastal Indians south of St. Augustine. When the Indians offered him more of this precious substance, he melted cannons and arquebuses. For 600 ounces of ambergris (worth 15,000 pesos), Rebolledo gave Indians 500 pesos worth of iron in the form of hoes, an anchor, mortars, cannons, muskets and arquebuses which the governor claimed were worthless (Bushnell 1978:13, 43). Soldiers also traded muskets to the Indians (Bushnell 1978:13).

Just after the Timucuan revolt, Rebolledo made a visitiation of

Timucua and Apalache (in 1657) in order to report on present conditions and to determine the cause of the revolt. In Apalache, priests had required Indians to go to Apalachicola and "Chactos" territories, both hostile to Apalache, to trade for skins and other "esteemed items.' Indians complained that no payment for this service was made except to the cacique (Pearson 1968:71, 84). What exactly the priests did with these goods was not explained'but Indians were suspicious and claimed that friars prevented-them from selling their goods to ships' crews to earn money. Priests then bought Indian goods (probably foodstuffs








and skins) at low prices and turned a good profit by selling them to soldiers (Pearson 1968:73). Similar complaints were made at San Martfn de Tomoli and San Joseph de Ocuya in Apalache. Father Juan de Paredes (San Martin) took excess yields from a plot cultivated for him to provide for laborers on the church and other Indians and shipped most of the food out of the province. Of course, Spaniards expected that the missions would provide for the ranches and military but Indians resented not only losing their produce but also having to transport it without being paid. Father Sanchez (San Joseph) simply took part of the harvest ostensibly to buy ornaments and other things for the church, none of which were ever seen (Pearson 1968:96, 98).

Soldiers and Indians appeared to enjoy good relations, much to the chagrin of the missionaries. Indians felt obliged to offer food and shelter to soldiers (or Indians) passing through their villages and all claimed they did this voluntarily, an act for which they were punished and humiliated by friars (Pearson 1968:72, 80, 92). It must be remembered that these complaints leveled at missionaries and the praise for the military were presented to the governor. One might suspect bias, protective on the part of the Indians, or sheer embellishment by Rebolledo himself for benefit of his position and laying the blame for the revolt on a group other than the military. Labor and Taxes

Manuel, the cacique of the Yustega village of Asile'in 1651, expressed unhappiness with the Spaniards in general: military officials tried to take their land and they were forced to work on plantations and cattle ranches without compensation (Milanich 1978:65). This grievance occurred over and over: either forced by the clergy to'carry









trading goods or private property (Pearson 1968, above; Moreno 1654), ordered to fix roads and build bridges (Pearson 1968:11), forced by soldiers to carry goods to St. Augustine (Pearson 1968:157), or forced to work on the castillo in St. Augustine. In 1651, Governor Benito Ruiz stated that Indians in Apalache were fleeing into the woods because they were being required to carry goods and to labor for the haciendas. A few years later, Governor Diego de Rebolledo wrote that he considered the use of Indian labor to be a practical necessity even though the Crown forbade the use of Indian bearers (Matter 1972:256, 258). The use of Indian labor to work fields in St. Augustine was also continued. Repartimiento Indians cleared land and planted the communal and private maize fields with digging sticks and hoes. In St. Augustine, everyone who was important had their "service Indians" (Bushnell 1978:184). In addition to working gardens and plots, Indians were used to "fill gaps" in the infantry. Governor Francisco de la Guerra y de la Vega (1673) wrote that 200 Indians from Apalache were brought to the capitol; 50-55 from Timucua stayed until the end of October and 45-50 from Guale were also conscripted. Caciques, although they organized the work crews, were exempted from all such services (Bushnell 1978:49).

Indians at San Luis de Xinaica claimed that priests sometimes came to the village and requisitioned Indians without permission. This caused hardship since it took away people essential to the economic livelihood of the village. The cacique requested that Franciscans use Indian labor only with permission from and under supervision of the village cacique for fear that failure to do so would undermine the cacique's authority (Pearson 1968:87).

Other stories of misfortune reached Rebolledo throughout Apalache.









An Indian from San Juan de Aspalaga, who had been too ill to carry a vessel to the Timucuan village of Arapaja, had sent someone else and was whipped by the priest who had asked him to go (Pearson 1968:94). It was this kind of behavior, Rebolledo asserted, that had precipitated the uprising in Timucua (Pearson 1968:116-124, 141, 152). During the 1656 rebellion, however, Timucuans had killed both priests and soldiers and had burnt churches (Pearson 1968:143). Other sources lay the blame on Spanish rancheros whose cattle were destroying fields and who forced Indians to work on their properties (Arnade 1965:6).

This author failed to come across any specific references to tax payments but it is possible that some of the "loads" carried to St. Augustine represented a tithe or tax of some kind. Bushnell (1978) does, however, discuss taxation and tithing in great detail and it is evident that taxes of various kinds were required from everyone. Mission Politics and Economics

It has been impossible to discuss the other two sections without

reference to political and economic conditions at the missions. Many of the problems arose in Apalache, rather than Timucua, since there were very few Indians left in that latter province. Epidemics between 1649 and 1659, years of famine, and the rebellion had left the Timucua scattered. In 1672 there were so few Indians in-central Florida that Spaniards gave land away in Timucua to anyone who would open a cattle ranch (Bushnell 1978:20).

The Apalache did not receive permanent missions until 1633, 27 years later than Timucua. In the late 1600s, it is apparent that many traditional practices and beliefs were still intact. Several caciques beseeched the governor and priests to permit them to continue playing








their ballgame and performing their ceremonies. The degree to which certain traditional activities was allowed or punished appears to have been subject to the personal whim of the soldiers and/or priests involved (Father Paiva 1676).

Tepaske (1964:194) claimed that most Franciscans overcame

traditional native behavior patterns by providing exemplary models of Christianity and personal conduct. In fact, it seems that many of the friars assigned to Apalache were particularly prone to the administration of physical abuse. Whippings and beatings meted out to elite and commoner alike humiliated the former and caused them to lose the respect of their subjects (Pearson 1968:83, 93). So much was this a problem, and so important was it to maintain the cacique's status, that Rebolledo ordered that caciques and other elites who broke civil or religious regulations could be punished only by the governor (Pearson 1968:77). One can imagine how the religious felt concerning this usurpation of their jurisdiction.

Indians attempted to trade with soldiers and ships' crews putting into port (in Apalache). Their right to do so was unquestioned by the governor although priests forbade the practice and tried to maintain the sale of goods and trade as their own perogative. Some Apalache were trading illicitly, however, with foreign ships after the soldiers were removed from that province in 1648 (Pearson 1968:130). Caciques and friars in both Apalacheand Timucua shipped wheat, rye, and barley to Havana to make a profit on it rather than have it confiscated by the governor for use in St. Augustine (Bushnell 1978:40). At the end of this period, Indian trade with the English, who offered rum and firearms in return for allegiance against the Spaniards, was not uncommon (Tepaske





56

1964:193). During the late 17th-carly 18th century, Spaniards were also involved in illicit trade and the Suwannee River became an important artery for shipping goods out of Florida (Boniface 1968:207).

Priests apparently attempted to facilitate conversion and/or strengthen their own positions' by appointing "ensigns" of their own choosing to act in native festivals. Constitution XIV of the 1684 diocesan synod (Statutes Relating to Florida n.d.:13) reiterated injunctions against Franciscan appointments issued in 1672 and 1678 cedulas. The statute also stated that priests were to disinvolve themselves with Indian confraternities and not bother them about debts during their festivals. Villages had town governments in which the caciques were alcaldes mayores, leaders of the community and festivities (Bushnell 1978:156). Demographic Changes

As mentioned above, a-series of epidemics (typhus or yellow fever, small pox, and measles) between 1649-1659 had caused significant reduction of population in Timucua (Bushnell 1978:20). The Timucua rebellion had also resulted in death and scattering of populations. In 1675 an estimated 81% of the 10,766 Indians under Spanish rule in Florida were in Apalache (Bushnell 1978:20). Early in this period, the Council of the Indies in Madrid (1654) also noted a decrease in the number of priests in Florida. St. Augustine had experienced an influx of Indians brought to the capitol to work on the castillo and orders were sent out to supply more priests for that city in order to serve the Indians (Cedulario 1673). Governor Pablo de Hita Salazar (1674) reported that Indians brought to the capitol to work on the fort were dying or were needed in their own villages, therefore, he asked the queen, could they import slaves from Cuba to augment and stabalize the work force?








Only one piece of evidence regarding village relocation was noted

by the author although, presumably, other instances occurred. Rebolledo granted permission for the Timucuan village of Santa Maria to relocate half a league away from their current site because the village was an old one, fields had lost their fertility, harvests were poor, and the forests had been cleared so thoroughly that it was difficult to get firewood (Pearson 1968:80).


1675-1704

This final period actually represents a continuation of the preceding one: there was increasing strife, dissension, and dissatisfaction; more Indians were leaving missions, and secular and religious hands were tightly about each other's political throats. The peaceful scenario depicted by Bishop Calderon in 1676 contrasts sharply with most other views and the conviction grows that either certain people chose to closely edit final reports to the Crown and various councils or that Indians (and priests) could be extremely shrewd actors. Part of Calderon's report notes the following: in January Indians burn the undergrowth from their fields in preparation for planting. Wheat is planted in October and harvested in June. In April they begin to sow corn. All work in common to plant the "lands of cacique and of charity" (i.e. alms plots for the priest and "needy widows"). Everything, plant and animal, is given to the cacique to be divided; he keeps the hides and gives the best part of the hunt to the priest "to whom the Indians are greatly subjugated." Indians do not covet riches nor gold or silver and do not use these for money. Rather, they barter. The most wanted and used articles are knives, scissors, axes, spades, small hatchets, large bronze bells, blankets, trinkets, and all woven cloth. Before entering









the church, each Indian gives the priest a bundle of firewood or a log (Ca ldero"n 1676; also in Wenhold 1936:13).

Calderon perceived that all worked in common for the good of the village but mostly for the good of the priest who had his gardens planted, received the best meats, and had his firewood delivered. Failure to covet riches is probably a reflection of their scarcity in Florida at this time and of the fact that, as good Christians, they were not supposed to covet wealth, however wealth was expressed. Bushnell (1978:15) reported that soldiers seldom even saw money and that Indians never used it. This may have been true during the later mission period but during the early part goods had been sold for cash money and cash rewards had been offered. It is extremely unlikely that Indians did not desire wealth although their manner of reckoning it probably differed from the Bishop's.

Gifts and Trade

Rarely were gifts given except to non-Christian neighboring Indians in attempts to form alliances (Quiroga y Losada 1688). Indians had enough problems trying to retain their property and goods and with the shortage of food and necessities which were not supplied by Floridians (Tepaske 1964:195). These conditions prompted the following orders from Governor Z'fii.ga regarding Indian activities in Apalache: (1) Indians had the right to raise swine and fowl, which were not to be taken from them, and to attend the market in St. Augustine to sell bacon, lard, swine, hides, and skins which they raised or acquired; (2) trade with the Apalachicola (Creek) would be allowed only for "customary goods," not British ones (Boyd 1951:31, 34). As in Spain, trade with other countries was theoretically suppressed but carried out none the less. Apalachicola









could provide British goods whereas Spaniards could not even supply necessitles. ZMi1iga, however, had his own rules concerning trade with the Apalachicola. Horses could be given in exchange only for guns which the English provided. The English, on the other hand, wanted pack horses from the Apalachicola in exchange for the guns. Since one group had to first have what the other group could provide in order to begin the exchange, a stalemate arose creating a great deal of hostility on the part of the Apalachicola. They formed a peace treaty with the Apalache and invited four Indians to their village to cement relations. Three of those four were murdered and then the mission of Santa Fe in Timucua was raided and burned (Zd'iiiga, 1702, in Boyd 1951:36-37). Labor

No specific mention of taxes is made in the documents reviewed but the pattern of forced, uncompensated labor continued (Council of the Indies 1676; Boyd 1951:25, 27, 28, 29; Cabrera 1686; Pearson 1968:194) and more often resulted in Indians leaving the missions to join British allies or to go elsewhere. In 1676, Father Alonso del Moral (1676) asked the king to aid Indians forced to work on the castillo in St. Augustine. He reported that 300 natives from Apalache, Timucua, and Guale were yearly brought to the capitol to work for the Spaniards. The diocesan synod drafted the following statutes regarding Indian labor in 1684:


Many Spaniards, negroes, and mulattoes residing in St.
Augustine and other missions detain married Indian men in their houses, who have their wives in other places
or who have gone to St. Augustine to work or dig but
are detained later to serve them this should not
be done because married persons should cohabit.








The wretched Indians, for being so, are none the less Christians [and as such must be allowed to hear mass
;-nd not work oni days of ohilgattion. I [This was addressed to] persons having Indians on their estates, even as hired laborers (Statutes ReLating to Florida n.d.:
5, 6-8).


The major concerns of the synod were aptly expressed: married people should live together and Christians must attend mass and observe regulations. The tone is somewhat less than sympathetic. Mission Politics and Economics

In 1682, Bishop Juan de Palacios of Cuba asked the Crown to place

the missions in the hands of Jesuits or Dominicans because the Franciscans itmust be begged to fill parish and castillo [positions] in St. Augustine. Also they always want some benefits as well" (Juan de Palacios 1682). Governor Quiroga y Losada (1690) described some benefits enjoyed by mission friars: "priests lack for nothing because Indians sow their cornfields, wheatlands, tobacco tracts they raise their chickens and fatten their swine. [Indians] don't pay ovenciones [tithes?] in money, but make up for this in deer, bear, cinola, otter and other types of hides." Quiroga y Losada concurred with Calderon that missionaries did seem to reap the greater part of material benefits and then continued to make demands. Father Martore"l in Apalache required his villages to plant one-half or a whole arroba yield (of maize?') for each mission priest. Later he insisted on four, six, or eight arrobas and the Indians under his jurisdiction fled the village. In response, Governor Cabrera (1687) ordered that Indians could give whatever they wanted to the priest but they should not see this as an obligation.

Secular and religious authorities continued to clash over disputed jurisdiction. Priests were subject "under pain of being chastized" to








outlaw ballgames (Statutes Relating to Florida n.d.:4) and keep strict control over native festivities (Calder'n 1676). Problems arose because a lieutenant told Indians at San Joesph de Ocuya they could dance all night as was their custom. The friar stated that Indians knew that by giving soldiers tacalos de caecina (cassina?), janepas, chickens, and watermelons, as they did with said lieutenant, they could "be let to live" (Cabrera 1682).

In an attempt to pave over fractional disputes, Governor Zuniiga insisted Indians owed allegiance and obligations to the Franciscans.


All converted Indians must have crucifixes and
images of saints on the walls of their huts.

Indians must obey the commands of friars and
attend to their needs.

No Indian could marry unless first pledged to
support his perspective bride.

Indians could plant only those lands designated
by the friars (Zt'fiiga, 1702, in Tepaske 1964:194).


In return, Zu/higa promised to provide for widows and orphans, to pay all labor done by Indians in St. Augustine, and to give all Indians full hearing before punishing them for their crimes (Tepaske 1964:194). As might be expected, the setting down of rules did little to affect actual changes.

The first good evidence of political organizational upheaval occurs in documents of the 1670s. In Guale, Apalache, and Timucua individuals were claiming rights to chieftainships which were disputed by other villagers (see Pearson 1968:206-216, 219, 220, 240) and military visitations were made to the three provinces to make sure that Indians were agreed on their caciques' right to lead, to reinstate those with legitimate









clal.ms, and to see that rndtians obeyed thelr cact1lqes. In TLmucua, the visitador Sergeant Major Domingo de Leturiondo created the office of caciquc for a man who would take his own and other families to a place a good distance away in order to settle a town (Pearson 1968:273, 274).

An additional burden and responsibility was added to mission settlements after 1675 when Yuchi slavers launched raids into Apalache and northern Timucua and Indians were given arquebuses and ammunition to go in pursuit (Pearson 1968:189). Slave raids on villages continued and were taken up by Yamassees, British allies, in the 1680s through the final annhialation of the missions in 1704. In 1686 soldiers, officers and officials, and even caciques were issued weapons as private property (Bushnell 1978:186). Zufiiga ordered that Indians should be provided with all the supplies necessary for war operations (Boyd 1951: 32) but these seem to have been lacking in quantity since Spaniards had to trade with their enemies to obtain firearms. Demography

Population movements and depopulation became major problems during the last quarter of the 17th century. Several events which caused the Indians to "flee into the woods" or join British forces have already been mentioned. Other groups were moving into mission districts known or unknown to the Spaniards. One settlement of 248 Tocobaga was discovered living on the Basis River in Apalache during the 1677 visitation of Domingo de Leturiondo. It was decided that they could remain (Pearson 1968:256-258).

All Florida provinces suffered manpower shortages and Spaniards passed strict laws against caciques allowing single or married men to









''wander around creating problems" by imposing a fine of 12 doeskins or the equivalent. (Pearson 1968:246). At San Juan de Cracara (1677-78) onl the Suwannee River, foinans asl

Economic Interactions During the Mission Period

In Chapter One it was stated that introduced cultural elements are reinterpreted within the conceptual and value systems of the recipient culture and that two parties do not approach transactions with the same understandings and expectations. It was proposed that if two cultures did not differ greatly in their cultural complexity and power that it would be difficult for the conquering party to evoke behavioral changes and both cultures would tend to maintain their respective conceptual systems. Structurally, Spanish and Timucuan political and religious systems were similar: both observed mutual reinforcing of political and religious institutions (in fact, political and religious roles were inseparable); political organization was hierarchical; wealth and status were determined through descent; both leaders invoked power and authority to control their subordinates; elite goods were accessible to a few; and tributes, tithes, and/or taxes were exacted by politico-religious institutions.









The primary difference, aside from scale, was politico-economic. Florida chiefdoms were redistributive in two senses: the elite mobilized goods and services for the benefit of the elite but basic goods, especially food, were "shared out." The Spanish monarchy, on the other hand, consumed massive amounts of elite goods but did not itself participate in insuring subsistence support for the populace. Spain had a national market economy primarily directed towards protecting and sustaining the textile industry. Agricultural production for sustenance was not one of its concerns. Traditional Catholic peasants paid tithes, alms, and fines to the Church in produce, cash, or labor in return for church services, sacrements at birth, death and marriage, and emergency subsistence support and refuge in times of famine and war (Dalton 1971a: 21). It was, therefore, the Church's duty to provide services similar to those provided by a cacique and his officials.

The major difference between peasant and tribal village economics in the ordinary production of subsistence goods is in the form of land tenure. Non-market land usage is acquired through social relations not through purchase or rental. Socio-political superiors (e.g. caciques) are "stewards of land allocation" who require return payments of material goods, labor, services, and clientage (Dalton 1971b:222-224). Spanish attempts to take or buy land were unsuccessful because, as the cacique of Asile explained in 1651, caciques could not give or sell land since it was owned jointly by sons, nephews, other lesser chiefs, and principal men of the tribe. They could, however, lend it; that is, allocate rights of usage (Milanich 1978:66). Spaniards tried to alter this situation by breaking up intervillage alliances, placing pro-Spanish individuals in positions of influence (Deagan 1974:12), giving control of land









allocation to priests, and assigning "hunting preserves" to each village (Pearson 1968:253).

For the most part, Spaniards endeavored to maintain the native,

structural status quo although failure to grasp social embeddedness of certain practices made this difficult. Prestige acquisition, and therefore the ability to reinforce status, was a major loss suffered by Indians, particularly the elite. The Guale Revolt (1597) was precipitated when priests imposed monogamy on young-caciques without understanding that having more than -one wife was an indication of wealth and status. Prohibition of gambling, ballgames, and intertribal warfare removed (when they were successful attempts) important avenues to acheiving prestige. The fact that Indians bribed soldiers to allow them to have their dances and perform their ceremonies suggests that native Floridians did not, as a whole, become absolute converts. Some priests permitted dances but only under strict supervision and not for all night periods "as was their [Indian] custom." Other efforts employed to maintain political and economic position of the caciques included channelling labor conscription through the chief and holding him responsible for the behavior of his subordinates. Spaniards also allowed the cacique to receive tribute payments (in hides which were economically important to the Spaniards as exports). Caciques were favored with gifts and probably received-goods which other Indians did not (e.g. firearms). Spaniards upheld the political position of the cacique by making him head of village, native political affairs and by seeing that caciques were obeyed. That maintenance of the caciques' position was important to caciques as well as to Spaniards is evident from the documents.









The most obvious change in Indian economics was their participation in a market/international system and cash economy. Exactly how widespread Indian use of cash became is uncertain. It is probable that very few Indians ever had cash and its presence may have been restricted to the earlier period. Money, however, need not be of coin or paper. Any regularly employed medium of exchange is equivalent with what one today thinks of as "money." Common mediums of exchange in Florida appear to have been hides, ambergris (on the east coast), and corn. Ambergris was not important prehistorically and the desire to acquire this substance was strictly owing to European demands. Likewise, corn was important prehistorically as a ritual and symbolic good but it was not used, for instance, in paying tributes as it was later used for paying tithes and taxes to the Spaniards. Requiring payments in corn was a means of insuring that the garrison in St. Augustine was fed and it would have created a strong motivation to increase yields (by planting larger fields) if punishment was meted out to those who could not pay their taxes. So far, documentary evidence to this effect has not been discovered unless one considers the account of Father Martordll in Apalache. The Indians, however, simply fled from the mission in that case.

In Apalache, Eastern Timucua, and probably in Western Timucua,

Indians changed from inner-directed production for the village to outerdirected production for the market and garrison. In many cases this production was forced upon them but in some instances it appears to have been by choice since Zdhiga encouraged Indians to bring their produce to the market in St. Augustine. Often these goods were confiscated by priests or soldiers, however, so it is not clear what return Indians saw on market goods. Indians, however, were still required to produce for the village and the priest.









Cash, markets, kings, cities, and universal religion can destroy reciprocity as delineated by Sahlins (Dalton 1971b:237) but the ideals of reciprocal behavior may remain. In some respects one might consider that Spain worked against its own ends by implementing the policy of indirect rule, allowing caciques to "rule communities as in former times" (Geiger 1937:10). Most certainly, the religious and military factions worked against any common goal of the Spanish colonial empire. Major impacts on Indian life were created and augmented by the coexistence of market and superficially redistributive economies coupled with traditional expectations of reciprocal behavior.

In the beginning, transactions were more or less generalized but as the practice of "gift giving" declined and increased demands for goods and services without compensation were made on Indians, interactions became increasingly unbalanced. Spaniards not only failed to sustain their alliances but also came to rely more heavily on force as a means of imposing their will without offering any returns to Indians. This paper argues against the proposition that religious salvation was enough; to paraphrase, it is also necessary to keep body and soul together.

Spanish-introduced food items included wheat, figs, oranges and other citrus, peaches, chickens, pigs, cattle, and (at San Juan del Puerto, at least) sheep. Cattle raising appears to have been largely restricted to ranches whereas pigs and chickens were raised for the priest and, apparently, owned by some Indians at missions. In order to care for livestock and meet new demands put upon them by Spaniards, Indians were required to become sedentary and, probably, spend more time on production than they had prehistorically. Sedentism posed a









real threat to continued settlement in any partlcular area. Except in Apal.ache, soil fertility is. naturally poor in most reg ions of Florida. Continued usage of old fields depleted fertility at an unknown rate. Relocation of missions and villages, however, did become necessary.

The degree to which domesticates figured in Indian diets is unknown. Likewise, it is unknown what access Indians had to European agricultural tools and if new techniques were universally employed. Documentary evidence suggests that large numbers of hoes were distributed to Indians but relative to the number of Indians receiving them, the quantity may not have been substantial. In any event, European hoes were not greatly different from native ones. The basic movements and usage would have been similar. Oxen were present in some areas, particularly Apalache (Daniels 1975), but they may have been restricted to Spanish-owned and operated ranches and haciendas. Documentary evidence also contradicts itself. As late as 1675 Governor de Hita Salazar was still writing about developing agriculture in Apalache and noting that Indians were plowing by hand because oxen and plows had not been introduced there (Pearson 1968:186). The fact that Spaniards periodically wanted to import slaves and Mesoamericans to farm and teach Florida Indians how to farm implies that native Floridians never reached the level of agricultural development that Spaniards sought.

Calderon's description of agricultural activities in 1676 indicates that actual techniques had changed very little. Communal fields were still worked for the priest and for production of surplus to provide for those in need. Goods preferred as trade items by both Spaniards and Indians were primarily subsistence-related. Judging from retention of slash-and-burn horticulture and the complaints of poor harvests and









famine, it is doubtful that food production increased relative to the augmented number of non-productive consumers. Indians were required to plant and hunt not only for themselves but also for priests, soldiers, Indian laborers working on construction projects, and for trade outside Florida. Depopulation resulting from epidemics, rebellion, and population drains during sowing and harvesting periods precluded the ability of Indians to meet demands. In St. Augustine as well as in the missions and villages, people complained of insufficient food. Spaniards were in a better position than Indians since they taxed, tithed, and confiscated food from Indians, failing to return any (or returning only little) of the yield or profit. If public granaries still existed, under control of priests and/or caciques, they would have been severely pressured.

Indians continued to hunt for food and also to obtain hides and skins which were exported items and tribute payment goods and gifts to other Indian tribes. Prehistorically, or at the time of European contact, deer skins were collected once a year by caciques. The increased demand for skins and hides on a continuous basis during the historic period may have exerted pressure on deer populations. Additionally, if Indians were indeed restricted in their activities to village hunting preserves, the source of deer, not to mention other animals, would have been rapidly depleted. The fact that priests required Indians to obtain hides from the Apalachicola may be a reflection of decreased animal (or human hunter) populations within village or tribal hunting areas. The introduction of cattle would have provided food resources for soldiers and St. Augustinians, and possibly mission populations, in addition to another source of hides. Cattle probably roamed free range









since it is doubtful fences would have been erected over the countryside and Indians had complained of cattle damaging their crops. Cattle population density is unknown but it is conceivable that intermixing with deer populations could have affected not only their food resources but also might have increased the incidence of deer mortality due to increased prevalence of parasitism. Modern researchers have found that deer populations which share range with cattle can be severely affected by parasite population increase, particularly the Lone Star Tick. Infestation affects primarily the young and fawn mortality increases significantly when the two species share-the same territory (Hair 1968; Bolte et al 1970). Unfortunately, the historical incidence of tick infestations in Florida have not been examined by the author.

According to Calderon, the village cacique received all of the food which he then redistributed to the villagers, giving the best parts to the priest. During the early period of mission activities, gifts which included flour came to the cacique and priest; these may have been apportioned to villagers. Spaniards saw it as their duty to provide for sick Indians, laborers, "orphans and widows" but were unable to do so because of the shortage of locally produced foods and the failure of the royal subsidies. Illicit trade and smuggling out of Florida only served to aggravate the situation. Numerous complaints from Indians concerning nonrestitution of debts or lack of reimbursement for goods and services indicate that they expected to be compensated. Traditional Indian and Spanish practices provided support of the community in crisis situations via the religious figurehead. Since public stores, if such existed, were used to purchase furnishings for churches, were shipped to St. Augustine or Havana, or were used for other purposes, there was










no adequate surplus available to Indians. Of course, this situation may have arisen prehistorically but it Is likel.y that Indians would have been just as dissatisfied with their leaders at that time as they were during the historic period.

Priests usurped many of the responsibilities formerly apertaining to caciques and native priests: land allotment, control of surplus food, overseeing communal labor, provisioning of non-producers, and endorsing marriages. Bonds between the community and the priest were enforced with injunctions against "wandering,"' settling in villages other than one's own, keeping married persons together, and legalizing marriages performed only by one's assigned village priest. The most important role. of the cacique became that of middle-man between Indians of his village and the Spaniards. He or she represented Indian complaints to visitadores and "wrote" letters (probably composed or written by priests and signed by Indian caciques), channelled through the priests, to the governor or king. The cacique's position was both politically and economically necessary to the community and the Spaniards but was not necessarily one which was inherited. Status became based on Spanish support and force, not authority. The attempts of Spaniards to see that villagers were agreed upon the right of their cacique to rule, however, may indicate that his position was one which was validated by inherited right. Status and authority, however, were probably still upheld by acquisition of prestige goods but the nature of these goods had shifted to those which symbolized Spanish backing.

Priestly authority rested only on divine right; they did not belong to the same moral community (see Chapter Two) and, therefore, depended on physical force and military support to maintain their positions.









When the latter was not forthcoming, which it rarely was unless widescale revolts threatened the system as a whole, they essentially had no authority. Indians simply left the missions.

Lack of military support constantly plagued mission friars in the fulfillment of their religious and civil obligations but serious repercussions went unfelt until the economic basis of their power began to flounder. Increasing imbalance of consumption and reciprocity, not to mention outright seizure of Indian property, were important factors in the collapse of the mission system. Caciques would have had an important stake in upholding the mission system because they were politically and economically tied into the Spanish organization. Chiefs, as well as priests, complained over the decreasing supplies of goods and necessities issuing from St. Augustine and, ultimately, the royal subsidy. Over time, with loss of wealth and political power, ritual status and authority gradually diminished (see Nash 1966:94). The political and economic "license" simply expired; there was no longer a strong interest in both parties to continue the system, nor were they able to do so.


Hypotheses

Of necessity, hypotheses and their implications which are testable at archeological sites must be concerned with physical remains. Material goods, however, are an integral part of any culture; their manufacture and distribution reflect not only social behavior but technology, resource usage, and environmental limitations as well. These variables work together to influence material assemblages associated with cultural systems. Archeological contexts are the result of further processes which have been described in detail by Schiffer (1972). The









roles which certain goods played in Spanish-Indian interaction have been presented in the preceding sections of this chapter as they are indicated In the historical documents. There are numerous aspects of the evaluation of acculturation whichicannot be archeologically investigated. Even if certain patterns of artifact distribution are encountered, one cannot be said to have-proved anything (without repetitive testing at other sites), only that hypotheses have not been disproved. By examining the material assemblage at Spanish mission sites, particularly at Baptizing Spring where spatial aspects can be differentiated and compared between Spanish and Indian living areas, it will be possible to see what goods were introduced and how they were distributed. Importantly, questions concerning what goods Indians actually used and had access to can be examined. Analysis of the artifacts themselves may provide insights into changed manufacturing techniques and resource utilization. The primary hypotheses to be tested, however, dealt with distribution of particular and grouped artifacts on the basis of the fact that distribution and consumption, as primary economic activities, might be most indicative of social interaction as interpreted from historical documents.

A minimum of two exchange spheres was proposed for prehistoric

Timucuan economy: a subsistence sphere and a prestige/tribute sphere. The subsistence sphere would include such things as food and food processing, procurement, and storage artifacts. The prestige sphere, characterized by restricted flow to certain individuals, consisted of authoritarian items (headdresses, garments, litters, high-status housing, non-local metals and/or ornaments) and "power" items hides, pearls. Unfortunately, many of these goods will not be preserved in archeological sites.









Many of the introduced European goods listed in the documents were subsistence-oriented: domestic animals and plants, axes, hoes, knives, fish hooks, sickles, etc. As mentioned earlier, goods which served as weapons may also be associated with prestige. Additionally, scarce items may serve to indicate prestige and/or favoritism in dispensation. Non-subsistence items consisted of clothing, blankets, beads, scissors, bronze bells, and religious paraphernalia. Not specifically mentioned in historic accounts but recovered from archeological sites are olive jar and majolica ceramics, glassware, clay pipes, hardware, thimbles, copper, silver, and gold beads and pendants, brass finger rings, lead beads and musketballs, glass buttons, mirrors, crosses and crucifixes (Smith and Gottlob 1978:13-15).

The first readily identifiable indicator of status differentiation may be that of dwelling/building location within the village. If Garcilaso de la Vega was correct in describing location of elite dwellings and important buildings around a central plaza and on a slight rise (a pattern which has been identified in the prehistoric, stratified societies of the Southeast) and this pattern was maintained during the mission period as one similar to Spanish town arrangements, then the following hypotheses could be put forth.


1. Spanish buildings, as identified through
architectural features, would have been located in central areas, possibly on a
rise, bordering on a plaza.

2. High-status Indians would have been
living nearest the Spanish area.

3. Decreasing status would be positively correlated with increasing distance from the
Spanish buildings and the plaza.










4. Status may be positively correlated with
dwelling size and elaborateness; ornamentation of walls and use of European hardware.


Artifacts' significance as prestige indicators may be shown through

correlation with aboriginal prestige goods if former high-status individuals maintained their rank and it was inherited by their descendants.

Such associations may not be found, however, given the fact that many

prehistoric prestige goods will not be preserved. Restricted distribution

and differential access to goods will be assumed to correlate with prestige and control. Scarce items, or those which were traded in or directed

toward priestly consumption, would be considered prestige goods within the

Indian sphere although not necessarily within the Spaniard's prestige

sphere.


5. The following trade goods, being similar in
form and function to native items, would be
classed within the Indian prestige sphere:
clothing (especially that with elaborate
designs, buttons, etc.), beads, bells, and
jewelry.

6. The following goods, although technically
subsistence sphere goods, would also be included within the native prestige sphere
because of their coloring, quality, and
novelty: storage jars, majolica, and glassware.

a. Prestige items had restricted distribution
and/or were limited in quantity.

Test I. Distribution of prestige trade goods within
archeological contexts will be non-random,
concentrated in high-status areas.

Test 2. Prestige goods will be fewer in number than
subsistence goods and native-manufactured
goods in the Indian living areas.

7. European trade goods associated with prestige
will have supplanted aboriginal prestige items.










70. If Indian patterns of reckoning prestige and
its accouterments were retained, then native
prestige goods or European equivalents will be found in high-status living areas within
the Indian sector of the village.

8. Indian goods retained within the prestige
sphere will be those which were also
valued by Europeans such as hides, precious
or semi-precious metals, pearls, and highstatus housing.

Test 1. Aboriginal and historic prestige items will
be found within the same household units.

Test 2. European prestige items may be more
numerous than prehistoric ones.


In order to have maintained or obtained rank within the new

Catholic-based hierarchy, Indians would have to have been good Christian

converts. If, as is common, religious medals and other symbolic paraphernalia were awarded for learning and observing catechism:


9. Religious items may be found more often in
conjunction with non-sacred prestige items
within high-status dwellings.

a. These items, if limited in quantity, will
tend to be concentrated in high-status areas
within the Indian village.


With regard to directional flow of non-food goods from Indians to

priests and Spanish government to priests:


10. If more Indian goods were given to priests than
European goods were to Indians, the ratio of European to Indian goods would be higher for
Spaniards than for Indians, and

11. Cumulative total of goods per person would be
greater for priests, declining with decreasing
status.

a. European goods distributed among Indians may
have increased significance as prestige items.









Otto (1975:161, 219), working with material from a Georgia Sea

Island plantation, proposed that artifact diversity would be correlated with different status groups such as slaves, overseers, and planters. In particular, he examined the variety of ceramic types and forms and faunal assemblages in three midden areas of these different groups. Kohler (1978:27-29) re-examined Otto's data and calculated an index of diversity for each of the plantation middens. He then hypothesized and tested the idea that in prehistoric sites ceramic type diversity would be greater in high-status middens than in lower status middens. The opposite was found to be true at the plantation site. The reason for different diversity measures of artifact assemblages was defined as differential access to goods. On the basis of these data and the assumption of differential access to goods, one might expect the diversity of ceramic types to be higher in the Spanish living area than in Indian living areas. Priests, with greater access to Spanish ceramics, might acquire "sets" whereas Indians would have to either obtain cast-offs from priests -representing smaller proportions of a greater number of sets -- or buy their own ceramics during periodic trips to the market in St. Augustine. Another possibility which yields the same results is that Indians only obtained sherds, rather than whole vessels, and that these were used as ornaments (Seaberg 1955:147), gaming discs, or were simply collected for their color and novelty. Actual numbers of sherds of a single type would be greater in the Spanish area if ceramics owned by priests were broken there. In either case, one might make the following hypotheses:


12. Indians, with an eye for variety in their collection of ceramics and/or sherds, will have higher diversity of majolica types than will
priests who would have owned whole vessels









(yielding more sherds of a single, type) and/ or preferred matching pieces over a variety
of types.

13. If Indians were receiving majolca slierds
there will be a low frequency of sherds representing any single vessel and sherds from a single vessel may be scattered over a wide
area.

a. If majolica was a high-status indicator
among the Indian population, there will be a greater number of these sherds in
high-status Indian areas.


Kohler (1978:31-32, 198-199) predicted and found positive correlation between higher ceramic diversity and elite status areas at a Weeden Island ceremonial site (McKeithen site) in Columbia County, Florida. His hypothesis was based on the assumption that elite individuals had greater access to trade and high-status goods within a chiefdom. During the mission period it might also be expected that high-status Indians would have greater diversity of native-manufactured goods within the 'Indian living area. In addition, if priests preferred certain designs or forms of native-manufactured ceramics or if certain individuals were producing vessels for their consumption, one might predict that aboriginal ceramics in the mission buildings would exhibit lower diversity than in the rest of the village.


14. Aboriginal ceramic type diversity will be
greater in the Indian sector than in the
Spanish sector.


Each of the hypotheses related to production and distribution of

subsistence goods has its null counterpart which will not be included in the text but will be implied.









15. Spanish subsistence sphere goods were accessible to all Indians regardless of status.

16. Introduced European food items such as cows,
pigs, chickens, peaches, oranges, etc.,
would have been restricted among Indians.

a. The above goods might have been available
only to priests who had greater access to them through shipments from St. Augustine
or by demanding them as tithes/alms.

b. Cattle may not have been used as food
resources if they were not raised at missions or if their consumption was
primarily intended for soldiers and St.
Augustine where the market and slaughter
house were.

17. Priests and high-status Indians would have
received the best part (meatiest, most tender) of hunted game plus proportionately more of the domesticates than would lower
status individuals.

18. With their monopoly over production and alms
payments, priests' diets would have included more European foods, been less diverse, and
of better nutritional value than diets of
Indians.

19. If livestock raised by Indians went primarily
to priests and/or soldiers, chickens, pigs,
and cattle remains will be poorly represented
in or absent from Indian dwelling areas.



The next chapter will present a review of previous archeological

research carried out at Florida mission period sites, most of which

concerns missions in northwest Florida (Apalache). It will also include research carried out in Suwannee County which is pertinent to

this study and descriptive data regarding methodology and the history of


excavations at the Baptizing Spring site.















CHAPTER FOUR
ARCHEOLOGICAL CONTEXTS OF SPANISH-INDIAN LIFE AT FLORIDA MISSIONS

Archeological data from other mission sites in Florida will be

examined in depth relative to findings at the Baptizing Spring site in Chapter Six. This chapter presents a brief review of published works relevant to mission archeology, summaries of previous hypotheses and conclusions based on those data. The 1977 survey and excavation data from Baptizing Spring are also presented.


Mission Archeology (1948-1977)

The earliest archeologically constructive interest in Florida missions was exhibited by Hale G. Smith. He defined and gave material substance to two historical archeological periods then called St. Augustine (1565-1750) and Leon-Jefferson (1650-1725) (Smith 1948:313-319). These periods had artifactual, temporal, and geographical parameters: the St. Augustine period included the founding of that city and the ensuing years until the extirpation of most Indians residing near the capitol. This period applied only to the eastern portion of north Florida from the St. Johns River eastward to the Atlantic coast. Ceramic types, on which most period definitions are initially based, included the St. Johns chalky wares and San Marcos ceramics plus Spanish ceramics.

The Leon-Jefferson period covered the time of mission activity in

the Apalache province (actually beginning ca. 1633) and, in fact, derived its definition from excavation of the Scott Miller site near Tallahassee in Jefferson County. Again, the period was defined on the basis of 80









material culture: Spanish ceramics and trade goods and the aboriginal ceramic types Mission Red Filmed, Miller Plain, Aucilla Incised, Lamarlike Bold Incised, Leon Check Stamped, Jefferson Ware Plain and Complicated Stamped types, gritty plain, and Alachua Cob Marked.

The geographical parameters of these two periods left a great void between the Aucilla and St. Johns Rivers. Between 1955 and 1976, this void has begun to be filled but even considering that fourteen mission sites have been excavated in northern Florida, there remains a considerable lack of information. A general problem has been incomplete investigation within mission villages (concentration on Spanish living areas and cemeteries) or a common inability to ascertain exactly what part of a village, of unknown size, was being excavated. Apalache

Scott Miller, the first excavated mission site in Florida, is

located approximately 37.0 km southeast of Tallahassee (Figure 3). It is situated in an area marked with numerous limestone sinks, roughly 14.5 km west of the Aucilla River and 4.8 km north of the Wacissa River. The site iteslf is at a high elevation (for Florida), 76 to 91 m above mean sea level (AMSL), on a plateau in the Tallahassee Red Hills physiographic region. About 3 km south of the site, the land drops off sharply into the low, swampy, sandy Gulf Coastal Plain (Smith 1951:109110). The presence of burnt red clay wall and floor rubble in a freshly plowed field made distinction of the two mission building remains unmistakable. It was, therefore, these two areas and an intervening borrow pit that received the brunt of the investigation.

On the basis of location with respect to natural features and other known mission sites, Scott Miller was tentatively identified as San
















.4
0
0


Io//ahasseeI


Ougus/ine


GULF OF MEXICO


0 45 90 UTINA TERRITORY


Figure 3. Location of Selected Excavated Mission Period Sites and Approximate Location of Utina Tribe.


KM









Francisco de Oconee (Smith 1951:112). Smith noted that the entire 20

acre (8.1 hectnre) field showed surface evidence of occupation but trenching failed to disclose other building remains or evidence of a palisade. The remainder of Smith's report concentrates on architectural features of the two Spanish buildings, artifact assemblages from the three major excavation blocks, and a description of the Leon-Jefferson period in terms of material culture.

The fort and mission of San Luis, 3.2 km west of Tallahassee, were tested to locate remains of the fort (Griffin 1951:139, 143). The material'assemblage was similar to that at Scott Miller although proportions of ceramic types differed (Griffin 1951:155). As at Scott Miller, the primary goals were to label the site with a Spanish name so that distances to other sites could be plotted and to describe the material complex. Interpretation of acculturation situation was cursory although both Smith and Griffin viewed this as of primary importance.

In 1966 the Florida Division of Archives, History, and Records

Management (FDAHRM) received approval to establish a mission study program. Field research began in 1968 and continued for about four years. During that period, five missions were discovered in the Apalache area (San Lorenzo de Ivitachuco, San Joseph de Ocuya, San Pedro de Patali, San Antonio de Bacuqua?, and San Damian de Escambi) and two in the Western Timucuan area (San Miguel de Asile and San Pedro y San Pablo de Potohiriba)(Jones 1970a:1,3). San Damian (ca. 1633-1704) was partially excavated in 1969. Portions of a burned, wooden building and a cemetery containing approximately 143 burials were located (Jones 1970a:3; 1970b: 1). Within the building area, a large variety of brass and iron tools and a broken bell were recovered (Jones 1970a:3).




Full Text
Many of the introduced European goods listed in the documents
were subsistence-oriented: domestic animals and plants, axes, hoes,
knives, fish hooks, sickles, etc. As mentioned earlier, goods which
served as weapons may also be associated with prestige. Additionally,
scarce items may serve to indicate prestige and/or favoritism in dis
pensation. Non-subsistence items consisted of clothing, blankets,
beads, scissors, bronze bells, and religious paraphernalia. Not
specifically mentioned in historic accounts but recovered from
archeological sites are olive jar and majolica ceramics, glassware, clay
pipes, hardware, thimbles, copper, silver, and gold beads and pendants,
brass finger rings, lead beads and musketballs, glass buttons, mirrors,
crosses and crucifixes (Smith and Gottlob 1978:13-15).
The first readily identifiable indicator of status differentiation
may be that of dwelling/building location within the village. If Gar-
cilaso de la Vega was correct in describing location of elite dwellings
and important buildings around a central plaza and on a slight rise (a
pattern which has been identified in the prehistoric, stratified
societies of the Southeast) and this pattern was maintained during the
mission period as one similar to Spanish town arrangements, then the fol
lowing hypotheses could be put forth.
1. Spanish buildings, as identified through
architectural features, would have been
located in central areas, possibly on a
rise, bordering on a plaza.
2. High-status Indians would have been
living nearest the Spanish area.
3. Decreasing status would be positively cor
related with increasing distance from the
Spanish buildings and the plaza.


276
were calcined but this probably resulted from disposal in fires rather
than use of the shells as cooking vessels.
All of the wild species represented at Baptizing Spring, including
alligator and mullet, would have been found within a 3 km radius (to
the Suwannee River) around the site. Although soil conditions are not
favorable for gopher tortoise because of the clay substrate close to the
surface and the degree of moisture retention, dry, loose, sandy soils
are found within 1 km of the site. Animals such as raccoon, cotton rat,
and deer would have been attracted to corn and "old" fields. Deer, squir
rels, and raccoon would also have inhabited adjacent hammocks. The
amount of pig represented in the faunal assemblage does not indicate that
there were many animals consumed at the site although these animals may
have been raised and taken to market in St. Augustine (or otherwise
removed from the region through barter or sale). If pigs were even
moderately numerous, they would have been serious competitors with deer
for the fall acorn mast. Antler fragments were present but it was not
apparent whether or not these had been attached (late summer-fall) or .
picked up after antlers were dropped in the winter. It is impossible
to determine whether deer were killed particularly in the fall, when
they may have been drawn to the corn fields or when Indians were also
collecting acorns and tending their pigs. Molar wear on some of the deer
teeth indicates that animals of 6 years or older were taken.
The impact of introducing range cattle and pigs has not been asses
sed for the mission period. Competition for food and increased parasite
infestation (e.g. cattle ticks which severely afflict deer populations in
areas where the two species range together) may have had an impact on
deer populations in areas where these domesticates were numerous. All


3
the American Anthropological Association held formal discussions
regarding the subject's suitability for anthropological investigation.
Agreement on central issues was necessitated by involvement of
anthropologists in American Indian administrative problems. Later,
World War II provided impetus to acculturation awareness as forced cul
ture contacts occurred and post-war issues of decolonization had to be
faced (Bee 1974:94, 95).
In view of the contemporary concern with applied anthropology at
most research institutions, it is difficult to realize that it was
necessary to formally recognize contact culture change as an appropriate
topic for anthropological attention. Acculturation studies have figured
in sociocultural research for at least forty years; in anthropology
these studies have been primarily ethnohistorical and ethnological in
nature. Such works include Bohannan and Plog's (1967) Beyond the
Frontier, Everett Rogers' (1969) Modernization Among Peasants, and the
well-known volumes by Linton (1940), Foster (1960), and Spicer (1961)
which spurred and provided concepts for acculturation study.
Many studies have concentrated on the pressing problems brought
about by economic development: Nash's Machine Age Maya (1958) and
Salisbury's (1962) study of technological change in New Guinea are two
such examples. Impacts of political and economic change and the in
troduction of new technologies, health care and education programs,
changed food crops and material goods have all been studied either before
or after the fact. Directed change, both at home and abroad, is a
major governmental preoccupation.
R.L. Bee (1974:98-106) has summarized four distinct facets of accul
turation studies: cultural systems, contact situation, conjunctive


123
Figure 7. 1978 Excavations and Location of Transit Stations and Bench Marks.
trench 6


POLITICAL AND ECONOMIC INTERACTIONS BETWEEN SPANIARDS AND INDIANS
ARCHEOLOGICAL AND ETHNOHISTORICAL PERSPECTIVES
OF THE MISSION SYSTEM IN FLORIDA
BY
LANA JILL LOUCKS
A DISSERTATION PRESENTED TO THE GRADUATE COUNCIL
OF THE UNIVERSITY OF FLORIDA
IN PARTIAL FULFILLMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE
DEGREE OF DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY
UNIVERSITY OF FLORIDA
1979


Figure 18.
Copper and Glass Ornaments,
(a-b) copper squares;
(c) copper bead with bosses
(d) blue glass bead


89
The third Potano site, possibly the visita of Apalo, is the
Richardson site, located on high ground bordering Orange hake just
north of Evinston (Figure 3) (Milanich 1972:36). Investigation, in the
form of surface collection, was first carried out during the 1940s and
continued into the 1950s under direction of Dr. John M. Goggin. A total
of 5,159 sherds were recovered. About 2% of these ceramics were Spanish
and 20 majolica sherds were seriated to produce an early occupation date
of 1615 (Goggin 1968:73). Goggin used this site as a "type site" for the
early Potano period (Goggin 1953). Later excavations were carried out in
1970 under the direction of Charles H. Fairbanks with a University of
Florida archeological field school (Milanich 1972:36).
Three unit clusters were excavated during this later investigation
and posthole patterns indicative of circular structures were discovered.
Additional features included charcoal-filled "smudge pits" (burnt posts?)
and fire and refuse pits. Concentration of Spanish material occurred
in the southern part of the village. Milanich's report (1972:58) in
cludes a brief interpretive section on archeological and historical data
couched in acculturative terms but remarks derived from historical data
are treated as conclusions rather than hypotheses. Again, after des
cription of artifacts, there is very little consideration of
archeological data relevant to Spanish-Indian interaction.
Prior to 1976, the only Utina site investigated was Fig Springs,
located in Columbia County on the Ichtucknee River (Figure 3). Testing
failed to locate a land site but thousands of artifacts were removed
from the spring which probably had been used as a trash dump during the
17th century. Material remains placed this site within the Leon-Jeffer-
son framework proposed by Smith although aboriginal ceramics consisted


160
and Indian areas. These points, dating from the early pre-ceramic
Archaic up through Weeden Island periods (see Bullen 1975:6) con
stituted proportionately more of the worked lithic tools in the Spanish
area (29.31%) than in the Indian area (16.74%). There were two to three
times as many of these larger points in the Spanish sector than there
were small points which are characteristic of the later prehistoric-
protohistoric periods. On the slight chance that there might have been
a correlation between depth and point type, nonparametric correlations
were calculated using the SPSS (Statistical Package for the Social
Sciences) version H subprogram NONPAR CORR (Nie al. 1975:288). This
routine was used because it does not depend on the assumption of normal
distribution or metric quality of interval scales, although variables
must be at least ordinal type.
All lithic artifacts were used as variables in various runs and
were ranked by absolute abundance correlated with depth (zone). Only
lithics from the 1978 excavation were used. Kendall's tau seemed to
provide the more appropriate coefficient, as opposed to Spearman's rg,
since there was a fairly large number of cases classified into a
relatively small number of categories and the chance of getting numerous
ties in ranking was considered to be high. Both coefficients vary from
-1.0 to +1.0; both were output using Option 6 of the subprogram. The
only worked lithic variable which even approached a significant alpha
(=.001 for Kendall's tau) provided a very weak, negative correlation
with depth. This variable was heat-treated Pinellas Points with a tau
value of -0.2679, the largest (absolute) coefficient of association.
In view of the lack of association between point type and depth, in
addition to the scarcity of early ceramic markers at this site in


363
1951 A Spanish mission site in Jefferson County, Florida. IN
Boyd, M.F., H.G. Smith, and J.W. Griffin, pp. 107-136; Leon-
Jefferson ceramic types, pp. 163-174. Here They Once Stood.
University of Florida Press, Gainesville.
Smith, H.G. and M. Gottlob
1978 Spanish-Indian relationships: synoptic history and
archeological evidence, 1500-1763. IN Milanich, J.T. and
S. Proctor (eds.), pp. 118. Tacachale. University Presses of
Florida, Gainesville.
Social Science Research Council Seminar on Acculturation
1954 Acculturation: an exploratory formulation. American
Anthropologist 56:973-1002.
Solis de Meras
1923 Pedro Mene"ndez de Aviles. Connor, J.T. (trans.). Florida
State Historical Society, Deland.
South, S.
1972 Evolution and horizon as revealed in ceramic analysis in his
torical archeology. The Conference on Historic Site Archaeology
Papers 1971 6:71-116.
1974 The horizon concept revealed in the application of the mean
ceramic date formula to Spanish majolica in the New World. The
Conference on Historic Sites Archaeology Papers 1972 7:96-122.
Spicer, E.H.
1961 Types of contact and processes of change. IN Spicer, E.H.
(ed.), pp. 517-544. Perspectives in American Indian Culture
Change. University of Chicago Press, Chicago.
Statutes Relating to Florida
n.d. Statutes relating to Florida, in the diocesan synod, held by
his Majest's cammand, by the Right Reverend Dr. John Garcia de
Palacios, Bishop of Cuba, in June 1684. P.K. Yong Library of
Florida History, University of Florida, Gainesville.
Suwannee County Centennial Inc.
1958 Suwannee County Centennial. Board of County Commissioners,
Live Oak.
Swanton, J.R.
1922 Early history of the Creek Indians and their neighbors.
Bureau of American Ethnology Bulletin 73.
Symes, M.I. and M.E. Stephens
1965 A 272: the Fox Pond si.te. Florida Anthropologist 18:65-76.
Tainter, J.A.
1977 Woodland social change in west-central Illinois. Midcontinen
tal Journal of Archaeology 2(1):67-98.


Kohler, T.A.
1978 The social and chronological dimensions of village occupation
at a north Florida Weeden Island period site.
Doctoral dissertation, University of Florida, Gainesville.
1979 Corn, Indians and Spaniards in north-central Florida: a
technique for measuring evolutionary change in corn. Florida
Anthropologist 32:1-7.
Kurz, H. and R.K. Godfrey
1976 Trees of Northern Florida. Omni Press, Sarasota.
Ling, J.
1976 Excavations at Santa Cruz de Tarihica, an early seventeenth
century mission site in Suwannee County, Florida: a preliminary
site report. MS on file, Department of Social Sciences, Florida
State Museum, Gainesville.
Linton, R.
1940 Acculturation and the process of culture change. IN Linton,
R. (ed.), pp. 463-482. Acculturation in Seven American Indian
Tribes. D. Appleton-Century Company, Inc., New York,
Lister, F.C. and R.H. Lister
1974 Maiolica in colonial Spanish America. Historical Archaeology
8:17-50.
Lpez (Father)
1605 Manuscript, AGI 54-5-20/4. Woodbury-Lowery Collection, 4.
P.K. Yonge Library of Florida History, University of Florida,
Gainesville. [Letter to the Crown concerning governors duty to
punish Indians.] Photostat.
Lorant, S. (ed.)
1946 The New World. Duell, Sloan & Pearce, New York.
Loucks, L.J.
1978a Suwannee County Survey Report, fall 1977: an account of
sites located on property owned by Owens-Illinois, Inc. Unpub
lished MS, Department of Anthropology, University of Florida,
Gainesville.
1978b Origins of the Utina Indians in north Florida: re-examination
of the Leon-Jefferson ceramic complex. Paper presented at the
Southeastern Archaeological Conference, Knoxville.
Lyon, E.
1976 The Enterprise of Florida. University Presses of Florida,
Gainesville.
Markham, C.R. '
1873 The Rites and Laws of the Yncas. Burt Franklin, Publisher,
New York.


Table 15.
Aboriginal Ceramic Diversity
(H) for Structures A, B,
C, and D.
Structure
s
N
H (nats)
Total H (nats) e
(Total)
_Structure
H (nats)
Structure
e
A
27
1827
1.03
3.93
0.26
3.30
0.31
B
20
329
0.97
0.25
3.00
0.32
C
29
960
1.08
0.27
3.53
0.32
D
41
1561
1.21
0.31
3.71
0.33
s =
N =
e =
number of type categories
number of sherds
evenness
-


347
Unfortunately, no kernels were recovered from the Baptizing Spring site.
On most of the characters which could he observed, the corn corresponds
with the definition for Maz de Ocho ("eight rowed corn") as summarized
by Mangelsdorf (1974):
. . the eight-rowed condition of Maiz de Ocho is
only one of its characteristics. Others are straight
kernel rows; paired rows sometimes separated from
each other . ; ear shape almost cylindrical; a
slender rachis sometimes slightly to strongly
flexible; kernels about as wide as long, relatively
thick, apically rounded (Mangelsdorf 1974:114).
Discussion
The large sample of corncobs from Baptizing Spring is of added in
terest because of its probable identity with the corn grown in the late
prehistoric period in north-central Florida as determined by its
similarity on width of lower glumes and kernel thickness'with cobs from
A-273. Unfortunately, corn from north-central Florida in prehistoric
times is known only through proxy record of cob marked ceramics. If
the identification of the Baptizing Spring organic remains with the
prehistoric specimens is justifiable, it appears that the late prehistoric
corn of north-central Florida also belongs to the complex which has been
variously termed "Eastern Complex" (Carter and Anderson 1945), "Northern
Flints" (Brown and Anderson 1947), or "Maiz de Ocho" (Galinat and Gunner-
son 1963).
Corn from a Fort Walton period mound site in Houston County, Alabama
(Neuman 1961) was identified as belonging to this complex by Cutler,
while a sample containing both a cob and kernels from a Fort Walton site
in the Jim Woodruff Reservoir area of Florida proved to be 10-rowed with
undented kernels which were substantially thicker and wider than those


151
questioned, it is believed that the classification system used here is
a fairly common one. Whether or not actual function can be ascribed to
theses tools is not necessarily a matter of great concern to this study .
It is important to note that the analysis of lithics from Baptizing Spring
and the adjacent surveyed sites were performed by the same individual
employing the same criteria. There is, therefore, consistency in the
identification of the various lithic artifacts and the different sites
can be compared. A very brief discussion of criteria used in clas
sification is presented below.
Use Wear and Form Classification
Projectile points were identified according to type descriptions in
Bullen (1975) when applicable, or were assigned descriptive names. In
all cases, only those points and preforms (point blanks) which did not
exhibit use wear were considered in these categories. A few small
points, usually Pinellas types, had been reworked into scrapers or drills.
In some instances, fragments of points or whole preforms could only be
identified according to size: "small" was less than 4 cm in length and
"medium-large" (abbreviated "med-lge") was greater than 4 cm in length.
Most of the classification groups listed in Appendix B need no fur
ther mention since unifacial flaking, retouching, and so forth are self-
explanatory terms. What is needed, however, is definitions of the
various use wear categories since these will be used in the following
discussions. Some of the following "types" will be illustrated in
Figure 15.
Scrapers were the most common kinds of tools. The criterion used
in identification was presence of uniform, crescentic flake scars along
one face of an edge (Figure 15a). Tools were classified as sidescrapers


27
Father Parejas 1613 Confessionario (Milanich and Sturtevant
1972), although written after the French had come and gone from Florida
and the Spaniards had been established for roughly 50 years, has been
used as a valued source of ethnographic information regarding aboriginal
practices and behavior. Since the main purpose of Pareja's book was
to provide questions which would reveal the continuation of non-
Christian, Indian practices, the author considers it as a pertinent
source to be used in this section. It is interesting that after more
than half a century of contact with Europeans, the Eastern Timucua still
retained many of their beliefs and continued in many of their obviously
incompatible roles (e.g. sorcerers, shamans).
A second "native" trait was gambling/stealing (Milanich and Stur
tevant 1972:33; Le Challeux in Lorant 1946:94, 96), both of which fall
under Sahlins' definition of negative reciprocity. Gambling, however,
is a neutral transfer and does not systematically affect the distribution
of goods in society toward or away from greater equality (Pryor 1977:
255). The major cost of these transactions was prestige loss on one
side and prestige gain on the other (Covington and Falcones 1963:148-
149). Neither stealing nor gambling was considered immoral by the
Timucua. Either activity may be seen as a means of earning prestige,
particularly during peace times when excellence in battle was not an
open means of attaining it. The actual winnings or material gains were
symbolic of the acheived prestige. Ownership of certain items may have
been shared by kinsmen with bundles of rights attached. One does not
know which goods were stolen consistently and which were not, nor what
social ties linked culprit to supposed victim. The question of stealing
may be one of European ethnocentricity rather than negative reciprocity.


Figure 5. Sites Adjacent to Baptizing Spring
(Located during Suwannee County
Survey. Coordinates refer to Tran
sect 99.)


349
References Cited
Brown, W.C. and E. Anderson
1947 The northern flint corns. Annals of the Missouri Botanical
Garden 34:1-29.
Bullen, R.P.
1958 Six sites near the Chattahoochee River in the Jin Woodruff
Reservoir area, Florida. Bureau of American Ethnology Bulletin
169, River Basin Surveys Papers 14:315-357.
Carter, G.F. and E. Anderson
1945 A preliminary survey of maize in the southwestern United States
Annals of the Missouri Botanical Garden 32:297-322.
Galinat, W.C. and J.H. Gunnerson
1963 Spread of eight-rowed maize from the prehistoric Southwest.
Botanical Museum Leaflets, Harvard University 20:117-145.
Kohler, T.A.
1979 Corn, Indians, and Spaniards in north-central Florida: a
technique for measuring evolutionary changes in corn. Florida
Anthropologist 32:1-7.
Mangelsdorf, P.C.
1974 Corn: Its Origin, Evolution, and Improvement. The Belknap Press
of Harvard University, Cambridge.
Milanich, J.T.
1971 The Alachua tradition of north central Florida. Contributions
of the Florida State Museum, Anthropology and History 17.
Neuman, R.W.
1961 Domesticated corn from a Ft. Walton mound site in Houston
County, Alabama. Florida Anthropologist 14:75-80.
Nickerson, N.H.
1953 Variation in cob morphology among certain archeological and
ethnological races of maize. Annals of the Missouri Botanical
Garden 40:79-111.
Sturtevant, W.C.
1960 The significance of ethnological similarities between
southeastern North America and the Antilles. Yale University
Publications in Anthropology 64.


ill
Food Rema1ns
Plant and animal remains from the sites were generally equivalent
to remains recovered from Baptizing Spring although some species were
added or deleted from the list. Domesticates were present at all sites
except Richardson and Fox Pond. Data reported for the latter site,
however, were not particularly extensive. The only domestic animals
represented at San Joseph de Ocuya were cow and pig (one tooth each)
as preservation was very poor (Jones 1973:45).
The faunal assemblage at San Juan del Puerto reflects good preser
vation as well as high variety. Oyster shell midden had been abundant
at one time but had been borrowed to make tabby for the nearby Kingsley
Plantation (Dr. Charles H. Fairbanks, personal communication, 1979).
Smaller, apparently individual household middens were located away from
the main midden (Spanish) and did contain Spanish artifacts. These mid
dens were not excavated, however (McMurray 1973:39). Almost 50% of
the protein diet consumed by priests at San Juan was composed of domes
tic sources: chicken, cow, pig, sheep, and dog (Cumbaa 1975:106).
Priests apparently concentrated on domesticates but supplemented their
diet with a wide variety of wild foods. The same is true of Fig Springs,
if the spring was a dump area primarily, utilized by Spaniards, although
the contribution of domesticates to the diet has not been calculated.
Allowing for differential preservation and differing environments
available for exploitation, the food remains across the mission sites are
fairly comparable (Table 29). Introduction of livestock and some domes
tic flora, such as peaches, might have created new demands on Indian
workers but tasks may have been allotted to certain individuals resulting
in the formation of specialized herders, hunters, farmers, or gardeners.


298
17th century. The only site which Indicates early 18th century majolica
is San Juan del Puerto. This is not unexpected since this coastal site
is proximate to St. Augustine and mission Indians moved near the captol
after interior missions had been destroyed in 1702-1704. It should be
noted that, although the listing in Table 25 provides easy visual summary,
many of the types were not restricted to the time slot they appear in.
Columbia Plain, for instance, was being manufactured up into the first
half of the 17th century.
If time span is more or less controlled by comparing sites which
are equivalent in the types of majolica represented, then diversity of
assemblages can be contrasted without interference from the time/length
of occupation factor. The measure of diversity, then, may be used as an
indicator of access (which will depend on wealth and importance of a
mission or priests at the mission as well as distance from trade routes)
and personal preferences. Considering that goods had to be imported into
Florida, plus the fact that cost was usually highly inflated and selection
poor, "preference" may have been determined more by availability than by
actual desire for certain items.
It would be anticipated that San Juan del Puerto would have the
highest diversity not only because of occupation length but also because
of its accessability to St. Augustine. Although Fox Pond, tentatively
identified as San Francisco de Potano, was also an important mission it
was not established until circa 1606. It was also almost 70 miles (100
km) from St. Augustine. Diversity values for these two sites were 2.40
nats and 1.58 nats, accordingly.
Fig Springs and Baptizing Spring, while having similar total counts,
differ greatly in their diversities, 1.70 nats and 1.11 nats,


Table 7. General Distribution of Identifiable Spanish Ceramics in Spanish and Indian Living/Activity Areas.
Type Name
Structure A
Structure B
.Spanish Area
Village
Total per Type
(% sum total)
Olive Jar
, 65(24.90%)
19(47.50%)
84(27.91%)
94(77.05%)
178
(42.08%)
Storage Jar
4( 1.53%)
1( 2.50%)
5( 1.66%)
5(
4.10%)
10
( 2.36%)
Honeyware
3( 1.15%)
0
3( 1.00%)
0
3
( 0.71%)
Santo Domingo Blue on White
27(10.34%)
12(30.00%).
39(12.96%)
10(
8.20%)
49
(11.58%)
Ichtucknee Blue on Blue
4 ( 1.53%)
2( 5.00%)
6 ( 1.99%)
K
0.82%)
7
( 1.65%)
Ichtucknee Blue on White
139(53.26%)
2( 5.00%)
141(46.84%)
4(
3.28%)
145
(34.28%)
Columbia Plain
19( 7.28%)
2( 5.00%)
21( 6.98%)
2 (
1.64%)
23
( 5.44%)
Fig Springs Polychrome
0
0
0
3 (
2.46%)
3
( 0.71%)
San Luis Blue on White
0
1( 2.50%)
1( 0.33%)
3?
(2.46%)
4
( 0.95%)
Green-glazed Columbia Plain
0
1( 2.50%)
1( 0.33%)
0
1
( 0.24%)
TOTAL
261*(99.99%)
40*(100.00%)
301(100.00%)
122(100.00%)
423
(100.00%)
?
' Identified on basis of enamel and paste
color/texture.
No design visible
and
only blue
flecks in enamel
* Does not include two unidentifiable (too small) sherds.


55
their bn lgame and performing their ceremonies. The degree to which
certain traditional activities was allowed or punished appears to have
been subject to the personal whim of the soldiers and/or priests in
volved (Father Paiva 1676).
Tepaske (1964:194) claimed that most Franciscans overcame
traditional native behavior patterns by providing exemplary models of
Christianity and personal conduct. In fact, it seems that many:of the
friars assigned to Apalache were particularly prone to the administration
of physical abuse. Whippings and beatings meted out to elite and com
moner alike humiliated the former and caused them to lose the respect of
their subjects (Pearson 1968:83, 93). So much was this a problem, and
so important was it to maintain the cacique's status, that Rebolledo
ordered that caciques and other elites who broke civil or religious
regulations could be punished only by the governor (Pearson 1968:77).
One can imagine how the religious felt concerning this usurpation of
their jurisdiction.
Indians attempted to trade with soldiers and ships' crews putting
into port (in Apalache). Their right to do so was unquestioned by the
governor although priests forbade the practice and tried to maintain
the sale of goods and trade as their own perogative. Some Apalache were
trading illicitly, however, with foreign ships after the soldiers were
removed from that province in 1648 (Pearson 1968:130). Caciques and
friars in both Apalache-and Timucua shipped wheat, rye, and barley to
Havana to make a profit on it rather than have it confiscated by the
governor for use in St. Augustine (Bushnell 1978:40). At the end of this
period, Indian trade with the English, who offered rum and firearms in
return for allegiance against the Spaniards, was not uncommon (Tepaske


7ft
70. If Indian patterns of reckoning prestige and
its accouterments were retained, then native
prestige goods or European equivalents will
be found in high-status living areas within
the Indian sector of the village.
8.Indian goods retained within the prestige
sphere will be those which were also
valued by Europeans such as.hides, precious
or semi-precious metals, pearls, and high-
status housing.
Test 1. Aboriginal and historic prestige items will
be found within the same household units.
Test 2. European prestige items may be more
numerous than prehistoric ones.
In order to have maintained or obtained rank within the new
Catholic-based hierarchy, Indians would have to have been good Christian
converts. If, as is common, religious medals and other symbolic parapher-
< .
nalia were awarded for learning and observing catechism:
9.Religious items may be found more often in
conjunction with non-sacred prestige items
within high-status dwellings.
a. These items, if limited in quantity, will
tend to be concentrated in high-status areas
within the Indian village.
With regard to directional flow of non-food goods from Indians to
priests and Spanish government to priests:
10. If more Indian goods were given to priests than
European goods were to Indians, the ratio of
European to Indian goods would be higher for
Spaniards than for Indians, and
11. Cumulative total of goods per person would be
greater for priests, declining with decreasing
status.
a. European goods distributed among Indians may
have increased significance as prestige items.


125
of 0.74 m BS. Features sometimes extended down into sterile levels.
Average unit depth over all units was 0.46 m. Maps of excavation unit
"walls" (i.c. profiles) were drawn in order to record presence of dif
ferent strata across the site and to record feature profiles (i.e. cross-
sectional views).
It was determined in the field that the major occupation was shallow
and single component, dating from the historic period, although we dis
tinguished several "zones" which could be aggregated or analyzed separately
during later research phases. These zones were defined on the basis of
soil coloration (degree of "greyness" resulting from organic material
present and leaching to lower levels) and constituents (e.g. "sand" versus
clayey sand versus clay). In some excavation units, certain of these
zones were not represented due to the fact that zonal definitions were
kept consistent throughout the summer excavation period. This attempt to
maintain definitions was not always possible. It was observed in the
field that there was a correspondence between the amount of organic matter
(grey to dark grey-brown zone coloration) and the amount of cultural
material. In units where there was very little cultural material, or the
deposit was thin, zone designation and coloration varied accordingly. Low
cultural material density corresponded with lighter, less grey soil color.
In very general terms, Zone I was divided into three levels: IA was
was the litter/root zone, ranging from 3 cm to 19 cm in thickness, or was
completely absent; IB was either grey, greyish tan, or tan with grey and
brown mottling and it ranged from 8 cm to 36 cm in thickness; IC was dis
tinguished only in a few instances (primarily in Group/Structure D) and
was simply a leaching zone from IB to Zone II. Zone IC was usually
greyish tan or tan with grey and brown mottling, lighter than IB, and


Figure 30. Jefferson Ware Pinched Rims.
212


2
Dr. Charles 11. Fairbanks of the Department of Anthropology,
University of Florida, applied for and received a grant from the National
Endowment for the Humanities. Further excavation in the aboriginal sec
tor of the mission village was planned in order to examine the lifeways
at a Spanish-Utina mission and the material correlates of acculturation.
The aims in the proposal were to construct a general picture of the
shared influences on material culture of both Spaniards and Indians and
to examine the processes by which acculturation was accomplished.
Excavations in both Spanish and Indian living areas had never been car
ried out at a single mission site in Florida, therefore no statements
could be made concerning the functioning of a mission as a whole unit.
This dissertation focuses on the Baptizing Spring site (8 Su 65) as
the testing ground for certain hypotheses concerning interactions between
Spaniards and Indians. The theoretical orientation derives largely from
anthropological economics and its related fields of interaction, social
exchange, and organizational theory.
Acculturation
Conceptually, acculturation entails both processes and results of
contact between cultures. In practice, it is difficult to study because
to do so requires an holistic approach. This is especially true when
formulating models to implement directed culture change.
Acculturation studies have been associated primarily with British
and American functionalism (Plog 1977:26). American interest was
sparked by the growing conviction that diffusion did not fully explain
sociocultural change. In England, the problem was enhanced through an
awareness of forced cultural changes in colonization efforts. In 1936


and calcium (1300 ppm). Fill, from within a clay-lined feature near
Structure R had a phosphorus content of about 24 ppm and 98 ppm of
calcium. The other two samples from outside a clay lined feature and
from the soil stain area were low in calcium (60 ppm and 42 ppm, res
pectively) and phosphorus (12 ppm and 10 ppm, respectively). The only
"high" phosphorus reading, then, was from the feature fill of the clay-
lined pit in the village (see below) and this seems to have been cor
related not only with the higher organic content of the sample but also
the high calcium content and, probably, the presence of clay minerals.
The data from the phosphorus test, then, is inconclusive except that,
on the basis of only two samples, phosphorus content is slightly-to-
greatly higher within the features than outside the features. These dif
ferences, however, are influenced by a number of factors and cannot be
attributed to the presence of bone, let alone human bone.
The features associated with Structure B varied in size from 76 cm
by 47 cm up to 115 cm by 109 cm. If these were burial pits, individuals
would have to have been either buried in flexed positions or children.
The former is unlikely since Jones only found two semi-flexed burials out
of the numerous burials excavated at several mission sites. The common
burial mode was "Christian" supine, extended, hands crossed over chest.
In addition, if this was a burial area, it does not follow the pattern of
other mission cemeteries wherein individuals are laid in tight roA^s.
Another pit of the same type associated with Structure B was located
during the 1978 season in squares adjacent to Trench #2, roughly 100 m
aAay from the Spanish area. This feature contained very few artifacts
and lumps of what appeared to be hard, yellow-broAvn clay. The results of
the soil analysis were mentioned above.


o
1
2 meters
t
S/T storage/trash pit
trash
pit
!
458N
565E


trash pit (feature 21)
conical pit
possible (storage?) pit
indet. pit/large
posthole?
posthole
Figure 14. Cultural Features in Central Portion of Trench #1 at Baptizing Spring.
8 VI


103
previous occupants of the site were engaged in farming activities. It
is not known presently where the name "Baptizing Spring" derived from.
The only information discovered by the author while in the field was that
Mr. Howe Land's father, who grew up in.the area, had told him that
Baptizing Spring was the spring located east (Walker Spring) of the spring
shown on current maps as Baptizing Spring.
Environmental Characteristics
The southwestern portion of Suwannee County around Luraville is
elevated only about 15 m (45 feet) AMSL. Oligocene Suwannee Formation
limestone underlies this region at depths of 1.5 to 6 m below the
present surface. The Suwannee Formation is primarily hard, interbedded
strata of soft granular limestone, honeycombed with caves and solution
pockets which collapse (i.e. "sinks") (Houston ej^ al. 1965:95). These
caves and solution pores serve an important function as underground
freshwater reservoirs which, when they break through into sinks, provide
water sources as springs.
According to the most recent soil survey (Houston et al. 1965) the
area around Baptizing Spring is characterized by Blanton fine sand, low,
with 0-5% slope. From testing and excavation, it is apparent that the
area could equally well be classified as part of the Blanton-Kalmia-Leaf
Complex (Houston et al. 1965:12-13) characteristic of floodplains along
the Suwannee River. The most important feature of this complex is the
sandy clay loam or clayey loam which occurs anywhere from 10-70 cm below
the surface. All Blanton fine sand series are highly acidic and low in
organic material and natural fertility (Houston et al. 1965:10-13). Soil
fertility was probably somewhat enhanced due to the presence of sandy
clay and clayey sand horizons close to the surface in many areas. These


294
Comparisons between artifact assemblages is hindered by the fact
that definition of structural affinities was not always possible and the
fact that excavations were often concentrated in known or suspected
Spanish sectors of the villages. The Fig Springs material was recovered
entirely from the spring itself; Scott Miller and San Joseph de Ocuya
material came only from Spanish contexts or doubtful Spanish contexts in
the case of the borrow pit excavation at Scott Miller and the semi-subter
ranean structure at San Joseph. For these reasons, the amount of Spanish
materials represented at the sites does not necessarily reflect true
proportional, representation over the entire village. It is-expected,
and has been shown at Baptizing Spring, that Spanish ceramics are much
more common in Spanish building areas than in aboriginal contexts.
The comparisons in Table 24 must be considered with caution because
of the above factors. Except at the Zetrouer site (Seaberg 1955),
Spanish ceramics were composed primarily of utilitarian types.. Sur
prisingly, the two Utina missions Fig Springs and Baptizing Spring
exhibited relatively less utilitarian ceramics than any of the other
sites. Utilitarian wares comprised over 50% of the ceramics at San Juan
del Puerto and San Joseph de Ocuya and 80% of the Spanish ceramics at
Scott Miller. The Zetrouer site is a special case since it is probable
that it was a secular establishment (the Alachua cattle ranch) rather
than a mission. The number of aboriginal, and possibly Spanish, ceramics
will be lower at Fig Springs than at the other sites because of the
relatively large number of whole or partial vessels retrieved from the
spring. That the Richardson site has the very least percentage of
Spanish ceramics (1.19%) is not unusual since this site was presumably


6
those operative in the other system" (Spicer 1961:520). Directed con
tact is characterized by effective control of some type and degree by
members of one society over members of the other with certain behavioral
changes sought by the superordinate group. Changes which occur, however,
are determined by both cultural systems (Spicer 1961:520).
Archeological Acculturation Studies
Plog (1974:8) has argued that the area in which archeologists are
best able to employ their talents is the study of change. Basically,
four paradigms have dominated this field: evolutionism, cultural
ecology, behavioralism, and acculturation (Plog 1977:25). In prehistoric
archeology, culture contact studies have been approached through the
effects of trade and conquest/population movements. It has been dif
ficult, however, to distinguish changes brought about by different kinds
of contact. A particularly appropriate example concerns the appearance
of complicated stamped ceramics that reflect Georgia design motifs and
styles in northern Florida during the late prehistoric/protohistoric
period. It is not known whether the appearance of these ceramics is
related to diffusion of techniques, trade, or actual population mixing
(Milanich 1978:75).
The study of acculturation processes can be carried out at sites of
known contact situations but such studies have been relatively few. Con
sidering the rich colonial history of the United States, this gap in
archeological research is somewhat surprising. One can guess, however,
that there is some feeling that contact sites are less exotic than
prehistoric sites and more bothersome than strictly colonial European
or American sites. Particularly because archeologists attempt to


Table 28continued
Description
Baptizing
Spring
Fig
Springs
San Juan
del Puerto
Richardson
Fox
Pond
Scott
Miller
chisel
X
X
anvil
X
spur rowel
X
hoes
X
X
X
axe
X
Miscellaneous
coins x
coin weight x
tobacco pipes x
book clasp x
olive jar/
maj olica
gaming discs x x x
bone counters?
gaming pcs.
x
San Joseph
de Ocuya


279
are very similar to corn, measured by proxy on Alachua Cob Marked
ceramics, from a late Alachua period village site (ca. A.D. 1400-A.D.
1600) near the Fox Pond mission site. Lower glume width and distance
between adjacent lower glumes in the same row are less than those shown
on the ceramics at Fox Pond but greater than those measured at the
Woodward village site (ca. A.D. 700-A.D. 900) (Kohler, Appendix 0).
Recovered corncobs from the Zetrouer site (A.D. 1685-A.D. 1706) not only
had higher mean row number but also larger mean cupule widths than cobs
from Baptizing Spring. Increasing cob and kernel size indicated at
Fox Pond and Zetrouer may have been due to introgression of maize
brought in from Cuba or Yucutan (Kohler 1979). Corn at Baptizing Spring
appears to represent a relatively pure aboriginal variety. This sug
gests either less tampering or interest in altering native food stocks
at this mission than at other mission period sites (Zetrouer and pos
sibly the village adjacent to Fox Pond). It could also indicate an
early occupation date for Baptizing Spring. The fact that some of the
cobs were small, probably immature, may have influenced the overall
determination of mean glume widths and distance between adjacent glumes.
The concentration of corncobs exclusively, for all intents and pur
poses, in Structure C is unusual. Binford (1967:3) suggested, on the
basis of ethnographic and ethnohistoric data, that pits filled with bark,
wood, and/or corncobs were used in hide-smoking activities. He gives
the names of various sites where such features have been found but fails
to mention whether or not these features were located within structural
limits. If one presumes this function for pits filled with cobs at
Baptizing Spring, one must accept the fact that these activities took
place within (or under) a fairly substantial structure which appears


Table 29-continued
Baptizing
Fig Fox
San Juan
Scott
San Joseph
San
Damian
Description
sPring
Springs Pond
Richardson del Puerto
Miller
de Ocuya
de
Escambi
Mugil sp.
(mullet)
Osteichthyes**
X
X
(boney fish)
fresh water
X X
X
salt water
X
Squaliformes
X
(shark)
* The faunal material
from this
site (8 Le 120)
was voluntarily analysed by Dr.
Elizabeth Reitz
of
the
Zooarcheological Laboratory of the Florida State Museum. The material and species identification cards
were discovered during a periodic "housecleaning" session and it was found that no data were available
as to the nature of the site, the excavator, etc. Site forms and notes were located in the Archeological
Laboratory, Department of Anthropology, University of Florida. Although there has been no time for a
full analysis, the information is included herein in order to make it available, more or less, and to
provide additional comparative data. A report on the site, excavated in the early 1970s, has not been
published.
**Since data was not comparable between sites, some fauna were merely presented as "lumped" classes. At
8 Le 120, both grey squirrel (Sciurus carolinensis) and fox squirrel (S_. niger) were represented. Bony
fish which were identified included gar (Lepisosteus sp.), bowfin (Amia calva), freshwater catfish
(Ictalurus sp.) and large mouth bass (Micropterus salmoides). For more complete faunal data on San Juan
del Puerto see Cumbaa (1975); for the Richardson site, see Milanich (1972).


Figure 20. Ichtucknee Blue on White Plate.


96
a great deal of historical and archeological research is needed to an
swer this question. It is necessary to ascertain how many Indians in
which locations actually had and used Spanish tools and practices; how
subsistence patterns changed in terms,of food resources used and amount
of food available. The documentary evidence can not be relied upon
by itself since it is conceivable that reports of food shortages were
fabricated or, at least, exaggerated. For all mission sites, it is
necessary to ascertain how much access Indians had to domesticates as
well as what proportion of the Spanish diet was comprised by cultigens
and livestock, libere are the European tools located within a village
and how many were there? Were European tools more common on Spanish-
operated ranches and haciendas than they were at missions? These are
some of the questions which need to be approached and answered, even
tentatively, before definite conclusions can be reached regarding changes
in subsistence practices, self-sufficiency, and productivity.
A final topic dealt with by Milanich (1978) and Deagan (1978) con
cerns Spanish efforts to change inheritance patterns and political or
ganization. This appears to have worked in two ways. Governor Menendez
Marqus (1593) wrote to Philip II saying that the Indians desired to
change the practice of inheriting from .their mother to that of inheriting
from their fathers. This might have been an attempt to gain Spanish
goods, wealth, and concomitant prestige since Spaniards, especially sol
diers, married Indian women. The Crown replied that at that time it was
better to insist that old "laws" be kept but that it might be good to sup
port the Indians in this desire at a later date (Marques 1593).
Later documents, cited in Chapter.Three, indicated that although the
Spaniards cultivated special ties with influential Indians, they sought




included the following descriptive types defined in the last chapter:
joined curved lands CS, interlocking circles CS, barred bullseye CS,
curvilinear 'A' CS, curvilinear *B' CS, rectilinear 'A' CS, fret/
volute CS, bullseye with scroll CS, straight-curvilinear CS, cogs CS, and
lineblock CS, The variable OTHERGA included Creek-affiliated ceramic
types Ocmulgee Fields Incised and Chattahoochee Brushed,
Five ceramic types were maintained in their original classes
because they were relatively numerous. Loop and solid cross motif com
plicated stamped types were kept separate in order to examine possible
differences in distribution and associations. Jefferson Ware Complicated
Stamped Type B (CSTYPB) and scraped types were also retained because of
their moderate to high representation in all areas. Linear with central
bars CS (implemented at UNIQLIN) was kept separate primarily to examine
its association with other types in Structure A, the only area where it
occurred except for one small sherd in Structure C,
The hypothesis concerning association of certain aboriginal ceramic
groups or types and Spanish ceramics with structures was tested by
analysing the variation within and between structures with regard to each
ceramic variable. Ceramic counts were tabulated for each excavation
unit within a structural area. These counts were weighted by dividing
them by the area (square meters) excavated for each structure and then
multiplying by 10.0. An actual density calculation (n of sherds per
cubic meter) was not computed since it was not always possible to cal
culate the depths of units in Structure A and parts of Structure C. In
any event, average depths of middens throughout the site were comparable.
Weighting was carried out to standardize the ceramic counts (n of sherds
per square meter) in order to negate the effect of unequal excavation


lai
The South Mean Ceramic Date Formula (South 1972) uses ceramic type
raw frequencies and the estimated or known median date of the manufacture
period tp calculate an estimation of median occupation date for a site.
In effect, it summarizes the ceramic seriation in a single index, the
date of major historic activity at a site. Since the index is based on
sherd frequencies, however, one must assume random sampling within the
site and a normal distribution of sherds. One must also assume that
all vessels were broken into the same number of sherds, which is un
likely, or must use numbers of vessels present instead of numbers of
sherds. It is obvious that at Baptizing Spring the first two assumptions
cannot be accepted. Excavation units were not randomly selected and
Spanish ceramics.were concentrated in a very limited area of the site.
The third assumption cannot be accepted for any site.
Attempts were made to use the minimum number of vessels represented
by the 232 identifiable majolica sherds. This was possible when iden
tifiable part's of vessels, ware differences, and/or differences in enamel
and decoration coloring were observable. Using this method, however,
one must assume that a single sherd representing a minority type actually
indicates that an entire vessel was present at one time and was used
during the site occupation. It is important to note that the mean
ceramic date formula could only approximate a median occupation date if
ceramics were introduced, used, and discarded at a constant rate over
the time span of occupation. The formula can be useful if no infor
mation is available regarding occupation period of the site. The assump
tions which must be made, many of which are impossible to accept, must
be kept in mind and discrepancies between the mean ceramic date and known
date of occupation for historic sites ought to be examined.


Spanish area (0.18% and 0.35%, respectively). In the village, flakes
less than or equal to one square centimeter in surface area were the
second major category comprising 26.10% of the total village debitage.
Spanish Artifacts
The majority of Spanish artifacts were recovered from Group B
(Structure A) units and the vast majority of these were ceramics which,
overall, made up the bulk of the Spanish artifacts (91.24%). Of the 40
non-ceramic items which were identifiable, 20.00% came from the Struc
ture A area, 47.50% from Structure B, and 32.50% from the entire non-
Spanish areas. Scraps of iron, fence staples., an iron pot leg, and
iron ring were not included in these artifact counts because they came
from mixed 17th and 19th century contexts. Over half of the non-ceramic
artifacts were wrought nails (n=15) and spikes (n=8). Most of these,
69.56%, came from Structure B; 21.74% from Structure A, and 8.70% (n=2)
from the village (Table 6). An iron axe head (possibly post-mission
period) was recovered from the northeast, interior corner of Structure B
and two possible knife blades were recovered from Structure D in the
village. One iron knife blade was also recovered from Structure A.
Four lead shot, three approximately .62 caliber (musketballs) and
one .20-.22 caliber, were recovered. The smaller shot was recovered
from Zone II in Structure D and the three musketballs were recovered
from Structure A, Structure B, and Trench #3 just west of Structure B.
Both shot from the Spanish structures were distorted and heavily
oxidized while the other two were in good condition, suggesting that
they had either not been fired or had been fired into yielding objects
or the ground.
Nine ornamental or potentially ornamental objects were recovered


Perforators are basically the sqmc as awls but this tool type
designation was reserved for unworked tools. Use wear entails a blunted
corner or tip and small flakes removed part of the way up the edges.
Gravers and perforators were differentiated by the presence of these
flake scars along the edge near the tip (Figure 15g).
Peckingstones and hammerstones were aggregated during the analysis
(although they were idenitified separately during the classification
stage). Use wear is identical step fractures and signs of bat
tering although the peckingstone may be more pitted since it is
smaller and not used with as much force. Both are nodular in shape
(Figure 15h). Choppers show the same battering as hammerstones but the
evidence of major impact occurs along an edge as opposed to on a flat
or blunt surface.
Adzes were probably the least abundant tool type. This tool is a
relatively large planar scraper and flake removal predominates on the
adjacent upper edge surface of a flat-bottomed lithic piece.
Several utilized and a few worked tools showed combinations of use
wear patterns but, in general, composite tools were uncommon. Both
utilized and debitage artifacts, and a few worked tools, were classified
in form categories as well as use wear categories. These are reported
for worked and utilized tools in Appendix B and for debitage in the body
of the text.
Flakes, the most abundant form, were identified as any relatively
flat lithic artifact with a bulb of percussion (the bulbous projection
just below the point of impact which removed the flake from a larger
core) which was not a blade (Figure 16a). Blades are often idenitifed
on the basis of proportion a common formula is length equal to or


26
go undetected (Le Challeux in Lorant 1946:94, 96). To refuse a request
was dishonorable; food was freely distributed among the "poor"; a
cacique must never act "greedy" (Covington and raleones 1963:143).
Nothing is known about kinship ties and the obligations entailed.
Generosity may have pertained to all goods but, acknowledging the res
tricted possession of prestige items, it is probable that generosity
operated only in terms of food, and, possibly, basic utilitarian goods.
Food is the one material good most usually linked with generalized
reciprocity and hospitality (Sahlins 1972:216).
Food was given freely to outsiders, Europeans, or was traded (Le
Moyne in Lorant 1946:36; Ribault 1964:77, 81). Exchange of food for
non-food items may.have been restricted to interactions between outsiders
and villagers as it is often considered improper to make such exchanges
with one's kin. Items given freely between kin do not carry the same
significance as items given outside the kin realm. Food distribution is
particularly sensitive to injunctions for or against its sharing and
trading (Sahlins 1972:216). Reciprocity, especially in its generalized
form, reflects the imbeddedness of particular transactions in long
term relationships (Salisbury 1976:44) and blood ties may be stronger
than simply long-term relational ties. It is noteworthy that foods
prepared for winter provisioning were not available to the French at any
rate of exchange (Le Moyne in Swanton 1922:359). Food exchange with
outsiders may have been restricted to occasions when villagers lacked
calculable reason to conserve or when a show of hospitality was
politically expedient. There is little doubt, however, that Indians
sought to gain from provisioning the French. Le Moyne (in Bennett 1968:
98) reported that they stopped bringing in provisions as soon as they
realized that the French had no more goods to exchange.


I would like to say that I have been extremely proud of them, for they
are industrious, caring people who excell in their own fields and in
terests. My brothers have worked industriously and without compensation
to keep my car in running order. We have never talked very much but
there is not always the need (and it is embarrassing) when siblings
become as close as we have grown. I think of them a great deal. I
also would like to say, with regard to my relatives still in Canada,
that I am just as pleased as punch that my graduation has been a topic
of conversation and pride among them. I am very glad to be one of the
clan, for an anthropologist and an archeologist can appreciate what it
means to have time depth in one's life.
In the face of all these acknowledgements, it is somewhat presump
tuous to assume final responsibility for this dissertation. No matter
what others have given, however, it has all come together (or flown
apart) within my own head. The final product is my own responsibility
and any deficiencies are of my own making. Writing a dissertation, or
any major work, is like painting a good picture: the result is usually
a surprise to the artist who feels that it must have been executed by
someone else^
viii


4
relations, and acculturation processes, Each culture system participating
in contact situations exists as a separate, independent entity prior to
contact. Within these systems, certain properties act to maintain
independence. Physical or "subtle" boundary-maintaining mechanisms
exist, internal structure is flexible within a culturally prescribed
range, and self-correcting mechanisms affect the ways in which forces of
conflict are balanced by forces of cohesion.
The contact situation, as defined by Bee (1974:102), involves
ecological and demographic parameters which influence the outcome of
acculturation. Technological capabilities and environmental limitations
of the recipient group are major features that determine which tech
nologies and goods will be accepted. ,If new techniques and practices
are not adopted, the explanation may be that the cost of doing so is too
great, rather than that the recipient's behavior is too conservative
(Schneider 1974:192). Demographic variables concern the number of
people or groups involved in the interaction, their ages, and their sex.
In some contact situations, interaction is limited to males in a certain
age group (e.g. fur traders). In other situations, primary interactions
may be between males of the superordinate group and females of the subor
dinate group. Such was the case in St. Augustine where Spanish men,
largely soldiers, married Indian women (Deagan 1974).
Bee's "conjunctive relations" (1974:102-103) are composed of two as
pects: (1) structural limitations and (2) "filtering" of information.
Theformer refers to the limitations placed on interactions by the con
text of the interaction, be it religious, economic, militaristic, or a
combination of these. Viewing contact in this manner enables the
definition of paired relationships such as "buyer-seller" and "missionary


58
die church, each Indian gives the priest a bundle of firewood or a
log (Calderon 1676; also in Wenhold 1936:13).
Calderon perceived that all worked in common for the good of the
village but mostly for the good of the priest who had his gardens
planted, received the best meats, and had his firewood delivered. Failure
to covet riches is probably a reflection of their scarcity in Florida
at this time and of the fact that, as good Christians, they were not sup
posed to covet wealth, however wealth was expressed. Bushnell (1978:15)
reported that soldiers seldom even saw money and that Indians never
used it. This may have been true during the later mission period but
during the early part goods had been sold for cash money and cash rewards
had been offered. It is extremely unlikely that Indians did not desire
wealth although their manner of reckoning it probably differed from the
Bishop's.
Gifts and Trade
Rarely were gifts given except to non-Christian neighboring Indians
in attempts to form alliances (Quiroga y Losada 1688). Indians had
enough problems trying to retain their property and goods and with the
shortage of food and necessities which were not supplied by Floridians
(Tepaske 1964:195). These conditions prompted the following orders from
Governor Zuiga regarding Indian activities in Apalache: (1) Indians had
the right to raise swine and fowl, which were not to be taken from them,
and to attend the market in St. Augustine to sell bacon, lard, swine,
hides, and skins which they raised or acquired; (2) trade with the
Apalachicola (Creek) would be allowed only for "customary goods," not
British ones (Boyd 1951:31, 34). As in Spain, trade with other countries
was theoretically suppressed but carried out none the less. Apalachicola


Figure 17. Coral Core Gouging Tool (a) and Quartzite
Grinding Stone (b).


214
categories. Carrabelle Punctated was the more common type in Structure
A (n=6) whereas Lochloosa Punctated was the most common in the village
(31.37% of the punctated sherds). Incised sherds were also minor in the
village (1.56% of the decorated sherds) but were more important in the
Spanish areas at 6.14% in Structure B and 2.98% in Structure A.
Mission Red Filmed and Jefferson Ware pinched/punctated rims oc
curred only in the village area, contributing 0.87% and 0.51% respec
tively, to the total decorated ceramics.
Colono-Indian Ceramics
Ware characteristics of Miller Plain have been described by Smith
(1951:166): fine sand and grit in moderate to small amounts, interior
surface finely scraped, exterior surface rougher, a hard compact paste.
Others have used Miller Plain as a type name to characterize fine-tex-
tured, aboriginal pottery made in European forms. The form attribute
appears to be the major distinguishing feature since inclusions, body
color, black coring, hardness, and surface finish may be idiosyncratic
according to the use of local clay sources and potters techniques.
Ceramics classified as Miller Plain during the 1976 field season lack
most of Smith's attributes but the European forms are, apparently, the
decisive factors. Jefferson wares may also be found manufactured in
European vessel forms as may be un-typed plain ceramics. In general,
these non-traditional Indian-manufactured vessels are referred to as
Colono-Indian ceramics (Baker 1972). Forms represented may be plates,
either plain or red slipped, footed bowls, pitchers, and handled bowls.
At Baptizing Spring, Miller Plain ceramics were thin-walled, fine-
textured, and well-smoothed. No ceramics resembling this type were


sometimes depressing). He takes personal and professional interest in
every student who comes to his office. For Dr. Fairbanks,, office hours
tend to be a mere formality and I sometimes think we, his students,
often take advantage of his generosity and patience. Of all the things
I have learned from him, the most important have been concerned with
professional ethics, responsibilty to one's colleagues, and how to be a
teacher. I am grateful to have known him and to have worked under his
guidance.
There are numerous peers who have enlightened my viewpoint and
added several dimensions to my personality. We are all cohorts who have
lived in a basement somewhere and I want to thank them for providing
entertainment and moral and intellectual support, not to mention know
ledge in areas where I am lacking. Robin Smith, Nicholas Honerkamp,
Theresa Singleton, Betsy Reitz, Nina Borremanns, Brenda Siglar-Lavelle,
Sue Mullins, Ann Cordell, Mimi Saffer, Virginia Hanson, Malinda
Stafford, Jere Moore, Gerry Evans, and Arlene Fradkin are only the most
important few that immediately come to mind. I would particularly like
to acknowledge Robin Smith as a person whose intellect and sensitivity
I admire and whose friendship I cherish.
Arlene Fradkin voluntarily analyzed the faunal material from the
summer season at Baptizing Spring. Betsy Reitz found, and took it
upon herself to analyze, faunal material from another mission site as
comparative data. Betsy has finished her dissertation a little ahead
of me and I have benefited by being able to compare "notes" on the
processes and frustrations involved. She is a veritable wealth of
information regarding faunal analysis and excells in numerous other
areas. I admire her greatly and I have been the one to profit from our
conversations.
vi


59
could provide British goods whereas Spaniards could not even supply
necessities. Ziiga, however, had his own rules concerning trade with
the Apalachicola. Horses could be given in exchange only for guns which
the English provided. The English, on the other hand, wanted pack
horses from the Apalachicola in exchange for the guns. Since one group
had to first have what the other group could provide in order to begin
the exchange, a stalemate arose creating a great deal of hostility on
the part of the Apalachicola. They formed a peace treaty with the
Apalache and invited four Indians to their village to cement relations.
Three of those four were murdered and then the mission of Santa Fe in
Timucua was raided and burned (Zuiga, 1702, in Boyd 1951:36-37).
Labor \ '
No specific mention of taxes is made in the documents reviewed but
the pattern of forced, uncompensated labor continued (Council of the
Indies 1676; Boyd 1951:25, 27, 28, 29; Cabrera 1686; Pearson 1968:194)
and more often resulted in Indians leaving the missions to join British
allies or to go elsewhere. In 1676, Father Alonso del Moral (1676)
asked the king to aid Indians forced to work on the castillo in St.
Augustine. He reported that 300 natives from Apalache, Timucua, and
Guale were yearly brought to the captol to work for the Spaniards. The
diocesan synod drafted the following statutes regarding Indian labor in
1684:
Many Spaniards, negroes, and mulattoes residing in St.
Augustine and other missions detain married Indian men
in their houses, who have their wives in other places
or who have gone to St. Augustine to work or dig but
are detained later to serve them . this should not
be done because married persons should cohabit.


201
Figure 27. Curvilinear Complicated Stamped Design Motifs.
(a) joined curved lands CS; (b) arc, straight,
bullseye CS; (c) curvilinear 'B' CS; (d) barred
bullseye CS; (e) bullseye with scroll CS;
(f) interlocking circles CS; (g) bullseye with
check CS. (Sherds not to scale but design on
sherds is to scale.)


195
Loop cross complicated stamped (CS) (n=102) was one of two variants
of cross motif complicated stamped designs. This is probably a Jeffer-
sone Ware complicated stamped type and is characterized by an "open"
or outlined central cross design with two to three outlining lands
(Figure 24). Four rimsherds from the village sample had rounded lips
(n=3) or exterior beveled lip (n=l). Rim profiles were either straight
(n=2) or curved, everted (n=2).
Solid cross CS (n=101) sherds are similar to the above type but the
central element is a solid cross (Figure 25) usually with three outlining
lands. The four arms of both solid and loop crosses are not equal in
length nor are they always at right angles to each other although this
could be idiosyncratic. The axes cross in the proximate centers in the
form of a Cross of St. George (Meiszner 1978:22). The innermost land
around the central element may curve over the ends of the cross or may
be squared off. Succeeding lands are squared off at the ends of the
arms (1978:23). Of the four rimsherds from the village sample, one
lip was rounded, one flat with rounded corners, one round and projecting
slightly inward, and one was flat with a central indentation. Rim
profiles were either acute everted, straight, or curved, everted. One
large rimsherd from 1976 showed the composite vessel profile "S" form
(Figure 22g). This latter sherd probably came from a medium-large ves
sel which was constricted below the rim then curved outward and tapered
back inward below rounded shoulders.
Rectilinear 'A' CS (n=2) was a minority type and the sherds were
too small to allow complete identification of a stamp. Visible stamped
patterns were slightly dendritic (Figure 26a).


sample was also 0.35 cm. The A-273 site is a late Alachua period site
in the vicinity of Gainesville (Milanich 1971:7-9). Its proximity to
the mission site at Fox Pond and the continuity of.the material culture
with that at Fox Pond lend credence to the hypothesis that this is the
immediately pre-Spanish settlement of the Potano Indians who later
moved to the Fox Pond site during missionizing efforts. The Baptizing
Spring corn is smaller in both the above dimensions than the corn from
Fox Pond, but larger than that of the Hickory Pond phase Woodward vil
lage (see Milanich 1971:9-15) as measured by proxy (Kohler 1979).
Nickerson (1953) presents a variety of metric and qualitative data
for both archeological and modern corn races with particular attention to
cob morphology. None of the races he presents in his Table I (Nickerson
1953:88) agree in all characteristics with that present at Baptizing
Spring. When five characters are considered (% cobs 8-rowed, shank
diameter, % straight cobs, kernel thickness, and lower glume width), the
Baptizing Spring corn is closer to Iroquois Sacred Flour Corn than to
any other race, but has a much smaller shank diameter and lower glume
width.
Cutler and Blake have measured several samples of corn from north
Florida and their unpublished results were contained in a personal com
munication to Dr. Jerald T. Milanich (1976), of the Florida State
Museum in Gainesville. Some of the cobs measured by Cutler and Blake
were included in the sample analyzed by this author. Those analyses
indicated that, from a total of 194 cobs, 88% were 8-rowed, 10% were 10-
rowed, and 2% were 12-rowed. Cutler and Blake (personal letter, 1976)
calculated mean row number as 8.3 and mean cupule width at 0.76 cm.


Table 14continued
Type Category
A
Structure
B C
D
curvilinear B CS
0
0
0
1
curvilinear 'C' CS
0
0
0
1
Mission Red Filmed
0
o'
4
15
Jefferson Ware pinched rim
0
0
0
8
St. Johns Plain
33
2
7
13
undecorated
1454
268
738
1175
TOTAL
1827
329
960
1561


366
drew her into archeology where she found she could build on and enlarge
her interests in botany, zoology, knowledge (but not love) of chemistry,
and mathematics.
Jillientered graduate school at Florida State University in
Tallahassee in the spring of 1974 and attended her first archeological
field school that summer. Finding that Florida State was not what she
had in mind, Jill returned to the University of Florida where she obtained
her master's degree in anthropology in 1976. Three years later she is on
the verge of completing her doctorate.
During the past two years she has supplemented her income, and made
her fame, by typing reasonably good final copy, keypunching, wrestling
with the computer, and exercising her artistic talents. It is not
widely known or appreciated, but Jill has the honor of having one of
her charcoal illustrations hanging in the Palatka fire chief's living
room. Jill has also had the pleasure of helping a friend build a post-
and-beam house and watching her tomatoes come to fruition one year. Most
of her plants, she has noted sadly, die.
Her graduate student years were hard ones and not especiallyoeventful
in terms of social intrigue. She worked diligently and tenaciously.
Luckily, there was usually a contract job to be done and friends and
family who would never allow her or Kitty to go hungry. It has been a
period of mental and emotional growth that has been delightful to view
from a respectable distance.
Jill is now faced with a future which has unforseen potential. Her
cat and her friends comfort her and she knows that someday she will see
the light of day and will have time to clean her apartment. She is
basically a shy and sensitive creature who writes biographical sketches


52
and skins) at low prices and turned a good profit by selling them to
soldiers (Pearson 1968:73). Similar complaints were made at San Martin
de Tomoli and San Joseph de Ocuya inApalache. Father Juan de Paredes
(San Martin) took excess yields from a plot cultivated for him to
provide for laborers on the church and other Indians and shipped most
of the food out of the province. Of course, Spaniards expected that
the missions would provide for the ranches and military but Indians
resented not only losing their produce but also having to transport it
without being paid. Father Sanchez (San Joseph) simply took part of
the harvest ostensibly to buy ornaments and other things for the church,
none of which were ever seen (Pearson 1968:96, 98).
Soldiers and Indians appeared to enjoy good relations, much to the
chagrin of the missionaries. Indians felt obliged to offer food and
shelter to soldiers (or Indians) passing through their villages and all
claimed they did this voluntarily, an act for which they were punished
and humiliated by friars (Pearson 1968:72, 80, 92). It must be remem
bered that these complaints leveled at missionaries and the praise for
the military were presented to the governor. One might suspect bias,
protective on the part of the Indians, or sheer embellishment by
Rebolledo himself for benefit of his position and laying the blame for
the revolt on a group other than the military.
Labor and Taxes
Manuel, the cacique of the Yustega village of Asile'in 1651, ex
pressed unhappiness with the Spaniards in general: military officials
tried to take their land and they were forced to work on plantations
and cattle ranches without compensation (Milanich 1978:65). This
grievance occurred over and over: either forced by the clergy to carry


CHAPTER FOUR
ARCHEOLOGICAL CONTEXTS OF SPANISH-INDIAN LIFE AT FLORIDA MISSIONS
Archeological data from other mission sites in Florida will be
examined in depth relative to findings at the Baptizing Spring site in
Chapter Six. This chapter presents a brief review of published works
relevant to mission archeology, summaries of previous hypotheses and
conclusions based on those data. The 1977 survey and excavation data
from Baptizing Spring are also presented.
Mission Archeology (1948-1977)
The earliest archeologically constructive interest in Florida mis
sions was exhibited by Hale G. Smith. He defined and gave material sub
stance to two historical archeological periods then called St. Augustine
(1565-1750) and Leon-Jefferson (1650-1725) (Smith 1948:313-319). These
periods had artifactual, temporal, and geographical parameters: the St.
Augustine period included the founding of that city and the ensuing years
until the extirpation of most Indians residing near the capitol. This
period applied only to the eastern portion of north Florida from the St.
Johns River eastward to the Atlantic coast. Ceramic types, on which most
period definitions are initially based, included the St. Johns chalky
wares and San Marcos ceramics plus Spanish ceramics. ;
The Leon-Jefferson period covered the time of mission activity in
the Apalache province (actually beginning ca. 1633) and, in fact, derived
its definition from excavation of the Scott Miller site near Tallahassee
in Jefferson County. Again, the period was defined on the basis of
80


180
Columbia Plain, and pinkish in color. The enamel was grainy matte and
varied in color from greyish white to yellowish white.
Seven Ichtucknee Blue on Blue sherds were recovered; one was
definitely part of a plate. This was a minor type, only 1.64% of the
total Spanish ceramics. Goggin (1968:139) dated this type as mid-16th
century, peakipg ca. 1600 and disappearing by the mid-1600s. It rep
resents an Italianate tradition in Spanish ceramics.
As mentioned above, Ichtucknee Blue on White dominated majolica in
terms of abundance. Its chronological position has been estimated as.
the first half of the 17th century. It has been most closely associated
with Fig Springs Polychrome but is often found with Ichtucknee Blue on
Blue and Columbia Plain during the early portion of its range (Goggin
1968:150). At least two plates were represented.
The remaining majolica ceramics were minority types: Fig Springs
Polychrome (ca. 1610-1660) and San Luis Blue on White (ca. 1630-1685)
comprised 0.70% and 0.94%, respectively. Lister and Lister (1974:26)
state that both of these types were manufactured in Mexico..
In the absence of documentation for this mission site, it had
originally been assigned an occupation span in keeping with missions in
this region. This span would cover most of the 17th century from
around 1610 until 1685. The majolica types present corroborate this
range and, on the basis of relative abundance, suggest that major ac-
tivity occurred during the first half of the 17th century. It is pos- ,
sible that the mission declined after this period but the very small
frequencies of Fig Springs Polychrome and San Luis Blue on White could
reflect either the ineffectualness of the situado (royal subsidy) or the
fact that very few goods imported from Mexico reached this mission.


315
Free ranging cattle and scavenging pigs and chickens would not have
required a great deal of tending and what was necessary could have been
accomplished by children and older individuals. Some Indians managed to
turn livestock raising into a major occupation, such as the cattle
ranchers near Ajoica and an Apalache who supplied the governor with 50
chickens on demand (Boyd 1951:41). Yet, how much of a return did the
Indians get from their new agricultural and herding activities? How
much of the produce was sold or utilized by Indians or confiscated by
or produced for Spaniards? One must be able to approach these questions
in order to understand impact beyond the fact that sedentism appears to
have been enhanced and some profit involved to make an Indian start a
cattle ranch or raise a lot of chickens. Were there rewards for these
activities in the beginning which later diminished? Was there physical
punishment or taxation which prompted Indians to participate in these
activities? The question becomes one of motivation and choice. Thus
far, it is not clear that the motivation may have been economic or
social profit.- Indians did utilize domestic foods at Baptizing Spring
but they were not major components in their diets. Neither were they im
portant in the Spaniard's diet. Perhaps the capability of supplying
Spaniards with food items they desired meant that prestige and material
rewards accrued to an Indian. On the other hand, it is possible that
Indians had little choice if they wanted to remain at the mission and
live in relative harmony with the priests and soldiers.
There is more information in the documents that motivation was
negatively provided than there is indication that rewards were great.
The archeological data provide little verification one way or the other
at this point. Archeological evidence does indicate that priests seem


107
Table 2continued
V lnes
Ampelopsis arbrea
Anisostichus capreolata
Ipomea pandurata
Parthenocissus quinquefolia
Passiflora incarnata
Smilax bona-nox
Smilax spp.
Vitis aestivalis
V. rotundifolia
Cross Vine, Goat's Foot
Wild Potato, Wild Morning Glory
Virgina Creeper
Passion Flower
Catbrier
Catbrier
Wild Grape
Wild Grape
Ferns
Polypodium polypodiodes Resurrection Fern
* This nomenclature follows Kurz and Godfrey (1976; first printing
1962) and my own training under Dr. Dana Griffin a research
botanist with the Florida State Museum, in 1976. The controversy
concerning the proper designation of laurel oak as Quercus laurifolia
(the name also applied to the Diamond-leaf Oak) or as Q. hemisphaerica
favors either name every few years.


Table 20. White-tailed Deer (Odocoileus virginianus) Element Distribution between Structures.
Element*
Structure A
Structure B
Structure C
Structure D
Total Number
ilium
1R**
1
femur, distal
It
1
femur, proximal
1R
1
tibia, distal
3L, 2R, 1?
1L
It,
1R, 2?
11
tibia, proximal
1L, 1R
2
fibula
1L
1
metatarsal
1L
1L, 1?
3
calcaneum
2L
1?
1?
4
scapula
1L
1
humerus, distal
1L
2L, IR, 1?
5
radius
1L
It,
1R
3
ulna, proximal
1L
1
metacarpal
1L, 1?
2
cubonavicular
2L
1L
3
scapholunar
1R
1
scaphoid
1R
1
cuneiform
1R
1
phalanx
1?
1?
2
vertebra
3
3
dentary
1L,
3R
4
antler frag.
3
3
teeth, molar frag.
13
6
19
MNI
3
1
3
2
9
* Distal or proximal end of element (shaft) is indicated whenever that information was recorded.
**Left side is abbreviated "L", right side "R", and "?" indicates side was not recorded or could
not be determined.
ro


CHAPTER ONE
INTRODUCTION
Research concerned with Spanish-Indian interaction in Florida has
suffered from a lack of clearly stated theoretical basis. The study of
acculturation is usually mentioned as a working objective but by itself
acculturation is little more than a general terra which describes a par
ticular kind of culture change. It is the processes, the means by which

change is initiated and reactions to these means, that dictate the direc
tion of culture change. There is little doubt that a concerted program
of directed change brought native'Floridians into the Spanish colonial
system. The degree to which Indians were acculturated, however, has
been argued and the actual kinds of interactions which took place have
not been examined in detail.
A Spanish mission site was discovered in Suwannee County, Florida,
in 1976 following clearing and bedding activities for pine planting by
Owens-Illinois, Inc.. Considerable exposure of the site left it open to
local collectors,who are extremely active in this area,and to erosion.
Hasty excavation of the two presumed Spanish building areas was performed
by Dr. Jerald T. Milanich of the Florida State Museum. In the ensuing
two year period, fairly limited documentary research was undertaken with
the intent of continuing excavation at the site. In 1977, a survey of
the surrounding area (Loucks 1978a) revealed six sites within 500 m of
the mission. These sites were partially surface collected using various
sampling techniques as it was hoped that they could be temporally and
functionally linked with the mission site.
1


CHAPTER SEVEN
CONCLUSIONS: SPANISH-INDIAN INTERACTION
Interest in the Spanish mission system of Florida has never died
since the Spaniards first established the missions in the late 1500s.
Naturalists, geographers, and historians have expressed curiosity over
the ruins, the "old fields," and the documents for the past 200 ye.ars
or more. Archeological interest can be traced to the 1940s when Dr.
Hale Smith carried out the first research oriented excavation of a
Spanish mission in the former "province" of Apalache. Since that time,
archeological interest has waxed and waned according to funding and the
pressures of other responsibilities. During the late 1960s and early
1970s, it appeared that archeological investigation of the Florida mis
sions was under way on a full scale at last when the State of Florida,
through the Division of Archives, History and Records Management, began
to test and excavate a number of mission sites in northwestern and
northern Florida. Unfortunately, even the State is subject to funding
problems. Archeologists had not been idle in eastern Florida during
this period and several mission and mission period sites had been inves
tigated in the late 1940s through the 1970s.
As archeology became more "scientific" in its paradigms, mission
archeology also began to take a similar turn in Florida as archeologists
began to talk about acculturation processes and change in native
Floridian subsistence and social patterns. This dissertation is actually
the result of cumulative changes in emphases in archeological theory up
to this date and the author has had the benefit of time and these changes
317


15
Cultural norms serve to ensure peaceful and honorable behavior in trans
actions (Schneider 1974:154). Balanced reciprocity is also subject to
value and time limits which may terminate further interaction pos
sibilities (simultaneous exchange of the same type of goods) or may
guarantee future exchange time-lapse between counterflows of unequally
valued goods (Sahlins 1972:194-195). -Some economic anthropologists
feel it is preferable to view "balanced reciprocity" as successive
transactions (Salisbury 1976:48).
Exchange Spheres
Exchange or transactional spheres are composed of differing material
items and/or services and may be further distinguished by differing modes
of exchange. Each sphere is distinct from each other sphere by virtue
of the goods or services it encompasses and the exchange modes operative
within it. Cultural classification of material items into subsistence
and prestige categories usually indicates the presence of at least two
different spheres (Bohannan and Dalton 1965:5-6). Prestige sphere is a
phrase covering a multitude of individual and group transactions,
ceremonies, and goods which are "honorific" because they symbolize
position, status, rank, reputation, and power (Dalton 1971a:14). Items
in a prestige sphere are segregated from transactions concerning ordinary
goods such as those within a subsistence sphere (e.g. foodstuffs) except
in emergencies such as famine when valuables may be sold to outsiders
(Dalton 1971a:15). In the latter case, prestige goods may become
"devalued" as other necessary goods suffer crucial scarcity.
The significant characteristic of exchange spheres is that, under
usual circumstances, only goods within the same sphere are exchanged. It


23
transfers which can be one-way or two-way. Centric transfers are
usually regressive in that goods and services flow from the poorer to
the richer (Pryor 1977:34, 250, 280, 286). Recently, the concept of
redistribution has been separated into four organizational forms col
lectively viewed in the past as "redistribution." Briefly, these are:
1. levelling mechanisms institutionalized behavior that
counteracts the concentration of
wealth by individuals or groups
(e.g. ceremonial obligations,
potlaching); these mechanisms
have no single formal structure
but are distributive in their
effects
- pooling and general consumption
of goods produced under division
of labor characteristic of a
domestic unit
- allocation of goods produced by
cooperative labor to participants
and owners of the factors of
production
- recruitment of goods and services
for the benefit of a group not
coterminus with the contributing
members (Earle 1977:215)
To "share-out" can be added the allocation of goods to an "insurer,"
one who insures, at least in the minds of. the people, present and
future yields on production. Redistribution in the form of mobilization
is basic to ranked and stratified societies and should be interpreted as
an essential mechanism used to finance the political and private ac
tivities of the elite population (Earle 1977:216, 227). As will be
shown, Timucuan society manifested both share-out and mobilization redis
tribution wherein goods, services, and information were the "goods"
redistributed.
2. householding
3. share-out
4. mobilization


334
Structure C
Features 5 and 6 were overlapping, circular, straight-sided
pits with mottled fill and large chunks of charred wood. Feature 5
(the western pit) was approximately 58 cm in diameter and Feature 6 was
55 cm in diameter. A single depth was recorded for each: 2.53 mBD
and 2.49 mBD, respectively. Presumably these were basal depths.
Numerous artifacts included in these features were corncobs, remains of
two white-tail deer and other faunal material, olive jar, Mission Red
Filmed, Jefferson Ware Complicated Stamped Type B, Leon Check Stamped
with and without raised central dot, loop and solid cross CS, line
block CS, and scraped. Lithics were primarily debitage but one
Pinellas Point, worked and utilized scrapers, a knife, and a spokeshave
were recovered. Feature 5 and the immediately surrounding area con
tained a quantity of limestone.
Feature 13, the rectanguloid smudge pit just south of the hearth
area, measured 43 cm by 41 cm by 22 cm. The upper 7 cm (2.02-2.09 mBD)
of this feature was defined as a brown stain which bottomed on burnt
orange and brown sand containing wood charcoal and corncobs. The
lower section was roughly 13 cm deep with a base between 2.22 and 2.24
mBD. It contained one Jefferson Ware Complicated Stamped Type B sherd,
and two chert debitage fragments.
Features 14A and 14B were the two circular fire pits in the central
hearth area. Feature 14A bottomed as 2.31 mBD and 14B at 2.29-2.34 mBD.
Besides large chunks of wood charcoal, 14B contained a single, small un
decorated sherd, six very small chert flakes, .and three possible fish
scales.
Feature 15 was the rectangular, slightly waisted smudge pit just


Table 17. ANOVA Table for One-way Analysis of Variance between Spanish and Indian Structures
(at 1 and 16 Degrees of Freedom): Ceramic Group/Type.
Ceramic Group/
Spanish
Indian
Total
Error
Treatment
Error
Type
Mean
SD
Sum
Mean
SD
Sum
SS
SS
Mean Square
Mean Square
F*
OLIVEJAR
13.88
7.32
111
2.90
3.28
29
10071.11
471.78
535.34
29.49
18.16
MAJOLICA
36.75
34.78
294
1.00
1.25
10
14163.78
8483.50
5680.28
530.22
10.71
STJOHNS
21.38
20.26
171
3.20
3.12
32
4429.61
2961.48
1468.14
185.09
7.93
L00PCRS
8.13
2.64
65
2.80
2.25
28
220.50
94.48
126.03
5.56
22.68
SOLIDCRS
7.75
4.77
62
2.00
3.13
20
394.44
247.50
146.94
15.47
9.50
ALACHUA
0.75
1.04
6
5.70
3.74
57
242.50
133.60
108.93
8.35
13.04
CSGA
4.00
2.83
32
1.70
1.57
17
101.61
78.10
23.51
4.88
4.82
OTHERGA
4.88
4.02
39
0.80
1.62
8
210.28
136.48
73.80
8.53
8.26
CSTYPB
8.88
6.56
71
11.40
5.70
114
621.61
593.28
28.34
37.08
0.76
SCRAPED
2.38
2.13
19
9.40
11.66
94
14575.61
1256.28
219.34
78.52
2.79
* at p =
5* F1,16 =
= 4.49
at p =
*01, F1,16 =
= 8.53
at p =
.001, f1j16
= 16.
12
260


277
mission period faunal assemblages, however, show fairly heavy use of
deer meat.
Several problems were previously identified that hamper creditable
interpretation o,f the faunal material. If the sample can be viewed as
representative, it appears that prehistoric patterns of resource
utilization and food preparation had not been altered at Baptizing Spring.
Even though all small mammals and "gathered" animals (such as tortoise
and box turtle) comprised the majority of the assemblage in terms of MNI,
the actual amount of meat taken from the larger mammals, especially deer,
would probably have constituted a greater proportion of the protein in
take. One might expect that, if population decline at the missions was
a serious problem (and there seems to be every indication that it was)
and that males were being drawn off to work on haciendas, ranches or in
St. Augustine, more of the meat diet would be composed of those species
easily caught by youngsters, oldsters, and women. If males returned to
the mission village at specific times every year and if most of the deer
was obtained while the hunters were home, then seasonal information might
lend some clue. There are a number of interacting variables, however, and
the seasonality data from Baptizing Spring were non-existant. In ad
dition, it is not known if smoked, dried or pickled meat was imported or
if bones would be present in the last type. As it stands at Baptizing
Spring, there is not enough information to determine if the more easily
obtained species actually were more important to the diet than were
species which may have been hunted exclusively by adult males.
The actual time range which was covered by the midden deposit is
unknown. Meat protein may have been scarce but, as is true at most
archeological sites, the total contribution of meat to the diet cannot


Figure 31. Miller Plain Bowl from Structure


257
Table 16. Weighted Ceramic Group/Type Counts for Structures A, C, D
and Sum C, D.
OLIVEJAR
A:
22
22
20
18
9
9
6
5
C:
16
14
4
4
4
3
3
3
0
0
D:
5
0
0
0
0
0
0
0
0
0
C+D:
11
6
2
2
2
2
2
2
0
0
MAJOLICA
A:
105
63
49
38
15
11
8
5
C:
1
0
0
0
0
0
0
0
D:
7
3
2
2
2
2
0
0
0
0
C+D:
4
2
1
1
1
1
0
0
0
0
STJOHNS
A
58
43
29
15
14
5
5
2
C
9
3
1
1
0
0
0
0
0
0
D
12
10
9
7
5
5
3
2
0
0
C+D
10
6
5
4
2
2
2
1
0
0
LOOPCRS
A
11
11
11
8
8
6
5
5
C
9
6
6
4
4
4
3
1
0
0
D
5
3
2
2
2
0
0
0
0
0
C+D
8
5
4
3
3
2
2
1
0
0
SOLIDCRS
A
15
14
9
8
6
5
3
2
C
10
4
3
. 1
1
0
0
0
0
0
D
10
3
2
2
2
0
0
0
0
0
C+D
10
4
2
2
2
0
0
0
0
0
ALACHUA
A
2
2
2
0
0
0
0
0
C
4
1
1
1
0
0
0
0
0
0
D
21
21
16
14
14
10
9 '
9
2
0
C+D
12
10
8
7
6
5
4
4
1
0
CSGA
A
9
6
5
5
3
2
2
0
C
3
1
1
1
0
0
0
0
0
0
D
7
5
5
2
2
2
2
2
0
0
C+D
5
3
3
2
1
1
1
1
0
0
OTHERGA
A
11
8
8
6
3
3
0
0
C
1
1
0
0
0
0
0
0
0
0
D
9
3
2
0
0
0
0
0
0
0
C+D
5
2
1
- 0
0
0
0
0
0
0




Figure 22. Lip Profiles 191
Figure 23. Surface-Scraped and Impressed Ceramics 194
Figure 24. Loop Cross Motif Complicated Stamped Ceramics ... 196
Figure 25. Solid Cross Motif Complicated Stamped Ceramics . 197
Figure 26. Rectilinear Complicated Stamped Design Motifs . 198
Figure 27. Curvilinear Complicated Stamped Design Motifs . 201
Figure 28. Curvilinear Complicated Stamped Design Motif
and Cross-Incised Sherd 203
Figure 29. Identifiable Paddle Variations: Groups of More
than One Sherd Each for Cross Motif Complicated
Stamped 207
Figure 30. Jefferson Ware Pinched Rims 212
Figure 31. Miller Plain Bowl fromStructure A . 217
Figure 32. Colono-Indian Ceramic Forms 219
Figure 33. Colono-Indian Ceramic Sherds: Basal Profiles . . 220
Figure 34. Partial Pig (Sus scrofa) Carcass .......... 229
Figure 35. Bone Counters or Gaming Pieces . 232
xiv


149
Structural Relationships
Structure A, the smaller Spanish building, was approximately 30 m .
NNW of the larger Spanish structure B. It was situated at the apparent
northernmost boundary of the primary mission village, further downhill
than any of the other structures. Stake elevations varied considerably,
as already mentioned, but Structure B appears to have been located in
one of the highest regions of the site. (At one time, two transit
stations had been established during the 1976 field season and at least
one reported change in datum elevation occurred. It has been assumed
that the latest entry in the field notes is the correct one and that
all elevation readings had been corrected to the new datum.)
Structures C and D were in roughly the same relationship to Struc
ture B, 85 m and 80 m away, respectively. Structure D, however, was
located ESE of Structure B and Structure C was more directly south of
it. The area of Feature 20/Trench #2 was about 97 m SSE of Structure B
and the cultural area of Trench #1 was 130 m south of Structure B.
If the two areas described in the previous section were living areas,
a possibility further enhanced by their positions relative to Structures
C and D, it would appear that structures were situated 20-30 m apart and
were more or less linearly arranged, in this case along a NNE-SSW axis.
This hypothetical pattern rests on incomplete excavation data and spatial
relations other than those elicited in the excavation are unknown. This
particular pattern may be merely a reflection of the areas excavated al
though choice of these units was coincidental with structural remains.
The 1976 trenches were very low in artifact concentration and it is
possible that a plaza was centrally located within the village just south
of Structure B. Excavation units located near mapped site boundaries were
also low in artifact concentration.


scraped, and eroded majolica. Two utilized chert scrapers, a graver,
and debitngc were also recovered.
Feature 11 was the clay-lined pit located just east of Structure A.
Exterior measurements were 1.28 m by 0.87 m. It first appeared at 3.80
mBD (?) and the 4 cm thick clay layer bottomed at 3.94 mBD. It con
tained undecorated sherds, one each of Jefferson Ware Complicated Stamped
Type B, concentric circle CS, and scraped. A fragment of a unifacially
retouched scraper, debitage, gopher tortoise bones, and fragments of
unidentifiable large mammal were also recovered.
Structure D
Postholes immediately west and north of Feature 19 (the pig carcass)
and west of Feature 17 (the large storage pit) were deepest, first ap
pearing between 2.72 mBD and 2.81 mBD. The two postholes south of
Feature 19 and the two northernmost postholes were among the highest
(top at 2.37 mBD to 2.56 mBD).
Feature 16, a small rectangular feature, was located just outside
the postulate structural limits, northwesterly of Feature 17. It was a
shallow, basin-like pit containing charred wood, very fragmentary corn
cobs, a small scrap of iron, one curvilinear CS sherd, a utilized chert
scraper, and eight debitage fragments. This feature measured 32 cm by
25 cm by 11 cm (2.62-2.73 mBD) and had rounded corners, gently sloping
sides, and a flat bottom.
Feature 17, the large storage pit (Figure 10) was rectanguloid, al
though the southwest corner bulged outward, with rounded corners and
rounded base. It measured 114 cm by 75 cm and was 47 cm deep in the mid
dle (2.75-3.22 mBD). The eastern end was only 21 cm deep and formed a
"shelf" in profile. Pit fill was dark grey sand flecked with charcoal


opposite (west) the central hearth area. It was 48 cm by 29 cm by
20 cm (2.12-2.32 mBD). In its upper level it consisted of grey-brown
sand flecked with charcoal and several cob fragments concentrated in
the southern half. With decreasing depth, the sides sloped toward the
center of the feature which was packed with charred corncobs. Artifacts
consisted of one Jefferson Ware Complicated Stamped Type B sherd, one un
decorated sherd, a utilized chert scraper and six waste flakes.
A probable storage pit, Feature 18 measured 80 cm by 60 cm and was
64 cm deep (2.19-2.73 mBD). The base of the main feature was flat and
the side sloped inward very gradually. Along the southern edge, a shelf
similar to the one in Feature 17 was located at 2.53 mBD. The feature
was almost barren of artifacts, containing only one undecorated sherd,
a joined curved land CS sherd, an unidentifiable CS sherd, worked spoke-
shave and scraper, a utilized scraper, eleven waste lithic artifacts, and
two carbonized corncobs.
Squares Adjacent to Trench #2
Feature 20, the clay-lined pit (Figures 12 and 13) was 145 cm by
130 cm by 28 cm. The grey-brown stain flecked with charcoal was first
noted at 1.43 mBD. This soil, pit fill, was mixed with orange clay in
the southern end of the feature. The fill was underlain by a thin lens
(1.52-1.56 mBD) of grey-brown sand flecked with orange clay. Beneath
this was the compacted, brownish orange clay lining which contained
charcoal flecks and lumps of brown and yellow silicified (?) or hardened
clay. The lining was thicker and humped on the south end (ca. 18 cm
thick) and tapered to the north end. There were very few artifacts in.
this feature: a possible Jefferson Ware Complicated Stamped Type B
sherd, one arc-straight-bullseye CS sherd, a curvilinear CS sherd, a


28
Elite versus non-elite interactions include those transactions
between patient/client and curer/sorcerer and commoner and elite. The
former are included under the assumption that sorcerers definitely,
and curers and herbalists possibly, participated in a higher ranking
than the average villager. Remittance for curing and spell-casting,
although insured and inflated through threat of witchcraft, may be
viewed as one flow in a balanced reciprocity (see Milanich and Stur-
tevant 1972:30, 31). The initial flow issued from the curer or sorcerer
in the form of the service or "good" purchased health, a marriage
ceremony, or a spell. The test of balanced reciprocity is intolerance
to one-way flow (Sahlins 1972:195). Intolerance is obvious on the part
of the sorcerer or curer but must be hypothesized for the client.
Presumably a client or his relatives could avenge a job poorly done:
a spell or cure that failed or exacerbated the situation. A sorcerer
could suffer prestige and clientele loss or be threatened by a competitor.
It is difficult to believe that negative reinforcement was one-way.
A cacique, with the inherited authority to receive tribute and
obedience, and power to obtain it if challenged, reciprocated through the
management of production and share-out redistribution. Supernatural
confirmation of allocative rights supported through his shaman and social
acceptance by his people allowed the cacique control over public
granaries (Milanich and Sturtevant 1972:23-26, 31, 34). The authority
structure, composed of chief and shaman, not only organized and directed
labor in horticultural production but also ensured fertility in return
for obedience and part of the yield. Control over maize fields and pub
lic storehouses would have reinforced chiefly position.


1 50
Lithlc Artifacts
LIthic artifacts will be considered by aggregated tool or debitage
groups in this section. Raw data is presented in Appendix B. Data
was computerized and stored on disk in an SPSS system file (Nie et_ al.
1975:81-88) at the Northeast Regional Data Center on the University of
Florida campus. Since each provenience was treated as a single obser
vation, it was necessary to provide each lithic tool or debitage type
with a variable label and separate identity. This produced almost 200
lithic variables, many of which were functional or form duplicates but
differed in the presence or absence of thermal alteration.
Three very broad categories were recognized: (1) worked, or
deliberately flaked tools; (2) utilized tools which showed use wear but
were otherwise unmodified; and (3) debitage or wastage. Within these
categories, subdivisions were made dependent on characteristics specific
to each group. Worked tools (e.g. points, knives,,scrapers, choppers,
etc.) were classified functionally, on the basis of flake removal
locations (unifacial, edge-retouched, etc.), and by presence or absence
of heat treatment. Wear was also identified on worked tools in order to
place them in hypothetical functional categories. Utilized tools were
classified according to type of use wear and form (e.g. flakes, blades,
blocky fragments, etc.). Debitage was grouped according to form. Both
latter groups were also subdivided according to thermal alteration or
lack thereof. In addition, use of silicified coral was noted for all
categories.
Most of the terms used will be familiar ones but a general comment
on identification of use wear is necessary. Although identification of
use wear, particularly the assignment of functional meaning, is often


293
Indians to settle in the vicinity of missions, it might be expected
that non-local groups would have significantly different artifact assem
blages if they were drawn from dissimilar populations. The preponderance
of complicated stamped ceramics at Su 88 in particular and Su 89 in
general, suggests that there may have been a distinction between those
living in these areas and persons living in the other site areas.
Whether or not the difference in ceramic assemblages is attributable to
time or ethnic background is not answerable at this time. Ideally, ex
cavation in these other sites would be carried out to examine the depth
of the midden and number of possible households involved. It seems ex
tremely likely that these sites were actually part of the mission but
were separate from the core area either for functional or social reasons.
Comparison of Mission Period Sites
How does the Baptizing Spring site compare with the other mission
sites in Florida? There are only two reported sites which include ex
tensive Spanish architectural information that can be compared with Bap
tizing Spring. The Scott Miller site and the Pine Tuft site, both in
Apalache, had "convents" (smaller Spanish structures) similar in size to
the one at Baptizing Spring but the Apalache buildings did not show
evidence of having the large, central hearth. The larger Spanish struc
tures at the Apalache sites were much more (ekborate than the one at Bap
tizing Spring. Defensive compound walls around the supposed churches in
Apalache probably reflect the unassuaged hostility between the Apalache
and Apalachicola which became intensified under British and Spanish in
stigation.


Group 5
Group 6
Figure 29. Identifiable Paddle Variations: Groups of More than One
Sherd Each for Cross Motif Complicated Stamped. Groups
1 through 3, loop cross; Groups 4 through 6, solid cross.


Worked Lithic Artifacts
A
13
Village
A
B
Village
bifacial graver
0
0
0
1
0
1
bifacial scraper
1
1
9
0
2
8
unifacial scraper
0
0
9
0
1
4
adze
0
0
0
1
0
5
thumbnail scraper
0
'0
0
0
0
3
core scraper
0
0
1
0
0
0
"heavy" scraper
0
0
0
0
0
1
beveled endscraper
0
0
0
0
0
4
edge-retouched scraper
0
0
12
3
2
27
preform, scraper
0
0
0
0
1
0
coral bifacial scraper
0
0
0
1
0
0
bifacial knife
0
i
4
2
1
8
edge-retouched knife
0
0
9
1
0
12
preform, knife
0
0
0
1
0
3
chopper- hammer-pecking tool
0
1
3
2
2
3
square biface
0
0
6
0
0
0
gunflint
0
0
0
0
0
1
star spokeshave/scraper
0
0
0
0
0
1
bifacial scraper/spokeshave
0
0
1
0
0
5
unifacial scraper/perforator
0
0
1
0
0
0
bifacial scraper/knife
0
0
0
0
0
3
UID uniface
0
i
6
0
0
9
UID biface
0
1
17
3
3
22
unifacial, blade-like flake
0
0
0
0
0
1
UID fragment
0
0
0
1
0
5
adze-like hammer
0
0
1
0
0
0
bifacial scraper/graver
0
0
0
0
0
2
lge oval scraper/chopper
0
0
0
0
1
0
handaxe
0
0
0
0
0
1
blocky, preform spokeshave
0
0
0
1
0
0
Utilized Lithic Artifacts
flake scraper
11
3
196
15
35
364
flake knife
0
1
31
2
1
33
flake graver
1
0
16
2
4
26
flake spokeshave
0
3
35
3
2
64
flake scraper (coral)
0
0
2
0
0
0
flake scraper/spokeshave
0
2
4
1
5
8
flake graver/scraper
0
0
5
0
1
4
flake scraper/knife
0
0
2
0
2
6
flake perforator
0
0
1
0
0
3
flake graver/knife
0
0
0
0
0
1
flake graver/knife (coral)
Q
0
3
0
0
0
flake graver/spokeshave
0
0
0
0
0
1
flake perforator/scraper
0
0
0
0
0
1
flake graver/knife/spokeshave
0
0
0
0
0
3
blade scraper
0
0
8
2
1
3
blade knife
0
0
2
0
0
7
blade graver
0
0
1
0
0
0
blade spokeshave
0
0
0
0
0
1


77
Otto (1975:161, 219), working with material from a Georgia Sea
Island plantation, proposed that artifact diversity would be correlated
with different status groups such as slaves, overseers, and planters.
In particular, he examined the variety of ceramic types and forms and
faunal assemblages in three midden areas of these different groups.
Kohler (1978:27-29) re-examined Otto's data and calculated an index of
diversity for each of the plantation middens. He then hypothesized and
tested the idea that in prehistoric sites ceramic type diversity would be
greater in high-status middens than in lower status middens. The op
posite was found to be true at the plantation site. The reason for dif
ferent diversity measures of artifact assemblages was defined as difieren
tial access to goods. On the basis of these data and the assumption of
differential access to goods, one might expect the diversity of ceramic
types to be higher in the Spanish living area than in Indian living areas
Priests, with greater access to Spanish ceramics, might acquire "sets"
whereas Indians would have to either obtain cast-offs from priests
representing smaller proportions of a greater number of sets or buy
their own ceramics during periodic trips to the market in St. Augustine..
Another possibility which yields the same results is that Indians only
obtained sherds, rather than whole vessels, and that these were used as
ornaments (Seaberg 1955:147), gaming discs-, or were simply collected for
their color and novelty. Actual numbers of sherds of a single type
would be greater in the Spanish area if ceramics owned by priests were
broken there. In either case, one might make the following hypotheses:
12. Indians, with an eye for variety in their col
lection of ceramics and/or sherds, will have
higher diversity of majolica types than will
priests who would have owned whole vessels


336
scraped sherd, four undecorated sherds, 14,debitage lithic artifacts,
and fragments of artiodactyl (possibly deer) tooth.
Trench //1
Cultural features were encountered in the central portion of Trench
it l from 512E to 515E. Feature 21, an ovoid to rectangular trash pit,
was 70 cm long and 28 cm deep. It extended from 1.42 mBD to 1.72 mBD.
Fill was dark grey-brown sand which contained well-preserved faunal
material (mullet vertebra, gopher tortoise shell fragments, small bird
right humerus, hispid cotton rat dentary, squirrel right humerus,
artiodactyl phalanx, and a marine bivalve Common Rangia shell).
Other artifacts included four Jefferson Complicated Stamped Type B sherds,
three loop cross Cs sherds, one solid cross CS sherd, three curvilinear
CS sherds, a large point tip, utilized spokeshave, graver/scraper, and
four jiebitage lithic artifacts.
The conical pit immediately adjacent to Feature 21 was mapped at
1.49 mBD and extended to 1.97 mBD. Fill was light grey sand flecked
with charcoal. It contained one utilized chert scraper and a small
fragment of bone. The other conical pit had dark grey and light grey
mottled fill containing chunks of charred wood. It was oval in shape
at the top (1.53 mBD) and had a rounded base on top of grey-tan clay
and limestone at 2.07 mBD.
The irregular, rectangular feature measured 43 cm by 28 cm at 1.64
mBD and had a round base at 1.89 mBD. Fill was light grey and tan mot
tled sand flecked with charcoal. The base rested on grey clay.
The semicircular, partially excavated feature in the southeast cor
ner appeared at 1.47 mBD and had sloping sides and rounded base at 1.76
mBD. It contained one curvilinear CS sherd.


1R6
Table 9. Raw and Relative Frequencies of Aboriginal Ceramics in Spanisli
and Indian Living/Activity Areas: Individual and Category
Frequencies.
Sample Table Set-up
Namel raw frequency (relative abundance in category)
Name2 raw frequency (relative abundance in category)
TOTAL CATEGORY category raw frequency
(% of total ceramics identified to category)
(% of decorated ceramics identified to category)
Name (Type or Descriptive)
Structure A
Structure B
Village
Aucilla Incised
3(16.67%)
4(57.14%)
2( 5.88%)
Ocmulgee Fields Incised
14(77.78%)
2(28.57%)
3( 8.88%)
Pinellas Incised
0
0
1( 2.94%)
Weeden Island Incised
0
0
8(23.53%)
bold incised
0
0
2 ( 5.88%)
red-filmed incised
0
0
4(11.76%)
cross-incised (cf. Keith Incised) 0
0
1( 2.94%)
UID incised
1( 5.55%)
1(14.29%)
13(38.23%)
TOTAL INCISED
18
7
34
( 0.86%)
( 1.82%)
( 0.65%)
( 2.98%)
( 6.14%)
( 1.56%)
Carrabelle Punctated
6(66.67%)
0
4( 7.84%)
Lochloosa Punctated
0
0
16(31.37%)
triangular punctated
0
0
8(15.69%)
round punctated
0
0
1( 1.96%)
semi-circular punctated
0
0
1( 1.96%)
cloven punctated
0
0
1( 1.96%)
irregular punctated
0
0
10(19.61%)
fingernail gouged
0
0
4( 7.84%)
stab nT drag
3(33.33%)
0
6(11.76%)
TOTAL PUNCTATED
9
0
51
( 0.43%)
( 0.98%)
( 1.49%)
( 2.35%)
Thomas Simple Stamped
8(72.73%)
0
9(10.47%)
Alachua Cob Marked
2(18.18%)
0
3( 3.49%)
cord marked
1( 9.09%)
0
56(65.12%)
fabric impressed
0
1(100.00%)
3( 3.49%)
shell-edge impressed
0
0
12(13.95%)
"corn on cob" impressed
0
0
3( 3.49%)
11
( 0.53%)
( 1.82%)
1
( 0.26%)
( 0.88%)
86
( 1.66%)
( 3.96%)
TOTAL IMPRESSED


'367
tongue-in-cheek. As Jong as there are murder mysteries (the'old-
fashioned, literate variety) to read, folks to enjoy, forests, old
houses, and archeological sites, it seems that her life will continue.
As long as humans, including Jill, do not take everything they say or
believe too seriously, it is possible that all life will continue.
Thomas Wolfe, an eloquent poet in prose, wrote the following lines which
may be taken apropos of anthropology and archeology: "time begins and
ends the life of every man, and each man has his own, a different time."


I certify that T have read this study and that In my opinion
it conforms to acceptable standards of scholarly presentation and
is fully adequate, in scope and quality, as a dissertation for the
degree of Doctor of Philosophy.
Michael V. Gannon
Professor, History
Assistant Dean, Liberal Arts and
Sciences
This dissertation was submitted to the Graduate Faculty of the
Department of Anthropology in the College of Liberal Arts and Sciences
and to the Graduate Council, and was accepted as partial fulfillment
of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy.
June 1979 '
Dean, Graduate School


Table 9continued
Name (Type or Descriptive)
Structure A
Structure B
Village
St. Johns Check Stamped
78(75.73%)
2( 9.52%)
28(18.79%)
square check stamped
2 ( 1.94%)
0
37(24.83%)
rectangular check stamped
14(13.59%)
3(14.29%)
47(31.54%)
diamond check stamped
5( 4.85%)
3(14.29%)
12 ( 8.05%)
check with raised dot
4( 3.88%)
13(61.90%)
23(15.44%)
linear check stamped
0
0
2( 1.34%)
TOTAL CHECK STAMPED
103
21
149
( 4.92%)
( 5.47%)
( 2.87%)
(17.02%)
(18.42%)
( 6.86%)
Mission Red Filmed
0
0
19
( 0.36%)
( 0.87%)
Jefferson pinched rim
0
0
11(44.00%)
lumpy
2(100.00%)
0
13(52.00%)
UID pinched
0
0
1( 4.00%)
TOTAL "HAND MODIFIED"
2
0
25
( 0.10%)
( 0.48%)
( 0.31%)
( 1.15%)
St. Johns Plain
33( 2.22%)
2( 0.74%)
26( 0.86%)
undecorated
1454(97.78%)
268(99.26%)
2995(99.14%)
TOTAL UNDECORATED
1487
270
3021
(75.06%)
(70.31%)
(58.16%)
Jefferson Ware handle
2
St. Johns eroded
0
0
11
eroded
9
27
429
small/eroded
?a
?a
849
less than 1 squ. cm surface
612.
69
1034
GRAND TOTAL
2713
480
7517
Total Identifiable to Category
2092
384
5194
Total Decorated Identified
to Category
605
114
2173
% of total identifiable
28.92
29.69
41.84
* Most of the unidentifiable curvilinear complicated stamped ceramics
was probably Jefferson Ware Complicated Stamped Type B ("bullseye"
design motif).
**The symbol "?" is used to indicate uncertain frequencies for groups
from the 1976 analysis which were not broken down in the same manner
as groups in the 1978 analysis. Small sherds had been discarded.


94
period" (Deagan 1972:43). I would argue that Leon-Jefferson is not well-
enough understood to support this statement and that documentary and
archeological data do not suggest that native cultures lost their "self-
determination" or "vigor" a rather ethnocentric concept. Rather, it
is likely that Apalachian and Timucuan systems were as vigorous as pos
sible, considering population decrements, and that many aspects of
traditional patterns were maintained or integrated into new systems that,
in many respects, differed little from old ones.
Milanich (1972:59, 60; 1978:68) and Smith (1951:134) have argued that
the introduction of new subsistence techniques and tools led to increased
agricultural intensity, self-sufficiency (of the mission), changes in
aboriginal subsistence techniques, and, perhaps, increased productivity.
Deagan (1978:113), on the other hand, stated that the introduction of
European farming implements and horticultural techniques did not seem to
cause basic changes among the Eastern Timucua. Iron tools, cultigens,
and domestic animals were introduced by the Spaniards and in some places
new techniques were also implemented (e.g. oxen-drawn plows, growing
winter crops and planting orchards). It is not known how widespread
these introductions were; for the "ordinary" village Indian, such prac
tices may have little affect except when required to work on Spanish
haciendas or in St. Augustine. Some Indians must have become involved
with Spanish-introduced agricultural and pastoral practices although the
documentary references regarding the need for Mesoamericans to teach the
Indians how to farm, Calderon's description of horticultural practices,
and Bushnell's research which indicated that Indians prepared and sowed
gardens in St. Augustine using digging sticks all suggest that the in
troduction of new techniques was not as widespread as has been thought.


ranging from 0.25 to 0.31.
Structure B contained the least diverse as
semblage and Structure 1) contained the greatest proportion of all pos
sible types. The low diversity of the Spanish assemblages is a factor
of roughly 80% of the ceramics in the undecorated category versus 78% and
75% in Structures C and D, respectively. Of the two Indian structural
areas, diversity in D is considerably greater than in C. Structure C,
interestingly, closely approximates Structure A in diversity value (1.08
nats and 1.03 nats, respectively).
Similarity and Correlations
Indices calculated thus far have been fairly generalized. They
characterize assemblages internally but do not provide a means of com
paring actual constituents shared across assemblages. An easily cal
culated similarity index uses the ratio of number of types common to
two (or more) areas to the total number of types represented in both
areas:
. S^ = 2c c = n of types in common
a + b a = n of types in a
b = n of types in b
Completely similar assemblages will have an of 1.0 whereas completely
dissimilar assemblages will yield an index of 0.0. This formula can be
expanded to produce a similarity index for more than two samples by mul
tiplying the number of types in common (c) by the number of samples and
adding the number of types (in this case) for each additional sample to
the denominator. Knowing the internal characterization of these four
structural areas in terms of identifiable ceramics, how do they compare
with each other as distinct or similar units? The following indices of


LIST OF TABLES
Table 1. Gifts and Trade Goods Exchanged between
Indians and Europeans 43
Table 2. Flora Local to Baptizing Spring Vicinity 106
Table 3. Worked Lithic Tools 158
Table 4. Utilized Lithic Tools 163
Table 5. Debitage by Form Group 166
Table 6. Non-ceramic Spanish Artifacts ... 168
Table 7. General Distribution of Identifiable
Spanish Ceramics 175
Table 8. South's Mean Ceramic Date Formula 183
Table 9. Raw and Relative Frequencies of Aboriginal Ceramics 186
Table 10. Summary of Lip and Rim Forms for Selected Ceramics 210
Table 11. Species and Classes Represented in Structures A
and B, Aggregated Spanish Area (A+B), and the
Village: Number and % by Fragments 224
Table 12. Class Percentage by MNI of Fauna 226
Table 13. Summary Descriptive Statistics from 1979 (Kohler,
Appendix C) Analysis of Carbonized Corncobs 235
Table 14. Aboriginal Ceramic Categories Used in Calculation of
Shannon-Weaver Diversity Index 248
Table 15. Aboriginal Ceramic Diversity 250
Table 16. Weighted Ceramic Group/Type -Counts 257
Table 17. ANOVA Table for One-way Analysis of Variance between
Spanish and Indian Structures ..... 260
Table 18. F Values of One-way Analysis of Variance between
Structure Pair A-C and Pair A-D by Ceramic Type/Group 262
Table 19. ANOVA Table for One-way Analysis of Variance between
Structure C and Structure D 263
xi


262
Table 18. F Values of One-way Analysis of Variance between Structure
Pair A-C and Pair A-D by Ceramic Type/Group (with 1 and 16
Degrees of Freedom).
Ceramic Type/
Group
Structures A-C
F values*
Structures A-D
F values
OLIVEJAR
3.34
MAJOLICA
10.21
STJOHNS
7.26
6.06
LOOPCRS
11.32
20.25
SOLIDCRS
9.72
9.96
ALACHUA
0.01
23.74
CSGA
12.76
1.18
OTHERGA
13.58
4.59
CSTYPB
0.01
4.93
SCRAPED
1.11
10.27
* at p = .
05,
F1,16 =
4.49
at p = .
01,
F1,16
8.53
at p = .
001,
F1,16 =
; 16.12
^Comparisons were not made between structure pairs for these
groups because the counts in the Indian structures were ex
ceedingly small, and those in Structure A were very (relatively)
large.


302
Zetrouer. This is expected since these sites are located in the region
associated with the Alachua tradition, immediate ancestors of the his
toric Potano. In the Potano sites which experienced greater Spanish
influence, the proportion of complicated stamped ceramics is greater:
62.57% at Zetrouer and 40.63% at Fox Pond.
Incised ceramics are poorly represented at all sites except Scott
Miller where this mode constitutes 27.35% of the decorated ceramics.
Almost 10% of the ceramics at San Joseph are incised but the difference
between the two Apalache sites is substantial and may be due to sampling
error related to Spanish versus Indian midden excavations. Contrasted
with the Apalache sites, incised ceramics make up extremely small
proportions of the decorated ceramics at the other mission sites, ranging
from 2.08% at Baptizing Spring to 0.18% at Richardson.
Alachua-associated ceramic types are poorly represented at non-
Potano sites and Chattahoochee Brushed and scraped ceramics (Creek af
filiated?) are only substantially represented at the Utina sites. Fig
Springs has almost three times as much of this group as Baptizing' Spring.
Examining identifiable types divided into known or hypothetical cul
tural associations (Table 27), the Utina and Apalache sites and Fox Pond
are predominantly Leon-Jefferson in their decorated ceramic assemblages.
Fig Springs appears to have experienced the influence of more groups than
any other site. The Potano sites and Fig Springs have fairly large per
centages of St. Johns ceramics present whereas San Juan del Puerto and
Baptizing Spring have only minor amounts. The Apalache sites contain no
St. Johns types. San Juan del Puerto was primarily a Guale mission in a
formerly Timucuan region, probably during its later occupation (McMurray
1973:70, 79), so the abundance of San Marcos types at this site is not


131
spike
P packed red clay
I11 red cl ay-lined pits
::rz: yellow cl ay-lined pits
/ charred wood
# charred posts
Figure 8.
Excavation and Floor Plan of Structure B. Adopted from map
executed by Dr. J.T. Milanich (1976).


189
Table 9continued
Complicated stamped is abbreviated "CS".
a These sherds were obviously not complicated stamped and, although they
were small (less than 1 squ. cm in surface area) and eroded they were
tabulated separately from other small and eroded sherds. Again, counts
are uncertain because small versus eroded versus small and eroded groups
were not distinguished during the 1976 analysis and these sherds had
been discarded.


178
Besides the olive jar, neck sherds of which belonged to the "Mid
dle Variety" ca. 1580-1780 (Goggin 1960), and two to three plates, three
other vessel forms were identifiable. Two partially reconstructed
Columbia Plain vessels were of the common, shallow bowl form with flat to
slightly concave bases (Goggin 1968:117-119). Goggin (p. 124) dated
this type of majolica from ca. 1493 to pre-1650, noting that it appeared
to be the most common form of the second half of the 16th century.
Lister and Lister (1974:24) suggested the possibility that some Columbia
Plain pottery was manufactured in Mexico and that these vessels were
characterized by a glossy surface versus the grainy matte surface of
Columbia Plain manufactured in Spain. Both matte and glassy finished
sherds were represented although there appears to be little difference
in plate form.
Santo Domingo Blue on White majolica, manufactured between 1550 and
1630 (Goggin 1968:131-134), was represented by two paste and vessel
types. The most complete vessel form was a wide-mouthed, medium-sized
bowl which had an acutely flared lip and small loop handles (Figure 21).
On the exterior, enamel covered the lip-to-shoulder area and presumably
covered the entire interior surface. The lip was decorated with blue
"dashes". Vessel walls were thin and the paste was compact and bright
orange in color. This paste color is atypical of the range described by
Goggins (1968) sample. The other Santo Domingo Blue on White vessel
appears to have been an albarelo (tall jar). Vessel walls and base were
relatively thick and the bottom was flat with a flaring foot. The in
terior surface was enamelled but enamelling on the exterior surface was
apparently confined'to the upper section. The surface was too badly
weathered to determine design. The paste was soft and chalky, similar to


137
The outstanding feature in Structure A was large (1.35 m by 1.38
m), centrally located hearth (see Appendix A). It was characterized by
two circular areas of ashy sand and charred wood which could first be
mapped at 3.51 mBI) (about 20 cm below the surface); they were 11 cm
thick and located in the center of the hearth (Figure 9). The depth
below datum reflects the fact that this area of the site was one of the
"lowest" (i.e. furthest down slope).
Roughly 2 m east of the southwest corner of Structure A was another
clay-lined pit. Exterior dimensions were 1.28 m by 0.87 m. The top of
this feature was first mapped at 3.80 mBD although the surface had
sloped downward from the center of the structure; therefore it was probably
only 20-30 cm below the surface.
Neither of the two structural areas compared with those at Pine
Tuft and Scott Miller although all three smaller structures ("convents")
had similar dimensions. They were definitely of Spanish origin as in
dicated by hewn post contruction held together with wrought nails and
spikes and by the red clay flooring (in Structure B). Ling (1976:32)
has suggested that the smaller structure may have been a detached kit
chen which might explain the large, central hearth. If this were a kit
chen, then the other structure may have been the actual living quarters
for the priests, however artifact concentration was lower in Structure B
than might be expected if this were the case. On the whole, both struc
tures were less elaborate than the ones in Apalache, particularly
the hypothesized churches. The latter missions, however, served more
people than did the Utina doctrinas and were probably more important in
view of the greater potential for agricultural productivity and par
ticipation in trade networks with Indians outside Spanish influence.


65
allocation to priests, and assigning "hunting preserves" to each village
(Pearson 1968:253).
For the most part, Spaniards endeavored to maintain the native,
structural status quo although failure to grasp social embeddedness of
certain practices made this difficult. Prestige acquisition, and there
fore the ability to reinforce status, was a major loss suffered by
Indians, particularly the elite. The Guale Revolt (1597) was precipitated
when priests imposed monogamy on young1 caciques without understanding
that having more than one wife was an indication of wealth and status.
Prohibition of gambling, ballgames, and intertribal warfare removed
(when they were successful attempts) important avenues to acheiving pres
tige. The fact that Indians bribed soldiers to allow them to have their
dances and perform their ceremonies suggests that native Floridians did
not, as a whole, become absolute converts. Some priests permitted dances
but only under strict supervision and not for all night periods "as
was their [Indian] custom." Other efforts employed to maintain political
and economic position of the caciques included channelling labor con
scription through the chief and holding him responsible for the behavior
of his subordinates. Spaniards also allowed the cacique to receive
tribute payments (in hides which were economically important to the
Spaniards as exports). Caciques were favored with gifts and probably
received goods which other Indians did not (e.g. firearms). Spaniards
upheld the political position of the cacique by making him head of vil
lage, native political affairs and by seeing that caciques were obeyed.
That maintenance of the caciques' position was important to caciques as
well as to Spaniards is evident from the documents.


Table 22 compares raw and relative frequencies of lithic variables
within worked and utilized classes between Structures C and D. Only
those items which could be assigned to use wear categories were used, so
variables such as unidentifiable biface, unidentified uniface, and so
forth were excluded. Among worked types, the proportions of small and
medium-large points are roughly equivalent between the two areas. The
major difference is in the percentage of knives (bifacial, unifacial,
and edge-retouched variants); 12.80% of; the tabulated worked lithic ar
tifacts in Structure C were knives versus only 6.62% in Structure D.
Among the utilized categories, however, Structure D has a greater per
centage of knives (11.14%) than does Structure C (7.20%). The proportion
of both worked and utilized scrapers is roughly equivalent between the
two structures.
In order to ascertain if lithic assemblages were significantly dif
ferent between the two Indian structures, chi-square was calculated
using the raw frequencies between the two structures for worked and
utilized categories. The null hypothesis in both cases would be that
assemblages were not equivalent in their constituent make-up. Rejection
at an alpha of .05 was selected. With 16 degrees of freedom, chi-square
for the worked assemblages was calculated to be 16.84. In order-to reject
the null hypothesis, chi-square would have to be greater than 26.296,
therefore the two worked assemblages were not significantly different.
With 13 degrees of freedom for the utilized lithic variables, a chi-square
of 22.362 was needed to reject the null hypothesis. Again, the com
puted value of 17.22 fell below the necessary rejection value. It does
not appear, therefore, that worked and utilized lithic assemblages were
significantly different between the two structural areas. Differences in


286
proportions of worked and utilized variables between the two structures
could have been over-ridden by compensation within one of the two
categories. As in the case of the knives, although there were more
worked knives in Structure C, there were more utilized (unmodified)
knives in Structure D. On the basis of use wear, then, the two assem
blages are comparable. Walker (1978:713), however, has demonstrated
that, for obsidian tools, whether or not a tool is primary (unmodified)
or bifacially worked (in his exampi) affects the efficiency of per
forming certain tasks. He found that for most butchering tasks, flake
tools with unworked edges were more effective than similar bifacially
worked tools. On the other hand, bifacially flaked tools were more ef
fective in skinning activities. Of the knives and scrapers at Baptizing
Spring, however, very few were bifacially treated and most of the worked
tools were flaked only along one edge. Could unifacially worked tools
be a compromise between the efficiency of bifacially worked and unmodified
tools? Walker (1978:713) also found that the animal being butchered or
skinned had an impact on the most efficient tool type which could be
used and the elements being separated also affected tool efficiency.
In general, bifacial tools were more efficient in separating the scapula
from the ribs and humerus from the scapula whereas flake tools were more
efficient in disarticulating other joints and cutting abdominal muscles
(Walker 1978:712). These latter experiments were performed on sea lion,
however, and effectiveness in butchering deer were considerably different
(Walker 1978:713).
Those tools which were classified as scrapers would be the most
likely ones used in skinning and cleaning hides and in both structures
the majority (86% in Structure C and 89% in Structure D) of scrapers


Figure 3. Location of Selected Excavated Mission Period Sites and Approximate Location of Utina Tribe.
CO
N?


259
means can be attributed to chance. A significance, or probability,
level of 0.05 was selected. The null hypothesis would be rejected if
the probability of obtaining a higher F value was greater than five
times out of a hundred. ANOVA tables were generated using the One-way
Analysis of Variance program for the HP-67 programable pocket cal
culator (Hewlett-Packard 1976:06-01 to 06-06).
All but two of the eleven ceramic types/groups were differentially
associated with Spanish or Indian structural areas (Table 17). An F
ratio for UNIQLIN was not calculated since it seemed very obvious that
distribution of this type was largely restricted to the Spanish area.
Highest and most significant F ratios were generated for 0LIVEJAR (F=
18.16, p=.001, degrees of freedom^l,16), L00PCRS (F^^15=22.68), and
ALACHUA (Fj j^=13.04). The next most significant variables (p=.01 or
less but greater than .001) were MAJOLICA (Fx^16=10.71), SOLIDCRS
(Ff,16=9-50), and OTHERGA (F^ ^=8.65). Between ethnic area variation
for STJOHNS and CSGA was significant between p=.05 and p=.01 with F
values of 7.93 and 4.82, respectively. The latter group, however, was
just barely significant since F at p=.05 with 1,16 degrees of freedom
is 4.49. The null hypothesis could not be rejected at the .05
probability level for CSTYPB (F1>16=0.76) or for SCRAPED (Fj_ 16=2.79).
Overall, Spanish and Indian assemblages were quite distinct except
with regard to Jefferson Ware Complicated Stamped Type B and scraped
ceramics. As shown in Table 16, it is apparent that OLIVEJAR,MAJOLICA,
LOOPCRS, SOLIDCRS, STJOHNS, CSGA, and OTHERGA are more numerous in Struc
ture A (Spanish) than in the combined Structures C and D (Indian). The
only "Indian"-distinct category is ALACHUA. If aboriginal structures
are individually compared to Structure A, it is found that the null


227
been oaten, however, and the absence of more than a single bone sug
gests that they might not have died' in situ. Both species are suspect
since the elements were recovered from features containing numerous
faunal elements.
Domestic animals are represented by cow (Bos taurus) and pig (Sus
scrofa). There are some problems in accepting cow as a mission period .
domesticate, the most important of which is that cows currently range
over this area (whenever they can escape the nearby pasture) and may
have done so in the recent past. Heath (1977) reported surface occur
rence of cow bones as common although the author did not note that
situation. In the village (Trench #2), a second phalanx from a probable
structural area represented the only occurrence of cow bone other than
the longbone fragments from the 1976 trenches (which Heath states are of
questionable contextual association) and a single tooth from the dis
turbed level just above the hearth in Structure A. Mid-to-late 19th
century ceramics, glass, and cut nails were also present in Trench //2
in the same provenience (Zone IB) but numerous aboriginal artifacts were
also present. Within this same provenience were remains of pig (a tooth),
white-tailed deer foreleg elements, a gopher tortoise marginal, and
unidentified turtle and mammal bone. The cow and deer bones exhibited
butchering marks. One either has to discount mission period association
of both cow and pig, not to mention the other species, from this
provenience or accept this association with reservation. The latter
course will be taken but it cannot be stressed enough that cow, and pig
in this provenience, may not derive from the mission period.
Another problem is that of distribution. In Structure D, the par
tial articulated skeleton (roughly 91 fragments comprising vertebral


Tabic 24. Distribution of Spanish (or European) Ceramics versus
Aboriginal Ceramics at Three Mission Period Sites Where
Village Sectors were Identifiable. (Also, Eight Mission
Period Sites Compared by Percentage Spanish Ceramics and
Percent of Those which were Utilitarian).
Percent Spanish of Total Ceramics/Given Sector
Spanish Structures Borrow/
Site
Larger
Smaller
Refuse Pit
Village
Scott Miller
16.78
63.36
11.99
Baptizing Spring
10.82
12.08
2.87
Richardson
(no Spanish
structures)
7.26*
0.77*
Percent Utilitarian of
Spanish Ceramics
Scott Miller
93.60
98.51
71.52
Baptizing Spring
46.34
25.77
77.98
Richardson
94,44
95.65
Percent Spanish of Total Ceramics/Site (% Utilitarian of Spanish)
San Juan del Puerto
3.69
(57.62)
Zetrouer
26.78**
(27.75)
Richardson
1.19
(95.12)
Fox Pond
8.58
(80.00)
Fig Springs
24.60
(40.40)
Baptizing Spring
6.67
(41.71)
Scott Miller
32.90
(94.60)
San Joseph de Ocuya
8.06
(68.52)
* Although no evidence of Spanish structural remains was encountered, a
probable Spanish living area was identified (Group C). The village
counts are taken from an area in the village where aboriginal
structural evidence was found (Group B). See Milanich (1972).
**This figure includes 22 sherds of Chinese porcelain recovered from
Spanish contexts. See Seaberg (1955).


243
Ichtuckneee Blue on White which dominates Spanish ceramics in Structure
A because of a large number of sherds from a single plate. If H Is cal
culated excluding this type, the following results are obtained.
Structure(s)
A
B
A+B
Village
s H (nats)
6 1.27
7 1.31
8 1.32
7 0.82
Both Spanish structures and the Spanish and Indian sectors stand in
the same relationship to each other as when Ichtucknee Blue on White was
included in the computation. It appears that if all Spanish ceramics are
considered,, the Indian sector exhibits less diversity than the Spanish
sector. Utilitarian wares seem to be the greatest factor affecting
diversity. Differences in diversity values could also be due to length
of occupation. If the village was occupied for a longer period of time
than the Spanish structures (e.g. if the Spaniards abandoned the mission
before the Indians did) but Spanish-Indian contact was maintained, then
diversity might be expected to be higher in the village area. The time
ranges of the various types do, however, overlap and the mean ceramic
date (as determined for Spanish versus Indian areas using South's
formula for sherd frequency) was not greatly different for the Spanish
sector (1625.92) versus the village area (1623.48). The village did,
however, contain the latest majolica type, San Luis Blue on White (until
ca. 1690) in greater numbers (n=3) than the Spanish sector (n=l). The
latter is not a very great difference. Since, in theory, all the majolica
types were available within the same time span, access could be a major
factor affecting diversity values. Actual occupation range of the priests


The primary difference, aside from scale, was politico-economic.
Florida chiefdoms were redistributive in two senses: the elite mobilized
goods and services for the benefit of the elite but basic goods,
especially food, were "shared out." The Spanish monarchy, on the other
hand, consumed massive amounts of elite goods but did not itself par
ticipate in insuring subsistence support for the populace. Spain had a
national market economy primarily directed towards protecting and sus
taining the textile industry. Agricultural production for sustenance
was not one of its concerns. Traditional Catholic peasants paid tithes,
alms, and fines to the Church in produce, cash, or labor in return for
church services, sacrements at birth, death and marriage, and emergency
subsistence support and refuge in times of famine and war (Dalton 1971a:
21). It was, therefore, the Church's duty to provide services similar to
those provided by a cacique and his officials.
The major difference between peasant and tribal village economics in
the ordinary production of subsistence goods is in the form of land
tenure. Non-market land usage is acquired through social relations not
through purchase or rental. Socio-political superiors (e.g. caciques)
are "stewards of land allocation" who require return payments of material
goods, labor, services, and clientage (Dalton 197lb:222-224). Spanish
attempts to take or buy land were unsuccessful because, as the cacique
of Asile explained in 1651, caciques could not give or sell land since
it was owned jointly by sons, nephews, other lesser chiefs, and principal
men of the tribe. They could, however, lend it; that is, allocate rights
of usage (Milanich 1978:66). Spaniards tried to alter this situation by
breaking up intervillage alliances, placing pro-Spanish individuals in
positions of influence (Deagan 1974:12), giving control of land


17 4
widely adopted in Catholic Europe, especially in Spain (New Catholic
Encyclopedia 1969, Vol. 10:83). The medal was recovered from the up
per 15 cm level (Zone IA) in the southeastern section of Structure C.
When this symbol was first used on religious medals is unknown to this
author but, conceivably, it was authorized by the Church shortly after
its initial representation on canvas. Its presence at Baptizing Spring
could indicate that the structure was occupied up to the middle of the
17th century, certainly post-1640.
The copper "bead" came from Zone I in Trench #2. It was almost
triangular in cross-section and the rough-cut edges did not quite meet.
The edge of one end was beveled and smooth while the other edge was
jagged. Eight bosses, punched out from the interior (prior to folding
the bead) were spaced below the beveled end and along the meeting edges
(Figure 18). It was 14 mm long and 9-10 mm in cross-section.
Spanish Ceramics
Four hundred and twenty-seven European sherds were recovered: 71.43%
from the Spanish structures and 28.57% from the village. Almost 87% of
the Spanish ceramics in the Spanish area were from the smaller structure.
Table 7 presents raw frequency and relative abundance (%) of types
within areas and for the site as a whole. The most common European
ceramic was utilitarian/storage unglazed olive jar, or tinaja, and
a minor amount of green, lead-glazed olive jar, or storage jar. The
next most common type, a tin-enamelled earthenware (i.e. majolica), was
Ichtucknee Blue on White which comprised 33.96% of the total Spanish
ceramics. The majority of this type came from Structure A and was
reconstructed into most of a medium-sized plate (Figure 20).


348
from Baptizing Spring must have been. This Fort Walton corn was clas
sified as probable Caribbean Flint by Magolsdorf (Bullen 1958:347).
Caribbean Flint is a member of the Eastern Complex "lineage".
The similarities of the Eastern Complex with the primitive Mexican
Nal-Tel-Chapalote Complex have been noted by Sturtevant (1960:13).
Galinat and Gunnerson (1963) derive Maiz de Ocho from teosinte-con-
taminated Chapalote in combination with an ancestor of the currently
rare Harinoso de Ocho of western coastal Mexico.
If the increasing kernel width and thickness seen in the Potano
Fox Pond site is indeed due to introgression with maize imported by the'
Spaniards from Cuba or Yucutan (Kohler 1979), then the metric similarity
of the estimators of kernel size at Baptizing Spring to those of the
late prehistoric period in north-central Florida suggest that Baptizing
Spring underwent considerably.less Spanish influence than the villages
associated with other missions.
Conclusions
The 8-rowed condition of the maize from Baptizing Spring, its ten
dency towards strong row pairing, the straight or slightly tapered ear
shape, the straight rows, and the slender cob all identify the corn from
this site as Eastern Complex. The present evidence, in combination with
that from north-central Florida, indirectly suggests that Eastern Complex
maize was present in that area at least during the late prehistoric
period.


14
1974:186). Sahlins invited argument primarily by describing a
"negative" reciprocal transaction since in doing so he contradicted the
very meaning of reciprocity: flow and counterflow. His selection of
the term negative, however, pertained'to the social context and function
of a particular type of transaction, "the attempt to get something for
nothing with impunity" (Sahlins 1972:195). Examples of such behavior
include theft, gambling, stealing, and bargaining. Schneider (1974:154)
attempted to describe negative reciprocity in more lucid terms as ex
changes which lack governing norms. Even this is incorrect, however,
as there are socially prescribed situations in which negative reciproc
ity is acceptable or unacceptable. In this study the concept of negative
reciprocity will be preserved intact, recognizing the terminological
ambiguity but accepting it as a concept with which most anthropologists,
even opponents, are familiar.
Generalized reciprocity is subject to norms which dictate sharing
of wealth and resources without resort to rational calculation of value
or gain (Schneider 1974:154). The unmodified form would describe "free
gift giving" and other variants include generosity, hospitality, and
helpfulness, in which there is neither immediate nor future expectation
of return (Sahlins 1972:193). Return to the giver, however, consists
of the social theorists' manifestations of subservience, indebtedness,
or alliance.
The "true" mode of reciprocity, balanced transactions, is simply
exchange with its implied characteristic of counterflow of goods and
services from one party to another (Pryor 1977:27). Balancing con
notes exchange of equally valued elements but it must be remembered
that "balance" depends on the range of socially accepted exchange ratios.


85
adult and eight child). The child graves were located nearest the con
vent. Individual burials were extended and had been placed close
together in narrow pits. No burial accouterments were found (Jones 1972:
2).
At San Joseph, Jones located what appeared to be a semi-subterranean
(winter?) structure which was 6.4 m by 5.9 m in size. He also un
covered a trash pit and part of a palisade trench (Jones 1973:6).
Remains indicated wattle and daub type wall construction and a compact,
red clay floor. Jones (1973:46) suggested that the structure was of
Spanish innovation and utilization on the basis of such features as wat
tle and daub construction, large rectangular (i.e. hewn) posts, and pos
sible association of a Spanish ceramic sherd and Miller Plain copy ves
sel.
Jones went into considerable detail describing recovered Spanish and
aboriginal artifacts. Floral and faunal material were so fragmentary
that little could be said about them (Jones 1973:5). The main purpose
of the account was to describe. Cultural "speculations" and inter
pretations were concerned primarily with continuity/discontinuity of
aboriginal ceramic types and cross-dating sites.
The last mission site to be discussed for the Apalache area is San
Juan de Aspalaga, or the Pine Tuft site (Figure 3). The report by
Morrell and Jones (1970) was written to provide a preliminary architec
tural description of the Spanish buildings. Hale Smith conducted the
first excavations at this site in the early 1950s but the only published
report is the one referred to here. Two wattle and daub structural
units (church and convent) and the remains of a compound wall were dis
covered (Morrell and Jones 1970:28-41). The report describes


Table 20. White-tailed Deer (Odocoileus virginianus)
Element Distribution 271
Table 21. Faunal Species and Elements from Spanish Structures
(White-tailed Deer excluded) and Village 273
Table 22. Worked and Utilized Lithic Artifacts from
Structures C and D 285
Table 23. Identifiable Aboriginal Ceramics Collected from the
Surface of Sites Adjacent to Baptizing Spring . 290
Table 24. Distribution of Spanish (or European) Ceramics
versus Aboriginal Ceramics at Three Mission Period
Sites 295
Table 25. Classified Majolica Types and Diversity for Nine
Florida Mission or Visita Sites 297
Table 26. Aboriginal Ceramics from Eight Florida Mission
Period Sites: Aggregated by Design 301
Table 27. Cultures Represented by Identifiable Aboriginal
Ceramics at the Eight Florida Mission Period Sites 303
Table 28. Non-ceramic Spanish Artifacts Compared between
Spanish Mission Period Sites in Florida ...... 307
Table 29. Floral and Faunal Remains Preserved at the
Different Mission Sites Reported in Florida .... 312
xii


Table 14. Aboriginal Ceramic Categories Used in Calculation of Shannon-
Weaver Diversity Index (H) for Four Structural Areas.
Structure
Type Category
A
B
C
D
Weeden Island Incised
0
0
2
1
Thomas Simple Stamped
8
0
1
8
Carrabelle Punctated
6
0
1
1
Aucilla Incised
3
4
2
0
Ocmulgee Fields Incised
14
2
2
1
Pinellas Incised
0
0
1
0
shell-edge impressed
0
0
0
4
cord marked
1
0
5
49
Alachua Cob Marked
2
0
1
1
fabric impressed
0
1
1
2
kernel impressed
0
0
0
3
cross-incised
0
0
0
1
Lochloosa Punctated
0
0
0
16
fingernail gouged
0
0
1
1
triangular punctated
0
0
0
4
Stab n' drag
3
0
0
3
round punctated
0
0
0
1
semi-circular punctated
0
0
1
0
Chattahoochee Brushed
7
0
0
6
scraped
12
4
47
89
lumpy
0
2
0
7
check stamped
21
6
23
9
check stamped with dot
4
13
11
4
St. Johns Check Stamped
78
2
7
13
Jefferson Ware CS
Type A
2
2
2
1
Type B
45
7
59
85
Type C
1
2
0
0
Type D
1
0
0
0
loop cross CS
39
3
26
8
solid cross CS
40
3
14
11
concentric circle CS
2
2
2
7
herringbone with check CS
0
0
0
2
joined curved lands CS
1
1
1
1
arc,straight,bullseye CS
1
2
0
4
curvilinear 'A' CS
2
0
1
2
barred bullseye CS
0
0
0
1
interlocking circles CS
16
2
2
0
linear with central bars CS
30
0
1
0
rectilinear 'A' CS
0
0
0
1
rectilinear with raised dot
1
0
0
0
fret/volute CS
0
0
1
1
bullseye with check CS
0
0
0
1
bullseye with scroll CS
0
0
0
1
cogs CS
0
0
1
0
snowshoe CS
0
1
0
0


Sylvilagus sp.
(rabbit)
Sciurus sp(p).
(squirrel)
Sigmodon hispidus
(cotton rat)
Cetaceae
(whale family)
Gopherus polyphemus
(gopher tortoise)
Chrysemys sp
(pond turtle)
Kinosternon sp.
(mud turtle)
Dierochelys reticularia
(chicken turtle)
Terrapene Carolina
(box turtle)
Trionyx ferox
(soft shell turtle)
Rana/Bufo sp.
(frog/toad)
Alligator
mississippiensis
(alligator)
Colubridae
Viperidae
Gallus gallus
(chicken)
Meleagris gallopavo
(turkey)
Accipitridae
(hawks)
AVes
(birds)
x
x
X**
X
X
X
X
X
X
X X
X X
X
X
X
X
X
X
X
X
X


CHAPTER TWO
CONCEPTS OF ECONOMIC ANTHROPOLOGY AND POLITICAL ORGANIZATION
A material transaction is usually a momentary episode in
a continuous social relation. The relation exerts gover
nance: the flow of goods is constrained by, is part of,
a status etiquette (Sahlins 1965:139).
The above statement embraces the essence of economic anthropology:
the study of exchange embedded in the study of social relationships
between groups or individuals. Herein lies the primary difference
between economists and anthropologists. The former deal largely with
material goods and services measurable entities while recognizing
the importance of unmeasurable social "preferences." The latter em
phasize the intangible social aspects of exchange. As stated by Firth
(1970:4), the material dimension of an economy is a basic feature but
the significance of an economy'lies in the transactions of which it is
composed and in the type of relationships which these transactions
create, express, sustain, and modify. Although many economists working
in anthropology downplay "social invisibles" (Pryor 1977:95) such as
love, prestige, and status, many anthropologists working in economics
agree that these intangibles are just as important as quantifiable
commodities.
A recent development along these lines is the appearance of what
has been dubbed "transactional" or "social exchange" theory. Social
exchange theorists include human animate values along with inanimate
and animate non-human objects in their analyses (Schneider 1974:20).
12


Dr. Cannon also bolstered my spirits by being the first to say that he
thought my work did make a contribution to Florida mission research.
Dr. Elizabeth Wing allowed me freedom in the Zooarcheo.togical
Laboratory of the Florida State Museum. I do not feel that I know her
well but the inferences are clear that she is a remarkable person. She
has always taken an interest in my work, considered my schemes and ideas,
has volunteered information, and stimulated my curiosity. One can expect
to work hard to please Dr. Wing, but it is extremely rewarding to do so.
I have very special feelings for Dr. Kathleen Deagan as she was the
first archeologist I ever worked with. Her field techniques are
meticulous, her intellect keen, and her personality marvelous. She has
been such a pleasure to be associated with. I known that anything I,
or others, have written will receive honest and thoughtful criticism
and consideration.
Dr. Jerald Milanich provided me with my first introduction to
Florida prehistory and I've been hooked ever since. He found money for
me to carry out the survey and assented to our living at the Florida
State Museum field camp during our summer season. Conversations with
him, especially the longer ones, are always thought-provoking and
stimulating. He is an excellent critic (a fact I usually appreciate
two or three days after the initial shock) and having him on my com
mittee has been invaluable.
Everytime one of Dr. Charles Fairbanks students graduates, there
is a real problem in trying to say something about him that has not al
ready been said. Like all others, I find myself in this quandry. As
my chairman, he has read completely each chapter as it issued from my
typewriter. His knowledge on a myriad of subjects is astounding (and
v


282
in the kinds of animal sources utilized, and apparent predominance of
certain portions of deer meat. Floral remains were not found within the
Spanish structures. Non-local ceramics such as olive jar, majolica,
and St. Johns ceramics were more common in Structure A than in the Indian
structures and monopolization of certain ceramic types could have
resulted from restricted access or directed production of some goods
for the priests.
The larger Spanish structure was.located on a rise adjacent to the
spring. The other three identified structures were all lower. Testing
and excavations were too incomplete to allow reconstruction of the entire
village settlement pattern. The 1976 trenches just south of Structure B
did, however, show a very low density of artifacts and it is possible
that a plaza was located in this more or less central location. The
Spanish structures appear to have been located near one end of the main
village area and Indian structures were situated to the southeast. The
presence of clay-lined basins within and beneath Structure B features
which may be aboriginal in origin could indicate that the Spanish
structure was erected over or adapted from a specialized aboriginal
structure. On the other hand, this arrangement may indicate that the
structure was occupied by Indians at some time after it ceased to be
associated with Spanish activities. At least one document referred to
the Indian practice of building churches and dwellings in the hope
that their efforts would be awarded with the appearance of a resident
priest. If such structures were built by Indians prior to habitation by
a Spaniard, would the Indians (most likely the cacique) have occupied
them?


39
Philip III began debasing coinage, which had already been debased
to copper, in 1600. He further reduced the weight of coins in 1602 and
required that all payments be made with copper. By 1605 very little sil
ver was to be found anywhere in Spain and the premium on it rose so
high that continental trade was stifled (Davies 1964:266-267). During
the reign of Charles II (1665-1700), Spain was sunk in deep economic
depression. Very little was sent to America during the last decade of
the 17th century except wine (which could not legally be made in the New
World). Many goods were exported to the colonies from foreign countries
under pretext of coming from Spain. These goods primarily included wax,
spices, paper, cloth, and mercury. American exports to Spain consisted
of hides, "chinaware" (Aztecan and Chinese), grain, tobacco, tropical
drugs, copper, and mostly gold and silver (Barozzi e Berchet in Davies
1961:149-150).
Spanish-Indian Interaction (1564-1650)
The topic of Spanish and Indian interactions is the hardest to
arrange since insights to economic and social transactions are scattered
over numerous sources, both primary and secondary. It appears, however,
that three general periods can be defined on the basis of topics covered
by those sources which were reviewed. Letters and cdulas included in
the Ethnohistory Index (P.K. Yonge Library of Florida History) that con
tain information on Indians concentrate on gifts made to Indians prior
to about 1650. After that date, very little mention of "gifts" is made
at all. During the last two periods used here, 1650-1675 and 1675-1704,
priests, visitadores, and government officials spent more paper des
cribing actual situations and conflicts between Indians and Spaniards.


309
Artifacts at Baptizing Spring and Richardson arc almost solely
ornamental items, although the variety at the former site is much greater
than that at the latter site. These items are present, and sometimes
common, at the other mission sites but there are also technological items
represented. All around, Baptizing Spring appears to have been a fairly
"poor cousin" to the rest of the missions.
Native gunflints were present at three of the sites and musketballs
or lead shot were found at five sites. The ramrod tip and sword and dag
ger parts recovered from Fox Pond, presumably from the village sector,
indicate that Indians had access to Spanish weapons or may have been
manufacturing them. It is possible, however, that these weapons occur
as the result of attack upon Indians. The glass goblet fragment, tobacco
pipes, coins, and coin weight from San Juan del Puerto suggest a level
of living above that of the other missions.
At least three of the sites yielded traditional, native prestige or
ornamental goods: whelk shell ornaments, fragments of whelk shell dip
pers, and rolled copper or lead (a Spanish-supplied substitute) beads.
These goods were also found in the burial pits excavated by Jones at
several other missions (see Chapter Four). Olive jar or majolica discs
were present at three sites, bone gambling pieces (?) only at Baptizing
Spring. If these artifacts were actually used in gambling, then their
presence appears to support the documentary implications that gambling
was never really controlled at the missions.
The artifacts from Scott Miller, San Juan del Puerto, and probably
Fig Springs, derived largely from Spanish contexts. The simple fact that
these goods were present says little about their availability to Indians.
It is also difficult to discuss impact on native lifestyles when it is


191
I ft m rn fc i A
f f f 1 1 M TT
i (f n 1 m n o
Figure 22. Lip Profiles (a-k), Rim Profile (1-p), and Visible Body
Profiles (q-r). (a) round; (b) flat with round corners;
(c) square; (d) beveled, exterior; (e) beveled, interior;
(f) "pointed", beveled on both sides; (g) rolled;
(h) projecting, exterior; (i) projecting, interior;
(j) indented; (k) waisted; (1) straight; (m) curved
everted; (n) curved inverted; (o) acute everted; (p) acute
inverted; (q) curved, composite; (r) acute, composite or
"S-shaped".


93
evidence: formed the basis for dating the Richardson site as pre-1650,
the fact that no Leon-Jefferson ceramics were present was taken into
consideration when that date was assigned (Milanich 1972:57). Deagan
(1972:42) stated that at Fig Springs and Fox Pond prehistoric local
ceramics were replaced by Leon-Jefferson ceramics after 1650. In fact,
there is no absolute certainty concerning the first appearance of Leon-
Jefferson ceramic types, although they are definitely late prehistoric,
nor where they originated. The Richardson site may very well lack
these types because of occupation span but it is also possible that pot
ters making them never moved there or trade never brought them there.
The whole question of Utina association with Leon-Jefferson types is con
fused since we do not know which pre-contact ceramic types are associated
with the Utina. It is recognized by all authors that the Leon-Jefferson
complex bears striking resemblance to central Georgia Lamar ceramics and
Ocmulgee Fields types and that complicated stamping "appears suddenly"
(archeologically speaking) in northern Florida. The question of whether
or not "adoption of Georgia pottery styles by Florida Indians represents
diffusion of techniques or actual population mixing remains unanswered"
(Milanich 1978:75). The main thrust of this thesis is not the
examination of ceramic type relationships and cultural affiliations.
Hypotheses relevant to the above questions have been.proposed (Loucks
1978b) and will be mentioned briefly in a later chapter.
A final word is offered in view of the remark that "cultures affec
ted by the mission system apparently lost much of their self-determination
and vigor in the process of acculturation. This can be seen in the al
most total abandonment of traditional elements of the culture and ready
acceptance of new ones such as the ceramic situation in the Leon-Jefferson


71
no adequate surplus available to Indians. Of course, this situation
may have arisen prehistrically but it is likely that Indians would
have been just as dissatisfied with their leaders at that time as they
were during the historic period.
Priests usurped many of the responsibilities formerly apertaining
to caciques and native priests: land allotment, control of surplus
food, overseeing communal labor, provisioning of non-producers, and en
dorsing marriages. Bonds between the community and the priest were en
forced with injunctions against "wandering," settling in villages other
than one's own, keeping married persons together, and legalizing mar
riages performed only by one's assigned village priest. The most im
portant role, of the cacique became that of middle-man between Indians
of his village and the Spaniards. He or she represented Indian com
plaints to visitadores and "wrote" letters (probably composed or writ
ten by priests and signed by Indian caciques), channelled through the
priests, to the governor or king. The cacique's position was both
politically and economically necessary to the community and the Spaniards
but was not necessarily one which was inherited. Status became based
on Spanish support and force, not authority. The attempts of Spaniards
to see that villagers were agreed upon the right of their cacique to
rule, however, may indicate that his position was one which was validated
by inherited right. Status and authority, however, were probably still
upheld by acquisition of prestige goods but the nature of these goods
had shifted to those which symbolized Spanish backing.
Priestly authority rested only on divine right; they did not belong
to the same moral community (see Chapter Two) and, therefore, depended
on physical force and military support to maintain their positions.


surprising. San Marcos ceramics are also the. majority group at Zetrouer
and this may indicate a major portion of the population was Guale or that
much of the aboriginal ceramics were imported to the site, possibly along
with Guale laborers. Again, ceramic analysis could be used to test
whether or not ceramics assumed to originate in different regions could,
in fact, be locally produced.
The general picture is one of influence along a spatial continuum.
At extreme ends Apalache in the west and Eastern Timucua/Guale in the
east aboriginal assemblages are fairly "pure." In the center there
is a great deal of mixing at sites under Spanish influence. The Richard
son site, although centrally located with regard to the mission chain,
is fairly "pure" in that most of the identifiable ceramics are Alachua
tradition types. It is also an early site and, if a visita, did not
receive a great deal of continuous Spanish attention. It is possible
that at a later time, mission sites have more diverse artifact assem
blages because of population shifts. Baptizing Spring, however, is
relatively early and has a moderately diverse ceramic assemblage. If
assemblage composition is related to demographic changes, the
predominance of Leon-Jefferson ceramics at the Apalache sites suggests
that the westernmost missions did not undergo demographic change to the
extent that eastern and central missions did.
Mission period incised ceramics such as Aucilla and Ocmulgee Fields
Incised are only important components of the aboriginal ceramic assem
blage at the Apalache sites (Loucks 1978b). They are proportionately
more important in the probable aboriginal structure at San Joseph de
Ocuya than they are in the Spanish structures at Scott Miller.


With the exception of large live oaks (Quercus virginiana) and
vegetation on the slopes of sinks and springs, all natural forest flora
were cleared, bulldozed into windrows, and burned when Owens-Illinois Inc.
prepared the land for planting pine seedlings. These windrows run
diagonally from the NNW to the SSE across the entire eastern third of the
section. Areas immediately north and west of this area have been planted
in pine for a long time. Aside from the slash pine (Pinus elliottii)
seedlings, current ground cover is limited to herbaceous invader species
such as blackberry (Rubus spp.) and dog fennel (Eupatorium spp.), small
woody invaders (winged sumac, Rhus copallina; persimmon, Diospyros
virginiana), and remnants of the forest population which include pignut
hickory (Carya glabra). Plant species identified in windrows, around
springs and sinks, and in small areas of hammock south of Baptizing Spring
and around Walker Spring are listed in Table 2. This is not a complete
listing and does not take into account many of the forbes and grasses.
From Table 2 it is obvious that most of the trees characteristically
occur in open woodland/mesic hammock associations. Florida maple (Acer
barbatum), pignut hickory (Carya glabra), sugarberry (Celtis laevigata),
and American elm (Ulmus americana) tend to prefer rich hammock soils with
limestone or clayey soils. With the exception of button bush (Cephalanthus
occidentalis) and parsley haw (Crataegus marshallii), none of the species
typify aquatic or poorly drained soils. Both of the exceptions were found
only near springs.
To what extent modern vegetational. associations approximate former
conditions is impossible to say. The potential climax stage of this area,
however, seems to be southern hardwood forest. Charred hickory nuts
(probably pignut) recovered during excavation indicate that at least one


206
stamped elements (therefore paddles) as there are numbers of sherds.
Some distinctions were possible but there are too many problems in as
suming that sherds with the same patterns and measurements came from
different vessels.
In some respects, cross motif complicated stamped elements showed
less variation than did the "bullseye" ceramics, although there were
fewer sherds of this category present. Whether loop or solid cross,
both seem to have more regularity in element diameter than do "bulls-
eyes". One sherd which had a clear paddle edge impression demonstrated
that a single cross element occupied a paddle face, at least in this
one case. The relative consistency of element diameter for the three
solid crosses and five loop crosses measured (diameter varied from
6.6 cm to 8.4 cm) may be related to a consistent use of four outlining
lands (Meiszner 1978:22). Unfortunately, the sample of sherds with
measurable elements was extremely small.
There is considerable variation in design from element to element
and within the cross element. The four arms of both solid and loop
crosses are not of equal length and the two axes do not always cross at
right angles. Three loop cross paddles and/or elements and three styles
of solid cross elements could be identified using design anomalies.
These groupings are depicted in Figure 29. Group 1 has asymetrical
lands over the arm; the first land comes up and curves over the arm then
falls away at an angle not parallel to the arm. Sherds in this group
were recovered from Structure A, Structure D, and Trench //2.
Group 2 sherds have a slightly curving arm, the edge of which is
not rounded off symetrically. The outlining lands are also asymetrical
but have different land and groove widths than loop crosses in Group 1.


Utilized Lithic Artifacts
A
B
Vil.l age
A
B
Villa
blade-llko flake scraper
2
0
3
3
1
15
blade-like flake knife
0
0
1
0
0
5
blade-like flake graver
0
0
2
0
0
2
blade-like flake spokeshave
0
0
5
0
2
3
blade-like flake scraper/
spokeshave
1
0
1
0
0
0
blade-like flake scraper/knife
0
0
0
0
0
1
blocky flake scraper
1
0
18
6
6
35
blocky flake knife
0
0
7
0
0
6
blocky flake graver
1
0
2
3
2
6
blocky flake spokeshave
0
0
3
1
0
7
blocky flake scraper/graver
0
0
1
0
0
0
blocky flake scraper/spokeshavi
e 0
0
0
0
0
2
blocky flake spokeshave/knife
0
0
0
0
0
1
blocky flake chopper/pecker
0
0
0
0
1
0
blocky flake, battered
0
0
1
0
0
0
blocky fragment scraper
1
0
10
0
3
17
blocky fragment graver
0
0
1
2
0
3
blocky fragment graver (coral)
0
0
1
0
0
0
blocky fragment spokeshave
0
0
3
0
0
4
blocky fragment scraper/knife
0
0
0
0
0
3
blocky fragment graver/knife
0
0
1
0
0
0
blocky fragment chopper/pecker
0
0
0
0
0
6
core gouger ("heavy" graver)
0
0
0
0
0
1
core gouger (coral)
0
0
0
0
0
, 1
Debitage
flake
78
30
2063
421
242
5069
flake (coral)
5
3
79
0
3'
37
blade
3
2
20
5
11
42
blade (coral)
0
1
4
0
0
0
blade-like flake
3
3
25
21
17
97
blade-like flake (coral)
1
0
1
0
0
0
thinning flake
3
6
351
9
6
489
thinning flake (coral)
0
1
8
0
0
1
blocky flake
6
6
213
60
42
471
blocky flake (coral)
0
0
10
1
0
4
blocky fragment
10
7
190 '
47
19
531
blocky fragment (coral)
0
1
2
1
0
12
very small flakes
5
2
1204
24
25
2223
very small flakes (coral)
0
0
12
0
0
10
expended core, spall
0
0
4
1
3
14
expended core, spall (coral)
0
0
0
0
0
1
cortical fragment*
1
1
36
* The cortical fragments were
not
designated heat-
treated
or non-
heat-treated although all are probably the latter.


153
(use wear along the long side), ciuiscrapers (use wear along the short
side and/or opposite the bulb of percussion), and others depending on
location of wear. This kind of flake scar pattern is produced when tools
are scraped along a surface at an angle to it.
Criteria used to identify knives included (1) uniform flake removal,
usually crescentic, producing rounded notches along an edge; and
(2) flake removal from both sides of the edge, producing a somewhat
"wavy" scar pattern (Figure 15b).
Spokeshaves have also been referred to as shaft straighteners and
are characterized by the presence of semi-lunar notches (Figure 15c).
Since these tools are, theoretically, used in a scraping manner (down
the shaft of bone, a length of cane or wood, etc.), only those tools
which had scraper-like flaking scars around the notch edge were clas
sified as spokeshaves.
Drills and awls were identified only for worked tools, primarily on
the basis of form. Drills were identified as long, narrow tools with
squarish cross-sections and which showed flake removal at and just above
a pointed or blunted tip (Figure 15d). Theoretically, awls are used for
puncturing softer materials such as leather rather than for drilling
bone or wood although the general purpose of both is to make a hole.
Tools with relatively narrow and sharp points were classified as awls.
In general, awls were thinner than drills and oval or circular in cross-
section near the tip (Figure 15e).
Engraving tools, gravers, show use wear similar to scrapers since
they are dragged or forced at an angle across a surface in order to score
or groove it. These tools were identified by use wear at a point or cor
ner which showed evidence of flake removal. The engraving end is usually
blunted (Figure 15f).


30
Interregional interactions are poorly known. Garcilaso de la Vega
(1962:253-254) gave the impression that there was a special group of
long-distance traders dealing in common and/or elite goods. Ribault
(1964:74-75) mentions getting gold and silver in trade with Indians
south of the mouth of the St. Johns River but these metals could have
been scavenged from shipwrecks. Le Moyne (in Bennett 1968:104-105)
knew that the Caloosa near Tampa Bay were getting precious metals from
wrecked treasure fleet vessels but contended on> the basis of what he
was told by the Saturiwa and Utina, that the Eastern Florida tribes
received gold and silver from Indians in the Appalachian' Mountains
(Le Moyne in Bennett 1968:95, 99). He does not, however, mention long
distance traders among the Indians. It has usually been recognized that
much, if not all, of the gold and silver obtained by Indians came from
salvaging wrecks (Bushnell 1978:45). Since copper was a prehistoric
trade item, however, there exists the possibility that some of the
precious metals traded to Europeans did come from distant places.
Whether or not there was an organized group of specialized traders can
not be determined.
In order for such a group of traders to have existed, there would
have had to have been pan-Southeastern sanction of their activities so
that safe passage through hostile territories would be insured. The
prehistoric and early historic Southeastern Indians were well-known
for their propensity for belligerent behavior. There are several pos
sible explanations: (1) these "merchants" were actually links in a sys
tem of trade partnerships; (2) as outsiders, not belonging to a par
ticular tribe, they existed outside the realm of inter-tribal hostility;
(3) their activities provided scarce and valued items; and (4) traders


(Sus scrofa) was recovered within the structural limits. It con
sisted of the vertebral column, ribs, and a scapula. The bone was in
extremely poor condition and it was repeatedly treated with an ethulose-
carbowax solution before removal (in a block of dirt) to the laboratory
for cleaning. No pit or evidence of intrusion was visible.
Other features included two round-bottomed, conical pits 40 cm
and 45 cm in diameter dug into clay. These may have been postholes,
pits formed when clay was removed, or the result of some natural process
such as the decay of pine tap roots. They did not contain any artifacts.
A small, possible hearth surrounded by areas of sand which had been
burned orange, and two small refuse pits were the only other features in
this structure. One of the latter contained a relatively large amount of
well-preserved faunal material: remains of gopher tortoise, raccoon,
fish, and unidentifiable mammal and other bone fragments. The other
refuse pit contained very fragmentary corncobs and charcoal. A possible
feature of indeterminate nature was a shallow, circular pit, 32 cm in
diameter. This may have been a large posthole or cleaned-out trash pit.
The other intensively examined aboriginal area, Structure C, was
located approximately 20 m SSW of Structure D. The complexity of over
lapping posthole patterns precludes reasonable attempts at estimating
structure size and shape (Figure 11). The seven southern postmolds were
closer to the surface than other postholes and most of the features.
The fact that these southernmost postmolds consisted of chunks of car
bonized wood suggests that a later addition to the original structure,
or a completely different structure, had burned. In general, most cul
tural features first appeared between 2.13 mBD and 2.19 mBD, roughly 30-
35 cm below the surface.


67
Cash, markets, kings, cities, and universal religion can destroy
reciprocity as delineated by Sahlins (Dalton 1971b:237) but the ideals
of reciprocal behavior may remain. In some respects one might consider
that Spain worked against its own ends by implementing the policy of
indirect rule, allowing caciques to "rule communities as in former
times" (Geiger 1937:10). Most certainly, the religious and military
factions worked against any common goal of the Spanish colonial empire.
Major impacts on Indian life were created and augmented by the coexis
tence of market and superficially redistributive economies coupled with
traditional expectations of reciprocal behavior.
In the beginning, transactions were more or less generalized but
as the practice of "gift giving" declined and increased demands for
goods and services without compensation were made on Indians, interac
tions became increasingly unbalanced. Spaniards not only failed to
sustain their alliances but also came to rely more heavily on force as
a means of imposing their will without offering any returns to Indians.
This paper argues against the proposition that religious salvation was
enough; to paraphrase, it is also necessary to keep body and soul
together.
Spanish-introduced food items included wheat, figs, oranges and
other citrus, peaches, chickens, pigs, cattle, and (at San Juan del
Puerto, at least) sheep. Cattle raising appears to have been largely
restricted to ranches whereas pigs and chickens were raised for the
priest and, apparently, owned by some Indians at missions. In order to
care for livestock and meet neitf demands put upon them by Spaniards,
Indians were required to become sedentary and, probably, spend more
time on production than they had prehistorically. Sedentism posed a


TABLE 2. Descriptive Statistics of Corncobs Sorted by Provenience.
Variable*
n
Mean
SD
Minimum
Value
Maximum
Value
Standard Error
of Mean
Variance
c.v.
FEATURES
rows
23
8.35
0.78
8
10
0. 16
0.60
9.29
lower glume
width
23
0.48
0.08
0.30
0.63
0.02
0.01
17.63
kernel
thickness
23
0.34
0.03
0.27
0.39
0.01
0.001
10.42
shank
diameter
0
cob
diameter
23
1.44
0.22
1.00
1.90
0.05
0.05
15.47
cob length
SMUDGE PITS
rows
0
36
8.44
0.84
8
10
0.14
0.71
9.99
lower glume
width
36
0.47
0.06
0.35
0.59
0.01
0.004
13.63
kernel
thickness
36
0.35
0.04
0.25
0.45
0.01
0.002
12.91
shank
diameter
0
cob
diameter
36
1.39
0.20
1.00
1.90
0.03
0.04
14.07
cob length
3
4.70
0.30
4.40
5.00
0.17
0.09
6.38
ZONES
rows
21
8. 10
. 0.30
8
9
0.07
0.09
3.72
lower glume
width
21
0.47
0.06
0.39
0.60
0.01
0.003
11.89
kernel
thickness
21
0.34
0.03
0.29
0.43
0.07
0.001
9.02
V'/l


362
Sauer, C.O.
1971 Sixteenth Century North America. University of California
Press, Berkeley.
Schiffer, M.B.
1972 Archaeological context and systemic context. American
Antiquity 37:156-165.
Schneider, H.K.
1974 Economic Man (The Anthropology of Economics). The Free Press,
New York.
Seaberg, L.M.
1951 Report on the Indian site at the "Fountain of Youth", St.
Augustine. MS on file, Department of Anthropology Archeological
Laboratory, University of Florida, Gainesville.
1955 The Zetrouer site: Indian and Spanish in central Florida.
Unpublished master's thesis, University of Florida, Gainesville.
Sears, W.H.
1961 The study of social and religious systems in North American
archeology. Current Anthropology 2:223-231.
1968 The state and settlement patterns in the New World. IN Chang,
K.C. (ed.), pp. 134-153. Settlement Archaeology. National Press
Books, Palo Alto.
1973 The sacred and secular in prehistoric ceramics. IN Lathrop,
D.W. and J. Douglas (eds.), pp. 31-42. Variation in Anthropology.
Illinois Archeological Survey.
Service, E.R.
1962 Primitive Social Organization. Random House, New York.
1975 The Origins of the State and Civilization. W.W. Norton & Co.,
New York.
Sieveking, G.G.
1977 Progress in economic and social archaeology. IN Sieveking,
G.G., I.H. Longworth, and K.E. Wilson (eds.), pp. xv-xxvi.
Problems in Economics and Social Archaeology. Westview Press,
Boulder.
Siglar-Lavelle, B.
1979 Ecological implications for the evolution of swidden farming
in north central Florida. Unpublished MS.
Smith, H.G.
1948 Two historical archaeological periods in Florida. American
Antiquity 13:313-319.


d
Figure 33. Colono-Indian Ceramic Sherds: Basal Profiles.
(a) small bowl, foot ring; types in Structures A and C
(b) small bowl, foot ring; types in Structure A
(c) small bowl with expanded basal ring from Structure D
possible copy of Santo Domingo Blue on White jar
(d) profile and basal views of possible copy of Columbia
Plain bowl


104
deposits of fine materia 1 would tend to trap and hold water for longer
periods during wet seasons but would make it difficult for crop plants
to get to water during drier seasons, particularly during drought con
ditions when the overlying sandy horizons become hard and compacted.
The clay would, however, make certain nutrients available and would
prevent rapid leaching out of organic material which is so typical of
many Florida soils. Clay minerals, particularly aluminum, and organic
material significantly enhance retention of many important mineral nut
rients such as calcium, magnesium, potassium, and phosphorus (Thompson
1952:62). Organic matter content is especially important in the release
and initial retention of phosphorus, one of the most important soil nut
rients. Of the mineral phosphorus binders iron, calcium, and aluminum-
aluminum from clay sources is the most important to retention of soil
phosphorus (Chaiwanakupt 1974:4, 5). The presence of these clay and
sandy loamy clay deposits, then, would probably have made the area around
Baptizing Spring more fertile than the adjacent "pure" Blanton soil
series areas where nutrient leaching would have been a severe problem.
Excavation did reveal that organic residues and humic content of the soil
were greater in both deep and shallow features which rested on or were sur
rounded by clay.
Stratification indicated a considerable amount of water deposition
lenses and sheet erosion throughout the depth of the excavation units
(an average of 45 cm deep). Local informants (Edmond Montgomery, Howe
Land, personal communication 1978) noted that prior to clearing, the area
was relatively moist and had flooded during the high water flood stage of
the Santa Fe and Suwannee Rivers in the spring of 1973.


205
An examination of ten Jefferson Ware Complicated Stamped Type B
sherds (hereinafter referred to as "bullseye"), 16 cross motif rimsherds,
and 18 unidentified complicated stamped rimsherds suggested that paddle
malleating was performed during the construction phase (Meiszner 1978:18).
On all of these sherds and some of the types previously noted, the stamp
had been applied before the lip was finished as indicated by clay that
had been pushed down into grooves or lapped over lands when the lip was
folded. Additionally, stamped designs were located in the curvature of
excurvate rims and distortion of the design indicates that flaring the
rim was performed after stamping.
None of the complicated stamped rimsherds had pinched or punctated
rims, two attributes described as common at Fig Springs (Deagan 1972:29)
and Scott Miller where Smith (1951:167-169) described these rim
decorations as the typical style rim for Jefferson wares. In only one
case studied by Meiszner did the stamping stop short of the rim. The
pattern of stamping to the lip predominated any other paddling practice
although some sherds did indicate that stamping was not always over the
entire vessel surface.
From a sample of 106 "bullseye" sherds which had clear designs, ten
were selected for measuring radii on the basis of having more or less
complete impressions from bullseye center to the outermost land. The
number of concentric lands varied from two (element diameter of 5 cm) to
five (element diameter of 4.8 cm). Overall, diameters varied from
4.8 cm to 8.0 cm (Meiszner 1978:19-20). Three attempts by different
persons were made to define a few distinct paddles responsible for stam
ping several vessels. It appears that there are as many variations among


2M
the presence of ring bases was necessary if Spaniards insisted on eating
off tables. Production of these vessels may simply have been to copy
European forms which would have been favored by the Spaniards. It is
impossible to sort out the Spanish goods received by Indians in a manner
which allows identification of specifically exchanged goods. One might
hypothesize that ceramics were exchanged for ceramics but there would be
no way to test this. One might also hypothesize that prestige goods
accrued to persons who produced ceramics or other goods expressly for
Spanish consumption.
Since Colono-Indian ceramics were not found in great numbers in the
Indian habitation area, it is not possible to identify the manufacturers.
The fragmentary basal ring foot sherd found in Structure C may have been
a "waster." It's similarity to most of the footed basal sherds in Struc
ture A may indicate that this household was a primary producer of Colono-
Indian ceramics. On the other hand, a very distinctive paste Colono-
Indian vessel (fragmentary but consisting of several sherds) was recovered
from Structure D. This paste could not be matched with sherds found in
the Spanish structure although the difference appears to be largely one
of color which can be due simply to firing temperature and/or length of
firing time. It is possible that it will be found that small, ring
footed bowls were made from one type of clay (Miller Plain) whereas
plates, handled vessels, and possibly statuettes were made from another
type of clay (Jefferson Ware). If this is the case, and it still needs
to be tested, then Structure C producers were making the small, footed
bowls and Structure D persons were producing the plates, jars, and other
Jefferson Ware items. Conversely, some of these Colono-Indian items
(Miller Plain in particular) may have been imported. Inhabitants of


greater than two times the width. This, however, represents an inac
curate simplification since blades are formed using a special technique
which results in (1) a thin fragment, (2) usually longer than it is wide,
with (3) a very small or almost imperceptible bulb of percussion, and
(4) one or two longtitudinal ridges which taper off to the side(s) at the
end opposite the very small striking platform (Figure 16b). In cross-
section, blades may be either triangular or trapezoidal. Blade-like
flakes was the term used to designate flakes which were linear and had
one or two central ridges but were thick in cross-section and had large
or prominent striking platforms and bulbs of percussion.
Blocky flakes, as the name implies, were flakes which were thick
and/or angular (Figure 16c). Blocky fragments were completely angular
chunks of chert or coral (Figure 16d).
Debitage was classified into relative size categories which are
not reported except for those flakes described as "very small" (less
than or equal to one square centimeter in surface area). This category
was tabulated since it constituted a large proportion of the 1978 sample.
Very small flakes and thinning flakes are underrepresented in areas
which were not screened or where screening was accomplished through lar
ger mesh. Low relative abundance of these categories in some areas,
therefore, cannot be attributed to actual proportions since recovery
techniques probably introduced bias. Relative abundance of these
categories is, however, considered to be accurate in the non-Spanish
area where screening techniques were fairly consistent (although the 1976
trenches were not screened) and all lithic objects were sought and saved.
Thinning flakes were also "very small", in general, and were differentiated
on the basis of thinness, often transluscence, and absence of surface
flaking and bulb of percussion.


giving which may be a reflection of decreased amounts of gifts to
give or simply documentary sample bias. More interesting, in any event,
are the other exchanges Indians participated in. Indians had many items
to offer which Spaniards wanted: sassafrass (which brought a good price
in Spain), ambergris, deer and buffalo (?) skins, nut oil, bear grease,
tobacco, canoes, storage containers, and, most of all, food. Indians
wanted whatever the Spaniards had: weapons, construction and cul
tivating tools, nails, cloth, blankets, bells, beads, church ornaments,
and rum (Bushnell 1978:13). The problem was to supply enough of what
the Indians wanted. Governor Rebolledo had 60,000 pounds of pig iron
beaten into tools to barter for ambergris with the coastal Indians south
of St. Augustine. When the Indians offered him more of this precious
substance, he melted cannons and arquebuses. For 600 ounces of ambergris
(worth 15,000 pesos), Rebolledo gave Indians 500 pesos worth of iron in
the form of hoes, an anchor, mortars, cannons, muskets and arquebuses
which the governor claimed were worthless (Bushnell 1978:13, 43). Sol
diers also traded muskets to the Indians (Bushnell 1978:13).
Just after the Timucuan revolt,. Rebolledo made a visitiation of
Timucua and Apalache (in 1657) in order to report on present conditions
and to determine the cause of the revolt. In Apalache, priests had
required Indians to go to Apalachicola and "Chactos" territories, both
hostile to Apalache, to trade for skins and other "esteemed items."
Indians complained that no payment for this service was made except to
the cacique (Pearson 1968:71, 84). What exactly the priests did with
these goods was not explained'but Indians were suspicious and claimed
that friars prevented them from selling their goods to ships' crews to
earn money. Priests then bought Indian goods (probably foodstuffs


200
characterized by parallel and perpendicular sets of lands spaced at
roughly the same distance apart. A curving land appeared on one sherd
above the block (Figure 26f). In general, this latter sub-type was less
neat.
Simple stamped was a residual category unrelated to Deptford Simple
Stamped but probably partial representations of either line block or
linear with central bars complicated stamped types. Sixty-nine sherds
were placed in this category.
Joined curved lands CS (n=5) sherds were probably concentric circles
or "bullseyes" which had one or more bars between the lands (Figure 27a).
Arc, straight, bullseye CS (n=10) was a type mentioned and illus
trated by Willey (1949:599, Plate 60) and designated as probable Leon-
Jefferson period. The design is a small, single-land circle with a cen
tral dot and tangential arched and straight lands (Figure 27b). One rim-
sherd from the village had a square lip with rounded corners and a second
had a rounded lip. Both rimsherds had curved, everted profiles.
Curvilinear 'B' CS (n=2) was similar to the above type except that
the central dot within the circle was joined to the circle creating what
looked like an apostrophe (Figure 27c).
Barred bullseye CS (n=l) was a Jefferson Ware Complicated Stamped
Type B ("bullseye") motif with two central bars running across the raised
dot perhaps only as far as the second concentric land (Figure 27d).
Bullseye with scroll CS (n=l) was another single occurrence type
which was over-stamped and incomplete in terms of design. Visible was
one rounded, rectangular land with a central, elongated, cleft "dot" and
adjacent nested scrolls (Figure 27e).


trading goods or private property (Pearson 1968, above; Moreno 1654),
ordered to fix roads and build bridges (Pearson 1968:11), forced by sol
diers to carry goods to St. Augustine (Pearson 1968:157), or forced to
work on the castillo in St. Augustine. In 1651, Governor Benito Ruiz
stated that Indians in Apalache were fleeing into the woods because they
were being required to carry goods and to labor for the haciendas. A
few years later, Governor Diego de Rebolledo wrote that he considered
the use of Indian labor to be a practical necessity even though the
Crown forbade the use of Indian bearers (Matter 1972:256, 258). The use
of Indian labor to work fields in St.-Augustine was also continued.
Repartimiento Indians cleared land and planted the communal and private
maize fields with digging sticks and hoes. In St. Augustine, everyone
who was important had their "service Indians" (Bushnell 1978:184). In
addition to working gardens and plots,- Indians were used to "fill gaps"
in the infantry. Governor Francisco de la Guerra y de la Vega (1673)
wrote that 200 Indians from Apalache were brought to the capitol;
50-55 from Timucua stayed until the end of October and 45-50 from Guale
were also conscripted. Caciques, although they organized the work crews,
were exempted from all such services (Bushnell 1978:49).
Indians at San Luis de Xinaica claimed that priests sometimes came
to the village and requisitioned Indians without permission. This caused
hardship since it took away people essential to the economic livelihood
of the village. The cacique requested that Franciscans use Indian labor
only with permission from and under supervision of the village cacique
for fear that failure to do so would undermine the cacique's authority
(Pearson 1968:87).
Other stories of misfortune reached Rebolledo throughout Apalache.


glumes a series of floral bracts which surround
the kernels in the cupule
lower glume the most prominent of the above;
glume width has been found to be
a racially variable trait and a useful
indicator of the basal width of a ker
nel (Nickerson 1953, in Kohler 1979:1)
A sample of 194 cobs from the 1976 excavations was examined and
reported data included mean row number (8.3), median cupule width
(7.6 mm) and relative frequency of row numbers for the sample (Cutler,
personal letter to Dr. J.T. Milanich 1976). Eighty-eight percent of
the cobs had eight rows per cob, 10% had 10 rows per cob, and 2% had 12
rows per cob.
On 121 cobs, Kohler measured (1) cob diameter at the widest point,
including the contribution of the lower glumes to the total diameter;
(2) number of rows per cob; (3) lower glume width at the widest point;
(4) distance between lower glumes in the same row (estimates kernel
thickness); (5) shank diameter which was measurable on only one specimen;
and (6) cob length which was measurable on only six specimens. Table 13
summarizes the results of these measurements.
The four 9-rowed cobs were probably malformed 10-rowed ears but the
6-rowed ear was an anomaly. There is no correlation between lower glume
width and estimated kernel thickness in the sample as a whole (r2=0.09).
Variation in row number does not account for variation in kernel thick
ness or width of lower glumes although.there was a significant cor
relation between cob diameter and row number. SAS (Statistical Analysis
System) ANOVA procedure yielded an F value (the ratio of explained to
unexplained variation) of 2.09, alpha=0.09.
, In terms of shape, no strongly cigar-shaped cobs or cobs with


R
Baker's (1979) study of Colono-lndian pottery and Catawba culture
change, and Brown's (1979) study of Frencli and Indian interaction in the
Lower Mississippi valley. One of the few historical archeological works
which has proposed and tested hypotheses of acculturation processes is
that by Deagan (1974) wherein she examined the role of Indian women,
married to Spaniards, as the primary agents and affectors of both Indian
and Spanish material culture change.
Specific Goals and Assumptions of this Study
It is invalid to assume that two transacting groups reach an
agreement on the basis of identical understandings, values, and expec
tations (Salisbury 1976:42): . common membership in a single moral
community can be seen as providing the sanctions that prevent the terms
[of a transaction or interaction] from becoming too disadvantageous for
the less powerful" (Salisbury 1976:44). The major assumption of this
study is that two groups with different cultural and value systems have
differing expectations of interaction behavior. In situations marked
by disparity of power and cultural complexity, the donor group changes
its behavior in some degree but the major changes occur in the recipient
group's behavior (Foster 1960:7). If, however, cultural complexity and
power are not greatly disparate one might expect less behavioral change
and greater conflict as both groups act to maintain their own systems.
Conflict will arise when either side refuses to yield over a situation
where values and behavioral expectations clash. Some changes will be
superficial if practices and beliefs of both groups are similar. A
relevant example is the substitution of Catholic saints and religious
figures for aboriginal ones in Mesoamerica. On the surface, Catholicism
replaced native religion yet Amerindian statuary, beliefs, and behavior


258
Table 16continued
CSTYPB
A:
20
14
11
11
8
5
2
0
C:
21
18
13
10
7
7
6
3
1
0
D:
21
19
19
17
16
14
14
10
10
7
C+D:
21
18
16
13
11
10
10
6
6
3
SCRAPED
A:
6
5
2
2
2
2
0
0
C:
34
24
3
3
3
1
1
0
0
0
D:
33
33
22
21
10
10
9
9
7
0
C+D:
33
28
12
11
6
6
5
4
3
0
UNIQLIN
A:
14
8
6
3
3
3
0
0
C:
1
0
0
0
0
0
0
0
0
0
D:
0
0
0
0
0
0
0
0
0
0


13
Social exchange describes a transaction of material or social value
in return for obligations expressive of subordination (subservience,
deference, clientship, or respect) or alliance manifested by expressions
of respect and friendliness if the social exchanges off-set each other
(Schneider 1974:148). The outcome, then, is determined by the value of
the material or social element exchanged.
Some of the distance between economists and anthropologists can be
lessened if the distinction between material and social is replaced by
the more general idea of "property" where property is defined as rights
in things rather than things themselves. If this is done, economics
would be definable as the study of allocation of property (Schneider
1974:148, 152). Economics, however, is more than allocation. It also
entails management, production, distribution, and consumption of
resources. Social resources, in terms of access to goods and services
(Wilmsen 1972:2) as well as relationships, are just as critical as
natural resources.
Modes of Exchange
Since Sahlins (1972) defined and popularized the three states of
reciprocal interaction, the terms and their descriptive foundations
have been argued and reworded ad nauseum. It is probably true that no
major theoretical strides have resulted and that reciprocity is basically
conceived of in the same light as previously. True to his economic
background, Pryor defines reciprocity as exchange in which the forces
of supply and demand are masked (as opposed to market exchange where
these forces are overt). He precludes possible balancing with "social
invisibles" and limits reciprocal interactions to situations including
counterflows of goods and services of more or less equal value (Pryor


146
possible structural area 1 certainly an activity area was located
30 m southwest of Structure C in the area of Trench #2. Two postholes
which were 20 cm in diameter and a large, clay-lined pit were dis
covered in this area rich in artifacts (Figure 12). The postholes first
appeared at 1.61 mBD and 1.74 mBD (about 30-40 cm below the present sur
face) within the range of depth below datum of the postholes in Structure
C even though the surface in this area is currently about 30 cm higher
in elevation than in the Group C region. The clay-lined pit was 1.45 m
by 1.30 m and was 0.28 m deep. Stratification within this sloping-
walled, basin-shaped feature was rather complex (Figure 13) compared to
most features. The rounded base sloped gradually downward from the
southern end, then rose sharply at the northern end. There were very
few artifacts associated with this feature: eight sherds, a few waste
lithic flakes, and fragments of an artiodactyl (probably deer) tooth.
The last area where features were encountered was in the central
portion of Trench #1, roughly 24 m SSW of the area just described. An
ovoid trash pit, two conical pits, three definite postholes, one possible
pit, and a large posthole or small pit of indeterminate function were
discovered in a three square meter area (Figure 14). The rectanguloid
trash pit, 70 cm long and 28 cm deep, contained well-preserved faunal
material (including fish vertebrae), sherds, and lithic artifacts.
Several large sherds were also recovered from a dark stain tangent to
this feature. Again, the primary living floor appeared to lie roughly
40 cm below the surface, although the undulating contours created by the
plow troughs and ridges make this generalization difficult.


246
persons in the former household had a greater choice of sherds and/or
more varied collection interests.
Aboriginal Ceramic Diversity
Ceramic diversity can be more aptly discussed with reference to
native ceramics since they are far more numerous than European types.
No evidence of craft specialization has been discovered although variants
of cross motif complicated stamped ceramics could be identified in both
Spanish and Indian structures. Variants from both Structures C and D
were represented in Structure A. The use of this cross motif itself,
however, may reflect Catholic influence and at this time appears to be
peculiar to this site.
It was hypothesized that diversity of aboriginal ceramics would be
lower in Spanish units if priests were consistently receiving goods from
select groups and/or if priests expressed a preference for some designs
over others. Exactly how artistically cognizant the Spaniards were is
impossible to guess. In any event, such preference would be idiosync
ratic and not a factor if more than one priest served at the mission.
If anything, it would seem that priests would favor native vessels
decorated with crosses. Overall, these types were the most abundant com
plicated stamped type in the Spanish area. The majority of uniden
tifiable curvilinear complicated stamped ceramics were probably "bulls-
eye" patterns, however, and if computed that way this latter type
would be most abundant in all areas.
Some native types were almost exclusive to the Spanish sector:
linear with central bars CS (n=30 versus n=l in the entire village), and
most of the mission period incised wares (n=23 versus n=5 in the entire
village). Distributional differences may have been due to special




270
lithic tools found in all areas of the site does imply, however, that
native tools were not abandoned in favor of European counterparts.
Whether this was due to scarcity of the latter or monopolization by
Spaniards is a major question that cannot be answered for any mission
site excavated to date on the basis of reported data.
The majority of food items were native and subsistence appeared to
follow a basically prehistoric pattern. Pig and cow were represented
in the faunal assemblage but as minor components. Spanish refuse did
not yield more domesticates than did Indian structures in terms of
minimum number of individuals. There was, however, a significant dif
ference in the variety of species and elements present within the dif
ferent areas. Species within the Spanish structures were predominantly
deer (Odocoileus virginianus) and gopher tortoise (Gopherus polyphemus).
The Indian refuse included these two species plus other small game
animals, "pests," and fish.
Faunal elements recovered from the Spanish structures, particularly
from Structure A since there was little bone in Structure B, were much
less varied than those in the Indian midden. Of the 16 identifiable
deer elements, half were tibia fragments. One femoral distal end, a
radius fragment, and pedal elements Were also present (Table 20). In
Structures C and D, only one-third of the identifiable deer elements
derived from the hindquarters versus roughly 90% in the Spanish struc
tures. The variety of elements present in the Indian area was much
greater: scapular fragments, manus and pes elements, forelimb elements,
dentarles, teeth, and vertebrae. The less complete inventory of
elements in the Spanish sector suggests that butchering was carried out
elsewhere and that priests received the meatier (hindlimb) portions


238
several statistically and substantively significant patterns do exist
and that co-occurrence of artifacts and distinctions between areas are
not based on chance associations.
The functional nature of the structural areas will not be presumed.
Up to this point, they have been referred to, basically, as activity/
living areas, an all-encompassing designation for any area containing ar-
tifactual remains. Cursory description of some artifacts found within the
four vicinities has already implied living quarters but this will have
to be assumed until assemblages are depicted in greater detail. It also
has been assumed that Structures C and D in the Indian sector represent
individual household units. Relationships between occupants of those
structures are unknown. Since a distinct eastern boundary to Structure C
exists, as evidenced by posthole patterns and marked decrease in artifact
numbers, it will be assumed that the two units were separate structures.
Ceramic Diversity
It is appropriate to begin this discussion with a subject that has
been investigated at other sites. First, a review of the concept of
diversity is in order. Diversity is a term employed commonly by ecologists
and less commonly by archeologists. Misinterpretation of variety as a
true reflection of diversity has led to inappropriate generalizations
concerning artifact assemblages (see Kohler 1978:27-29, re: Otto 1975).
Diversity is an index of uncertainty of occurrence: it refers to "the
degree of uncertainty attached to the specific identity of any randomly
selected individual . The greater the number [of species] and the
more nearly equal their proportions, the greater the uncertainty [of
selection or observation] and hence the diversity"(Pielou 1966:131).


287
were not worked. There does not seem to be any clear basis for claiming
that specialized animal processing activities were being carried out in
Structure C. The amount and variety of deer bones and the kinds of tools
present in that area may be a reflection of greater butchering activity
which could reflect household personnel make-up (more and/or better
.skilled hunters and butcherers). The presence of butchering scars on
humerii from Structure D has already been noted as being peculiar to
that area. The possibilty should be kept open, however, that Structure
C inhabitants were either more involved in or better at procuring and
processing deer. The wide variety of ceramics present, the religious
medallion, and the grindingstone, however, do not support the possibilty
that this was a specialized activity area rather than a living area.
There were enough of the other types of lithic variables present to sug
gest that other activities were also being carried out. For the sake of
discussion, and since no hard basis exists on which unquestionable dis
tinction can be made, Structures C and D have been viewed as independent
habitations and will be viewed thus for the remainder of the paper. It
is hoped that future investigations at the Baptizing Spring site will be
able to answer this and many other questions raised herein.
On the basis of higher ceramic diversity, more types of Spanish and
Indian non-local and ornamental items, and presence of introduced food
items, Structure D can be tentatively identified as a structure inhabited
by individuals of higher rank than those in Structure C. The.former seem
to have accumulated more kinds of European goods as well as native goods.
There is no reason to assume that Indians could not have acquired pres
tige or non-local goods without going through the priest. They were not
restricted to the mission since, with official leave, they were sent to


A-
R
KEY:
B WAR PLUNDER
H RESTRICTED HIGH
STATUS GOODS
N NON-LOCAL GOODS
0 ORGANIZATION
P PRESTIGE GOODS
PR PROTECTION
R PROVISION
T TRIBUTE
Figure 2. Hypothetical Flow Chart of Prehistoric/Protohistoric Timucuan Economic System.


239
What many individuals observe or measure is not diversity but
variety (or richness), denoted by "s." Evenness of a sample or com
munity reflects proportional occurrence of types or species. Both even
ness and variety are functions of the relative abundance of types within
a community and are summarized in a single number by the Shannon-Weaver
diversity index (also referred to as the Shannon or Shannon-Weiner index)
(Pielou 1974:290). The variety of types present is not necessarily a re
flection of diversity since variety alone fails to account for proportional
differences. A feature of this index, denoted by H, is that it is
relatively independent of sample size (Sanders 1968:279).
The Shannon-Weaver index has been employed by zooarcheologists in
the examination of changing faunal resource exploitation through time
(Wing 1963:5-6) and in comparison of faunal selection by groups of dif
fering economic and status levels (Cumbaa 1975:210-211). It has only
been used recently to describe inorganic data (Kohler 1978; Tainter 1977).
The formula is written:
H = E(n/N)log(hi/N), where
n-£ = n of individuals in 1st through ith category
N = total n of individuals in sample
In its most basic form, then, it is simply the negative sum of the
relative frequencies of each category multiplied by the log of their
relative frequencies. Any base log can be used; in order to allow com
parison of data, however, the log base ought to be stated explicitly.
Log base e, or the natural log (In), is commonly utilized and is the base
used in this discussion.
The diversity value is given in relative terms. The lowest limit is
zero, the case when all individuals are the same type (ni=N). Maximum


progressed, interactions became increasingly unbalanced. Owing to
dramatic demographic disruptions and the decreasing ability of Spaniards
to meet native economic and behavioral expectations, the mission system
declined rapidly. Ultimate collapse of the Florida mission system was
probably due more to internal factors than to external ones.
Archeological research at Baptizing Spring, a Utina mission site
in Suwannee County, Florida, was carried out to investigate hypotheses
relating to Spanish endorsement and perpetuation of native politico-
economic roles. This site may have been the early 17th century mission
of San Augustin de Urica (ca. 1610-1656?).
Patterns of Spanish and aboriginal artifact distribution between
two aboriginal and two Spanish structures suggest that Indians obtained
primarily ornamental items from Spaniards. European-origin and
aboriginal prestige goods, hypothetically identified in the model and
through previous research, were found to cluster in one of the Indian
dwelling areas. This suggests that native prestige goods maintained
their symbolic significance and that European goods of similar types
provided Spanish reinforcement of aboriginal roles and status. In ad
dition, it was found that Indians had access to introduced domesticates
but that these may have been restricted to high-status individuals. Ar
tifact assemblages differed significantly between Indian-Indian and
Indian-Spanish structural areas suggesting that Spaniards had restricted
access to certain food resources, non-local, and locally manufactured
goods. Data also suggest that demographic upheaval and population shifts
may be represented in the archeological record.
The Baptizing Spring site was compared to other excavated mission
period sites in Florida. On the basis of these comparative data, it
xv i


130
depths below surface and depths below datum of the various features and
living floors. Depths below surface are misleading because the surface
was naturally undulating and plow troughs and ridges created differences
of 20-30 cm in datum readings within a single excavation unit. In ad
dition, below surface measurements reflect erosional deposition as well
as other mechanisms of soil deposition* or removal, in the last 300 years.
The larger Spanish structure (B) was situated on a hummock and cultural
and construction debris were exposed on the surface. In general, oc
cupation floors occurred between 20 cm and 40 cm below the present surface
in all structural areas. There were features which first appeared at
greater depths but these were few in number.
Spanish Structural Areas
Conditions of the two Spanish living/activity quarters at Baptizing
Spring were not conducive to accurate or extensive description. The
larger Structure B showed evidence of destruction by fire (Ling 1976:33).
Remains of packed red clay floor, some charred wood, five charred posts,
and sections of two wall "trenches" defined a structure roughly 10 m east-
west by 8 m north-south (Figure 8). Noevidence of compound walls or
adjoining structures was located. Since this was the larger structure
and artifact density was considerably less than in the smaller Spanish
structure, this building was tentatively identified as the "church". The
outline of the building may have been marked with a shallow trench and
posts set upright and then anchored with packed clay in a manner similar
to that suggested at the Pine Tuft site for the "convent" and at San
Pedro d Potohiriba. "Trench" remains were situated around the northwest
corner and southwest corner of the structure. The latter trench/floor
section first appeared at 1.86 m below datum (mBD), or about 0.30 m below
the surface.


Tepaske, J.J.
196A The Governorship of Spanish Florida 1700-1763. Duke Univer
sity Press, Durham.
Thompson, L.M.
1952 Soils and Soil Fertility. McGraw-Hill Book Company, Inc.,
New York.
Vicens Vives, J.
1969 An Economic History of Spain. Princeton University Press,
Princeton.
Walker, P.L.
1978 Butchering and stone tool function. American Antiquity
43:710-714.
Wauchope, R.
1966 Archaeological survey of northern Georgia. Memoirs, of the
Society for American Archaeology 31(5), Pt. 2.
Wenhold, L.L.
1936 A 17th century letter of Gabriel Diaz Vara Calderon, Bishop
of Cuba, describing the Indians and Indian missions of Florida.
Smithsonian Miscellaneous Collections 95:1-14.
Whyte, W.F.
1971 What is power? IN Weissenberg, P. (ed.), pp. 172-174.
Introduction to Organizational Behavior. Intext Educational
Publishers, Scranton.
Willey, G.R.
1949 Archeology of the Florida Gulf Coast. Smithsonian Miscel
laneous Collections 113.
Wilmsen, E.N.
1972 The study of exchange as social interaction. IN Wilmsen,
E.N. (ed.), pp. 1-4. Social exchange and interaction. Museum of
Anthropology, University of Michigan Anthropological Papers 46.
Wing, E.S.
1963 Vertebrates from the Jungerman and Goodman sites near the .
east coast of Florida. Contributions of the Florida State
Museum, Social Sciences 10:51-60.


31
might have acted as spies. None of these need be mutually exclusive and
quite possibly there were several reasons why traders were allowed to
travel through many different regions; however the third reason is
probably the most important. Mobilian, a trade jargon or kind of
lingua franca, was reportedly spoken by all the tribes east of the Mis
sissippi. The Apalache were the only Florida tribe listed among those
using the language (Haas 1975:257-258). The presence of a trade language
would certainly suggest that trade interactions occurred over the Gulf
States, at least, and there is no reason to think that such activities
would be absent. It is interesting that the Apalache were the only
group mentioned as speaking the language. Could this be an oversight,
or lack of information, or could the Apalache have excercised some con
trol over trade goods coming into Florida proper? It certainly suggests
that when the Indians told Le Moyne the gold and silver came from
"Apalatcy" (Le Moyne in Bennett 1968:84) they could very well have meant
that it came from Apalache not the Appalachian Mountains as Bennett (1968)
interpreted. The problem does remain, however, that there are no moun
tains in Apalache (western Florida).
One final level of interaction that can be examined is loosely
termed transactions between human and supernatural, the propitiation
of natural elements which provided sustenance being the primary example.
One of the most, if not the most, important shamanistic functions was
the insurance of successful yields from lakes, fields, forests, etc.
For their services, shamans received half the catch of fish, the first
deer killed, the first corn, and so forth (Milanich and Sturtevant 1972:
23-26). These transactions represent a cyclical flow wherein shamans
acted as intermediary agents between humans and supernatural forces.


Hides brought to the priests were probably sold or traded (by the priest)
to obtain requisite fixtures. Judging from the list of Spanish imports
from America and exports to other countries, hides and leather goods
were probably a good medium of exchange, especially if cash was not on
hand or simply not allowed to be used by Indians. On the east coast of
Florida, south of St. Augustine, ambergris was collected by Indians and/
or representatives of the governor. This substance turned a very high
profit in Spain and also for the Indians who traded it. In St.
Augustine, at least, ambergris was definitely used instead of cash money
(Bushnell 1978:43).
Priests supplemented royal subsidies with alms of maize, beans, or
toasted flour received from Indians (Ore' 1936:105). In many cases,
everything priests obtained from their charges was justified as alms
since Franciscans were subject to vows of poverty.
Soon after the Spaniards began intensive missionizing activities,
native populations were "reduced" into centralized villages, either
missions or visitas. Centralization of Indian populations was a major
objective from the outset (Geiger 1936:16) and was necessary not only
to provide control over the Indians but also to provide a conveniently
available repartimiento labor pool.
By 1597 Guale mission Indians were peaceful in the aftermath of
death and destruction of villages and fields precipitated by the revolt
of mission .Indians along the Georgia Coast. Governor Marques informed
the Audencia de Santo Domingo that he hoped Indians would become good
Christians but that adults, who had their own religion and did not want
to convert, were preventing their children from being taught (Connor
1930:224-229). Within 20 years this situation had altered drastically




202
Interlocking circles CS (=21) wns named after Wauchopes (1966)
designation of related design elements. This design approximates nested
"figures-of-8" and only one of four lands cuts across the center
(Figure 27f). Designs were cut to the edge of the paddle and in some
cases care was taken to match up adjacent paddle stamps. Five rimsherds
were recovered from the entire excavation. Two of these definitely came
from the same vessel. Four squared lip and curved, everted rimsherds
and one straight rim with rounded lip sherd were represented.
Bullseye with check CS (n=l) was too small to permit identification
of a complete pattern. The design consisted of a curved land, branching
curved land off the first, and two checks with central dots below the
second curved land (Figure 27g). It was a very sloppy design execution.
Cogs CS (n=l) consisted of a combination of nested scrolls with cen
tral dot and tangent circle with central dot. Straight lands extended
between these two elements and, presumably, to other elements in the
design (Figure 28a).
Snowshoe CS (n=l) exhibited acutely curving lines, two of which
were joined by at least five parallel lands (forming rectangular checks
between the two curving lands) and ended at right angles to a slightly
curving land. Three parallel, straight lands were adjacent and at an
angle to this element (Figure 28b).
Curvilinear 'A' CS (n=6) consisted of two variants: (I) curved
lands joining straight lands at an angle with very narrow, perpendicular
lines between the closest curved and straight land; and (2) sets of
curved lands which face each other but do not meet. The former is illus
trated in Figure 28c.
Curvilinear 'C' CS (n=l) was similar to bullseye with checks CS but


233
Floral Remains
A great deal, of wood charcoal was encountered, samples of which
were saved, but will not be discussed in this manuscript. Except for
one peach pit from a small trench west of Structure A, no floral
remains other than charred wood were recovered from the Spanish struc
tures (Heath 1977:25). All other floral remains, predominantly car
bonized corncobs, derived from the village area. All of the corncobs
(not counted but in excess of 250) except three came from Structure C.
Fourteen hickory nut fragments (Carya cf. glabra), halves or quarters,
were recovered from Structure D. Nine additional nut fragments were
found: eight in Trench #3 west of Structure B and one in Trench //5.
All were carbonized. Three carbonized peach pits (Prunus prsica)
were also recovered from the village: two from Features 5 and 6 (the
overlapping fire pits) in Structure C and one from Structure D. The
only other floral item was a carbonized legume seed from a small hearth
feature in Structure D.
Corn
Analysis of corncobs from the 1976 excavations was performed by Dr.
Hugh Cutler of the Missouri Botanical Garden. The 1978 cobs, plus a
sample of the 1976 cobs, were analyzed by Dr. Timothy Kohler, currently
of Washington State University. Kohler's report and associated tables
appear as Appendix C of this manuscript. Data will be summarized in this
section. Botanical terms used in the following discussion are described
by Kohler (1979:1) and include:
cupule the slight, oval indentation in the cob
which seats each of the kernels;


Figure 23. Surface-Scraped and Impressed Ceramics.
(a) Chattahoochee Brushed; (b-c) scraped;
(d-e) Thomas Simple Stamped [shell-back
impressed]; (f) kernel-on-cob impressed.


St. Johns ceramics, CSGA, and majolica ceramics hypothesized
Spanish markers are significantly more numerous in Structure D than in
Structure C. It is substantively significant that St. Johns wares, and
possibly the complicated stamped ceramics with postulated Georgia design
motifs, are trade items or represent an "imported" family (or simply ah
"imported" potter). These ceramics seem to have been acquired primarily
by the Spaniards but distributed to Structure D inhabitants more than to
Structure C inhabitants. Georgian Creek-affiliated ceramics, Ocmulgee
Fields Incised and Chattahoochee Brushed, were accumulated more by the
Spaniards than by the Indians but between the Indian structures dis
tribution of this group was not accounted for by differential access.
Loop cross complicated stamped ceramics seem to have been distributed more
evenly between Structures A and C than between A and D. It is possible
that inhabitants of Structure C were manufacturing and distributing this
type to the priests and, in return, the Structure C household was
receiving utilitarian Spanish ceramics.
These hypothetical interactions only examine part of the problem
of production and distribution. Sherd counts will be affected by
breakage rates and degree of fragmentation both during the occupation
period and afterward (e.g. during plowing). Since the entire site was
disturbed evenly, it may be assumed that the latter effects would be
equivalent across the site. It should also be obvious from the previous
statements that determination of production and distribution patterns
can be better examined when resource utilization data are included. If,
for instance, it can be shown that clays and/or techniques used in
producing Alachua tradition ceramics differ significantly from those
used in manufacturing other ceramics within Structure D, then it can be


66
The most obvious change in Indian economics was their participation
in a market/international system and cash economy. Exactly how wide
spread Indian use of cash became is uncertain. It is probable 1 that very
few Indians ever had cash and its presence may have been restricted to
the earlier period. Money, however, need not be of coin or paper.
Any regularly employed medium of exchange is equivalent with what one
today thinks of as "money." Common mediums of exchange in Florida ap
pear to have been hides, ambergris (on the east coast), and corn. Amber
gris was not important prehistorically and the desire to acquire this
substance was strictly owing to European demands. Likewise, corn was im
portant prehistorically as a ritual and symbolic good but it was not used,
for instance, in paying tributes as it was later used for paying tithes
and taxes to the Spaniards. Requiring payments in corn was a means of
insuring that the garrison in St. Augustine was fed and it would have
created a strong motivation to increase yields (by planting larger fields)
_if.punishment was meted out to those who could not pay their taxes. So
far, documentary evidence to this effect has not been discovered unless
one considers the account of Father Martorell in Apalache. The Indians,
however, simply fled from the mission in that case.
In Apalache, Eastern Timucua, and probably in Western Timucua,
Indians changed from inner-directed production for the village to outer-
directed production for the market and garrison. In many cases this
production was forced upon them but in some instances it appears to have
been by choice since Ziga encouraged Indians to bring their produce to
the market in St. Augustine. Often these goods were confiscated by
priests or soldiers, however, so it is not clear what return Indians saw
on market goods. Indians, however, were still required to produce for
the village and the priest.


273
Table 21. Faunal Species and Elements from Spanish Structures (White
tailed Deer excluded)and Village (less 1976 Trenches).
Location/
Species
VILLAGE
tti
d
a
>v
U
OJ
CO
M
u
U
rH
3
CO
0)
jC
d
M
d
o
co
g
CO
r1
u
U
u
CL,
a)
H
cd
d
3
H
4-1
(D
C2
u
e
a
4-1
d
*H
c
0)
CD
o
3
n3
r-
CD
a3
rH
d
<
H
Q
>
cn
3
;=>
s
£
M
cn
Bos taurus
Sus scrofa
Odocoileus
virginianus
Artiodactyl
med-lge mammal
Procyon lotor
-Sciurus sp.
Sigmodon
hispidus
Gopherus
polyphemus
Chrysemys sp.
Terrepene Carolina
Chelonia
Alligator
mississippiensis
Passerine
Mugil sp.
Osteichthyes
Squaliformes
STRUCTURE A
Bos taurus
Sus scrofa
Gopherus
polyphemus
Colubridae
STRUCTURE B
Gopherus
polyphemus
1 12 1
12 4 3 1 8
21 1
1
1
1
1
2
1
1
4
1
1
1 1
1
1 1
1
2 2 7 1
1 1
1
* Description reported on species identification card by Heath (1977),
Zooarcheological Laboratory, Florida State Museum.


shank
diameter 0
cob
diameter
21
1.33
0. 18
1.00
1.80
0.39
0.03
13.28
cob length
1
4.20

4.20
4.20

4.20
UNIDENTIFIED
rows
40
8.30
0.94
6
12
0. 15
0.88
11.32
lower glume
width
40
0.49
0.08
0.34
0.65
0.01
0.01
16.22
kernel
thickness
40
0.36
0.05
0.27
0.46
0.01
0.002
13.396
shank
diameter
1
1.30
.
1.30
1.30
1.30
cob
diameter
40
1.49
0.24
0.90
2.10
0.04
0.06
16.34
cob length
2
4.80
0.00
4.80
4.80
0.00
0.00
0.00
* All variables
except
"rows
(number of
rows) are measured
in cm.


99
fact that Purcell noted a "cold spring" in association, although there
are at least five springs currently In the area of the Baptizing Spring
site. the distances from St. Augustine given in the 1655 list of
missions were measured along the road, then San Augustin de Urica (60
leagues from St. Augustine and 6? leagues from Santa Cruz de Tarihica;
see Geiger 1940:125-126) would have been in the area of Purcell's "old
field" and "cold spring" and the present site of Baptizing Spring.
Santa Catalina de Ajoica (also referred to as Ahoica and Afuerica)
does not appear on mission lists until 1655 (Geiger 1940:125-126). It
is also mentioned in Governor Salazar's (Geiger 1940:129) and Bishop
Caldero'n's (Wenhold 1936:8) lists of 1675. By that year, there were
only three missions listed among the Utina: Santa Catalina with about
70 persons in residence, Santa Cruz de Tarihica with about 80 persons,
and San Juan de Guacara, also with roughly 80 persons in residence
(Geiger 1940:131). In 1678 the cacique of Santa Catalina told Sergeant
Major Domingo de Leturiondo that he had contracted with the Indian
Nicola's Suarez to establish a cattle ranch between the mission (Santa
Catalina) and the deserted village of Ajoica, three leagues away (Pearson
1968:279). Assignation of the name Ajoica to a village, mission, and
cattle ranch has created some confusion for mission scholars but, ap
parently, by the late 1670s there was only the mission (with centralized
population from the former village?) and the cattle ranch.
Sometime between 1655 and 1675, the missions in the western Utina
region had been reduced to three. San Augustin de Urica is not known to
be mentioned after 1655. There is no good supporting evidence for desig
nating the Baptizing Spring site as that mission but it is possible that,
since there were more missions in general in Utina up to the mid-1600s,


292
The relative proportions of ceramics at the five larger sites in
dicate occupation primarily during the late prehistoric/mission period
except at Pump Spring. Olive jar and a single majolica sherd (from Su
86) were recovered from two of the sites. Occupation prior to the mis
sion period may have been sporadic but there is a definite problem in
volved in the fact that we do not know the origins of the Utina Indians.
Current analysis of ceramics from these sites is in its final stages
and it is hoped that ceramics from these sites can be shown to be either
local or non-local, of the same paste types as ceramics at Baptizing :
Spring, and with the same or different manufacturing attributes.
It is interesting'that loop cross complicated stamped was the only
variety of cross-motif recovered from these sites. Since collection was
either complete or random sample, it appears that the solid cross variant
is not present or present in very small numbers. The relative abundance
of Alachua ceramic types at Su 85 is also potentially important and may
indicate some relationship between inhabitants of Structure D at the
mission and persons at Su 85. There is simply not enough data at this
time to allow statements of relationships between these sites and the mis
sion.
Examination of ceramic attributes and clay resources will be used
to test the hypothesis that the "sites" were contemporaneous and that
ceramics were being exchanged between groups. If exchange was taking
place, it would be expected that technological attributes, design at
tributes, and paste characteristics would cluster across the various
sites. If ceramic attributes tend to be clustered within each "site"
and not shared with the mission, then the sites may have been contem
poraneous but economically independent. If Spaniards were forcing


288
St. Augustine or other places to fulfill labor requirements. If pres
tige items retained their importance, and there is every reason to
presume they did, then public opinion might act against acquisition of
such goods by persons who did not "deserve" them. Documents dealing
with visitations by military personnel in the 1670s indicated that
native roles were still important to, and monitored by, villagers as
well as Spaniards. Structure D also yielded the only items which might
be interpreted as gambling or gaming artifacts. If the gopher tortoise
pieces were used in gambling (they could simply have been toys), then it
would suggest that gambling was not done away with by the priests at
Baptizing Spring and that the inhabitants of this Structure were also
"achieving" prestige. The hypothesis that native ranking and status
reckoning were retained and supported by both Spaniards and Indians can
not be rejected.
Sites Adjacent to Baptizing Spring
The six sites located in the vicinity of Baptizing Spring were
briefly described in Chapter Four. The Pump Spring site, 8 Su 84, ap
pears to have been occupied primarily during the Deptford period and,
therefore, does not figure in this discussion to any great extent. The
possible relationship of these sites to the mission site was not known
during the survey and they were treated as separate village occupations.
Boundaries were definable on the basis of surface observation of ar
tifacts but, having seen the local collectors in action, the discontinuity
between the sites-is now questioned and will not be demonstrable without
subsurface testing. It was hypothesized that the sites might have been
sites occupied prior to Spanish arrival. It was later considered that


area were aligned with the former axis, we maintained this orientation
for the 1978 seasons. The location of transit and wye level stations,
their corresponding bench marks and datum plane elevations, and the
location of trenches are described in detail in Appendix A and illus
trated in Figure 7.
Initially, it was planned to excavate every other unit (3 m in
length) in a two-meter wide trench running south and east from the 1976
Group/Structure C excavations. This soon proved to be impractical since
many features were encountered in the Group C area and there were not
enough people to deploy to trench excavation. Alternatively, we planned
to excavate single 2 m by 3 m units located along transect lines according
to surface artifact concentration. The six-square-meter units were retained
since they could be excavated in (slightly) less time than the 3 m by 3 m
units used in 1976. A total of 20 2 m by 3 m units was excavated plus
two 2 m by 2 m units which were used to avoid Transit Station #1, in one
case, and to shorten excavation time on a fall weekend foray, in the other
case. One-meter wide trenches were used during the last few weeks when
it became apparent that there was not enough time left to extensively inves
tigate other areas of the site. It was felt that these trenches would al
low a greater area of the site to be investigated in a shorter period of
time. Trenches were designated by numbers but we continued to excavate
in 3 m lengths (Appendix A; Figure 7). A three-meter break in Trench #2
was made to accomodate a clump of young live oaks.
Units were excavated until cultural material had decreased sig
nificantly (less than 10 lithic artifacts per 10 cm level) or sterile
strata were reached. This generally occurred from 0.22 m BS (in square
392N 549E) where a solid, sandy clay horizon was reached, to a maximum


17
Two types of politico-economic interactions need to be discussed
but it is first necessary to distinguish between power and authority.
Power entails the ability to forcefully control or influence a second
party and this power resides in control of valued items (Emerson in
Hall 1972:205). Power relations arise out of both positively and
negatively balanced exchanges and also out of unbalanced transactions
and open conflict (Whyte 1971:172). Authority, on the other hand,
lacks force: directives or orders are followed because of the belief
that they ought to be followed (Hall 1972:207). Authority, then, is
positively reinforced by society while power is negatively reinforced
by the governing group or individual. Prestige goods validating power
and authority may be different: goods exacted through tribute payments
on fear of punishment for failure to render symbolize power whereas
other prestige goods accorded on the basis of respect, rank, or in- !
heritance rights reinforce authority.
The effective establishment of authority obviates a need for overt
sanction in daily activities since authority is sustained by creating
social obligations. If a superior commands voluntary obedience from
subordinates he need not induce them to obey by promising rewards or
threatening punishment. "Use of sanctions undermines authority" (Blau
1971:160,161). Authority involves the exercise of social control which
rests on willing compliance of subordinates with certain directives of
superiors (Blau 1971:158). The linkage between authoritarian control
and economic activities is succinctly provided by Mary Douglas' concept
of licensing in which authority serves to protect vulnerable areas of
an economy. Political-economic "license," although often tacit (i.e.
unsanctioned), creates monopoly advantages for those who receive the


324
that this was not true in all areas but access to tools and retention
of yields have not been examined. It is known that at missions in
Apalache and eastern Florida, iron tools were present in Spanish areas
of the sites. This does not mean, however, that they were plentiful
(or numerically adequate) or widely distributed among Indians. His
torical documents indicate that immense quantities of iron were forged
to produce tools for Indian consumption. Where these tools actually
ended up is unknown; they do not appear to have remained in archeological
contexts at the missions.
The overall subsistence pattern at Baptizing Spring does not appear
to be significantly different from known prehistoric patterns in Florida.
Certain Indian households consumed introduced domesticates such as pig,
cow, and peaches,and the faunal domesticates were also represented in the
Spanish sector. It was cautioned, however, that the organic sample was
extremely small (especially important in the discussion of faunal assem
blages) at Baptizing Spring and that any conclusions must be treated with
deliberation. The major difference between Spanish and Indian food con
sumption was the lower variety of animal species utilized by Spaniards
and the apparent monopolization of the meatier portions by the priests.
Disparities in the sections of animals, largely deer, represented in the
various structural areas suggests that.products of the hunt were- being
distributed according to a specific pattern.
Since only carbonized floral material was preserved in the site,
the actual contribution to the diet, and the contribution of cultigens
to the diet, cannot be ascertained. The aboriginal status of recovered
corncobs agrees with the general pattern of little European impact
(through introduction of varieties from Mesoamerica or Cuba). The


75
4.Status may be positively correlated with
dwelling size and elaborateness; ornamen
tation of walls and use of European hard
ware.
Artifacts' significance as prestige indicators may be shown through
correlation with aboriginal prestige goods If former high-status in
dividuals maintained their rank and it was inherited by their descendants.
Such associations may not be found, however, given the fact that many
prehistoric prestige goods will not be preserved.. Restricted distribution
and differential access to goods will be assumed to correlate with pres
tige and control. Scarce items, or those which were traded in or directed
toward priestly consumption, would be considered prestige goods within the
Indian sphere although not necessarily within the Spaniard's prestige
sphere.
5. The following trade goods, being similar in
form and function to native items, would be
classed within the Indian prestige sphere:
clothing (especially that with elaborate
designs, buttons, etc.), beads, bells, and
jewelry. 1
6. The following goods, although technically
subsistence sphere goods, would also be in
cluded within the native prestige sphere
because of their coloring, quality, and
novelty: storage jars, majolica, and glass
ware.
a. Prestige items had restricted distribution
and/or.were limited in quantity.
Test 1. Distribution of prestige trade goods within
archeological contexts will be non-random,
concentrated in high-status areas.
Test 2. Prestige goods will be fewer in number than
subsistence goods and native-manufactured
goods in the Indian living areas.
7. European trade goods associated with prestige
will have supplanted aboriginal prestige items.


CHAPTER FIVE
STRUCTURAL REMAINS AND MATERIAL CULTURE AT BAPTIZING SPRING
Definite remains of two Spanish structures and two Indian struc
tural/activity areas were encountered at the Baptizing Spring site.
Clearing, stump removal, plowing, and bedding had severely disturbed
structural features in the Spanish building areas (Structures A and B).
Disruption of these remain was greater than that of the aboriginal struc
tural areas primarily because the former were nearer the surface. Since
the Spanish structures were defined largely on the basis of packed red clay
floor areas (Structure B) and red clayey sand areas (Structure A) rather
than postholes which would be afforded greater protection by being deeper
below the surface, there, is little that can be said about the two presumed
Spanish structures. Shape and size were estimated from location of red
clay flooring and/or wall rubble, a few postholes/molds, charred wood
remains, and concentration of nails and spikes. To begin this discussion,
it will be instructive to review architectural information elicited from
less disturbed mission sites.
The four mission buildings, two at each site, uncovered at Scott Mil
ler and Pine Tuft had been destroyed by fire as indicated by charred wood
remains and differentially fire-baked clay flooring (Morrell and Jones
1970; Smith 1951). The Morrell and Jones architectural study of the two
Spanish buildings at Pine Tuft is more detailed than Smith's and will be
discussed first. The two buildings faced each other and stood roughly 20 m
apart (Morrell and Jones 1970:41). The smaller building measured ap
proximately 5m by 6 m and was designated the "convento," living quarters
for the priest. Large upright posts, resting on or slightly below the
127


2 52
similarity were computed from data in Table 14, excluding undecorated,
undifferentiated categories.
Structure Rank
Pairs
a
b
c
Si
(Descending)
A B
26
19
16
0.75
1
A C
26
28
20
0 ..74
2
A D
26
40
20
0.61
5
B C
19
28
15
0.64
4
B D
19
40
15
0.51
6
C D
28
40
22
0.65
3
In terms of types common to any two structures, A and B were most
similar and A and C were almost as similar. Structures B and C were fairly
distinct. Structures B and D were least similar, sharing only about 50%
of the total number of types represented between them. This simplistic
index reflects total possible combinations without taking into account
frequency representations of each type. Frequency distributions can be
included by refining the index:
Sn = c (cn) cn = n of sherds in types
a(an) + b(bn) common to both groups
an = n of sherds in a
bn = n of sherds in b
Again, identical assemblages yield an index of 1.0 and completely dis
similar samples yield a value of 0.0.
Structure
Pairs
an
bn
cn
sn
Rank
(Descending)
A B
373
61
369
0.54
2
A C
373
222
574
0.72
1
A D
373
386
637
0.51
4
B C
61
222
260
0.53
3
B D
61
386
276
0.25
5
C D
222
386
535
0.54
2


Uata are presented topically and chronologically in an attempt to show
continuation of or changes in policy and attitudes. It was impossible
to confine discussion to the Timucua, especially after the mid-1600s,
since references to this group are relatively few. Latter 17th century
accounts are basically concerned with the Apalache in western Florida
(for reasons that will be discussed later). Until the early 1600s, con
tact with Western Timucua was sporadic; missions had not been established
therefore description of early interactions must be garnered from
sources describing the Guale and Eastern Timucua. Although the Indian
groups differed to some extent, it does not seem likely that Spanish
policy would have been enacted differentially.
The beginning date of the construction of Fort Caroline by the
French (1564) near the mouth of the St. Johns River is given as the
starting date for this evaluation since the French settlement spurred
Spain to the first successful attempt at colonization. Most data,
however, will extend from 1573 onward, after the Franciscans took over
the mission field from the Jesuits.
Pope Alexander VI issued a papal bull in 1501 giving the Crown a
grant of ecclesiastical tithes in all newly found regions under the con
dition that sovereigns made themselves responsible for the introduction
of Catholicism and maintenance of the Church and for the instruction
and conversion of Native Americans. In 1508, Pope Julius II issued
another bull conferring full patronage on Ferdinand and his successors
(Haring 1-96.3:167).
It is popularly well-known that Juan Ponce de Leon landed in
Florida and officially proclaimed it as property of the Spanish Crown in
1513- Two of the most famous entradas, that of Panfilo Narvaez (1528)


61
outlaw ballgames (Statutes Relating to Florida n.d.:4) and keep strict
control over native festivities (Calderon 1676). Problems arose because
a lieutenant told Indians at San Joesph de Ocuya they could dance all
night as was their custom. The friar stated that Indians knew that by
giving soldiers tacalos de caecina (cassina?), janepas, chickens, and
watermelons, as they did with said lieutenant, they could "be let to
live" (Cabrera 1682).
In an attempt to pave over fractional disputes, Governor Zuniga
insisted Indians owed allegiance and obligations to the Franciscans.
All converted Indians must have crucifixes and
images of saints on the walls of their huts.
Indians must obey the commands of friars and
attend to their needs.
No Indian could marry unless first pledged to
support his perspective bride.
Indians could plant only those lands designated
by the friars (Zuniga, 1702, in Tepaske 1964:194).
In return, Zuniga promised to provide for widows and orphans, to pay all
labor done by Indians in St. Augustine, and to give all Indians full
hearing before punishing them for their crimes (Tepaske 1964:194). As
might be expected, the setting down of rules did little to affect actual
changes.
The first good evidence of political organizational upheaval occurs
in documents of the 1670s. In Guale, Apalache, and Timucua individuals
were claiming rights to chieftainships which were disputed by other vil
lagers (see Pearson 1968:206-216, 219, 220, 240) and military visitations
were made to the three provinces to make sure that Indians were agreed
on their caciques' right to lead, to reinstate those with legitimate


real threat to continued settlement in any particular area. Except in
Apalache, soil fertility is naturally poor In most regions of Florida.
Continued usage of old fields depleted fertility at an unknown rate.
Relocation of missions and villages, however,.did become necessary.
The degree to which domesticates figured in Indian diets is un
known. Likewise, it is unknown what access Indians had to European
agricultural tools and if new techniques were universally employed.
Documentary evidence suggests that large numbers of hoes were distributed
to Indians but relative to the number of Indians receiving them, the
quantity may not have been substantial. In any event, European hoes
were not greatly different from native ones. The basic movements and
usage would hav been similar. Oxen were present in some areas, par
ticularly Apalache (Daniels 1975), but they may have been restricted to
Spanish-owned and operated ranches and haciendas. Documentary evidence
also contradicts itself. As late as 1675 Governor de Hita Salazar was
still writing about developing agriculture in Apalache and noting that
Indians were plowing by hand because oxen and plows had not been in
troduced there (Pearson 1968:186). The fact that Spaniards periodically
wanted to import slaves and Mesoamericans to farm and teach Florida
Indians how to farm implies that native Floridians never reached the
level of agricultural development that Spaniards sought.
Caldero'h's description of agricultural activities in 1676 indicates
that actual techniques had changed very little. Communal fields were
still worked for the priest and for production of surplus to provide
"V
for those in need. Goods preferred as trade items by both Spaniards \ ,
y
and Indians were primarily subsistence-related. Judging from retention
of slash-and-burn horticulture and the complaints of poor harvests and


162
area (6.82% of the total). Slightly more than 14% of the lithic ar
tifacts in the larger Spanish structure were utilized compared to 7.08%
in the smaller Spanish structure (Table 4). Again, variety of tool
types was greater in the village and scrapers predominated with 66.37%
of the utilized lithic artifacts in the village and 68.70% of the
Spanish sector utilized lithic artifacts. Between the two Spanish struc
tures, variety was slightly greater in the larger one which had eight
categories as opposed to five categories in Structure A. Gravers and
scrapers were relatively more abundant in Structure A than in Structure
B and spokeshaves and scraper/spokeshaves were proportionately more
numerous in the larger Spanish structure.
A well-worn, quartzite grinding/pounding stone (Figure 17b) was
found above a corncob-filled feature in Structure C. Another atypical
tool was a large, prism-shaped chunk of silicified coral whose pointed
ends appeared to have been modified through use as a gouging tool
(Figure 17a). Silicified coral, although not uncommon along the
Suwannee River and around springs, made up a very small percentage of
the raw material used in manufacturing tools. It was most abundant in
the debitage group where it comprised only 1.50% of .the raw material in
the Spanish area and 1.37% of the debitage in the rest of the village.
Debitage
Overall, 86.82% of the lithic artifacts were debitage with a high
of 89.98% in the village (probably inflated by the presence of very small
and thinning flakes) and a low of 80.71% in Structure B. Flakes were
the most common form of lithic waste and made up over 50% of the total
(Table 5). Blades were least common in the village (0.50%) and cor
tical fragments and spalls and expended cores were least common in the


79
15- Spanish subsistence sphere goods were acces
sible to all Indians regardless of status.
16. Introduced European food items such as cows,
pigs, chickens, peaches, oranges, etc..,
would have been restricted among Indians.
a. The above goods might have been available
only to priests who had greater access to
them through shipments from St. Augustine
or by demanding them as tithes/alms.
b. Cattle may not have been used as food
resources if they were not raised at mis
sions or if their consumption was
primarily intended for soldiers and St.
Augustine where the market and slaughter
house were.
17. Priests and high-status Indians would have
received the best part (meatiest, most ten
der) of hunted game plus proportionately
more of the domesticates than would lower
status individuals.
18. With their monopoly over production and alms
payments, priests' diets would have included
more European foods, been less diverse, and
of better nutritional value than diets of
Indians.
19. If livestock raised by Indians went primarily
to priests and/or soldiers, chickens, pigs,
and cattle remains will be poorly represented
in or absent from Indian dwelling areas.
The next chapter will present a review of previous archeological
research carried out at Florida mission period sites, most of which
concerns missions in northwest Florida (Apalache). It will also in
clude research carried out in Suwannee County which is pertinent to
this study and descriptive data regarding methodology and the history of
excavations at the Baptizing Spring site.


331
Structure B
The large, circular, yellow clay-lined feature which intersected
with the southwestern wall trench (Figure 8) was designated Feature 1.
The red clay fill was first,measured at 2.03 mBD and continued to
2.40 mBD. The feature was 1.44 m in diameter.
The clay-lined features outside Structure B were deepest of all
features in this block (relative to the datum plane) and top elevations
ranged from 1.95 to 2.25 mBD.
Features 7 (northwestern) and _10 (more or less central) within the
structure were filled with red clay. Feature 7 first appeared at 1.89
mBD and extended to 2.03 mBD. The first appearance of Feature 10 is
problematical since elevations differ between the field notes (2.08 mBD)
and the feature form (1.91 mBD). The latter is probably correct.
Structure A
Feature 12 was the central hearth feature illustrated in Figure
9. The central ashy sand areas first appeared at 3.51 mBD and were 11
cm thick in the center. Artifacts recovered from Feature 12 included:
a single Ichtucknee Blue on White sherd, olive jar sherds, two Carrabelle
Punctated sherds, two Thomas Simple Stamped sherds, linear with central
bars complicated stamped (CS) sherds, curvilinear CS and cross-motif
CS sherds, and undecorated ceramics. Lithic artifacts included a large,
possible chopper, and unidentified worked biface, a utilized flake graver,
and debitage. Some charred gopher tortoise bone and a single, non-
poisonous snake (Colubridae) vertebra were also recovered.
The leached area below Feature 12 contained four Thomas Simple
Stamped sherds, two Chattahoochee Brushed sherds, two curvilinear CS
sherds, undecorated ceramics, and one each of Carrabelle Punctated,


190
Decorated Ceramics
A sizeable proportion of the sherds (28.38%) were too small and/or
too eroded to be identified. Of the remaining 71.62%, 2,892(37.71%)
were at least identifiable as decorated categories. There were propor
tionately fewer decorated ceramics associated with Structures A and B
(28.92% and 29.69%, respectively) than with the Indian sector of the
village (41.84%). This frequency of decorated ceramics in the village
is high compared to many sites.
Fifty-three informal and formal design types were recognized.
Where type names could not be designated, descriptive names were devised.
Many of these descriptive names, such as "fabric impressed" and "cord
marked", do not require further definition. Many descriptive categories,
however, do need to be described and illustrated. This is particularly
true of the complicated stamped types which, as a category, comprised
75.10% of the total identifiable decorated ceramics. Brief descriptions
of informal types are presented below. Vessel and rim forms, identified
primarily from the 1978 sample, are illustrated in Figure 22 and are
included in the following discussion when appropriate.
Cloven punctated (n=l) exhibited punctations in groups of two, mir
ror-image serai-circles which approximated a cloven hoof in appearance.
These punctations were fairly sparse over the surface of a single, small
sherd. Punctations may have been made with a bifurcated twig, bone tool,
or similar object.
Thomas Simple Stamped (n=17) is a formal Weeden Island type but is
mentioned here because all specimens were impressed with the back side
of variously sized, ribbed shells. On a single sherd, all impressions


241
A.D. 150-A.D. 700) in northern Florida, Kohler predicted and found a
positive correlation between higher ceramic diversity and high-status
areas within the village (Kohler 1978:31-32, 198-199). His hypothesis
was based on the assumption that elite individuals had greater access to
trade nd "high-status" ceramics.
Spanish Ceramic Diversity at Baptizing Spring
Results of diversity calculations at the plantation site and the
prehistoric site were used in formulating hypotheses regarding expected
diversity values for Baptizing Spring components. It was postulated that
priests, with greater access to Spanish goods, might acquire "sets" of
ceramics either because of preference or because of limited variety
provided in situado shipments. Spanish ceramics in aboriginal contexts
would represent smaller proportions of a greater number of sets if Indians
were receiving cast-off vessels from priests or if they were buying
ceramics on less frequent trips to St. Augustine and were more limited
than priests in the type and bulk they could afford to acquire. Another
possibility would produce the same results: rather than whole vessels,
Indians may have obtained sherds to be used as ornaments, gaming discs,
or majolica sherds may have been collected simply because of their "pret-
tiness." Actual numbers of sherds of a single type would be greater in
the Spanish area (producing lower diversity) if dishes owned by priests
were broken there.
It was postulated that this same pattern would carry over into
Indian-manufactured ceramics. Priests may have preferred certain designs
and/or may have been receiving aboriginal vessels from a limited number
of individuals. Following the prehistoric pattern evinced at the Weeden
Island site, it was postulated that higher diversity values would be cor
related with higher-status living areas among Indians.


Indian Manufactured Ceramics 185
Faunal Remains . 221
Floral Remains 233
CHAPTER SIX: ARCHEOLOGICAL INDICATORS OF SOCIAL
AND ECONOMIC RELATIONSHIPS .. 237
Ceramic Diversity 238
Similarity and Correlations 251
Distribution of Non-ceramic Prestige Goods ..... 267
Weapons and Subsistence ..... 268
Artifact and Structure Associations 281
Sites Adjacent to Baptizing Spring 288
Comparison of Mission Period Sites 293
CHAPTER SEVEN: CONCLUSIONS: SPANISH-INDIAN
INTERACTION 317
APPENDICES
A. EXCAVATION DATA AND DETAILED
FEATURE DESCRIPTIONS ... .329
B. COMPLETE RAW DATA FOR LITHIC.ARTIFACTS 337
C. ANALYSIS, OF CORNCOBS FROM THE BAPTIZING SPRING
SITE, FLORIDA . 340
BIBLIOGRAPHY 350
BIOGRAPHICAL SKETCH 365


327
produced. If these groups were of probable local origin, then their
occurrence would imply immigration (possibly forced by Spaniards) of
other tribal affiliates into the baptizing Spring area, rather than
importation of ceramic vessels. As it now stands, the author tends
to favor the former interpretation on the basis of qualitative
examination of the ceramics. The problem is open to investigation,
however, and either interpretation will be instructive regarding produc
tion and distribution of ceramic goods.
The unfortunate concentration of previous research on Spanish oc
cupational areas, or on village sectors whose affiliation could not be
determined, has failed to provide data which could be used to examine
the interactions between Spaniards and mission Indians in Florida. At
Baptizing,Spring, where there was potential for eliciting this infor
mation, it appears that the historic conditions of relative poverty
were at odds with the realization of this potential. It may be ten
tatively concluded that the items Indians received from Spaniards were
primarily prestige goods. These goods, although they had little impact
on actual lifestyle, were socially important in that they served to
reinforce traditional native roles and politico-economic position within
village society. As was pointed out in Chapter Two, it is not the goods
themselves that are significant but the right to acquire and own these
items that is important. Spanish recognition and validation of Indian
roles within the new colonial system would have created strong ties be
tween Spaniards and high-status Indians. These symbolic goods would have
been important as long as effective economic control, and the force to
back up this control, was maintained over Indians.


198
Figure 26. Rectilinear Complicated Stamped Design Motifs.
(a) rectilinear 'A'; (b) fret/volute; (c) rectilinear
with raised dot; (d) linear with central bars, over
stamped; (e,f) line block. (Sherds not drawn to scale
but designs on sherds are to scale.)


POLITICAL AND ECONOMIC INTERACTIONS BETWEEN SPANIARDS AND INDIANS
ARCHEOLOGICAL AND ETHNOHISTORICAL PERSPECTIVES
OF THE MISSION SYSTEM IN FLORIDA
BY
LANA JILL LOUCKS
A DISSERTATION PRESENTED TO THE GRADUATE COUNCIL
OF THE UNIVERSITY OF FLORIDA
IN PARTIAL FULFILLMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE
DEGREE OF DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY
UNIVERSITY OF FLORIDA
1979

ACKNOWLEDGMENTS
After the astringency of dissertation style, writing acknowledg
ments is relatively pleasurable. As one counts up the various persons
and organizations one wishes to thank, the realization dawns that it is
wise to write one's dissertation as early as possible lest the
enumeration become totally unmanageable.
I would like to express my gratitude to Owens-Illinois, Inc., ow
ners of the property on which this research was carried out. Mr. Harry
Bumgarner, Manager of Southern Woodlands, has been particularly
cooperative in allowing me and many others to work on Owens-Illinois
property. The Wentworth Foundation of Clearwater, Florida, Mr. William
Goza, President, funded the 1976 field research performed by Dr. Jerald
T. Milanich and a University of Florida Archeological Field School. The
National Endowment for the Humanities funded the 1978 field research and
the grant has supported myself and another graduate student during the
analysis and writing period.
There are several Suwannee County residents who, perhaps unwittingly,
have provided information which I have used in this dissertation. I
would like to thank Mr. Lynne Johnson, Mr. Edmond Montgomery, Mr. Howe
Land, and Mr. Leon (Lex) McKeithen. Mr. McKeithen was extremely helpful
in providing information and making introductions. He also allowed the
1978 crew to live on his property in Columbia County.
I thank Mr. Rick Stokell most heartily for serving with me as the
1977 survey crew. The days spent finding no sites, the thrashing through
ii

smilax thickets in the late afternoons, and the cautious trudging
through rattlesnake territory would have been unbearable without his com
panionship, dedication, and interest. Several people put in a day or
two on the survey, and I thank them, but Rick was there through prover
bial thick (undergrowth) and thin (site distribution).
The 1978 field crew who participated at Baptizing Spring was small,
enough that I can thank them individually. William Easton, map librarian
and hockey manager at Illinois State University, Vicki Bagnell, Wade
Hannah, and Woody Meiszner comprised the more or less permanent crew.
David Stern, Patricia Vazquez, Renee Andrews, and Tammie Hearn were the
faithful weekend volunteers who kept coming back time after time and
who made the extra trips back and forth to Gainesville well worth my
while. I owe a special thanks to Woody Meiszner, another graduate
student, who was my "right-hand man" in the field and who, with his back
ground as an accountant, offered advice on personnel management and time
budgeting (none of which I think I ever implemented). He was also a
good friend whose inquiring mind kept my own thought running at a lively
pace. Ms. Virginia Hanson also contributed to the field work but, more
importantly, continued the analysis of ceramics which I had started. I
owe her a debt of gratitude for her perserverence and commend her strong
belief in the responsibilty for carrying out one's commitments.
At the end of one's structured educational career, the benefits owed
to numerous professors come rushing back in an overwhelming flood of
memories. There is not enough space to thank all of them. Very generally,
I would like to thank the faculty and staff of the Department of
Anthropology and at the Florida State Museum. Those whom I have ever
come in contact with have been very good to me and I hope that I may be
iii

a credit to their time and efforts. Dr. Art Hanson inspired my interest
in economic anthropology and spent extra time discussing my project with
me during its incipient stages. Dr. Leslie Sue Lieberman has been not
only my employer but my friend as well. I sometimes believe that she
rescued my sanity when the hours, at night became too long. Dr. Prudence
Rice is a demanding professor, a fact I can appreciate since it makes
one's accomplishments that much more satisfying. She has brought ceramic
technology to the Department and Museum, and I hope they both remain.
Dr. Jack Ewel, fondly remembered from my course in ecosystems, opened
new vistas and the other students in that class were such that I was
sorry to see the last field trip end. Dr. William Maples, Curator of
Social Sciences at the Florida State Museum, has always kept my interest
in human osteology and forensic science at a keen level. He has allowed
me several privileges at the Museum and his caustic remarks regarding
the ineptitude of archeologists have kept me amused; I have too much res
pect for him to suffer indignation so I have simply tried harder not
to be ignorant.
Mrs. Lydia Deakin, our principal secretary and over-worked trouble-
shooter, has gone out of her way to help me in many situations and has
proved to be a most benevolent conspirator. She has also taken a per- ,
sonal interest in my life and times, and my gratitude is best expressed
in saying that I cannot express it.
The members of my committee will always be special people, if only
because they comprise my committee. Dr. Michael Gannon has been very
interested in this project and provided me with information on what
historians expect to have as information. He also made (ne realize that
persons not familiar with Florida might even want to read this report.
iv

Dr. Cannon also bolstered my spirits by being the first to say that he
thought my work did make a contribution to Florida mission research.
Dr. Elizabeth Wing allowed me freedom in the Zooarcheo.togical
Laboratory of the Florida State Museum. I do not feel that I know her
well but the inferences are clear that she is a remarkable person. She
has always taken an interest in my work, considered my schemes and ideas,
has volunteered information, and stimulated my curiosity. One can expect
to work hard to please Dr. Wing, but it is extremely rewarding to do so.
I have very special feelings for Dr. Kathleen Deagan as she was the
first archeologist I ever worked with. Her field techniques are
meticulous, her intellect keen, and her personality marvelous. She has
been such a pleasure to be associated with. I known that anything I,
or others, have written will receive honest and thoughtful criticism
and consideration.
Dr. Jerald Milanich provided me with my first introduction to
Florida prehistory and I've been hooked ever since. He found money for
me to carry out the survey and assented to our living at the Florida
State Museum field camp during our summer season. Conversations with
him, especially the longer ones, are always thought-provoking and
stimulating. He is an excellent critic (a fact I usually appreciate
two or three days after the initial shock) and having him on my com
mittee has been invaluable.
Everytime one of Dr. Charles Fairbanks students graduates, there
is a real problem in trying to say something about him that has not al
ready been said. Like all others, I find myself in this quandry. As
my chairman, he has read completely each chapter as it issued from my
typewriter. His knowledge on a myriad of subjects is astounding (and
v

sometimes depressing). He takes personal and professional interest in
every student who comes to his office. For Dr. Fairbanks,, office hours
tend to be a mere formality and I sometimes think we, his students,
often take advantage of his generosity and patience. Of all the things
I have learned from him, the most important have been concerned with
professional ethics, responsibilty to one's colleagues, and how to be a
teacher. I am grateful to have known him and to have worked under his
guidance.
There are numerous peers who have enlightened my viewpoint and
added several dimensions to my personality. We are all cohorts who have
lived in a basement somewhere and I want to thank them for providing
entertainment and moral and intellectual support, not to mention know
ledge in areas where I am lacking. Robin Smith, Nicholas Honerkamp,
Theresa Singleton, Betsy Reitz, Nina Borremanns, Brenda Siglar-Lavelle,
Sue Mullins, Ann Cordell, Mimi Saffer, Virginia Hanson, Malinda
Stafford, Jere Moore, Gerry Evans, and Arlene Fradkin are only the most
important few that immediately come to mind. I would particularly like
to acknowledge Robin Smith as a person whose intellect and sensitivity
I admire and whose friendship I cherish.
Arlene Fradkin voluntarily analyzed the faunal material from the
summer season at Baptizing Spring. Betsy Reitz found, and took it
upon herself to analyze, faunal material from another mission site as
comparative data. Betsy has finished her dissertation a little ahead
of me and I have benefited by being able to compare "notes" on the
processes and frustrations involved. She is a veritable wealth of
information regarding faunal analysis and excells in numerous other
areas. I admire her greatly and I have been the one to profit from our
conversations.
vi

Brenda Siglar-Lavelle and I have had many conversations concerned
with our research, which overlap after a fashion, and just as many that
have had very little to do with the academic side of graduate life. I
usually come away impressed with my own ignorance and, luckily,
stimulated to do something about it. She is a very bright and gutsy
lady and deserves more recognition than I can possibly provide.
Two former doctoral students, who successfully completed their de
grees and have moved on to other "pastures," provided me their minds as
great reverberating sounding boards. Ray Crook, with whom I think I
was somewhat harsh concerning the relevance of archeology, gave me plat
ters of food for thought. Tim Kohler, a very special friend and con
fidante, is a man whose consideration, thoughtfulness, humor, generosity,
and intellectual brilliance I can never adequately acknowledge. He
helped me through some very hard times and rejoiced in my minor triumphs.
A distance of 4000 miles has not made him any less accessible, even
though I have gotten him out of bed on Sunday mornings to discuss corn
(Zea mays) over the telephone.
It ought to be obvious to anyone who is particularly fond of mul
ling over "acknowledgements" that there are an inordinate number of good
people and scholars all gathered in the same arena.
One's parents and family, if one is lucky, are supportive, generous,
kind, and interested. I am extremely fortunate in having parents who
have dragged me out of the basement lab for weekend excursions, who have
kept me provisioned with food (and sometimes money just when I needed it
most) throughout my graduate student existence, and most importantly,
have been interested in what I've been doing. Connie and Bob Loucks have
always been extremely proud of me, praising me beyond my blushing worth.
vii -

I would like to say that I have been extremely proud of them, for they
are industrious, caring people who excell in their own fields and in
terests. My brothers have worked industriously and without compensation
to keep my car in running order. We have never talked very much but
there is not always the need (and it is embarrassing) when siblings
become as close as we have grown. I think of them a great deal. I
also would like to say, with regard to my relatives still in Canada,
that I am just as pleased as punch that my graduation has been a topic
of conversation and pride among them. I am very glad to be one of the
clan, for an anthropologist and an archeologist can appreciate what it
means to have time depth in one's life.
In the face of all these acknowledgements, it is somewhat presump
tuous to assume final responsibility for this dissertation. No matter
what others have given, however, it has all come together (or flown
apart) within my own head. The final product is my own responsibility
and any deficiencies are of my own making. Writing a dissertation, or
any major work, is like painting a good picture: the result is usually
a surprise to the artist who feels that it must have been executed by
someone else^
viii

TABLE OF CONTENTS
ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS ii
LIST OF TABLES xi
!
LIST OF FIGURES ........... xiii
ABSTRACT xv
CHAPTER ONE: INTRODUCTION . 1
Acculturation ..... 2
Archeological Acculturation Studies .... 6
Specific Goals and Assumption of this Study 8
CHAPTER TWO: CONCEPTS OF ECONOMIC ANTHROPOLOGY
AND POLITICAL ORGANIZATION 12
Modes of Exchange 13
Exchange Spheres 15
Economics, Prestige, and Power 16
Economic Archeology 18
CHAPTER THREE: PROTOHISTORIC TIMUCUAN AND SPANISH
MISSION PERIOD ECONOMICS . 21
Modelling Timucuan Economics ....... 32
Peninsular Economic and Demographic
Conditions (1482-1700) .... 35
Spanish-Indian Interaction (1564-1650) 39
Priests, Soldiers, Civilians, and Indians: 1650-1675 . 50
1675 1704 57
Economic Interactions During the Mission Period 63
Hypotheses . 72
CHAPTER FOUR: ARCHEOLOGICAL CONTEXTS OF SPANISH-INDIAN
LIFE AT FLORIDA MISSIONS . 80
Mission Archeology (1948-1977) 80
Interpretations, Inferences, and Hypotheses
of Previous Research 91
The Utina 97
Baptizing Spring 100
CHAPTER FIVE: STRUCTURAL REMAINS AND MATERIAL
CULTURE AT BAPTIZING SPRING 127
Structures at Baptizing Spring ... 129
Lithic Artifacts 150
Spanish Artifacts 167
ix

Indian Manufactured Ceramics 185
Faunal Remains . 221
Floral Remains 233
CHAPTER SIX: ARCHEOLOGICAL INDICATORS OF SOCIAL
AND ECONOMIC RELATIONSHIPS .. 237
Ceramic Diversity 238
Similarity and Correlations 251
Distribution of Non-ceramic Prestige Goods ..... 267
Weapons and Subsistence ..... 268
Artifact and Structure Associations 281
Sites Adjacent to Baptizing Spring 288
Comparison of Mission Period Sites 293
CHAPTER SEVEN: CONCLUSIONS: SPANISH-INDIAN
INTERACTION 317
APPENDICES
A. EXCAVATION DATA AND DETAILED
FEATURE DESCRIPTIONS ... .329
B. COMPLETE RAW DATA FOR LITHIC.ARTIFACTS 337
C. ANALYSIS, OF CORNCOBS FROM THE BAPTIZING SPRING
SITE, FLORIDA . 340
BIBLIOGRAPHY 350
BIOGRAPHICAL SKETCH 365

LIST OF TABLES
Table 1. Gifts and Trade Goods Exchanged between
Indians and Europeans 43
Table 2. Flora Local to Baptizing Spring Vicinity 106
Table 3. Worked Lithic Tools 158
Table 4. Utilized Lithic Tools 163
Table 5. Debitage by Form Group 166
Table 6. Non-ceramic Spanish Artifacts ... 168
Table 7. General Distribution of Identifiable
Spanish Ceramics 175
Table 8. South's Mean Ceramic Date Formula 183
Table 9. Raw and Relative Frequencies of Aboriginal Ceramics 186
Table 10. Summary of Lip and Rim Forms for Selected Ceramics 210
Table 11. Species and Classes Represented in Structures A
and B, Aggregated Spanish Area (A+B), and the
Village: Number and % by Fragments 224
Table 12. Class Percentage by MNI of Fauna 226
Table 13. Summary Descriptive Statistics from 1979 (Kohler,
Appendix C) Analysis of Carbonized Corncobs 235
Table 14. Aboriginal Ceramic Categories Used in Calculation of
Shannon-Weaver Diversity Index 248
Table 15. Aboriginal Ceramic Diversity 250
Table 16. Weighted Ceramic Group/Type -Counts 257
Table 17. ANOVA Table for One-way Analysis of Variance between
Spanish and Indian Structures ..... 260
Table 18. F Values of One-way Analysis of Variance between
Structure Pair A-C and Pair A-D by Ceramic Type/Group 262
Table 19. ANOVA Table for One-way Analysis of Variance between
Structure C and Structure D 263
xi

Table 20. White-tailed Deer (Odocoileus virginianus)
Element Distribution 271
Table 21. Faunal Species and Elements from Spanish Structures
(White-tailed Deer excluded) and Village 273
Table 22. Worked and Utilized Lithic Artifacts from
Structures C and D 285
Table 23. Identifiable Aboriginal Ceramics Collected from the
Surface of Sites Adjacent to Baptizing Spring . 290
Table 24. Distribution of Spanish (or European) Ceramics
versus Aboriginal Ceramics at Three Mission Period
Sites 295
Table 25. Classified Majolica Types and Diversity for Nine
Florida Mission or Visita Sites 297
Table 26. Aboriginal Ceramics from Eight Florida Mission
Period Sites: Aggregated by Design 301
Table 27. Cultures Represented by Identifiable Aboriginal
Ceramics at the Eight Florida Mission Period Sites 303
Table 28. Non-ceramic Spanish Artifacts Compared between
Spanish Mission Period Sites in Florida ...... 307
Table 29. Floral and Faunal Remains Preserved at the
Different Mission Sites Reported in Florida .... 312
xii

LIST OF FIGURES
Figure 1. General Geomorphological Areas of Florida and
Location of Certain Eastern and Western Timucuan
Tribes and the Apalache 22
. 1 .
Figure 2. Hypothetical Flow Chart of Prehistoric/Protohistoric
Timucuan Economic System .36
Figure 3. Location of Selected Excavated Mission Period Sites 82
Figure 4. Contour Map of Vicinity Around Baptizing Spring . 101
Figure 5. Sites Adjacent to Baptizing Spring 110
Figure 6. Baptizing Spring Site Plan 120
Figure 7. 1978 Excavations and Location of Transit Stations
and Bench Marks 123
Figure 8. Excavation and Floor Plan of Structure B 131
Figure 9. Excavation and Floor Plan of Structure A ..... 136
Figure 10. Excavation and Floor Plan of Structure D 141
Figure 11. Excavation and Floor Plan of Structure C 144
Figure 12. Clay-lined Feature . 147
Figure 13. Profile of Clay-lined Feature 147
Figure 14. Cultural Features in Central Portion of Trench if l 148
Figure 15. Simplified Examples of Use Wear .... 152
Figure 16. Generalized Lithic Artifact Forms .... 155
Figure 17. Coral Core Gouging Tool 165
Figure 18. Copper and Glass Ornaments ... 171
Figure 19. Religious Medallion Found in Structure C 173
Figure 20. Ichtucknee Blue on White Plate . 177
Figure 21. Santo Domingo Blue on White Handled Bowl 179
xiii

Figure 22. Lip Profiles 191
Figure 23. Surface-Scraped and Impressed Ceramics 194
Figure 24. Loop Cross Motif Complicated Stamped Ceramics ... 196
Figure 25. Solid Cross Motif Complicated Stamped Ceramics . 197
Figure 26. Rectilinear Complicated Stamped Design Motifs . 198
Figure 27. Curvilinear Complicated Stamped Design Motifs . 201
Figure 28. Curvilinear Complicated Stamped Design Motif
and Cross-Incised Sherd 203
Figure 29. Identifiable Paddle Variations: Groups of More
than One Sherd Each for Cross Motif Complicated
Stamped 207
Figure 30. Jefferson Ware Pinched Rims 212
Figure 31. Miller Plain Bowl fromStructure A . 217
Figure 32. Colono-Indian Ceramic Forms 219
Figure 33. Colono-Indian Ceramic Sherds: Basal Profiles . . 220
Figure 34. Partial Pig (Sus scrofa) Carcass .......... 229
Figure 35. Bone Counters or Gaming Pieces . 232
xiv

Abstract of Dissertation Presented to the Graduate Council
of the University of Florida in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements
for the Degree of Doctor of Philosophy
POLITICAL AND ECONOMIC INTERACTIONS BETWEEN SPANIARDS AND INDIANS:
ARCHEOLOGICAL AND ETHNOHISTORICAL PERSPECTIVES
OF THE MISSION SYSTEM IN FLORIDA
By.
Lana Jill Loucks
June 1979
Chairman: Charles H. Fairbanks
Major Department: Anthropology
There has been no published archeological research which has inves
tigated both Spanish and Indian sectors of mission villages in Florida.
It has either been impossible to distinguish these areas or the reports
of such possible investigations have been very preliminary. This study
was designed specifically to examine acculturation processes and Spanish-
Indian interaction during the mission period in northern Florida (ca.
1606-1704). Concepts from economic anthropology and organizational
theory were employed in examining ethnohistoric data in order to for
mulate a model of political and economic change in Timucuan society.
Hypotheses relevant to archeological investigation were generated on the
basis of this model.
Prior to Spanish arrival, the Timucuan politico-economic system
appears to have been based largely on balanced, reciprocal transactions
and share-out and mobilization forms of redistribution. Early Spanish-
Indian interactions seem to have conformed to this system but, as time
XV

progressed, interactions became increasingly unbalanced. Owing to
dramatic demographic disruptions and the decreasing ability of Spaniards
to meet native economic and behavioral expectations, the mission system
declined rapidly. Ultimate collapse of the Florida mission system was
probably due more to internal factors than to external ones.
Archeological research at Baptizing Spring, a Utina mission site
in Suwannee County, Florida, was carried out to investigate hypotheses
relating to Spanish endorsement and perpetuation of native politico-
economic roles. This site may have been the early 17th century mission
of San Augustin de Urica (ca. 1610-1656?).
Patterns of Spanish and aboriginal artifact distribution between
two aboriginal and two Spanish structures suggest that Indians obtained
primarily ornamental items from Spaniards. European-origin and
aboriginal prestige goods, hypothetically identified in the model and
through previous research, were found to cluster in one of the Indian
dwelling areas. This suggests that native prestige goods maintained
their symbolic significance and that European goods of similar types
provided Spanish reinforcement of aboriginal roles and status. In ad
dition, it was found that Indians had access to introduced domesticates
but that these may have been restricted to high-status individuals. Ar
tifact assemblages differed significantly between Indian-Indian and
Indian-Spanish structural areas suggesting that Spaniards had restricted
access to certain food resources, non-local, and locally manufactured
goods. Data also suggest that demographic upheaval and population shifts
may be represented in the archeological record.
The Baptizing Spring site was compared to other excavated mission
period sites in Florida. On the basis of these comparative data, it
xv i

appears that this mission site did not enjoy the relatively greater
wealth of larger, more important missions in Apalache and coastal
Northeast Florida. Necessary information is not available from these
other mission period sites to substantiate or reject the hypothesis
that introduced technological items were dispersed among Indians rather
than restricted to Spanish or Spanish-supervised usage at haciendas,
ranches, and missions. Such items were not found among artifacts at
Baptizing Spring where basically traditional technological, subsistence,
and social patterns appear to have been retained. The only evidence of
the presence of European weapons firearms was recovered from the
postulated high-status Indian dwelling.
xvii

CHAPTER ONE
INTRODUCTION
Research concerned with Spanish-Indian interaction in Florida has
suffered from a lack of clearly stated theoretical basis. The study of
acculturation is usually mentioned as a working objective but by itself
acculturation is little more than a general terra which describes a par
ticular kind of culture change. It is the processes, the means by which

change is initiated and reactions to these means, that dictate the direc
tion of culture change. There is little doubt that a concerted program
of directed change brought native'Floridians into the Spanish colonial
system. The degree to which Indians were acculturated, however, has
been argued and the actual kinds of interactions which took place have
not been examined in detail.
A Spanish mission site was discovered in Suwannee County, Florida,
in 1976 following clearing and bedding activities for pine planting by
Owens-Illinois, Inc.. Considerable exposure of the site left it open to
local collectors,who are extremely active in this area,and to erosion.
Hasty excavation of the two presumed Spanish building areas was performed
by Dr. Jerald T. Milanich of the Florida State Museum. In the ensuing
two year period, fairly limited documentary research was undertaken with
the intent of continuing excavation at the site. In 1977, a survey of
the surrounding area (Loucks 1978a) revealed six sites within 500 m of
the mission. These sites were partially surface collected using various
sampling techniques as it was hoped that they could be temporally and
functionally linked with the mission site.
1

2
Dr. Charles 11. Fairbanks of the Department of Anthropology,
University of Florida, applied for and received a grant from the National
Endowment for the Humanities. Further excavation in the aboriginal sec
tor of the mission village was planned in order to examine the lifeways
at a Spanish-Utina mission and the material correlates of acculturation.
The aims in the proposal were to construct a general picture of the
shared influences on material culture of both Spaniards and Indians and
to examine the processes by which acculturation was accomplished.
Excavations in both Spanish and Indian living areas had never been car
ried out at a single mission site in Florida, therefore no statements
could be made concerning the functioning of a mission as a whole unit.
This dissertation focuses on the Baptizing Spring site (8 Su 65) as
the testing ground for certain hypotheses concerning interactions between
Spaniards and Indians. The theoretical orientation derives largely from
anthropological economics and its related fields of interaction, social
exchange, and organizational theory.
Acculturation
Conceptually, acculturation entails both processes and results of
contact between cultures. In practice, it is difficult to study because
to do so requires an holistic approach. This is especially true when
formulating models to implement directed culture change.
Acculturation studies have been associated primarily with British
and American functionalism (Plog 1977:26). American interest was
sparked by the growing conviction that diffusion did not fully explain
sociocultural change. In England, the problem was enhanced through an
awareness of forced cultural changes in colonization efforts. In 1936

3
the American Anthropological Association held formal discussions
regarding the subject's suitability for anthropological investigation.
Agreement on central issues was necessitated by involvement of
anthropologists in American Indian administrative problems. Later,
World War II provided impetus to acculturation awareness as forced cul
ture contacts occurred and post-war issues of decolonization had to be
faced (Bee 1974:94, 95).
In view of the contemporary concern with applied anthropology at
most research institutions, it is difficult to realize that it was
necessary to formally recognize contact culture change as an appropriate
topic for anthropological attention. Acculturation studies have figured
in sociocultural research for at least forty years; in anthropology
these studies have been primarily ethnohistorical and ethnological in
nature. Such works include Bohannan and Plog's (1967) Beyond the
Frontier, Everett Rogers' (1969) Modernization Among Peasants, and the
well-known volumes by Linton (1940), Foster (1960), and Spicer (1961)
which spurred and provided concepts for acculturation study.
Many studies have concentrated on the pressing problems brought
about by economic development: Nash's Machine Age Maya (1958) and
Salisbury's (1962) study of technological change in New Guinea are two
such examples. Impacts of political and economic change and the in
troduction of new technologies, health care and education programs,
changed food crops and material goods have all been studied either before
or after the fact. Directed change, both at home and abroad, is a
major governmental preoccupation.
R.L. Bee (1974:98-106) has summarized four distinct facets of accul
turation studies: cultural systems, contact situation, conjunctive

4
relations, and acculturation processes, Each culture system participating
in contact situations exists as a separate, independent entity prior to
contact. Within these systems, certain properties act to maintain
independence. Physical or "subtle" boundary-maintaining mechanisms
exist, internal structure is flexible within a culturally prescribed
range, and self-correcting mechanisms affect the ways in which forces of
conflict are balanced by forces of cohesion.
The contact situation, as defined by Bee (1974:102), involves
ecological and demographic parameters which influence the outcome of
acculturation. Technological capabilities and environmental limitations
of the recipient group are major features that determine which tech
nologies and goods will be accepted. ,If new techniques and practices
are not adopted, the explanation may be that the cost of doing so is too
great, rather than that the recipient's behavior is too conservative
(Schneider 1974:192). Demographic variables concern the number of
people or groups involved in the interaction, their ages, and their sex.
In some contact situations, interaction is limited to males in a certain
age group (e.g. fur traders). In other situations, primary interactions
may be between males of the superordinate group and females of the subor
dinate group. Such was the case in St. Augustine where Spanish men,
largely soldiers, married Indian women (Deagan 1974).
Bee's "conjunctive relations" (1974:102-103) are composed of two as
pects: (1) structural limitations and (2) "filtering" of information.
Theformer refers to the limitations placed on interactions by the con
text of the interaction, be it religious, economic, militaristic, or a
combination of these. Viewing contact in this manner enables the
definition of paired relationships such as "buyer-seller" and "missionary

5
convert." The recognition of these paired relationships facilitates
the study of acculturation using a transactional orientation which can
simplify model formation.
The second aspect is similar to features in Foster's description
of conquest culture situations. Only a small part of the totality of
traits and complexes that comprise the donor (superordinate) culture
are introduced. These are further diminished in the geographical
region of the recipient (subordinate) culture (Foster 19.60:227).
Priests, for instance, participated in a limited part of Spanish culture.
Regular order priests acted within monastic spheres entirely different
from the public sphere of the secular priests. Each group had their dif
ferent tasks and roles defined by the Church. In Florida, as in other
parts of New Spain, military and secular officials added a further dimen
sion of Spanish culture which was restricted to males of differing ethnic
and economic backgrounds. The recipient culture also may present only a
partial rendering of the total system. Certain activities may be hidden
from outsiders or only superficially represented.
The final facet of acculturation studies involves the processes
themselves, several of which have been subsumed under the general
categories of diffusion, evaluation, and integration (Bee 1974:104).
Different responses of populations to contact situations are seen in
terms of a typology of processes or outcomes: cultural creativity,
cultural disintegration, reactive adaptation, progressive adjustment
(fusion and assimilation), and stabalized pluralism (Plog 1977:29).
Spanish colonization was a directed contact encounter: "societies
[were] interlocked in such a way that participants in one culture
[were] subject not only to sanctions in their own system but also to

6
those operative in the other system" (Spicer 1961:520). Directed con
tact is characterized by effective control of some type and degree by
members of one society over members of the other with certain behavioral
changes sought by the superordinate group. Changes which occur, however,
are determined by both cultural systems (Spicer 1961:520).
Archeological Acculturation Studies
Plog (1974:8) has argued that the area in which archeologists are
best able to employ their talents is the study of change. Basically,
four paradigms have dominated this field: evolutionism, cultural
ecology, behavioralism, and acculturation (Plog 1977:25). In prehistoric
archeology, culture contact studies have been approached through the
effects of trade and conquest/population movements. It has been dif
ficult, however, to distinguish changes brought about by different kinds
of contact. A particularly appropriate example concerns the appearance
of complicated stamped ceramics that reflect Georgia design motifs and
styles in northern Florida during the late prehistoric/protohistoric
period. It is not known whether the appearance of these ceramics is
related to diffusion of techniques, trade, or actual population mixing
(Milanich 1978:75).
The study of acculturation processes can be carried out at sites of
known contact situations but such studies have been relatively few. Con
sidering the rich colonial history of the United States, this gap in
archeological research is somewhat surprising. One can guess, however,
that there is some feeling that contact sites are less exotic than
prehistoric sites and more bothersome than strictly colonial European
or American sites. Particularly because archeologists attempt to

understand cultural process from the examination of material objects,
the Europenn-Indian sites would seem to provide excellent opportunities
for the study of culture change. These sites hold the physical results
of two or more very different cultures coming in contact and coexisting
for a usually discoverable period of time. The introduction of goods
can be related to their function and the contact situation (e.g. French
fur traders who had sporadic contact with Indians and were not interes
ted in precipitating specific social changes versus Spanish missionaries
who had very definite plans for changing Indian life). Thus, hypotheses
concerning their impact and the cultural processes which accompanied
introduction and acceptance can be made. Supplied with a substantial
historical and anthropological background, these hypotheses can be for
mulated prior to field research and tested.
Perhaps contact sites have received less attention than fully
prehistoric sites because historic archeology is of relatively recent
interest. Many historical archeologists have yet to agree on, or
realize, what it is that they should or could be doing (Moran 1979).
There is also a theoretical dichotomy between those who think historic
archeology should be historical versus those who feel it should be an
thropological. A recent symposium on acculturation studies held at the
1979 Society for Historical Archaeology Conference revealed that, with
few exceptions, these archeologists are still describing material cul
ture, reading documents and probate inventories, and making little or
no attempt to view their findings in anthropological terms or to offer
processual interpretations. Exceptions included Keeler's (1979) attempt
to apply systems theory to changes among the Chinook Indians (although
he wasn't exactly sure how to go about it nor what to do with his data),

R
Baker's (1979) study of Colono-lndian pottery and Catawba culture
change, and Brown's (1979) study of Frencli and Indian interaction in the
Lower Mississippi valley. One of the few historical archeological works
which has proposed and tested hypotheses of acculturation processes is
that by Deagan (1974) wherein she examined the role of Indian women,
married to Spaniards, as the primary agents and affectors of both Indian
and Spanish material culture change.
Specific Goals and Assumptions of this Study
It is invalid to assume that two transacting groups reach an
agreement on the basis of identical understandings, values, and expec
tations (Salisbury 1976:42): . common membership in a single moral
community can be seen as providing the sanctions that prevent the terms
[of a transaction or interaction] from becoming too disadvantageous for
the less powerful" (Salisbury 1976:44). The major assumption of this
study is that two groups with different cultural and value systems have
differing expectations of interaction behavior. In situations marked
by disparity of power and cultural complexity, the donor group changes
its behavior in some degree but the major changes occur in the recipient
group's behavior (Foster 1960:7). If, however, cultural complexity and
power are not greatly disparate one might expect less behavioral change
and greater conflict as both groups act to maintain their own systems.
Conflict will arise when either side refuses to yield over a situation
where values and behavioral expectations clash. Some changes will be
superficial if practices and beliefs of both groups are similar. A
relevant example is the substitution of Catholic saints and religious
figures for aboriginal ones in Mesoamerica. On the surface, Catholicism
replaced native religion yet Amerindian statuary, beliefs, and behavior

9
remained, for the most part, unchanged. If negative reinforcement
is a factor, the behavior in question may simply "go underground" and
appear to have been removed as in the case of kiva ceremonialism among
the Rio Grande Pueblo (Dozier 1961:95). The working hypothesis of
this study is that Spanish and Indian behavior and expectations of
behavior on the part of each group did not change and that this lack of
change created conflict and contributed strongly to the internal col
lapse of the mission system in Florida.
It was earlier stated that the study of acculturation requires an
holistic approach. Archeological and historical information, however,
present only a fragmentary picture of past cultures and it is usually
impossible to perceive every aspect of a cultural system. Since
economics ties together political, religious, economic, and social or
ganization, an anthropological economic approach was adopted. Another
factor which dictated this approach is the obvious truism that artifacts
and their distribution are the physical results of economic activity:
production, transaction, distribution, and consumption. Viewing contact
situations in terms of paired relationships (see above) also involves
economic theory which deals specifically with interpersonal and inter
group relationships.
The following chapter develops the theoretical basis derived from
economic anthropology and organization theory for the hypotheses.
Chapter Three presents ethnohistoric data on the Timucua during the early
contact period and throughout the mission period. Economic and political
conditions in Spain are briefly discussed and models of pre-contact
Timucuan economic systems and mission period interactions are proposed.

10
Changes, or lack thereof, In interactional behavior and expectations
throughout the Franciscan residency at the Florida mission (1573-1704)
are discussed. Finally, hypotheses formulated from the documentary
evidence and theoretical data are presented at the end of this chapter.
Chapter Four reviews mission period archeology in Florida and offers
a discussion of inferences and conclusions reached by previous inves
tigators. Information known about the Utina Indians is presented and the
Baptizing Spring site is very tentatively identified as a documented
mission of the first half of the 17th century. In addition, an overview
of the 1977 survey near Baptizing Spring and excavation data from the
1976 and 1978 field seasons are discussed.
Chapters Five and Six detail structural and artifactual data (ex
cluding material from surface collection at Baptizing Spring) from the
mission site and survey sites. The mission data are described in Chapter
Five and interpreted in light of the hypotheses in Chapter Six. Also in
this latter chapter, the survey sites and other mission period sites are
compared to Baptizing Spring. Chapter Seven presents a brief summary of
the goals, hypotheses, and tested outcomes of the research project. A
description of Spanish-Indian interaction as perceived archeologically at
mission sites, especially at Baptizing Spring, is presented.
The ethnohistorical analysis presented in Chapter Three is an in
tegral part of this thesis since it established the research framework
employed in the study. Only selected aspects, however, are testable in
an archeological situation. Through documentary analysis it was found
that (1) economic and political controls were major cohesive factors of
the Florida mission system, and (2) the mission system in Florida col
lapsed largely because of internal dissension brought about by the

failure of Spanish agents to meet Indian expectations of "proper"
behavior and their economic demands, not because of external forces in
the form of Yamassee and Carolinian raiders. The archeological thrust
of this research, also based on documentary evidence, was that Indians
and Spaniards attempted to maintain traditional political subsystems
by differentiating access rights to European goods.

CHAPTER TWO
CONCEPTS OF ECONOMIC ANTHROPOLOGY AND POLITICAL ORGANIZATION
A material transaction is usually a momentary episode in
a continuous social relation. The relation exerts gover
nance: the flow of goods is constrained by, is part of,
a status etiquette (Sahlins 1965:139).
The above statement embraces the essence of economic anthropology:
the study of exchange embedded in the study of social relationships
between groups or individuals. Herein lies the primary difference
between economists and anthropologists. The former deal largely with
material goods and services measurable entities while recognizing
the importance of unmeasurable social "preferences." The latter em
phasize the intangible social aspects of exchange. As stated by Firth
(1970:4), the material dimension of an economy is a basic feature but
the significance of an economy'lies in the transactions of which it is
composed and in the type of relationships which these transactions
create, express, sustain, and modify. Although many economists working
in anthropology downplay "social invisibles" (Pryor 1977:95) such as
love, prestige, and status, many anthropologists working in economics
agree that these intangibles are just as important as quantifiable
commodities.
A recent development along these lines is the appearance of what
has been dubbed "transactional" or "social exchange" theory. Social
exchange theorists include human animate values along with inanimate
and animate non-human objects in their analyses (Schneider 1974:20).
12

13
Social exchange describes a transaction of material or social value
in return for obligations expressive of subordination (subservience,
deference, clientship, or respect) or alliance manifested by expressions
of respect and friendliness if the social exchanges off-set each other
(Schneider 1974:148). The outcome, then, is determined by the value of
the material or social element exchanged.
Some of the distance between economists and anthropologists can be
lessened if the distinction between material and social is replaced by
the more general idea of "property" where property is defined as rights
in things rather than things themselves. If this is done, economics
would be definable as the study of allocation of property (Schneider
1974:148, 152). Economics, however, is more than allocation. It also
entails management, production, distribution, and consumption of
resources. Social resources, in terms of access to goods and services
(Wilmsen 1972:2) as well as relationships, are just as critical as
natural resources.
Modes of Exchange
Since Sahlins (1972) defined and popularized the three states of
reciprocal interaction, the terms and their descriptive foundations
have been argued and reworded ad nauseum. It is probably true that no
major theoretical strides have resulted and that reciprocity is basically
conceived of in the same light as previously. True to his economic
background, Pryor defines reciprocity as exchange in which the forces
of supply and demand are masked (as opposed to market exchange where
these forces are overt). He precludes possible balancing with "social
invisibles" and limits reciprocal interactions to situations including
counterflows of goods and services of more or less equal value (Pryor

14
1974:186). Sahlins invited argument primarily by describing a
"negative" reciprocal transaction since in doing so he contradicted the
very meaning of reciprocity: flow and counterflow. His selection of
the term negative, however, pertained'to the social context and function
of a particular type of transaction, "the attempt to get something for
nothing with impunity" (Sahlins 1972:195). Examples of such behavior
include theft, gambling, stealing, and bargaining. Schneider (1974:154)
attempted to describe negative reciprocity in more lucid terms as ex
changes which lack governing norms. Even this is incorrect, however,
as there are socially prescribed situations in which negative reciproc
ity is acceptable or unacceptable. In this study the concept of negative
reciprocity will be preserved intact, recognizing the terminological
ambiguity but accepting it as a concept with which most anthropologists,
even opponents, are familiar.
Generalized reciprocity is subject to norms which dictate sharing
of wealth and resources without resort to rational calculation of value
or gain (Schneider 1974:154). The unmodified form would describe "free
gift giving" and other variants include generosity, hospitality, and
helpfulness, in which there is neither immediate nor future expectation
of return (Sahlins 1972:193). Return to the giver, however, consists
of the social theorists' manifestations of subservience, indebtedness,
or alliance.
The "true" mode of reciprocity, balanced transactions, is simply
exchange with its implied characteristic of counterflow of goods and
services from one party to another (Pryor 1977:27). Balancing con
notes exchange of equally valued elements but it must be remembered
that "balance" depends on the range of socially accepted exchange ratios.

15
Cultural norms serve to ensure peaceful and honorable behavior in trans
actions (Schneider 1974:154). Balanced reciprocity is also subject to
value and time limits which may terminate further interaction pos
sibilities (simultaneous exchange of the same type of goods) or may
guarantee future exchange time-lapse between counterflows of unequally
valued goods (Sahlins 1972:194-195). -Some economic anthropologists
feel it is preferable to view "balanced reciprocity" as successive
transactions (Salisbury 1976:48).
Exchange Spheres
Exchange or transactional spheres are composed of differing material
items and/or services and may be further distinguished by differing modes
of exchange. Each sphere is distinct from each other sphere by virtue
of the goods or services it encompasses and the exchange modes operative
within it. Cultural classification of material items into subsistence
and prestige categories usually indicates the presence of at least two
different spheres (Bohannan and Dalton 1965:5-6). Prestige sphere is a
phrase covering a multitude of individual and group transactions,
ceremonies, and goods which are "honorific" because they symbolize
position, status, rank, reputation, and power (Dalton 1971a:14). Items
in a prestige sphere are segregated from transactions concerning ordinary
goods such as those within a subsistence sphere (e.g. foodstuffs) except
in emergencies such as famine when valuables may be sold to outsiders
(Dalton 1971a:15). In the latter case, prestige goods may become
"devalued" as other necessary goods suffer crucial scarcity.
The significant characteristic of exchange spheres is that, under
usual circumstances, only goods within the same sphere are exchanged. It

16
seems to be universal that various spheres are hierarchically ranked
on the basis of moral evaluation. Institutionalized situations exist
in which spheres are "over-ridden, situations in which items are 'con
verted' from one sphere to another." Conversions are regarded as morally
good or bad, converting "up" or "down," rather than as skillful or un
skillful (Bohannan and Dalton 1965:8).
Economics, Prestige, and Power
Probably the most important "social invisible," and the one which
Pryor believes he has shown to have inadequate causative power in deter
mining economic activity, is prestige. The position of individuals in
power is established, continued, and constantly reinforced by prestige
that derives from elaborate display and consumption of economically
valuable goods (Herskovits 1965:462). This belief embodies the economic
act of conspicuous consumption yet Herskovits emphasizes intrinsic value
rather than social value, and the two are not always synonomous. Dalton
(1971a:14) maintains that prestige goods are "intensely social because
they rearrange [emphasis mine] one's position in society, one's rights
and obligations." This is tantamount to saying that it is goods which
decide status and role rather than one's access to prestige goods which
validates rank and prestige (Schneider 1974:147). Recognizing patterns
indicative of differential access to and distribution of goods is a
common goal of archeologists studying ranked societies. Although in
heritance patterns may accord individuals rights to certain goods, it
is these rights which validate position and the goods themselves function
as symbols of these rights of access. The right of acquisition determines
the nature of the result, not the acquisition or ownership per se.

17
Two types of politico-economic interactions need to be discussed
but it is first necessary to distinguish between power and authority.
Power entails the ability to forcefully control or influence a second
party and this power resides in control of valued items (Emerson in
Hall 1972:205). Power relations arise out of both positively and
negatively balanced exchanges and also out of unbalanced transactions
and open conflict (Whyte 1971:172). Authority, on the other hand,
lacks force: directives or orders are followed because of the belief
that they ought to be followed (Hall 1972:207). Authority, then, is
positively reinforced by society while power is negatively reinforced
by the governing group or individual. Prestige goods validating power
and authority may be different: goods exacted through tribute payments
on fear of punishment for failure to render symbolize power whereas
other prestige goods accorded on the basis of respect, rank, or in- !
heritance rights reinforce authority.
The effective establishment of authority obviates a need for overt
sanction in daily activities since authority is sustained by creating
social obligations. If a superior commands voluntary obedience from
subordinates he need not induce them to obey by promising rewards or
threatening punishment. "Use of sanctions undermines authority" (Blau
1971:160,161). Authority involves the exercise of social control which
rests on willing compliance of subordinates with certain directives of
superiors (Blau 1971:158). The linkage between authoritarian control
and economic activities is succinctly provided by Mary Douglas' concept
of licensing in which authority serves to protect vulnerable areas of
an economy. Political-economic "license," although often tacit (i.e.
unsanctioned), creates monopoly advantages for those who receive the

18
benefits of it, both superiors and subordinates (Douglas 1970:131).
In her words, "both parties become bound in a patron-client relation
sustained by the strong interests of each in the continuance of the
system'."
Economic Archeology
Previous archeological and prehistoric economic studies have dealt
primarily with ecological and geographical models of interaction. The
European "school," in general, includes (1) the development of agricul
ture, (2) settlement pattern and land use at different periods,
(3) seasonality, and (4) trade and its motivation among current themes
in archeology (Sieveking 1977:xv). Social exchange models used are
those derived from geographical theory: central place, locational, and
network analyses (Sieveking 1977:xxi). Higgs' edited volume Paleoeconomy
(1975) equates economy with resource exploitation and, although topics
include ethology and human exploitation behavior, the articles concen
trate on environmental description and exploitation, site catchment, sub
sistence, settlement patterning, and territorial and ethological analysis
of animal resources.
North American and Mesoamerican interests in prehistoric economics
also have concentrated on trade networks and resource utilization. The
sophistication of analytical techniques such as neutron activation and
petrographic analysis have enabled delineation of interregional trade
networks but the inability or unwillingness to hypothesize and test
behavioral elements of exchange from presence and distribution of ar
tifacts has resulted in the exclusion of a basic feature of any economic
system. Granted, it is often difficult if not impossible to extract
human behavior from material remains, but this is the proposed goal of

19
numerous archeologists. It is no longer valid to offer excuses on
the basis of lack of models when such studies as Salisbury's (1962)
on technological change in New Guinea, Barth's (1970) "Economic
Spheres in Darfur," Bohannan's work on the Tiv (1955), and Dalton's
numerous studies of market systems, to mention a very few, provide
several case studies of economic processes and concepts illustrated by
changes and patterns in material culture. This is particularly true
when ethnohistoric data are available on which to build hypotheses con
cerning economic systems.
It is pointless to list and discuss the numerous archeological
endeavors in describing and modelling economic interactions. A brif
glance through American Antiquity, archeological textbooks, and other
sources reveals that much of the work done has been concerned with trade.
Perhaps the advocation of regional studies and the increasing number of
surveys have been influencing factors. Rarely, however, is one able to
find articles which deal with actual social and behavioral attributes
of economic interaction. Exceptions include a considerable amount of
iwork done on the significance of the distribution of prestige goods.
Peebles (1974) was able to define several status groups on the basis of
differential distribution of elite goods associated with burials and
on the basis of burial placement in ceremonial center mounds, smaller
mounds in villages, and beneath house floors. Settlement patterns and
features have also been used to define periods of conquest and expansion
and to infer levels of economic development (Sears 1968:147). In the
southeastern United States, William Sears used attributes of artifacts,
particularly ceramics, to propose presence of craft specialization which
reflected wealth and organization within societies (Sears 1961:22) and

20
status hierarchies reflected in "sacred and secular" dichotomization
(Sears 1973). Recently, Kohler (1978) used changing patterns of trade/
elite and utilitarian ceramic distribution to delineate different
status-associated living areas within a Weeden Island period ceremonial
center village. In historical archeology, Otto (1975) measured ceramic
type and vessel form diversity, as well as differences in house plan
and diet, to show correlations between status and access to goods.

Social and economic implications of differential interaction are
not usually studied; rather, they are taken as given. A study by DeGarmo
(1977:157), however, concentrated on discovering social groupings as
defined by archeological measures of variability in behavior. He used
distribution of certain artifacts to delineate production and dis
tribution groups within a single settlement and to identify three inter
pretive "possibilities" relative to manufacture and consumption of goods.
Even going this far, the behavioral correlates and social significance
were not discussed.
In Chapter Three it will be seen how ethnohistoric data can be used
to place past cultural economic systems into anthropological perspective
and how models of economic behavior and culture change can be con
structed. The nature of the sites under study and the existence of his
torical records facilitates the kind of analysis advocated above and it
is recognized that this approach is not always possible. Given more
interest in social exchange theory by historical ^archeologists, it may
someday be possible to apply formulated models to prehistoric sites.

CHAPTER THREE
PROTOHISTORIC TIMUCUAN AND SPANISH MISSION PERIOD ECONOMICS
Many subgroups composed the larger Timucua group. The Saturiwa
and Agua Dulce were included among the Eastern Timucua and the Yustega,
Utina, Potano, and Ocale comprised the Western Timucua. Primary dif
ferences between the various tribes appear to have derived from environ
mental situation. Eastern Timucua occupied lower, marshier, and
geologically younger (less fertile) soils than did their inland counter
parts. The coastal saltmarsh (especially along the northeastern Florida
coast) and estuarine habitats, however, were fertile beyond any natural
soil configuration in Florida. Western Timucua inhabited more fertile
soil districts in the Central Highland region, a strip which corresponds
roughly with the 100 foot contour (Figure 1).
North Florida aboriginal political organization was a chiefdom (as
defined by Service 1975:80) characterized by hereditary inequality,
primogeniture, permanent leadership, and hierarchical authority. Chief-
doms have been identified as redistributive societies (Service 1962:144).
A patron-client relationship is well-established between superordinates
and subordinates and the former concentrate power independent of that
allocated by the general populace (Adams 1975:228). The concept of
redistribution can be described in terms of centric, or focused, trans
fers (unbalanced) characterized by the high degree to which they radiate
to or from a single individual or single community-wide institution.
This community-wide focal point is the distinguishing feature of centric
21

22
Figure 1. General Geomorphological Areas of Florida and Location of
Certain Eastern and Western Timucuan Tribes and the Apalache.

23
transfers which can be one-way or two-way. Centric transfers are
usually regressive in that goods and services flow from the poorer to
the richer (Pryor 1977:34, 250, 280, 286). Recently, the concept of
redistribution has been separated into four organizational forms col
lectively viewed in the past as "redistribution." Briefly, these are:
1. levelling mechanisms institutionalized behavior that
counteracts the concentration of
wealth by individuals or groups
(e.g. ceremonial obligations,
potlaching); these mechanisms
have no single formal structure
but are distributive in their
effects
- pooling and general consumption
of goods produced under division
of labor characteristic of a
domestic unit
- allocation of goods produced by
cooperative labor to participants
and owners of the factors of
production
- recruitment of goods and services
for the benefit of a group not
coterminus with the contributing
members (Earle 1977:215)
To "share-out" can be added the allocation of goods to an "insurer,"
one who insures, at least in the minds of. the people, present and
future yields on production. Redistribution in the form of mobilization
is basic to ranked and stratified societies and should be interpreted as
an essential mechanism used to finance the political and private ac
tivities of the elite population (Earle 1977:216, 227). As will be
shown, Timucuan society manifested both share-out and mobilization redis
tribution wherein goods, services, and information were the "goods"
redistributed.
2. householding
3. share-out
4. mobilization

24
Timucuan social attributes included clan distinction, linked
clans, and warrior/non-warrior distinction (Garcilaso de la Vega 1962:15;
Swanton 1922:369). There were a limited number of primary chiefs whose
influence was regional and a greater number of secondary, village chiefs.
Both were generally referred to as "caciques" although tribal af
filiation was often designated through use of the most powerful cacique's
name. "Nobles" were set apart from "commoners" by dress, behavior, and
location of dwellings within a village. Copper ornaments, featherhead-
dresses, and tatooing were common symbols of high status. Feather head
dresses also distinguished warriors from non-wariors during times of
war (Garcilaso de la Vega 1962:15; Le Moyne in Bennett 1968:24). High-
ranking individuals were carried on litters during state affairs and
special benches or shelters were prepared for them when they alighted
(Le Moyne in Bennett 1968:93). According to Garcilaso de la Vega (1962:
170-171), a cacique's residence was larger than others and placed on a
natural or artifical mound. Nearest to him, sometimes her, and around
a central plaza lived other high-status persons. Lower status families
lived further away from the central area. Unfortunately, Garcilaso de
la Vega should be invoked with caution since his information was not
first hand. Among the Eastern Timucua, however, Le Moyne (in Bennett
1968:62) described a similar village patterning although the caeique's
dwelling was centrally located within the village; higher status in- .
dividuals did live nearest him.
Public meetings which were presided over by the cacique, shamans,
and elders, have been described in detail elsewhere (see Swanton 1922:
359; Le Moyne in Bennett 1968:60). Prescribed seating arrangements, and
formalized order of presentation and ritual drinking of cassina (Ilex

25
vomitoria) were characteristic of these meetings. cacique enjoyed
considerable power and authority; few early accounts failed to note
his "nobility," eloquence, and pride.. Le Moyne, Laudonniere, and later,
Father Pareja (Milanich and Sturtevant 1972), bore witness to his ability
to.command tribute and obedience through fear of punishment.
The Timucua were semi-sedentary, central-based horticulturalists
and hunters and gatherers. Two crops of maize, the primary vegetable
staple, were planted each year during the late spring and summer. Other
produce included beans, gourds and other squashes. Maize was grown in
communally farmed fields under direction of the cacique or his rep
resentative. Other crops were grown in gardens adjacent to individual
dwellings (Ribault 1964:73). All, or most, villagers worked to clear,
sow, and harvest the "cacique's field." Swidden techniques of clearing
were employed and fields were used for consecutive plantings until fer
tility declined below productive levels (Covington and Falcones 1963:
148; Laudonniere in Sauer 1971:205). Late fall and winter months were
spent in the forests, hunting and foraging (Le Moyne in Bennett.1968:44).
Wild foods such as nuts, persimmons, wild plums, berries, and others
probably added considerably to both winter and spring-summer diets.
Foods were dried and/or smoked to be saved for winter rationing.
Early explorers, biased by the need to understand political under
pinnings, generally concentrated on interactions between different status
groups, principally on the level of elite versus subordinate. When no
rank was differentiated and the Indians were treated as an ethnic entity,
Father Escobedo (writing ca. 1589-1600) noted that within a village,
Indians treated each other with generosity (Covington and Falcones 1963:
143, 148, 151). This reflects an ideal (Eastern) Timucuan concep
tualization of behavior since stealing was common although supposed to

26
go undetected (Le Challeux in Lorant 1946:94, 96). To refuse a request
was dishonorable; food was freely distributed among the "poor"; a
cacique must never act "greedy" (Covington and raleones 1963:143).
Nothing is known about kinship ties and the obligations entailed.
Generosity may have pertained to all goods but, acknowledging the res
tricted possession of prestige items, it is probable that generosity
operated only in terms of food, and, possibly, basic utilitarian goods.
Food is the one material good most usually linked with generalized
reciprocity and hospitality (Sahlins 1972:216).
Food was given freely to outsiders, Europeans, or was traded (Le
Moyne in Lorant 1946:36; Ribault 1964:77, 81). Exchange of food for
non-food items may.have been restricted to interactions between outsiders
and villagers as it is often considered improper to make such exchanges
with one's kin. Items given freely between kin do not carry the same
significance as items given outside the kin realm. Food distribution is
particularly sensitive to injunctions for or against its sharing and
trading (Sahlins 1972:216). Reciprocity, especially in its generalized
form, reflects the imbeddedness of particular transactions in long
term relationships (Salisbury 1976:44) and blood ties may be stronger
than simply long-term relational ties. It is noteworthy that foods
prepared for winter provisioning were not available to the French at any
rate of exchange (Le Moyne in Swanton 1922:359). Food exchange with
outsiders may have been restricted to occasions when villagers lacked
calculable reason to conserve or when a show of hospitality was
politically expedient. There is little doubt, however, that Indians
sought to gain from provisioning the French. Le Moyne (in Bennett 1968:
98) reported that they stopped bringing in provisions as soon as they
realized that the French had no more goods to exchange.

27
Father Parejas 1613 Confessionario (Milanich and Sturtevant
1972), although written after the French had come and gone from Florida
and the Spaniards had been established for roughly 50 years, has been
used as a valued source of ethnographic information regarding aboriginal
practices and behavior. Since the main purpose of Pareja's book was
to provide questions which would reveal the continuation of non-
Christian, Indian practices, the author considers it as a pertinent
source to be used in this section. It is interesting that after more
than half a century of contact with Europeans, the Eastern Timucua still
retained many of their beliefs and continued in many of their obviously
incompatible roles (e.g. sorcerers, shamans).
A second "native" trait was gambling/stealing (Milanich and Stur
tevant 1972:33; Le Challeux in Lorant 1946:94, 96), both of which fall
under Sahlins' definition of negative reciprocity. Gambling, however,
is a neutral transfer and does not systematically affect the distribution
of goods in society toward or away from greater equality (Pryor 1977:
255). The major cost of these transactions was prestige loss on one
side and prestige gain on the other (Covington and Falcones 1963:148-
149). Neither stealing nor gambling was considered immoral by the
Timucua. Either activity may be seen as a means of earning prestige,
particularly during peace times when excellence in battle was not an
open means of attaining it. The actual winnings or material gains were
symbolic of the acheived prestige. Ownership of certain items may have
been shared by kinsmen with bundles of rights attached. One does not
know which goods were stolen consistently and which were not, nor what
social ties linked culprit to supposed victim. The question of stealing
may be one of European ethnocentricity rather than negative reciprocity.

28
Elite versus non-elite interactions include those transactions
between patient/client and curer/sorcerer and commoner and elite. The
former are included under the assumption that sorcerers definitely,
and curers and herbalists possibly, participated in a higher ranking
than the average villager. Remittance for curing and spell-casting,
although insured and inflated through threat of witchcraft, may be
viewed as one flow in a balanced reciprocity (see Milanich and Stur-
tevant 1972:30, 31). The initial flow issued from the curer or sorcerer
in the form of the service or "good" purchased health, a marriage
ceremony, or a spell. The test of balanced reciprocity is intolerance
to one-way flow (Sahlins 1972:195). Intolerance is obvious on the part
of the sorcerer or curer but must be hypothesized for the client.
Presumably a client or his relatives could avenge a job poorly done:
a spell or cure that failed or exacerbated the situation. A sorcerer
could suffer prestige and clientele loss or be threatened by a competitor.
It is difficult to believe that negative reinforcement was one-way.
A cacique, with the inherited authority to receive tribute and
obedience, and power to obtain it if challenged, reciprocated through the
management of production and share-out redistribution. Supernatural
confirmation of allocative rights supported through his shaman and social
acceptance by his people allowed the cacique control over public
granaries (Milanich and Sturtevant 1972:23-26, 31, 34). The authority
structure, composed of chief and shaman, not only organized and directed
labor in horticultural production but also ensured fertility in return
for obedience and part of the yield. Control over maize fields and pub
lic storehouses would have reinforced chiefly position.

29
The presence of public fields and granaries fostered village
solidarity and subsidized labor, war efforts, feasting, provisioning of
the "poor," and entertaining guests. Shamans who "tasted" the first
corn and prayed over the lakes, arrows, forests, and fields (Milanich
and Sturtevant 1972:23-26) further reinforced the dependence of low-
status individuals on the elite. Furthermore, since a shaman or chief
alone could open the granary, dependence was doubly insured. This
mutually agreed upon interdependence constitutes licensing, as defined
in Chapter Two (Douglas 1970).
Additional services performed by the cacique included alliance
formation, arbitration of disputes, revenging war deaths, arranging
marriages, and organizing war efforts. For these corporate utilities
and because of his importance as a leader, provider, and distributor,
the cacique could expect respect, obedience, and yearly tribute pay
ments of "pearls and other moneys made of shell and chamois [dressed
hides,]" (Canzo 1600). Escobedo stated that a cacique was supposed to
be generous but, as Sahlins (1972:210) notes, in chiefly redistribution
the flow between chief and people is fragmented into independent, small
transactions. A cacique may accumulate many goods but is required to
give out more or. less. Accounts of aboriginal distribution do not
indicate lower limits being exceeded to the point that a cacique lost
his authority. The situation at the end of the mission period, however,
suggests that such limits were recognized by Indians and that failure to
distribute quantities of goods within prescribed limits could result in
loss of position and concomitant authority. The loss of ability to en
force, however, had no little effect on loss of authority.

30
Interregional interactions are poorly known. Garcilaso de la Vega
(1962:253-254) gave the impression that there was a special group of
long-distance traders dealing in common and/or elite goods. Ribault
(1964:74-75) mentions getting gold and silver in trade with Indians
south of the mouth of the St. Johns River but these metals could have
been scavenged from shipwrecks. Le Moyne (in Bennett 1968:104-105)
knew that the Caloosa near Tampa Bay were getting precious metals from
wrecked treasure fleet vessels but contended on> the basis of what he
was told by the Saturiwa and Utina, that the Eastern Florida tribes
received gold and silver from Indians in the Appalachian' Mountains
(Le Moyne in Bennett 1968:95, 99). He does not, however, mention long
distance traders among the Indians. It has usually been recognized that
much, if not all, of the gold and silver obtained by Indians came from
salvaging wrecks (Bushnell 1978:45). Since copper was a prehistoric
trade item, however, there exists the possibility that some of the
precious metals traded to Europeans did come from distant places.
Whether or not there was an organized group of specialized traders can
not be determined.
In order for such a group of traders to have existed, there would
have had to have been pan-Southeastern sanction of their activities so
that safe passage through hostile territories would be insured. The
prehistoric and early historic Southeastern Indians were well-known
for their propensity for belligerent behavior. There are several pos
sible explanations: (1) these "merchants" were actually links in a sys
tem of trade partnerships; (2) as outsiders, not belonging to a par
ticular tribe, they existed outside the realm of inter-tribal hostility;
(3) their activities provided scarce and valued items; and (4) traders

31
might have acted as spies. None of these need be mutually exclusive and
quite possibly there were several reasons why traders were allowed to
travel through many different regions; however the third reason is
probably the most important. Mobilian, a trade jargon or kind of
lingua franca, was reportedly spoken by all the tribes east of the Mis
sissippi. The Apalache were the only Florida tribe listed among those
using the language (Haas 1975:257-258). The presence of a trade language
would certainly suggest that trade interactions occurred over the Gulf
States, at least, and there is no reason to think that such activities
would be absent. It is interesting that the Apalache were the only
group mentioned as speaking the language. Could this be an oversight,
or lack of information, or could the Apalache have excercised some con
trol over trade goods coming into Florida proper? It certainly suggests
that when the Indians told Le Moyne the gold and silver came from
"Apalatcy" (Le Moyne in Bennett 1968:84) they could very well have meant
that it came from Apalache not the Appalachian Mountains as Bennett (1968)
interpreted. The problem does remain, however, that there are no moun
tains in Apalache (western Florida).
One final level of interaction that can be examined is loosely
termed transactions between human and supernatural, the propitiation
of natural elements which provided sustenance being the primary example.
One of the most, if not the most, important shamanistic functions was
the insurance of successful yields from lakes, fields, forests, etc.
For their services, shamans received half the catch of fish, the first
deer killed, the first corn, and so forth (Milanich and Sturtevant 1972:
23-26). These transactions represent a cyclical flow wherein shamans
acted as intermediary agents between humans and supernatural forces.

32
Supplication of the latter was returned as yield in resources to the
people who returned part to the shaman in recognition of his role, thus
regenerating and maintaining the cycle. .
Modelling Timucuan Economics
On the whole, aboriginal modes of exchange related to political
and maintenance organization appear to have been characterized by
balanced reciprocity. Generalized reciprocity was typical within kin/
village contexts and seems to have been a feature of initiatory inter
actions between Indians and Europeans as well. The question arises as
to whether or not "free" exchange was precipitated by mutual good
wishes or if Indians were merely attempting to supplicate recognized
superior power. In the latter case, then, the "gift" would have been
balanced by intangible elements such as peace and freedom from ret
ribution. Trade with the French, at least, seems to have held no awe
for the Eastern Timucua who had no qualms about refusing to trade.
From documentary sources, the only goods which were consistently des
cribed as gifts given by Indians were foodstuffs and possibly other items
used in every-day household activities.
Negative reciprocity was reflected in activities such as gambling,
possibly stealing, and most assuredly warfare. The ultimate motivation
was the garnering of material items symbolizing prestige. War booty
would not only add to a man's wealth but would also have added to his
status. In all other activities exchange was more or less balanced,
characterized by two-way flow of material and/or non-material elements.
Determination of exchange spheres can only be hypothetical although
it is highly probable that such spheres existed (cf. Bohannan and Dalton
1965:6). The obvious division is between subsistence and prestige/

luxury goods. The former would include all foodstuffs as well as food
procurement and processing items such as hoes, digging sticks, bows
and arrows, fishing paraphernalia, axes, knives, grinding stones, pot
tery vessels for cooking and storage. Weapons, which have dual func
tions in warfare and food procurement, might entail special injunctions
concerning dispensation. Even when given in balanced transactions only
goods within this sphere would be exchanged under normal circumstances.
In emergency situations (e.g. bad harvest, crop destruction during war
fare), non-food items may be exchanged to obtain food or, if food is
plentiful it might be traded with outsiders to acquire desirable ar
ticles which may indicate prestige ("conversion up"). The last case
might cause the outsider to "lose face" while augmenting prestige for
the Indian.
Goods in the hypothetical prestige sphere would have included fish
bone counters (only on the East Coast?) and "green and red stones"
(greenstone and hematite?) gambling(winnings (Le Challeux in Lorant
1946:94) pearls, chamois, shell, cassina, feathers, metal ornaments,
and litters. Although they were not exchanged, litters are included
because they were important symbols of high status. Tobacco, which was
smoked in curing ceremonies (Le Moyne in Bennett 1968:42) and on other
ritual occasions, may also be included as a prestige item although res
triction of its usage is not certain. The same may be said for cassina;
it was a ritual substance used in political meetings, ceremonies, and as
harvest payments. Both maize and cassina could be classified as ritual
items, the latter because it represented the cacique's authority, village
solidarity, and supernatural favor.
Prestige items were of at least three kinds: some goods reflected

34
. authority position in that they were restricted to high-status in
dividuals who had rights of access by virtue of their ascribed status.
In so far as cassina and tobacco were ritual substances, they may have
been associated with high-status usage more so than with usage by com
moners and, therefore, might be included under "authority" prestige
goods. Other prestige items, principally those received by the cacique
as tribute, reflected power. Lastly, acquisition of certain goods such
as gambling winnings and war booty, including slaves and scalps, sym
bolized achieved status. Distribution of achieved status goods might
not exhibit unequal distribution among the populace since, theoretically,
anyone could gamble or kill. Presumably, however, goods acquired as war
booty would be restricted to males, possibly within a certain age group.
Copper ornaments were available only through trade networks and
were restricted to high-status individuals ("authority-prestige goods").
Pearls, shell dippers, and dressed hides must have been physically
available to anyone but were eventually accumulated by the cacique via
tribute payments ' "power-prestige goods" associated with mobilization
redistribution. Feathers were also available, in the physical sense, to
anyone but usage was restricted to elite persons and warriors, represen
ting both ascribed and achieved rank. Feather headdresses were worn by
warriors only (?) during wartime; at other times they would have been
used by high-status groups. Perhaps during war the latter displayed ad
ditional symbols of status associated with their inherited positions.
Certainly, behavior would have set elites apart from common warriors.
The only good which definitely would have been limited due to non-local
availability was raw or ornamental copper and possibly gold and silver.
Except on the east coast of Florida, pearls would also have been non
local in origin.

Figure 2 iliustrates a simplistic view of material flows. In this
diagram, traders are included parenthetically to indicate that their
status as a group is uncertain. It is obvious that some prestige items
and tribute goods had to be acquired by all individuals, or only those
adults (males?) in a position to get them, but that these were
monopolized by the cacique thus preventing competitive accumulation.
These goods would be assigned prestige value only after acquisition by
the cacique. Prior to that event they did not allocate prestige to the
tributary. Additionally, these tribute goods plus other high-status
items such as ceremonial whelk dippers, cassina, and gold and silver
could be traded within or between regions allowing the cacique and
other elites direct control of trade in luxury items.
Wealth inheritance would have given nephews (and sons) of the elite
a congenital advantage. Primogeniture would preclude dispersal of ac
cumulated wealth, concentrating material wealth and prestige within a
relatively small group. "Young nobles" may also have had special oppor
tunities to build their positions as it was fairly common for heirs of
caciques to act as special messengers and to acquire prestige through
special "noble deeds" (se Garcilaso de la Vega 1962:125-126, 145, 154-
155).
Peninsular Economic and Demographic Conditions (1482-1700)
Between the years 1482 and 1700 Spain suffered serious population
decline and major demographic changes. During the reign of Ferdinand
and Isabella, all areas experienced considerable losses through emi
gration with the exception of Castile where population increased (Vicens
Vives 1969:291). Nationwide population drop over the 200 year period
has been estimated at 30% to 40% from nine or ten million to six

A-
R
KEY:
B WAR PLUNDER
H RESTRICTED HIGH
STATUS GOODS
N NON-LOCAL GOODS
0 ORGANIZATION
P PRESTIGE GOODS
PR PROTECTION
R PROVISION
T TRIBUTE
Figure 2. Hypothetical Flow Chart of Prehistoric/Protohistoric Timucuan Economic System.

million (Moses 1894:125) or a loss of three million between the end
of the 16th century and 1723 (Davies 1961:158). Excepting Andaluca,
all major Castilian cities experienced serious population reduction
from 1594 to 1646. By the latter dte, almost all these cities had .
lost at least half of their population, many as much as 75%, most of
whom moved to inland cities particularly in northern Spain. By 1680,
Seville had undergone serious demographic and economic retrogression
(Davies 1961:157).
There were several reasons for this drastic population reduction,
emigration being the major cause usually cited. Not only were some of
the "best elements" being drawn off to Spanish armies and conquest
(Davies 1964:23), but forced emigration of Moors and Jews, who were
the primary agricultural workers and craftsmen and financiers, had ad
ditional impact on demographic and economic conditions. There are no
reliable estimates of the number of conversos who left Spain in the
aftermath of the Inquisition. Suggested figures put the total for
the whole country at 500,000: 150,000 Jews and 300,000 Moriscos after
the revolt of 1502 (Vicens Vives 1969:291).
More than 80% of the Spanish population were peasants; urban
workers constituted 10-12%, urban middle class merchants, citizens,
and ecclesiastics 3-5%, and less than 2% nobility. Peasants, unable to
make a living from the soil, moved to urban centers to become beggars
and vagrants (Davies 1964:273; Vicens Vives 1969:293). Movement to
cities and emigration of Moors precipitated a shortage of agricultural
workers. Spaniards, who despised agricultural work as a job previously
performed by the Moors, refused to take up the task (Davies 1964:273).

'38
The ranks of public officials and ecclesiastics swelled and in the
mid-1600s the government declared it would no longer support the in
creasing numbers of priests and monks (Davies 1961:102). Circa 1500,
1.5% of the population (the nobility) owned 97% of the Peninsula and
during the 16th century the religious class, about 2% of the national
population, monopolized almost half of1 the national income (Vicens
Vives 1969:293, 360). ' .
Until roughly 1540, sheep raising for wool and the textile indus
try dominated economic perogatives (Davies 1964:23; Vicens Vives 1969:
302). They became so important that a-special management board was es
tablished and agricultural production was severely hampered by national
interests, loss of land to pasture, and more enticing incentives to con
centrate on sheep raising. Textile manufacture flourished in the
beginning of the 16th century but around 1540 began to decline. Impor
tation of gold and silver from America had caused significant price in
creases (400% during the 16th century) creating the desire to buy in
foreign markets and a concomitant decline in the quality of Spanish-
produced goods (Davies 1964:266; Moses 1894:129). Added to this, the
flow of bullion from the New World also began to drop off during the
first quarter of the 1500s (Davies 1964:263). By the middle of the cen
tury, Spain no longer exported textiles but actually needed to import
them to meet her own demands (Moses 1894:129). Perhaps related to this,
the importation of hides from Buenos Aires, Cuba, and other parts of New
Spain, became important (Davies 1961:150; Moses 1965:267; Vicens Vives
1969:357, 403). Spain then exported these hides or leather to other
countries (Vicens Vives 1969:357, 358-359).

39
Philip III began debasing coinage, which had already been debased
to copper, in 1600. He further reduced the weight of coins in 1602 and
required that all payments be made with copper. By 1605 very little sil
ver was to be found anywhere in Spain and the premium on it rose so
high that continental trade was stifled (Davies 1964:266-267). During
the reign of Charles II (1665-1700), Spain was sunk in deep economic
depression. Very little was sent to America during the last decade of
the 17th century except wine (which could not legally be made in the New
World). Many goods were exported to the colonies from foreign countries
under pretext of coming from Spain. These goods primarily included wax,
spices, paper, cloth, and mercury. American exports to Spain consisted
of hides, "chinaware" (Aztecan and Chinese), grain, tobacco, tropical
drugs, copper, and mostly gold and silver (Barozzi e Berchet in Davies
1961:149-150).
Spanish-Indian Interaction (1564-1650)
The topic of Spanish and Indian interactions is the hardest to
arrange since insights to economic and social transactions are scattered
over numerous sources, both primary and secondary. It appears, however,
that three general periods can be defined on the basis of topics covered
by those sources which were reviewed. Letters and cdulas included in
the Ethnohistory Index (P.K. Yonge Library of Florida History) that con
tain information on Indians concentrate on gifts made to Indians prior
to about 1650. After that date, very little mention of "gifts" is made
at all. During the last two periods used here, 1650-1675 and 1675-1704,
priests, visitadores, and government officials spent more paper des
cribing actual situations and conflicts between Indians and Spaniards.

Uata are presented topically and chronologically in an attempt to show
continuation of or changes in policy and attitudes. It was impossible
to confine discussion to the Timucua, especially after the mid-1600s,
since references to this group are relatively few. Latter 17th century
accounts are basically concerned with the Apalache in western Florida
(for reasons that will be discussed later). Until the early 1600s, con
tact with Western Timucua was sporadic; missions had not been established
therefore description of early interactions must be garnered from
sources describing the Guale and Eastern Timucua. Although the Indian
groups differed to some extent, it does not seem likely that Spanish
policy would have been enacted differentially.
The beginning date of the construction of Fort Caroline by the
French (1564) near the mouth of the St. Johns River is given as the
starting date for this evaluation since the French settlement spurred
Spain to the first successful attempt at colonization. Most data,
however, will extend from 1573 onward, after the Franciscans took over
the mission field from the Jesuits.
Pope Alexander VI issued a papal bull in 1501 giving the Crown a
grant of ecclesiastical tithes in all newly found regions under the con
dition that sovereigns made themselves responsible for the introduction
of Catholicism and maintenance of the Church and for the instruction
and conversion of Native Americans. In 1508, Pope Julius II issued
another bull conferring full patronage on Ferdinand and his successors
(Haring 1-96.3:167).
It is popularly well-known that Juan Ponce de Leon landed in
Florida and officially proclaimed it as property of the Spanish Crown in
1513- Two of the most famous entradas, that of Panfilo Narvaez (1528)

4
and that of Hernando de Soto (1539), brought Spaniards in contact with
interior tribes. The results were disastrous, especially those which
arose out of de Soto's policy of brutalizing the natives and destroying
their villages and fields.
Pedro Menendez de Aviles, who expulsed the French (1565) and became
the first long-term governor of Florida (1565-1574), undertook the
colonization of Florida for several reasons, the most important of which
were the promise of economic gain and increased social position.
Revenue to the Crown and the priveleged adelantado, good defensive
location against enemies, and guaranteed profit from trade and agricul
ture were among the primary reasons for establishing the colony (Lyon
1976:45). The adelantado's agreement with the Crown included his res
ponsibility to bring natives to the Christian faith and loyal obedience
of the king. The 1563 ordinances indicated that an adelantado was al
lowed to create two-generation repartimientos of Indians in each es
tablished village. They also provided that three-generation encomiendas
could be granted to other settlers in areas aside from ports or main
towns (Lyon 1976:50).
Since the French had conceived good relationships with the Indians
of the northeastern Florida coast, tensions were high between Indians
and Spaniards. When the latter took control of Florida in the mid-lj^jOs,
relations were primarily based on trade. Menendez was, however, to
receive tribute from caciques in the name of the king. Serious
evangelization was to wait for a more propitious time (Lyon 1976:118-
119)..
Missions were to serve dual purposes along the Florida frontier:
they were to be agricultural and religious schools (Haring 1963:183) as

42
well ns nodes in a defensive network which, it was thought, would serve
as a buffer against French and British encroachment from the north.
Indians were to supply the labor force necessary to construct physical
defenses (such as the fort in St. Augustine), roads, and bridges. They
would also provide the bulk of the subsistence support. Promotion of
self-sufficiency supported by native cultivation was among the primary
objectives (Rogel in Gannon 1967:33).
There is no doubt that Spaniards regarded their duties to Church
and God with utmost respect. Population decline in Spain (and the
threat of Protestantism) made the duty of conversion more pressing in
order to maintain the Catholic religion as an important source of power
and enlightenment. The fact remains that Church and State were closely
aligned and shared access to a great deal of potential wealth. Mission
Indians provided bodies and souls which could encourage the realization
of that wealth.
Gifts and Trade
Since the earliest peaceful attempts of the Spanish to win over the
Florida natives, gifts had been offered as tokens of their friendship.
Father Luis Cancer de Barbastro offered gifts which, although of little
value to Europeans, "were highly prized by them [Indians] and much ap
preciated" (in Gannon 1967:11). Spaniards gave gifts not only to open
relationships but also to placate (Geiger 1936:3). Brother-in-law and
chronicler of Menndez, Solis de Meras (1923:184) reported that Guale
Indians who arrived in St. Augustine in 1566 to receive gifts and food
went away declaring war if they did not receive them. Expenses for gifts
to both Christian and "heathen" Indians were authorized by cdulas in
1593 and 1615 (Father Moreno 1654). Table 1 summarizes gifts and trade
goods given and received by Indians.

43
Table 1. Gifts and Trade Goods Exchanged between Indians and Europeans.
Gifts
clothes, flour, tools
blankets, knives, fish hooks,
scissors, hatchets, glass beads,
sickles
mirrors, knives, scissors, bells,
and "things highly prized"
garments, beads, hatchets, machetes,
(given to "principal Indians")
corn, hoes, (given to Indians south
of St. Augustine "to increase their
estimation of us")
European Trade Goods
jewelry, knives, scissors, axes
Indian Gifts*
deer hides (painted and unpainted),
meal, little cakes, roots (sassafrass?), Captain Ribault, 1964
gold, silver, copper, pearls, beans, (original, 1562)
fish, shellfish, meat
maize (flour, roasted, ears), smoked
meat, wild roots (medicinal and other),
metals
Indian Trade Goods
ambergris, maize, smoked meat, fish Covington and Falcones, 1963
* Many of these gifts were also traded items.
Le Moyne in Bennett, 1968
(chronicler for Laudonniere,
original, 1591)
Sources
Governo Canzo, 1597
Covington and Falcones, 1963
(Father Escobedo, original
ca. 1589-1600)
Solis de Meras, 1923
(original ca. 1566)
Solis de Meras, 1923
Governor Ibarra, 1605
Covington and Falcones, 1963

44
It appears that gifts were sometimes, if not always, given to
caciques (Cnnzo 1.597, 1599; Cedulario San Lorenzo 1593). Whether or
not the cacique distributed these goods among his village is not known.
.Presumably, some of the goods were at least distributed to other elite
individuals. Caciques, as leaders of the villages, received special
Spanish attention. The goods given to "principal Indians" listed by
Solis de Meras (1923:148, 127) differ from those he indicated as general
gifts. There is only one specific reference among the numerous sources
reviewed which indicated that caciques, those who were obedient and good
converts, received special compensation. In this case, Governor Canzo
(1600) awarded 150 ducats to Doa Mara, cacica of Nombre de Dios just
north of St. Augustine, and 200 ducats to Don Juan, cacique of San Pedro
on Cumberland Island, Georgia.
It is impossible to ascertain how important cash actually was to
Indians. Father Escobedo, stationed at Nombre de Dios from 589 until
about 1600, wrote that food was scarce and "unfaithful" Indians took
advantage of festival days to hunt and then sell ducks (1 real), turkeys
(15.5 gold reales), and rabbits (2 reales) to those who had stayed in
doors. Leather "moccasins" made to order out of deerskin sold for three
ounces of Mexican silver (Covington and Falcones 1963:143, 144).
Escobedo also ranked Eastern Timucuan preferences for trade goods: fish
hooks, axes or hatchets, knives, scissors (in descending order). Glass
beads apparently "delighted" all Indians (Covington and Falcones 1963:
145, 146).
Labor and Taxes
Writing for Governor Salinas, Ramirez (1622) noted that it was cus
tomary for Indians to come to St. Augustine from Guale to cultivate the

45
"savannas." Caciques were required to send up to 50 Indians from each
village, dependent on its size. Soldiers were sent to issue orders for
labor and were supposed to provide necessary provisions and passage
money for the journey. Upon arrival in St. Augustine, Indians were to
receive gifts and to be paid (probably in goods) for their work. If
caciques did not send Indians, Salinas warned, they were to be severely
punished. Thus, the colonial system of repartimiento also found a place
in Florida. In 1637, Governor Horryutiner reported that Indians were
required to carry provisions for the priests from St. Augustine to
Apalache (Matter 1972:253). The use of Indian labor continued through
the mission period even though the Crown constantly ordered against it.
Native Floridians retained the practice of paying tribute to
caciques in traditional goods and, in addition, they were required to
pay tribute (or tithes) in corn to the government (Bushnell 1978:38;
Royal Officials 1605). The corn, and probably other foodstuffs, was used
to provision soldiers stationed at St. Augustine (Governor Marques, 1579,
in Conner 1930:229). Prior to 1600, each "friendly" Indian and cacique
was taxed one arroba (roughly 25 pounds) of maize per year. In 1600,
this tax was reduced to six ears of corn because of the hardship caused
by the earlier tax and the poverty of the Indians (Canzo 1600).
Mission Politics and Economics
Each mission priest lived at a more or less centrally located,
primary village (doctrina) and administered to,nearby sub-stations
(visitas). The priest either visited these outlying villages to teach
doctrine and perform baptisms (Geiger 1937:69), or Indians came into
the doctrina on Saturday evenings, or evenings before holy days, and
stayed overnight to hear mass the next day (Geiger 1936:14). Villages

that lacked a resident priest supposedly competed with each other to
build the best church and residence for a future priest in the event
that they should ever be allotted one (Ore 1936:104, 107).
Franciscans, as mendicants, were dependent on alms begged from the
community for their support (Ore 1936:79). Due to the general poverty
of Florida, especially in its early settlement period, priests were
supported by the Crown along with the soldiers and secular officials.
The situado, royal subsidy, was shipped from Spain, Cuba or the Mexican
Peninsula. Perishables were generally of poor quality and spoiled;
all subsidy goods were extremely expensive. The reality of Florida
poverty has been questioned by many and it is generally felt that
reports issuing from priests, treasurers, and governors to the Crown
were exaggerated in attempts to obtain more goods. Bushnell (1978)
has studied the St. Augustinian and general north Floridian'economic
conditions in detail and the kinds of goods she cites, particularly
those enjoyed by the hidalgos, do not hint at an overwhelming poverty.
Recent zooarcheological research carried out on St. Augustinian
material also suggest that poverty might have been exaggerated (Reitz
1979). If the data from St. Augustine have been intentionally biased,
it is also possible that information regarding poverty at the missions
might also have been overstated. Certainly, the level at which the
Spaniards were used to living was drastically different in Florida and
the fact that they probably went without things to which they were ac-
costumed may have prompted many feelings of poverty. As long as there
were Indians to hunt and farm, food should not have been very scarce.
Since Spaniards were, in general, uninspired over agricultural
duties, the mobilization of Indian labor to provide for garrison, town-

47
dwelling, and mission personnel was extremely important. Although
livestock management was more in line with the Peninsular activities
they were accustomed to, farming does not appear to have been a par
ticular skill enjoyed by Spaniards. Neither, it seems, were they
satisfied with the nature of Native Floridian farming techniques.
Governor Salinas (1620) asked the king for permission to import 20-30
Indians from Honduras or New Spain who would teach the Indians how to
farm. Four Franciscans also asked for about 30 people to settle and
farm near the priests (Pesquera ejt _al. 1621). Periodically, from
1620 through the 1670s, governors made requests to the Crown to fur
nish them with Indians from Campeche or Honduras who would either
teach the natives to grow indigo and tochineal, cash crops, or grow
them themselves (Consejo de Indias 1623; Cedulario, Madrid 1623;
Francisco de la Guerra y de la Vega 1673; Cedulario, Madrid 1673).
According to Bushnell (1978), these were merely proposals and the enter
prise was never funded or carried out. Whatever the truth of the matter
may be, most accounts impress the reader with an overall subsistence
sufficiency. In later periods, there was enough maize, beef, and hides
to allow exportation to Havana and illicit trade.
Cedularios of 1641 and 1663 awarded regular clergy annual sub
sidies of flour, wine, oil, vinegar, salt, blankets, robes, dishes,
candles, paper, and other items (Tepaske 1964:179). Father Parejas
(in Ore 1936:105, 107) famous and astringent letters, however, attest
to extreme poverty at the missions. Furnishings for the church were ob
tained despite poverty because Indians brought deerskins to buy wax
(candles) and to pay for burial of their dead. At some missions, he
reported, pigs and arrobas of maize were used to purchase small bells.

Hides brought to the priests were probably sold or traded (by the priest)
to obtain requisite fixtures. Judging from the list of Spanish imports
from America and exports to other countries, hides and leather goods
were probably a good medium of exchange, especially if cash was not on
hand or simply not allowed to be used by Indians. On the east coast of
Florida, south of St. Augustine, ambergris was collected by Indians and/
or representatives of the governor. This substance turned a very high
profit in Spain and also for the Indians who traded it. In St.
Augustine, at least, ambergris was definitely used instead of cash money
(Bushnell 1978:43).
Priests supplemented royal subsidies with alms of maize, beans, or
toasted flour received from Indians (Ore' 1936:105). In many cases,
everything priests obtained from their charges was justified as alms
since Franciscans were subject to vows of poverty.
Soon after the Spaniards began intensive missionizing activities,
native populations were "reduced" into centralized villages, either
missions or visitas. Centralization of Indian populations was a major
objective from the outset (Geiger 1936:16) and was necessary not only
to provide control over the Indians but also to provide a conveniently
available repartimiento labor pool.
By 1597 Guale mission Indians were peaceful in the aftermath of
death and destruction of villages and fields precipitated by the revolt
of mission .Indians along the Georgia Coast. Governor Marques informed
the Audencia de Santo Domingo that he hoped Indians would become good
Christians but that adults, who had their own religion and did not want
to convert, were preventing their children from being taught (Connor
1930:224-229). Within 20 years this situation had altered drastically

49
and at San Juan del Puerto at the mouth of the St. Johns River, Father
Pareja (1602), reported that natives assisted at high mass and vespers.
All was not well between priests and their converts, however, nor
between caciques and their villagers. Pareja (1602), who served in the
Florida mission field for almost 40 years, asked the Crown to order
governors to threaten to punish Indians so that natives would do as
their caciques told them. Once caciques became Christians, their subor
dinates no longer obeyed them. The general consensus on the friars
part was that it was the duty of the governor to punish Indians. Father
Lo'pez (1605) stated that the priests should be seen as "loving fathers,"
not the governors. The continuous rivalry between secular and religious
personnel and the inability to divide jurisdiction (a fault built into
the Spanish system) was to plague Florida throughout the mission period.
The one major change in political organization was the breakdown
of tribal level organization characterized previously by intervillage
alliances (Milanich 1978:67). After 1633, Milanich states, there were
no references to major regional chiefs, only to caciques of individual
villages. At the Timucuan missions visited by Rebolledo in 1657, how
ever, it appeared that visita or village caciques were subordinate to
caciques of primary regional villages where missions were located
(Pearson 1968:97). The position of the cacique was maintained and
priests attempted to enhance this role since the chief could be an im
portant avenue through which to work conversion (Pearson 1968:67).
Settlement and Demographic Changes
Aside from the temporary shift of work details to St. Augustine
and reduction, both important factors, there is little mention in the
documents of this period which concern demographic change. Pareja

50
(in Geiger 1937:145) wrote that some Potano had left their own villages
to settle in Christian communities and it is possible that centralization
was forced or made highly desirable by promises of economic, and
religious, benefits.
The role of disease and epidemics has not been widely reported but
this may be a bias resulting from selection of sources. Between 1614
and 1617 epidemics brought about many deaths and completely depopulated
some villages (Geiger 1937:251). According to friars' estimates, which
may be exaggerated, half the Indian population in Florida was killed
(Bushnell 1978:19).
Priests, Soldiers, Civilians, and Indians: 1650-1675
This is a rather arbitrarily assigned period but it begins at about
the same time as major political and economic problems in Spain were
occurring and it ends roughly at the time when Spanish Florida had to
turn its attention to British and Indian ally encroachments. A further
dimension was added to frontier Florida economy around 1655 when
civilian or military cattle ranching had begun to be important. The
cattle industry reportedly did not become extensive until around 1700
(Arnade 1965:6) but earlier accounts of cattle ranches, and the problems
they were creating, do exist.
Gifts and Trade
The Royal Treasurer Jos de Prado (Moreno 1654) advocated that gifts
to Indians be eliminated because they constituted a heavy drain on St.
Augustine funds. He suggested, instead, that Indians should be fed when
in St. Augustine or when sick but that gifts only be given when a new
governor was installed. There is a notable lack of accounts of gift-

giving which may be a reflection of decreased amounts of gifts to
give or simply documentary sample bias. More interesting, in any event,
are the other exchanges Indians participated in. Indians had many items
to offer which Spaniards wanted: sassafrass (which brought a good price
in Spain), ambergris, deer and buffalo (?) skins, nut oil, bear grease,
tobacco, canoes, storage containers, and, most of all, food. Indians
wanted whatever the Spaniards had: weapons, construction and cul
tivating tools, nails, cloth, blankets, bells, beads, church ornaments,
and rum (Bushnell 1978:13). The problem was to supply enough of what
the Indians wanted. Governor Rebolledo had 60,000 pounds of pig iron
beaten into tools to barter for ambergris with the coastal Indians south
of St. Augustine. When the Indians offered him more of this precious
substance, he melted cannons and arquebuses. For 600 ounces of ambergris
(worth 15,000 pesos), Rebolledo gave Indians 500 pesos worth of iron in
the form of hoes, an anchor, mortars, cannons, muskets and arquebuses
which the governor claimed were worthless (Bushnell 1978:13, 43). Sol
diers also traded muskets to the Indians (Bushnell 1978:13).
Just after the Timucuan revolt,. Rebolledo made a visitiation of
Timucua and Apalache (in 1657) in order to report on present conditions
and to determine the cause of the revolt. In Apalache, priests had
required Indians to go to Apalachicola and "Chactos" territories, both
hostile to Apalache, to trade for skins and other "esteemed items."
Indians complained that no payment for this service was made except to
the cacique (Pearson 1968:71, 84). What exactly the priests did with
these goods was not explained'but Indians were suspicious and claimed
that friars prevented them from selling their goods to ships' crews to
earn money. Priests then bought Indian goods (probably foodstuffs

52
and skins) at low prices and turned a good profit by selling them to
soldiers (Pearson 1968:73). Similar complaints were made at San Martin
de Tomoli and San Joseph de Ocuya inApalache. Father Juan de Paredes
(San Martin) took excess yields from a plot cultivated for him to
provide for laborers on the church and other Indians and shipped most
of the food out of the province. Of course, Spaniards expected that
the missions would provide for the ranches and military but Indians
resented not only losing their produce but also having to transport it
without being paid. Father Sanchez (San Joseph) simply took part of
the harvest ostensibly to buy ornaments and other things for the church,
none of which were ever seen (Pearson 1968:96, 98).
Soldiers and Indians appeared to enjoy good relations, much to the
chagrin of the missionaries. Indians felt obliged to offer food and
shelter to soldiers (or Indians) passing through their villages and all
claimed they did this voluntarily, an act for which they were punished
and humiliated by friars (Pearson 1968:72, 80, 92). It must be remem
bered that these complaints leveled at missionaries and the praise for
the military were presented to the governor. One might suspect bias,
protective on the part of the Indians, or sheer embellishment by
Rebolledo himself for benefit of his position and laying the blame for
the revolt on a group other than the military.
Labor and Taxes
Manuel, the cacique of the Yustega village of Asile'in 1651, ex
pressed unhappiness with the Spaniards in general: military officials
tried to take their land and they were forced to work on plantations
and cattle ranches without compensation (Milanich 1978:65). This
grievance occurred over and over: either forced by the clergy to carry

trading goods or private property (Pearson 1968, above; Moreno 1654),
ordered to fix roads and build bridges (Pearson 1968:11), forced by sol
diers to carry goods to St. Augustine (Pearson 1968:157), or forced to
work on the castillo in St. Augustine. In 1651, Governor Benito Ruiz
stated that Indians in Apalache were fleeing into the woods because they
were being required to carry goods and to labor for the haciendas. A
few years later, Governor Diego de Rebolledo wrote that he considered
the use of Indian labor to be a practical necessity even though the
Crown forbade the use of Indian bearers (Matter 1972:256, 258). The use
of Indian labor to work fields in St.-Augustine was also continued.
Repartimiento Indians cleared land and planted the communal and private
maize fields with digging sticks and hoes. In St. Augustine, everyone
who was important had their "service Indians" (Bushnell 1978:184). In
addition to working gardens and plots,- Indians were used to "fill gaps"
in the infantry. Governor Francisco de la Guerra y de la Vega (1673)
wrote that 200 Indians from Apalache were brought to the capitol;
50-55 from Timucua stayed until the end of October and 45-50 from Guale
were also conscripted. Caciques, although they organized the work crews,
were exempted from all such services (Bushnell 1978:49).
Indians at San Luis de Xinaica claimed that priests sometimes came
to the village and requisitioned Indians without permission. This caused
hardship since it took away people essential to the economic livelihood
of the village. The cacique requested that Franciscans use Indian labor
only with permission from and under supervision of the village cacique
for fear that failure to do so would undermine the cacique's authority
(Pearson 1968:87).
Other stories of misfortune reached Rebolledo throughout Apalache.

An Indian from San Juan de Aspalaga, who had been too ill to carry a
vessel to the Timucuan village of Arapaja, had sent someone else and was
whipped by the priest who had asked him to go (Pearson 1968:94). It was
this kind of behavior, Rebolledo asserted, that had precipitated the
uprising in Timucua (Pearson 1968:116-124, 141, 152). During the 1656
rebellion, however, Timucuans had killed both priests and soldiers and
had burnt churches (Pearson 1968:143). Other sources lay the blame on
Spanish rancheros whose cattle were destroying fields and who forced
Indians to work on their properties (Arnade 1965:6).
This author failed to come across any specific references to tax
payments but it is possible that some of the "loads" carried to St.
Augustine represented a tithe or tax of some kind. Bushnell (1978)
does, however, discuss taxation and tithing in great detail and it is
evident that taxes of various kinds were required from everyone.
Mission Politics and Economics 1
It has been impossible to discuss the other two sections without
reference to political and economic conditions at the missions. Many of
the problems arose in Apalache, rather than Timucua, since there were
very few Indians left in that latter province. Epidemics between 1649
and 1659, years of famine, and the rebellion had left the Timucua scat
tered. In 1672 there were so few Indians in central Florida that
Spaniards gave land away in Timucua to anyone who would open a cattle
ranch (Bushnell 1978:20).
The Apalache did not receive permanent missions until 1633, 27 years
later than Timucua. In the late 1600s, it is apparent that many
traditional practices and beliefs were still intact. Several caciques
beseeched the governor and priests to permit them to continue playing

55
their bn lgame and performing their ceremonies. The degree to which
certain traditional activities was allowed or punished appears to have
been subject to the personal whim of the soldiers and/or priests in
volved (Father Paiva 1676).
Tepaske (1964:194) claimed that most Franciscans overcame
traditional native behavior patterns by providing exemplary models of
Christianity and personal conduct. In fact, it seems that many:of the
friars assigned to Apalache were particularly prone to the administration
of physical abuse. Whippings and beatings meted out to elite and com
moner alike humiliated the former and caused them to lose the respect of
their subjects (Pearson 1968:83, 93). So much was this a problem, and
so important was it to maintain the cacique's status, that Rebolledo
ordered that caciques and other elites who broke civil or religious
regulations could be punished only by the governor (Pearson 1968:77).
One can imagine how the religious felt concerning this usurpation of
their jurisdiction.
Indians attempted to trade with soldiers and ships' crews putting
into port (in Apalache). Their right to do so was unquestioned by the
governor although priests forbade the practice and tried to maintain
the sale of goods and trade as their own perogative. Some Apalache were
trading illicitly, however, with foreign ships after the soldiers were
removed from that province in 1648 (Pearson 1968:130). Caciques and
friars in both Apalache-and Timucua shipped wheat, rye, and barley to
Havana to make a profit on it rather than have it confiscated by the
governor for use in St. Augustine (Bushnell 1978:40). At the end of this
period, Indian trade with the English, who offered rum and firearms in
return for allegiance against the Spaniards, was not uncommon (Tepaske

56
1964:193). During the late 17th-carly 18th century, Spaniards were also
involved in illicit trade and the Suwannee River became an important
artery for shipping goods out of Florida (Boniface 1968:207).
Priests apparently attempted to facilitate conversion and/or
strengthen their own positions by appointing "ensigns" of their own
choosing to act in native festivals. Constitution XIV of the 1684
diocesan synod (Statutes Relating to Florida n.d.:13) reiterated injunc
tions against Franciscan appointments issued in 1672 and 1678 cdulas.
The statute also stated that priests were to disinvolve themselves with
Indian confraternities and not bother them about debts during their fes
tivals. Villages had town governments in which the caciques were alcaldes
mayores, leaders of the community and festivities (Bushnell 1978:156).
Demographic Changes
As mentioned above, a series of epidemics (typhus or yellow fever,
small pox, and measls) between 1649-1659 had caused significant reduc
tion of population in Timucua (Bushnell 1978:20). The Timucua rebellion
had also resulted in death and scattering of populations. In 1675 an
estimated 81% of the 10,766 Indians under Spanish rule in Florida were in
Apalache (Bushnell 1978:20). Early in this period, the Council of the
Indies in Madrid (1654) also noted a decrease in the number of priests in
Florida. St. Augustine had experienced an influx of Indians brought to
the capitol to work on the castillo and orders were sent out to supply
more priests for that city in order to serve the Indians (Cedulario 1673).
Governor Pablo de Hita Salazar (1674) reported that Indians brought to
the capitol to work on the fort were dying or were needed in their own
villages,therefore, he asked the queen, could they import slaves from
Cuba to augment and stabalize the work force?

57
Only one piece of evidence regarding village relocation was noted
by the author although, presumably, other instances occurred. Rebolledo
granted permission for the Timucuan village of Santa Maria to relocate
half a league away from their current site because the village was an
old one, fields had lost their fertility, harvests were poor, and the
forests had been cleared so thoroughly that it was difficult to get fire
wood (Pearson 1963:80).
1675-1704
This final period actually represents a continuation of the preceding
one: there was increasing strife, dissension, and dissatisfaction; more
Indians were leaving missions, and secular and religious hands were
tightly about each other's political throats. The peaceful scenario
depicted by Bishop Calderon in 1676 contrasts sharply with most other
views and the conviction grows that either certain people chose to
closely edit final reports to the Crown and various councils or that
Indians (and priests) could be extremely shrewd actors. Part of
Calderon's report notes the following: in January Indians burn the
undergrowth from their fields in preparation for planting. Wheat is
planted in October and harvested in June. In April they begin to sow
corn. All work in common to plant the "lands of cacique and of charity"
(i.e. alms plots for the priest and "needy widows"). Everything, plant
and animal, is given to the cacique to be divided; he keeps the hides and
gives the best part of the hunt to the priest "to whom the Indians are
greatly subjugated." Indians do not covet riches nor gold or silver and
do not use these for money. Rather, they barter. The most wanted and
used articles are knives, scissors, axes, spades, small hatchets, large
bronze bells, blankets, trinkets, and all woven cloth. Before entering

58
die church, each Indian gives the priest a bundle of firewood or a
log (Calderon 1676; also in Wenhold 1936:13).
Calderon perceived that all worked in common for the good of the
village but mostly for the good of the priest who had his gardens
planted, received the best meats, and had his firewood delivered. Failure
to covet riches is probably a reflection of their scarcity in Florida
at this time and of the fact that, as good Christians, they were not sup
posed to covet wealth, however wealth was expressed. Bushnell (1978:15)
reported that soldiers seldom even saw money and that Indians never
used it. This may have been true during the later mission period but
during the early part goods had been sold for cash money and cash rewards
had been offered. It is extremely unlikely that Indians did not desire
wealth although their manner of reckoning it probably differed from the
Bishop's.
Gifts and Trade
Rarely were gifts given except to non-Christian neighboring Indians
in attempts to form alliances (Quiroga y Losada 1688). Indians had
enough problems trying to retain their property and goods and with the
shortage of food and necessities which were not supplied by Floridians
(Tepaske 1964:195). These conditions prompted the following orders from
Governor Zuiga regarding Indian activities in Apalache: (1) Indians had
the right to raise swine and fowl, which were not to be taken from them,
and to attend the market in St. Augustine to sell bacon, lard, swine,
hides, and skins which they raised or acquired; (2) trade with the
Apalachicola (Creek) would be allowed only for "customary goods," not
British ones (Boyd 1951:31, 34). As in Spain, trade with other countries
was theoretically suppressed but carried out none the less. Apalachicola

59
could provide British goods whereas Spaniards could not even supply
necessities. Ziiga, however, had his own rules concerning trade with
the Apalachicola. Horses could be given in exchange only for guns which
the English provided. The English, on the other hand, wanted pack
horses from the Apalachicola in exchange for the guns. Since one group
had to first have what the other group could provide in order to begin
the exchange, a stalemate arose creating a great deal of hostility on
the part of the Apalachicola. They formed a peace treaty with the
Apalache and invited four Indians to their village to cement relations.
Three of those four were murdered and then the mission of Santa Fe in
Timucua was raided and burned (Zuiga, 1702, in Boyd 1951:36-37).
Labor \ '
No specific mention of taxes is made in the documents reviewed but
the pattern of forced, uncompensated labor continued (Council of the
Indies 1676; Boyd 1951:25, 27, 28, 29; Cabrera 1686; Pearson 1968:194)
and more often resulted in Indians leaving the missions to join British
allies or to go elsewhere. In 1676, Father Alonso del Moral (1676)
asked the king to aid Indians forced to work on the castillo in St.
Augustine. He reported that 300 natives from Apalache, Timucua, and
Guale were yearly brought to the captol to work for the Spaniards. The
diocesan synod drafted the following statutes regarding Indian labor in
1684:
Many Spaniards, negroes, and mulattoes residing in St.
Augustine and other missions detain married Indian men
in their houses, who have their wives in other places
or who have gone to St. Augustine to work or dig but
are detained later to serve them . this should not
be done because married persons should cohabit.

60
The wretched Indians, for being so, are none the less
Christians [and as such must be allowed to hear mass
and not work on days of obligation.! [This was addres
sed to.J persons having Indians on their estates, even
as hired laborers (Statutes.Relating to Florida n.d.:
5, 6-8).
The major concerns of the synod were aptly expressed: married people
should live together and Christians must attend mass and observe
regulations. The tone is somewhat less than sympathetic.
Mission Politics and Economics
In 1682, Bishop Juan de Palacios of Cuba asked the Crown to place
the missions in the hands of Jesuits or Dominicans because the Franciscans
"must be begged to fill parish and castillo [positions] in St. Augustine.
Also they always want some benefits as well" (Juan de Palacios 1682) .
Governor Quiroga y Losada (1690) described some.benefits enjoyed by mis
sion friars: "priests lack for nothing . because Indians sow their
cornfields, wheatlands, tobacco tracts . they raise their chickens
and fatten their swine. [Indians] don't pay ovenciones [tithes?] in
money, but make up for this in deer, bear, cinola, otter and other types
of hides." Quiroga y Losada concurred with Calderon that missionaries
did seem to reap the greater part of material benefits and then continued
to make demands. Father Martorell in Apalache required his villages to
plant one-half or a whole arroba yield (of maize?) for each mission
priest. Later he insisted on four, six, or eight arrobas and the Indians
under his jurisdiction fled the village. In response, Governor Cabrera
(1687) ordered that Indians could give whatever they wanted to the priest
but they should not see this as an obligation.
Secular and religious authorities continued to clash over disputed
jurisdiction. Priests were subject "under pain of being chastized" to

61
outlaw ballgames (Statutes Relating to Florida n.d.:4) and keep strict
control over native festivities (Calderon 1676). Problems arose because
a lieutenant told Indians at San Joesph de Ocuya they could dance all
night as was their custom. The friar stated that Indians knew that by
giving soldiers tacalos de caecina (cassina?), janepas, chickens, and
watermelons, as they did with said lieutenant, they could "be let to
live" (Cabrera 1682).
In an attempt to pave over fractional disputes, Governor Zuniga
insisted Indians owed allegiance and obligations to the Franciscans.
All converted Indians must have crucifixes and
images of saints on the walls of their huts.
Indians must obey the commands of friars and
attend to their needs.
No Indian could marry unless first pledged to
support his perspective bride.
Indians could plant only those lands designated
by the friars (Zuniga, 1702, in Tepaske 1964:194).
In return, Zuniga promised to provide for widows and orphans, to pay all
labor done by Indians in St. Augustine, and to give all Indians full
hearing before punishing them for their crimes (Tepaske 1964:194). As
might be expected, the setting down of rules did little to affect actual
changes.
The first good evidence of political organizational upheaval occurs
in documents of the 1670s. In Guale, Apalache, and Timucua individuals
were claiming rights to chieftainships which were disputed by other vil
lagers (see Pearson 1968:206-216, 219, 220, 240) and military visitations
were made to the three provinces to make sure that Indians were agreed
on their caciques' right to lead, to reinstate those with legitimate

In TLmucun,
r.2
claims, and to see that Indians obeyed their caciques. In TLmucun,
the visitador Sergeant Major Domingo de Leturiondo created the office
of cacique for a man who would take his own and other families to a
place a good distance away in order to settle a town (Pearson 1968:273,
274).
An additional burden and responsibility was added to mission set
tlements after 1675 when Yuchi slavers launched raids into Apalache and
northern Timucua and Indians were given arquebuses and ammunition to go
in pursuit (Pearson 1968:189). Slave raids on villages continued and
were taken up by Yamassees, British allies, in the 1680s through the
final annhialation of the missions in 1704. In 1686 soldiers, officers
and officials, and even caciques were issued weapons as private
property (Bushnell 1978:186). Zuniga ordered that Indians should be
provided with all the supplies necessary for war operations (Boyd 1951:
32) but these seem to have been lacking in quantity since Spaniards had
to.trade with their enemies to obtain firearms.
Demography
Population movements and depopulation became major problems during
the last quarter of the 17th century. Several events which caused the
Indians to "flee into the woods" or join British forces have already
been mentioned. Other groups were moving into mission districts known
or unknown to the Spaniards. One settlement of 248 Tocobaga was dis
covered living on the Basis River in Apalache during the 1677 visitation
of Domingo de Leturiondo. It was decided that they could remain (Pearson
1968:256-258).
All Florida provinces suffered manpower shortages and Spaniards
passed strict laws against caciques allowing single or married men to

"wander around creating problems" by imposing a fine of 12 doeskins or
the equivalent (Pearson 1968:246). At San Juan de Cuacara (1677-78) on
the Suwannee RLver, Indians asked for a canoe to use. as a ferry since
they were supposed to operate one (Boniface 1968:177-178) and depended
on it for their livelihood. All able-bodied men had left because the
work was too hard and there was never enough food. Only 20 men remained
in the entire village (Pearson 1968:276-277) and they had not had a
resident priest for a long time. Caciques were enjoined not to allow
these wanderers to settle.in their villages although this rule was
lifted for San Antonio de Bacuqua in Apalache which was in sore need of
extra men (Pearson 1968:259).
Economic Interactions During the Mission Period
In Chapter One it was stated that introduced cultural elements are
reinterpreted within the conceptual and value systems of the recipient
culture and that two parties do not approach transactions with the same
understandings and expectations. It was proposed that if two cultures
did not differ greatly in their cultural complexity and power that it
would be difficult for the conquering party to evoke behavioral changes
and both cultures would tend to maintain their respective conceptual sys
tems. Structurally, Spanish and Timucuan political and religious systems
were similar: both observed mutual reinforcing of political and religious
institutions (in fact, political and religious roles were inseparable);
political organization was hierarchical; wealth and status were determined
through descent; both leaders invoked power and authority to control
their subordinates; elite goods were accessible to a few; and tributes,
tithes, and/or taxes were exacted by politico-religious institutions.

The primary difference, aside from scale, was politico-economic.
Florida chiefdoms were redistributive in two senses: the elite mobilized
goods and services for the benefit of the elite but basic goods,
especially food, were "shared out." The Spanish monarchy, on the other
hand, consumed massive amounts of elite goods but did not itself par
ticipate in insuring subsistence support for the populace. Spain had a
national market economy primarily directed towards protecting and sus
taining the textile industry. Agricultural production for sustenance
was not one of its concerns. Traditional Catholic peasants paid tithes,
alms, and fines to the Church in produce, cash, or labor in return for
church services, sacrements at birth, death and marriage, and emergency
subsistence support and refuge in times of famine and war (Dalton 1971a:
21). It was, therefore, the Church's duty to provide services similar to
those provided by a cacique and his officials.
The major difference between peasant and tribal village economics in
the ordinary production of subsistence goods is in the form of land
tenure. Non-market land usage is acquired through social relations not
through purchase or rental. Socio-political superiors (e.g. caciques)
are "stewards of land allocation" who require return payments of material
goods, labor, services, and clientage (Dalton 197lb:222-224). Spanish
attempts to take or buy land were unsuccessful because, as the cacique
of Asile explained in 1651, caciques could not give or sell land since
it was owned jointly by sons, nephews, other lesser chiefs, and principal
men of the tribe. They could, however, lend it; that is, allocate rights
of usage (Milanich 1978:66). Spaniards tried to alter this situation by
breaking up intervillage alliances, placing pro-Spanish individuals in
positions of influence (Deagan 1974:12), giving control of land

65
allocation to priests, and assigning "hunting preserves" to each village
(Pearson 1968:253).
For the most part, Spaniards endeavored to maintain the native,
structural status quo although failure to grasp social embeddedness of
certain practices made this difficult. Prestige acquisition, and there
fore the ability to reinforce status, was a major loss suffered by
Indians, particularly the elite. The Guale Revolt (1597) was precipitated
when priests imposed monogamy on young1 caciques without understanding
that having more than one wife was an indication of wealth and status.
Prohibition of gambling, ballgames, and intertribal warfare removed
(when they were successful attempts) important avenues to acheiving pres
tige. The fact that Indians bribed soldiers to allow them to have their
dances and perform their ceremonies suggests that native Floridians did
not, as a whole, become absolute converts. Some priests permitted dances
but only under strict supervision and not for all night periods "as
was their [Indian] custom." Other efforts employed to maintain political
and economic position of the caciques included channelling labor con
scription through the chief and holding him responsible for the behavior
of his subordinates. Spaniards also allowed the cacique to receive
tribute payments (in hides which were economically important to the
Spaniards as exports). Caciques were favored with gifts and probably
received goods which other Indians did not (e.g. firearms). Spaniards
upheld the political position of the cacique by making him head of vil
lage, native political affairs and by seeing that caciques were obeyed.
That maintenance of the caciques' position was important to caciques as
well as to Spaniards is evident from the documents.

66
The most obvious change in Indian economics was their participation
in a market/international system and cash economy. Exactly how wide
spread Indian use of cash became is uncertain. It is probable 1 that very
few Indians ever had cash and its presence may have been restricted to
the earlier period. Money, however, need not be of coin or paper.
Any regularly employed medium of exchange is equivalent with what one
today thinks of as "money." Common mediums of exchange in Florida ap
pear to have been hides, ambergris (on the east coast), and corn. Amber
gris was not important prehistorically and the desire to acquire this
substance was strictly owing to European demands. Likewise, corn was im
portant prehistorically as a ritual and symbolic good but it was not used,
for instance, in paying tributes as it was later used for paying tithes
and taxes to the Spaniards. Requiring payments in corn was a means of
insuring that the garrison in St. Augustine was fed and it would have
created a strong motivation to increase yields (by planting larger fields)
_if.punishment was meted out to those who could not pay their taxes. So
far, documentary evidence to this effect has not been discovered unless
one considers the account of Father Martorell in Apalache. The Indians,
however, simply fled from the mission in that case.
In Apalache, Eastern Timucua, and probably in Western Timucua,
Indians changed from inner-directed production for the village to outer-
directed production for the market and garrison. In many cases this
production was forced upon them but in some instances it appears to have
been by choice since Ziga encouraged Indians to bring their produce to
the market in St. Augustine. Often these goods were confiscated by
priests or soldiers, however, so it is not clear what return Indians saw
on market goods. Indians, however, were still required to produce for
the village and the priest.

67
Cash, markets, kings, cities, and universal religion can destroy
reciprocity as delineated by Sahlins (Dalton 1971b:237) but the ideals
of reciprocal behavior may remain. In some respects one might consider
that Spain worked against its own ends by implementing the policy of
indirect rule, allowing caciques to "rule communities as in former
times" (Geiger 1937:10). Most certainly, the religious and military
factions worked against any common goal of the Spanish colonial empire.
Major impacts on Indian life were created and augmented by the coexis
tence of market and superficially redistributive economies coupled with
traditional expectations of reciprocal behavior.
In the beginning, transactions were more or less generalized but
as the practice of "gift giving" declined and increased demands for
goods and services without compensation were made on Indians, interac
tions became increasingly unbalanced. Spaniards not only failed to
sustain their alliances but also came to rely more heavily on force as
a means of imposing their will without offering any returns to Indians.
This paper argues against the proposition that religious salvation was
enough; to paraphrase, it is also necessary to keep body and soul
together.
Spanish-introduced food items included wheat, figs, oranges and
other citrus, peaches, chickens, pigs, cattle, and (at San Juan del
Puerto, at least) sheep. Cattle raising appears to have been largely
restricted to ranches whereas pigs and chickens were raised for the
priest and, apparently, owned by some Indians at missions. In order to
care for livestock and meet neitf demands put upon them by Spaniards,
Indians were required to become sedentary and, probably, spend more
time on production than they had prehistorically. Sedentism posed a

real threat to continued settlement in any particular area. Except in
Apalache, soil fertility is naturally poor In most regions of Florida.
Continued usage of old fields depleted fertility at an unknown rate.
Relocation of missions and villages, however,.did become necessary.
The degree to which domesticates figured in Indian diets is un
known. Likewise, it is unknown what access Indians had to European
agricultural tools and if new techniques were universally employed.
Documentary evidence suggests that large numbers of hoes were distributed
to Indians but relative to the number of Indians receiving them, the
quantity may not have been substantial. In any event, European hoes
were not greatly different from native ones. The basic movements and
usage would hav been similar. Oxen were present in some areas, par
ticularly Apalache (Daniels 1975), but they may have been restricted to
Spanish-owned and operated ranches and haciendas. Documentary evidence
also contradicts itself. As late as 1675 Governor de Hita Salazar was
still writing about developing agriculture in Apalache and noting that
Indians were plowing by hand because oxen and plows had not been in
troduced there (Pearson 1968:186). The fact that Spaniards periodically
wanted to import slaves and Mesoamericans to farm and teach Florida
Indians how to farm implies that native Floridians never reached the
level of agricultural development that Spaniards sought.
Caldero'h's description of agricultural activities in 1676 indicates
that actual techniques had changed very little. Communal fields were
still worked for the priest and for production of surplus to provide
"V
for those in need. Goods preferred as trade items by both Spaniards \ ,
y
and Indians were primarily subsistence-related. Judging from retention
of slash-and-burn horticulture and the complaints of poor harvests and

69
famine, it is doubtful that food production increased relative to the
augmented number of non-productive consumers. Indians were required to
plant and hunt not only for themselves but also for priests, soldiers,
Indian laborers working on construction projects, and for trade out
side Florida. Depopulation resulting from epidemics, rebellion, and
population drains during sowing and harvesting periods precluded the
ability of Indians to meet demands. In St. Augustine as well as in
the missions and villages, people complained of insufficient food.
Spaniards were in a better position than Indians since they taxed,
tithed, and confiscated food from Indians, failing to return any..
(or returning only little) of the yield or profit. If public granaries
still existed, under control of priests and/or caciques, they would
have been severely pressured.
Indians continued to hunt for food and also to obtain hides and
skins which were exported items and tribute payment goods and gifts to
other Indian tribes. Prehistorically, or at the time of European con
tact, deer skins were collected once a year by caciques. The increased
demand for skins and hides on a continuous basis during the historic
period may have exerted pressure on deer populations. Additionally,
if Indians were indeed restricted in their activities to village hunt
ing preserves, the source of deer, not to mention other animals., would
have been rapidly depleted. The fact that priests required Indians to
obtain hides from the Apalachicola may be a reflection of decreased
animal (or human hunter) populations within village or tribal hunting
areas. The introduction of cattle would have provided food resources
for soldiers and St. Augustinians, and possibly mission populations, in
addition to another source of hides. Cattle probably roamed free range

70
since it is doubtful fences would have been erected over the country
side and Indians had complained of cattle damaging their crops. Cattle
population density is unknown but it is conceivable that intermixing
with deer populations could have affected not only their food resources
but also might have increased the incidence of deer mortality due to
increased prevalence of parasitism. Modern researchers have found that
deer populations which share range with cattle can be severely affected
by parasite population increase, particularly the Lone Star Tick. Infes
tation affects primarily the young and fawn mortality increases sig
nificantly when the two species share the same territory (Hair 1968;
Bolte et_ jfL 1970). Unfortunately, the historical incidence of tick in
festations in Florida have not been examined by the author.
According to Calderon, the village cacique received all of the food
which he then redistributed to the villagers, giving the best parts to
the priest. During the early period of mission activities, gifts which
included flour came to the cacique and priest; these may have been ap
portioned to villagers. Spaniards saw it as their duty to provide for
sick Indians, laborers, "orphans and widows" but were unable to do so
because of the shortage of locally produced foods and the failure of
the royal subsidies. Illicit trade and smuggling out of Florida only
served to aggravate the situation. Numerous complaints from Indians
concerning nonrestitution of debts or lack of reimbursement for goods
and services indicate that they expected to be compensated. Traditional
Indian and Spanish practices provided support of the community in crisis
situations via the religious figurehead. Since public stores, if such
existed, were used to purchase furnishings for churches, were shipped
to St. Augustine or Havana, or were used for other purposes, there was

71
no adequate surplus available to Indians. Of course, this situation
may have arisen prehistrically but it is likely that Indians would
have been just as dissatisfied with their leaders at that time as they
were during the historic period.
Priests usurped many of the responsibilities formerly apertaining
to caciques and native priests: land allotment, control of surplus
food, overseeing communal labor, provisioning of non-producers, and en
dorsing marriages. Bonds between the community and the priest were en
forced with injunctions against "wandering," settling in villages other
than one's own, keeping married persons together, and legalizing mar
riages performed only by one's assigned village priest. The most im
portant role, of the cacique became that of middle-man between Indians
of his village and the Spaniards. He or she represented Indian com
plaints to visitadores and "wrote" letters (probably composed or writ
ten by priests and signed by Indian caciques), channelled through the
priests, to the governor or king. The cacique's position was both
politically and economically necessary to the community and the Spaniards
but was not necessarily one which was inherited. Status became based
on Spanish support and force, not authority. The attempts of Spaniards
to see that villagers were agreed upon the right of their cacique to
rule, however, may indicate that his position was one which was validated
by inherited right. Status and authority, however, were probably still
upheld by acquisition of prestige goods but the nature of these goods
had shifted to those which symbolized Spanish backing.
Priestly authority rested only on divine right; they did not belong
to the same moral community (see Chapter Two) and, therefore, depended
on physical force and military support to maintain their positions.

72
When the latter was not forthcoming, which it rarely was unless wide-
scale revolts threatened the system as a whole, they essentially had no
authority. Indians simply left the missions.
Lack of military support constantly plagued mission friars in the
fulfillment of their religious and civil obligations but serious reper
cussions went unfelt until the economic basis of their power began to
flounder. Increasing imbalance of consumption and reciprocity, not
to mention outright seizure of Indian property, were important factors
in the collapse of the mission system. Caciques would have had an im
portant stake in upholding the mission system because they were
politically and economically tied into the Spanish organization. Chiefs,
as well as priests, complained over the decreasing supplies of goods and
necessities issuing from St. Augustine and, ultimately, the royal sub
sidy, Over time, with loss of wealth and political power, ritual status
and authority gradually diminished (see Nash 1966:94). The political and
economic "license" simply expired; there was no longer a strong interest
in both parties to continue the system, nor were they able to do so.
Hypotheses
Of necessity, hypotheses and their implications which are testable
at archeological sites must be concerned with physical remains.
Material goods, however, are an integral part of any culture; their
manufacture and distribution reflect not only social behavior but tech
nology, resource usage, and environmental limitations as well. These
variables work together to influence material assemblages associated
with cultural systems. Archeological contexts are the result of further
processes which have been described in detail by Schiffer (1972). The

roles which certain goods played in Spanish-Indian interaction have
been presented in the preceding sections of this chapter as they are
indicated in the historical documents. There are numerous aspects of
the evaluation of acculturation whichcannot be arche,ologically inves
tigated. Even if certain patterns of artifact distribution are en
countered, one cannot be said to have.proved anything (without
repetitive testing at other sites), only that hypotheses have not been
disproved. By examining the material assemblage at Spanish mission
sites, particularly at Baptizing Spring where spatial aspects can be
differentiated and compared between Spanish and Indian living areas,
it will be possible to see what goods were introduced and how they
were distributed. Importantly, questions concerning what goods Indians
actually used and had access to can be examined. Analysis of the ar
tifacts themselves may provide insights into changed manufacturing tech
iques and resource utilization. The primary hypotheses to be tested,
however, dealt with distribution of particular and grouped artifacts on
the basis of the fact that distribution and consumption, as primary
economic activities, might be most indicative of social interaction
as interpreted from historical documents.
A minimum of two exchange spheres was proposed for prehistoric
Timucuan economy: a subsistence sphere and a prestige/tribute sphere.
The subsistence sphere would include such things as food and food
processing, procurement, and storage artifacts. The prestige sphere,
characterized by restricted flow to certain individuals, consisted of
authoritarian items (headdresses, garments, litters, high-status
housing, non-local metals and/or ornaments) and "power" items hides,
pearls. Unfortunately, many of these goods will not be preserved in
archeological sites.

Many of the introduced European goods listed in the documents
were subsistence-oriented: domestic animals and plants, axes, hoes,
knives, fish hooks, sickles, etc. As mentioned earlier, goods which
served as weapons may also be associated with prestige. Additionally,
scarce items may serve to indicate prestige and/or favoritism in dis
pensation. Non-subsistence items consisted of clothing, blankets,
beads, scissors, bronze bells, and religious paraphernalia. Not
specifically mentioned in historic accounts but recovered from
archeological sites are olive jar and majolica ceramics, glassware, clay
pipes, hardware, thimbles, copper, silver, and gold beads and pendants,
brass finger rings, lead beads and musketballs, glass buttons, mirrors,
crosses and crucifixes (Smith and Gottlob 1978:13-15).
The first readily identifiable indicator of status differentiation
may be that of dwelling/building location within the village. If Gar-
cilaso de la Vega was correct in describing location of elite dwellings
and important buildings around a central plaza and on a slight rise (a
pattern which has been identified in the prehistoric, stratified
societies of the Southeast) and this pattern was maintained during the
mission period as one similar to Spanish town arrangements, then the fol
lowing hypotheses could be put forth.
1. Spanish buildings, as identified through
architectural features, would have been
located in central areas, possibly on a
rise, bordering on a plaza.
2. High-status Indians would have been
living nearest the Spanish area.
3. Decreasing status would be positively cor
related with increasing distance from the
Spanish buildings and the plaza.

75
4.Status may be positively correlated with
dwelling size and elaborateness; ornamen
tation of walls and use of European hard
ware.
Artifacts' significance as prestige indicators may be shown through
correlation with aboriginal prestige goods If former high-status in
dividuals maintained their rank and it was inherited by their descendants.
Such associations may not be found, however, given the fact that many
prehistoric prestige goods will not be preserved.. Restricted distribution
and differential access to goods will be assumed to correlate with pres
tige and control. Scarce items, or those which were traded in or directed
toward priestly consumption, would be considered prestige goods within the
Indian sphere although not necessarily within the Spaniard's prestige
sphere.
5. The following trade goods, being similar in
form and function to native items, would be
classed within the Indian prestige sphere:
clothing (especially that with elaborate
designs, buttons, etc.), beads, bells, and
jewelry. 1
6. The following goods, although technically
subsistence sphere goods, would also be in
cluded within the native prestige sphere
because of their coloring, quality, and
novelty: storage jars, majolica, and glass
ware.
a. Prestige items had restricted distribution
and/or.were limited in quantity.
Test 1. Distribution of prestige trade goods within
archeological contexts will be non-random,
concentrated in high-status areas.
Test 2. Prestige goods will be fewer in number than
subsistence goods and native-manufactured
goods in the Indian living areas.
7. European trade goods associated with prestige
will have supplanted aboriginal prestige items.

7ft
70. If Indian patterns of reckoning prestige and
its accouterments were retained, then native
prestige goods or European equivalents will
be found in high-status living areas within
the Indian sector of the village.
8.Indian goods retained within the prestige
sphere will be those which were also
valued by Europeans such as.hides, precious
or semi-precious metals, pearls, and high-
status housing.
Test 1. Aboriginal and historic prestige items will
be found within the same household units.
Test 2. European prestige items may be more
numerous than prehistoric ones.
In order to have maintained or obtained rank within the new
Catholic-based hierarchy, Indians would have to have been good Christian
converts. If, as is common, religious medals and other symbolic parapher-
< .
nalia were awarded for learning and observing catechism:
9.Religious items may be found more often in
conjunction with non-sacred prestige items
within high-status dwellings.
a. These items, if limited in quantity, will
tend to be concentrated in high-status areas
within the Indian village.
With regard to directional flow of non-food goods from Indians to
priests and Spanish government to priests:
10. If more Indian goods were given to priests than
European goods were to Indians, the ratio of
European to Indian goods would be higher for
Spaniards than for Indians, and
11. Cumulative total of goods per person would be
greater for priests, declining with decreasing
status.
a. European goods distributed among Indians may
have increased significance as prestige items.

77
Otto (1975:161, 219), working with material from a Georgia Sea
Island plantation, proposed that artifact diversity would be correlated
with different status groups such as slaves, overseers, and planters.
In particular, he examined the variety of ceramic types and forms and
faunal assemblages in three midden areas of these different groups.
Kohler (1978:27-29) re-examined Otto's data and calculated an index of
diversity for each of the plantation middens. He then hypothesized and
tested the idea that in prehistoric sites ceramic type diversity would be
greater in high-status middens than in lower status middens. The op
posite was found to be true at the plantation site. The reason for dif
ferent diversity measures of artifact assemblages was defined as difieren
tial access to goods. On the basis of these data and the assumption of
differential access to goods, one might expect the diversity of ceramic
types to be higher in the Spanish living area than in Indian living areas
Priests, with greater access to Spanish ceramics, might acquire "sets"
whereas Indians would have to either obtain cast-offs from priests
representing smaller proportions of a greater number of sets or buy
their own ceramics during periodic trips to the market in St. Augustine..
Another possibility which yields the same results is that Indians only
obtained sherds, rather than whole vessels, and that these were used as
ornaments (Seaberg 1955:147), gaming discs-, or were simply collected for
their color and novelty. Actual numbers of sherds of a single type
would be greater in the Spanish area if ceramics owned by priests were
broken there. In either case, one might make the following hypotheses:
12. Indians, with an eye for variety in their col
lection of ceramics and/or sherds, will have
higher diversity of majolica types than will
priests who would have owned whole vessels

78
(yielding more sherds of a single, type) and/
or preferred matching pieces over a variety
of types.
. 13. If Indians were receiving majolica shejahs
there will be a low frequency of sherds rep
resenting any single vessel and sherds from
a single vessel may be scattered over a wide
area. .
a. If majolica was a high-status indicator
among the Indian population, there will
be a greater number of these sherds in
high-status Indian areas.
Kohler (1978:31-32, 198-199) predicted and found positive cor
relation between higher ceramic diversity and elite status areas at a
Weeden Island ceremonial site (McKeithen site) in Columbia County,
Florida. His hypothesis was based on the assumption that elite in
dividuals had greater access to trade and high-status goods within a
chiefdom. During the mission period it might also be expected that
high-status Indians would have greater diversity of native-manufactured
goods within the Indian living area. In addition, if priests preferred
certain designs or forms of native-manufactured ceramics or if certain
individuals were producing vessels for their consumption, one might
predict that aboriginal ceramics in the mission buildings would exhibit
lower diversity than in the rest of the village.
14. Aboriginal ceramic type diversity will be
greater in the Indian sector than in the
Spanish sector.
Each of the hypotheses related to production and distribution of
subsistence goods has its null counterpart which will not be included in
the text but will be implied.

79
15- Spanish subsistence sphere goods were acces
sible to all Indians regardless of status.
16. Introduced European food items such as cows,
pigs, chickens, peaches, oranges, etc..,
would have been restricted among Indians.
a. The above goods might have been available
only to priests who had greater access to
them through shipments from St. Augustine
or by demanding them as tithes/alms.
b. Cattle may not have been used as food
resources if they were not raised at mis
sions or if their consumption was
primarily intended for soldiers and St.
Augustine where the market and slaughter
house were.
17. Priests and high-status Indians would have
received the best part (meatiest, most ten
der) of hunted game plus proportionately
more of the domesticates than would lower
status individuals.
18. With their monopoly over production and alms
payments, priests' diets would have included
more European foods, been less diverse, and
of better nutritional value than diets of
Indians.
19. If livestock raised by Indians went primarily
to priests and/or soldiers, chickens, pigs,
and cattle remains will be poorly represented
in or absent from Indian dwelling areas.
The next chapter will present a review of previous archeological
research carried out at Florida mission period sites, most of which
concerns missions in northwest Florida (Apalache). It will also in
clude research carried out in Suwannee County which is pertinent to
this study and descriptive data regarding methodology and the history of
excavations at the Baptizing Spring site.

CHAPTER FOUR
ARCHEOLOGICAL CONTEXTS OF SPANISH-INDIAN LIFE AT FLORIDA MISSIONS
Archeological data from other mission sites in Florida will be
examined in depth relative to findings at the Baptizing Spring site in
Chapter Six. This chapter presents a brief review of published works
relevant to mission archeology, summaries of previous hypotheses and
conclusions based on those data. The 1977 survey and excavation data
from Baptizing Spring are also presented.
Mission Archeology (1948-1977)
The earliest archeologically constructive interest in Florida mis
sions was exhibited by Hale G. Smith. He defined and gave material sub
stance to two historical archeological periods then called St. Augustine
(1565-1750) and Leon-Jefferson (1650-1725) (Smith 1948:313-319). These
periods had artifactual, temporal, and geographical parameters: the St.
Augustine period included the founding of that city and the ensuing years
until the extirpation of most Indians residing near the capitol. This
period applied only to the eastern portion of north Florida from the St.
Johns River eastward to the Atlantic coast. Ceramic types, on which most
period definitions are initially based, included the St. Johns chalky
wares and San Marcos ceramics plus Spanish ceramics. ;
The Leon-Jefferson period covered the time of mission activity in
the Apalache province (actually beginning ca. 1633) and, in fact, derived
its definition from excavation of the Scott Miller site near Tallahassee
in Jefferson County. Again, the period was defined on the basis of
80

81
material culture: Spanish ceramics and trade goods and the aboriginal
ceramic types Mission Red Filmed, Miller Plain, Aucilla Incised, Lamar-
like Hold Incised, Leon Check Stamped, Jefferson Ware Plain and Comp
licated Stamped types, gritty plain, and Alachua Cob Marked.
The geographical parameters of these two periods left a great void
between the Aucilla and St. Johns Rivers. Between 1955 and 1976, this
void has begun to be filled but even considering that fourteen mission
sites have been excavated in northern Florida, there remains a con
siderable lack of information. A general problem has been incomplete
investigation within mission villages (concentration on Spanish living
areas and cemeteries) or a common inability to ascertain exactly what
part of a village, of unknown size, was being excavated.
Apalache
Scott Miller, the first excavated mission site in Florida, is
located approximately 37.0 km southeast of Tallahassee (Figure 3). It
is situated in an area marked with numerous limestone sinks, roughly
14.5 km west of the Aucilla River and 4.8 km north of the Wacissa
River. The site iteslf is at a high elevation (for Florida), 76 to 91 m
above mean sea level (AMSL), on a plateau in the Tallahassee Red Hills
physiographic region. About 3 km south of the site, the land drops off
sharply into the low, swampy, sandy Gulf Coastal Plain (Smith 1951:109
110). The presence of burnt red clay wall and floor rubble in a freshly
plowed field made distinction of the two mission building remains unmis
takable. It was, therefore, these two areas and an intervening borrow
pit that received the brunt of the investigation.
On the basis of location with respect to natural features and other
known mission sites, Scott Miller was tentatively identified as San

Figure 3. Location of Selected Excavated Mission Period Sites and Approximate Location of Utina Tribe.
CO
N?

Francisco de Oconee (Smith 1951:112). Smith noted that the entire 20
acre (8.1 hectare) field showed surface evidence of occupation but
trenching failed to disclose other building remains or evidence of a
palisade. The remainder of Smith's report concentrates on architectural
features of the two Spanish buildings, artifact assemblages from the
three major excavation blocks, and a description of the Leon-Jefferson
period in terms of material culture.
The fort and mission of San Luis, 3.2 km west of Tallahassee, were
tested to locate remains of the fort (Griffin 1951:139, 143). The
material assemblage was similar to that at Scott Miller although propor
tions of ceramic types differed (Griffin 1951:155). As at Scott Miller,
the primary goals were to label the site with a Spanish name so that dis
tances to other sites could be plotted and to describe the material com
plex. Interpretation of acculturation situation was cursory although
both Smith and Griffin viewed this as of primary importance.
In 1966 the Florida Division of Archives, History, and Records
Management (FDAHRM) received approval to establish a mission study pro
gram. Field research began in 1968 and continued for about four years.
During that' period, five missions were discovered in the Apalache area
(San Lorenzo de Ivitachuco, San Joseph de Ocuya, San Pedro de Patali,
San Antonio de Bacuqua?, and San Damian de Escambi) and two in the Wes
tern Timucuan area (San Miguel de Asile and San Pedro y San Pablo de
Potohiriba)(Jones 1970a:1,3). San Damian (ca. 1633-1704) was partially
excavated in 1969. Portions of a burned, wooden building and a cemetery
containing approximately 143 burials were located (Jones 1970a:3; 1970b:
1). Within the building area, a large variety of brass and iron tools
and a broken bell were recovered (Jones 1970a:3).

Forty-two of the 143 burials at San Damian were excavated. The
cemetery was located about 30.5 m south of the structural remains
(church). Individual graves were situated in tight rows and groups of
burials were enclosed in square 2.4 m on a side grid patterns of
postholes (Jones 1970b:1). Host of the skeletons were supine, in
separate graves, with their skulls toward the southeast. Hands had
been placed either crossed or clasped over the chest. Three graves,
two adult and one child, were double burials. One child was in a
semi-flexed position. Two adults and a child, possibly Spanish, had
been buried in coffins. Grave goods consisted of items of personal
adornment: glass beads, rolled sheet brass beads, and shell pendants
(Jones 19 7 Ob:2).
Excavations at the site of San Lorenzo de Ivitachuco revealed the
remains of a burned convent which measured 4.3 m by 6.2 m (Jones 1972:
2). Although Jones describes a mission site designated San Pedro y San
Pablo de Patali (Jones 1971:2), the location of this mission (110 miles
or 177 km east of Tallahassee) and following artifact descriptions in
dicates that article actually refers to the Yustega mission and village
San Pedro y San Pablo de Potohiriba. Since this is a Western Timucuan
mission site, it will be discussed in the next section.
Surface reconnaissance at the San Joseph de Ocuya site (Figure 3)
indicated that the site covered about 10 acres (roughly 4 hectares) and
exhibited at least three areas where Spanish artifacts were concentrated
(Jones 1973:6). The convent measured 9.4 m by 10.4 m and had been made
of wood plastered over with red clay. Within this structure, a brass
candelabra was recovered. The cemetery was located southeast of the con
vent and contained about 300 graves, 15 of which were excavated (seven

85
adult and eight child). The child graves were located nearest the con
vent. Individual burials were extended and had been placed close
together in narrow pits. No burial accouterments were found (Jones 1972:
2).
At San Joseph, Jones located what appeared to be a semi-subterranean
(winter?) structure which was 6.4 m by 5.9 m in size. He also un
covered a trash pit and part of a palisade trench (Jones 1973:6).
Remains indicated wattle and daub type wall construction and a compact,
red clay floor. Jones (1973:46) suggested that the structure was of
Spanish innovation and utilization on the basis of such features as wat
tle and daub construction, large rectangular (i.e. hewn) posts, and pos
sible association of a Spanish ceramic sherd and Miller Plain copy ves
sel.
Jones went into considerable detail describing recovered Spanish and
aboriginal artifacts. Floral and faunal material were so fragmentary
that little could be said about them (Jones 1973:5). The main purpose
of the account was to describe. Cultural "speculations" and inter
pretations were concerned primarily with continuity/discontinuity of
aboriginal ceramic types and cross-dating sites.
The last mission site to be discussed for the Apalache area is San
Juan de Aspalaga, or the Pine Tuft site (Figure 3). The report by
Morrell and Jones (1970) was written to provide a preliminary architec
tural description of the Spanish buildings. Hale Smith conducted the
first excavations at this site in the early 1950s but the only published
report is the one referred to here. Two wattle and daub structural
units (church and convent) and the remains of a compound wall were dis
covered (Morrell and Jones 1970:28-41). The report describes

86
architectural features. Data on aboriginal and European materials, it
is stated, will be presented at a later date in conjunction with mul
tiple Spanish mission research information (Morrell and Jones 1970:25).
Architectural data from Pine Tuft will be compared to data from
Baptizing Spring in the next chapter.'
Western Timucua
Two Yustega mission sites, San Miguel de Asile and San Pedro de
Potohiriba (plus the associated village of San Pablo), were excavated as
part of the FDAHRM mission study program. The only readily available
information regarding San Miguel concerns the cemetery. It was located
15.2 m north of the church and 10 burials were partially excavated. The
individuals were all primary and extended. A multiple grave containing
five individuals was excavated (Jones 1972:2).
As mentioned above, the designation of San Pedro y San Pablo de
Potohiriba as San Pedro y San Pablo de Patali created some confusion
for this author. It is hoped that the data presented below are accurate.
This site, San Pedro y San Pablo de Potohiriba (Figure 3), entailed two
churches (an earlier and a later structure), a convent, a cooking build
ing, and a cemetery (Jones 1971:2). A report in a special edition of the
Madison County Carrier (Greene ed., 1972) indicates that a plaza was also
delineated and that the site covered almost three acres (1.2 hectares).
This site area figure probably refers only to the Spanish sector. The
convent was 11.6 m on a side and had been burned, as evidenced by the
scorched mud floor (Jones 1972:2; 1971:2). The cemetery was located 61 m
northeast of the convent and was roughly 18.3 m by 24.4 m, containing 200
burials. Sixty-four burials were excavated and 13 of these had associated
grave goods. As at San Damian, it appeared that the cemetery had been

87
fenced but no individually fenced plots were discovered (Jones 1971:2;
1972:2; Crecne ed1972). i
Burials were extended, supine, and primary and had been placed in
very close rows. Overlapping of burial pits and multiple graves were
more common here than at other mission sites (Jones 1972:2). In the
central burial area, individual burials overlapped two or three deep
(Greene ed., 1972). Adolescent burials were located in the western por
tion of the cemetery (Jones 1972:2; Greene ed., 1972). Commonly, hands
were placed over the chest and all except two burials were oriented with
their heads toward the southeast; one adolescent and one adult were
oriented with their heads toward the northwest (Jones 1972:2; Greene ed.,
1972). The cemetery had been located on top of an earlier church struc
tural area and the burials intruded through that floor. Grave accouter
ments included glass beads, rolled brass beads, brass finger rings, dum-
bell-shaped shell pendants, shell beads, and a shell gorget (Jones 1971:
2). A small brass crucifix was found associated with a child burial and
a broken, brass hawk bell was found with an adult (Jones 1972:2; Greene
ed., 1972).
Of the four remaining historic Western Timucuan sites previously ex
cavated, three were Potano (centered around Alachua County) and one was
Utina. The latter, Fig Springs, was a dump site in a spring off the
Ichtucknee River in Columbia County. The Zetrouer site, excavated by
John M. Goggin and University of Florida Field Schools over a four year
period, was written as Seaberg's master's thesis in 1955. This site may
have been the Spanish cattle ranch at Alachua (Seaberg 1955:160). It
is located 16 km southeast of Gainesville and about 1.6 km east of
Paynes Prairie, situated on a "high hill" about 109 m AMSL. Small,

88
swampy areas and higher hammock land occur in adjacent areas while the
site itself is in fairly typical southern hardwood forest. On the
summit, soils are sandy and well-drained but most of the site was under
lain by clayey sand and "rock" (limestone?) at 15-30 cm below the sur
face (Seaberg 1955:5-6).
No structural evidence was uncovered but features included a fire
pit, two concentrations of charcoal and corncobs, and a refuse pit
(Seaberg 1955:13-16). The larger part of Seaberg's thesis is descrip
tive in terms of artifacts and historical-archeological synthesis. This
latter attempt, however, was the first of its kind. She never really put
the two disciplines together although Seaberg does provide a fairly
good outline of selected historical documents and archeological data up to
that date.
Exploratory testing and surface collection by Goggin and Mr. Gerald
Evans were carried out at the Fox Pond site (Figure 3) in 1956. These
were followed much later by more excavation in 1964 under direction of
Charles H. Fairbanks and William H. Sears. This site, possibly .the 17th
century mission of San Francisco de Potano, is located 12.9 km northwest
of Gainesville near two sink holes, Turkey Creek, and Blue Creek (Symes
and Stephens 1965:65). Excavations revealed no building remains and it
has been suggested that the area investigated did not include the
earliest village associated with the mission since ceramic seriation
suggested an occupation date of 1630-1669 (Milanich 1978:79). Accord
ing to Milanich (personal communication, 1979), the main village was
located to the southwest, west of Fox Pond proper. The site was single
component and shallow, only about 30 cm in depth to sterile soil
(Grawford 1964:2). This appears'characteristic of Potano sites (Milanich
1978:81).

89
The third Potano site, possibly the visita of Apalo, is the
Richardson site, located on high ground bordering Orange hake just
north of Evinston (Figure 3) (Milanich 1972:36). Investigation, in the
form of surface collection, was first carried out during the 1940s and
continued into the 1950s under direction of Dr. John M. Goggin. A total
of 5,159 sherds were recovered. About 2% of these ceramics were Spanish
and 20 majolica sherds were seriated to produce an early occupation date
of 1615 (Goggin 1968:73). Goggin used this site as a "type site" for the
early Potano period (Goggin 1953). Later excavations were carried out in
1970 under the direction of Charles H. Fairbanks with a University of
Florida archeological field school (Milanich 1972:36).
Three unit clusters were excavated during this later investigation
and posthole patterns indicative of circular structures were discovered.
Additional features included charcoal-filled "smudge pits" (burnt posts?)
and fire and refuse pits. Concentration of Spanish material occurred
in the southern part of the village. Milanich's report (1972:58) in
cludes a brief interpretive section on archeological and historical data
couched in acculturative terms but remarks derived from historical data
are treated as conclusions rather than hypotheses. Again, after des
cription of artifacts, there is very little consideration of
archeological data relevant to Spanish-Indian interaction.
Prior to 1976, the only Utina site investigated was Fig Springs,
located in Columbia County on the Ichtucknee River (Figure 3). Testing
failed to locate a land site but thousands of artifacts were removed
from the spring which probably had been used as a trash dump during the
17th century. Material remains placed this site within the Leon-Jeffer-
son framework proposed by Smith although aboriginal ceramics consisted

90
of Potarlo, St. Johns, and Leon-Jofferson types (Deagan 1972:23). Of
necessity and because no Utina site had ever been excavated, Deagan's
report was descriptive. She did compare types and proportions of ar
tifacts represented (primarily ceramics) with other missions sites. Im
plications of "Leon-Jefferson influence" and some possible origins of
Leon-Jefferson were examined (Deagan 1972:4142) and will be discussed
in a following section. Assumptions about the data were made, however,
which had little basis on past knowledge of Utina material culture.
Deagan (1972:43) designated two main archeological problems and gave
certain explicitly inferential answers to them.
f
Eastern Timucua
The major mission excavation east of the St. Johns River was at San
Juan del Puerto, located on Ft. George Island in the mouth of the river
(Figure 3). Excavations were conducted in 1955 under direction of John
W. Griffin (1960:63) and again in 1961 by William Jones (1967) under
sponsorship of John Goggin. Judith McMurray (1973) discussed the
excavations and artifact analysis in her master's thesis, the main em
phasis of which was definition of vthe San Marcos ceramic series. Struc
tural evidence was inconclusive and it could never be ascertained which
part of the mission was examined. It was felt, however, that the ex
cavations had been within the Spanish living area as suggested by the
presence of numerous Spanish artifacts and a series of small shell heaps
located some distance away from the area.
Another Eastern Timucuan mission, Nombre de Dios in St. Augustine,
has been auger tested (Benton 1976) but not yet excavated. About 0.4 km
away at the present site of the Fountain of Youth Park, three
excavation sessions have been carried out during the past 40 years. Not

91
a mission, this Timucuan village thought to have been Seloy, was pos
sibly a visita. The park contains two shell middens, a village area,
and a cemetery (Merritt 1977:61). The cemetery was excavated in part
during 1934 under direction of J. R. Dickson who mentioned that over
100 burials were found. Subsequent reporting by Seaberg (1951) could
only provide data for 74 burials (Merritt 1977:37). Roughly 93% of
the burials were primary and extended with the feet toward the east;
most of them had their arms crossed over the chest in Christian burial
fashion. About 4% of the burials were bundle types and 3% were flexed
(Merritt 1977:37). Burial accompaniments included glass and shell beads,
aboriginal and Spanish ceramics (possibly incidental in midden deposits),
a clay pipe, a projectile point, five metal cone-shaped "tinklers," an
amber pendant, and an iron spike (Merritt 1977:43).
Interpretations,Inferences, and Hypotheses
of Previous Research
Several problems, questions, and conclusions were raised by authors
of the preceding reports which deserve consideration. Although not
specifically directed toward examination of these interpretations and
hypotheses, it will be obvious that Chapter Three and the following
chapters will come to bear on them. Some conclusions reached by earlier
investigators have already been touched on by later authors, albeit often
implicitly. For instance, Smith (1951:130) stated that aside from pot
tery, the aboriginal assemblage at Scott Miller was almost negligible
and it was, therefore, reasonable to assume that aboriginal items other
than pottery had largely been discarded in favor of European trade items.
If one were to consider for only a moment, the obvious explanation is not
necessarily the one proposed by Smith but the fact that his excavations

concentrated on Spanish living areas. Were he to have gained the same
information from Indian sectors of the village, lie would have been cor
rect in stating this hypothesis which could be tested at other mission
sites. Smith (1951:134) then went on to claim that through missionary
work there was partial, if not complete, replacement of aboriginal
ceremonial and "mental attitudes" that were undoubtedly reflected in
the social and material culture of the Indians. One can hardly argue
with the latter part of this statement but the entire basis for it lies
on biased excavation data. Additionally, documentary evidence recounted
in Chapter Three suggests that mental attitudes and ceremonial behavior
were not replaced to the degree formerly assumed. This is not to say
that Smith was incorrect; it is doubtful that we shall ever know or
prove to what degree attitudes changed. There is enough evidence,
however, historical and possibly archeological, that native behavior
did not undergo radical modification of some aspects.
A rather questionable conclusion, but one considered by Seaberg
(1955) and Deagan (1972), was Griffin's suggestion that any mission
period site with much less than 33% European ceramics out of the total
would not be an actual mission settlement (Griffin 1951:154). This is
incongruous with the data since this "suspicion" was raised on the basis
of excavations, one set of which was minor testing, at only two sites,
both of which were in the Apalache region. Smith's bias plus incomplete
testing at San Luis within the Spanish fort speak for themselves.
As is often the case, archeological evidence must depend largely
on ceramics at one time or another. Several inferences have been based
on Smith's timing of the appearance of the Leon-Jefferson complex in
Apalache. Although seriation of other aboriginal ceramics and documentary

93
evidence: formed the basis for dating the Richardson site as pre-1650,
the fact that no Leon-Jefferson ceramics were present was taken into
consideration when that date was assigned (Milanich 1972:57). Deagan
(1972:42) stated that at Fig Springs and Fox Pond prehistoric local
ceramics were replaced by Leon-Jefferson ceramics after 1650. In fact,
there is no absolute certainty concerning the first appearance of Leon-
Jefferson ceramic types, although they are definitely late prehistoric,
nor where they originated. The Richardson site may very well lack
these types because of occupation span but it is also possible that pot
ters making them never moved there or trade never brought them there.
The whole question of Utina association with Leon-Jefferson types is con
fused since we do not know which pre-contact ceramic types are associated
with the Utina. It is recognized by all authors that the Leon-Jefferson
complex bears striking resemblance to central Georgia Lamar ceramics and
Ocmulgee Fields types and that complicated stamping "appears suddenly"
(archeologically speaking) in northern Florida. The question of whether
or not "adoption of Georgia pottery styles by Florida Indians represents
diffusion of techniques or actual population mixing remains unanswered"
(Milanich 1978:75). The main thrust of this thesis is not the
examination of ceramic type relationships and cultural affiliations.
Hypotheses relevant to the above questions have been.proposed (Loucks
1978b) and will be mentioned briefly in a later chapter.
A final word is offered in view of the remark that "cultures affec
ted by the mission system apparently lost much of their self-determination
and vigor in the process of acculturation. This can be seen in the al
most total abandonment of traditional elements of the culture and ready
acceptance of new ones such as the ceramic situation in the Leon-Jefferson

94
period" (Deagan 1972:43). I would argue that Leon-Jefferson is not well-
enough understood to support this statement and that documentary and
archeological data do not suggest that native cultures lost their "self-
determination" or "vigor" a rather ethnocentric concept. Rather, it
is likely that Apalachian and Timucuan systems were as vigorous as pos
sible, considering population decrements, and that many aspects of
traditional patterns were maintained or integrated into new systems that,
in many respects, differed little from old ones.
Milanich (1972:59, 60; 1978:68) and Smith (1951:134) have argued that
the introduction of new subsistence techniques and tools led to increased
agricultural intensity, self-sufficiency (of the mission), changes in
aboriginal subsistence techniques, and, perhaps, increased productivity.
Deagan (1978:113), on the other hand, stated that the introduction of
European farming implements and horticultural techniques did not seem to
cause basic changes among the Eastern Timucua. Iron tools, cultigens,
and domestic animals were introduced by the Spaniards and in some places
new techniques were also implemented (e.g. oxen-drawn plows, growing
winter crops and planting orchards). It is not known how widespread
these introductions were; for the "ordinary" village Indian, such prac
tices may have little affect except when required to work on Spanish
haciendas or in St. Augustine. Some Indians must have become involved
with Spanish-introduced agricultural and pastoral practices although the
documentary references regarding the need for Mesoamericans to teach the
Indians how to farm, Calderon's description of horticultural practices,
and Bushnell's research which indicated that Indians prepared and sowed
gardens in St. Augustine using digging sticks all suggest that the in
troduction of new techniques was not as widespread as has been thought.

95
There are also considerable historical references which indicate
that black and mulatto slaves were vised on ranches and haciendas. Those
individuals may have been more involved with implementing Spanish tech
niques than Indians were. Major questions revolve around the fact that,
despite documentary inferences and statements, it is not known how
many tools, animals, etc. were allotted per number of Indians nor how
these were distributed or managed. The simple introduction of new tools
and practices does not increase efficiency or productivity without an
added motivation (Boserup 1975; Salsibury 1976). The motivation, of
course, was provided by religious regimentation of mission activities
and requirements of paying tithes and taxes. Presumably, there were
means used to enforce these requirements. It would have been difficult
to increase productivity proportionate to the number of consumers and
increased demands. Population decline, repartimiento labors in
activities other than agricultural pursuits, and limited soil fertility
all worked against increased productivity. Even if the bodies were
willing, the potential was weak. In Apalache, however, where soil fer
tility was much higher to begin with than in other parts of Florida,
agricultural activities may have been intensified. This is certainly the
area upon which most Spaniards levelled their hopes and attentions with
regard to subsistence production. I would tend to concur with Deagan
that the introduction of farming techniques and implements did not
produce major, basic changes in mission Indian horticultural practices.
Even though the schedule had been altered, the physical aspects of the
activities were probably unaffected. Intensification probably occurred
but it is not certain that productivity increased. It is obvious that

96
a great deal of historical and archeological research is needed to an
swer this question. It is necessary to ascertain how many Indians in
which locations actually had and used Spanish tools and practices; how
subsistence patterns changed in terms,of food resources used and amount
of food available. The documentary evidence can not be relied upon
by itself since it is conceivable that reports of food shortages were
fabricated or, at least, exaggerated. For all mission sites, it is
necessary to ascertain how much access Indians had to domesticates as
well as what proportion of the Spanish diet was comprised by cultigens
and livestock, libere are the European tools located within a village
and how many were there? Were European tools more common on Spanish-
operated ranches and haciendas than they were at missions? These are
some of the questions which need to be approached and answered, even
tentatively, before definite conclusions can be reached regarding changes
in subsistence practices, self-sufficiency, and productivity.
A final topic dealt with by Milanich (1978) and Deagan (1978) con
cerns Spanish efforts to change inheritance patterns and political or
ganization. This appears to have worked in two ways. Governor Menendez
Marqus (1593) wrote to Philip II saying that the Indians desired to
change the practice of inheriting from .their mother to that of inheriting
from their fathers. This might have been an attempt to gain Spanish
goods, wealth, and concomitant prestige since Spaniards, especially sol
diers, married Indian women. The Crown replied that at that time it was
better to insist that old "laws" be kept but that it might be good to sup
port the Indians in this desire at a later date (Marques 1593).
Later documents, cited in Chapter.Three, indicated that although the
Spaniards cultivated special ties with influential Indians, they sought

9 7
to protect this investment by determining that Indians who claimed to
be caciques actually had the inherited right to be caciques. Indians
whom Spaniards placed and supported in influential positions may have
been those who would have been high-status individuals under traditional
reckoning. It has not yet been determined, either historically or
archeologically, if inheritance patterns actually changed. It might
also be postulated that changes in inheritance patterns may have been
more likely in St. Augustine rather than at the missions since there
were more mixed marriages in the capitol city than in other places.
In fact, it is unlikely, although not impossible, that Spaniards would
have married Indian women at missions or villages and then have chosen
to reside there. How many Indian men married Spanish women has not
been determined and it is possible that this practice would have met
with more Spanish resistance than the reverse situation.
The Utina
The Utina were reportedly the most populous Western Timucuan tribe;
their region extended from the Suwannee River eastward to the St. Johns
River and from the Santa Fe River possibly as far north as present day
Valdosta, Georgia (Figure 3). Population concentrations within this
area are not known. According to recent archeological surveys in nor
thern Columbia County, however, there are few and scattered areas which
would have supported large village populations (Siglar-Lavelle 1979).
The earliest Spanish contact was made in 1528 when the Narvaez ex
pedition passed through the western portion of their territory. In 1539
the de Soto entrada travelled north and west through the heart of Utina
and was engaged in several skirmishes as well as one major battle
(Milani'ch 1978:70).

98
Previous to sustained mission contact, the Utina (eastern?)
received visits from Father Lopez, residing at Cumberland Island, Georgia,
between 1587 and 1599 (Geiger 1940:68). The impact and nature of these
early forays are unknown. Westward expansion of the mission system did
not begin until 1606 when Father Martin Prieto moved into Potano and
founded the mission San Martn de Potano (Geiger 1937:227). In 1616,
Father Luis Gernimo de Ore/ visited Florida in his official capacity as
commissary of the custodio Santa Elena. Among the places he visited,
he listed the town of Santa Fe de Teleco, San Martin de Potano, the con
vent of San Juan de Guacara (on the Suwannee River), and the guardiente
Santa Cruz de Tarihica (Geiger 1937:257-260). It is known that prior to
1650 Alonso Escudero was guardian of Santa Cruz (Geiger 1940:48). By
1655, San Augustin de Urica, Santa Maria de los Angeles de Arapaha, and
San Francisco de Chuaquin had been established (Geiger 1940:125-126).
Locations of these missions are given in terms of leagues (roughly 2.5
miles or 4 km) from St. Augustine and whether or not they were measured
along roads is unknown, although generally assumed. The map of the
camino real from St. Augustine to Pensacola, executed by Joseph Purcell
(1778), indicates an area of "old fields" and "cold spring" in the ap
proximate area of Baptizing Spring, probably 1-2 km west of the site, at
the most. Purcell (1778) also noted that between the Santa Fe and
Seguana (Suwannee) Rivers, along the road, there were "many remarkable
rocky springs from 20 to 30 feet deep said to run subterraneous into the
rivers." The "old fields," a term applied to areas of past Indian oc
cupation, shown east of the location of the mission San Juan de Guacara
(where "old fields" were also noted as present) could have represented
the site now referred to as Baptizing Spring. This is fortified by the

99
fact that Purcell noted a "cold spring" in association, although there
are at least five springs currently In the area of the Baptizing Spring
site. the distances from St. Augustine given in the 1655 list of
missions were measured along the road, then San Augustin de Urica (60
leagues from St. Augustine and 6? leagues from Santa Cruz de Tarihica;
see Geiger 1940:125-126) would have been in the area of Purcell's "old
field" and "cold spring" and the present site of Baptizing Spring.
Santa Catalina de Ajoica (also referred to as Ahoica and Afuerica)
does not appear on mission lists until 1655 (Geiger 1940:125-126). It
is also mentioned in Governor Salazar's (Geiger 1940:129) and Bishop
Caldero'n's (Wenhold 1936:8) lists of 1675. By that year, there were
only three missions listed among the Utina: Santa Catalina with about
70 persons in residence, Santa Cruz de Tarihica with about 80 persons,
and San Juan de Guacara, also with roughly 80 persons in residence
(Geiger 1940:131). In 1678 the cacique of Santa Catalina told Sergeant
Major Domingo de Leturiondo that he had contracted with the Indian
Nicola's Suarez to establish a cattle ranch between the mission (Santa
Catalina) and the deserted village of Ajoica, three leagues away (Pearson
1968:279). Assignation of the name Ajoica to a village, mission, and
cattle ranch has created some confusion for mission scholars but, ap
parently, by the late 1670s there was only the mission (with centralized
population from the former village?) and the cattle ranch.
Sometime between 1655 and 1675, the missions in the western Utina
region had been reduced to three. San Augustin de Urica is not known to
be mentioned after 1655. There is no good supporting evidence for desig
nating the Baptizing Spring site as that mission but it is possible that,
since there were more missions in general in Utina up to the mid-1600s,

100
the Baptizing Spring site could have been one of the missions present
during the first half of the 17th century. It is possible that the
epidemics, famine, and Timucuan revolt so reduced populations that
Indians residing at these missions were removed to one of the three
major missions that continued to exist until the late 17th-early 18th
century. In that event, it is probable that Indians from San Augustin
de Urica (if its location was as postulated) would have been moved to
San Juan de Guacara which was the nearest mission.
Santa Catalina was reportedly destroyed by Yamassee slave raiders
in 1685 (Bolton 1925:40) yet the 1689 census counted 40 families residing
there (Boniface 1968:85-87). It is possible that some Indians returned
to the village or that new Indians moved (were moved?) in. The 1689
census also indicates 30 families were living at San Juan de Guacara
and that 20 families were at Santa Cruz de Tarihica. This was quite a
population reduction from the early Utina mission period when Antonio
de Cuellar claimed he converted almost 4000 Indians in the region of
Tarchica [sic] (Geiger 1940:46). Of course, he might have been exag
gerating. San Juan was destroyed in 1689-90 (Boyd 1951:11) and the fate
of Santa Cruz is uncertain, although it is possible that it was also des
troyed at the same time.
Baptizing Spring
The Baptizing Spring site is located adjacent to the freshwater
spring of the same name (Figure 4). It is 3-4 km east of the cross
roads town of Luraville. Luraville was established in 1878 and by 1886
had a population of 75. During the 1890s Luraville was larger than Live
Oak, the present county seat, was at that time (Suwannee County Centennial

101
1977 SURVEY SITE
Figure 4. Contour Map of Vicinity Around Baptizing Spring. Adapted from USGS
7.5 min series, Dowling Park (1954) and Mayo (1955) Quandrangles.-

102
Inc. 1958:47). The town was the major shipping point (by steamboat on
the Suwannee River) in that section of the state for Sea Island cotton,
bright leaf tobacco, and vegetables. Sea Island cotton and tobacco
plantations in the area were among the leading producers in the state.
Also in the 1890s, Luraville was the center of phosphate industry in
Florida. The town was a boom town; it consisted of four stores; a
blacksmith shop, two churches, a scholhouse, a cotton gin, and saw and
grist mills. Forty years later, around the middle of the 1920s, Luraville
was described as a "ghost town" (Suwannee County Centennial Inc. 1958:47).
Current names of sloughs and springs reflect the settlers of the country
side in 1864: Colonel Washington LaFayette Irvine founded the town and
named it after his daughter Lura; Reverends B. Telford (Tilford Spring)
and W.H. Ivey and Dr. C. Peacock have all been immortalized in the land
scape.
The exact history of the Baptizing Spring area has not been traced
through the county records by the author. Late 19th-early 20th century ar
tifacts ironstone and transfer printed whiteware ceramics, portions
of glass jars and bottles indicate that the site was occupied during
that period. The relative concentration of these artifacts in the area
of Structure B and northward indicate that this might have been the
location of the 19th-20th century structure. The only features from
this later period which were identified during the excavations were a
series of square fencepost holes cutting diagonally across the southwest
corner of the Structure D excavation block. Just west of this area, in
Trench //6, a military medal was recovered. It was embossed with the
commemorative slogan "LOUIS KOSSUTH*THE GEORGE WASHIGTON [sic] OF
HUNGARY" and a bust, presumably of Kossuth. It is probable that the

103
previous occupants of the site were engaged in farming activities. It
is not known presently where the name "Baptizing Spring" derived from.
The only information discovered by the author while in the field was that
Mr. Howe Land's father, who grew up in.the area, had told him that
Baptizing Spring was the spring located east (Walker Spring) of the spring
shown on current maps as Baptizing Spring.
Environmental Characteristics
The southwestern portion of Suwannee County around Luraville is
elevated only about 15 m (45 feet) AMSL. Oligocene Suwannee Formation
limestone underlies this region at depths of 1.5 to 6 m below the
present surface. The Suwannee Formation is primarily hard, interbedded
strata of soft granular limestone, honeycombed with caves and solution
pockets which collapse (i.e. "sinks") (Houston ej^ al. 1965:95). These
caves and solution pores serve an important function as underground
freshwater reservoirs which, when they break through into sinks, provide
water sources as springs.
According to the most recent soil survey (Houston et al. 1965) the
area around Baptizing Spring is characterized by Blanton fine sand, low,
with 0-5% slope. From testing and excavation, it is apparent that the
area could equally well be classified as part of the Blanton-Kalmia-Leaf
Complex (Houston et al. 1965:12-13) characteristic of floodplains along
the Suwannee River. The most important feature of this complex is the
sandy clay loam or clayey loam which occurs anywhere from 10-70 cm below
the surface. All Blanton fine sand series are highly acidic and low in
organic material and natural fertility (Houston et al. 1965:10-13). Soil
fertility was probably somewhat enhanced due to the presence of sandy
clay and clayey sand horizons close to the surface in many areas. These

104
deposits of fine materia 1 would tend to trap and hold water for longer
periods during wet seasons but would make it difficult for crop plants
to get to water during drier seasons, particularly during drought con
ditions when the overlying sandy horizons become hard and compacted.
The clay would, however, make certain nutrients available and would
prevent rapid leaching out of organic material which is so typical of
many Florida soils. Clay minerals, particularly aluminum, and organic
material significantly enhance retention of many important mineral nut
rients such as calcium, magnesium, potassium, and phosphorus (Thompson
1952:62). Organic matter content is especially important in the release
and initial retention of phosphorus, one of the most important soil nut
rients. Of the mineral phosphorus binders iron, calcium, and aluminum-
aluminum from clay sources is the most important to retention of soil
phosphorus (Chaiwanakupt 1974:4, 5). The presence of these clay and
sandy loamy clay deposits, then, would probably have made the area around
Baptizing Spring more fertile than the adjacent "pure" Blanton soil
series areas where nutrient leaching would have been a severe problem.
Excavation did reveal that organic residues and humic content of the soil
were greater in both deep and shallow features which rested on or were sur
rounded by clay.
Stratification indicated a considerable amount of water deposition
lenses and sheet erosion throughout the depth of the excavation units
(an average of 45 cm deep). Local informants (Edmond Montgomery, Howe
Land, personal communication 1978) noted that prior to clearing, the area
was relatively moist and had flooded during the high water flood stage of
the Santa Fe and Suwannee Rivers in the spring of 1973.

With the exception of large live oaks (Quercus virginiana) and
vegetation on the slopes of sinks and springs, all natural forest flora
were cleared, bulldozed into windrows, and burned when Owens-Illinois Inc.
prepared the land for planting pine seedlings. These windrows run
diagonally from the NNW to the SSE across the entire eastern third of the
section. Areas immediately north and west of this area have been planted
in pine for a long time. Aside from the slash pine (Pinus elliottii)
seedlings, current ground cover is limited to herbaceous invader species
such as blackberry (Rubus spp.) and dog fennel (Eupatorium spp.), small
woody invaders (winged sumac, Rhus copallina; persimmon, Diospyros
virginiana), and remnants of the forest population which include pignut
hickory (Carya glabra). Plant species identified in windrows, around
springs and sinks, and in small areas of hammock south of Baptizing Spring
and around Walker Spring are listed in Table 2. This is not a complete
listing and does not take into account many of the forbes and grasses.
From Table 2 it is obvious that most of the trees characteristically
occur in open woodland/mesic hammock associations. Florida maple (Acer
barbatum), pignut hickory (Carya glabra), sugarberry (Celtis laevigata),
and American elm (Ulmus americana) tend to prefer rich hammock soils with
limestone or clayey soils. With the exception of button bush (Cephalanthus
occidentalis) and parsley haw (Crataegus marshallii), none of the species
typify aquatic or poorly drained soils. Both of the exceptions were found
only near springs.
To what extent modern vegetational. associations approximate former
conditions is impossible to say. The potential climax stage of this area,
however, seems to be southern hardwood forest. Charred hickory nuts
(probably pignut) recovered during excavation indicate that at least one

Table 2. Flora Local to Baptizing Spring Vicinity.
Trees and Shrubs
Acer barbaturn
Asimina longifolla
Baecharis halimifola
Callicarpa americana
Carya glabra
C. tomentosa
Celtis laevigata
Cephalanthus occidentalis
Crataegus cf. uniflora
C. marshallii
Diospyros virginiana
Ilex opaca
_I. vomitoria
Liquidambar styraciflua
Morus rubra
Myrica cerfera
Pinus elliottii
Prunus anugustifolia
_P. sertina
Quercus hemisphaerica*
Q. nigra
Q. virginiana
Rhus copallina
Ulmus americana
Vaccinium arboreum
Xanthoxylum clava-herculis
Herbs, Forbes
Cnidosculous stimulosus
Crotalaria sp.
Desmondium tortuosum
Eupatorium capillifolium
E. compositifolium
Hypericum galliodes
Physalis sp.
Phytolacca americana
Polypremum procumbens
Rhus radicans
Rubus cuneifolius
R. trivialis
Verbena sp.
Florida Maple (near spring)
Pawpaw
French Mulberry
Pignut Hickory
Mockernut Hickory (rare)
Sugarberry
Buttonbush (at spring edge)
Haw
Parsley Haw (near spring)
Persimmon
American Holly
Yaupon (also, cassina)
Sweetgum
Red Mulberry
Wax Myrtle, Bayberry
Slash Pine (planted)
Chickasaw Plum
Black Cherry
Laurel Oak
Water Oak (rare)
Live Oak.
Winged Sumac
American Elm
Sparkleberry
Hercules Club, Toothache Tree
Stinging Nettle
Beggarlice
Dog Fennel
Dog Fennel
Pokeweed
Poison Ivy
Blackberry
Blackberry
Grasses
Paspalum notatum
Bahia Grass

107
Table 2continued
V lnes
Ampelopsis arbrea
Anisostichus capreolata
Ipomea pandurata
Parthenocissus quinquefolia
Passiflora incarnata
Smilax bona-nox
Smilax spp.
Vitis aestivalis
V. rotundifolia
Cross Vine, Goat's Foot
Wild Potato, Wild Morning Glory
Virgina Creeper
Passion Flower
Catbrier
Catbrier
Wild Grape
Wild Grape
Ferns
Polypodium polypodiodes Resurrection Fern
* This nomenclature follows Kurz and Godfrey (1976; first printing
1962) and my own training under Dr. Dana Griffin a research
botanist with the Florida State Museum, in 1976. The controversy
concerning the proper designation of laurel oak as Quercus laurifolia
(the name also applied to the Diamond-leaf Oak) or as Q. hemisphaerica
favors either name every few years.

of present-day species was extant during the mission period. With con
trolled, periodic, burning and abandonment of old fields, such as might
be expected of slash and burn horticulture, a variety of plant food
resources would have been available. Old field vegetation, forest habitats,
and the artifical "edge effect" also would have supported a varied wild
life population. Due to the currently altered state, wild fauna observed
were also invader species: rodents, a shrew, quail, and non-poisonous
snakes (black racer, yellow corn snake), the latter probably following the
former. No indication of the presence of white-tailed deer (Odocoileus
virginianus) was observed during the excavation season or the 1977 survey.
Mr. Lynne Johnson (personal communication 1977) told us that deer had not
been seen in this area for a long time. Game and Wildlife attempts to
introduce them to a nearby hunting preserve had failed. Howe Land (per
sonal communication 1978) indicated that when the windrows were burned,
there were numerous raccoons and rattlesnakes.
Suwannee County claims long, warm summers and mild winters. From
June through August daily maximum temperatures average 91F with a minimum
average of abour 70F. Temperatures reach or exceed 90 roughly 95 days
a year; 100 or higher only once or twice a year. Humidity is relatively
high during the summer and conditions can be extremely oppressive.
Freezing temperatures occur, on the average, 15 times a year from late
December through February. Monthly rainfall averages 5 to 19 cm and almost
half the annual total falls during the four month period of June through
September (Houston et_ al_. 1964:93-95).
Sites Adjacent to Baptizing Spring
During the fall of 1977, a transect 800 m north-south by 160 m east-
west was surveyed as part of a research project undertaken by the author

Figure 5. Sites Adjacent to Baptizing Spring
(Located during Suwannee County
Survey. Coordinates refer to Tran
sect 99.)

I to
SU 84
/
aptizing spr.
f \
; SU 65
As si'89'
+ t
+
+800N I60E
A \
if
I
J
f600N 16 OE
i
i
J
"'A400N I60E
V
\
N
l
i
1
t
\ J
\ *'*
/ !
/' / !
i (SO 85' ¡.
.0
P
0 50
100 meters
\ /
Y /
dirt road
sinkhole
+
\200N 160 E
spring
+
transect 99 marker
G
0
+ 0
f
ifu'i
\87;
+av 60E

(Loucks 1978a). It was hoped that a .survey of randomly selected sam
pling units in southwestern Suwannee County would provide answers to
hypotheses concerning mission period and pre-contact settlement patterns.
Lack of funding precluded completion of this project but the sites which
were located in Transect 99 are of substantial interest. At the time, the
six sites were treated as separate entities and have been recorded as such.
Presently, the possibility that five of these sites are actually extensions
of Baptizing Spring cannot be overlooked.
Site 8 Su 87 lies farthest away from the mission at 500 m while 8 Su
86 is nearest, just across the road, at 150 m (Figure 5). It is fairly
obvious from Figure 5 that clearing and mechanical bedding operations have
skewed site boundaries along the axis of plowing. The 10-15 m wide wind
rows obscured surface visibility in some areas and made identification of
site limits rather difficult. Surface collections made at the sites emj
ployed various sampling schemes. Physical characteristics of the sites
will be discussed briefly below and detailed presentation of artifactual
data will be included in Chapter Six.
The Pump Spring site (8 Su 84) was the only site lacking a late
prehistoric/protohistoric component. The major occupation appears to
have been Deptord (ca. 500 B.C. to A.D. 0). Cultural debris surrounded
Pump Spring but the main surface concentration of artifacts occurred west
of the spring and covered roughly 2.31 hectares (HA). Scattered lithic
artifacts extended 40 m to 60 m west of this core area. Seventeen 25 m
by 20 m unites were laid out with respect to a grid reference point (ON
oE) blazed on a large live oak. This "point" was located 20 m due west
and 12 m due south from the western, middle edge of the spring.
The 17 units, plus two other areas 'encompassing 1,870 square meters,

112
were intensively examined and all artifacts within these areas were col
lected. Surface collections involved roughly 45% of the site (1,4 HA).
Greatest artifact concentration occurred between 20 m to 80 m west of the
spring and from 35 m south to 85 m north of the spring. The grid, there
fore, was imposed over the main site area as determined by surface obser
vation.
Eight shovel tests, 50 cm on a side, were dug and the contents were
screened through 1/4" mesh hardware cloth on wood frame. Four of the
tests were within the core area, two were located in the extreme northern
portion, and two were in the easternmost portion 25 m and 75 m east of the
main dirt road. All ceramic material with the exception of one plain
sherd came from 0-30 cm below the surface (BS). This sherd occurred at
50-60 cm BS. Since the plow zone averaged 15 cm to 28 cm in depth, it is
fair to say that ceramics were primarily confined to this disturbed zone
and the surface. An estimated 20-25 cm of the original topsoil had been
removed while clearing the site for pine planting. Lithic materials con
tinued to a maximum depth of 79 cm BS.
The vast majority, about 93%, of the inorganic artifacts were lithic.
Both in the field and during analysis, it was evident that this site dif
fered from the other five primarily in the preponderance of chert, and
some silicified coral, artifacts. Only about 58% of the ceramics were
identifiable, the remainder being too small or eroded for identification.
Undecorated ceramics predominated but the presence of Deptford Simple
Stamped and Check Stamped plus fiber-tempered ceramics gives this site an
early "ceramic period" date. The single Carrabelle Punctated sherd, ir
regular punctated sherd, and cob marked sherd suggest cursory visitation
by later individuals. A single olive jar sherd, found in the shallow

113
depression just south of Pump Spring, was an anomaly. It lay im
mediately on the surface of a heavy mat of vegetation and it is probable
that its presence does not relate to the main site occupation. This
depression only contained a couple small chert flakes besides the sherd.
A wide variety of worked and unmodified tools indicate a complete
set of activities being carried out at the site. Evidently, therefore,
this was not simply a quarry site. The majority of lithic artifacts,
85.78%, was debitage or wastage. It is probable that quarrying and
initial working into transportable size was performed elsewhere; no large
cores and very few small, expended cores were recovered. Quarrying sites
were not located during the survey but this is more a problem of scope
than of absence. Large chert boulders, were fairly common in nearby fields
and their presence in piles or fencerows indicates that many have been
removed from fields over the past years.
Six of the 17 units yielded faunal material minute, unidentifiable,
and poorly preserved fragments. Five fragments were tentatively iden
tified at a general level: three large mammal longbone fragments, one
possible turtle carapace fragment, one mammal longbone fragment.
Su 85 is located wholly within Transect 99 of the Suwannee County
Survey (Figure 5). It lies west of and adjacent to a small, unnamed
spring, and about 400 m ESE of Baptizing Spring. It covers an area of
about 1.06 HA, 94% of which was gridded into 25 m by 25 m squares and in
tensively surface collected. The site grid was tied into a tree serving
as a property marker and distinguished by having two white bands painted
around it. This tree also represented the 400N 160E point of Transect
99 (Figure 5). Only four shovel tests were put in at this site. Subsur
face artifacts derived principally from the plow zone (ca. 0-30 cm BS)

although some lithic artifacts, one undecorated sherd, and one cob
marked sherd were found below the disturbed zone between 45 cm and 55 cm
BS. Not found in the surface material but recovered from the plow zone
were two fiber-tempered sherds.
A complete contrast to Su 84, only 32% of the artifacts were lithic;
of these, 83% was debitage. One thousand and seventy-six sherds were
recovered, 67% of which were potentially identifiable. Of the six sites,
this one had the most varied ceramic assemblage which appeared to cover
occupations from early ceramic Archaic (ca. 1000 B.C.) up to or through
protohistoric/historic periods. Complicated stamped ceramics constituted
the largest portion of the pottery when treated as an aggregated group
(11.57%). Cob, cord, and fabric impressed sherds which are usually as
sociated with the Alachua tradition (Milanich 1971) but also found at mis
sion period sites, were also represented, Three olive jar sherds, found
in close proximity to each other, were also recovered. The artifact as
semblage will be described in greater detail in a later chapter.
Worked and unmodified lithic tools compried only 17% of the total
lithic assemblage. A waisted, planar adze and Pinellas Points were among
the recovered tools. The number of lithic artifacts (n=503) contrasts
sharply with the total of 2,503 from Pump Spring although the amount of
debitage was proportionately equivalent.
Faunal remains were in a worse state, if possible, than those from
Su 84. Only nine small bone fragments were recovered; all were mammal.
One interesting artifact was found in an informal test made to collect
clay samples. A mineralized manatee/dugong (order Sirenia) rib portion,
possibly worked to form a burin-like point at the thinner end, was
recovered from clay matrix at 23-25 cm BS.

115
One possible cultural feature was discovered in Test A (323N 104E
on the transect grid). It was a relatively circular, amorphous-edged
stain which first became evident at 55 cm below the surface. Ap
proximately 35 cm in diameter, the fill was mottled grey, tan, and light
tan sand in a matrix of mottled tan and light tan sand. The base was ir
regular and sloped downward from the northwest (50 cm BS) to the south
east (70 cm BS) and ended on an orang-tan clay stratum. There were no
associated artifacts to suggest a particular function nor did the shape
lend any clues. The irregular bottom was not suggestive of a posthole
and it might have been simply humic stain from a former tree.
Su 86 was the largest of the six sites, covering 2.39 HA. Its
limits were hard to determine since a large area of artifact concen
tration was not apparent on the surface. Following analysis, weighting
artifact counts per square by factors for surface visibility, it was ap
parent that the site concentration lay within the northwest third of the
site (Figure 5). A smaller area of artifact concentration was located in
the southeastern quadrant. Problems of surface visibility created by
windrows were extremely acute at this site particularly since the decision
was made to use a random, systematic sampling scheme for surface collec
tion. Thirty-three squares, each 10 m on a side, were used for the sam
ple. This provided 16% coverage but three squares (9%) were totally lost
to windrows and 20 more were partially obscured. Only 30% of the sampling
units had good surface visibility. In order to partially correct these
problems, four additional squares were prejudicially selected (i.e. they
had good surface visibility and artifacts) and surface collected. In all,
14% of the site surface was examined.
Five hundred and six sherds, 71% of which were identifiable, were

116
recovered. Of these, 13.5% were complicated stamped types. The ceramic
situation was much the same as at Su 85 although earlier Orange period
fiber-tempered ceramics and Deptford ceramics were lacking. Wooden Island
and St. Johns types were represented in small numbers, six and eight
respectively. One Swift Creek-like complicated stamped sherd was found.
Mission period aboriginal ceramics were well represented and one small
blue on white majolica sherd was recovered.
Approximately 29% of the artifacts were lithic. Considering the
small total count, a "real" large proportion of these were worked or
unmodified tools. Point types included Pinellas and a possible Ich-
tucknee (see Bullen 1975). In terms of aggregated lithic categories,
this site is more similar to Su 88 and Su 89 (discussed below) than to the
other three sites.
No tests were dug in this site or the three remaining sites since
time did not allow and recent rains, although fairly slight, had rendered
the ground very moist and screening with hand screens became too time-
consuming.
Faunal material was of the same general state of uselessness noted
earlier. Exceptional to this were four mineralized turtle bones, one
rather large and rugged. The problem of cultural association is acute;
the fossilized nature of the bone may indicate natural deposition in clay
strata prior to human arrival or it itiay indicate deposition in clay as
recently as 100 years (or less) ago.
Located in the extreme southwestern corner of Transect 99, Su 87
lies approximately 500 m southeast of Baptizing Spring. Artifact surface
concentration covered only 0.15 HA but scattered lithic material, and
fewer, ceramics, extended over an additional 50 m north and about 40 m

117
east of the delimited site. This was the smallest site in terms of sur
face area and artifacts encountered. One hundred artifacts (7% lithic)
were collected from one 25 m by 25 m square in the main site locale and
four other small areas, each roughly four square meters. This provided
an estimated 43% surface collection. It should be noted that the south
west quarter of the transect contained highly scattered cultural material
over its entire surface. Only this area, which had definable limits, was
given site designation. No subsurface testing was accomplished.
Seventy-two percent of the ceramics were identifiable; 83% of these
were undecorated. Types included Weeden Island Incised, St. Johns eroded,
four complicated stamped sherds, and three brushed/scraped sherds. His
toric material was limited to one-half of an opaque, blue glass bead which
was 7 mm in diameter with a large hole diameter of 2.8 mm. It is probably
late, dating from the 18th or 19th century (Charles H. Fairbanks, personal
communication 1977). Seventeen lithic artifacts were recovered: two
thick cross-section triangular points, one Pinellas Point, one sidescraper
on a blade, and 13 debitage flakes or fragments. Faunal remains were in
better condition here than at the other five sites: one small turtle
carapace fragment and eleven fragments of a tooth, probably white-tailed
deer, were recovered from the surface.
As mentioned above, Su 88 and Su 89 bore close resemblance to each
other and were more similar to Su 86 in artifact assemblage than they
were to the other three sites. The fact that all three of these sites
were in close proximity (Figure 5) suggests that they may have actually
been part of the same cultural unit, perhaps representing differentiated
living or activity areas. Most remarkable was the small percentage of
lithic material (11% of the total artifact counts) and the large portion

11.8
of complicated stamped ceramics. Of the total identifiable ceramics,
56.13% from Su 88 and 25.54% from Su 89 were complicated stamped types.
Su 89 lies about 300 m ENE of Baptizing Spring, adjacent to the wes
tern-most boundary of Su 86. It covers an area of 0.30 HA. Su 88 lies
approximately 375 m northeast of Baptizing Spring and about 75 m from
Su 86, covering a slightly greater area' than Su 89 (0.45 HA) although the
area of artifact concentration was only 0.25 HA. Both of these sites
were completely surface collected but no subsurface tests were made.
The percentage of complicated stamped ceramics at Su 89 is biased
by counting 45 scraped sherds individually even though they were from the
same reconstructable one-third of a vessel. Had these been treated as
one "sherd", the complicated stamped ceramics would have comprised a lar
ger proportion of the identifiable ceramics (33.57%). It is often im
possible, however, to determine which sherds came from the same or dif
ferent vessels therefore each sherd was counted separately for inclusion
in th raw data tables.
Ten of the 13 faunal fragments recovered from Su 88 were identified
as medium-large mammal, one was the distal end of a white-tailed deer
phalanx, and one was a small fragment of turtle carapace.
Baptizing Spring: 1976 Excavation
The first excavations at Su 65 were carried out by a University of
Florida Archeological Field School under direction of Dr. Jerald T.
Milanich (Florida State Museum) during a ten day period. Site limits
were roughly mapped on the basis of "posthole" testing and surface obser
vation. During the following two years, enthusiastic collecting by local
inhabitants removed most surface indications of artifact concentration.
On the basis of what remained, site boundaries were tentatively defined

110
(Figure 6). The Baptizing Spring site covers an estimated 2.83 IIA which
includes Baptizing Spring in the northeast corner. A moderate-sized
sink lies about 40 m south of the site. Windrows cover and obscure
one-quarter to one-third of the surface.
Both the 1976 and 1978 excavation personnel utilized the same grid
system (with some alteration during the latter period in order to
maintain the previous grid lines) and designated excavation units by their
southwest corner stake number given in meters north and meters east. A
stake designated 500N 500E provided initial grid reference and was located
roughly 40 m west of the spring. The 1976 datum plane was established
at 17.6 m AMSL or 2.4 m above the ground surface at 500N 537E. Grid
north was set at 910" west of magnetic north in order to parallel the
windrows as much as possible. Much of the data which follows was reported
in a preliminary report by Ling (1976) therefore the discussion presented
below will be brief.
A total of 346 square meters was excavated in four portions of the
site: (1) Group A, (2) Group B, (3) Group C, and (4) two two-meter wide
trenches south and southeast of Group A (Figure 6). Since Group A rep
resented the area of Structure B and Group B the area of Structure A, the
structure designations will be utilized throughout the rest of this
dissertation because the structural areas are more important. Structures
A and B were mission buildings as evidenced by architectural features;
Structure B had a well-defined packed, red clay floor. Structures and
cultural features will be discussed in the next chapter.
Four 3 m by 3 m squares were excavated (Group C) within the Indian
sector of the village. Overlapping posthole patterns, several features,
and charred corncob-filled pits provided good evidence of an Indian

120

121
living/activity area. In addition to these four excavation blocks,
130 posthole tests and a test trench north of Structure A (Group R) were >
made in an attempt to locate a cemetery.
All excavated dirt from Structures A and C were sifted through
mechanical shaker screens outfitted with wide gauge (3/8" by 3/4") diamond
mesh. Trench and Structure B materials were not screened. Contents of
Structure C features were screened through 1/8" by 1/8" fine screen
(Heath 1977:8) or were simply troweled carefully.
Photographic records and plan maps were kept for all units, as is
customary. Stratigraphic record forms and profile maps were made only for
Structure B units, primarily to reveal construction details. These latter
were not made for other excavation areas due to lack of time and because
the site was judged to be single component of fairly short duration with
a general lack of stratification in the village area.
Divers explored the spring but heavy silting and poor visibility
prevented much useful investigation. The only find was a badly rotted
wooden plank which could have dated from later (post-mission) activity.
Excavations in 1978 revealed a late 19th century occupational period
and several of the iron artifacts recovered during both seasons dated from
this later period.
1978 Excavations
In preparing to go into the field to continue excavations in the
aboriginal sector of the village, the possibility of utilizing various
sampling schemes was considered. Initial priority was given to completing
Group C excavations and following that it was hoped that a series of tests
Would locate other structural evidence and that these areas would then be
sampled. Considering the length of time it eventually took to finish

122
Group/S'tructure C, the fact that there were only three full-time students
participating in the summer field school (weekend volunteers were later
recruited from the University of Florida prehistory class), and the
time involved in training and re-training new volunteers, all hopes of
systematically sampling the site were abandoned. In the end, excavation
units were selected on the basis of surface artifact concentration a
poor indicator in most cases since amateur collecting had been extensive
and on the basis of testing areas close to presumed site boundaries. The
last four weeks were spent in putting in one-meter wide trenches, of
varying lengths, in areas which could not be extensively tested using lar
ger units. Volunteers returned for three weekends during the fall of
1978 to backfill and excavate three additional units in Group/Structure D
(Figures 6 and 7).
A total of 197 square meters were investigated across the site.
With some exceptions, all excavated soil was screened through 1/4" by 1/4"
hardware cloth over expanded diamond mesh on mechanical shaker screens.
Parts of Trench if 1 and all of Trench if6 (Figure 7) were screened through
3/8" by 3/4" expanded diamond mesh on standing screens when structural and
mechanical breakdown temporarily prevented use of mechanical screens.
Bagged contents from five features were water screened through fine mesh
(1/16" by 1/16") during later analysis.
Aligning the grid and datum plane with the 1976 system presented
some logistical problems. We were able to locate iron pipe stakes and
the 1976 bench mark but alignment on previous grid north was futile as
checking and cross-checking from various points showed that old stakes in
Group/Structure C were aligned 8.25 W of N versus the 1976 designation of
911" (about 9.17) W of N. Since all remaining old stakes in the village

123
Figure 7. 1978 Excavations and Location of Transit Stations and Bench Marks.
trench 6

area were aligned with the former axis, we maintained this orientation
for the 1978 seasons. The location of transit and wye level stations,
their corresponding bench marks and datum plane elevations, and the
location of trenches are described in detail in Appendix A and illus
trated in Figure 7.
Initially, it was planned to excavate every other unit (3 m in
length) in a two-meter wide trench running south and east from the 1976
Group/Structure C excavations. This soon proved to be impractical since
many features were encountered in the Group C area and there were not
enough people to deploy to trench excavation. Alternatively, we planned
to excavate single 2 m by 3 m units located along transect lines according
to surface artifact concentration. The six-square-meter units were retained
since they could be excavated in (slightly) less time than the 3 m by 3 m
units used in 1976. A total of 20 2 m by 3 m units was excavated plus
two 2 m by 2 m units which were used to avoid Transit Station #1, in one
case, and to shorten excavation time on a fall weekend foray, in the other
case. One-meter wide trenches were used during the last few weeks when
it became apparent that there was not enough time left to extensively inves
tigate other areas of the site. It was felt that these trenches would al
low a greater area of the site to be investigated in a shorter period of
time. Trenches were designated by numbers but we continued to excavate
in 3 m lengths (Appendix A; Figure 7). A three-meter break in Trench #2
was made to accomodate a clump of young live oaks.
Units were excavated until cultural material had decreased sig
nificantly (less than 10 lithic artifacts per 10 cm level) or sterile
strata were reached. This generally occurred from 0.22 m BS (in square
392N 549E) where a solid, sandy clay horizon was reached, to a maximum

125
of 0.74 m BS. Features sometimes extended down into sterile levels.
Average unit depth over all units was 0.46 m. Maps of excavation unit
"walls" (i.c. profiles) were drawn in order to record presence of dif
ferent strata across the site and to record feature profiles (i.e. cross-
sectional views).
It was determined in the field that the major occupation was shallow
and single component, dating from the historic period, although we dis
tinguished several "zones" which could be aggregated or analyzed separately
during later research phases. These zones were defined on the basis of
soil coloration (degree of "greyness" resulting from organic material
present and leaching to lower levels) and constituents (e.g. "sand" versus
clayey sand versus clay). In some excavation units, certain of these
zones were not represented due to the fact that zonal definitions were
kept consistent throughout the summer excavation period. This attempt to
maintain definitions was not always possible. It was observed in the
field that there was a correspondence between the amount of organic matter
(grey to dark grey-brown zone coloration) and the amount of cultural
material. In units where there was very little cultural material, or the
deposit was thin, zone designation and coloration varied accordingly. Low
cultural material density corresponded with lighter, less grey soil color.
In very general terms, Zone I was divided into three levels: IA was
was the litter/root zone, ranging from 3 cm to 19 cm in thickness, or was
completely absent; IB was either grey, greyish tan, or tan with grey and
brown mottling and it ranged from 8 cm to 36 cm in thickness; IC was dis
tinguished only in a few instances (primarily in Group/Structure D) and
was simply a leaching zone from IB to Zone II. Zone IC was usually
greyish tan or tan with grey and brown mottling, lighter than IB, and

] 26
ranging in thickness from 15 cm to 23 cm. Zone II was basically the
culturally sterile zone and features .extended down into it; it was dark
to light tan in color. Zone III was simply used to designate clay or
clayey sand strata and was never excavated although four clay samples
were taken. Zone IV was located only in a deep feature in square 443N
547E and was an almost white sand devoid of organic matter, lying between
Zone II and a limestone/clay substrate approximately one meter below the
surface.
Eleven units terminated at clay or sandy clay strata located 0.23 m
to 0.59 m below the surface (Figure 7). Five of these clay strata con
tained pockets of limerock or were mixed with limerock. In general, clay
was tannish orange or orange in color; in square 464N 563E the clay was
very sticky (it had been raining very regularly), light grey with tan
streaks and some hematite inclusions. The base of square 461N 459E
(Trench #5) was irregular-surfaced, orange-tan sandy clay with pockets of
sticky grey and pink clay and limestone. The clay samples have not been
analyzed at the time of this writing.
It is difficult to generalize surface contours since the pine plant
ing has left furrows and ridges, filled in some areas and scooped out
others. Overall, the borders of the site are lower and elevation in
creases toward the area of the site around Group/Structure C and Trench #2
from whence it continues to increase toward the mission buildings but
drops off toward the spring. From Structure B (Group A), the land falls
off regularly to the north.

CHAPTER FIVE
STRUCTURAL REMAINS AND MATERIAL CULTURE AT BAPTIZING SPRING
Definite remains of two Spanish structures and two Indian struc
tural/activity areas were encountered at the Baptizing Spring site.
Clearing, stump removal, plowing, and bedding had severely disturbed
structural features in the Spanish building areas (Structures A and B).
Disruption of these remain was greater than that of the aboriginal struc
tural areas primarily because the former were nearer the surface. Since
the Spanish structures were defined largely on the basis of packed red clay
floor areas (Structure B) and red clayey sand areas (Structure A) rather
than postholes which would be afforded greater protection by being deeper
below the surface, there, is little that can be said about the two presumed
Spanish structures. Shape and size were estimated from location of red
clay flooring and/or wall rubble, a few postholes/molds, charred wood
remains, and concentration of nails and spikes. To begin this discussion,
it will be instructive to review architectural information elicited from
less disturbed mission sites.
The four mission buildings, two at each site, uncovered at Scott Mil
ler and Pine Tuft had been destroyed by fire as indicated by charred wood
remains and differentially fire-baked clay flooring (Morrell and Jones
1970; Smith 1951). The Morrell and Jones architectural study of the two
Spanish buildings at Pine Tuft is more detailed than Smith's and will be
discussed first. The two buildings faced each other and stood roughly 20 m
apart (Morrell and Jones 1970:41). The smaller building measured ap
proximately 5m by 6 m and was designated the "convento," living quarters
for the priest. Large upright posts, resting on or slightly below the
127

128
the original ground surface, possibly supported a central beam which
suggests that the roof was gabled. At least two outer walls and a pos
sible interior partition had been constructed of wattle and daub: small
upright poles were interlaced with thinner wattles and the frame was
then packed with clay on both sides. The authors postulated that the
two remaining walls were vertical plank construction. The only thresh-
hold encountered faced the southwest (Morrell and Jones 1970:33).
The larger Pine Tuft structure was actually a complex of building
and "compound", or palisade, walls. Designated the "church", this
building consisted of five separate rooms within the covered area (ap
proximately 18 m NW-SE by 9 m NE-SW). The compound wall, one long outer
wall of the structure, and four sections of partition walls were wattle
and daub. Upright wattles, indicated by postmolds, averaged 4 cm in
diameter and were spaced roughly 15 cm apart. Horizontal wattles
twigs or vines averaged 1 cm in diameter. Impressions of plank
shoring in the clay wall base suggested that wattle uprights had been
placed in soft clay confined by plank forms, thus removing the need to
dig individual postholes. Daub fragments occasionally showed evidence
of a fine clay and sand.stucco applied to one side and painted with
whitewash. Two varieties of plank wall construction were identified. In
one method, wall'planks were nailed to horizontal timber shoes at the
floor level (and presumably at a wall cap). In the other method, wall
shoes were not used and upright planks were simply buried 1-2 cm below
ground surface (Morrell and Jones 1970:35,36).
Extensive areas of undisturbed clay floor indicated that all con
struction was preceded by levelling the site. Large supporting timbers
were then erected directly on the surface, the walls were constructed,

129
and the threshhold planking laid. Clay flooring was spread as a final
stage (Morrell and Jones 1970:37).
At Scott Miller, six to ten large postholes plus clay floor rubble
defined the "convent" (priest's living quarters) as roughly 5 m by 6 m.
The area was badly disturbed by plowing, however, and actual dimensions
could not be ascertained. Fragments of unplastered daub indicated that
this building was also wattle and daub but posts were apparently sunk in
to the ground. No room partition evidence was found. Smith (1951:119)
concluded that the walls of this building were not over "2 feet," about
61 cm, high. This is either a typographical error or the structure was
not a living area for priests. Possibly, erosion had been so extensive
as to render calculation of wall height unfeasible.
The larger building plan was very similar to the "church" at Pine
Tuft. Smith (1951:120) interpreted the remains as representing two
buildings connected and enclosed by a compound wall. The larger building
or room within this complex measured about 8 m by 5 m and the smaller
one was approximately 6 m by 3 m. Interior wall faces of the larger
unit had been plastered (1951:120). In general, it is difficult to
compare Smith's description with Morrell's and Jones'. It is obvious
that interests were directed toward different aspects of the sites. In
addition, disturbance seemed to have been more extensive at Scott Miller
than at Pine Tuft.
Structures at Baptizing Spring
Attempts have been made to keep the description of the structures
at Baptizing Spring as brief as possible. More detailed descriptions
are included in Appendix A, however, which summarizes data from both the
1976 and 1978 field seasons. The greatest difficulty lies in presenting

130
depths below surface and depths below datum of the various features and
living floors. Depths below surface are misleading because the surface
was naturally undulating and plow troughs and ridges created differences
of 20-30 cm in datum readings within a single excavation unit. In ad
dition, below surface measurements reflect erosional deposition as well
as other mechanisms of soil deposition* or removal, in the last 300 years.
The larger Spanish structure (B) was situated on a hummock and cultural
and construction debris were exposed on the surface. In general, oc
cupation floors occurred between 20 cm and 40 cm below the present surface
in all structural areas. There were features which first appeared at
greater depths but these were few in number.
Spanish Structural Areas
Conditions of the two Spanish living/activity quarters at Baptizing
Spring were not conducive to accurate or extensive description. The
larger Structure B showed evidence of destruction by fire (Ling 1976:33).
Remains of packed red clay floor, some charred wood, five charred posts,
and sections of two wall "trenches" defined a structure roughly 10 m east-
west by 8 m north-south (Figure 8). Noevidence of compound walls or
adjoining structures was located. Since this was the larger structure
and artifact density was considerably less than in the smaller Spanish
structure, this building was tentatively identified as the "church". The
outline of the building may have been marked with a shallow trench and
posts set upright and then anchored with packed clay in a manner similar
to that suggested at the Pine Tuft site for the "convent" and at San
Pedro d Potohiriba. "Trench" remains were situated around the northwest
corner and southwest corner of the structure. The latter trench/floor
section first appeared at 1.86 m below datum (mBD), or about 0.30 m below
the surface.

131
spike
P packed red clay
I11 red cl ay-lined pits
::rz: yellow cl ay-lined pits
/ charred wood
# charred posts
Figure 8.
Excavation and Floor Plan of Structure B. Adopted from map
executed by Dr. J.T. Milanich (1976).

13?.
Burnt daub fragments and wrought iron nails and spikes were recovered
from the wall "trenches" and were also found scattered within the struc
ture. The southernmost trench overlapped a yellow clay-lined, circular
pit which was roughly 1.<44 m in diameter (Figure 8). This feature was
filled with consolidated red clay beginning about 0.58 m below the surface
and extending for 0.37 m. It was postulated that this may have been a
"puddling" basin where daub clay was mixed. This pit was bisected by the
wall which would have allowed workers to apply daub to both sides of the
wall at the same time. After the erected wall frame had been daubed, the
floor was laid down, further anchoring the walls and covering the pit
(Jerald T. Milanich, personal communication 1979). The pit first became
visible roughly 0.20 m below the surface of the floor; upper portions of
the pit, if they existed, may have been disturbed during plowing.
Seven or eight other basin-shaped, clay-lined features were associated
with Structure B: two within the structural limits and the rest outside.
Clay linings varied from 5 cm to about 9 cm in thickness. Those features
outside the structure were lined with yellow clay whereas the two within
the structure were filled with red clay. All were below the general
elevation of the structure floor. The clay basin in the central area of
the structure was about 45 cm below the present ground surface and ex
tended to a depth of roughly 70 cm below the surface. The other interior
feature was roughly 30 cm below the present surface.
Five of the six basin features outside the structure were lined with
yellow clay. The possibility that these features represented grave pits
had been postulated (Ling 1976) but there does not appear to be any basis
for that designation. No known prehistoric burials and none of the his
toric burials reported from other mission sites have occurred in clay-lined

crypts. Bone recovered from these pits was very fragmentary and scarce.
Recovered bone from one of the features, however, could be identified as
gopher tortoise (Gopherus polyphemus). Soil samples from inside one of
the features and outside another of the features were taken to be tested
for phosphorus content. Cornwall (1958:196) stated that a concentration
of phosphate at any level in an archeological site could be taken as an
indication of a surface occupied by man or by animals. Since phosphorus
in chemically bound forms is retained in soil (i.e. does not leach down
ward or migrate), its presence can be useful in determining old living
floors. It was suggested that high phosphorus content within the basin
shaped features might indicate use as burial pits although, in actuality,
it would only indicate that organic residue were more common within the
pit than outside the pit. Higher phosphate content could not be at
tributed solely to human burial. The retention of phosphorus in soils
was discussed in Chapter Four. Organic matter content, the presence of
calcium, iron, and clay minerals (aluminum) all influence phosphorus
retention. The fact that the pits were lined with clay (and sometimes
the fill was mixed with clay) and organic matter content may have been
higher simply because the humic acids could not leach through the clay
as they could in sand would serve to enhance phosphorus content within
these features. In addition, humic acids are responsible for releasing
phosphorus from compounds which are insoluble in water.
The two soil samples mentioned above plus a sample from a clay-lined
feature in the village and an area of brown stained earth west of Structure
B were all tested for phosphorus (elemental). The fill from the village
feature had the highest phosphorus content (about 165 ppm) and this fill
sample was also the only one which contained substantial organic matter

and calcium (1300 ppm). Fill, from within a clay-lined feature near
Structure R had a phosphorus content of about 24 ppm and 98 ppm of
calcium. The other two samples from outside a clay lined feature and
from the soil stain area were low in calcium (60 ppm and 42 ppm, res
pectively) and phosphorus (12 ppm and 10 ppm, respectively). The only
"high" phosphorus reading, then, was from the feature fill of the clay-
lined pit in the village (see below) and this seems to have been cor
related not only with the higher organic content of the sample but also
the high calcium content and, probably, the presence of clay minerals.
The data from the phosphorus test, then, is inconclusive except that,
on the basis of only two samples, phosphorus content is slightly-to-
greatly higher within the features than outside the features. These dif
ferences, however, are influenced by a number of factors and cannot be
attributed to the presence of bone, let alone human bone.
The features associated with Structure B varied in size from 76 cm
by 47 cm up to 115 cm by 109 cm. If these were burial pits, individuals
would have to have been either buried in flexed positions or children.
The former is unlikely since Jones only found two semi-flexed burials out
of the numerous burials excavated at several mission sites. The common
burial mode was "Christian" supine, extended, hands crossed over chest.
In addition, if this was a burial area, it does not follow the pattern of
other mission cemeteries wherein individuals are laid in tight roA^s.
Another pit of the same type associated with Structure B was located
during the 1978 season in squares adjacent to Trench #2, roughly 100 m
aAay from the Spanish area. This feature contained very few artifacts
and lumps of what appeared to be hard, yellow-broAvn clay. The results of
the soil analysis were mentioned above.

135
At this time, there is no obvious explanation of the function of
these clay-lined features. They may have served as specialized storage
or processing pits where the clay-lining acted to prevent animal infes
tation or to enhance moisture retention. Why they were clustered around
Structure B is not apparent. If the structure was a church, and possibly,
therefore, the center of village focus and activities, these features
may have been related to storage or special activities carried on under
the guidance and watchfulness of the priest. A single pit was located in
the village, however, and another was associated with the smaller Spanish
structure. Possibly more of these features are present in the village
and have not been located yet. The actual function pf these features is
still undetermined .
Both structures in the Spanish sector of the village seem to have
been oriented more or less east-west along their long axes. Structure B
was situated on a noticeable rise (approximately 20-30 cm above the
next highest structures, C and possibly one adjacent to Trench //2) about
40 m west of the spring. Structure A, the smaller of the two Spanish
structures, was located about 30 m NNW of Structure B. Artifact concen
tration, as determined by surface observation and mapping in 1978, in
dicate that this structure was at the northern limit of the main village
area. Structural evidence had been severely disturbed by plowing.
Dimensions were tentatively determined from the red sandy clay which out
lined the western end, two postholes, and other areas of sandy clay (Figure
9). On this basis, calculated size of the structure was roughly 7 m by
7.5 m. No architectural or construction features could be identified al
though the structure did not have a clay floor. Walls were probably wat
tle and daub.

136
sandy red clay
# post mold
* spike
yellow clay-lined pit
Figure 9. Excavation and Floor Plan of Structure A. Adapted from map
executed by Dr. J.T. Milanich (1976).

137
The outstanding feature in Structure A was large (1.35 m by 1.38
m), centrally located hearth (see Appendix A). It was characterized by
two circular areas of ashy sand and charred wood which could first be
mapped at 3.51 mBI) (about 20 cm below the surface); they were 11 cm
thick and located in the center of the hearth (Figure 9). The depth
below datum reflects the fact that this area of the site was one of the
"lowest" (i.e. furthest down slope).
Roughly 2 m east of the southwest corner of Structure A was another
clay-lined pit. Exterior dimensions were 1.28 m by 0.87 m. The top of
this feature was first mapped at 3.80 mBD although the surface had
sloped downward from the center of the structure; therefore it was probably
only 20-30 cm below the surface.
Neither of the two structural areas compared with those at Pine
Tuft and Scott Miller although all three smaller structures ("convents")
had similar dimensions. They were definitely of Spanish origin as in
dicated by hewn post contruction held together with wrought nails and
spikes and by the red clay flooring (in Structure B). Ling (1976:32)
has suggested that the smaller structure may have been a detached kit
chen which might explain the large, central hearth. If this were a kit
chen, then the other structure may have been the actual living quarters
for the priests, however artifact concentration was lower in Structure B
than might be expected if this were the case. On the whole, both struc
tures were less elaborate than the ones in Apalache, particularly
the hypothesized churches. The latter missions, however, served more
people than did the Utina doctrinas and were probably more important in
view of the greater potential for agricultural productivity and par
ticipation in trade networks with Indians outside Spanish influence.

From the point of view of this research, the important fact is that
these two building areas probably constituted Spanish living/activity
areas during the period of major habitation activity at this site.
Spanish artifacts, including nails and spikes and ceramics, made up a
larger proportion of the material assemblage here than in other parts
of the village. Artifact concentration, especially of ceramics, was
greater in Structure A than in Structure B. The mission at Baptizing
Spring would have been earlier than the Apalache missions which were
not established until 1633 or later. The probable earlier occupation
and smaller congregation may explain the less elaborate floor plan of
the larger building if it was the church. In addition, there was a
greater need to build more fortified structures in Apalache since that
area was closer to openly hostile Indian tribes to the north.
It has been presented as fact that Baptizing Spring was a doctrina
with a resident priest rather than a visita which a priest visited on
weekly or less regular occasions. The basis for this assumption has
rested primarily on the architectural evidence and (discussed in Chapter
Six) comparison of the artifact assemblage with the assemblage from the
Richardson site (Milanich 1972), a Potano site which has been tentatively
identified as the visita of Apalo. The latter site contained fewer
Spanish ceramics and other Spanish artifacts than did Baptizing Spring.
Aboriginal Structures
The only good data on previously excavated Indian structures dating
to the period of this mission is from the Potano village, the Richardson
site (ca. A.D. 1600-A.D. 1650). Three areas of concentrated features,
postholes, and smudge pits (small pits packed with charred wood) were
located. Milanich (1972) summarized structural evidence and patterning
as follows:'

139
houses were built about 70 feet apart . .
The houses were circular, about 25 feet
in diameter, and were constructed of ver
tical posts set 2 to 3 feet apart . .
Cooking was done within the house structure
in circular or oval, often bell-shaped
pits 1 to 2 feet in diameter and 1 to 1.5
feet deep . Multiple fire pits con
taining bone from the same animal and
sherds from the same pot suggest coeval
usage of the pits (Milanich 1972:54-55).
Milanich suggested that the "smudge pits" were lit beneath bed plat
forms in order to ward off mosquitoes and that these smudges were cleaned
out and re-used (Milanich 1972:55).
The two definite and almost completely excavated aboriginal struc
tures at Baptizing Spring were easily definable on the basis of clus
tering of postholes/molds, features, and artifacts. Structure D (Figure
10) was the less complex of the two in terms of posthole patterning.
Five large postholes (ca. 25 cm in diameter) described roughly one-third
of a circular, oval or squarish structure which was probably about 6 m
across. Identification of structure shape can be extremely misleading
and it is preferable to note merely that a structure was represented.
First appearance of postholes and features occurred between 20 cm
and 60 cm below the surface (roughly 2.37 mBD to 2.81 mBD). It is
probable that some posts were replaced at different times, although the
degree of overlap and irregular spacing was minimal. An additional fac
tor in depth below datum variation of the postholes would be introduced
by rotting or burning which affected varying lengths of the posts.
Eight features were identified within Structure D. The largest
was a rectanguloid, deep pit which was probably used for storage and
later filled with refuse. The articulated, partial skeleton of a pig

Figure 10. Excavation and Floor Plan of Structure D.

o
1
2 meters
t
S/T storage/trash pit
trash
pit
!
458N
565E

(Sus scrofa) was recovered within the structural limits. It con
sisted of the vertebral column, ribs, and a scapula. The bone was in
extremely poor condition and it was repeatedly treated with an ethulose-
carbowax solution before removal (in a block of dirt) to the laboratory
for cleaning. No pit or evidence of intrusion was visible.
Other features included two round-bottomed, conical pits 40 cm
and 45 cm in diameter dug into clay. These may have been postholes,
pits formed when clay was removed, or the result of some natural process
such as the decay of pine tap roots. They did not contain any artifacts.
A small, possible hearth surrounded by areas of sand which had been
burned orange, and two small refuse pits were the only other features in
this structure. One of the latter contained a relatively large amount of
well-preserved faunal material: remains of gopher tortoise, raccoon,
fish, and unidentifiable mammal and other bone fragments. The other
refuse pit contained very fragmentary corncobs and charcoal. A possible
feature of indeterminate nature was a shallow, circular pit, 32 cm in
diameter. This may have been a large posthole or cleaned-out trash pit.
The other intensively examined aboriginal area, Structure C, was
located approximately 20 m SSW of Structure D. The complexity of over
lapping posthole patterns precludes reasonable attempts at estimating
structure size and shape (Figure 11). The seven southern postmolds were
closer to the surface than other postholes and most of the features.
The fact that these southernmost postmolds consisted of chunks of car
bonized wood suggests that a later addition to the original structure,
or a completely different structure, had burned. In general, most cul
tural features first appeared between 2.13 mBD and 2.19 mBD, roughly 30-
35 cm below the surface.

Figure 11. Excavation and Floor Plan of Structure C.
(Break indicates length of 1 m.)

IV 4
ch.


y /
unidentified pits
l
&
e
/ h
2 meters

highest postmolds
deepest postholes
average depth postholes
smudge pit (-p fire pit
trash pit ch charcoal
hearth cc corncobs

14 5
Thirteen possible "smudge pits" filled with carbonized corncobs
were encountered and were the primary distinguishing features between
the two aboriginal structures. Ten of these features were shaped like
postholes (i.e. circular in shape with rounded bases) and the other
three were bilobed or basin-shaped. The latter usually had heavily
packed cobs in one end of the feature and their appearance suggested
that they were actually the same as the round pits only they had been
scooped out in cleaning and re-used.
Two fire pit areas were discovered, at least one of which might
be classified as a hearth area (Figure 11). One of these areas con-
t
sisted of two, deep, overlapping pits which contained a great amount
(relatively) of faunal material, principally parts of three white-tail
deer (Odocoileus virginianus). The other area of fire pits, the probable
hearth area, was more or less centrally-located in the structural area.
It consisted of two circular fire pits, 30 cm and 40 cm in diameter,
which joined via a "bottleneck" at their bases. These pits contained
only large chunks of charcoal. The vicinity around these co-features
was stained dark grey and contained some artifacts and scattered corn
cobs. At the northern end of the stained region there was a concen
tration of corncobs which was only 3 cm thick.
Other features in this structural area included a deep trash pit,
58 cm in diameter, in the northernmost excavation unit and a large,
deep storage pit in the westernmost excavation unit. The majority of
food bone was found in the two 3 m by 3 ra squares excavated during 1976.
The remaining excavations in the Indian sector of the village were
directed toward testing a larger area of the site. Features were encoun
tered in two other areas but time did not allow extensive excavation. A

146
possible structural area 1 certainly an activity area was located
30 m southwest of Structure C in the area of Trench #2. Two postholes
which were 20 cm in diameter and a large, clay-lined pit were dis
covered in this area rich in artifacts (Figure 12). The postholes first
appeared at 1.61 mBD and 1.74 mBD (about 30-40 cm below the present sur
face) within the range of depth below datum of the postholes in Structure
C even though the surface in this area is currently about 30 cm higher
in elevation than in the Group C region. The clay-lined pit was 1.45 m
by 1.30 m and was 0.28 m deep. Stratification within this sloping-
walled, basin-shaped feature was rather complex (Figure 13) compared to
most features. The rounded base sloped gradually downward from the
southern end, then rose sharply at the northern end. There were very
few artifacts associated with this feature: eight sherds, a few waste
lithic flakes, and fragments of an artiodactyl (probably deer) tooth.
The last area where features were encountered was in the central
portion of Trench #1, roughly 24 m SSW of the area just described. An
ovoid trash pit, two conical pits, three definite postholes, one possible
pit, and a large posthole or small pit of indeterminate function were
discovered in a three square meter area (Figure 14). The rectanguloid
trash pit, 70 cm long and 28 cm deep, contained well-preserved faunal
material (including fish vertebrae), sherds, and lithic artifacts.
Several large sherds were also recovered from a dark stain tangent to
this feature. Again, the primary living floor appeared to lie roughly
40 cm below the surface, although the undulating contours created by the
plow troughs and ridges make this generalization difficult.

147
Figure 12. Clay-lined Feature (20) in Squares Adjacent to Trench #2.
419N
l_mBD_ from. BM#1_ ; 523E
facing east
IA grey and brown mixed sand, modern humus
IBl grey-brown and tan mottled sand with charcoal flecks
IBo grey-brown sand flecked with charcoal
IC dark tan sand with grey mottling
II tan sand with dark tan mottling
a brown sand with charcoal and orange clay "flecks" ]
b lens of grey-brown sand with orange clay "flecks" ) feature
c brown-orange clay with charcoal flecks J 20
Figure 13. Profile of Clay-lined Feature (20) and East Wall of
Square 419N 521E in Village, Adjacent to Trench //2.

trash pit (feature 21)
conical pit
possible (storage?) pit
indet. pit/large
posthole?
posthole
Figure 14. Cultural Features in Central Portion of Trench #1 at Baptizing Spring.
8 VI

149
Structural Relationships
Structure A, the smaller Spanish building, was approximately 30 m .
NNW of the larger Spanish structure B. It was situated at the apparent
northernmost boundary of the primary mission village, further downhill
than any of the other structures. Stake elevations varied considerably,
as already mentioned, but Structure B appears to have been located in
one of the highest regions of the site. (At one time, two transit
stations had been established during the 1976 field season and at least
one reported change in datum elevation occurred. It has been assumed
that the latest entry in the field notes is the correct one and that
all elevation readings had been corrected to the new datum.)
Structures C and D were in roughly the same relationship to Struc
ture B, 85 m and 80 m away, respectively. Structure D, however, was
located ESE of Structure B and Structure C was more directly south of
it. The area of Feature 20/Trench #2 was about 97 m SSE of Structure B
and the cultural area of Trench #1 was 130 m south of Structure B.
If the two areas described in the previous section were living areas,
a possibility further enhanced by their positions relative to Structures
C and D, it would appear that structures were situated 20-30 m apart and
were more or less linearly arranged, in this case along a NNE-SSW axis.
This hypothetical pattern rests on incomplete excavation data and spatial
relations other than those elicited in the excavation are unknown. This
particular pattern may be merely a reflection of the areas excavated al
though choice of these units was coincidental with structural remains.
The 1976 trenches were very low in artifact concentration and it is
possible that a plaza was centrally located within the village just south
of Structure B. Excavation units located near mapped site boundaries were
also low in artifact concentration.

1 50
Lithlc Artifacts
LIthic artifacts will be considered by aggregated tool or debitage
groups in this section. Raw data is presented in Appendix B. Data
was computerized and stored on disk in an SPSS system file (Nie et_ al.
1975:81-88) at the Northeast Regional Data Center on the University of
Florida campus. Since each provenience was treated as a single obser
vation, it was necessary to provide each lithic tool or debitage type
with a variable label and separate identity. This produced almost 200
lithic variables, many of which were functional or form duplicates but
differed in the presence or absence of thermal alteration.
Three very broad categories were recognized: (1) worked, or
deliberately flaked tools; (2) utilized tools which showed use wear but
were otherwise unmodified; and (3) debitage or wastage. Within these
categories, subdivisions were made dependent on characteristics specific
to each group. Worked tools (e.g. points, knives,,scrapers, choppers,
etc.) were classified functionally, on the basis of flake removal
locations (unifacial, edge-retouched, etc.), and by presence or absence
of heat treatment. Wear was also identified on worked tools in order to
place them in hypothetical functional categories. Utilized tools were
classified according to type of use wear and form (e.g. flakes, blades,
blocky fragments, etc.). Debitage was grouped according to form. Both
latter groups were also subdivided according to thermal alteration or
lack thereof. In addition, use of silicified coral was noted for all
categories.
Most of the terms used will be familiar ones but a general comment
on identification of use wear is necessary. Although identification of
use wear, particularly the assignment of functional meaning, is often

151
questioned, it is believed that the classification system used here is
a fairly common one. Whether or not actual function can be ascribed to
theses tools is not necessarily a matter of great concern to this study .
It is important to note that the analysis of lithics from Baptizing Spring
and the adjacent surveyed sites were performed by the same individual
employing the same criteria. There is, therefore, consistency in the
identification of the various lithic artifacts and the different sites
can be compared. A very brief discussion of criteria used in clas
sification is presented below.
Use Wear and Form Classification
Projectile points were identified according to type descriptions in
Bullen (1975) when applicable, or were assigned descriptive names. In
all cases, only those points and preforms (point blanks) which did not
exhibit use wear were considered in these categories. A few small
points, usually Pinellas types, had been reworked into scrapers or drills.
In some instances, fragments of points or whole preforms could only be
identified according to size: "small" was less than 4 cm in length and
"medium-large" (abbreviated "med-lge") was greater than 4 cm in length.
Most of the classification groups listed in Appendix B need no fur
ther mention since unifacial flaking, retouching, and so forth are self-
explanatory terms. What is needed, however, is definitions of the
various use wear categories since these will be used in the following
discussions. Some of the following "types" will be illustrated in
Figure 15.
Scrapers were the most common kinds of tools. The criterion used
in identification was presence of uniform, crescentic flake scars along
one face of an edge (Figure 15a). Tools were classified as sidescrapers

152
Figure 15. Simplified Examples of Use Wear (Flaking Scars Exaggerated).
(a) scraper; (b) knife; (c) spokeshave; (d) worked drill;
(e) worked awl; (f) graver, not flake removal only on one
edge and at edge of tip; (g) perforator, flakes removed
on more than one edge; (h) hammerstone/peckingstone.

153
(use wear along the long side), ciuiscrapers (use wear along the short
side and/or opposite the bulb of percussion), and others depending on
location of wear. This kind of flake scar pattern is produced when tools
are scraped along a surface at an angle to it.
Criteria used to identify knives included (1) uniform flake removal,
usually crescentic, producing rounded notches along an edge; and
(2) flake removal from both sides of the edge, producing a somewhat
"wavy" scar pattern (Figure 15b).
Spokeshaves have also been referred to as shaft straighteners and
are characterized by the presence of semi-lunar notches (Figure 15c).
Since these tools are, theoretically, used in a scraping manner (down
the shaft of bone, a length of cane or wood, etc.), only those tools
which had scraper-like flaking scars around the notch edge were clas
sified as spokeshaves.
Drills and awls were identified only for worked tools, primarily on
the basis of form. Drills were identified as long, narrow tools with
squarish cross-sections and which showed flake removal at and just above
a pointed or blunted tip (Figure 15d). Theoretically, awls are used for
puncturing softer materials such as leather rather than for drilling
bone or wood although the general purpose of both is to make a hole.
Tools with relatively narrow and sharp points were classified as awls.
In general, awls were thinner than drills and oval or circular in cross-
section near the tip (Figure 15e).
Engraving tools, gravers, show use wear similar to scrapers since
they are dragged or forced at an angle across a surface in order to score
or groove it. These tools were identified by use wear at a point or cor
ner which showed evidence of flake removal. The engraving end is usually
blunted (Figure 15f).

Perforators are basically the sqmc as awls but this tool type
designation was reserved for unworked tools. Use wear entails a blunted
corner or tip and small flakes removed part of the way up the edges.
Gravers and perforators were differentiated by the presence of these
flake scars along the edge near the tip (Figure 15g).
Peckingstones and hammerstones were aggregated during the analysis
(although they were idenitified separately during the classification
stage). Use wear is identical step fractures and signs of bat
tering although the peckingstone may be more pitted since it is
smaller and not used with as much force. Both are nodular in shape
(Figure 15h). Choppers show the same battering as hammerstones but the
evidence of major impact occurs along an edge as opposed to on a flat
or blunt surface.
Adzes were probably the least abundant tool type. This tool is a
relatively large planar scraper and flake removal predominates on the
adjacent upper edge surface of a flat-bottomed lithic piece.
Several utilized and a few worked tools showed combinations of use
wear patterns but, in general, composite tools were uncommon. Both
utilized and debitage artifacts, and a few worked tools, were classified
in form categories as well as use wear categories. These are reported
for worked and utilized tools in Appendix B and for debitage in the body
of the text.
Flakes, the most abundant form, were identified as any relatively
flat lithic artifact with a bulb of percussion (the bulbous projection
just below the point of impact which removed the flake from a larger
core) which was not a blade (Figure 16a). Blades are often idenitifed
on the basis of proportion a common formula is length equal to or

a
c
Figure 16. Generalized Lithic Artifact
(b) blade; (c) blocky flake;
d
Forms. (a) flake;
(d) blocky fragment.

greater than two times the width. This, however, represents an inac
curate simplification since blades are formed using a special technique
which results in (1) a thin fragment, (2) usually longer than it is wide,
with (3) a very small or almost imperceptible bulb of percussion, and
(4) one or two longtitudinal ridges which taper off to the side(s) at the
end opposite the very small striking platform (Figure 16b). In cross-
section, blades may be either triangular or trapezoidal. Blade-like
flakes was the term used to designate flakes which were linear and had
one or two central ridges but were thick in cross-section and had large
or prominent striking platforms and bulbs of percussion.
Blocky flakes, as the name implies, were flakes which were thick
and/or angular (Figure 16c). Blocky fragments were completely angular
chunks of chert or coral (Figure 16d).
Debitage was classified into relative size categories which are
not reported except for those flakes described as "very small" (less
than or equal to one square centimeter in surface area). This category
was tabulated since it constituted a large proportion of the 1978 sample.
Very small flakes and thinning flakes are underrepresented in areas
which were not screened or where screening was accomplished through lar
ger mesh. Low relative abundance of these categories in some areas,
therefore, cannot be attributed to actual proportions since recovery
techniques probably introduced bias. Relative abundance of these
categories is, however, considered to be accurate in the non-Spanish
area where screening techniques were fairly consistent (although the 1976
trenches were not screened) and all lithic objects were sought and saved.
Thinning flakes were also "very small", in general, and were differentiated
on the basis of thinness, often transluscence, and absence of surface
flaking and bulb of percussion.

Spalls and expended cores have been aggregated since they are
similar in shape, although cores show evidence of flake removal, and
were uncommon. Spalls may be considered as lookinh like bulbs of per
cussion without the attendant "flake." The final category, simply
referred to as "cortex," consisted of blocky fragments or blocky flakes
from the cortical region of a chert/silicifled coral nodule.
Worked Lithic Artifacts
Of the total village lithic sample numbering 16,527 chert and
silicified coral items, only 3.13% (n=518) were worked. Eighty-eight
and eight-tenths percent of the worked tools were recovered from the
Indian sector of the village versus 11.20% from the Spanish area. Table
3 presents raw and relative frequencies of worked lithic artifacts in
Structure A, Structure B, the Spanish area (A+B), and the village, or
Indian, area. Frequencies within areas A,B, and the village can be com
pared and Spanish versus Indian (i.e. ethnic areas) can be cross-com
pared since the area excavated in the aggregated Spanish group was ap
proximately equal to the area excavated in the non-Spanish area. For
purposes of general discussion, it is more appropriate to compare Struc
ture A with Structure B and Spanish total with Indian total.
Small points, including such types as Ichtucknee, Pinellas, and
Tampa Points, comprised 31.96% of the total worked lithic artifacts.
Together, the Spanish areas contributed only five small points versus
142 from the village. In the latter area, Pinellas Points made up 74.29%
of these. Ten small points, described here as having parallel sides and
straight (n=9) or concave (n=l) bases, were the second most numerous
small point type. These were recovered only from the village.
A number of medium to large points were recovered from both Spanish

158
Table 3. Worked Lithic Tools
in the Spanish Areas, Spanish Area
(Aggregated), and Village.
Structure
Structure
Spanish
Village
Description
A
B
Area
Area
Ichtucknee Point
0
1( 3.57%)
1( 1.72%)
8( 1.74%)
Pinellas Point
2( 6.67%)
0
2 ( 3.45%)
78(16.96%)
Tampa Point
0
0
0
6 (1.30%)
small point frag.
2( 6.67%)
0
2( 3.45%)
36( 7.83%)
small point preform
0
0
0
4( 0.87%)
straight sides &
base point
0
0
0
9( 1.96%)
straight sides &
concave base
0
0
0
1( 0.22%)
TOTAL SMALL POINTS
4(13.33%)
1( 3.57%)
5( 8.62%)
142(30.87%)
Thonotossassa Point
0
0
0
1( 0.22%)
Archaic Stemmed
Point
0
1( 3.57%)
1( 1.72%)
7( 1.52%)
Morrow Mountain
Point
0
0
0
1( 0.22%)
Hamilton Point
0
0
0
1( 0.22%)
Gadsden Point
0
0
0
1( 0.22%)
Bolen Plain Point
2( 6.67%)
0
2( 3.45%)
3( 0.65%)
Hardaway Point
0
0
0
1( 0.22%)
Sumter Point
1( 3.33%)
0
1( 1.72%)
0
Oleno Point
0
0
0
1( 0.22%)
Duval Point
1( 3.33%)
2( 7.14%)
3( 5.17%)
2( 0.43%)
crude eared point/
ear frag.
0
0
0
2( 0.43%)
assymetrical thick
point
0
0
0
1( 0.22%)
med-lge point frag.
2( 6.67%)
2( 7.14%)
4( 6.90%)
40( 8.70%)
med-lge point
preform
2( 6.67%)
4(14.29%)
6(10.34%)
16( 3.48%)
TOTAL MED-LGE
POINTS
8(26.67%)
9(32.14%)
17(29.31%)
77(16.74%)
drill
0
0
0
20( 4.35%)
awl
0
0
0
5 ( 1.09%)
graver
1( 3.33%)
0
1( 1.72%)
3( 0.65%)
scraper
5(16.67%)
7(25.00%)
12(20.69%)
80(17.39%)
knive
4(13.33%)
1( 3.57%)
5( 8.62%)
36( 7.83%)
knife/scraper
0
0
0
3( 0.65%)
spokeshave
1( 3.33%)
0
1( 1.72%)
0
spokeshave/scraper
0
0
0
6( 1.30%)
graver/scraper
0
0
0
2( 0.43%)
heavy chopper/
scraper
0
0
0
1( 0.22%)
adze
1( 3.33%)
0
1( 1.72%)
5( 1.09%)
chopper/hammer-
pecking stone
2( 6.67%)
4(14.29%)
6(10.34%)
8( 1.74%)

159
Tabic 3-continued
gunflint
square biface,
0
0
0
1(
0.22%)
gunflint blank?
0
0
0
6(
1.30%)
UID biface
3(10.00%)*
4(14.29%)
7(12.07%)
39 (
8.48%)
UID uniface
0
1( 3.57%)
1( 1.72%)
15 (
3.26%)
UID frag.
1( 3.33%)
1( 3.57%)
2( 3.45%)
IK
2.39%)
TOTAL WORKED
30(100.00%)
28(100.00%)
58(99.97%)
460(99.80%)
* UID is used an an abbreviation for "unidentifiable" throughout this
manuscript.

160
and Indian areas. These points, dating from the early pre-ceramic
Archaic up through Weeden Island periods (see Bullen 1975:6) con
stituted proportionately more of the worked lithic tools in the Spanish
area (29.31%) than in the Indian area (16.74%). There were two to three
times as many of these larger points in the Spanish sector than there
were small points which are characteristic of the later prehistoric-
protohistoric periods. On the slight chance that there might have been
a correlation between depth and point type, nonparametric correlations
were calculated using the SPSS (Statistical Package for the Social
Sciences) version H subprogram NONPAR CORR (Nie al. 1975:288). This
routine was used because it does not depend on the assumption of normal
distribution or metric quality of interval scales, although variables
must be at least ordinal type.
All lithic artifacts were used as variables in various runs and
were ranked by absolute abundance correlated with depth (zone). Only
lithics from the 1978 excavation were used. Kendall's tau seemed to
provide the more appropriate coefficient, as opposed to Spearman's rg,
since there was a fairly large number of cases classified into a
relatively small number of categories and the chance of getting numerous
ties in ranking was considered to be high. Both coefficients vary from
-1.0 to +1.0; both were output using Option 6 of the subprogram. The
only worked lithic variable which even approached a significant alpha
(=.001 for Kendall's tau) provided a very weak, negative correlation
with depth. This variable was heat-treated Pinellas Points with a tau
value of -0.2679, the largest (absolute) coefficient of association.
In view of the lack of association between point type and depth, in
addition to the scarcity of early ceramic markers at this site in

161
general, the presence of these early point types may reflect collecting
by priests and Indians. The fact that they were more numerous,
relatively, in the region of the Spanish buildings suggests that they
might have been collector's items much as all points are today. Con
versely, earlier points were common in the vicinity and the nearby Pump
Spring site had been identified as a probable Deptford period site.
Occurrence in mission period midden may have been incidental, especially
since none of the points exhibited signs of having been utilized or re
worked.
It can be stated now that no lithic type showed significantly strong
association, or even insignificantly strong association, with depth. The
certain effects of plowing, erosion, flooding, root action, and animal
burrowing cannot, however, be gauged.
The predominant tool type of the remaining worked lithic artifacts
was the various kinds of scrapers which comprised 20.69% of the worked
tools in the Spanish area and 17.39% of the worked artifacts in the vil
lage. The variety of worked lithic artifacts was considerably greater
in the village with 36 aggregated categories than it was in the Spanish
sector which had 18 categories. In addition to "traditional" worked
lithic types, one aboriginally manufactured gunflint made from local
chert was recovered from Structure D. Six square bifaces which showed
evidence of percussion along one edge were also found in the village.
These latter could not, however, be identified as gunflints.
Utilized Lithic Artifacts
Tools modified only through usage made up 7.25% of the total site
sample. In proportion, utilized lithic artifacts were slightly more
abundant in the Spanish area (9.89% of the total) than in the village

162
area (6.82% of the total). Slightly more than 14% of the lithic ar
tifacts in the larger Spanish structure were utilized compared to 7.08%
in the smaller Spanish structure (Table 4). Again, variety of tool
types was greater in the village and scrapers predominated with 66.37%
of the utilized lithic artifacts in the village and 68.70% of the
Spanish sector utilized lithic artifacts. Between the two Spanish struc
tures, variety was slightly greater in the larger one which had eight
categories as opposed to five categories in Structure A. Gravers and
scrapers were relatively more abundant in Structure A than in Structure
B and spokeshaves and scraper/spokeshaves were proportionately more
numerous in the larger Spanish structure.
A well-worn, quartzite grinding/pounding stone (Figure 17b) was
found above a corncob-filled feature in Structure C. Another atypical
tool was a large, prism-shaped chunk of silicified coral whose pointed
ends appeared to have been modified through use as a gouging tool
(Figure 17a). Silicified coral, although not uncommon along the
Suwannee River and around springs, made up a very small percentage of
the raw material used in manufacturing tools. It was most abundant in
the debitage group where it comprised only 1.50% of .the raw material in
the Spanish area and 1.37% of the debitage in the rest of the village.
Debitage
Overall, 86.82% of the lithic artifacts were debitage with a high
of 89.98% in the village (probably inflated by the presence of very small
and thinning flakes) and a low of 80.71% in Structure B. Flakes were
the most common form of lithic waste and made up over 50% of the total
(Table 5). Blades were least common in the village (0.50%) and cor
tical fragments and spalls and expended cores were least common in the

163
Table 4. Utilized Lithic Tools Aggregated by Functional (Use-wear)
Group.
Utilized Group
Structure
A
Structure
B
Spanish
Area
Village
Area
scrapers
41(73.21%)
49(65.33%)
90(68.70%)
671(66.37%)
knives
2( 3.57%)
2 (
3.67%)
4 ( 3.05%)
93( 9.20%)
gravers
7(12.50%)
6(
8.00%)
13( 9.92%)
61 ( 6.03%)
spokeshaves
4( 7.14%)
7 (
9.33%)
11 ( 8.40%)
125(12.36%)
perforators
0
0
0
4( 0.39%)
scraper/spokeshave
2 ( 3.57%)
7 (
9.33%)
9( 6.87%)
15( 1.48%)
scraper/graver
0
K
1.33%)
1( 0.76%)
9( 0.89%)
scraper/knife
0
2 (
3.67%)
2( 1.53%)
12 ( 1.19%)
graver/knife
0
0
0
5( 0.49%)
spokeshave/graver
0
0
0
2( 0.20%)
perforator/scraper
0
0
0
1( 0.10%)
spokeshave/knife
0
0
0
1( 0.20%)
spokeshave/graver/knife 0
0
0
3( 0.30%)
battered cf.
peckingstone
0
K
1.33%)
1( 0.76%)
7( 0.69%)
utilized core
0
0
0
2( O'.20%-)*
TOTAL'
56(99.99%)
75(99.99%)
131(99.99%)
1011 (99.99%)**
* One of these core tools is a "palm-sized", prism-shaped gouging tool
made from silicified coral.
** This total includes only chert and silicified coral tools. A quart
zite grinding stone was recovered from the village.

Figure 17. Coral Core Gouging Tool (a) and Quartzite
Grinding Stone (b).

vs-
?
a b

1.2 J 4
a>
Ln

Table 5. Debitage by Form Group for Chert and Sil Ic 1 fled Coral.
Structure
Form A
flakes 504/5*
(71.49%)
blades 8
( 1.13%)
blade-like flakes 25/1
( 3.55%)
blocky flakes 67/1
( 9.50%)
thinning flakes 12**
( 1.70%)
"very small flakes
(less than 1 squ.cm) 29**
( 4.11%)
blocky fragments 58/1
( 8.23%)
spalls, expended cores 1
( 0.14%)
cortical fragments 1
( 0.14%)
TOTAL 705/8
(99.99%)
% silicified coral
of column total 1.13
Structure
n
Span!sh
Area
Village
Area
278/6
(64.50%)
782/11
(68.54%)
7238/116
(54.78%)
14/1
( 3.25%)
22/1
( 1.94%)
66/4
( 0.50%)
20
( 4.64%)
45/1
( 3.96%)
123/1
( 0.93%)
48
(11.14%)
115/1
(10.12%)
698/14
( 5.28%)
13/1**
( 3.02%)
25/1**
( 2.20%)
849/9**
( 6.43%)
27**
( 6.26%)
56**
( 4.93%)
3449/22**
(26.10%)
27/1
( 6.26%)
85/2
( 7.48%)
735/14
( 5.56%)
3
( 0.70%)
4
( 0.35%)
19/1
( 0.14%)
1
( 0.23%)
2
( 0.18%)
36
( 0.27%)
431/9
(100.00%)
1136/17
(100.00%)
13213/181
(99.99%)
2.09
1.50
1.37
* Number to right of slash indicates number of silicified coral.
**These numbers are probably biased by recovery techniques. Structure A
material was not screened and the 1976 trenches (92 squ. m area) also
was unscreened.

Spanish area (0.18% and 0.35%, respectively). In the village, flakes
less than or equal to one square centimeter in surface area were the
second major category comprising 26.10% of the total village debitage.
Spanish Artifacts
The majority of Spanish artifacts were recovered from Group B
(Structure A) units and the vast majority of these were ceramics which,
overall, made up the bulk of the Spanish artifacts (91.24%). Of the 40
non-ceramic items which were identifiable, 20.00% came from the Struc
ture A area, 47.50% from Structure B, and 32.50% from the entire non-
Spanish areas. Scraps of iron, fence staples., an iron pot leg, and
iron ring were not included in these artifact counts because they came
from mixed 17th and 19th century contexts. Over half of the non-ceramic
artifacts were wrought nails (n=15) and spikes (n=8). Most of these,
69.56%, came from Structure B; 21.74% from Structure A, and 8.70% (n=2)
from the village (Table 6). An iron axe head (possibly post-mission
period) was recovered from the northeast, interior corner of Structure B
and two possible knife blades were recovered from Structure D in the
village. One iron knife blade was also recovered from Structure A.
Four lead shot, three approximately .62 caliber (musketballs) and
one .20-.22 caliber, were recovered. The smaller shot was recovered
from Zone II in Structure D and the three musketballs were recovered
from Structure A, Structure B, and Trench #3 just west of Structure B.
Both shot from the Spanish structures were distorted and heavily
oxidized while the other two were in good condition, suggesting that
they had either not been fired or had been fired into yielding objects
or the ground.
Nine ornamental or potentially ornamental objects were recovered

Table 6. Noti-ceramie Spanish Artifacts in Spanish Area (Structures A
and B, combined) and Village Area.
Excavation
Description
Spanish
Village
Total
copper rectangle
0
4
( 30.77%)*
(100.00%)
4
sheet copper
1
( 3.70%)
(100.00%)
1
copper bead
0
1
( 7.69%)
(100.00%)
1
religious medallion
0
1
( 7.69%)
(100.00%)
1
glass bead
1
( 3.70%)
( 50.00%)
; 1
( 7.69%)
( 50.00%)
2
wrought nail/spike
21
( 77.78%)
( 91.30%)
2
( 15.38%)
( 8.70%)
23
iron cf. knife
blade
1
( 3.70%)
( 33.33%)
2
( 15.38%)
( 66.67%)
3
axe head
( 3.70%)
(100.00%)
0
1
lead shot/
musketball
. 2
( 7.41%)
( 50.00%)
2
( 15.38%)
( 50.00%)
4
TOTAL
27
13
40
% total of sample
67.50
32.50
* First bracketed percentage below raw frequency is % of column total;
second is % of row total.
**The axe head may not be Spanish but, rather, an artifact of a later
19th century occupation.

and seven of these were from the village. Two dark blue, spherical
glass beads, one from Structure A and one from Structure D, were found.
The latter's surface was pitted and slightly patinated; the bead from
Structure A has not been seen by this author. The one bead was about
7 mm in diameter with a hole diameter of about 1.5 mm. Three cut, sheet
copper rectangles and one pentangle were found in the village area
(Figure 18). These are similar to the copper rectangles reported from
San Juan del Puerto (McMurray 1973) which had holes punched in them. One
of the copper rectangles from Baptizing Spring had been punctured. Pos
sibly these copper pieces had been sewn or otherwise attached to clothing
or had served some other decorative function. A small fragment of sheet
copper was recovered from Structure B.
The village area yielded two other metal ornaments: a copper-alloy
religious medallion and a rolled, embossed copper "bead". The medallion
was more or less oval with small projections representing the stations
of the cross, one of which was a loop eye (Figure 19). The obverse side
was embossed with a seated (?), bearded male and the abbreviation "S.
GIO. RVANGEL" (St. John the Evangelist in Italian). The reverse side
showed the Virgin Mary standing on a crescent moon, surrounded by
rays (?) and cloud (?) symbols. The New Catholic Encyclopedia (1967*
Vol. 7:381) indicates that Mary on the crescent moon is a classic sym
bol of the Immaculate Conception popularized by the Spanish artist
Murillo (1617-1682) during the 17th century. Murillo spent his entire
life in Seville and at one time had considered the priesthood. His son
eventually became a Franciscan. The artist studied under Velazquez from
1642 until 1645 and it was presumably during or shortly after this
period that he painted the Virgin on the crescent moon. This symbol was

Figure 18.
Copper and Glass Ornaments,
(a-b) copper squares;
(c) copper bead with bosses
(d) blue glass bead

CM



17 4
widely adopted in Catholic Europe, especially in Spain (New Catholic
Encyclopedia 1969, Vol. 10:83). The medal was recovered from the up
per 15 cm level (Zone IA) in the southeastern section of Structure C.
When this symbol was first used on religious medals is unknown to this
author but, conceivably, it was authorized by the Church shortly after
its initial representation on canvas. Its presence at Baptizing Spring
could indicate that the structure was occupied up to the middle of the
17th century, certainly post-1640.
The copper "bead" came from Zone I in Trench #2. It was almost
triangular in cross-section and the rough-cut edges did not quite meet.
The edge of one end was beveled and smooth while the other edge was
jagged. Eight bosses, punched out from the interior (prior to folding
the bead) were spaced below the beveled end and along the meeting edges
(Figure 18). It was 14 mm long and 9-10 mm in cross-section.
Spanish Ceramics
Four hundred and twenty-seven European sherds were recovered: 71.43%
from the Spanish structures and 28.57% from the village. Almost 87% of
the Spanish ceramics in the Spanish area were from the smaller structure.
Table 7 presents raw frequency and relative abundance (%) of types
within areas and for the site as a whole. The most common European
ceramic was utilitarian/storage unglazed olive jar, or tinaja, and
a minor amount of green, lead-glazed olive jar, or storage jar. The
next most common type, a tin-enamelled earthenware (i.e. majolica), was
Ichtucknee Blue on White which comprised 33.96% of the total Spanish
ceramics. The majority of this type came from Structure A and was
reconstructed into most of a medium-sized plate (Figure 20).

Table 7. General Distribution of Identifiable Spanish Ceramics in Spanish and Indian Living/Activity Areas.
Type Name
Structure A
Structure B
.Spanish Area
Village
Total per Type
(% sum total)
Olive Jar
, 65(24.90%)
19(47.50%)
84(27.91%)
94(77.05%)
178
(42.08%)
Storage Jar
4( 1.53%)
1( 2.50%)
5( 1.66%)
5(
4.10%)
10
( 2.36%)
Honeyware
3( 1.15%)
0
3( 1.00%)
0
3
( 0.71%)
Santo Domingo Blue on White
27(10.34%)
12(30.00%).
39(12.96%)
10(
8.20%)
49
(11.58%)
Ichtucknee Blue on Blue
4 ( 1.53%)
2( 5.00%)
6 ( 1.99%)
K
0.82%)
7
( 1.65%)
Ichtucknee Blue on White
139(53.26%)
2( 5.00%)
141(46.84%)
4(
3.28%)
145
(34.28%)
Columbia Plain
19( 7.28%)
2( 5.00%)
21( 6.98%)
2 (
1.64%)
23
( 5.44%)
Fig Springs Polychrome
0
0
0
3 (
2.46%)
3
( 0.71%)
San Luis Blue on White
0
1( 2.50%)
1( 0.33%)
3?
(2.46%)
4
( 0.95%)
Green-glazed Columbia Plain
0
1( 2.50%)
1( 0.33%)
0
1
( 0.24%)
TOTAL
261*(99.99%)
40*(100.00%)
301(100.00%)
122(100.00%)
423
(100.00%)
?
' Identified on basis of enamel and paste
color/texture.
No design visible
and
only blue
flecks in enamel
* Does not include two unidentifiable (too small) sherds.

Figure 20. Ichtucknee Blue on White Plate.


178
Besides the olive jar, neck sherds of which belonged to the "Mid
dle Variety" ca. 1580-1780 (Goggin 1960), and two to three plates, three
other vessel forms were identifiable. Two partially reconstructed
Columbia Plain vessels were of the common, shallow bowl form with flat to
slightly concave bases (Goggin 1968:117-119). Goggin (p. 124) dated
this type of majolica from ca. 1493 to pre-1650, noting that it appeared
to be the most common form of the second half of the 16th century.
Lister and Lister (1974:24) suggested the possibility that some Columbia
Plain pottery was manufactured in Mexico and that these vessels were
characterized by a glossy surface versus the grainy matte surface of
Columbia Plain manufactured in Spain. Both matte and glassy finished
sherds were represented although there appears to be little difference
in plate form.
Santo Domingo Blue on White majolica, manufactured between 1550 and
1630 (Goggin 1968:131-134), was represented by two paste and vessel
types. The most complete vessel form was a wide-mouthed, medium-sized
bowl which had an acutely flared lip and small loop handles (Figure 21).
On the exterior, enamel covered the lip-to-shoulder area and presumably
covered the entire interior surface. The lip was decorated with blue
"dashes". Vessel walls were thin and the paste was compact and bright
orange in color. This paste color is atypical of the range described by
Goggins (1968) sample. The other Santo Domingo Blue on White vessel
appears to have been an albarelo (tall jar). Vessel walls and base were
relatively thick and the bottom was flat with a flaring foot. The in
terior surface was enamelled but enamelling on the exterior surface was
apparently confined'to the upper section. The surface was too badly
weathered to determine design. The paste was soft and chalky, similar to


180
Columbia Plain, and pinkish in color. The enamel was grainy matte and
varied in color from greyish white to yellowish white.
Seven Ichtucknee Blue on Blue sherds were recovered; one was
definitely part of a plate. This was a minor type, only 1.64% of the
total Spanish ceramics. Goggin (1968:139) dated this type as mid-16th
century, peakipg ca. 1600 and disappearing by the mid-1600s. It rep
resents an Italianate tradition in Spanish ceramics.
As mentioned above, Ichtucknee Blue on White dominated majolica in
terms of abundance. Its chronological position has been estimated as.
the first half of the 17th century. It has been most closely associated
with Fig Springs Polychrome but is often found with Ichtucknee Blue on
Blue and Columbia Plain during the early portion of its range (Goggin
1968:150). At least two plates were represented.
The remaining majolica ceramics were minority types: Fig Springs
Polychrome (ca. 1610-1660) and San Luis Blue on White (ca. 1630-1685)
comprised 0.70% and 0.94%, respectively. Lister and Lister (1974:26)
state that both of these types were manufactured in Mexico..
In the absence of documentation for this mission site, it had
originally been assigned an occupation span in keeping with missions in
this region. This span would cover most of the 17th century from
around 1610 until 1685. The majolica types present corroborate this
range and, on the basis of relative abundance, suggest that major ac-
tivity occurred during the first half of the 17th century. It is pos- ,
sible that the mission declined after this period but the very small
frequencies of Fig Springs Polychrome and San Luis Blue on White could
reflect either the ineffectualness of the situado (royal subsidy) or the
fact that very few goods imported from Mexico reached this mission.

lai
The South Mean Ceramic Date Formula (South 1972) uses ceramic type
raw frequencies and the estimated or known median date of the manufacture
period tp calculate an estimation of median occupation date for a site.
In effect, it summarizes the ceramic seriation in a single index, the
date of major historic activity at a site. Since the index is based on
sherd frequencies, however, one must assume random sampling within the
site and a normal distribution of sherds. One must also assume that
all vessels were broken into the same number of sherds, which is un
likely, or must use numbers of vessels present instead of numbers of
sherds. It is obvious that at Baptizing Spring the first two assumptions
cannot be accepted. Excavation units were not randomly selected and
Spanish ceramics.were concentrated in a very limited area of the site.
The third assumption cannot be accepted for any site.
Attempts were made to use the minimum number of vessels represented
by the 232 identifiable majolica sherds. This was possible when iden
tifiable part's of vessels, ware differences, and/or differences in enamel
and decoration coloring were observable. Using this method, however,
one must assume that a single sherd representing a minority type actually
indicates that an entire vessel was present at one time and was used
during the site occupation. It is important to note that the mean
ceramic date formula could only approximate a median occupation date if
ceramics were introduced, used, and discarded at a constant rate over
the time span of occupation. The formula can be useful if no infor
mation is available regarding occupation period of the site. The assump
tions which must be made, many of which are impossible to accept, must
be kept in mind and discrepancies between the mean ceramic date and known
date of occupation for historic sites ought to be examined.

182
In the face of all these problems with the mean ceramic date for
mula, it was used with Spanish majolica data from Baptizing Spring
(Table 8). Souths median dates (xj) were derived by adding or subtract
ing an "index" from certain of Goggin's median dates when the latter
did not produce a mean ceramic date in keeping with known median oc
cupation dates for Spanish colonial sites (South 1974:96-122). Al
though the resulting dates may have produced concurring results, this
seems a rather unsound method for adjusting one's formula to fit the
data and, from a statistical standpoint, is questionable.
Dates calculated using both sherd and vessel frequency with Goggin's
median dates and the three "corrected" median dates supplied by South,
ranged from 1600..45 to 1617.10. Dates yielded using vessel number were
lowest, possibly because vessel number was underestimated. The 1606.46
date (xj-fi) would seem too low since Franciscans did not begin mission
establishment in the interior until that date. Friars did visit the in
terior as early as the 1580s, however, and the question becomes one of
whether or not they would have brought ceramic vessels as gifts or to use
An obvious problem with the use of manufacturing dates is related
to the previous point. Using a median date of 1535 (South's) or 1572
(Goggin's) for Columbia Plain is unreasonable considering the fact that
until the late 1500s mission activities were confined to the Georgia/
northeastern Florida coast. If, instead, median dates are calculated on
the basis of earliest possible settlement within the area and the end
manufacturing dates, very different results are obtained.
The beginning date of 1587 was used as the time of earliest possible
Franciscan visitation to the interior although actual "settlement" did
I
not occur until around 1606. The greatest influx of Spanish ceramics

Table 8. South's Mean Ceramic Date Formula Applied to Spanish Majolica from Baptizing Spring: Raw Sherd
Frequency and Estimated Number of Vessels.
TyPe
Number
(fi)/(n)
Goggin Median
Date (x^)
Sherds
(xi)(fi>
Vessels
(xi)(n)
South's Median
Date (x^)
Sherds
(x.Kf,)
Vessels
(x.)(n)
Santo Domingo
Blue on White
49/ 2
1590
77010
3180
1547
75801
3094
Fig Springs
Polychrome
3/ 1
1635
4905
1635
San Luis
Blue on White
4/ 1
1660
6640
1660
Ichtucknee
Blue on White
145/ 2
1633
236785
3266
Ichtucknee
Blue on Blue
7/ 2
1600
11208
3200
1675
11725
3350
Columbia Plain
24/ 3
1572
37728
4716
1535
36840
4605
TOTAL
232/ 11
175168
372698
Mean Ceramic
Date
1617.10
1604.73
1606.46
1600.45
FORMULA: MCD= Hfe) (f-;) where x^ (or x^) = median date for ith (jth) type
F ff = raw frequency of ith (jth) type
F = total raw frequency of sample

into the interior would not, however, have occured until missions were
established. As pointed out, the mean ceramic date actually measures
the mean date of maximum acquisition. The following ranges and median .
dates were used; 1587 was substituted when beginning manufacturing dates
were earlier than that time (end dates taken from South 1974):
Santo Domingo Blue on White
1587-1630 1608
1610-1660 1635
1630-1690 1660
1587-1650 1619
1615-1650 1633
1587-1650 1612
Fig Springs Polychrome
San Luis Blue on White
Ichtucknee Blue on Blue
Ichtucknee Blue on White
Columbia Plain
Performing the same calculations as before, a median date of 1625.62
is obtained using sherd'frequency and a date of 1622.82 is obtained
using vessel number. The effect of employing the above date ranges is
to negate the importance of changes in type frequency as manufacturing
first occurs, peaks, and declines the classic popularity or
battleship-shaped curve. Overall popularity and demands, however, do
not account for the factor of differential access. Two households
occupied during the same period may appear to have different median
occupation dates simply because one could not afford or get access to
Ichtucknee Blue on White plates, for instance, but had to settle for
Columbia Plain bowls. The other household may have been able to, and
preferred to, concentrate on collecting Ichtucknee Blue on White vessels.
An additional assumption of the formula, therefore, is that persons at
a site had equal access to all ceramics represented at the site. This
is an oversimplification but it does point out that the mean ceramic
date formula is also affected by consumption (and attendant factors) as
well as production, distribution, and disposal.

185
Indian Mnnnlectured Ceramics
A total of 10,710 non-European ceramics were recovered from the
Baptizing Spring excavations, representing 96.20% of the total ceramics.
In terms of different site areas, 91.16% of the total ceramics in Struc
ture A were aboriginal, 91.95% of the sherds in Structure B were
aboriginal and 98.40% of the village ceramics were non-European. Raw
and relative frequencies according to identified categories and decorated
ceramics are presented in Table 9. A few comments on identification are
necessary before comparing types represented in the different areas. The
primary discussion in this section will be concerned with decorated (i.e.
surface modified) ceramics. The description of surface modification inc
ludes many informal "types" previously unclassified. The majority of
ceramics were undecorated: 75.06% in Structure A, 70.31% in Structure B,
and 58.16% in the village. There are several differences among un
decorated ceramics which involve paste texture, color, surface finish,
aplastic inclusions and size classes, and vessel forms. Often during
analysis, however, "plain" sherds are given type names on the basis of
association with particular decorated types. It is preferable to deter
mine origin and nature of undecorated ceramics, at least, on the basis
of technical attributes. Since this phase of the analysis has not been
completed and wares cannot be grouped by identifying clusters of various
attributes at this time, discussion of ceramics in this paper will be
largely confined to decorated types. Some undecorated types such as St.
Johns Plain, Miller Plain, and some Jefferson Ware plain will be men
tioned since they are defined by either specific vessel forms or
peculiar paste characteristics (e.g. St. Johns wares are characterized
by moderate to abundant amounts of sponge spiculues in the clay body,
producing a "chalky" ware which is easily identifiable).

1R6
Table 9. Raw and Relative Frequencies of Aboriginal Ceramics in Spanisli
and Indian Living/Activity Areas: Individual and Category
Frequencies.
Sample Table Set-up
Namel raw frequency (relative abundance in category)
Name2 raw frequency (relative abundance in category)
TOTAL CATEGORY category raw frequency
(% of total ceramics identified to category)
(% of decorated ceramics identified to category)
Name (Type or Descriptive)
Structure A
Structure B
Village
Aucilla Incised
3(16.67%)
4(57.14%)
2( 5.88%)
Ocmulgee Fields Incised
14(77.78%)
2(28.57%)
3( 8.88%)
Pinellas Incised
0
0
1( 2.94%)
Weeden Island Incised
0
0
8(23.53%)
bold incised
0
0
2 ( 5.88%)
red-filmed incised
0
0
4(11.76%)
cross-incised (cf. Keith Incised) 0
0
1( 2.94%)
UID incised
1( 5.55%)
1(14.29%)
13(38.23%)
TOTAL INCISED
18
7
34
( 0.86%)
( 1.82%)
( 0.65%)
( 2.98%)
( 6.14%)
( 1.56%)
Carrabelle Punctated
6(66.67%)
0
4( 7.84%)
Lochloosa Punctated
0
0
16(31.37%)
triangular punctated
0
0
8(15.69%)
round punctated
0
0
1( 1.96%)
semi-circular punctated
0
0
1( 1.96%)
cloven punctated
0
0
1( 1.96%)
irregular punctated
0
0
10(19.61%)
fingernail gouged
0
0
4( 7.84%)
stab nT drag
3(33.33%)
0
6(11.76%)
TOTAL PUNCTATED
9
0
51
( 0.43%)
( 0.98%)
( 1.49%)
( 2.35%)
Thomas Simple Stamped
8(72.73%)
0
9(10.47%)
Alachua Cob Marked
2(18.18%)
0
3( 3.49%)
cord marked
1( 9.09%)
0
56(65.12%)
fabric impressed
0
1(100.00%)
3( 3.49%)
shell-edge impressed
0
0
12(13.95%)
"corn on cob" impressed
0
0
3( 3.49%)
11
( 0.53%)
( 1.82%)
1
( 0.26%)
( 0.88%)
86
( 1.66%)
( 3.96%)
TOTAL IMPRESSED

187
Table 9continued
Name (Type or Descriptive) Structure A Structure B Village
Chattahoochee Brushed
7(36.84%)
0
12 (
7.55%)
scraped
12(63.16%)
4(100.00%)
147(92.45%)
TOTAL SURFACE SCRAPED
19
4
159
( o
.91%)
( 1
.04%)
(
3.06%)
( 3
. 14%)
( 3
.51%)
(
7.32%)
Jefferson Complicated Stamped
Type A
2(
0.45%)
2 (
2.47%)
6 (
0.36%)
Type B
45(10.20%)
7 (
8.64%)
209(12.67%)
Type C
H
0.23%)
2 (
2.47%)
K
0.06%)
Type D
K
0.23%)
0
3(
0.18%)
loop cross CS
39 (
8.84%)
3 (
3.70%)
60 (
3.64%)
solid cross CS
40(
9.07%)
3 (
3.70%)
58(
3.52%)
UID cross CS
K
0.23%)
0
IK
0.67%)
rectilinear 'A' CS
0
0
2 (
0.12%)
"simple stamped" CS
38 (
8.62%)
5 (
6.17%)
26 (
1.58%)
fret/volute CS
0
0
3 (
0.18%)
rectilinear with raised dot CS
K
0.23%)
0
0
linear with central bars CS
30 (
6.80%)
0
l(
0.06%)
line block CS
0
K
1.23%)
4(
0.24%)
obliterated rectilinear CS
10(
2.27%)
K
1.23%)
18(
1.09%)
UID rectilinear CS
2(
0.45%)
2 (
2.47%)
19 (
1.15%)
herringbone with checks CS
0
0
2 (
0.12%)
concentric circles CS
2 (
0.45%)
2 (
2.47%)
13 (
0.79%)
joined curved lands CS
K
0.23%)
K
1.23%),
3 (
0.18%)
arc,straight,bullseye CS
K
0.23%)
2 (
2.47%)
6(
0.36%)
curvilinear 'B' CS
0
0
2 (
0.12%),
bullseye with scroll CS
0
0
K
0.06%)
barred bullseye CS
0
0
K
0.06%)
bullseye with check CS
0
0
K
0.06%)
cogs CS
0
0
K
0.06%)
"snowshoe" CS
0
K
1.23%)
0
interlocking circles CS
16 (
3.63%)
2 (
2.47%)
5(
0.30%)
curvilinear 'A' CS
2 (
0.45%)
0
4(
0.24%)
curvilinear 'C' CS
0
0
K
0.06%)
straight/curvilinear CS
O
0
3(
0.18%)
UID curvilinear CS
136(30.84%)*
29(35.80%)*
641(38.85%)*
obliterated' CS
28 (
6.35%)
8(
9.88%)
225(13.63%)
incomplete CS
41 (
9.30%)
10(12.35%)
195(11.82%)
small/obliterated CS
4+(0.91%)
?**
125 (
7.58%)
TOTAL COMPLICATED STAMPED 441@ 81@ 1650@
(21.08%) (21.09%) (31.77%)
(72.89%) (71.05%) (75.93%)

Table 9continued
Name (Type or Descriptive)
Structure A
Structure B
Village
St. Johns Check Stamped
78(75.73%)
2( 9.52%)
28(18.79%)
square check stamped
2 ( 1.94%)
0
37(24.83%)
rectangular check stamped
14(13.59%)
3(14.29%)
47(31.54%)
diamond check stamped
5( 4.85%)
3(14.29%)
12 ( 8.05%)
check with raised dot
4( 3.88%)
13(61.90%)
23(15.44%)
linear check stamped
0
0
2( 1.34%)
TOTAL CHECK STAMPED
103
21
149
( 4.92%)
( 5.47%)
( 2.87%)
(17.02%)
(18.42%)
( 6.86%)
Mission Red Filmed
0
0
19
( 0.36%)
( 0.87%)
Jefferson pinched rim
0
0
11(44.00%)
lumpy
2(100.00%)
0
13(52.00%)
UID pinched
0
0
1( 4.00%)
TOTAL "HAND MODIFIED"
2
0
25
( 0.10%)
( 0.48%)
( 0.31%)
( 1.15%)
St. Johns Plain
33( 2.22%)
2( 0.74%)
26( 0.86%)
undecorated
1454(97.78%)
268(99.26%)
2995(99.14%)
TOTAL UNDECORATED
1487
270
3021
(75.06%)
(70.31%)
(58.16%)
Jefferson Ware handle
2
St. Johns eroded
0
0
11
eroded
9
27
429
small/eroded
?a
?a
849
less than 1 squ. cm surface
612.
69
1034
GRAND TOTAL
2713
480
7517
Total Identifiable to Category
2092
384
5194
Total Decorated Identified
to Category
605
114
2173
% of total identifiable
28.92
29.69
41.84
* Most of the unidentifiable curvilinear complicated stamped ceramics
was probably Jefferson Ware Complicated Stamped Type B ("bullseye"
design motif).
**The symbol "?" is used to indicate uncertain frequencies for groups
from the 1976 analysis which were not broken down in the same manner
as groups in the 1978 analysis. Small sherds had been discarded.

189
Table 9continued
Complicated stamped is abbreviated "CS".
a These sherds were obviously not complicated stamped and, although they
were small (less than 1 squ. cm in surface area) and eroded they were
tabulated separately from other small and eroded sherds. Again, counts
are uncertain because small versus eroded versus small and eroded groups
were not distinguished during the 1976 analysis and these sherds had
been discarded.

190
Decorated Ceramics
A sizeable proportion of the sherds (28.38%) were too small and/or
too eroded to be identified. Of the remaining 71.62%, 2,892(37.71%)
were at least identifiable as decorated categories. There were propor
tionately fewer decorated ceramics associated with Structures A and B
(28.92% and 29.69%, respectively) than with the Indian sector of the
village (41.84%). This frequency of decorated ceramics in the village
is high compared to many sites.
Fifty-three informal and formal design types were recognized.
Where type names could not be designated, descriptive names were devised.
Many of these descriptive names, such as "fabric impressed" and "cord
marked", do not require further definition. Many descriptive categories,
however, do need to be described and illustrated. This is particularly
true of the complicated stamped types which, as a category, comprised
75.10% of the total identifiable decorated ceramics. Brief descriptions
of informal types are presented below. Vessel and rim forms, identified
primarily from the 1978 sample, are illustrated in Figure 22 and are
included in the following discussion when appropriate.
Cloven punctated (n=l) exhibited punctations in groups of two, mir
ror-image serai-circles which approximated a cloven hoof in appearance.
These punctations were fairly sparse over the surface of a single, small
sherd. Punctations may have been made with a bifurcated twig, bone tool,
or similar object.
Thomas Simple Stamped (n=17) is a formal Weeden Island type but is
mentioned here because all specimens were impressed with the back side
of variously sized, ribbed shells. On a single sherd, all impressions

191
I ft m rn fc i A
f f f 1 1 M TT
i (f n 1 m n o
Figure 22. Lip Profiles (a-k), Rim Profile (1-p), and Visible Body
Profiles (q-r). (a) round; (b) flat with round corners;
(c) square; (d) beveled, exterior; (e) beveled, interior;
(f) "pointed", beveled on both sides; (g) rolled;
(h) projecting, exterior; (i) projecting, interior;
(j) indented; (k) waisted; (1) straight; (m) curved
everted; (n) curved inverted; (o) acute everted; (p) acute
inverted; (q) curved, composite; (r) acute, composite or
"S-shaped".

192
were made by the same shell, however. Four rimsherds were present In
the village sample: three of these had "pointed" lip profiles and one
was rounded (Figure.22f, a). Two rims were straight (Figure 221), one
was slightly curved toward the interior (22n), and one was acutely
everted (22o).
Shell-edge impressed (n=3) sherds had variously dense or sparse
impressions of scalloped shell edges (i.e. moderately or strongly ribbed
shells) over their surfaces. These impressions were usually "wavy"
lines, deeper in the middle of the impression than at the ends.
Kernel or corn-on-cob impressed (n=3), for lack of better name,
sherds had been lightly impressed with an ear of corn still bearing ker
nels. The single rimsherd exhibited kernel impressions of equal size in
paired rows (Figure 23c). Another sherd appeared to have been impressed
with the butt end of a cob as the kernels were uneven in shape and row
alignment. "Normal" kernel impressions measured 6-7 mm by 3 mm. General
rim profile of the one sherd was rounded lip and curved, everted profile.
Scraped (n=163) ceramics may be variants of Chattahoochee Brushed
although surface scraping was much deeper and lands and grooves were
wider than if they had been brushed (Figure 23b). It often appeared as
if the scraping had been purposefully smoothed over although flattening
of small clay lumps might be attributed to handling the vessel while
the surface was still plastic. Two scraped sherds which fit together
and had broken along a coil fracture bore complementary impressions of a
small feather. Five out of ten rimsherds had rounded lips, three were
slightly pointed, one was square, and one was flat with rounded corners.
Only five of the sherds were large enough to allow identification of rim
profile; all were straight.

Figure 23. Surface-Scraped and Impressed Ceramics.
(a) Chattahoochee Brushed; (b-c) scraped;
(d-e) Thomas Simple Stamped [shell-back
impressed]; (f) kernel-on-cob impressed.


195
Loop cross complicated stamped (CS) (n=102) was one of two variants
of cross motif complicated stamped designs. This is probably a Jeffer-
sone Ware complicated stamped type and is characterized by an "open"
or outlined central cross design with two to three outlining lands
(Figure 24). Four rimsherds from the village sample had rounded lips
(n=3) or exterior beveled lip (n=l). Rim profiles were either straight
(n=2) or curved, everted (n=2).
Solid cross CS (n=101) sherds are similar to the above type but the
central element is a solid cross (Figure 25) usually with three outlining
lands. The four arms of both solid and loop crosses are not equal in
length nor are they always at right angles to each other although this
could be idiosyncratic. The axes cross in the proximate centers in the
form of a Cross of St. George (Meiszner 1978:22). The innermost land
around the central element may curve over the ends of the cross or may
be squared off. Succeeding lands are squared off at the ends of the
arms (1978:23). Of the four rimsherds from the village sample, one
lip was rounded, one flat with rounded corners, one round and projecting
slightly inward, and one was flat with a central indentation. Rim
profiles were either acute everted, straight, or curved, everted. One
large rimsherd from 1976 showed the composite vessel profile "S" form
(Figure 22g). This latter sherd probably came from a medium-large ves
sel which was constricted below the rim then curved outward and tapered
back inward below rounded shoulders.
Rectilinear 'A' CS (n=2) was a minority type and the sherds were
too small to allow complete identification of a stamp. Visible stamped
patterns were slightly dendritic (Figure 26a).

Figure 24. Loop Cross Motif Complicated Stamped Ceramics


198
Figure 26. Rectilinear Complicated Stamped Design Motifs.
(a) rectilinear 'A'; (b) fret/volute; (c) rectilinear
with raised dot; (d) linear with central bars, over
stamped; (e,f) line block. (Sherds not drawn to scale
but designs on sherds are to scale.)

199
Fret/volute CS (n=3) may have been the same as Deagan's Jefferson
Ware Complicated Stamped Type E (Deagan 1972:28, 29) although these
sherds did not have raised dots. Only sections of volutes or frets
were discernible on the surface and no pattern was completely represented
t
(Figure 26b).
Rectilinear with raised dot CS (n=l) was another minor type. The .
design on this sherd consisted of a single square with central, raised
dot and parallel straight lands running perpendicular and parallel to
the sides of the square (Figure 26c).
Linear with central bars CS (n=31) was recovered predominantly
from Structure A, with only one sherd found elsewhere (Structure C). It
was also a possible Jefferson Ware complicated stamped type. The paddle
design consisted of about 11 parallel, straight lands with two centrally
located parallel lands running at slightly oblique angles across the main
set of lands. These latter two lands formed a series of checks down the
center of the main design (Figure 26d). Two sherds with impressions of
paddle edges indicate that lands extended to the edge of the paddles.
In some cases, paddle impressions were carefully lined up from one
stamp to the next but it was more usual to see paddle impressions which
overlapped. Paddle stamping was present up to the lip, which was folded
over the design, but. not over the entire body of the single (?) vessel.
Rim forms from the Structure A sample consisted of square lips and curved,
everted profiles. All appear to be from the same vessel.
Line block CS (n=5) was represented by two variants which were
placed in this single category since it was a minor type. One sub-type
exhibited neatly executed, closely spaced parallel lands perpendicular
to more widely spaced lands (Figure 26e). The other sub-type was

200
characterized by parallel and perpendicular sets of lands spaced at
roughly the same distance apart. A curving land appeared on one sherd
above the block (Figure 26f). In general, this latter sub-type was less
neat.
Simple stamped was a residual category unrelated to Deptford Simple
Stamped but probably partial representations of either line block or
linear with central bars complicated stamped types. Sixty-nine sherds
were placed in this category.
Joined curved lands CS (n=5) sherds were probably concentric circles
or "bullseyes" which had one or more bars between the lands (Figure 27a).
Arc, straight, bullseye CS (n=10) was a type mentioned and illus
trated by Willey (1949:599, Plate 60) and designated as probable Leon-
Jefferson period. The design is a small, single-land circle with a cen
tral dot and tangential arched and straight lands (Figure 27b). One rim-
sherd from the village had a square lip with rounded corners and a second
had a rounded lip. Both rimsherds had curved, everted profiles.
Curvilinear 'B' CS (n=2) was similar to the above type except that
the central dot within the circle was joined to the circle creating what
looked like an apostrophe (Figure 27c).
Barred bullseye CS (n=l) was a Jefferson Ware Complicated Stamped
Type B ("bullseye") motif with two central bars running across the raised
dot perhaps only as far as the second concentric land (Figure 27d).
Bullseye with scroll CS (n=l) was another single occurrence type
which was over-stamped and incomplete in terms of design. Visible was
one rounded, rectangular land with a central, elongated, cleft "dot" and
adjacent nested scrolls (Figure 27e).

201
Figure 27. Curvilinear Complicated Stamped Design Motifs.
(a) joined curved lands CS; (b) arc, straight,
bullseye CS; (c) curvilinear 'B' CS; (d) barred
bullseye CS; (e) bullseye with scroll CS;
(f) interlocking circles CS; (g) bullseye with
check CS. (Sherds not to scale but design on
sherds is to scale.)

202
Interlocking circles CS (=21) wns named after Wauchopes (1966)
designation of related design elements. This design approximates nested
"figures-of-8" and only one of four lands cuts across the center
(Figure 27f). Designs were cut to the edge of the paddle and in some
cases care was taken to match up adjacent paddle stamps. Five rimsherds
were recovered from the entire excavation. Two of these definitely came
from the same vessel. Four squared lip and curved, everted rimsherds
and one straight rim with rounded lip sherd were represented.
Bullseye with check CS (n=l) was too small to permit identification
of a complete pattern. The design consisted of a curved land, branching
curved land off the first, and two checks with central dots below the
second curved land (Figure 27g). It was a very sloppy design execution.
Cogs CS (n=l) consisted of a combination of nested scrolls with cen
tral dot and tangent circle with central dot. Straight lands extended
between these two elements and, presumably, to other elements in the
design (Figure 28a).
Snowshoe CS (n=l) exhibited acutely curving lines, two of which
were joined by at least five parallel lands (forming rectangular checks
between the two curving lands) and ended at right angles to a slightly
curving land. Three parallel, straight lands were adjacent and at an
angle to this element (Figure 28b).
Curvilinear 'A' CS (n=6) consisted of two variants: (I) curved
lands joining straight lands at an angle with very narrow, perpendicular
lines between the closest curved and straight land; and (2) sets of
curved lands which face each other but do not meet. The former is illus
trated in Figure 28c.
Curvilinear 'C' CS (n=l) was similar to bullseye with checks CS but

203
Figure 28. Curvilinear Complicated Stamped Design Motif and Cross-
Incised Sherd. (a) cogs CS; (b) snowshoe CS;
(c) curvilinear 'A; (d) curvilinear 'C'; (e) straight/
curvilinear; (f) herringbone with checks; (g) cross-
incised. (Sherds not to scale but design on sherds is
to scale.)

20/*
the sherd was too small to distinguish. Design shows branched curving
lands and rectilinear (possibly checks) lands (Figure 28d). It was
another one of the rather sloppily executed complicated stamped sherds.
Straight/curvilinear CS was a residual category containing three
sherds with lands that were both straight and curved. An example is
illustrated in Figure 28e.
Herringbone with checks CS (n=2) was characterized by a gently
curving herringbone pattern with three to four checks in the apical
area (Figure 28f).
Cross-incised (n=l) was reminiscent of the Weeden Island type Keith
incised but a single sherd did not allow certain identification. It ex
hibited more or less parallel incised lines with slightly "S-shaped" in
cisions at oblique angles to the linear incisions (Figure 28g).
Lumpy was a very descriptive name applied to 15 sherds which were
poorly (deliberately?) finished and whose surfaces were quite literally
lumpy and ridged even though interior surfaces were well-smoothed. One
fairly large rimsherd appeared as if the potter had run closed fingers
over a very plastic surface, squishing the clay between his/her fingers.
Three rimsherds were present: lips were either rounded (n=2) or
pointed (n=l); rim profiles were straight (n=2) or curved slightly in
ward (n=l).
Complicated Stamping and Manufacturing Techniques
As was evident from Table 9, many of the complicated stamped designs
were obliterated either by smearing, over-stamping, or smoothing over
stamped designs. Notwithstanding application techniques, the variety of
stamped designs and intricacies of some motifs indicate that stamping
was not always viewed simply as an expedient means of compressing coils
and flattening surfaces.

205
An examination of ten Jefferson Ware Complicated Stamped Type B
sherds (hereinafter referred to as "bullseye"), 16 cross motif rimsherds,
and 18 unidentified complicated stamped rimsherds suggested that paddle
malleating was performed during the construction phase (Meiszner 1978:18).
On all of these sherds and some of the types previously noted, the stamp
had been applied before the lip was finished as indicated by clay that
had been pushed down into grooves or lapped over lands when the lip was
folded. Additionally, stamped designs were located in the curvature of
excurvate rims and distortion of the design indicates that flaring the
rim was performed after stamping.
None of the complicated stamped rimsherds had pinched or punctated
rims, two attributes described as common at Fig Springs (Deagan 1972:29)
and Scott Miller where Smith (1951:167-169) described these rim
decorations as the typical style rim for Jefferson wares. In only one
case studied by Meiszner did the stamping stop short of the rim. The
pattern of stamping to the lip predominated any other paddling practice
although some sherds did indicate that stamping was not always over the
entire vessel surface.
From a sample of 106 "bullseye" sherds which had clear designs, ten
were selected for measuring radii on the basis of having more or less
complete impressions from bullseye center to the outermost land. The
number of concentric lands varied from two (element diameter of 5 cm) to
five (element diameter of 4.8 cm). Overall, diameters varied from
4.8 cm to 8.0 cm (Meiszner 1978:19-20). Three attempts by different
persons were made to define a few distinct paddles responsible for stam
ping several vessels. It appears that there are as many variations among

206
stamped elements (therefore paddles) as there are numbers of sherds.
Some distinctions were possible but there are too many problems in as
suming that sherds with the same patterns and measurements came from
different vessels.
In some respects, cross motif complicated stamped elements showed
less variation than did the "bullseye" ceramics, although there were
fewer sherds of this category present. Whether loop or solid cross,
both seem to have more regularity in element diameter than do "bulls-
eyes". One sherd which had a clear paddle edge impression demonstrated
that a single cross element occupied a paddle face, at least in this
one case. The relative consistency of element diameter for the three
solid crosses and five loop crosses measured (diameter varied from
6.6 cm to 8.4 cm) may be related to a consistent use of four outlining
lands (Meiszner 1978:22). Unfortunately, the sample of sherds with
measurable elements was extremely small.
There is considerable variation in design from element to element
and within the cross element. The four arms of both solid and loop
crosses are not of equal length and the two axes do not always cross at
right angles. Three loop cross paddles and/or elements and three styles
of solid cross elements could be identified using design anomalies.
These groupings are depicted in Figure 29. Group 1 has asymetrical
lands over the arm; the first land comes up and curves over the arm then
falls away at an angle not parallel to the arm. Sherds in this group
were recovered from Structure A, Structure D, and Trench //2.
Group 2 sherds have a slightly curving arm, the edge of which is
not rounded off symetrically. The outlining lands are also asymetrical
but have different land and groove widths than loop crosses in Group 1.

Group 5
Group 6
Figure 29. Identifiable Paddle Variations: Groups of More than One
Sherd Each for Cross Motif Complicated Stamped. Groups
1 through 3, loop cross; Groups 4 through 6, solid cross.

208
Examples of Group 2 were recovered from Structure A. Loop crosses In
Group 3 have symmetrically rounded arms and the second land follows the
outline of the innermost land. The outer third and fourth lands,
however, are asymetrical, bending fairly sharply on one side and
sloping gradually outward on the other. Examples of Group 3 were
recovered from Trench //I and Structure A.
Groups 4 through 6 pertain to solid cross motifs. These groupings
do not include all variations but only those for which more than one
sherd was present. Group 4 crosses have one arm, and outlining lands,
angling away from the axis at the point where the four arms meet. In
addition, the second outlining land is rounded over the arm(s) rather
than squared. Sherds in this group were recovered from Structure D and
were probably part of the same vessel. Group 5 crosses have one arm
angling toward the first outlining land which is slightly squared over
the ends of the arms. The second outlining land is strongly squared.
Structure A, Structure C, and the trenches just south of Structure B
yielded sherds of this group. The last group, 6, was identifiable by
the irregular shape of the arm juncture and the fact that one of the
arms was curved. Group 6 sherds were recovered from Structures A, C, D,
Trench //1, and Trench //2.
Other Ceramic Types and Forms
More than 90% of the non-St. Johns check stamped ceramics were
probably Leon Check Stamped, including the variant with a central raised
dot in each check. Only five rimsherds of check stamped ceramics were
recovered from the 1978 excavations: two rim profiles were straight and
three were curved, everted. Lip profiles were flat with round corners
(n=2), square (n=l), indented (n=l), and round (n=l).

209
The most common lip on curvilinear complicated stamped, "bullseye"
complicated stamped, and undecoratcd sherds was the round form; the
most common rim profile was flared, either acute or curved. Rim and lip
form distribution for the 1978 sample and some of the 1976 sample are
presented in Table 10. Sherds not summarized above are included. It
was difficult to assign Jefferson Ware pinched/punctated rims to these
categories because of their decoration. A variety of these rimsherds
are illustrated in Figure 30. Overall, -the two most common rim forms
were straight and curved, everted. The most common lip profile was
round.
The major incised types associated with the mission period
Aucilla Incised and Ocmulgee Fields Incised were relatively more
common in the Spanish areas than in the village. Two Aucilla Incised
rimsherds, both from the same vessel, had an exterior-projecting lip and
were slightly curved toward the interior. These may have been from a
low, globular vessel. Ocmulgee Fields Incised lips were all rounded but
rims included "acute 'S' composite" (n=l), curved, everted (2 from the
same vessel), and acute, inverted (2 from the same vessel). The latter
two sherds were probably from a cazuela. The composite form sherd had
fine hatched incisions between the bottom of the rim flare and the shoul
der. Incising on the cazuela may have been restricted to the rim. The
other Ocmulgee Fields Incised sherds were all incised with bold lines
but extent over the vessel surface could not be determined.
Check stamped ceramics comprised the second most populous category.
Over the entire excavated site, St. Johns Check Stamped contributed al
most 40% to the total, 29% of which was from the two Spanish structures.
Structure A check stamped ceramics were predominantly St. Johns (chalky)

210
Table 10.
Rim Form
Straight
Acute,
everted
Acute,
inverted
Curved,
everted
Summary of Lip and Rim Forms for Selected Ceramics:
Undecorated, Curvilinear Complicated Stamped, Bold Incised,
Weeden Island Incised, Mission Red Filmed, Chattahoochee
Brushed, Cord Marked, Alachua Cob Marked, St. Johns Types,
Carrabelle Punctated, Punctated, and Jefferson Ware Com
plicated Stamped Type B (i.e. "Bullseye).
Lip Form Ceramic Types (n of sherds)*
flat, round corners undecorated (7), curvilinear (2)
square :undecorated (5), curvilinear (2),
bold incised (1)
beveled interior undecorated (1), St. Johns (1),
bullseye (1)
beveled exterior undecorated (10), curvilinear (3),
Weeden Island (1), punctated (1),
cord marked (1)
pointed undcorated (13), curvilinear (4),
projecting, interior undecorated (1)
projecting, exterior undecorated (2), bullseye (1)
waisted undecorated (1), curvilinear (1),
Weeden Island (1)
rolled undecorated (3)
indented undecorated (3)
round undecorated (11), curvilinear (10) ,
Carrabelle Punctated (1), cord
marked (1), Mission Red Filmed (1) ,
Chattahoochee Brushed (1),
bullseye (1)
flat, round corners undecorated (2)
beveled exterior undecorated (1)
pointed undecorated (2)
round undecorated (6), bullseye (1)
flat, round corners undecorated (1)
round undecorated (1)
flat, round corners-
square
beveled exterior
pointed
projecting, interior
projecting, exterior
waisted
rolled
undecorated (9), curvilinear (2),
bullseye (1)
undecorated (10), bullseye (2)
undecorated (4), curvilinear (1),
undecorated (4)
undecorated (1)
undecorated (1), curvilinear (1),
bullseye (2)
undecorated (1), curvilinear (1),
punctated (1)

Table 10continued
Rim Form
Lip Form
Ceramic Types (n of sherds)
indented
round
curvilinear (12)
Curved,
inverted
square
undecorated (1), Weeden
Island (1)
beveled interior
St. Johns (2)
beveled exterior
.undecorated (2)
pointed
round
Acute,
composite
square
beveled exterior
Alachua Cob Marked (1)
round
Curved,
composite
round
Island (1)
* This sample taken only from 1978 excavated material. Total number of
sherds in the sample are:
undecorated 129
curvilinear 40
bullseye 10
Weeden Island 4
Carrabelle Punctated 1
bold incised 1
St. Johns ; 3
Alachua Cob Marked 1
cord marked 2
punctated- 2
Chattahoochee Brushed- 1
Mission Red Filmed 1

Figure 30. Jefferson Ware Pinched Rims.
212

213
wares (75.73%). In terms of (1) frequency relative to sherds identified
to category and (2) decorated sherds identified to category, check
stamped ceramics were most common i-n Structure B. In this area, the
variant of Leon Check Stamped with a central raised dot predominated
(61.90% of the total check stamped).
St. Johns Plain ceramics, the only undecorated type which was as
signed a type name, comprised 36.09% of the St. Johns wares. Relative
to other wares, St. Johns Plain was a minor component with less than 1%
in Structure B and the village. It was relatively more common in Struc
ture A (2.22% of undecorated types).
The third most common category of decorated ceramics was composed of
Chattahoochee Brushed and "scraped" types. The latter contributed most
to the total number of this category in all three areas. This group was
more common in the village area (7.32% of sherds in decorated categories)
than in the Spanish area (3.20%). It was about equally represented in
Structures A and B, 3.14% and 3.15% of the sherds in decorated categories,
respectively.
Impressed design types were fairly minor and more common in the vil
lage (3.96% of decorated sherds identified) than in the Spanish sector
(1.67%). These ceramics were more common in Structure A (1.82%) than in
Structure B (0.88%). Of the various types in the group, Thomas Simple
Stamped (shell-back impressed) predominated in Structure A (72.73%) and
cord marked, largely from Structure D, predominated in the village
(65.12%). Only one sherd of this category, a fabric impressed type, was
present in Structure B.
Punctated sherds were not represented in Structure B and formed only
a minor category in Structure A at 1.49% of the decorated sherds in

214
categories. Carrabelle Punctated was the more common type in Structure
A (n=6) whereas Lochloosa Punctated was the most common in the village
(31.37% of the punctated sherds). Incised sherds were also minor in the
village (1.56% of the decorated sherds) but were more important in the
Spanish areas at 6.14% in Structure B and 2.98% in Structure A.
Mission Red Filmed and Jefferson Ware pinched/punctated rims oc
curred only in the village area, contributing 0.87% and 0.51% respec
tively, to the total decorated ceramics.
Colono-Indian Ceramics
Ware characteristics of Miller Plain have been described by Smith
(1951:166): fine sand and grit in moderate to small amounts, interior
surface finely scraped, exterior surface rougher, a hard compact paste.
Others have used Miller Plain as a type name to characterize fine-tex-
tured, aboriginal pottery made in European forms. The form attribute
appears to be the major distinguishing feature since inclusions, body
color, black coring, hardness, and surface finish may be idiosyncratic
according to the use of local clay sources and potters techniques.
Ceramics classified as Miller Plain during the 1976 field season lack
most of Smith's attributes but the European forms are, apparently, the
decisive factors. Jefferson wares may also be found manufactured in
European vessel forms as may be un-typed plain ceramics. In general,
these non-traditional Indian-manufactured vessels are referred to as
Colono-Indian ceramics (Baker 1972). Forms represented may be plates,
either plain or red slipped, footed bowls, pitchers, and handled bowls.
At Baptizing Spring, Miller Plain ceramics were thin-walled, fine-
textured, and well-smoothed. No ceramics resembling this type were

found in the village. It was primarily restricted to the smaller Spanish
structure where it comprised at least three, possibly four, small, footed
bowls. One bowl, which rather resembled a deep, handless cup, was recon
structed (Figure 31). Rim fragments of a probable Miller Plain plate
were also recovered along with a small bowl rimsherd that had been pulled
out into a small spout. Figure 32 illustrates some of these forms.
Jefferson Ware European forms were also present and included a small
handle which appeared to have joined the rim of a vessel on both sides
of the top, flat projection (Figure 32). Several sherds from a flat-
bottomed, flared-footed vessel were recovered from Structure D. Although
this vessel cannot be fully reconstructed, it appears to have been a
fairly small dish with straight, flaring sides near the base
(Figure 33c). One sherd of the same paste, color, texture, and finish
suggests a constricted neck although this may be from another vessel.
The form of this vessel looks as if it was copied from the Santo Domingo
Blue on White jar. One foot ring sherd similar to those in the Spanish
Structure A (Figure 33a, b) was recovered from another village structure,
C. The only other identifiable Jefferson Ware European form was a pos
sible plate rim fragment from the smaller Spanish structure. A Jefferson
Ware fragment which may have nothing to do with Colono-Indian ceramics,
appeared to be the arm off some kind of statuette. A similar "arm,"
only curved, was recovered from the area of Trench #2. Both had been
broken off something at the wider end. The unbroken end was flattened
(Figure 32). The Jefferson Ware "arm" was recovered in Structure B.
The final identified European vessel form was part of a Columbia
Plain-like bowl base (Figure 33d) found in Structure A. It was neither
Jefferson Ware nor Miller Plain.

Figure 31. Miller Plain Bowl from Structure

217

Figure 32. Colono-Indian Ceramic Forms.
(a-e) footed basal sherds from small
bowls; (f-g) possible effigy arms;
(h) base of Columbia Plain-like
vessel; (i) lip spout from small
bowl; (j) handle; (k) plate rim
fragment. (g,j, and k are Jeffer
son Ware and the rest are Miller
Plain or unidentified plain.)

219

d
Figure 33. Colono-Indian Ceramic Sherds: Basal Profiles.
(a) small bowl, foot ring; types in Structures A and C
(b) small bowl, foot ring; types in Structure A
(c) small bowl with expanded basal ring from Structure D
possible copy of Santo Domingo Blue on White jar
(d) profile and basal views of possible copy of Columbia
Plain bowl

Annlysis of anima] bone was carried out primarily by two individuals
(Cynthia Heath analyzed the 1976 sample and Arlene Fradkin analyzed
the 1978 sample) and the author re-examined the collection for but
chering marks and some re-identification. Results of the 1976 faunal
analysis were reported by Heath (1977) in an undergraduate honors
thesis. In that report she failed to note identified elements and these
have been added to the present discussion. With few exceptions, the
faunal remains from Baptizing Spring were extremely fragmentary and
demineralized. Preservative (ethulose-carbowax solution) was used in
only one instance when the removal of an articulated, partial skeleton
required special attention,
Problems associated with different screening (or non-screening)
techniques have been mentioned in Chapter Four. There is little doubt
that failure to. screen the 1976 trenches and all material from Structure
A introduced some bias into the sample even if no bone was missed in the
excavation since the possibility always exists that some was. Additionally
only fine screening of features would have recovered very small bones,
fish scales, etc. Fortunately, the majority of the features were fine
screened although portions of large 1978 features were only screened
using regular mesh (1/4" by 1/4" on 3/8" by 3/4" expanded mesh). Even
using this larger sized mesh, minute bone fragments were recovered
(about 0.25 square centimeter). If small bones such as fish vertebrae
were encountered when reaming out features, the entire feature contents
were bagged and returned to the lab for water screening through fine
mesh. It is unfortunate, however, that recovery techniques were incon
sistent with the goal of recovering all faunal remains.

222
Identification of faunal class and element type was determined
using comparative collections at the Florida State Museum Zooarcheology
Laboratory. Bones were classified to genus and species when possible or
to the next possible ascending category (e.g. genus only, class, order).
Some material was merely identifiable as "miscellaneous bone." The
minimum number of individual animals (MNI) for each species was cal
culated by counting elements unique to a single individual and com
paring sizes between elements which could have come from different in
dividuals. MNI was computed for excavation blocks but material from
features was counted separately under the assumption that they were
from closed contexts. If, however, features joined or overlapped,
counts were aggregated and MNI calculated for the resultant set of
faunal elements. In instances where genus and species could not be iden
tified but higher orders differed, MNI was computed. An example of this
would be a block where turtle and mammal were present but could be iden
tified only to this general level. MNI would be presented as one turtle
and one mammal.
Heath (1977) calculated bone weight contributions of different
faunal groups as well as raw numbers of fragments, relative frequencies,
and MNI. Bone from the 1978 excavation was not weighed. Bone weight
is employed principally in estimations of usable meat (or biomass) con
tributions to diet. Effects of mineral leaching and deposition con
found such calculations, as do the assumptions of conversion factors.
The decision made by this author not to report bone weights was based on
the following factors: (1) bone was present in various stages of
demineralization and mineralization; (2) recovery techniques and general
fragmentary nature of the bone added bias to total recovery assumptions

223
and true estimations of hone weight per individual animal. Although
one of the hypotheses involved nutritional values of Spanish versus
Indian diets, such calculations and presentation of statistics would
insinuate a better data base than is actually present. Hypotheses
related to faunal remains will have to be examined in terms of species
represented, elements present, catchment, and distribution. These data
should be viewed as a basis for deciding which aspects of hypotheses
should not be rejected. Only gross dissimilarities between Spanish and
Indian and Indian-Indian areas should be stressed along with the
equivalent levels of similarities. The reader is cautioned against
drawing definite information from conclusions, which must be advanced,
based on these data.
Tables 11 and 12 show the raw and relative frequencies of fragments
per species in the Spanish structures, Spanish area (Structures A and B),
and the village, and the identifiable species number in the Spanish and
Indian areas. Shells and the single shark tooth were not included in
MNI frequency or fragment calculations since occurrence is rare and
probably the presence of these species was not related to food consump
tion. Busycon sp. (whelk shell) was represented by a columella fragment
which had been worked. Possibly the shell and shark tooth had been
used as ornaments or tools. The minor occurrence of incomplete shell
remains argues against their contribution as food resources, especially
when at least three of the shells were non-local (marine). Their presence
may be important, however, in terms of access to non-local items. The
same argument could be raised concerning the hispid cotton rat dentary
and the single non-poisonous Colubridae (black snake) vertebra, both of
which may occur incidentally in the sample. They could conceivably have

Table 11. Species and Classes Represented in Structures A and 15,
Aggregated Spanish Area (A+B), and the Village: Number and
% by Fragments.
Classification
Structure A*
Structure B*
Spanish
Village
MAMMALS-
Bos taurus
dometsic cow
2
1.21%
2
1.12%
2
0.38%
Sus scrofa
domestic pig
1
0.61%
1
0.56%
92+
17.36%
Odocoileus virginianus
white-tailed deer
24+
14.54%
5+
38.46%
29+
16.29%
72.
13.58%
Procyon lotor
raccoon
1
0.19%
Sciurus sp.
squirrel
1
0.19%
Sigmodon hispidus
hispid cotton rat
1
0.19%
Artiodactyl
(deer or pig?)
26
4.91 %
UID** mammal
11+
6.67%
2
15.38%
13+
7.30%
120
22.64%
TOTAL MAMMAL
38+.
7+
45+
315+
REPTILES
Gopherus polyphemus
gopher tortoise
103+
62.42%
6+
46.15%
109+
61.23%
127 .
23.96%
Chrysemyscf. scripts
yellow-bellied turtle
2
0.38%
Chrysemys sp.
pond turtle
3
0.57%
Terrapene Carolina
box turtle
2
0.38%
UID Chelonia
23+
13.94%
23+
12.92%
65
12.16%
Total Chelonia
126
6+
129+
199
Alligator
mississippiensis
alligator
5
0.94%

225
Table 11continued
Classification
Structure A
Structure B
Spanish
Village
Colubridae
1
0.61%
TOTAL REPTILE
127
6
133
204
BIRDS
UID passerine
songbird
1
0.19%
FISH
Mugil sp.
mullet
1
0.19%
UID Osteichthyes
cf. Mugil sp.
8
1.51%
TOTAL FISH
9
MISCELLANEOUS
(probably not food
resources; see text)
UID Squaliformes
shark
1
Rangia cuneata
1
2
common rangia
Trachycardium sp. 1
saltwater mussel
Busycon sp. 1
whelk
UID shell, probably marine 1
*Data taken from species cards prepared by Heath (1977). In many cases
fragments were very small and numerous, therefore they were weighed or
described (e.g. "numerous") but not counted. This is indicated by "+"
symbol.
**UID used to indicate "unidentified" in this and subsequent tables.

226
Table 12. Class Percentage by MNT of Fauna In Spanish and Indian Areas
and Identified Species Frequency with Percent Total Iden
tifiable MNI.
Indian Area
Classification
Spanish Area
(Village)
Mammal
46.15%
54.54%
Reptile
53.85%
38.66%
Bird
2.22%
Fish
4.55%
Bos taurus
1( 7.69%)*
1( 2.86%)
Sus scrofa
1( 7.69%)
2( 5.71%)
Odocoileus virginianus
4(30.77%)
12(34.29%)
Procyon lotor
1( 2.86%)
Sciurus sp.
1( 2.86%)
Sigmodon hispidus
1( 2.86%)
Gopherus polyphemus
6(46.15%)
8(22.86%)
Chrysemys sp.
cf. scripta (n=l)
3( 8.57%)
Terrapene Carolina
2( 5.71%)
Alligator mississippiensis
2( 5.71%)
Colubridae
1( 7.69%)
Passerine
1( 2.86%)
Mugil sp.
1( 2.86%)
TOTAL IDENTIFIABLE MNI
13
35
% domestic
15.38
8.57
% wild
84.62
91.43
* Percentage based on total identifiable MNI

227
been oaten, however, and the absence of more than a single bone sug
gests that they might not have died' in situ. Both species are suspect
since the elements were recovered from features containing numerous
faunal elements.
Domestic animals are represented by cow (Bos taurus) and pig (Sus
scrofa). There are some problems in accepting cow as a mission period .
domesticate, the most important of which is that cows currently range
over this area (whenever they can escape the nearby pasture) and may
have done so in the recent past. Heath (1977) reported surface occur
rence of cow bones as common although the author did not note that
situation. In the village (Trench #2), a second phalanx from a probable
structural area represented the only occurrence of cow bone other than
the longbone fragments from the 1976 trenches (which Heath states are of
questionable contextual association) and a single tooth from the dis
turbed level just above the hearth in Structure A. Mid-to-late 19th
century ceramics, glass, and cut nails were also present in Trench //2
in the same provenience (Zone IB) but numerous aboriginal artifacts were
also present. Within this same provenience were remains of pig (a tooth),
white-tailed deer foreleg elements, a gopher tortoise marginal, and
unidentified turtle and mammal bone. The cow and deer bones exhibited
butchering marks. One either has to discount mission period association
of both cow and pig, not to mention the other species, from this
provenience or accept this association with reservation. The latter
course will be taken but it cannot be stressed enough that cow, and pig
in this provenience, may not derive from the mission period.
Another problem is that of distribution. In Structure D, the par
tial articulated skeleton (roughly 91 fragments comprising vertebral

228
column, ribs, and scapula) of a pig was found at the base of Zone IB
(Figure 34). No evidence of intrusion was observed and very few, or
no, 19th century artifacts came from this area. The mission period
association of the pig is not doubted but the question is whether or
not the two pig teeth recovered from Trench #2 and Structure A represent
different individuals or portions of this one. The faunal material is
too incomplete to allow distinction on the basis of size or age. It is
safer to assume only that pig was present in Spanish and some Indian
contexts and that probably some of the unidentifiable large mammal bone
in the same proveniences as the two teeth may have been pig.
The problems discussed above preclude conclusive arguments of
relative contribution of domestic versus wild fauna to the diet. If all
necessary assumptions were true, domestic meat would have contributed
more to Spanish area MNI (15.38%) than to Indian area MNI (8.57%). This,
on the basis of faunal remains, does not take into account possible
shipments of boned, salted or dried meat brought in from St. Augustine or
other missions.
Overall, white-tailed deer contributed more MNI than any other
species. The next most numerous species was gopher tortoise which in the
Spanish area represented higher MNI (46.15%) than deer (30.77%). Of
course, one gets a lot more meat from a deer than from a tortoise. This
situation is reversed in the village area where deer comprise 34.29% of
the total MNI and gopher tortoise constitute only 22.86%. This dif
ference could be due to chance, however, since the sample was so small.
Even if the sample were larger, it might be expected that the total MNI
would be greater within the village where more people were involved than
in the Spanish area. It will probably be more informative to examine


230
element distribution and butchering differences between the different
structural areas as a means of comparison. This will be done in the
following chapter.
Fewer species (n=3) and MNI (n=3) were recovered from Structure B,
which was totally screened, than from Structure A. If the former was
a church, one would not expect to find much food bone within its con
fines. In fact, one would not expect to find food bone there at all if
it was being cared for and was serving its religious function. The fact
that only wild species were identified deer and gopher tortoise
may indicate a non-religious (non-Spanish?) occupation of the structure
for living purposes rather than worshipping. This possibility is also
suggested by the presence of lithic tools in Structure B. It could be
hypothesized that the structure which may have been a church was used
in a different manner by Indians who, perhaps, had routed the priests
during the Timucuan rebellion of 1656.
Bone Artifacts
The only worked bones were five "gaming pieces" manufactured from
gopher tortoise shell fragments (at least one was a costal). All five
were found in Structure D. These pieces had been cut straight along
parallel long edges and were rounded off on the shorter edges (Figure
35). They ranged in size from 3-4 cm long and 1-2 cm wide. Only one in
the smaller range was noted. There was no obvious use wear, although
preservation was fairly poor, and no indication of function. They may
have been counters or other gaming pieces, or they may have served a
more practical function.
A few mammal longbone fragments appeared to have been fractured in a
particular manner to produce pieces which could be manufactured into tools.
These will be discussed in the next chapter.

Figure 35. Bone Counters or Gaining Pieces.


233
Floral Remains
A great deal, of wood charcoal was encountered, samples of which
were saved, but will not be discussed in this manuscript. Except for
one peach pit from a small trench west of Structure A, no floral
remains other than charred wood were recovered from the Spanish struc
tures (Heath 1977:25). All other floral remains, predominantly car
bonized corncobs, derived from the village area. All of the corncobs
(not counted but in excess of 250) except three came from Structure C.
Fourteen hickory nut fragments (Carya cf. glabra), halves or quarters,
were recovered from Structure D. Nine additional nut fragments were
found: eight in Trench #3 west of Structure B and one in Trench //5.
All were carbonized. Three carbonized peach pits (Prunus prsica)
were also recovered from the village: two from Features 5 and 6 (the
overlapping fire pits) in Structure C and one from Structure D. The
only other floral item was a carbonized legume seed from a small hearth
feature in Structure D.
Corn
Analysis of corncobs from the 1976 excavations was performed by Dr.
Hugh Cutler of the Missouri Botanical Garden. The 1978 cobs, plus a
sample of the 1976 cobs, were analyzed by Dr. Timothy Kohler, currently
of Washington State University. Kohler's report and associated tables
appear as Appendix C of this manuscript. Data will be summarized in this
section. Botanical terms used in the following discussion are described
by Kohler (1979:1) and include:
cupule the slight, oval indentation in the cob
which seats each of the kernels;

glumes a series of floral bracts which surround
the kernels in the cupule
lower glume the most prominent of the above;
glume width has been found to be
a racially variable trait and a useful
indicator of the basal width of a ker
nel (Nickerson 1953, in Kohler 1979:1)
A sample of 194 cobs from the 1976 excavations was examined and
reported data included mean row number (8.3), median cupule width
(7.6 mm) and relative frequency of row numbers for the sample (Cutler,
personal letter to Dr. J.T. Milanich 1976). Eighty-eight percent of
the cobs had eight rows per cob, 10% had 10 rows per cob, and 2% had 12
rows per cob.
On 121 cobs, Kohler measured (1) cob diameter at the widest point,
including the contribution of the lower glumes to the total diameter;
(2) number of rows per cob; (3) lower glume width at the widest point;
(4) distance between lower glumes in the same row (estimates kernel
thickness); (5) shank diameter which was measurable on only one specimen;
and (6) cob length which was measurable on only six specimens. Table 13
summarizes the results of these measurements.
The four 9-rowed cobs were probably malformed 10-rowed ears but the
6-rowed ear was an anomaly. There is no correlation between lower glume
width and estimated kernel thickness in the sample as a whole (r2=0.09).
Variation in row number does not account for variation in kernel thick
ness or width of lower glumes although.there was a significant cor
relation between cob diameter and row number. SAS (Statistical Analysis
System) ANOVA procedure yielded an F value (the ratio of explained to
unexplained variation) of 2.09, alpha=0.09.
, In terms of shape, no strongly cigar-shaped cobs or cobs with

Table 13.
Lower Glume Width (mm)
3.0 6.5
mean = 4.8
SD =0.7
Estimated
Kernel Thickness (mm)
2.5 4.6
mean =3.5
SD = 0.4
9.0 -
21.0
42.0
mean =
14.0
mean
SD =
2.0
SD
Cob Shape
(n=17)
straight 53%
tapered 47%
3.0
Summary Descriptive Statistics from 1979 (Kohler, Appendix C) Analysis of
Carbonized Corncobs (n=121).
Cob Length (mm)
Cob Diameter (mm) (n=6)
- 50.0
= 47.0
Shank Diameter (n=l)
13 mm
Row Number
% of Total Cobs
6 8 9 10 12
1 82 3 13 1
Mean Cob Diameter (mm)
by Row Number Groups
6 8 9 10 12
15 14 15 14.9 19

236
expanded butts were noted. Neither kernel thickness nor lower glume
width were significantly different for cobs from the various prove
niences. Total cob diameter, however, did vary between proveniences. In
general, the largest cobs were from features, the next largest from
smudge pits, and the smallest were those scattered in zones. SAS ANOVA
procedure yielded an F value of 2.92 (alpha=0.04) for cob diameter
variance related to Kohler's implementation of the proveniences.
Kohler concluded that, on the basis of observable characteristics,
the corn from Baptizing Spring corresponds with the definition for Maiz
de Ocho, also referred to as "Eastern Complex" (Carter and Anderson 1945)
and "Northern Flints" (Brown and Anderson 1947).

CHAPTER SIX
ARCHEOLOGICAL INDICATORS OF SOCIAL AND ECONOMIC RELATIONSHIPS
Most of the hypotheses expressed in Chapter Three dealt with some
aspect of social ranking. In general, the hypotheses were directed
toward discoverable associations of Spanish and Indian artifacts which
would be restricted in distribution within the village. Postulated non-
random distribution of artifacts was based on the hypothesis that
traditional, native village settlement patterning and status reckoning
would be maintained through the endeavors of Spaniards and high-status
Indians. The ability of the latter to preserve their rank would be en
hanced by their positions as "middle men" and behavior as "good Catholics.
The hypotheses related to identification of high-status households
and material assemblages are seen, in restrospect, as tautological.
Rather than considering individual, dependent hypotheses, the actual im
plied test is one of association or clustering. Items proposed as elite
markers which occur together in restricted areas of the village establish
a pattern if, and only if, the pattern can be validated for the entire
site. The lack of random sampling and the discovery and extensive
excavation of only two aboriginal and two Spanish structural areas re
stricts interpretive capabilities. In an attempt to mitigate some of the
bias, only the four definite living/activity areas will be examined in
detail. The archeological record itself is biased: many items are not
preserved; valued items may not have been purposefully discarded; looters
and curiosity seekers and natural forces have had 300 years to distort and
disarrange artifact assemblages. Analysis has revealed, however, that
237

238
several statistically and substantively significant patterns do exist
and that co-occurrence of artifacts and distinctions between areas are
not based on chance associations.
The functional nature of the structural areas will not be presumed.
Up to this point, they have been referred to, basically, as activity/
living areas, an all-encompassing designation for any area containing ar-
tifactual remains. Cursory description of some artifacts found within the
four vicinities has already implied living quarters but this will have
to be assumed until assemblages are depicted in greater detail. It also
has been assumed that Structures C and D in the Indian sector represent
individual household units. Relationships between occupants of those
structures are unknown. Since a distinct eastern boundary to Structure C
exists, as evidenced by posthole patterns and marked decrease in artifact
numbers, it will be assumed that the two units were separate structures.
Ceramic Diversity
It is appropriate to begin this discussion with a subject that has
been investigated at other sites. First, a review of the concept of
diversity is in order. Diversity is a term employed commonly by ecologists
and less commonly by archeologists. Misinterpretation of variety as a
true reflection of diversity has led to inappropriate generalizations
concerning artifact assemblages (see Kohler 1978:27-29, re: Otto 1975).
Diversity is an index of uncertainty of occurrence: it refers to "the
degree of uncertainty attached to the specific identity of any randomly
selected individual . The greater the number [of species] and the
more nearly equal their proportions, the greater the uncertainty [of
selection or observation] and hence the diversity"(Pielou 1966:131).

239
What many individuals observe or measure is not diversity but
variety (or richness), denoted by "s." Evenness of a sample or com
munity reflects proportional occurrence of types or species. Both even
ness and variety are functions of the relative abundance of types within
a community and are summarized in a single number by the Shannon-Weaver
diversity index (also referred to as the Shannon or Shannon-Weiner index)
(Pielou 1974:290). The variety of types present is not necessarily a re
flection of diversity since variety alone fails to account for proportional
differences. A feature of this index, denoted by H, is that it is
relatively independent of sample size (Sanders 1968:279).
The Shannon-Weaver index has been employed by zooarcheologists in
the examination of changing faunal resource exploitation through time
(Wing 1963:5-6) and in comparison of faunal selection by groups of dif
fering economic and status levels (Cumbaa 1975:210-211). It has only
been used recently to describe inorganic data (Kohler 1978; Tainter 1977).
The formula is written:
H = E(n/N)log(hi/N), where
n-£ = n of individuals in 1st through ith category
N = total n of individuals in sample
In its most basic form, then, it is simply the negative sum of the
relative frequencies of each category multiplied by the log of their
relative frequencies. Any base log can be used; in order to allow com
parison of data, however, the log base ought to be stated explicitly.
Log base e, or the natural log (In), is commonly utilized and is the base
used in this discussion.
The diversity value is given in relative terms. The lowest limit is
zero, the case when all individuals are the same type (ni=N). Maximum

240
possible diversity, Hmax, depends on the variety (number of types)
within the sample. Maximum diversity is equal to the log s. Evenness
is calculated by dividing H by llmax and can serve as an index reflecting
the degree to which a sample approximates total possible diversity.
When all types are equally represented (H=Hmax), evenness is unity or
100%. If n- equals N, both diversity and evenness are nil.
Three hypotheses dealt with Spanish and Indian ceramic type diver
sity. Kohler (1978:27-29) used data from a Georgia Sea Island cotton
plantation (Otto 1975) to show that differential access to goods and
resources, an attribute of ranked societies, resulted in artifact assem
blages of varying diversity for the planter, overseer, and slave. Otto
hypothesized, and substantiated, that the more varied diet of the high-
status group (i.e. the planter's family) was reflected in the wider range
of vessel forms present in its refuse. Otto (1975:161, 219) also made
the generalization that ceramics in high-status contexts were more diverse
in form and type. Kohler examined these hypotheses using the Shannon-
>
Weaver index to measure actual diversity. He found that while vessel
forms were more diverse in the planter's midden than in the slave's mid
den, ceramic type diversity was lower in the planter's midden. The first
index characterized a more varied diet and the practice of consuming
multi-course meals in the plantation big house versus the one-pot meals
of slaves. The lower ceramic type diversity for the planter's assemblage
reflects purchasing of table services whereas slaves either received cast
offs from the planter kitchen or purchased dishes singly and sporadically
whenever extra money and opportunity allowed.
The prehistoric case of ceramic diversity was reversed at one site
thus far examined in Florida. At a Weeden Island ceremonial center (ca.

241
A.D. 150-A.D. 700) in northern Florida, Kohler predicted and found a
positive correlation between higher ceramic diversity and high-status
areas within the village (Kohler 1978:31-32, 198-199). His hypothesis
was based on the assumption that elite individuals had greater access to
trade nd "high-status" ceramics.
Spanish Ceramic Diversity at Baptizing Spring
Results of diversity calculations at the plantation site and the
prehistoric site were used in formulating hypotheses regarding expected
diversity values for Baptizing Spring components. It was postulated that
priests, with greater access to Spanish goods, might acquire "sets" of
ceramics either because of preference or because of limited variety
provided in situado shipments. Spanish ceramics in aboriginal contexts
would represent smaller proportions of a greater number of sets if Indians
were receiving cast-off vessels from priests or if they were buying
ceramics on less frequent trips to St. Augustine and were more limited
than priests in the type and bulk they could afford to acquire. Another
possibility would produce the same results: rather than whole vessels,
Indians may have obtained sherds to be used as ornaments, gaming discs,
or majolica sherds may have been collected simply because of their "pret-
tiness." Actual numbers of sherds of a single type would be greater in
the Spanish area (producing lower diversity) if dishes owned by priests
were broken there.
It was postulated that this same pattern would carry over into
Indian-manufactured ceramics. Priests may have preferred certain designs
and/or may have been receiving aboriginal vessels from a limited number
of individuals. Following the prehistoric pattern evinced at the Weeden
Island site, it was postulated that higher diversity values would be cor
related with higher-status living areas among Indians.

242
There was not enough majolica recovered from Structures C and D to
necessitate measuring diversity: Structure C had only one 'sherd of San
Luis Blue on White. Structure I) yielded five sherds of Santo Domingo
Blue on White (two different variants), two Columbia Plain sherds, and
one each of San Luis Blue on White, Fig Springs Polychrome, and Ichtuck-
nee Blue on Blue. It is obvious, without quantitative appraisal, that
variety, diversity, and frequency of majolica were higher in Structure D
than in Structure C.
Although the village was not randomly sampled, H was calculated for
the Indian assemblages as a whole. Data from Table 7 were used to compute
diversity of Spanish ceramic assemblages in Structures A, B, the total
Spanish area (A+B), and the village area. The following indices were
computed:
Total Spanish Ceramics:
Structure(s) s H (nats)
A
B
A+B
Village
Majolica Only:
7 1.29
8 1.44
9 1.39
8 0.94
A
B
A+B
Village
4 0.82
6 1.30
6 0.97
6 1.55
Very clearly, variety (s) alone would have misrepresented similarities
and differences between ethnic areas of the site and between Structures A
and B. It is obvious that utilitarian wares (olive jar, storage jar),
which predominated in the village area, greatly affect the diversity of
observed Spanish ceramics. The question arises concerning the effect of

243
Ichtuckneee Blue on White which dominates Spanish ceramics in Structure
A because of a large number of sherds from a single plate. If H Is cal
culated excluding this type, the following results are obtained.
Structure(s)
A
B
A+B
Village
s H (nats)
6 1.27
7 1.31
8 1.32
7 0.82
Both Spanish structures and the Spanish and Indian sectors stand in
the same relationship to each other as when Ichtucknee Blue on White was
included in the computation. It appears that if all Spanish ceramics are
considered,, the Indian sector exhibits less diversity than the Spanish
sector. Utilitarian wares seem to be the greatest factor affecting
diversity. Differences in diversity values could also be due to length
of occupation. If the village was occupied for a longer period of time
than the Spanish structures (e.g. if the Spaniards abandoned the mission
before the Indians did) but Spanish-Indian contact was maintained, then
diversity might be expected to be higher in the village area. The time
ranges of the various types do, however, overlap and the mean ceramic
date (as determined for Spanish versus Indian areas using South's
formula for sherd frequency) was not greatly different for the Spanish
sector (1625.92) versus the village area (1623.48). The village did,
however, contain the latest majolica type, San Luis Blue on White (until
ca. 1690) in greater numbers (n=3) than the Spanish sector (n=l). The
latter is not a very great difference. Since, in theory, all the majolica
types were available within the same time span, access could be a major
factor affecting diversity values. Actual occupation range of the priests

at the site is unknown. If, however, the site was San Augustin de Urica
then it may have been occupied up until the Timucuan revolt in 1656.
If only majolica is considered in comparing diversity between areas,
diversity is higher in the Indian sector of the village. Perhaps if
olive jar could be divided into varieties with more restricted time spans
than "early," "middle," and "late," the overall diversity would change
according to the hypotheses. For "fancy" wares, at least, the Indian
assemblage does exhibit greater diversity.
From the absolute and relative frequencies of majolica and olive
jar sherds in the village, it is apparent that Indians did not have
whole majolica dishes although they may have had whole storage containers
There is usually considerable difficulty in accepting the assumption
that a single (small in the case of most of the majolica sherds in the
village) sherd represents the past presence of an entire vessel. With
regard to majolica, it appears that this assumption cannot be accepted.
Santo Domingo Blue on White sherds from Structure D were matched with
two different vessels found in Structure A and sherds found just south of
Structure B. Other majolica sherds which could have come from the same
vessels were similarly scattered over the village.
It cannot be ascertained if sherds were given to Indians or if they
were merely collected from refuse by Indians. Worked majolica and olive
jar sherds, rounded into discs, have been recovered from other mission
period sites (Deagan 1972:39; McMurray 1973:33; Seaberg 1955:57) and it
is possible that some of these ceramics were collected with the intent of
working them. No such discs were recovered from Baptizing Spring,
however. Conversely, sherds may have been picked up simply because they
were pretty: perhaps children were the primary collectors of majolica.

If one assumes .that archeological contexts represent actual occupation
period conditions, then it appears that Indians did not actually have
whole majolica dishes.
By and large, Indians accumulated more utilitarian ceramics.
Assuming that sherds were collected, the diversity of Spanish ceramics
within the Indian structures should reflect access to those sherds. The
implications of this proposal are: (1) greater numbers of sherds from the
same vessel and/or of the same type in.one aboriginal structure versus
another might mean that they were all collected at the same time; (2)
higher diversity (an hypothesized correlate of higher status among
Indians) might reflect access to, or collection of, sherds from Spanish
areas at different times, assuming that all majolica vessels were not
broken simultaneously.
The two Indian structures differed markedly in number and type of
Spanish ceramics recovered. Structure C yielded one majolica sherd
and 29 utilitarian sherds. Structure D yielded only 13 Spanish ceramics
in all; three of these were utilitarian and the others represented five
types of majolica. Including all Spanish ceramics from these structures
in a comparison of diversity, H for Structure C is an extremely low 0.15
nats and Structure D produces a value of 1.59 nats. The very small num
ber of sherds present, however, does not lend credence to this distinc
tion.
It is to little purpose to emphasize the significance of these
indices taken by themselves. Simple collection of sherds can be an act
subject to many factors. For one reason or another, the inhabitants of
Structure D obtained a more varied assortment of majolica than did the
inhabitants of Structure C. The diversity suggests that a person or

246
persons in the former household had a greater choice of sherds and/or
more varied collection interests.
Aboriginal Ceramic Diversity
Ceramic diversity can be more aptly discussed with reference to
native ceramics since they are far more numerous than European types.
No evidence of craft specialization has been discovered although variants
of cross motif complicated stamped ceramics could be identified in both
Spanish and Indian structures. Variants from both Structures C and D
were represented in Structure A. The use of this cross motif itself,
however, may reflect Catholic influence and at this time appears to be
peculiar to this site.
It was hypothesized that diversity of aboriginal ceramics would be
lower in Spanish units if priests were consistently receiving goods from
select groups and/or if priests expressed a preference for some designs
over others. Exactly how artistically cognizant the Spaniards were is
impossible to guess. In any event, such preference would be idiosync
ratic and not a factor if more than one priest served at the mission.
If anything, it would seem that priests would favor native vessels
decorated with crosses. Overall, these types were the most abundant com
plicated stamped type in the Spanish area. The majority of uniden
tifiable curvilinear complicated stamped ceramics were probably "bulls-
eye" patterns, however, and if computed that way this latter type
would be most abundant in all areas.
Some native types were almost exclusive to the Spanish sector:
linear with central bars CS (n=30 versus n=l in the entire village), and
most of the mission period incised wares (n=23 versus n=5 in the entire
village). Distributional differences may have been due to special

production of certain ceramic types for Spanish consumption or
monopolization of trade. If,there was no resident priest, only a
visiting friar, and his goods were transported with him then there
ought to be discernible differences in the raw material used to manufac
ture the ceramics. At this stage, at least for the linear with central
bars CS sherds, this does not seem to be the case. Elaboration on the
point of origin for many of the ceramic types will, however, have to rest
on the analysis of ceramics and locally available clays.
The pattern exhibited at the McKeithen site, the Weeden Island
center studied by Kohler (1978), was higher ceramic diversity in higher
status areas of the midden. If access to and preference for a more
diverse inventory was consistent with native ranked societies, one would
hypothesize that ceramic diversity would be higher in high-status house
holds at Baptizing Spring. The presence of non-local goods and ceramics,
reflecting differential access, should also correlate with elite status
areas. Aboriginal ceramic diversity was computed for each of the four
structural areas. Table 14 gives absolute frequencies of identifiable
types in those areas. Undecorated St. Johns ceramics xere indicated as
a separate class although other "types" within the undecorated category
do exist but were not differentiated because the technical analysis of
the ceramics has not been completed and, significantly distinct groups
have not been identified.
Maximum diversity for the entire site assemblage represented by these
structures (51 categories) is 3.93 nats. The resulting statistics are
presented in Table 15. Both Spanish structural assemblages exhibit
lower diversity than either Indian assemblage. Evenness (e), computed on
the basis of total site maximum diversity, is low for all four areas,

Table 14. Aboriginal Ceramic Categories Used in Calculation of Shannon-
Weaver Diversity Index (H) for Four Structural Areas.
Structure
Type Category
A
B
C
D
Weeden Island Incised
0
0
2
1
Thomas Simple Stamped
8
0
1
8
Carrabelle Punctated
6
0
1
1
Aucilla Incised
3
4
2
0
Ocmulgee Fields Incised
14
2
2
1
Pinellas Incised
0
0
1
0
shell-edge impressed
0
0
0
4
cord marked
1
0
5
49
Alachua Cob Marked
2
0
1
1
fabric impressed
0
1
1
2
kernel impressed
0
0
0
3
cross-incised
0
0
0
1
Lochloosa Punctated
0
0
0
16
fingernail gouged
0
0
1
1
triangular punctated
0
0
0
4
Stab n' drag
3
0
0
3
round punctated
0
0
0
1
semi-circular punctated
0
0
1
0
Chattahoochee Brushed
7
0
0
6
scraped
12
4
47
89
lumpy
0
2
0
7
check stamped
21
6
23
9
check stamped with dot
4
13
11
4
St. Johns Check Stamped
78
2
7
13
Jefferson Ware CS
Type A
2
2
2
1
Type B
45
7
59
85
Type C
1
2
0
0
Type D
1
0
0
0
loop cross CS
39
3
26
8
solid cross CS
40
3
14
11
concentric circle CS
2
2
2
7
herringbone with check CS
0
0
0
2
joined curved lands CS
1
1
1
1
arc,straight,bullseye CS
1
2
0
4
curvilinear 'A' CS
2
0
1
2
barred bullseye CS
0
0
0
1
interlocking circles CS
16
2
2
0
linear with central bars CS
30
0
1
0
rectilinear 'A' CS
0
0
0
1
rectilinear with raised dot
1
0
0
0
fret/volute CS
0
0
1
1
bullseye with check CS
0
0
0
1
bullseye with scroll CS
0
0
0
1
cogs CS
0
0
1
0
snowshoe CS
0
1
0
0

Table 14continued
Type Category
A
Structure
B C
D
curvilinear B CS
0
0
0
1
curvilinear 'C' CS
0
0
0
1
Mission Red Filmed
0
o'
4
15
Jefferson Ware pinched rim
0
0
0
8
St. Johns Plain
33
2
7
13
undecorated
1454
268
738
1175
TOTAL
1827
329
960
1561

Table 15.
Aboriginal Ceramic Diversity
(H) for Structures A, B,
C, and D.
Structure
s
N
H (nats)
Total H (nats) e
(Total)
_Structure
H (nats)
Structure
e
A
27
1827
1.03
3.93
0.26
3.30
0.31
B
20
329
0.97
0.25
3.00
0.32
C
29
960
1.08
0.27
3.53
0.32
D
41
1561
1.21
0.31
3.71
0.33
s =
N =
e =
number of type categories
number of sherds
evenness
-

ranging from 0.25 to 0.31.
Structure B contained the least diverse as
semblage and Structure 1) contained the greatest proportion of all pos
sible types. The low diversity of the Spanish assemblages is a factor
of roughly 80% of the ceramics in the undecorated category versus 78% and
75% in Structures C and D, respectively. Of the two Indian structural
areas, diversity in D is considerably greater than in C. Structure C,
interestingly, closely approximates Structure A in diversity value (1.08
nats and 1.03 nats, respectively).
Similarity and Correlations
Indices calculated thus far have been fairly generalized. They
characterize assemblages internally but do not provide a means of com
paring actual constituents shared across assemblages. An easily cal
culated similarity index uses the ratio of number of types common to
two (or more) areas to the total number of types represented in both
areas:
. S^ = 2c c = n of types in common
a + b a = n of types in a
b = n of types in b
Completely similar assemblages will have an of 1.0 whereas completely
dissimilar assemblages will yield an index of 0.0. This formula can be
expanded to produce a similarity index for more than two samples by mul
tiplying the number of types in common (c) by the number of samples and
adding the number of types (in this case) for each additional sample to
the denominator. Knowing the internal characterization of these four
structural areas in terms of identifiable ceramics, how do they compare
with each other as distinct or similar units? The following indices of

2 52
similarity were computed from data in Table 14, excluding undecorated,
undifferentiated categories.
Structure Rank
Pairs
a
b
c
Si
(Descending)
A B
26
19
16
0.75
1
A C
26
28
20
0 ..74
2
A D
26
40
20
0.61
5
B C
19
28
15
0.64
4
B D
19
40
15
0.51
6
C D
28
40
22
0.65
3
In terms of types common to any two structures, A and B were most
similar and A and C were almost as similar. Structures B and C were fairly
distinct. Structures B and D were least similar, sharing only about 50%
of the total number of types represented between them. This simplistic
index reflects total possible combinations without taking into account
frequency representations of each type. Frequency distributions can be
included by refining the index:
Sn = c (cn) cn = n of sherds in types
a(an) + b(bn) common to both groups
an = n of sherds in a
bn = n of sherds in b
Again, identical assemblages yield an index of 1.0 and completely dis
similar samples yield a value of 0.0.
Structure
Pairs
an
bn
cn
sn
Rank
(Descending)
A B
373
61
369
0.54
2
A C
373
222
574
0.72
1
A D
373
386
637
0.51
4
B C
61
222
260
0.53
3
B D
61
386
276
0.25
5
C D
222
386
535
0.54
2

253
Including frequency as a parameter not only lowers the degree of
similarity, it also alters the ranking of degree. In this corrected in
dex, Structures A and C are most similar in terms of types and proportions
of those types present in both assemblages. Structure pairs A-B and C-D
tie with an index of 0.54: the Spanish structures are as similar.to
each other as the aboriginal assemblages are to each other. Structure C
appears to reflect greater similarity to all the other structural areas
than any of the other three areas share between them. The degree of
similarity between Structures C and A may indicate more interaction be-"
tween the two households. The probablity is greater, however, that the
major point is the dissimilarity of Structure D to the other structures.
Several ceramic types are much more prevalent in this structure than in
any other (e.g. cord marked, Lochloosa Punctated, and Mission Red Filmed).
For the structures as a group, the overall Sn is only 0.25, indicating
a very low degree of similarity between structures and consequently a
high degree of overall variation. There can be little question that the
four areas do, in fact, represent distinct units.
Ceramic Distribution Between Structures
Hypotheses five through nine in Chapter Three proposed several
general associations which would be expected if prestige goods were cor
rectly identified and if aboriginal ranking and access to goods were main
tained. Briefly, it was postulated that introduced European goods in
dicative- of prestige would be non-randomly distributed in the village
structures and that these goods would occur in conjunction with native
manufactured prestige goods. Non-locally produced aboriginal ceramics
also may reflect differential access and distribution between structures.
Because ceramic and clay analyses are incomplete, the only definitely

non-local aboriginal ceramics aro the St. Johns chalky wares. At the
McKeithen site, hypothetical elite ceramics showed a relatively high
correlation with non-local ceramics (r2=0.35, nlphiv=0.05), two of which
were St. Johns types. This correlation, coupled with measures of non
local lithic correlations and diversity demarcated an "elite" occupational
area within the village (Kohler 1978:197). Milanich (1972:38) noted a
correlation between St. Johns types and Spanish ceramics in one area of
the Richardson site village. Fifteen percent of the site total St. Johns
ceramics were recovered from two 10' by 10' squares.
If restricted distribution of trade wares occurred at Baptizing
Spring, and access was determined by social and economic status, then one
would expect non-local and prestige goods to be associated. Using
Spanish ceramics and St. Johns types as markers for high-status
association, there ought to be a non-random distribution of the markers
associated with other possible indicators of prestige.
Certain ceramic types were aggregated on the basis on known or
hypothesized cultural associations. All St. Johns ceramics were subsumed
under the variable STJOHNS;. Alachua Cob Marked, Lochloosa Punctated, and
cord marked ceramics became the variable ALACHUA (after the Alachua
tradition, Milanich 1971). All majolica ceramics were labelled MAJOLICA
and utilitarian Spanish ceramics were subsumed under OLIVEJAR, the most
common type within that category.
A number of single or minor occurrence complicated stamped ceramics
were aggregated under the variable name CSGA. Although the actual origins
of these design elements is unknown, they bear many resemblances to com-.
plicated stamped design motifs found on late prehistoric complicated
stamped ceramics from north and central Georgia (Loucks 1978b). CSGA

included the following descriptive types defined in the last chapter:
joined curved lands CS, interlocking circles CS, barred bullseye CS,
curvilinear 'A' CS, curvilinear *B' CS, rectilinear 'A' CS, fret/
volute CS, bullseye with scroll CS, straight-curvilinear CS, cogs CS, and
lineblock CS, The variable OTHERGA included Creek-affiliated ceramic
types Ocmulgee Fields Incised and Chattahoochee Brushed,
Five ceramic types were maintained in their original classes
because they were relatively numerous. Loop and solid cross motif com
plicated stamped types were kept separate in order to examine possible
differences in distribution and associations. Jefferson Ware Complicated
Stamped Type B (CSTYPB) and scraped types were also retained because of
their moderate to high representation in all areas. Linear with central
bars CS (implemented at UNIQLIN) was kept separate primarily to examine
its association with other types in Structure A, the only area where it
occurred except for one small sherd in Structure C,
The hypothesis concerning association of certain aboriginal ceramic
groups or types and Spanish ceramics with structures was tested by
analysing the variation within and between structures with regard to each
ceramic variable. Ceramic counts were tabulated for each excavation
unit within a structural area. These counts were weighted by dividing
them by the area (square meters) excavated for each structure and then
multiplying by 10.0. An actual density calculation (n of sherds per
cubic meter) was not computed since it was not always possible to cal
culate the depths of units in Structure A and parts of Structure C. In
any event, average depths of middens throughout the site were comparable.
Weighting was carried out to standardize the ceramic counts (n of sherds
per square meter) in order to negate the effect of unequal excavation

256
areas: Structure A was 65 square meters, Structure C was 68 square
meters, and Structure D was 58 square meters. Counts of "0" (absent)
were included in the analysis. The weighted ceramic counts are
presented in Table 16. Counts per variable were ranked in descending
order for visual comparison but the ranking was not essential to the
test of variation.
Structure B was not included in the analysis because of the very low
ceramic counts over a large area. It.was felt that computing "Spanish
Area" as the sum of Structures A and B would introduce error into the
calculation since most of the units in Structure B did not contain even
one each of all the variables. Only majolica and Spanish olive jar were
well represented in this structure with, only 19 sherds of each over 147
square meters. There was also a lack of sufficient information to show
that this larger Spanish structure was a Spanish living area. For these
reasons, comparison of Spanish versus Indian assemblages was accomplished
by comparing Structure A with Structure C plus Structure D (126 square
meters).
One-way analysis of variance results in an F value which is the
ratio of explained variation over unexplained variation. In this case,
the F ratio indicates how much of the variation between structures can
be accounted for by the variation within the structures. If structural
means per variable differ considerably among themselves, a relatively
large proportion of the total variation can be attributed to differences
between the structures (after Blalock 1960:247). A high F value, there
fore, at a stated level of significance indicates that the variable under
examination can be used to discriminate between the two structures com
pared. The null hypothesis, then, is that differences between structural

257
Table 16. Weighted Ceramic Group/Type Counts for Structures A, C, D
and Sum C, D.
OLIVEJAR
A:
22
22
20
18
9
9
6
5
C:
16
14
4
4
4
3
3
3
0
0
D:
5
0
0
0
0
0
0
0
0
0
C+D:
11
6
2
2
2
2
2
2
0
0
MAJOLICA
A:
105
63
49
38
15
11
8
5
C:
1
0
0
0
0
0
0
0
D:
7
3
2
2
2
2
0
0
0
0
C+D:
4
2
1
1
1
1
0
0
0
0
STJOHNS
A
58
43
29
15
14
5
5
2
C
9
3
1
1
0
0
0
0
0
0
D
12
10
9
7
5
5
3
2
0
0
C+D
10
6
5
4
2
2
2
1
0
0
LOOPCRS
A
11
11
11
8
8
6
5
5
C
9
6
6
4
4
4
3
1
0
0
D
5
3
2
2
2
0
0
0
0
0
C+D
8
5
4
3
3
2
2
1
0
0
SOLIDCRS
A
15
14
9
8
6
5
3
2
C
10
4
3
. 1
1
0
0
0
0
0
D
10
3
2
2
2
0
0
0
0
0
C+D
10
4
2
2
2
0
0
0
0
0
ALACHUA
A
2
2
2
0
0
0
0
0
C
4
1
1
1
0
0
0
0
0
0
D
21
21
16
14
14
10
9 '
9
2
0
C+D
12
10
8
7
6
5
4
4
1
0
CSGA
A
9
6
5
5
3
2
2
0
C
3
1
1
1
0
0
0
0
0
0
D
7
5
5
2
2
2
2
2
0
0
C+D
5
3
3
2
1
1
1
1
0
0
OTHERGA
A
11
8
8
6
3
3
0
0
C
1
1
0
0
0
0
0
0
0
0
D
9
3
2
0
0
0
0
0
0
0
C+D
5
2
1
- 0
0
0
0
0
0
0

258
Table 16continued
CSTYPB
A:
20
14
11
11
8
5
2
0
C:
21
18
13
10
7
7
6
3
1
0
D:
21
19
19
17
16
14
14
10
10
7
C+D:
21
18
16
13
11
10
10
6
6
3
SCRAPED
A:
6
5
2
2
2
2
0
0
C:
34
24
3
3
3
1
1
0
0
0
D:
33
33
22
21
10
10
9
9
7
0
C+D:
33
28
12
11
6
6
5
4
3
0
UNIQLIN
A:
14
8
6
3
3
3
0
0
C:
1
0
0
0
0
0
0
0
0
0
D:
0
0
0
0
0
0
0
0
0
0

259
means can be attributed to chance. A significance, or probability,
level of 0.05 was selected. The null hypothesis would be rejected if
the probability of obtaining a higher F value was greater than five
times out of a hundred. ANOVA tables were generated using the One-way
Analysis of Variance program for the HP-67 programable pocket cal
culator (Hewlett-Packard 1976:06-01 to 06-06).
All but two of the eleven ceramic types/groups were differentially
associated with Spanish or Indian structural areas (Table 17). An F
ratio for UNIQLIN was not calculated since it seemed very obvious that
distribution of this type was largely restricted to the Spanish area.
Highest and most significant F ratios were generated for 0LIVEJAR (F=
18.16, p=.001, degrees of freedom^l,16), L00PCRS (F^^15=22.68), and
ALACHUA (Fj j^=13.04). The next most significant variables (p=.01 or
less but greater than .001) were MAJOLICA (Fx^16=10.71), SOLIDCRS
(Ff,16=9-50), and OTHERGA (F^ ^=8.65). Between ethnic area variation
for STJOHNS and CSGA was significant between p=.05 and p=.01 with F
values of 7.93 and 4.82, respectively. The latter group, however, was
just barely significant since F at p=.05 with 1,16 degrees of freedom
is 4.49. The null hypothesis could not be rejected at the .05
probability level for CSTYPB (F1>16=0.76) or for SCRAPED (Fj_ 16=2.79).
Overall, Spanish and Indian assemblages were quite distinct except
with regard to Jefferson Ware Complicated Stamped Type B and scraped
ceramics. As shown in Table 16, it is apparent that OLIVEJAR,MAJOLICA,
LOOPCRS, SOLIDCRS, STJOHNS, CSGA, and OTHERGA are more numerous in Struc
ture A (Spanish) than in the combined Structures C and D (Indian). The
only "Indian"-distinct category is ALACHUA. If aboriginal structures
are individually compared to Structure A, it is found that the null

Table 17. ANOVA Table for One-way Analysis of Variance between Spanish and Indian Structures
(at 1 and 16 Degrees of Freedom): Ceramic Group/Type.
Ceramic Group/
Spanish
Indian
Total
Error
Treatment
Error
Type
Mean
SD
Sum
Mean
SD
Sum
SS
SS
Mean Square
Mean Square
F*
OLIVEJAR
13.88
7.32
111
2.90
3.28
29
10071.11
471.78
535.34
29.49
18.16
MAJOLICA
36.75
34.78
294
1.00
1.25
10
14163.78
8483.50
5680.28
530.22
10.71
STJOHNS
21.38
20.26
171
3.20
3.12
32
4429.61
2961.48
1468.14
185.09
7.93
L00PCRS
8.13
2.64
65
2.80
2.25
28
220.50
94.48
126.03
5.56
22.68
SOLIDCRS
7.75
4.77
62
2.00
3.13
20
394.44
247.50
146.94
15.47
9.50
ALACHUA
0.75
1.04
6
5.70
3.74
57
242.50
133.60
108.93
8.35
13.04
CSGA
4.00
2.83
32
1.70
1.57
17
101.61
78.10
23.51
4.88
4.82
OTHERGA
4.88
4.02
39
0.80
1.62
8
210.28
136.48
73.80
8.53
8.26
CSTYPB
8.88
6.56
71
11.40
5.70
114
621.61
593.28
28.34
37.08
0.76
SCRAPED
2.38
2.13
19
9.40
11.66
94
14575.61
1256.28
219.34
78.52
2.79
* at p =
5* F1,16 =
= 4.49
at p =
*01, F1,16 =
= 8.53
at p =
.001, f1j16
= 16.
12
260

261
hypothesis cannot be rejected for OLIVEJAR, ALACHUA, CSTYPB, and SCRAPED
between Structures A and C (Table 18). The distribution of these types/
groups is not significantly different between these two structures.
Structures A and D, on the other hand, are almost completely distinct ex
cept with regard to CSGA (F^ ^ q^=1.18). These types or groups, then,
distinguish Structure C from Structure D relative to the Spanish struck
ture. Structures A and C are most alike in their low representation of
ALACHUA ceramics and SCRAPED ceramics And are similar with respect to the
variation of OLIVEJAR and CSTYPB. Structure D is similar to Structure A
only with respect to the distribution of CSGA.
The ceramic type that primarily distinguished between Structures C
and D is ALACHUA (Fj ^ qqj=24.30). At a probability level between .05
and .01, distribution of STJOHNS (Fj ^g=5.99), LOOPCRS (Fj jg=7.28), and
CSTYPB (Fisi8=6.79) are all distinctly different between the structures
(Table 19). Reference to Table 16 illustrates that ALACHUA, STJOHNS,
CSGA, and CSTYPB are more common in D than in C while only LOOPCRS is
more common in Structure C.
The substantive interpretations of these analyses consist of many
possibilities. Inhabitants of Structure D appear to have had greater
access to Alachua tradition ceramics than did either the priests or the
inhabitants of Structure C. This may reflect manufacturing of these
types, primarily cord marked, by household D for their own specific con
sumption. It also may reflect outside ties with producers of Alachua
type ceramics which were not shared by other inhabitants of the site (as
it is now known). Only determination of non-local origin could test
these interpretations.

262
Table 18. F Values of One-way Analysis of Variance between Structure
Pair A-C and Pair A-D by Ceramic Type/Group (with 1 and 16
Degrees of Freedom).
Ceramic Type/
Group
Structures A-C
F values*
Structures A-D
F values
OLIVEJAR
3.34
MAJOLICA
10.21
STJOHNS
7.26
6.06
LOOPCRS
11.32
20.25
SOLIDCRS
9.72
9.96
ALACHUA
0.01
23.74
CSGA
12.76
1.18
OTHERGA
13.58
4.59
CSTYPB
0.01
4.93
SCRAPED
1.11
10.27
* at p = .
05,
F1,16 =
4.49
at p = .
01,
F1,16
8.53
at p = .
001,
F1,16 =
; 16.12
^Comparisons were not made between structure pairs for these
groups because the counts in the Indian structures were ex
ceedingly small, and those in Structure A were very (relatively)
large.

Table 19. ANOVA Table for One-way Analysis of Variance between Structure C and Structure D
(with 1 and 18 Degrees of Freedom): Ceramic Type/Group.
Ceramic Type/
Structure
C
Structure
D
Total
Error
Treatment
Error
Group
Mean
SD
Sum
Mean
SD
Sum
SS
SS
Mean Square
Mean Square
P *
OLIVEJAR
5.10
5.45
51
0.50
1.58
5
395.20
289.40
105.80
16.08
6.58
MAJOLICA
0. 10
0.32
1
1.80
2. 15
18
56.95
42.50
14.45
2.35
6.12
STJOHNS
1.40
2.84
14
5.30
4. 16
53
304.55
228.50
76.05
12.69
5.99
LOOPCRS
3.70
2.87
37
1.40
1.71
14
126.95
100.50
26.45
5.58
4.74
SOLIDCRS
1.90
3.18
19
1.90
3.07
19
175.80
175.80
0
9.77
0
ALACHUA
0.70
1.25
7
11.60
7.07
116
1058.55
464.50
594.05
24.45
24.30
CSGA
0.60
0.97
6
2.70
2.26
27
76.55
54.50
22.05
3.03
7.28
OTHERGA
0.20
0.42
2
1.40
2.88
14
83.20
76.00
7.20
4.22
1.71
CSTYPB
7.82
7.11
86
14.70
4.57
147
941.81
693.74
248.07
36.51
6.79
SCRAPED
6.90
11.95
69
15.40
11.27
154
2788.55
2427.30
361.25
134.85
2.68
at
P =
.05,
Fl, 18
4.41
at
P =
.01,
tl
CO
i4
*4
U-i
8.28
at
P =
.001
F1,18
= 15.38
263

St. Johns ceramics, CSGA, and majolica ceramics hypothesized
Spanish markers are significantly more numerous in Structure D than in
Structure C. It is substantively significant that St. Johns wares, and
possibly the complicated stamped ceramics with postulated Georgia design
motifs, are trade items or represent an "imported" family (or simply ah
"imported" potter). These ceramics seem to have been acquired primarily
by the Spaniards but distributed to Structure D inhabitants more than to
Structure C inhabitants. Georgian Creek-affiliated ceramics, Ocmulgee
Fields Incised and Chattahoochee Brushed, were accumulated more by the
Spaniards than by the Indians but between the Indian structures dis
tribution of this group was not accounted for by differential access.
Loop cross complicated stamped ceramics seem to have been distributed more
evenly between Structures A and C than between A and D. It is possible
that inhabitants of Structure C were manufacturing and distributing this
type to the priests and, in return, the Structure C household was
receiving utilitarian Spanish ceramics.
These hypothetical interactions only examine part of the problem
of production and distribution. Sherd counts will be affected by
breakage rates and degree of fragmentation both during the occupation
period and afterward (e.g. during plowing). Since the entire site was
disturbed evenly, it may be assumed that the latter effects would be
equivalent across the site. It should also be obvious from the previous
statements that determination of production and distribution patterns
can be better examined when resource utilization data are included. If,
for instance, it can be shown that clays and/or techniques used in
producing Alachua tradition ceramics differ significantly from those
used in manufacturing other ceramics within Structure D, then it can be

265
stated that this household did have access to, or preference for, these
non-local ceramics and that this access/preference was not shared by the
other households. Determination of origin for other ceramic groups
may also indicate whether or not the Indians at this mission were from
different areas of Spanish Florida (remembering that Spanish Florida
encompassed a much larger region than the present state does) and.con
tinued manufacturing ceramics in their traditional manner using their
traditional designs.
Based on ceramics whose origins are known or are reasonably
well known it appears that Structure C and D households had differen
tial access to utilitarian and "tableware".Spanish ceramics and to St.
Johns ceramics. Structure D occupants acquired more majolica and St.
Johns types, both of which were postulated to be prestige goods and
were shown to be Spanish markers, than did occupants of Structure C.
The latter accumulated more utilitarian Spanish ceramics than did oc
cupants of D. The actual Indian view of the importance of the distinc
tion between olive jar and majolica cannot be assessed. Uses may have
made one category preferable over the other.
The difference between assemblages is, overall, significant and it
is apparent that Spaniards accumulated more types that distinguished their
inventory from that of the Indians. It is also apparent that types or
groups shared between Spaniards and the two Indian households were not the
same which strongly suggests differential productive and/or distributive
interactions between Spaniards and Indian households.
The concentration of Colono-Indian wares in the smaller Spanish
structure indicates that this was one class of ceramics produced primarily
for and consumed primarily by the Spaniards. One might postulate that

2M
the presence of ring bases was necessary if Spaniards insisted on eating
off tables. Production of these vessels may simply have been to copy
European forms which would have been favored by the Spaniards. It is
impossible to sort out the Spanish goods received by Indians in a manner
which allows identification of specifically exchanged goods. One might
hypothesize that ceramics were exchanged for ceramics but there would be
no way to test this. One might also hypothesize that prestige goods
accrued to persons who produced ceramics or other goods expressly for
Spanish consumption.
Since Colono-Indian ceramics were not found in great numbers in the
Indian habitation area, it is not possible to identify the manufacturers.
The fragmentary basal ring foot sherd found in Structure C may have been
a "waster." It's similarity to most of the footed basal sherds in Struc
ture A may indicate that this household was a primary producer of Colono-
Indian ceramics. On the other hand, a very distinctive paste Colono-
Indian vessel (fragmentary but consisting of several sherds) was recovered
from Structure D. This paste could not be matched with sherds found in
the Spanish structure although the difference appears to be largely one
of color which can be due simply to firing temperature and/or length of
firing time. It is possible that it will be found that small, ring
footed bowls were made from one type of clay (Miller Plain) whereas
plates, handled vessels, and possibly statuettes were made from another
type of clay (Jefferson Ware). If this is the case, and it still needs
to be tested, then Structure C producers were making the small, footed
bowls and Structure D persons were producing the plates, jars, and other
Jefferson Ware items. Conversely, some of these Colono-Indian items
(Miller Plain in particular) may have been imported. Inhabitants of

267
Structure D, in any event, may have produced a few of these Colono-
Indian vessels for their own use.
Distribution of Non-ceramic Prestige Goods
Several hypotheses were proposed which concerned non-random dis
tribution of goods other than ceramics. Although such artifacts were
few and, therefore, not open to tests of significance, the distribution
is obvious. Hypothesis nine stated that religious items would be found
in conjunction with non-sacred prestige items in high-status dwellings
if maintenance of previous status depended on conversion. Only one
religious item, a medallion from Structure C, was found during the ex
cavations. No religious paraphernalia were recovered from either
Spanish building which is unusual. If the mission was destroyed during
the 1656 revolt, it is conceivable that such items might have been
looted. It is also possible that the mission did not have many of these
items to begin with and that what was present was either taken care of
or removed when the mission was abandoned, leaving only those items
which had been lost or were broken. The two glass beads recovered may
have been rosary beads but the function cannot be demonstrated.
Instead of treating objects separately, the glass beads, religious
medal, copper bead and copper rectangles can be classified as a set of
ornaments. Hypotheses five and eight stated that associations between
Spanish-supplied ornaments, bells, clothing, and aboriginal prestige
goods feathers, hides, litter, pearls would occur in high-status
Indian units. Most of the defined native prestige goods were perishable
and, so, were not preserved. Two items may be representative of native
prestige items, however. These were the whelk shell columella (possibly

268
a pendant or other ornament) and shark tooth recovered from Structure D.
Copper was also a prehistoric prestige item. Four copper rectangles
were recovered from Structure D and its immediate environs. If these
were sewn to clothing or were part of a necklace or other jewelry, then
one would expect to find more of such items than one would expect to find
of religious medallions which are usually worn separately. Quantity,
therefore, cannot be considered an important attribute. One can return
to the concept of variety and examine the number of different ornament
types within an area. Only Structure D contained more than one kind of
ornamental item.
All copper rectangles and the copper bead (not from one of the four
"main'' structural areas) had rough cut edges. These ornaments may have
been supplied by Spaniards but it is more likely that the Spaniards sup
plied the copper which was then fashioned into ornaments by Indians. A
small piece of scrap copper was found in Structure B.
Weapons and Subsistence
Distribution of Spanish-introduced tools or weapons is somewhat
tentatively defined since the items are not positively identified. Two
possible knife blades, a native-manufactured gunflint, and a small lead
shot were recovered from Structure D. These items may have been used
in warfare rather than in hunting but they could also, practically,
function in both spheres. Major occupation of the site appears to have
been during the early part of the 17th century continuing perhaps as late
as the Timucuan rebellion in 1656. Three musket balls were recovered
from Structure A, Structure B, and just west of B. The location of these
balls is certainly proper if the mission was invaded or if the Indians

269
revolted and the priests and/or Indians secured themselves in the two
more substantial Spanish structures. The Spanish Structure B had been
burned and at least part of Structure C in the village had been destroyed
by fire. Artifact distribution indicative of skirmishes has never been
identified for what are basically or wholly prehistoric sites. The
number of arrow points within the village and structures, the lead shot,
and the burnt structures may, however, indicate the manner by which this
village met its end.
The fact that a gunflint and lead shot were found in one aboriginal
structure and an irregular fragment of lead in another Indian structure
is important. Bushnell (1978) and others have remarked that Indians, es
pecially caciques, had access to firearms. In the early 1700s, Indians
in Apalache were supposed to be outfitted with weapons in case of attack
but weapons were supposedly scarce. The indication that firearms were
present at this earlier, smaller mission could be interpreted as better
supply of weapons during the early 17th century. There may, however,
have been only one or two firearms available to the entire village and
compared to the number of aboriginal tools and weapons, these European
ones form a minor component. The presence of items associated with the
use of firearms in the aboriginal sector of the village and the balls,
which were possibly directed toward the Spanish sector of the village,
lead one to speculate whether or not the firearms were supplied by
Spaniards or if they were acquired "on the sly" by Indians and, used
against the Spaniards.
The majority of topis recovered from the mission village were
lithic. Iron tools, which were probably valued items, may have been
removed from the site when it was abandoned. The number and variety of

270
lithic tools found in all areas of the site does imply, however, that
native tools were not abandoned in favor of European counterparts.
Whether this was due to scarcity of the latter or monopolization by
Spaniards is a major question that cannot be answered for any mission
site excavated to date on the basis of reported data.
The majority of food items were native and subsistence appeared to
follow a basically prehistoric pattern. Pig and cow were represented
in the faunal assemblage but as minor components. Spanish refuse did
not yield more domesticates than did Indian structures in terms of
minimum number of individuals. There was, however, a significant dif
ference in the variety of species and elements present within the dif
ferent areas. Species within the Spanish structures were predominantly
deer (Odocoileus virginianus) and gopher tortoise (Gopherus polyphemus).
The Indian refuse included these two species plus other small game
animals, "pests," and fish.
Faunal elements recovered from the Spanish structures, particularly
from Structure A since there was little bone in Structure B, were much
less varied than those in the Indian midden. Of the 16 identifiable
deer elements, half were tibia fragments. One femoral distal end, a
radius fragment, and pedal elements Were also present (Table 20). In
Structures C and D, only one-third of the identifiable deer elements
derived from the hindquarters versus roughly 90% in the Spanish struc
tures. The variety of elements present in the Indian area was much
greater: scapular fragments, manus and pes elements, forelimb elements,
dentarles, teeth, and vertebrae. The less complete inventory of
elements in the Spanish sector suggests that butchering was carried out
elsewhere and that priests received the meatier (hindlimb) portions

Table 20. White-tailed Deer (Odocoileus virginianus) Element Distribution between Structures.
Element*
Structure A
Structure B
Structure C
Structure D
Total Number
ilium
1R**
1
femur, distal
It
1
femur, proximal
1R
1
tibia, distal
3L, 2R, 1?
1L
It,
1R, 2?
11
tibia, proximal
1L, 1R
2
fibula
1L
1
metatarsal
1L
1L, 1?
3
calcaneum
2L
1?
1?
4
scapula
1L
1
humerus, distal
1L
2L, IR, 1?
5
radius
1L
It,
1R
3
ulna, proximal
1L
1
metacarpal
1L, 1?
2
cubonavicular
2L
1L
3
scapholunar
1R
1
scaphoid
1R
1
cuneiform
1R
1
phalanx
1?
1?
2
vertebra
3
3
dentary
1L,
3R
4
antler frag.
3
3
teeth, molar frag.
13
6
19
MNI
3
1
3
2
9
* Distal or proximal end of element (shaft) is indicated whenever that information was recorded.
**Left side is abbreviated "L", right side "R", and "?" indicates side was not recorded or could
not be determined.
ro

272
almost to the exclusion of other portions. The lack of a complementary
number of femurs may indicate that deer were butchered at the kill site
at some distance from the village since the femur is more difficult to
remove from the pelvis than, for instance, the humerus from the shoulder
girdle. Meat may have been cut away from the femur and carried away
still attached to the tibia.
Structure yielded not only greater MNI of deer but also more
elements than did Structure D. Identifiable elements in the latter area
included lower hindlimb fragments, three humerii, a metacarpal, and
single molars and tooth fragments. Portions of hindlimbs were least
common. Conversely, hindlimb elements were fairly common in Structure C
midden but no humerii were present. Differences between assemblages in
these two areas may be due to incomplete excavation but the possibility
exists that deer meat was shared between the two households (or between
a greater number of households) or that the "missing" hindlimbs from
Structure D and/or Structure C were those in the Spanish area midden.
The pig elements (Table 21) recovered from Structure D ribs, ar
ticulated vertebrae, and scapula would have represented poor cuts of
meat and were probably the discarded carcass. Apparently, the limbs and
head were removed but these elements could not be identified in any of
the excavated units. The bones were in extremely poor condition and
evidence of butchering could not be found.
All bones were examined for evidence of preparation techniques.
With the exception of one complete humerus from Structure C, all long-
bone shafts had been broken and several fragments exhibited twist frac
tures which result from intentional administration of controlled blows
at particular regions along the shaft (Sadek-Kooros 1972:371). Such

273
Table 21. Faunal Species and Elements from Spanish Structures (White
tailed Deer excluded)and Village (less 1976 Trenches).
Location/
Species
VILLAGE
tti
d
a
>v
U
OJ
CO
M
u
U
rH
3
CO
0)
jC
d
M
d
o
co
g
CO
r1
u
U
u
CL,
a)
H
cd
d
3
H
4-1
(D
C2
u
e
a
4-1
d
*H
c
0)
CD
o
3
n3
r-
CD
a3
rH
d
<
H
Q
>
cn
3
;=>
s
£
M
cn
Bos taurus
Sus scrofa
Odocoileus
virginianus
Artiodactyl
med-lge mammal
Procyon lotor
-Sciurus sp.
Sigmodon
hispidus
Gopherus
polyphemus
Chrysemys sp.
Terrepene Carolina
Chelonia
Alligator
mississippiensis
Passerine
Mugil sp.
Osteichthyes
Squaliformes
STRUCTURE A
Bos taurus
Sus scrofa
Gopherus
polyphemus
Colubridae
STRUCTURE B
Gopherus
polyphemus
1 12 1
12 4 3 1 8
21 1
1
1
1
1
2
1
1
4
1
1
1 1
1
1 1
1
2 2 7 1
1 1
1
* Description reported on species identification card by Heath (1977),
Zooarcheological Laboratory, Florida State Museum.

Isa
Na
O
ON
I
H- Na
i N) Ln VJ
ON
Na
Ul
Ua
U>
Femur
Tibia
Fibula
Metarsal
Metapodial
Calcaneum
Astragalus
Phalanx
Plastron
UID Shell
Dermal Scute
Spine
Scale
Table 21extended

275
patterns have been found to reflect purposeful fracturing to produce
specific shapes that can be used to manufacture tools (Sadek-Kooros 1972:
372). The majority of deer longbones, however, did not exhibit twist
fractures. The fragmentary nature of the shafts taken in conjunction
with the presence of mostly epiphyseal segments, suggests that bone was
being shattered in order to extract the marrow.
Articular ends of mammal longbones did not show signs of having
been burnt. Burning and calcination appear to have been random, probably
the result of discarding bones in firepits or hearths. It is likely that
meat was either boiled on the bone or removed from the bone prior to
cooking. All humerii from Structure D showed butchering cuts, possibly
made by an iron knife, on the anterior-medial side of the distal end of
the shaft. These cuts were fairly deep and short and may indicate cut
ting through tendons at this point either to remove the meat from the
bone or to expose the elbow joint. Longbone elements from other struc
tures did not exhibit these same, or any other, butchering marks which
may indicate either more skilled butchers or different butchering tech
niques.
The majority of the gopher tortoise and turtle bone.s recovered were
unidentifiable shell fragments. Parts of the carapace were not always
specified and weights or general terms (e.g. "numerous") were often sub
stituted for counts so it was not possible to determine exactly how
many of what parts were present. This author did not go back and sys
tematically check all classifications, Portions of carapace and plas
tron were represented. Scapulae, ilia, pubii, and limbs were recovered
from Structure A and D. The scapula from Structure D showed small knife
cuts just below the distal epiphysis. Several very small shell fragments

276
were calcined but this probably resulted from disposal in fires rather
than use of the shells as cooking vessels.
All of the wild species represented at Baptizing Spring, including
alligator and mullet, would have been found within a 3 km radius (to
the Suwannee River) around the site. Although soil conditions are not
favorable for gopher tortoise because of the clay substrate close to the
surface and the degree of moisture retention, dry, loose, sandy soils
are found within 1 km of the site. Animals such as raccoon, cotton rat,
and deer would have been attracted to corn and "old" fields. Deer, squir
rels, and raccoon would also have inhabited adjacent hammocks. The
amount of pig represented in the faunal assemblage does not indicate that
there were many animals consumed at the site although these animals may
have been raised and taken to market in St. Augustine (or otherwise
removed from the region through barter or sale). If pigs were even
moderately numerous, they would have been serious competitors with deer
for the fall acorn mast. Antler fragments were present but it was not
apparent whether or not these had been attached (late summer-fall) or .
picked up after antlers were dropped in the winter. It is impossible
to determine whether deer were killed particularly in the fall, when
they may have been drawn to the corn fields or when Indians were also
collecting acorns and tending their pigs. Molar wear on some of the deer
teeth indicates that animals of 6 years or older were taken.
The impact of introducing range cattle and pigs has not been asses
sed for the mission period. Competition for food and increased parasite
infestation (e.g. cattle ticks which severely afflict deer populations in
areas where the two species range together) may have had an impact on
deer populations in areas where these domesticates were numerous. All

277
mission period faunal assemblages, however, show fairly heavy use of
deer meat.
Several problems were previously identified that hamper creditable
interpretation o,f the faunal material. If the sample can be viewed as
representative, it appears that prehistoric patterns of resource
utilization and food preparation had not been altered at Baptizing Spring.
Even though all small mammals and "gathered" animals (such as tortoise
and box turtle) comprised the majority of the assemblage in terms of MNI,
the actual amount of meat taken from the larger mammals, especially deer,
would probably have constituted a greater proportion of the protein in
take. One might expect that, if population decline at the missions was
a serious problem (and there seems to be every indication that it was)
and that males were being drawn off to work on haciendas, ranches or in
St. Augustine, more of the meat diet would be composed of those species
easily caught by youngsters, oldsters, and women. If males returned to
the mission village at specific times every year and if most of the deer
was obtained while the hunters were home, then seasonal information might
lend some clue. There are a number of interacting variables, however, and
the seasonality data from Baptizing Spring were non-existant. In ad
dition, it is not known if smoked, dried or pickled meat was imported or
if bones would be present in the last type. As it stands at Baptizing
Spring, there is not enough information to determine if the more easily
obtained species actually were more important to the diet than were
species which may have been hunted exclusively by adult males.
The actual time range which was covered by the midden deposit is
unknown. Meat protein may have been scarce but, as is true at most
archeological sites, the total contribution of meat to the diet cannot

278
be assessed. Domestic meat "on the hoof," however, does not appear to
have been an important protein source for either Spaniards or Indians.
Floral remains consisted only of items preserved because of car
bonization. These included hickory nuts, peach pits, a possible legume,
and corncobs. In all likelihood, the nuts and pits were not roasted but
were incidentally charred. It is conceivable that Spaniards disposed of
their floral remains in a manner different from Indians, hence there were
no floral remains in the Spanish structures. Peach pits may have been
saved for planting and hickory nuts may have been processed by Indians
with the Spaniards actually coming in. contact only with the by-products
such as the meat, oil, and nut butter. It is an interesting possibilty
that the actual fruit of the peach pit, the so-called "bitter almond,"
may have been eaten. It has long been, and still is, considered a
medicinal item.
Peaches may have grown at the site or have been brought in from
St. Augustine or other missions. According to modern agricultural
digests (of the 1930s-1940s), peaches grew very well in Suwannee County
although the actual locations where they grew well were not mentioned.
If peaches were grown at the site, and these soils may not have been
particularly good for their growth, the trees may have required a fair
amount of tending during parts of the year. Varieties grown in Florida
today (although the author does not know how they compared with 17th
century varieties) suffer from numerous molds, smuts, and parasites.
Actual contribution of peaches to the diet is unknown. They may have
been an infrequent delicacy.
Carbonized corncobs, identified as Eastern Complex (Northern Flint)
variety, comprised the bulk of the floral remains. As a group, the cobs

279
are very similar to corn, measured by proxy on Alachua Cob Marked
ceramics, from a late Alachua period village site (ca. A.D. 1400-A.D.
1600) near the Fox Pond mission site. Lower glume width and distance
between adjacent lower glumes in the same row are less than those shown
on the ceramics at Fox Pond but greater than those measured at the
Woodward village site (ca. A.D. 700-A.D. 900) (Kohler, Appendix 0).
Recovered corncobs from the Zetrouer site (A.D. 1685-A.D. 1706) not only
had higher mean row number but also larger mean cupule widths than cobs
from Baptizing Spring. Increasing cob and kernel size indicated at
Fox Pond and Zetrouer may have been due to introgression of maize
brought in from Cuba or Yucutan (Kohler 1979). Corn at Baptizing Spring
appears to represent a relatively pure aboriginal variety. This sug
gests either less tampering or interest in altering native food stocks
at this mission than at other mission period sites (Zetrouer and pos
sibly the village adjacent to Fox Pond). It could also indicate an
early occupation date for Baptizing Spring. The fact that some of the
cobs were small, probably immature, may have influenced the overall
determination of mean glume widths and distance between adjacent glumes.
The concentration of corncobs exclusively, for all intents and pur
poses, in Structure C is unusual. Binford (1967:3) suggested, on the
basis of ethnographic and ethnohistoric data, that pits filled with bark,
wood, and/or corncobs were used in hide-smoking activities. He gives
the names of various sites where such features have been found but fails
to mention whether or not these features were located within structural
limits. If one presumes this function for pits filled with cobs at
Baptizing Spring, one must accept the fact that these activities took
place within (or under) a fairly substantial structure which appears

280
to have served as a living area as well. One must also ask why the
inhabitants of Structure C appear to have monopolized hide-smoking ac
tivities, although this may be a reflection of sampling bias.
One interpretation is that these features represent smudge pits,
stoked with corncobs which would smoulder and produce quantities of
smoke to ward off biting insects. Milanich (1972:42, 45) proposed this
interpretation for charcoal filled pits at the Richardson site. If this
were their function, one might wonder why inhabitants of this structure
were so sorely afflicted whereas Spaniards and inhabitants of Structure
D were not. L
It is more likely that an explanation of these features lies in some
specialized usage. Maize was an extremely important crop in all the
Spanish colonial territories and much of the prehistoric United States.
Since prehistoric times, maize has been treated with utmost respect and
ceremonialism by Indians and Latin American peasants who grow it as a
staple crop. The ceremony of first fruits and the Green Corn ceremonies
are well-known examples of ritual treatment of maize in the Southeast.
Maize of various colors prepared, in several ways was important in
curing ceremonies in 16th century Peru (Markham 1873:24). The Spaniards
in Peru reportedly adopted the use of maize flour instead of wheat flour
in concocting herbis and used chicha (a fermented or unfermented corn
beverage) as a cure for diseases of the kidneys, pains in the side,
stones, stoppage of urine, and colon and bladder pains (Garcilaso de la
Vega 1962:499, 123). Modern herbis and patent diuretics prescribe or
use cornsilk for similar curatives. An early 20th century herbal of in
digenous medications used in Venezuela describes the same uses, plus
others, and same preparations of maize used by Indians over 300 years
earlier (Pompa 1929:118-119).

281
None of the ethnohistoric accounts concerning Florida mention the
use of maize for medicinal purposes although this may not have been a
topic of major import. Le Moyne (in Bennett 1968:42) did mention that
the sick were treated by being made to inhale tobacco smoke or were
placed on a bench, prone, with their faces over a fire unto which "seeds"
were thrown. It is known that preparing new fires or making separate
fires was a common part of curing ceremonies practiced by Florida Indians
(Milanich and Sturtevant 1972:23, 30). If corncobs were burnt either in
curing, purification, religious or sorcery rituals, then the concen
tration of pits filled with cobs in a single structure could indicate
either "underground" continuation of native rituals, a household plagued
by illness, or the residence of a sorcerer/curer where Spanish-approved
activities were performed. The different size of corncobs found in dif
ferent types of proveniences could be a reflection of burning green (im
mature) corn and more mature (larger) cobs. The difference in cob size
may represent cob burning throughout a harvest year, or over several
years.
The above speculations are meant to serve only as alternate inter
pretations for the presence of cob-filled features. There is no reason
to believe that the question will ever be answered but it should be
realized that smudge pits and hide-smoking pits may not be the only
interpretations of these pit functions^
Artifact and Structure Associations
Spanish structures were differentiated from Indian structures on
the basis of architectural features, ceramic types represented within,
lower diversity of Spanish ceramics and aboriginal ceramics, less variety

282
in the kinds of animal sources utilized, and apparent predominance of
certain portions of deer meat. Floral remains were not found within the
Spanish structures. Non-local ceramics such as olive jar, majolica,
and St. Johns ceramics were more common in Structure A than in the Indian
structures and monopolization of certain ceramic types could have
resulted from restricted access or directed production of some goods
for the priests.
The larger Spanish structure was.located on a rise adjacent to the
spring. The other three identified structures were all lower. Testing
and excavations were too incomplete to allow reconstruction of the entire
village settlement pattern. The 1976 trenches just south of Structure B
did, however, show a very low density of artifacts and it is possible
that a plaza was located in this more or less central location. The
Spanish structures appear to have been located near one end of the main
village area and Indian structures were situated to the southeast. The
presence of clay-lined basins within and beneath Structure B features
which may be aboriginal in origin could indicate that the Spanish
structure was erected over or adapted from a specialized aboriginal
structure. On the other hand, this arrangement may indicate that the
structure was occupied by Indians at some time after it ceased to be
associated with Spanish activities. At least one document referred to
the Indian practice of building churches and dwellings in the hope
that their efforts would be awarded with the appearance of a resident
priest. If such structures were built by Indians prior to habitation by
a Spaniard, would the Indians (most likely the cacique) have occupied
them?

283
Aboriginal ceramic assemblages of the two Indian structures were
significantly different with respect to proportions of loop cross com
plicated stamped, St. Johns ceramics, complicated stamped ceramics with
possible affiliations with or origins in Georgia, and Alachua tradition
ceramic types. Structure D appears to have contained more possible non
local ceramic types than did Structure C. This may reflect either trade
relations outside the village that were restricted to this household or
possible non-Utina inhabitants living in this household.
Association of prestige items with the aboriginal structures does
exist and, although not testable for statistical significance, this as
sociation is probably substntively significant. Structure D yielded
remains of floral and faunal domesticates, Spanish-origin "prestige"
items (glass bead, copper ornaments), and possible aboriginal prestige
items (whelk shell and shark tooth ornaments?). This structure also
yielded two possible iron knife blades, a lead shot, and a gunflint.
Although absolute numbers and proportions of different types of artifacts
differ between structures, the two aboriginal assemblages both consist
of the same kinds of items. There is a full range of lithic artifacts,
ceramics, and presence of faunal and floral remains in each. It has
been suggested that specialized activities were associated with Structure
C which was distinct in the large number of charred corncobs contained
within features. The faunal assemblage in Structure C also contained
more deer bone and more types of deer elements than did Structure D. If
Structure C inhabitants were specializing in some activity such as but
chering deer and hide-smoking, then the lithic assemblages might be ex
pected to differ between the two structures.

Table 22 compares raw and relative frequencies of lithic variables
within worked and utilized classes between Structures C and D. Only
those items which could be assigned to use wear categories were used, so
variables such as unidentifiable biface, unidentified uniface, and so
forth were excluded. Among worked types, the proportions of small and
medium-large points are roughly equivalent between the two areas. The
major difference is in the percentage of knives (bifacial, unifacial,
and edge-retouched variants); 12.80% of; the tabulated worked lithic ar
tifacts in Structure C were knives versus only 6.62% in Structure D.
Among the utilized categories, however, Structure D has a greater per
centage of knives (11.14%) than does Structure C (7.20%). The proportion
of both worked and utilized scrapers is roughly equivalent between the
two structures.
In order to ascertain if lithic assemblages were significantly dif
ferent between the two Indian structures, chi-square was calculated
using the raw frequencies between the two structures for worked and
utilized categories. The null hypothesis in both cases would be that
assemblages were not equivalent in their constituent make-up. Rejection
at an alpha of .05 was selected. With 16 degrees of freedom, chi-square
for the worked assemblages was calculated to be 16.84. In order-to reject
the null hypothesis, chi-square would have to be greater than 26.296,
therefore the two worked assemblages were not significantly different.
With 13 degrees of freedom for the utilized lithic variables, a chi-square
of 22.362 was needed to reject the null hypothesis. Again, the com
puted value of 17.22 fell below the necessary rejection value. It does
not appear, therefore, that worked and utilized lithic assemblages were
significantly different between the two structural areas. Differences in

285
Table 22. Worked and Utilized Llthic Artifacts from Structures C and D.
(Aggregated categories for artifacts with definable use wear).
Variable
Structure C
Structure D
WORKED
small points (includes
fragments)
42(33.60%)
47(34.56%)
small point preforms
med-lge points (includes
0
3( 2.21%)
fragments)
19(15.20%)
18(13.24%)
med-lge point preforms
2 ( 1.60%)
7( 5.15%)
drills
5( 4.00%)
6( 4.41%)
awls
0
2( 1.47%)
gravers
2 ( 1.60%)
3 ( 2.21%)
scrapers
32(25.60%)
28(20.59%)
heavy scrapers
0
2 ( 1.47%)
knives
16(12.80%)
9( 6.62%)
choppers/hammerstones
1( 0.80%)
3( 2.21%)
gunflint
0
1( 0.74%)
adze
1( 0.80%)
3( 2.21%)
perforator/scraper
1( 0.80%)
0
scraper/knife
1( 0.80%)
2( 1.47%)
scraper/graver
1( 0.80%)
1( 0.74%)
scraper/spokeshave
2( 1.60%)
1( 0.74%)
TOTAL WORKED
125(100.00%)
136(100.08%)
UTILIZED
scrapers
177(70.80%)
230(65.71%)
knives
18( 7.20%)
39(11.14%)
spokeshaves
28(11.20%)
44(12.57%)
gravers
11( 4.40%)
20( 5.71%)
perforators
0
1( 0.29%)
chopper/peckingstone
3 ( 1.20%)
1( 0.29%)
quartzite grindingstone
1( 0.40%)
0
coral core cf. gouge
1( 0.40%)
0
scraper/graver
2 ( 0.80%)
1( 0.29%)
scraper/knif e
3( 1.20%)
3( 0.86%)
scraper/spokeshave
3( 1.20%)
8( 2.29%)
graver/knife
3( 1.20%)
0
scraper/perforator
0
1( 0.29%)
graver/knife/spokeshave
0
2( 0.57%)
TOTAL UTILIZED
250(100.00%)
350(100.30%)

286
proportions of worked and utilized variables between the two structures
could have been over-ridden by compensation within one of the two
categories. As in the case of the knives, although there were more
worked knives in Structure C, there were more utilized (unmodified)
knives in Structure D. On the basis of use wear, then, the two assem
blages are comparable. Walker (1978:713), however, has demonstrated
that, for obsidian tools, whether or not a tool is primary (unmodified)
or bifacially worked (in his exampi) affects the efficiency of per
forming certain tasks. He found that for most butchering tasks, flake
tools with unworked edges were more effective than similar bifacially
worked tools. On the other hand, bifacially flaked tools were more ef
fective in skinning activities. Of the knives and scrapers at Baptizing
Spring, however, very few were bifacially treated and most of the worked
tools were flaked only along one edge. Could unifacially worked tools
be a compromise between the efficiency of bifacially worked and unmodified
tools? Walker (1978:713) also found that the animal being butchered or
skinned had an impact on the most efficient tool type which could be
used and the elements being separated also affected tool efficiency.
In general, bifacial tools were more efficient in separating the scapula
from the ribs and humerus from the scapula whereas flake tools were more
efficient in disarticulating other joints and cutting abdominal muscles
(Walker 1978:712). These latter experiments were performed on sea lion,
however, and effectiveness in butchering deer were considerably different
(Walker 1978:713).
Those tools which were classified as scrapers would be the most
likely ones used in skinning and cleaning hides and in both structures
the majority (86% in Structure C and 89% in Structure D) of scrapers

287
were not worked. There does not seem to be any clear basis for claiming
that specialized animal processing activities were being carried out in
Structure C. The amount and variety of deer bones and the kinds of tools
present in that area may be a reflection of greater butchering activity
which could reflect household personnel make-up (more and/or better
.skilled hunters and butcherers). The presence of butchering scars on
humerii from Structure D has already been noted as being peculiar to
that area. The possibilty should be kept open, however, that Structure
C inhabitants were either more involved in or better at procuring and
processing deer. The wide variety of ceramics present, the religious
medallion, and the grindingstone, however, do not support the possibilty
that this was a specialized activity area rather than a living area.
There were enough of the other types of lithic variables present to sug
gest that other activities were also being carried out. For the sake of
discussion, and since no hard basis exists on which unquestionable dis
tinction can be made, Structures C and D have been viewed as independent
habitations and will be viewed thus for the remainder of the paper. It
is hoped that future investigations at the Baptizing Spring site will be
able to answer this and many other questions raised herein.
On the basis of higher ceramic diversity, more types of Spanish and
Indian non-local and ornamental items, and presence of introduced food
items, Structure D can be tentatively identified as a structure inhabited
by individuals of higher rank than those in Structure C. The.former seem
to have accumulated more kinds of European goods as well as native goods.
There is no reason to assume that Indians could not have acquired pres
tige or non-local goods without going through the priest. They were not
restricted to the mission since, with official leave, they were sent to

288
St. Augustine or other places to fulfill labor requirements. If pres
tige items retained their importance, and there is every reason to
presume they did, then public opinion might act against acquisition of
such goods by persons who did not "deserve" them. Documents dealing
with visitations by military personnel in the 1670s indicated that
native roles were still important to, and monitored by, villagers as
well as Spaniards. Structure D also yielded the only items which might
be interpreted as gambling or gaming artifacts. If the gopher tortoise
pieces were used in gambling (they could simply have been toys), then it
would suggest that gambling was not done away with by the priests at
Baptizing Spring and that the inhabitants of this Structure were also
"achieving" prestige. The hypothesis that native ranking and status
reckoning were retained and supported by both Spaniards and Indians can
not be rejected.
Sites Adjacent to Baptizing Spring
The six sites located in the vicinity of Baptizing Spring were
briefly described in Chapter Four. The Pump Spring site, 8 Su 84, ap
pears to have been occupied primarily during the Deptford period and,
therefore, does not figure in this discussion to any great extent. The
possible relationship of these sites to the mission site was not known
during the survey and they were treated as separate village occupations.
Boundaries were definable on the basis of surface observation of ar
tifacts but, having seen the local collectors in action, the discontinuity
between the sites-is now questioned and will not be demonstrable without
subsurface testing. It was hypothesized that the sites might have been
sites occupied prior to Spanish arrival. It was later considered that

2B9
these sites might actually have been occupied concurrently with the
mission and were outlying concentrations of households.
Identifiable ceramics are tabulated in Table 23. Site Su 85,
located east of Baptizing Spring and south of Walker Spring, had the
greatest variety of ceramic types spanning periods from Deptford (minor)
through the mission period. This was the also the site which had the
greatest proportion of Alachua tradition ceramic types. These punc
tated types have been found to occur fairly early, during the Weeden
Island I period, in'northern Columbia County, however (Siglar-Lavelle,
personal communication, 1979). Perhaps fortunately, although the over
all picture is becoming less understood as research in the Suwannee-
Columbia County area continues, the frequency of Alachua Cob Marked
ceramics is very close to the Lochloosa Punctated frequency (n=19 and
n=23, respectively). The majority of ceramics found at Su 85 are
late. The most common type, scraped (n=131), occurs in the mission
period contexts of Baptizing Spring and is.also late (at least proto-
historic) in northern Columbia County (Siglar-Lavelle, personal com
munication, 1979).
Sites Su 88 and Su 89, which were totally surface-collected, were
adjacent to Su 86 and might have been closely related to it. Their
ceramic assemblages differed primarily in having a relatively large per
centage of complicated stamped ceramics, many of which were similar to
or the same as types at Baptizing Spring. Su 87 may not have been any
thing more than a temporary campsite or single unit occupied for a short
period. No subsurface tests were made in that area so it is unknown how
deep the deposit is.

290
Table 23. Idenitiftable Aboriginal Ceramics Collected from the Surface
of the Sites Adjacent to Baptizing Spring.
Description Su 84 Su 85 Su 86 Su 87 Su 88 Su 89
fiber-tempered plain
Deptford Simple
Stamped
Napier CS
Thomas Simple Stamped
Carrabelle Punctated
Weeden Island Incised
Weeden Island Plain
Swift Creek CS
shell-edge impressed
St. Johns Plain
St. Johns Check
Stamped
Lochloosa Punctated
Alachua Cob Marked
kernel impressed
cord marked
fabric impressed
fingernail gouged
linear punctated
irregular punctated
"regular" punctated
in rows
Chattahoochee Brushed
scraped
scraped with other
impressions
linear check stamped
check stamped
check stamped with dot
San Marcos Line Block
line block CS
Jefferson Ware
Type B CS
pinched rim
loop cross CS
concentric circles CS
bullseye with straight
lines (2 motifs)
barred bullseye CS
joined curved lands CS
scrolls CS
straight/curvilinear CS
(4 motifs)
arc,straight,bullseye CS
fret/volute CS
nested squares/
rectangles CS
3
10 24 2
4
12
1
3
1
10 1
3
1 4 2
23
2 19 1
1
1 6 1
3 6 1
4
1
1 21 1
1 1
13
1 131 37 2
10 1
1
4 8 4 1
6
3
2
25 6
3
5 1
3
2
3 1
1 1
1
4 6
1
1
45*
1
1 5
4
1
23 9
6
1 1
4
8
1
3
2
9 4

291
Table 23continued
Description
joined squares with
central dots CS
joined parallel
lines CS
diamond or triangle
enclosed in circle
CS
nested triangles,
dots, volutes,
checks, CS
red filmed
undecorated
TOTAL
Su 84 Su 85 Su 86
1
1
1
70
356
248
98
704
326
Su 87 Su 88 Su 89
1
1
50
115
76
56
172
162
* Forty of these scraped sherds were part of a single vessel and most of
them could be fitted together yielding about one-fifth of a large,
straight-sided pot. Apparently, this vessel portion had been broken
up during plowing/bedding by Owens-Illinois, Inc. since the sherds
were found more or less in a heap.

292
The relative proportions of ceramics at the five larger sites in
dicate occupation primarily during the late prehistoric/mission period
except at Pump Spring. Olive jar and a single majolica sherd (from Su
86) were recovered from two of the sites. Occupation prior to the mis
sion period may have been sporadic but there is a definite problem in
volved in the fact that we do not know the origins of the Utina Indians.
Current analysis of ceramics from these sites is in its final stages
and it is hoped that ceramics from these sites can be shown to be either
local or non-local, of the same paste types as ceramics at Baptizing :
Spring, and with the same or different manufacturing attributes.
It is interesting'that loop cross complicated stamped was the only
variety of cross-motif recovered from these sites. Since collection was
either complete or random sample, it appears that the solid cross variant
is not present or present in very small numbers. The relative abundance
of Alachua ceramic types at Su 85 is also potentially important and may
indicate some relationship between inhabitants of Structure D at the
mission and persons at Su 85. There is simply not enough data at this
time to allow statements of relationships between these sites and the mis
sion.
Examination of ceramic attributes and clay resources will be used
to test the hypothesis that the "sites" were contemporaneous and that
ceramics were being exchanged between groups. If exchange was taking
place, it would be expected that technological attributes, design at
tributes, and paste characteristics would cluster across the various
sites. If ceramic attributes tend to be clustered within each "site"
and not shared with the mission, then the sites may have been contem
poraneous but economically independent. If Spaniards were forcing

293
Indians to settle in the vicinity of missions, it might be expected
that non-local groups would have significantly different artifact assem
blages if they were drawn from dissimilar populations. The preponderance
of complicated stamped ceramics at Su 88 in particular and Su 89 in
general, suggests that there may have been a distinction between those
living in these areas and persons living in the other site areas.
Whether or not the difference in ceramic assemblages is attributable to
time or ethnic background is not answerable at this time. Ideally, ex
cavation in these other sites would be carried out to examine the depth
of the midden and number of possible households involved. It seems ex
tremely likely that these sites were actually part of the mission but
were separate from the core area either for functional or social reasons.
Comparison of Mission Period Sites
How does the Baptizing Spring site compare with the other mission
sites in Florida? There are only two reported sites which include ex
tensive Spanish architectural information that can be compared with Bap
tizing Spring. The Scott Miller site and the Pine Tuft site, both in
Apalache, had "convents" (smaller Spanish structures) similar in size to
the one at Baptizing Spring but the Apalache buildings did not show
evidence of having the large, central hearth. The larger Spanish struc
tures at the Apalache sites were much more (ekborate than the one at Bap
tizing Spring. Defensive compound walls around the supposed churches in
Apalache probably reflect the unassuaged hostility between the Apalache
and Apalachicola which became intensified under British and Spanish in
stigation.

294
Comparisons between artifact assemblages is hindered by the fact
that definition of structural affinities was not always possible and the
fact that excavations were often concentrated in known or suspected
Spanish sectors of the villages. The Fig Springs material was recovered
entirely from the spring itself; Scott Miller and San Joseph de Ocuya
material came only from Spanish contexts or doubtful Spanish contexts in
the case of the borrow pit excavation at Scott Miller and the semi-subter
ranean structure at San Joseph. For these reasons, the amount of Spanish
materials represented at the sites does not necessarily reflect true
proportional, representation over the entire village. It is-expected,
and has been shown at Baptizing Spring, that Spanish ceramics are much
more common in Spanish building areas than in aboriginal contexts.
The comparisons in Table 24 must be considered with caution because
of the above factors. Except at the Zetrouer site (Seaberg 1955),
Spanish ceramics were composed primarily of utilitarian types.. Sur
prisingly, the two Utina missions Fig Springs and Baptizing Spring
exhibited relatively less utilitarian ceramics than any of the other
sites. Utilitarian wares comprised over 50% of the ceramics at San Juan
del Puerto and San Joseph de Ocuya and 80% of the Spanish ceramics at
Scott Miller. The Zetrouer site is a special case since it is probable
that it was a secular establishment (the Alachua cattle ranch) rather
than a mission. The number of aboriginal, and possibly Spanish, ceramics
will be lower at Fig Springs than at the other sites because of the
relatively large number of whole or partial vessels retrieved from the
spring. That the Richardson site has the very least percentage of
Spanish ceramics (1.19%) is not unusual since this site was presumably

Tabic 24. Distribution of Spanish (or European) Ceramics versus
Aboriginal Ceramics at Three Mission Period Sites Where
Village Sectors were Identifiable. (Also, Eight Mission
Period Sites Compared by Percentage Spanish Ceramics and
Percent of Those which were Utilitarian).
Percent Spanish of Total Ceramics/Given Sector
Spanish Structures Borrow/
Site
Larger
Smaller
Refuse Pit
Village
Scott Miller
16.78
63.36
11.99
Baptizing Spring
10.82
12.08
2.87
Richardson
(no Spanish
structures)
7.26*
0.77*
Percent Utilitarian of
Spanish Ceramics
Scott Miller
93.60
98.51
71.52
Baptizing Spring
46.34
25.77
77.98
Richardson
94,44
95.65
Percent Spanish of Total Ceramics/Site (% Utilitarian of Spanish)
San Juan del Puerto
3.69
(57.62)
Zetrouer
26.78**
(27.75)
Richardson
1.19
(95.12)
Fox Pond
8.58
(80.00)
Fig Springs
24.60
(40.40)
Baptizing Spring
6.67
(41.71)
Scott Miller
32.90
(94.60)
San Joseph de Ocuya
8.06
(68.52)
* Although no evidence of Spanish structural remains was encountered, a
probable Spanish living area was identified (Group C). The village
counts are taken from an area in the village where aboriginal
structural evidence was found (Group B). See Milanich (1972).
**This figure includes 22 sherds of Chinese porcelain recovered from
Spanish contexts. See Seaberg (1955).

296
an early visita, dated by majolica seriation at around 1615 (Goggin 1968:
73) and possibly in existence ns late as 1630 (Milnnich 1972:57).
For the three sites where possible Indian and Spanish areas could
be dichotomized (Scott Miller, Baptizing Spring, Richardson), Spanish
ceramics constituted a fairly small percentage of the overall ceramics
within known or hypothesized Spanish areas (Table 24). In the small
building area at Scott Miller, however, Spanish ceramics made up 63.36%
of the total ceramics compared to 12.08% Spanish ceramics in Structure A
at Baptizing Spring. The latter site had relatively more majolica than
did Scott Miller or the Richardson site (possibly biased by fragmen
tation although Smith stated that Scott Miller was also severely plowed).
In the village area, however, utilitarian ceramics dominated at the Utina
mission.
Types of majolica present at each of the sites will be influenced
not only by the time span of occupation but also by preference and
availability. Majolica types in Table 25 are listed in approximate or
der of decreasing age (Columbia Plain in the 16th and 17th centuries
down to Aranama Polychrome of the early 18th century) as taken from Goggin
(1968). The nine sites arrange themselves nicely within this scheme.
It appears that San Juan del Puerto and Fox Pond were more or less con
tinuously occupied throughout the mission period. The Richardson site
appears to have been occupied (or in contact with Spaniards) for the
shortest period during the early period of mission activity among the
Potano. Both Utina sites appear to have had major occupation during the
first half of the 17th century with some Spanish interaction up until
circa 1685. The two Apalache sites were occupied through the last part
of the range with the majority of Spanish interaction during the late

Table 25. Classified Majolica Types and Diversity for Nine Florida Mission or Visita Sites.
San Juan
Fox
Fig
Baptizing
Scott
Pine
San Joseph
H
Xi
CD
del Puerto
Pond*
Richardson* Zetrouer
Springs
Spring
Miller*
Tuft*
de Ocuva*
16th CENTURY
Columbia Plain,
1
6
5
58
23
green-glazed
La Vega B/W**
4
1
Isabela Polychrome
1
1
3
Santn Domingo B/W
1
7
12
49
EARLY 17th CENTURY
Ichtucknee B/B
1
1
12
43
7
Ichtucknee B/W
Fig Springs
7
22
43
145
Polychrome
18
54
66
3
1
San Luis B/W
13
40
43
4
21
7
19
Tallahassee B/W
3
17
9
9
Mt. Royal Polychrome 3
1
1
1
Aucilla Polychrome
13
10
11
LATE 17th CENTURY.
San Luis Polychrome
19
92
55
57
7
Abo Polychrome
Puaray Polychrome
4
1
2
42
7
2
Puebla Polychrome
12
3
239
54
401
27
Castillo Polychrome
7
6
EARLY 18th CENTURY
San Agustin B/W
12
Aranama Polychrome
1
TOTAL
117
138
18 382
242
232
192
481
68
Diversity (H), nats
2.40
1.58
0.79 0.97
1.70
1.11
1.61
0.62 1.48
* Supplemented counts with data from Goggin (1968) added to data from later excavations or listed only in
Goggin.
**Blue on White majolica abbreviated "B/W"; Blue on Blue is abbreviated "B/B".
297

298
17th century. The only site which Indicates early 18th century majolica
is San Juan del Puerto. This is not unexpected since this coastal site
is proximate to St. Augustine and mission Indians moved near the captol
after interior missions had been destroyed in 1702-1704. It should be
noted that, although the listing in Table 25 provides easy visual summary,
many of the types were not restricted to the time slot they appear in.
Columbia Plain, for instance, was being manufactured up into the first
half of the 17th century.
If time span is more or less controlled by comparing sites which
are equivalent in the types of majolica represented, then diversity of
assemblages can be contrasted without interference from the time/length
of occupation factor. The measure of diversity, then, may be used as an
indicator of access (which will depend on wealth and importance of a
mission or priests at the mission as well as distance from trade routes)
and personal preferences. Considering that goods had to be imported into
Florida, plus the fact that cost was usually highly inflated and selection
poor, "preference" may have been determined more by availability than by
actual desire for certain items.
It would be anticipated that San Juan del Puerto would have the
highest diversity not only because of occupation length but also because
of its accessability to St. Augustine. Although Fox Pond, tentatively
identified as San Francisco de Potano, was also an important mission it
was not established until circa 1606. It was also almost 70 miles (100
km) from St. Augustine. Diversity values for these two sites were 2.40
nats and 1.58 nats, accordingly.
Fig Springs and Baptizing Spring, while having similar total counts,
differ greatly in their diversities, 1.70 nats and 1.11 nats,

299
respectively. The distribution of ceramic types at Fifi Springs is more
uniform suggesting that Spanish contact was more continuous during its
occupation. If Baptizing Spring was the mission San Augustin de Urica
it may have been abandoned by the middle of the 1600s at the time when
Santa Catalina de Afuerica (Ajoica), probably the Fig Springs site,
first appears on mission lists. Judging from majolica types present at
the latter site, however, Santa Catalina was in existence before 1655.
It is probable that Santa Catalina would have more interaction with St.
Augustine since it was closer to that city and was one of the three main
missions in the Utina area which lasted through most of the mission
period. It was also situated near the cattle ranch of Ajoica and would
have probably been more important and larger.
It has been suggested that Baptizing Spring may have been a visita
rather than a permanent mission. Compared with the Richardson site, how
ever, which would have been occupied during the early 17th century also,
there seems to have been much more interaction with the Spaniards if
material culture can be taken as an indicator of this. Simply in terms
of the Spanish ceramics present at both sites, the Richardson site and the
Baptizing Spring site are not comparable.
The three Apalache missions Scott Miller, Pine Tuft, and San
Joseph de Ocuya were fairly close together, negating differences in
diversity caused by distance to trading routes. Material from Scott
Miller and Pine Tuft derives largely from Spanish mission contexts
whereas the material from San Joseph may derive from Indian structures.
Despite Jones (1973) contention that the semi-subterranean structure was
occupied by Spaniards, it seems highly unlikely that priests would live
in such a dwelling as a matter of choice unless it was used as a refuge

300
during times of war. In fact, it may not have been a residence at all.
The dramatic differences in diversity values for Scott Miller (1.61 nats)
and San Joseph de Ocuya (1.48 nats) versus Pine Tuft (0.62 nats) may be
atrributable to number of sherds and/or ability of the priests to secure
Spanish vessels. Other factors which cannot be accounted for are dif
ferential breakage rates and numbers of different priests who lived at a
single mission during the period of occupation. The very large number
of Puebla Polychrome sherds at Pine Tuft may reflect preference for that
type, continuous access to that type, or buying in bulk.
The concept of diversity is an extremely interesting one and can be
a useful index if there are more controls on the data and if all the in
fluencing factors can be accounted for.
Aboriginal Ceramics
The comparison of aboriginal ceramics between sites is perhaps more
affected by excavation areas than Spanish ceramics were. It was apparent
at Baptizing Spring that variety, number, and types of aboriginal ceramics
found in the Spanish area differed significantly from these variables in
the village. The discussion that follows will be very general for that
reason. Large degrees of similarity, or dissimilarity, however, may be
valid.
Assemblages of aboriginal ceramics aggregated by design mode are
presented in Table 26. The majority of decorated ceramics at most of
the sites are complicated stamped. The exceptions are the Richardson
site (0.18% complicated stamped), Fox Pond (40.63% complicated stamped),
and San Joseph de Ocuya (31.73% complicated stamped). Cob marked
ceramics make up over 80% of the decorated ceramics at Richardson and
comprise a substantial percentage of the assemblages at Fox Pond and

Table 26. Aboriginal Ceramics from Eight Florida Mission Period Sites: Aggregated by Design (% of
Total Decorated).
Site
CS*
Incised
Cob
Marked
Cord
Marked
Fabric
Impressed
Check
Stamped
Check c
Dot
Pinched
Rim
Punc
tated
Red
Filmed
Brushed &
Scraped
San Juan
del Puerto
79.28
0.46
5. 10
1.07
5.66
0.02
8.40
Zetrouer
62.57
27.03
0.10
9.31
0.10
0.89
Richardson
0. 18
0.18
84.06
2.14
7.02
6.31
0.06
0.06
Fox Pond
40.63
0.83
21.39
2.82
27.03
?
3.65
2.99
Fig Springs
60.44
1.83
4.95
0.27 '
19.60
1
1.34
19.78
Baptizing
Spring
76.53
2.08
0. 18
2.01
0. 14
8.21
1.41
0.39
2.11
0.53
6.41
Scott
Miller
68.99
9.79
0.14
4.41
12.00
4.69
San Joseph
de Ocuya
31.73
27.35
14.88
20.35
5.03
0.66
* Complicated Stamped is abbreviated "CS".
? Pinched rims were present but were not counted separately. See Symes and Stephens (1965) and Deagan
(1972).

302
Zetrouer. This is expected since these sites are located in the region
associated with the Alachua tradition, immediate ancestors of the his
toric Potano. In the Potano sites which experienced greater Spanish
influence, the proportion of complicated stamped ceramics is greater:
62.57% at Zetrouer and 40.63% at Fox Pond.
Incised ceramics are poorly represented at all sites except Scott
Miller where this mode constitutes 27.35% of the decorated ceramics.
Almost 10% of the ceramics at San Joseph are incised but the difference
between the two Apalache sites is substantial and may be due to sampling
error related to Spanish versus Indian midden excavations. Contrasted
with the Apalache sites, incised ceramics make up extremely small
proportions of the decorated ceramics at the other mission sites, ranging
from 2.08% at Baptizing Spring to 0.18% at Richardson.
Alachua-associated ceramic types are poorly represented at non-
Potano sites and Chattahoochee Brushed and scraped ceramics (Creek af
filiated?) are only substantially represented at the Utina sites. Fig
Springs has almost three times as much of this group as Baptizing' Spring.
Examining identifiable types divided into known or hypothetical cul
tural associations (Table 27), the Utina and Apalache sites and Fox Pond
are predominantly Leon-Jefferson in their decorated ceramic assemblages.
Fig Springs appears to have experienced the influence of more groups than
any other site. The Potano sites and Fig Springs have fairly large per
centages of St. Johns ceramics present whereas San Juan del Puerto and
Baptizing Spring have only minor amounts. The Apalache sites contain no
St. Johns types. San Juan del Puerto was primarily a Guale mission in a
formerly Timucuan region, probably during its later occupation (McMurray
1973:70, 79), so the abundance of San Marcos types at this site is not

Table 27. Cultures Represented by Identifiable Aboriginal Ceramics at the Eight Florida Mission
Period Sites (%).
Site
St. Johns
Weeden
Island
Alachua
San
Marcos
"Creek
Leon-
Jefferson
Fort
Walton
Total %
Baptizing Spring
(ca. 1600-1650)
6.44
1.32
2.45
6.86
82.93
100.00
Fig Springs
(ca. 1600-1685;
Deagan 1972)
24.59
5.96
1.32
10.43
57.04
0.66
100.00
Richardson
(ca. 1600-1650;
Milanich 1972)
14.02
0.11
85.16
0.72
100.01
Fox Pond
(ca. 1606-1700;
Symes & Stephens
1965)
27.03
2.82
25.70
44.44
99.99
Zetrouer
(ca. 1685-1706;
Seaberg 1955)
8.46
22.08
68.86
0.73
0.73
100.01
San Juan del Puerto
(ca.1587-17021
McMurray 1973)
5.24
0.06
5.48
86.86
2.37
100.01
Scott Miller
(ca. 1635-1702;
Smith 1951)
0. 14
99.86
100.00
San Joseph de Ocuya
(ca. 1635-1702;
Jones 1973)
0.31
0.93
95.04
3.72
100.00
303

surprising. San Marcos ceramics are also the. majority group at Zetrouer
and this may indicate a major portion of the population was Guale or that
much of the aboriginal ceramics were imported to the site, possibly along
with Guale laborers. Again, ceramic analysis could be used to test
whether or not ceramics assumed to originate in different regions could,
in fact, be locally produced.
The general picture is one of influence along a spatial continuum.
At extreme ends Apalache in the west and Eastern Timucua/Guale in the
east aboriginal assemblages are fairly "pure." In the center there
is a great deal of mixing at sites under Spanish influence. The Richard
son site, although centrally located with regard to the mission chain,
is fairly "pure" in that most of the identifiable ceramics are Alachua
tradition types. It is also an early site and, if a visita, did not
receive a great deal of continuous Spanish attention. It is possible
that at a later time, mission sites have more diverse artifact assem
blages because of population shifts. Baptizing Spring, however, is
relatively early and has a moderately diverse ceramic assemblage. If
assemblage composition is related to demographic changes, the
predominance of Leon-Jefferson ceramics at the Apalache sites suggests
that the westernmost missions did not undergo demographic change to the
extent that eastern and central missions did.
Mission period incised ceramics such as Aucilla and Ocmulgee Fields
Incised are only important components of the aboriginal ceramic assem
blage at the Apalache sites (Loucks 1978b). They are proportionately
more important in the probable aboriginal structure at San Joseph de
Ocuya than they are in the Spanish structures at Scott Miller.

305
In northern Columbia County, Siglar-Lavelle (personal communication,
1979) has found continuous development of ceramic traditions from Deptford
up through the protohistoric period. Ceramic types recovered from mound
sites range from fiber-tempered, through the irregular punctated types
of Weeden Island I (always a minority type) and other Weeden Island
ceramics, up to the scraped and cob marked types. Cord marked ceramics
are a minority type which increases through time. Although late com
plicated stamped ceramics were not common in Siglar-Lavelle's sample,
they did occur at at least one site (personal communication, 1979).
Traditionally conceived of Weeden Island ceramic types Keith
Incised, Thomas Simple Stamped, Carrabelle Punctated, Weeden Island
Incised, Weeden Island Plain are minority types at Baptizing Spring,
the adjacent sites, and Fig Springs. If the fabric impressed, cord
marked, and irregular punctated ceramics are associated with early
Weeden Island, then there does not appear to have been major occupation
of the Baptizing Spring area prior to the mission period (possibly late
prehistoric period), although occupation may have been sporadic on a con
tinuous basis. This may suggest that settlements in southern Suwannee
County were small and scattered prior to Spanish arrival. For this
reason, the investigation of the sites adjacent to Baptizing Spring is
important since it could shed some light on changes in settlement dis
tribution prior to mission activities. The temporal span of Weeden
Island occupation is also under investigation. Although it has been as
sumed that the Utina were the descendants of Weeden Island peoples, this
has not been demonstrated beyond a shadow of doubt. If Leon-Jefferson
type and other complicated stamped types were associated with the Utina,
then there still may be a considerable gap between the end of Weeden

306
Island and the beginning of "Utina." Another possible explanation is
that the Utina had their roots in central Georgia and immigrated to
Florida prior to Spanish arrival, bringing with them tho complicated
stamping tradition.
Non-ceramic Spanish Artifacts
Seaberg (1955) apparently encountered a number of questionable
Seminole/mission period contextual problems in her analysis of European,
non-ceramic artifacts from the Zetrouer site. Some items were obviously
Spanish but others may have been from later British or Seminole
activities, therefore the Zetrouer site will not be included in this dis
cussion. .
Glass beads, iron nails, and spikes were the most common Spanish
artifacts which occurred at all mission sites (Table 28). San Juan del
Puerto contained a variety of artifacts: coins, a coin weight, buttons,
religious and secular ornaments, cultivating tools, weapons, and weapon-
associated items such as musket balls and European gunflints (McMurray
1973:25, 34, 35, 38). The variety of weaponry present at Scott Miller
suggests that serious warfare was expected. The presence of an anvil
and chisel at this site may indicate that weapons were being reworked,
maintained, and/or manufactured at this site. It is extremely unfor
tunate that efforts to excavate Indian structures in the village have not
been made. Were Indians manufacturing these goods and using them only
under Spanish supervision or were they able to own and maintain their own
stocks? Did some Indians specialize in weapon and tool repair? The lat
ter possibility seems likely and if it were true, how might this oc
cupational status be reflected in social status and household refuse?

Table 28. Non-ceramic Spanish Artifacts Compared between Spanish
Mission Period Sites in Florida.
keys
Clothing
buttons
buckles
iron thimble
Ornament
glass beads
copper bead
lead bead
copper
rectangles
religious
medal
crucifix/
corpus
brass finger
ring
rosary frag,
metal scrap:
brass
copper
whelk shell
pendant &
dipper
Tools & Weapons
knives
ramrod tip
pistol/musket
parts
gunflints:
native
European
musketball,
shot
lance head
sword/dagger
frag.
x
x
Description
Baptizing
Spring
Fig
Springs
San Juan
del Puerto
Richardson
Fox
Pond
Scott
Miller
San Joseph
de Ocuva
Containers
goblet
X
medicine vial
X
Hardware
nails, spikes
X
X
X
X
X
X
X
hinges
X
locks, bolts
X
X
X
X
X
X
X
X
X
X
X
X
X
X
X
X
X
X
X
X
X
X
X
X
X
X
X
X
X
X
X
X
X
X
X
X
X
X
X
X
X
X

Table 28continued
Description
Baptizing
Spring
Fig
Springs
San Juan
del Puerto
Richardson
Fox
Pond
Scott
Miller
chisel
X
X
anvil
X
spur rowel
X
hoes
X
X
X
axe
X
Miscellaneous
coins x
coin weight x
tobacco pipes x
book clasp x
olive jar/
maj olica
gaming discs x x x
bone counters?
gaming pcs.
x
San Joseph
de Ocuya

309
Artifacts at Baptizing Spring and Richardson arc almost solely
ornamental items, although the variety at the former site is much greater
than that at the latter site. These items are present, and sometimes
common, at the other mission sites but there are also technological items
represented. All around, Baptizing Spring appears to have been a fairly
"poor cousin" to the rest of the missions.
Native gunflints were present at three of the sites and musketballs
or lead shot were found at five sites. The ramrod tip and sword and dag
ger parts recovered from Fox Pond, presumably from the village sector,
indicate that Indians had access to Spanish weapons or may have been
manufacturing them. It is possible, however, that these weapons occur
as the result of attack upon Indians. The glass goblet fragment, tobacco
pipes, coins, and coin weight from San Juan del Puerto suggest a level
of living above that of the other missions.
At least three of the sites yielded traditional, native prestige or
ornamental goods: whelk shell ornaments, fragments of whelk shell dip
pers, and rolled copper or lead (a Spanish-supplied substitute) beads.
These goods were also found in the burial pits excavated by Jones at
several other missions (see Chapter Four). Olive jar or majolica discs
were present at three sites, bone gambling pieces (?) only at Baptizing
Spring. If these artifacts were actually used in gambling, then their
presence appears to support the documentary implications that gambling
was never really controlled at the missions.
The artifacts from Scott Miller, San Juan del Puerto, and probably
Fig Springs, derived largely from Spanish contexts. The simple fact that
these goods were present says little about their availability to Indians.
It is also difficult to discuss impact on native lifestyles when it is

310
not known how common these goods were. One axe among fifty Indians
would be almost as useless as no axe at all. If we know, however, that
an axe was found in an Indian household in association with other
Spanish goods, and that other Indian households did not have axes and
liad lesser numbers of European goods, then hypotheses concerning dis
tribution and impact can be tested. It is this type of reasoning that
directed research at Baptizing Spring.. Unfortunately, perhaps, that
mission did not appear to share the same access to goods that other mis
sions enjoyed.
Considering presumed Indian contexts at Baptizing Spring, Richardson,
Fox Pond, and San Joseph de Ocuya, it seems apparent that Indians did
not own Spanish items other than medallions, ornaments, and possibly
nails and spikes, and that some Indians had access to weapons. Tools and
weapons may have been "on loan" from Spaniards or used only under Spanish
supervision. Employing documentary evidence, however, it does seem
probable that access to or ownership of tools and firearms was restricted.
More research of Indian assemblages is needed in order to examine the
possibilty that Indians did learn skills which set them apart from other
Indians and that these skills may have been of a particular nature (e.g.
arms repair). Judging from the inventories of the seven sites, it appears
that Spaniards monopolized European goods, allowing only a few to enter
into the Indian community. There is, as yet, no evidence that subsis
tence-related tools were provided for Indians' personal usage, Only in
the contexts of Baptizing Spring does it appear that priests themselves
did not have access to many Spanish goods.

ill
Food Rema1ns
Plant and animal remains from the sites were generally equivalent
to remains recovered from Baptizing Spring although some species were
added or deleted from the list. Domesticates were present at all sites
except Richardson and Fox Pond. Data reported for the latter site,
however, were not particularly extensive. The only domestic animals
represented at San Joseph de Ocuya were cow and pig (one tooth each)
as preservation was very poor (Jones 1973:45).
The faunal assemblage at San Juan del Puerto reflects good preser
vation as well as high variety. Oyster shell midden had been abundant
at one time but had been borrowed to make tabby for the nearby Kingsley
Plantation (Dr. Charles H. Fairbanks, personal communication, 1979).
Smaller, apparently individual household middens were located away from
the main midden (Spanish) and did contain Spanish artifacts. These mid
dens were not excavated, however (McMurray 1973:39). Almost 50% of
the protein diet consumed by priests at San Juan was composed of domes
tic sources: chicken, cow, pig, sheep, and dog (Cu