Front Cover
 Table of Contents
 Front Matter
 The need for an ideology
 Tanganyika's forgotten citizen...
 Women and uhuru
 Songea tanu youth league fights...
 Swahili - A national language
 Industrialization in independent...
 Quo Vadis - Tanganyika?
 Some proposals on education
 An imaginary country
 What are the dangers of not spending...
 Tanganyika's new era
 Shallot 1961 - Reflections...
 Notes on contributors

Title: Kivukoni darubini yenu
Full Citation
Permanent Link: http://ufdc.ufl.edu/UF00024161/00001
 Material Information
Title: Kivukoni darubini yenu focus on Uhuru
Physical Description: v. : ; 26 cm.
Language: English
Creator: Chuo cha Kivukoni
Publisher: Kiuukoni College
Place of Publication: <Dar es Salaam Tanganyika>
Publication Date: 1961
Genre: periodical   ( marcgt )
Dates or Sequential Designation: <No. 1 (1961)>.
General Note: Cover title.
 Record Information
Bibliographic ID: UF00024161
Volume ID: VID00001
Source Institution: University of Florida
Rights Management: All rights reserved by the source institution and holding location.
Resource Identifier: aleph - 001103155
oclc - 08605389
notis - AFJ9248
 Related Items
Succeeded by: Mwenge

Table of Contents
    Front Cover
        Front Cover
    Table of Contents
        Table of Contents
    Front Matter
        Front Matter
        Page 1
        Page 2
    The need for an ideology
        Page 3
        Page 4
        Page 5
        Page 6
        Page 7
    Tanganyika's forgotten citizens
        Page 8
        Page 9
        Page 10
    Women and uhuru
        Page 11
        Page 12
        Page 13
        Page 14
        Page 15-16
    Songea tanu youth league fights poverty
        Page 17
    Swahili - A national language
        Page 18
        Page 19
    Industrialization in independent Tanganyika
        Page 20
        Page 21
        Page 22
    Quo Vadis - Tanganyika?
        Page 23
        Page 24
    Some proposals on education
        Page 25
        Page 26
        Page 27
    An imaginary country
        Page 28
        Page 29
        Page 30
        Page 31
    What are the dangers of not spending enough on education
        Page 32
    Tanganyika's new era
        Page 33
        Page 34
        Page 35
    Shallot 1961 - Reflections on prejudice
        Page 36
        Page 37
    Notes on contributors
        Page 38
Full Text
.w .


' I




focus on UHURUr



Al I ~~~
-... w ,,^'^ *^^
, J^ ^s



Editorial ... .. 1

The need for an Ideology ... 3

Tangeayika's Forgotten Citizens .,_, 8

Poem ... ... 10

Women and Uhuiru. .. '. 11

Songea Tanu Yoiuth Longe-i' fIig.ihbs poverty. 17

Swahili a National Language ... i8

Industrialization in Independent Tanany1lka 20

Quo Vadis Tanganyika? ... 23

Some Proposals on Education .,. 25

An Imaginary Country. ... 28

What are the dangers of not spending enough
on Education. ... 32

Tanganyika's New Era .., 33

Discrimination ... 35

Poem ... ... 56

Notes on Contributors. ... 38-


Herman Lwekamwa
L.J. Kawala
David Lauwo
M. Kashindye
S.M. Assenga
D,R. Mlangwa


Mr. Colin Leys, N.A. -
G.L. Cunningham, M.A.
" E.A. Mayisela, B.Com.
VG, Mchomba
Mrs. Cunningham
Mr. J. Lowry, B.A.

- Editor
- Asst. Editor
- Sales Manager
- Advertisement Manager
- Reporter


Asst. Tutor









E D I T 0 oPT A'L

9th December, 1961 is our day in.Tanganyika.
It is a day for the end of an era and a beginning of
another. How analogous is this day to that when the
forces of Imperial Rome left Britain only to remain in
Gaul, Britain's neighbour, before going back to Rone.
The Romans left to Britain things that Britons would
have been unable to have before the coming of "their"
rulers. Inter alia, the Romans left their language,
Latin, the currency, Religion, roads, trade centres,
a system of administration and Laws. Britons
benefited from these institutions btc some of their
subsequent sufferings could be traced to the ties of
the Ronan presence in Britain.

Britons had not taken up arns against their
colonizers; the Ronan Empire was languishly unable to
hold its limbs together. Unlike our Uhuru, there was
no handing over celebration. Britons had not promised
to associate themselves with another super structure
which went by the nane of "The Holy Roman Empire".
This structure was yet unborn. Unknown to the out-
going masters, Britain was to come one of the greatest
colonizing Powers the world has ever seen after the
Roman Empire. Britons were to justifiably sing "Land
of Hope and Glory" and their Empire was truly one
where the sun never set. Their success, however, did
not .omn to theu before they felt the effect of Ro 's
pulling out of their country. They -a:ai into savagery
when opportunism set in and necessitated the need for
self protection.

Of all the Trusteeship territories Tanganyika
will receive her Uhuru from Britain in the most
dignified manner. We, Tanganyikans, intend to use
our Uhuru in the nost dignified fashion for our own
sake and that of others who are still under domination
in Africa.

In order to see our Uhuru in its proper shape
o.re ch..;uld i C-: o .. fa .. Likely .t. .-r-fluence
our subsequent politics in this country so that he can
understand our position intelligently and unbiased.
Any praise to us will no longer depend on "We remained
under Britain only for 40 odd years whereas Britain
had been under Romans for 400 odd years" nor on the


facts about the present good relations amongst
races or the near-miracle leadership of our Prime
Minister, Mheshimiwa, J.K. Nyerere. Less success
may be attained in our plans but our ability to
disentangle ourselves front the effects of British
domination should in itself be an appropriate yard
stick by which any colonial peoples should be judged.

Our hands are out-stretched to receive our
Uhuru plate, diservingly and we receive it with a
forgiving mind. What is on this Uhuru plate?
Among the contents in many ways similar to what the
Romans left in Britain, we are left with a civil
service of African and Asian subordinates. The
Local Government is just beginning to acquint
itself with the art of handling local affairs..
People were not represented in Councils until
late in fifties. The Chiefs feel betrayed by
Britain, they dealt directly with the Central
Government but at the time of leaving only a few
are able to read the writing on the wall. There
has been no Opposition existing in the true sense
until TANU organized one during the struggle for
Uhuru. There has been a separate system of education
for each of the three races, in which the African
suffered a handicap. The Trade Union movement is
young and have a lot yet to learn. Our income
per capital per annum is less than 20. Our Agriculture
is still dependent on unreliable rains. Illiteracy
is rife and in all fields the African is ill off.

Our hopes are high in spite of the above facts.
The foundations have been laid and we are determined
to build our house according to the shape we want it.
We are mindful, however, that Uhuru is the beginning
and not the end and that we are not living in an
isolated world where we need stand alone.



by C.T. Leys, M.A.

Tanganyika has got four en&enies, not three:
poverty, ignorance, disease, and empiricism.

Empiricism in public affairs-has its uses.
Consorvative-minded leaders, looking after the
affairs of a developed industrial country, whose
classes or communities have long since resolved
their more serious conflicts, find enpiricism a
very handy formula. Problems are solved by
'connon sense' as they crop up. But empiricism
in any other circumstances is a deadly danger.
It means that decisions are taken on purely short-
term grounds, without any clear perception of
their long-run implications. Policy is made hand-
to-mouth; and when there are no agreed views'about
the general principles of public policy, the proper
role of various organizations and institutions, or
the ideal ultimate shape of social and economic
relations, these piecemeal decisions are apt to
make two malcontents for every satisfied citizen.
The result is to create frustrated groups. Their
aspirations are blocked and they cannot see what
greater good their aspirations are being subordinates
to. As a result, these groups tend to express
their discontent in extreme language; and the
government reacts by becoming much nore authorit-
arian than it previously wished of. And so it
goes on: one empirical, ready-nade,'connon-sense'
decision after another, taken to deal with
situations which are seldom foreseen, and carrying
consequences which are equally full of surprises;
until all too often a once-popular government finds
itself grown authoritati.an but to no particular
purpose; presiding over a stagnant economy, no
longer even expecting any enthusiasm among the
people, or having any power to mould the future.

Le us adnit at once that no .such fate could
possibly be forecast for Tanganyika. On the other
hand, it can happen to any country. Like other
newly independent countries, Tanganyika has few
positive national traditions to unite its people
(as opposed to a strong common anti-colonialism and of
an absence of ancient tribal hostilities).


She has marginal rainfall, few minerals, growing
population, and lags seriously behind better-
endowed neighbour states in industry and
communications. Avoiding failure is going to be
extremely hard, let alone scoring a dramatic

In this situation the country cannot afford
empiricism: it cannot do without an ideology.
Every step forward can never be guaranteed correct
in advance, but &t least its correctness can be
calculated, and that involves having an overall
picture of society as it is and as it should be,
so that the correctness or otherwise of each step
can be measured against it.

Let me make clear what I nean by an 'ideology'
here. I do not mean a flood of rhetoric or a
mere string of new slogans. I mean an analysis
of the total social, economic and political
situation that exists now, and some attempt to
classify and sumnarise it in a way which exposes
its determining features some attempt to provide
a theory of it. Also, an ideology involves an
attempt to imagine, and describe, the society one
really would like to create in place of the present
one how it should be ruled, how wealth should t
shared, how leisure should be spent, learning
carried on, etc. etc. Finally, it implies trying
to prescribe the means to achieve this end -
detailed means, fully thought through zo the end
of the struggle.

No ideology has ever been unanimously accepted;
probably none has fulfilled the precise hopes of
its adherents. But it is striking how many successful
revolutions, front the English to the Russian, have
been carried through by leaders and supporters who
shared a fully developed ideology and were able to
build sone kind of successful new society as a result.
And it is also striking how nany revolutions which
lacked such an ideology have ended in disillusion
and reaction.

The present leadership of Tanganyika are
extre-Umly capable and extremely practical men. At
the same tine, they lack an ideology in this sense.
Some leaders have spoken about Pan-African Socialism
while at the sane time adopting the Adu Report which,
excellent though it is, expresses pure laisser-faire
reasoning in its recommendations on pay scales.

The same anbiguity lies behind the public quarrel
between the TAIT and the Trade Union leaders.
This quarrel strikes ne as largely unnecessary.
Underlying some TANU leaders' statements on this
subject is a half-formulated totalitarian
conception totalitarian in the sense of a single
party comprising all other significant types of
organisation, and assuming responsibility for
the total existence of the citizen including
his economic status. Underlying the Trade Union
leaders' view, on the other hand, is the idea of
a nature, mixed economy, with a variety of types
of independent organisation enjoying all the
freedoms which have been achieved after a century
of struggle in the West.

The responsibility here is surely the Government's
It has undoubted power to state and to implement
its view of the proper place of the unions. It
could prohibit all strikes in certain key industries;
regulate union organisation to ensure the responsib-
ility of union leadership to the rank and file;
insist on strike ballots; lay down compulsory
arbitration procedure; minimum delays; and provide
for the government's right to settle strikes by award
after some fixed period if employers and unions
failed to settle it themselves. This would preserve
the fundamental right of the worker to withdraw
his labour, while safeguarding the legitimate.
interests of the state. And it is hard to believe
that the union leaders would resist such a move -
provided its relevance to some general agreed
social aims was fully demonstrated. But it is
this general agreed conception of social ains that
is lacking.

The need for this agreement for a shared ideology-
is evident at all levels. The national leadership
need it in order to achieve a purposeful and not
a spurious unity; and to help then maintain a sense
of direction and integrity in the long lean years
of the future.

Their rank and file party workers, local
governments activists, trade union organizers, etc. -
need it to sustain their hope and confidence, and
to guide and make sense of their local efforts.

( 6 )

An ideology is needed as the basis of a Plan,
Not a departmental spending-programme like the
present "development plan", with little popular
appeal.. The Plan that is needed nust be a Charter
built up front numberless local meetings, incorporating
the most ambitious progrannes of every village;
specifying the man-hours required by each project,
prescribing 'norns' or targets; providing inter-
pretations of the various stages of growth through
which each district and region will be able to pass
by this means and assigning target dates to then;
allocating responsibilities to every organisation
connected in whatever way (TAtNU, Co-ops, Community
Development Committees, Local Councils, etc. etc.)
Of course such plans never get all or even many
of their grandiose sums right. That is not the
point. The point is to mobilise for investment
on a vast scale, the human resources which alone
can make a real breakthrough from poverty.

Finally an ideology is necessary for any
constructive long-run thinking on practical matters
(such as the position of trade unions) to be able
to take place. Without this kind of thinking,
based on an ideology, the national leadership is
liable to find that it is not really moulding the
future but is. increasingly at the mercy of social
and economic forces.

Where is such an ideology to come front?
One of the weaknesses which Tangayika inherits
front British rule is that its leaders have never
been exposed to serious theoretical, let alone
ideological interest in public affairs. They are
victims of the British empiricial tradition in
social studies. They suffer a severe handicap by
comparison with the leaders of French speaking
Africa, trained in Paris, where theoretical
interest in social affairs has always been intense.
There can be only one answer to this handicap -
to create the necessary theoretical apparatus
here in Tanganyika by intelligent organisation.

What is needed is some kind of official
Political and Economic Study Centre, financed by
Government. As Director (a political appointment)
there should be a dynamic personality, on close
terms with top Government leaders and primarily
concerned with his responsibilities to then.
Under him, as Assistant Director, there would be
a permanent appointee (perhaps on contract), who


should be a highly skilled and versatile politico-
economic analyst, preferably with long experience
of developing areas. He would control a small
research staff; some, highly trained analysts
like himself; others, concentrating on problems
of communication.

The lynch-pin of the Centre should be a
'permanent seminar' prepared by the Director and
Assistant Director for the top national leadership.
This should be a top-priority commitment for the
leaders. It would be a sustained exercise in
applied social theory. An indefinitely long series
of basic questions would be posed, in a coherent
order, by the Centre's staff, supplemented by
prepared comparative material, explanatory short
lectures, guided discussions, annotated extracts
from relevant theoretical writing, etc. The
object would be simple, to challenge the leadership
to crystallise, criticise, synthesise and develop
their latent ideological beliefs, until a coherent
and realistic system began to take shape.

From this crucial process everything else
would emanate draft policy formulations,
preliminary research projects for Policy reviews,
slogan design, plan revisions; and at lower levels,
related programmes of training and discussion for
leaders in regions and district.

*** *****

The trouble with such ideas is that they tend
to seem either ridiculous or impractable. It may
be ridiculous. My own view is that a large- number
of countries which share Tanganyika's problems
could benefit immensely from an institution of this
kind. As for being impracticable, that is in the
end a question of willingness to innovate; and
if there is one benefit of Uhuru it surely lies
in the freedom to do something new.



By Noel B. Mponera

The velocity with which political wind of
change has blown in Africa raises the fundamental
question of the African indigenous political
capabilities for getting nearer or attaining
their full independence. This speeding up of
granting the African territories self-government
always meets a wall of criticism by the white
settlers, particularly in East, Central and Southern
Africa. The political argument here is that Africans
are far too backward culturally and insufficiently
experienced politically to shoulder the responsib-
ilities of self-government at least as conceived by
the Westerners.

Many African political leaders have fought
hard for generosity, integrity and human rights
of the African in his own land. Many of these
leaders have been jailed, tortured and exiled
from their own lands. Some of them have escaped
from such torments as refugees to other countries
to seek political asylum. Although such is the
case, many territories, especially during the 20th
century, have been liberated from the hands of the
Imperialists, the exploiters of Africa. One of
these countries is Tanganyika which will celebrate
her Uhuru Day on the 9th December, 1961. Thank
God we have reached the goal, people say.

There are,however, a number of Tanganyikans
who are not liberated yet. They are still under
the heaviest imperialism, if not slavery, behind
bars in America, Britain and elsewhere in overseas
countries. One would now ask, who are these
Tanganyikans? Did they go overseas as political
refugees or to seek political asylum or did they
go for University studies? The answer is that
they are poor wild giraffes, elephants, monkeys
baboons, etc., which were enslaved by zoologists
in exchange for money by the colonialists who have
now handed over responsibility to the owners of
independent Tanganyika. Who therefore will liberate
these Tanganyikans to come back and celebrate their
Uhuru in Serengeti National Park? And how?


The poor giraffe is a dunb creature and waits
for a very kind gentleman to liberate it front the
Imperialist captivities which he is very tired of,
in a strange country with an unfamiliar climate.
Certainly, the life in a zoo is very miserable
for one whose country is independent to avoid
renonstration of any kind. Suppose these
Tanganyikans now in various zoos overseas rebelled
against their masters, what would happen to then?
Alas! nothing, but to enjoy bullets and die off
in desperation. Should we, having the ability to
say, also demand Uhuru and humane liberation now
for our folks or let them suffer the same tortures
under imperialism which we have already experienced?
If they were given power to speak an understandable
language, they would select one of then to organise
a Uhuru protest to the zoologists for not letting
then celebrate Uhuru on 9th of December, 1961.
But is that all their need to celebrate Uhuru under
under the chains of imperialism or behind the un-
penetrated wires? The answer is no sir, they want
to be freed and taken back to Tanganyika and be
as free as any other Tanganyikans.

But can these poor animals afford all this?
Good lord, they will thank any kind politician
who shall sacrifice his life to get then Uhuru
soon or later. This cry therefore falls into the
hands of the M.N.As. of the Northern Province
Constituency from where' most of the Tanganyika's
forgotten citizons'were exported. Kind lady and
gentlemen representing this constituency, please
argue with the government that some of your
constituents'are not yet free and have been
absolutely forgotten in the Citizenship Bill, so
that the- government should take diplimatic
negotiations with the 'overseas zoologists to -
grant Uhuru to the Tanganyikans now still behind
the iron'bars and heavy wire fences. Uhuru for
man in Tnn; an 'ika and Uhuru for giraffes, elephants,
monkeys, and baboons in overseas zoos,

( 10 )


1. Though sees at night,
Love has no sight;
But she has night,
To fly as a kite.

2. Love has nenories,
With nany worries;
She converts Mary,
To follow Tony.

3. Tony is in difficulty,
Love knows no beauty;
It makes Tony a king,
And Mary a happy queen.

4. As bees follow honey,
So does love to noney;
Oh! Love is narvellous,
Indeed, it's dangerous.

By: S.K. Msuya.

( 11 )


By Patsy Cunningham.

In almost every country under the sun, the
status of women is, and has been for centuries,
inferior to that of men. In some countries, this
inferiority is blatant and exaggerated; in others
it is subtle and disguised, but almost everywhere*
it is detectable to a greater or a lesser degree.

One might suppose, from the overwhelming .
prevalence of this condition, that some universal
law of nature is at work. Indeed, many people,
women included, believe that such a natural law
exists. They support their conviction by pointing
to the comparative muscular weakness of women,
the biological differentiation which suits them
to child-bearing, and the record of women in history:
what woman, they ask, was ever a great statesman
or politician, artist or scholar, scientist or

I should like to suggest that the present
position of women has its roots, not in any natural
law, but in the early history of the human race.
I intend to trace that history and to examine, as
briefly as possible, the content and effects of the
myth of the "Eternal Feminine," the foundation of
the theory of feminine inferiority, and, by this
devious route, to arrive at length at the main
concern of this article, as set forth in its title.

There was a time in the childhood of mankind,
when Woman was thought to be divine. The first
religion centred round a great Mother Goddess,
who "presided over all acts of generation what-
soever." She was incarnate in Woman, who produced
life miraculously from her own flesh. Woman's
magic changed the moon in its phase, turned the
year through its seasons, made the forest animals
multiply and the trees beer fruit. But when Man
discovered that the female without a mate could not
reproduce, his prestige rose and Woman descended
from the divine to the merely human .

( 12 )

The hardships of primitive life made a division
of labour imperative. Man, because he was stronger
and swifter, hunted and fished, built shelters and
fought enemies. Woman stayed close to home, bearing
and tending children and farming.

*The exceptions are, to my mind, not England
and the U.S.A., despite the degree of nominal
equality of the sexes there, but Russia & China
+Cf. Robert Graves: THE WHITE GODDESS; Faber
and Faber, 1948.

With the advance of civilization, Man began
to form communities which tended increasingly to
free him from his primeval tasks. The tribe took
over some of his responsibilities in the family;
intermittent warfare replaced perpetual individual
fighting; trade supplanted self-sufficiency.
Having consolidated their duties and vested many
of them in special institutions such as the market,
the government and the army, men were freed to turn
to pursuits other than hunting and fighting. These
other activities were particularly suited to the
aptitudes of the human race, involving, as they did,
the use of a highly-developed brain and hand. There
was no corresponding release of the woman, however.
Instead, her duties increased, not only in number,
but in the degree to which they confined her to her
home. To men, therefore, fell the lot of realizing
the full potential of his species, while women were
more and more confined to the realization of the
purely biological functions and to the endless cycle
of labour involved in maintaining life and confort.
By the dawn of recorded history, the division
between the sexes was already conspicuous ahd

In the light of this analysis, it can be seen
that the arguments of the "male supremacists," as
outlined in my opening remarks, are as ignorant
and fallacious as those used by "white supremacists"
to support the theory of the inferiority of Negro
intelligence. In an age when survival depended on
main strength and nobility, the lesser strength and
impaired mobility, in pregnancy, of the woman could
cmstrued as a kind of inferiority. But nowdays,
when survival depends less on the ability to fight
or run, more on intelligence and resourcefulness,

( 13 )

the claim is harder to substantiate. Furthermore,
the use of the historical record of woman to this
end is faulty logic, for it was the practice of
training women for their subordinate role in
society and of confining them willy-nilly, by both
social and economic pressures, to the fireside,
that prevented women from distinguishing then-
selves in the arts and sciences, and not any lack
of natural talent or inclination. An'_To call the
obvious examples of woman v;w.ose independent spirits
were not bent to the law of society Sappho,
Elizabeth I, Marie Curie, Gernaine de Sta!l,
Sinone de Beauvoir to call these woman "masculine"
women is simply an exercise in circular reasoning.

Similarly, the whole preposterous construction
which goes by the name of the "Eternal Feminine"
is a case of mistaking the effect for the cause.
This concept postulates a separate psychology
peculiar to woman, entirely distinct from that of
men and largely inscrutable to men. According to
this theory, girls are born with a dominating
instinctual urge toward motherhood, a yearning
to submit, and a host of subsidiary attributes
which reads, to the unprejudiced eye, like a list
of all the frailties of human nature: vanity,
disloyalty, amorality, illogicality, capriciousness,
frivolity, and the rest. One needs only to observe
the upbringing of a girl, from infancy through
adolescence, to realize that none of these attributes,
even'the urge toward motherhood (which is simply
the sexual urge, which no one would dream of
calling the "urge toward fatherhood" in the male!) -
none of these attributes is natural or instictual;
they are all carefully and systematically induced,
with the full conivance of the mother'who may
know which side her bread is buttered on, but who
apparently does not realize that there is jam to
be had. The boy is given carpenter's tools and
chemistry sets, taught how to repair electrical
fixtures and combusion engines; the girl is given
dolls and taught how to cook and sew. From her
earliest days, the girl is brought up with the
tragic conviction that she is only half a human being.

The tragedy lies in the predicament of the
intblligentwoaan iS: WOeata society who feOels,
within h6rs61f the stirring of tthohalves of: nature


the psychological desires, which men share with
her, for lovo, approval and security, the sexual
urge, and the Cociro to use the whole of her body's
potential, AND the other half, the impulse to use
her brain and hands creatively and to be involved
in meaningful work. But she must nake a choice
between then. So long as she plays the submissive
role, agrees to dull her intelligence by day-in,
day-out existence in the child-world of her children,
and accepts the burden of the meaningless toil of
housekeeping, so long as she plays up to nan's
image of perfect femininity by painting her face,
corseting her figure, perfuming her skin and
pretending to be reasonably stupid, so long as
she does these things, she may hope for affection
and security. But let her assert her intelligence,
fulfill her creative drives, compete with men in
fields they call their own then she is alone.
Although men are permitted to achieve the fulfil-
ment of all their human needs and potentialities by
having both a family and meaningful work, women
must chose one or the other. It is a rare woman
who can get away with grasping both, a rare man
who will tolerate intelligence and independence
in his wife.

Now that I have mentioned the.world "independence,"
it is time to consider what Uhuru should mean to
the woman of Tanganyika.

First of all, I have been discussing the
predicament of women in Western societies. It
is obvious that the problem is less subtle in
Tanganyika. The cessation of colonial rule will
make little practical difference to the lives of
most Tanganyikan women. Their lives have been
dominated, not by the Wazungu, whom they may
scarcely have seen, much less taken orders front,
but by their own countrymen, their own husbands.
One need have no fear that Tanganyikan nomcn will
be denied the vote or any other basic political or
legal right.. Vhat is a cause for concern is the
prospect that, because of the deeply-rooted tradition
of feminine inferiority and servitude, women will
be left .behind while their husbands, sons and
:brothers are educated .for modern living in the new
Tanganyika.. I"ibpe I have made it clear that such
a state df affairs.is. not .-defensible.in the Twentieth
C. tirn Ad'i shidoutd'io -"E naess ry-ti pit


( 17 )

By John I. Millinga.

A group of enthusiastic T.Y.L. members of
Peramiho (Songea) have attempted to form an
integrated commun:.al farm. Members of this group
left their homes to start a farm in a forest 11
miles away.

The scheme is now known as the TANU YOUTH
through many troubles since its beginning. They
started without finance or equipment and only the
few shillings each member had, and small items of
assistance in the way of gifts of food from local
friends. They started clearing the bush late in
the season. All cultivation was done with hand
tools only. They managed to clear and prepare a
small area and plant crops when the rains came in
December. Later wild animals such as lions turned
up which compelled them to leave the place. They
later returned after the lions had left and are
making a second attempt, this time having recruited
a man with a gun.

After the initial difficulties the group who
are there now seem a keen lot. Thace are 18 members
at present. There are a number of crops which the
group is planning to grow. These include: fire
cured tobacco, maize, simsim (an oil producing seed),
beans, malezi (a small grain used for making liquor),
potatoes, onions, pumpkins, and other vegetables,.
There are established markets for these crops in
the District.

The group is thinking in terms of cultivating
fairly large acre a ges as the first step, particularly
as reasonable crops seem obtainable on virgin soil
without the use of fertilizers. In order to achieve
this the group is planning to introduce oxen and
an ox-plough. In order to increase production the
group is seeking money to install some sort of
irrigation plant and equipment to grow crops such
as onions and potatoes during the dry seasons.

Markets for beef cattle are assured in Songea
District and the co-operabs1a are keen to start
cattle ranching and have started to clear the bush
on the lands above the valley.

( 18 )

Very littlee money appears to bo evai- nble for
development. A loan has been 6iven by the District
Co-uc:il out of I'inds suppl-ed by the Central
Government amountiiGs -o hs.2,000/-. If the members
take an area of say 4,000 acres, this represents an
investment of 50 cents per acre which is a very
snall amount.


By S.K. Msuya.

Since independence has come, we have to start
our particular journey which will liberate this
country socially and economically. The social and
economic liberation cannot come easily unless we,
true patriots of Tanganyika:, build a concrete nation.
My advocacy of a concrete nation, will be clearer
if I deal with a single theme, i.e. a national

If the words "nation, national, nationalism,
nationality" are to be meaningful, we ought to
adhere to our National Language which would be a
solid memento of this historical epoch. "WThat is
our National Language?" That might be a question
asked by Matonya, Singh, Smith and Shariff while
chatting or playing cards in a certain travellers'
inn. Obviously, a real patriot who believes in true
patriotism and fraternity for this country will never
answer, "it is Chigogo, or Gujerati, or Arabic, or
English", but he will answer, "it is the language
used to, campaign for'Uhuru' all over Tanganyika."

With more than one hundred and twenty tribes
subdivided into about two hundred vernaculars, i,
would have not been easy to communicate or preach
the "Uhuru-gospel". Indeed, our nationalists
managed to spread the "gospel" because Swahili is
the iXia common in Tgaganyika and East Africa.
It is, therefore, apparently clear that eloquence
or oratory is impossible unless one has mastered
this language.

( 19 )

Swahili is unique in East Africa, and it is
also entering Ruanda-Urundi, Congo, Nyasaland, and
other countries, it is worth our while to use it
and make it official now. In this connection, I
wish the Citizenship Bill haf! nuntioned it.

Swahili, like English, is an amalgam of many
words from various languages; among them are:
Arabic, Portuguese, German, English, Indian and
Chinese. Bantu is the foundation, and standard
Swahili is'full of words derived from the tribes
of Tanganyika and Central Africa. A -few examples
Nill drive the point home: mtu (mntu), kuku (nkuku),
nbuzi (mbuji), maji (mazi), maima (mgima), mke
(mche), mwili (mwiri), and vitano (visano, vishano,
vifyano). The words in the brackets were collected
from different tribes of Tanganyika. Sophisticated
Swahili or Swahili Literature.is rich in Arabic words.
Nevertheless, unlike English, Swahili is easy
to learn. In practice, after four-months of study,
one speaks it quite well', and after four years of
study one can speak and write it correctly.* English
is different. People learn it .from their childhood
and go on studying.till they are in their fifties
yet speaking it fluently and writing it correctly
is a .problem.. English should remain as a second
language and not an official or national one. Even
then, in so far as certain professions and trades
are concerned, 'it may go hand in hand with Swahili.

:It is interesting to note,, however that, except
in a very few areas, Swo.aili is th first language in
primary'and middle schools; l 3 appears in the
Cambrige SchooT Certificate, Higher School Certificate
and.Civil Service High Swahili examinations it is
studied in Universties in conjunction with graduate
courses. This is true of I::'.' rere, and universities
in England and America.
I therefore advocate that Swahili be used in the
Natiaal' Assembly so. .that every member has the
opportunity of expressing himself fully; that
Swahili Scholars, be encouraged to write a Swahili
Literature.. I believe there are people in Tanganyika,
Zanzibar and Kenya who, if approached, would do a lot
in stimulating this language, In Tanganyika, for
instance, we have: Messrs, Shaaban Robert, Sheikh
K. Amri Abdid, Salum Mohammed Kombo, Mahmoud Handuny
(Jitu Kali), Mathias Manyampala, and other leading

C 20 )

sophisticated Swahili personalities of the age.
In order to enable those who do not know English
to avail themselves of the golden treasure from
books in different fields, many important books
(on Politics, Economics, Sociology, Law, etc) should
be translated into Swahili.

There may arise many questions as to how jargon
may be translated into Swahili. In view of the
excellent work done by the East African Interterritorial
Swahili Language Committee and the East African Literature
Bureau, I believe it is possible to do so. It is not
unusual that certain words or special terms are left
as they are or else new special terms are introduced;
this is one method of enriching our language. Besides,
political jargon is now common in Swahili translations.
The following are a few of them: Politics (Siasa,
Utetezi), Politician (Mwana Siasa, Mtetezi), Member
(Mwanachama, mjumbe), Representative (njumbe mtetezi),
Ministry (Wizara) Minister (Waziri), Patriot (Mzalendo),
Economics (Uchumi5. In spite of spellings, other words
are taken as they are for example: mechanic (makanika),
quinine (kwinini), hotel hotelli, and so forth.

Above all, while studying foreign languages
(English, French, Russian, German, Arabic, Gujarati,
Urdu, etc), we ought to grasp this point that Swahili
is our national language. Let us build the nation!
Let us build the language! The natural beauty of this
country will be decorated more splendidly than ever
before, if books on Economics (Uchuni), Sociology
(Utamaduni), Politics (Siasa/Ubarakala), Law (Sheria),
etc., appear in Swahili with the object that many people
could acquire "the know-how" which is the major problem
baseting our independence.



By Narcisse Mugyabuso.

The long cherished nationhood of Tanganyika is
born. We are extremely happy and proud of this grand
victory. Nevertheless it is a challenge to us. Let
us be worthy of our new status.

( 21 )

We have entered a new phase of struggle more
strenuous than the last one Indeed no weapons,
no strategic skills should be spared in waging this
war for, ECONOMIC INDEPENDENCE. It is an unwelcome
fact that our nation ranks in the world among the
underdeveloped countries.

Among the factors that constitute the economic
independence of a country, industralisation is of
the greatest importance. Urbanisation of industries
is a normal phenomenon Tanganyika is no exception
in this respect. But, I feel, the agricultural
economy of our country necessitates a diversion in
setting up industries.
Industrialization, first, is scarcely
distinguishable from improved agriculture. The '
term, in its broadest sense, includes the building
of high-ways, access roads and railways to help in
the marketing of farm products; it would include the
development of electrical or other sources of power
for rural industries; in very many cases, it would.
mean the development of agricultural processing
plants to prevent spoilage or to permit more
diversified farming.
In Tanganyika where low incomes are associated
with surplus population on the cultivated land in
some districts, for instance, Bukoba and Uchagga,
a very potent reason exists for investing in industries
which can successfully operate in rural areas. Human
resources are utilized where they naturally occur in
order to curtail social disruption and capital costs
which might be entailed by the movement of population
into cities.
Since the majority of Tanganyikans are peasants
with very low incomes, many industries areprecluded
by the limited size of the domestic market. Mass-
production cannot be introduced to achieve low unit
costs and thus offer competition to imported goods.
For the above reasons, therefore, I am of the opinion
that higher agricultural productivity is a prime
requisite for the industrialization of Tanganyika.
The indigenous farmer will not be a better buyer
until he is a better producer.
Besides the first emphasis being put on direct
measures to improve agricultural techniques in our
preponderantly Agricultural country, I advocate the
orientation of a large share of early investment in

( 22)

industryy toward processes intimately associated-
with agriculture. First, this is necessary because
of the sheer magnitude of agriculture in the gross
national output. Secondly, the scarcity of Capital,
skilled labour:and trained management makes preferable
those uses of resources belonging to a stage of
productici close to the great producer the land.
Among th.:x measures, the provision of transportation
and marketing facilities is very important. Third,
where there are too many people on the plantations
or farmholdings, industry should generally move
close to the man-power. Thus the heavy costs of
urbanisation can be postponed until incomes have
risen.. Finally, industries based on farm production
:and farm population afford a direct means of increasing
mass purchasing power, expanding the domestic market
and laying the base for thriving domestic manufactures
of various sorts.,

True, large-scale urban industry is an
indispensable complement to the small scale dispersed
production of the villages and farms. But there is
a significant contrast in emphasis as between step-by
step improvement in many localities at once and the
concentration of investment in a few large undertakings.

The other phase of industrialization which
should be accorded high investment priority at much
the same time as peasant industry is the processing of
agricultural produce. Processing in a broad sense
includes not only simple operations such as the
milling of rice and wheat, ginning of cotton, hulling
of coffee, grinding of sugar and molasses production
for domestic or export markets, but also grading,
standardizing, packaging and storing. In this respect
refrigeration facilities for food in transit should
be provided. The effect of this on the market values
for primary producers of perishable goods requires no
An increasing emphasis appears in development
programs on industries using,the raw materials of
domestic agriculture; for I regard these as foremost
among the industries which should at once be expanded
or implemented in the economy of Tanganyika. I include
the processing of cereals, vegetables and fruits; the
preparation of edible oils from various seeds and nuts,
S the production of sugar and sugar by-products such as
alcohol, and the fabrication of articles made from
fibre, such as cotton and sisal.

( 23 )


By Peter Swartz.

On the 9th December Tanganyika becomes an
independent nation. All eyes of the world will
then be focused on the new nation. The East-West
tug-o-war then moves in, as leaders of the East-
West try to influence Tanganyika's leaders in the
choice of economic and political policies.

When the 80-year-old imperialist yoke is
discarded on this day,all freedom loving people of
the world will rejoice with Tanganyika. But
Uhuru will bring about a chain of reaction in its
T.ake. The impact will mostly be felt around her
borders and in the extreme Southern States.

Uhuru will bring new hope to the still
oppressed millions of Africa and spurn them on
to greater efforts. As the Uhuru news is carried
from tribesman to tribesman over Africa's sprawling,
artificial borders, people will go mad with joy or
they may even go mad with envy.

Countries still under colonial rule in the
South will now look up to Tanganyika as the "Big
Brother".(Having been badly let down by the Congo
disaster). They will now expect help and leadership
in their struggles for freedom and justice. This
will add greatly to Tanganyika's already heavy

In South Africa, the forthcoming events will
be keenly followed. The two governments have
similar racial societies but follow diametrically
apposed policies. TANU, the ruling party in
Tanganyika, has always followed a path-based on
racial tolerance and justice for all.

Since it came to power it has not once swerved
from its declared policies and it has done its best
to legislate against all the existing racial
inequalities. The party leadership have forged ahead
bravely, irrespective of heavy opposition from its
rank and file membership.

The South African government on the other hana
continues with their racialist policy of apartheid.

( 24 )

They have continued in this way, irrespective of
world pressures and militant resistance of the
oppressed people.
The white supremacists claim that they pursue
their policy of Apartheid because Africans are still
uncivilised and will not be able to adjust themselves
to civilised Western society. If, so goes the claim,
Africans once given the ballot, they will not be able
to use it intelligently in a multi-racial society and
thus will bring about the collapse of civilisation.

Therefore, on the 9th of December the South
African racialists will pray fervently for a speedy
end to Tanganyika's racial experiment. If TANU's
policy misfires it will be used by the White racialistE
as propaganda to prove the logic of their case; that
it is impossible to build a just society in a multi-
racial country in Africa.

If the Tanganyika experiment succeeds it will
be an indictment against S.A. once they have totally
lost economic and political support internationally,
racialism and apartheid will be crushed by the oppressed
The mere coming of Uhuru in Tanganyika will
inject new self-respect and pride amongst the Africans
in South Africa. The knowledge that there is a
Prime Minister, with a black face so near to their
border, will make them mad with joy. They will now
look to Tanganyika with longing and hope.
Tanganyika has immense problems of her own
to face. How much support she will be able to extend
to other nationalists in Africa, will depend on how
she can overcome her burdens at home.

The most pressing of these problems is poverty.
TANU's base of support comes from the peasants, who
form about 80% of population. It is these people's
living standard which is dangerously low. The
problem of raising their living standard seems the
biggest challenge.

Another danger which looms very large in Africa
to-day is tribalism. Tanganyika seems to be free from
this menape..at present, but there are still institutions
in this c6untry:with.,deep-rooted tribal loyalty. If
tribalism should raise its ugly head it should be dealt
with through education, love and patience.


To try and force people into a nation can
only lead to distrust and hatred. This was clearly
shown in the Congo, when Patrice Lumumba, late
Premier of the Congo, impregnated.with a burning
nationalism, tried to forge his people into a nation.
He was too impatient with other suspicious tribal
leaders like Tshombe, Kasavubu and Kalondji. His
impatience helped to alloy their fears and made
them easy targets for neo-colonialist ambitions,
This devided the country at its darkest hour, when
it needed unity most.
When Tanganyika gets her independence on the
9th December, may she have plain sailing, but let
her leaders also remember that the power behind them
are the ordinary people who have nothing to give
and nothing to loose: except their lives.

By Griffiths Cunningham, M.A.

The economic and social progress that
Tanganyika will make after achieving its independence
will depend, to a large extent, on the vigour of the
Government's educational policies.
Education must be conceived of on two distinct
levels :-
(1) formal government or mission sponsored
education, and

(2) adult education.

Neither of these should take precedence over
the other. There should be a vigorous and enterprising
adult education programme, the aims of which would be
to eliminate illiteracy in Tanganyika by 1964 and then
to take advantage of this new skill to extend the
learning and experience of the adult population into
the fields of knowledge most important in Tanganyika

( 26 )

such as politics, agriculture, African history,
African culture, and practical development
economics. Particular attention should be given
to traditional African Cultural forms, and emphasis
should be placed on building up an admiration of
and appreciation for native tribal custom and folklore.

The administration of this programme, as at
present, should be in the hands of Community
Development Officers, there needs only a rapid
recruitment of some of these officers to fill in
the numerous gaps throughout the country.
The cost to the country of such a programme
would be negligable. The enthusiasm of the people
is guaranteed, and it is this asset which would
ensure the success of such a programme. Classes
can be under a tree, or in community centres
constructed by the pupils themselves. Equipment
is a small expense and there are few recurring costs
as pupils hear the cost of paying the teacher a
small fee and buy their own books. The tangible
and intangible returns to the country would be
manifold. The most important would be in the rapid
development of Tanganyika's human resources the
creation in a short period of time of a population
of literate people with a fair degree of knowledge
about the problems of the country and the possible
means of solution.

Institutions similar to Kivukoni College could
provide a fitting climax for exceptional students
who have passed through various stages in the adult
Education programme.

There is an obvious need for more of these
colleges and it is not too much to hope that each
Province will some day have a Kivukoni. As in Ghana
these colleges could rely very heavily on local
enthusiasm to help construct the buildings, supply
land, perhaps food, and meet part of the recurring
costs through local donations.

If the Africanization of the civil service
is to succeed, and if Africans are to play an
increasingly important role in the commercial,
agricultural, and industrial life of this country,
then Africans now well past school age will be
needed to occupy stategic positions in these
economic activities. They will not be as successful

( 27 )

as they might, unless they have some education,
and institutions such as Kivukoni are ideal for
this purpose.

Some government involvement.in financing these
Colleges would be necessary but for the first few
years it would be slight and as the programme increased
in size, and government involvement also increased, so
too would the dividend, easily measured in cash,
in the form of a newly skilled African element i
the population.

Formal classroom education for the children
of Tanganyika could be improved and made more wide-
spread by the use of television as a medium of
.instruction. The shortage of skilled, competent,
Af ran tethers ian ~Tanganyik is.a-.-seriou. problem,
dna 'that' i06 :c tainly 'a mjodri handicap in n-an,.ambitious
country. A television set or two.ineach village
school in the country (more in larger schools) would
provide an important new teaching element in the
classrooms around the country. Highly skilled
instructors, expensive laboratory equipment, films
borrowed from overseas, could be centralized,
without the need of expensive duplication. The
initial large capital costs would soon be realized
from the savings in hundreds of schools throughout
the land.. The success of experiments in Europe and
especially the U.S.A. where T.V. is rapidly becoming
a common thing in the classroom leads me to be very
enthusiastic about the potentialities of this medium
of instruction, keeping in mind, at the same time,
the need for good teachers to utilize effectively
this new piece of classroom equipment.

( 28 )

The use of television for adult education
courses also has enormous potential and would
make unnecessary, for example, the expensive
system of locating college extra-mural tutors
throughout the country.

Of interest to politicians should be the
widespread use made of television by Fidel Castro
in Cuba who spends long hours regularly on television
educating his people in the policies of his government,
and the problems facing the country, and by most
accounts very effectively.

As television has become to modern enterpreneurs
"licence to print money" it would not be difficult
to obtain capital assistance for the T.B.C. from
local and foreign sources.

Tar country here the Ae d lopmat of eusattioa
aist b, wrapi it ih Bt th abifoa pt ~opu
are to be fulfilled, traditional methods are not
adequate, and some very revolutionary methods are
surely necessary.



By Conrad Mdimi

(This essay won the first prize in
an essay competition for Kivukoni

Whenever we talk about a country, we at once
understand that there is land and there are people
living on it. The country I should like to introduce
to you to-day is on the moon. I have considerable
information about it for I paid a visionary visit to
that particular heavenly body as an explorer.

Landing on the moon, I found that the place was
very rough for there are rocks everywhere and there
are some streams running amongst the rocks. As I was
moving forward, I saw rocky hills in the distance
and big mountains in the horizon. The mountains were

( 29 )

covered by mists from top to bottom. There are
some lakes too at an approximate depth of 600 feet.
The moon is a vast world in itself.

Owing to the fact that the moon is a moving
body spinning around the earth and consequently
around the sun since the earth does, there are days
and nights on the moon also, though not so long
and so regular as we experience them here on earth.
The days are extremely hot and the nights are very
cold indeed. There is no plant life there of any
sort. During the night the streams are nothing
but solid ice, and during the day they melt away
and flow around the countryside. You must find it
hard to believe well, the picture was in front
of my eyes.

Are there any people there? Certainly, yes.
But the sort.of people I found there are quite
different from us. They are another phase from us.
We understand that mankind emerged thousands of
years ago out of the evolution process, and the
process went further on. It is high time for us to
realize it. The eagles we see flying in the air
are the remains of the people who are living on
the moon to-day. The flying birds are, as it were,
a medium in the transportation of mankind to another
world and resulting into a completely new phase.
The eagles flew in the sky and due to the atmospheric
changes took different characteristic substance and
finally diverted to the moon. In the innermost part
of their bodies there is "magnetism" which is their
sole life. Such people therefore are called "Netums".
As I have pointed out above that the Netums are
strange people there are still a lot of things to,
learn out of them. They love music, dancing, and'
their language is, strictly speaking, musical.
They are never hungry and never thirtsty and therefore
they do neither eat nor drink and this fact suits
them to the natural conditions of their country.
But they do get tired and, as a result, they need
to rest.

The Netums are normally five feet tall, they
have glassy shiny bodies; they have everything that
we have except that they do not possess hair, teeth,
heart mechanism and blood. They wear a piece of metal
cloth around their waists and only women wear jewels
all over their bodies to beautify themselves. The
women give birth in twins of male and female. The


twins thon got malvriod when -they become adults
at the age of five years. They-live much shorter
than we do; only about twenty years, but they may
live a bit longer than that if they are treated
medically. To their advantage, they have a high
rate of birth. A couple in the life time may
reproduce twenty to thirty children. As I said
magnetism is the life itself; when children are
born they are weak, and then slowly the magnetism
inside them becomes stronger and stronger, and
the stronger it becomes the more vigorous they get,
and this goes on up to the age of ten and from
this time the magnetism begins to loose power until
at the age of twenty when it vanishes and the people
collapse and die in their old age.

Well, the Netums have much fewer needs than
we have and for this reason they do not face
serious economic problems as we do. They do not
require special shelters for their bodies are
weatherproof, small simple homes made of rocks
are quite enough for them. I think the picture
would have appeared in a different way altogether
if the Netums' needs were similar to ours. If
we only remember the old saying, "Necessity is the
mother of inventions". Nevertheless, there is a
great future for them as there are much educational
activities emerging amongst them now. There is no
doubt, they will become the most efficient scholars
mankind has ever seen. They will have plenty of
time for this purpose. The need for transport
is becoming more and more important because the
Netums have their folk dances which attract many
inhabitants from different neighboring villages,
and this has given rise to a sort of industry which
I am going to make mention of in the next paragraph.
Another need is life expectation which has constituted
medical institutions whereby the people get treated
in such a manner that their lives are extended to
half a decade or so. There are doctors who study
principles of magnetism and have so far succeeded
in this project.

I was doing all my exploring like a spy,
I did not want to present myself to them and so
risk my life. It seemed to me that the moon's
orust has an enormous amount of minerals but it
will take quite a time for the Netums to discover
them. At present there is a magnetism industry
for transport purposes and I should call it an

( 51)

industrial revolution similar to ours which started
in England in the eighteenth centure when the need
of power was in great demand. But unlike ours
which has resulted in engines, electricity and atomic
energy their industrial revolution is beginning in
magnetic power. They have machines which work by
means of magnetism. I remember to have seen a dozen
of Netum men riding along their smooth main road
one night while I was exploring, the vehicle had
four metal wheels and a rigid body, there was no
sign of smoke to make me think that a sort of fuel
was used. It went down hill and then up on a steep
escarpment at a cruising speed of 25 miles an hour.
"These people", I said to myself, "must have some-
thing wonderful in their heads". After five minutes,
another one came along, this one stuck when it was
negotiating a corner around the escarpment and I
had an opportunity to watch the way it was working
from a distance of about ten yards they were very
busy for some time and then they rode away in fact
I could not tell exactly how the motion came about
and transmitted to the wheels, at first. But at
last I came to realize that the wheels were highly
magnetic and that once they are put in their proper
places the front wheels magnetically pulls the rear
ones and off goes the vehicle. When the driver wants
to bring the truck to a' standstill, he uses a
mechanism which puts the wheels out of line and
stops it immediately. So, there are different
occupations or departments, such as, education,
medical; industry, transport and roads. Men and
women work together very:hard andthey are happy
to see'improvement taking place in their own-country.
SThere is no government on the moon. I had at
last to contact those people, they are not bad, my
presence did not upset them. I made a.great effort
to understand them, their language is not easy to
grasp, though. Surprisingly and unexpectedly,
I automatically possessed all their qualities and
so life was easy-for me. According to my further
observations, there are approximately 300 million
people 'on the moon, this is only about ten per cent
of our earth's population. There is, nowthen. what
is called pure-Communism, which the Russianslhere
are 'looking forward to, that is, a classless society.
There is no desire for power, supremacy and superiority;
there is' no killing no stealing and no corruption of
any sort and therefore there are no laws. It is
the most peaceful place I have ever seen. Nevertheless,

( 52 )

it is not heaven. The Netums aro of one mind and
they work for their common good.

Now back again to my own world from my
exploring vision; I am going to think and think
and think about that wonderful world. The
development in the Netum world is fantastically
fast and their future is the most interesting
thought in my mind.


By M. Kashindye.

Education as we all know is the fundamental
key to human advancement in all spheres and as
such it must be given first priority at the expense
of other things.

Tanganyika, poor as she is, with about nine
million people, the majority of whom are uneducated
badly needs progress, and the key to progress is
education. But because Tanganyika is poor and
underdeveloped and her financial resources are very
limited, she may fail to spend enough on education
because of the vast number of demands upon her
budget. Consequently she has to face the following

Economically she will not be able to progress
without engineers, technicians, doctors, educationists
and economists who are essential to development.
Or if she succeeds in turning out such people, they
will be crude and may cause economic chaos. In
the field of politics an insufficient expenditure
on education will most likely produce an unreasonable
electorate that will be unable to decide their own
destiny. The government they will elect will
probably be weak, irresponsible and perhaps easily

( 33 )

It will also be incompetent to man its own affairs:
on account of poor personnel.

Tanganyika must choose either to educate
the masses to a low level or to educate a few
people to a high level. The first choice involves
ignoring gifted students and consequently the loss
of their potential intelligence and the wonderful
inventions that could have been made through these
talents for the good of mankind. Her civil service
will also be poor and the standard of efficiency
will drop down. The teachers of these schools will
be inefficient as they are the product of poor schools.

But if she decides to educate a few people
to a high level she will take in only those who
are really brilliant and lucky. The outcome of
this will be the creation of a small class of elite
on one hand, who will hold all political power
for themselves and the masses of the people with
extreme illiteracy on the other. In addition
this decision will mean the cutting out of some
of the staff from the ministry of education lea-ing
behind only the few best people to shoulder the
whole burden of the ministry. Worse still is the
increased unemployment that will ensue so that
Tanganyika will have to face trouble from the
trade Unions.

If we therefore want to achieve good education
we must eoononise in all fields. To spend little
on education for a poor country like Tanganyika is
to mend a patch with another patch on a worn out shirt.



By David Lauwo.

If we take history as a recording of mankind's
evolution and his stages.of civilization, we will
f~id that under'the colonial dominance we have had
quite a different conception of history from what
we are going to have in this new era. Our past
history has been a recording of the history of

miscellaneous tries, scattered over a large area
of 351,800 sq.miles, speaking different languages
with little knowledge of the outer world. It is
almost a story of a semi savage people living
under a subsistence economy. This, in a sense,
did us a greater harm, although it added quite
a lot to our social wellbeing, nevertheless it did
not stop all of us from thinking. The feeling that
men are not blind followers of their fellow men
grew stronger and stronger as days went by. There
was a silent resolution taking place year after
year and now villages and towns are- celebrating.
The revolution that has been going on for over
sixty years has changed in to a ceremony. But
is this the end of our struggles?

With our splendid victory we this year open
a new chapter of human history. A history of quite
different from any other that the globe has ever
witnessed. A history of a young nation trying to
preserve the human personality, by getting rid of all
sorts of discrimination. It is a history of a war
against the three chief enemies of life and liberty.
We are reconstructing a nation where people are
urged to care more for human morality. There must not
be a remote taint of corruption or nepotism in
our nation. This revolution must initiate a crash
program to destroy poverty, ignorance and disease.
It has to form a new international relationship.
We at present do not need big industries to build
atomic bombs or luxurious cars. All we need is an
opportunity to promote our social well being while at
the same time we observe and support our neighboring
countries in all the ways possible.
Everyone of us whether he or she belongs to the
upper, middle or lower class, should have some good
traits in him, and these are faith and devotion to
others. We must have implicit faith in the advice
of our good and trustworthy leaders. Once we
understand love and real citizenship we should
practise it. We are to reform this nation day by
day, knowing that the days of "sit and wait" are
quickly vanishing. Changed values of life must be
recognized now in our society. There must be e
strong unity in us. Each has to feel that she or he
lives for the other. Socialism should be our oreed.
Our democracy should be practised not just talked
about. Knowledge and tolerance will enable us to
compose a new liberal history of mankind. We must

( 35 )

fear wars, and struggle to abolish them. Peace
is what we can contribute to the world. We should
use the press, radio and diplomacy not to Pssuilt
others or to express our greatness but to add
peace and harmony to the world.

t*.*# #***#**!***


By James Lowry, B.A.

Throughout history man has been searching for
the one ideology that would bring about the poefeot
society. This society has never been created,
always someone or something has destroyed it from
either within or from without. Why is this? Why
cannot man live in this world of plenty in harmony
and tranquility?

One reason for this, first expounded by Thomas
Hobbes the philosopher, is that man is insatiably
selfish and will always be so, which will bring
about his periodic self-destruction. Another
theory is that all man wants is security and
bodily comfort. Because the earth's wealth
has always been in the hands of a small minority,
the masses have been denied this feeling of security
and confort. So until the earth's resources are
distributed evenly, the masses will always be in a
constant state of revolution and perhaps war.
I admit that the economics, political, and social
problems of man have added to the chaos within
society, but these are all a result of man's
inner weaknesses.

The trouble with man is that he does not
know his inner self. He does not understand tha
basis of many of his unconscious desires. This
causes anxiety which can take complete control
over his actions, so that he no longer thinks -
he merely acts. This blind, fear of the unknown.
a thing that man will feel threatens his very
existence, is often therefore something inside man.

( 36 )

Man therefore seeks security in nuclear weapons;
that drives him to burn j.--. to lynch negroes; to
kill Hungarians; to put Africans in camps; to hate
his fellow man. If only man could rid himself of
these baseless prejudices and replace them with
spiritual qualities, then he would be able to lead
the anxiety free life we all desire.



A day like any other, sun-bewitched;

The town lies stunned by glare, and the brown

Brittle grass, byinsects minutely twitched,

Throws light and heat into my face. I frown,

Dazzled when the sun, like polished brass,

Glints off the mirror in the tower cell.

The prisoner interrogates the glass:

Of reality, what can these shadows tell?

A day like any other? No. This day

Of disenchantment will burst the tower wall;

Yet joy holds its breath; the heart's fears say:

"What if the mirror should survive the fall?

Must I forever watch him watching me,

Prisoner of the glass though he goes free?"

Patsy Cunningham.

( 37 )

*a(.)-**4*4 |C******. *5********** ****** s*************
l*t*************** *L*ss***S*****i******
* ****** *l* | ******* ** ****** ***********

*-** ** *
.4 XStructural Engineers, Contractors .
*** and General Merchants ***
*** ** *
*** P.O.Box 397 I *
Phone 21563 5 .. Dar es Salaam .
** ***
c*** Branches at:- **

.. .ZANZIBAR P.O. Box 108 ..

*.. VWETE-PEMBA P.O.Box 199 *
44* **
4 MWiANZA P.O. Box 750
**4 ** *

.** ***
F I NE G R 0 C E R I E S L T D.****
Pro******* isio, *******Patent icines Toilet ***


*******Preparations, Cigarttes, Cigars, **
Toba***** cco********, chocolates an**************
*K* *.*

*** Confectionery, Etc. .

*4** ***

S P.O. Box 301, Telephone 22265*
D*A E*i **
*** DAR ES SALAAM Tanganyika ***
** ***
******#***************** ***********************

( 38 )


H.Lwekamwa, from Bukoba, Ed. Tabora School (Govt),
Court Clerk & Interpreter, Deputy Chief, Law Clerk.

Noel B. Mponera, from Nyasaland; Ed. Livingstonia
Sec.School. Trade Union Secretary & Police Force

Shaban K. Msuya, from Same, Pare; Ed. Mpwapwa,

John Millinga, from Songea; Ed. Seminary School,
Kigonsera. Trade Union Secretary & Member of
Co-operative Farm.

Narcisse Mugyabuso, from Bukoba; Ed. White Fathers
Central School, Kajunguti; Medical Asst.,Supervisor
of his own Private School.

Conrad Mdimi, from Songea; Ed. Ndanda Sec.School.
Ifunda-trained Motor Mechanic.

Peter Swartz, from Bloemfontein, South Africa.
Before escaping from South Africa was active in
Politics and Trade Union organization.

Mathew Kashindye, from Nzega. Ed. St. Mary's,
Tabora; Trade Union Secretary.

David Lauwo from Moshi; Ed. Moshi, Mwanza.
Qualified Teacher.

Colin Leys-formarly at Balliol College Oxford, where
he taught political science. Griffiths Cunningham,
is a Canadian from the University of Toronto; he
teaches Social and economic development. Patsy
Cunningham, from New York, she teaches English,
Russian and is College Librarian. Jim Lowry from
Chicago; he is on a one-year loan from Grinnell
College, Iowa; a tutorial assistant.

University of Florida Home Page
© 2004 - 2010 University of Florida George A. Smathers Libraries.
All rights reserved.

Acceptable Use, Copyright, and Disclaimer Statement
Last updated October 10, 2010 - - mvs