A history of the Inquisition of the middle ages
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Permanent Link: http://ufdc.ufl.edu/UF00020705/00001
 Material Information
Title: A history of the Inquisition of the middle ages
Physical Description: 3 v. : ; 24 cm.
Language: English
Creator: Lea, Henry Charles, 1825-1909
Publisher: Harper & brothers
Place of Publication: New York
Publication Date: 1888
Copyright Date: 1888
Subjects / Keywords: Inquisition -- History   ( lcsh )
Genre: non-fiction   ( marcgt )
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Source Institution: University of Florida
Holding Location: University of Florida
Rights Management: All rights reserved by the source institution and holding location.
Resource Identifier: ltqf - AAB3041
notis - ADD1848
alephbibnum - 000602809
oclc - 03097162
lccn - 12036126
Classification: lcc - BX1711 .L4 1888
System ID: UF00020705:00001

Full Text

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Copyright, 1887, by HARPER & BrOTmEnS.
All tigla reserved



Obstacles to Establishing the Inquisition ..... .. . 1
Progress and Zeal of the Dominicans . . . . . 6
First Appointment of Inquisitors.-Tentative Proceedings . . 8
Popular Resistance. . . . . . . .. .12
Position of Count Raymond . . . . . ... 14
Troubles at Toulouse.-Expulsion of the Inquisition . . .. .16
Its Return and Increasing Vigor . . . . . ... 21
Suspended from 1238 to 1241 . . . . . . 24
Condition of the Country.-Rising of Trencavel. . . . 25
Connection between Religion and State-craft . . . ... 26
Pierre Cella's Activity in 1241-1242 ..... . . .. 30
Heretic Stronghold of Monts6gur . . . . ... .34
Massacre of Avignonet.-Its Unfortunate Influence . . . 35
Count Raymond's Last Effort.-Triumph of the Inquisition . 38
Raymond Reconciled to the Church . .. .. ..... 40
Fall of Monts6gur.-Heresy Defenceless . . .... 42
Increased Activity of the Inquisition . . . . .. 44
Raymond's Persecuting Energy.-His Death . . . . 46
Desperation of the Heretics.-Intercourse with Lombardy . 49
Supremacy of Inquisition.-It Attacks the Count of Foix . 52
Death of Alphonse and Jeanne in 1273 . . . ... .56
Rise of the Royal Power.-Appeals to the King. . . . 57
Popular Discontent.-Troubles at Carcassonne . . ... .58
Philippe le Bel Intervenes.-His Fluctuating Policy . . . 62
Renewed Troubles at Carcassonne.-Submission in 1299 . . 67
Prosecutions at Albi, 1299-1300. . . . . . .71
Inquisitorial Frauds.-Case of Castel Fabri . . . ... 72


FrBre Bernard D6licieux . . . ... .... . 15
Renewed Troubles.-Philippe Sends Jean de Pequigny ... . 77
Philippe Tries to Reform the Inquisition. . . . ... 79
Troubles at Albi.-Conflict between Church and State .... 82
Philippe Visits Languedoc.-His Plan of Reform . . ... 86
Despair at Carcassonne.-Treasonable Projects. . . .. 88
Appeal to Clement V.-Investigation . . . . ... 92
Abuses Recognized.-Reforms of Council of Vienne . . .. 94
Election of John XXII. . . . . . . 98
The Inquisition Triumphs.-Fate of Bernard Dl6icieux .... 99
Recrudescence of Heresy.-Pierre Autier . . . ... .104
Bernard Gui Extirpates Catharism . . . . .... . 107
Case of Limoux Noir . . . . . . .. .108
Results of the Triumph of the Inquisition . . . ... 109
Political Effects of Confiscation . . . . . ... .110

Inquisition Introduced in 1233 by Frere Robert le Bugre . 113
Opposed by the Prelates.-Encouraged by St. Louis . . .. .115
Robert's Insane Massacres and Punishment . . . ... 116
Inquisition Organized.-Its Activity in 1248 . ... . .. 117
Slender Records of its Proceedings .... ... . .. .120
Paris Auto defe in 1310.-Marguerite la Porete ... . .123
Gradual Decadence.-Case of Hugues Aubriot ..... . .125
The Parlement Assumes Superior Jurisdiction . . . .. 130
The University of Paris Supplants the Inquisition . ... 135
Moribund Activity during the Fifteenth Century ...... 138
Attempt to Resuscitate it in 1451 . . . . ... .140
It Falls into utter Discredit . . . . . . 144
The French Waldenses.-Their Number and Organization . . 145
Intermittent Persecution.-Their Doctrines ...... .147
Francois Borel and Gregory XI ... . . 152
Renewed Persecutions in 1432 and 1441 . . ... .157
Protected by Louis XI.-Humiliation of the Inquisition . 158
Alternations of Toleration and Persecution . . ... .159

ARAGON.-Unimportance of Heresy there . . . ... 162
Episcopal and Lay Inquisition Tried in 1233 . . . .163
Papal Inquisition Introduced.-Navarre Included . ... .165
Delay in Organization . . . . . . 167

Greater Vigor in the Fourteenth Century . . ... .169
Dispute over the Blood of Christ . . . . . 171
Nicolas Eymerich. . . . . . .. 174
Separation of Majorca and Valencia . . . . .177
Decline of Inquisition ... .. .. . . . ... 178
Resuscitation under Ferdinand the Catholic . . . 179
CASTILE.-Inquisition not Introduced there . . . ... 180
Cathari in Leon ... ..... ............ 181
Independent Legislation of Alonso the Wise . . .. .183
Persecution for Heresy Unknown . . . ... 184
Case of Pedro of Osma in 1479 . . . . .. . 187
PORTUGAL.-NO Effective Inquisition there . . . ... .188

Political Conditions Favoring Heresy . . . . ... 191
Prevalence of Unconcealed Catharism ... . . . 192
Development of the Waldenses .. . . ...... 194
Popular Indifference to the Church . . . . .. 196
Gregory XI. Undertakes to Suppress Heresy . .. . .199
Gradual Development of Inquisition . .. . . 201
Rolando da Cremona ............... 202
Giovanni Schio da Vicenza . . .. .. . .203
St. Peter Martyr . . . . . . 207
He Provokes Civil War in Florence ... . ...... 210
Death of Frederic II. in 1250.-Chief Obstacle Removed . . 213
Assassination of St. Peter Martyr.-Use Made of it . ... .214
Rainerio Saccone . . .. . . . .. .218
Triumph of the Papacy.-Organization of the Inquisition . 220
Heresy Protected by Ezzelin and Uberto . .. . . 223
Ezzelin Prosecuted as a Heretic.-His Death . . ... .224
Uberto Pallavicino. . . . . . . . 228
The Angevine Conquest .of Naples Revolutionizes Italy .... 231
Triumph of Persecution . . . . . . . 233
Sporadic Popular Opposition. . . . . . . 237
Secret Strength of Heresy.--Case of Armanno Pongilupo .. 239
Power of the Inquisition.-Papal Interference . . ... .242
Naples.-Toleration Under Normans and Hohenstaufens . .. 244
The Inquisition Under the Angevines . . . ... .245
Sicily . . . . . . . . 248
Venice.-Its Independence . . . . . . .. 249
Inquisition Introduced in 1288, under State Supervision . 251

Decadence of Inquisition in Fourteenth Century ....... .253
Disappearance of the Cathari.-Persistence of the Waldenses . 254
Remnants of Catharism in Corsica and Piedmont . . .. 255
Persecution of the Waldenses of Piedmont . . . ... .259
Decline of the Lombard Inquisition .. . . . .. 269
Venice.-Subjection of Inquisition to the State . . . 273
Tuscany.-Increasing Insubordination.-Case of Piero di Aquila. 275
Continued Troubles in Florence . . . . .. 280
Tommasino da Foligno . . . . . .. .281
Decline of Inquisition in Central Italy . . . ... .282
The Two Sicilies.-Inquisition Subordinate to the State .... .284

Efforts of Innocent III. and Honorius III. East of the Adriatic .290
The Mendicant Orders Undertake the Task ... . . 293
Bloody Crusades from Hungary . . . . ... .294
Revival of Catharism . . . .... . . . 298
Endeavors of Boniface VIII. and John XXII. . . . .. .299
Fruitlessness of the Work . . . . . . .. 301
Reign of Stephen Tvrtko . . . . . . ... .303
Catharism the State Religion . . . . . ... 305
Advance of the Turks. ............... 306
Confusion Aggravated by Persecution . . . ... .307
The Cathari Aid the Turkish Conquest . . . ... .313
Disappearance of Catharism . . . . . ... .314

Persecution of Strassburg Waldenses in 1212 . . ... .316
Spread of Waldensianism in Germany . . . ... .318
Mystic Pantheism.-The Amaurians and Ortlibenses . . .. .319
Brethren of the Free Spirit or Beghards.-Luciferans .. ...... 323
Conrad of Marburg.-His Character and Career . . . 325
Gregory XI. Vainly Stimulates him to Persecution . . .. .329
Gregory Commissions the Dominicans as Inquisitors . . .. 333
The Luciferan Heresy. ... . . . .334
Conrad's Methods and Massacres . . . . ... .336
Antagonism of the Prelates . . . . . . .. 338
Assembly of Mainz.-Conrad's Defeat and Murder . . .. .340
Persecution Ceases.-The German Church Antagonistic to Rome .. 342
The Reaction Keeps the Inquisition out of Germany . . .. 346
Waldenses and Inquisition in Passau .... . . . 347

Growth of Heresy.-Virtual Toleration . ... .... .348
The Beguines, Beghards, and Lollards ...... . .. 350
The Brethren of the Free Spirit . . . . . .. .354
Tendency to Mysticism.-Master Eckart. . . . ... .358
John of Rysbroek, Gerard Groot, and the Brethren of the Common
Life . . . . . . 360
John Tauler and the Friends of God . . ... . .362
Persecution of the Brethren of the Free Spirit . . ... .367
Antagonism between Louis of Bavaria and the Papacy . . 377
Subservience of Charles IV.-The Black Death . . . 378
Gregarious Enthusiasm.-The Flagellants . . . .380
Clement VI. Condemns Them.-They Become Heretics . .383
Attempts to Introduce the Inquisition.-Successful in 1369 . 385
Persecution of Flagellants and Beghards.-The Dancing Mania . 390
Beghards and Beguines Protected by the Prelates . . .. .394
Speedy Decline of the Inquisition . . . ... .395
The Waldenses.-Their Extension and Persecution .... . 396
Renewed Persecution of the Beghards . . . ... .401
"William of Hilderniss, and the Men of Intelligence . . .. .405
The Flagellants.-The Brethren of the Cross . . ... .406
Triumph of the Beghards at Constance . . ... 409
Renewed Persecution ... . . . . .. .411
Hussitism in Germany.-Coalescence with Waldenses ... .414
Gregory of Heimburg. . . . . . . . 417
Hans of Niklaushausen . . . . . . .. .418
John von Ruchrath of Wesel .. . . . . 420
Decay of the Inquisition.-John lleuchlin . . . ... .423
Its Impotence in the Case of Luther . . . . .. 425

Independence of Bohemian Church.-Waldensianism ... 427
Inquisition Introduced in 1257.-Revived by John XXII. ... .428
Growth of Waldensianism.-John of Pirna . . . ... .430
Conditions Favoring the Growth of Heresy.-Episcopal Inquisition 433
The Precursors of Huss . . . . . . .. .436
Wickliff and Wickliffitism . . . ... . .438
John Huss Becomes the Leader of Reform . ... .. 444
Progress of the Revolution.-Rupture with Rome . . . 445
Convocation of the Council of Constance . . . .. .453
Motives Impelling Huss's Presence . . . . ... 455
His Reception and Treatment . . .. . . .. .457

His Arrest.-Question of the Safe-conduct .. . . . 460
Communion in both Elements ............. .471
The Trial of Huss.-Illustration of the Inquisitorial Process . 473
Exceptional Audiences Allowed to Huss . . . .. . 484
Extraordinary Efforts to Procure Recantation . . . .. 486
The Inevitable Condemnation and Burning .. .. ....... 490
Indignation in Bohemia . ... . . . . . 494
Jerome of Prague.-His Trial and Execution . . . 495

Inquisitorial Methods Attempted in Bohemia . . ... .506
Increasing Antagonism.-Fruitless Threats of Force . . .. .508
Parties Form Themselves.-Calixtins and Taborites . . .. .511
Sigismund Succeeds to the Throne.-Failure of Negotiations . 514
Crusade Preached in 1420.-Its Repulse . . . .. .516
Religious Extravagance.-Pikardi, Chiliasts . . . ... 517
The Four Articles of the Calixtins . ... . . .... .519
Creed of the Taborites . ... . . . . . 522
Failure of Repeated Crusades.-The Hussites Retaliate ..... .525
Efforts to Reform the Church.-Council of Siena . . ... .527
Council of Basle.-Negotiation with the Hussites a Necessity . 530
The Four Articles the Basis.-Accepted as the "Compactata" .533
The Taborites Crushed at Lipan . . .. ..... .535
Difficulties Caused by Rokyzana's Ambition . . . 536
Insincere Peace.-Sigismund's Reactionary Reign and Death . 538
The Calixtins Secure Control under George Podiebrad ... 541
Rome Disavows the Compactata.-Giacomo della Marca in Hungary. 542
The Use of the Cup the Only Distinction.-Capistrano Sent as In-
quisitor . . . . . . 545
His Projected Hussite Crusade Impeded by the Capture of Constan-
tinople ........... ....... 551
Efforts to Resist the Turks.-Death of Capistrano at Belgrade .552
Steady Estrangement of Bohemia.-Negotiations and Attacks 555
The Compactata Maintained in Spite of Rome . . . 559
The Bohemian Brethren Arise from the Remains of the Taborites 561
Their Union with the Waldenses . . . . ... 564
Their Growth and Constancy under Persecution . . ... .566




THE men who laid the foundations of the Inquisition in Langue-
doc had before them an apparently hopeless task. The whole or-
ganization and procedure of the institution were to be developed
as experience might dictate and without precedents for guidance.
Their uncertain and undefined powers were to be exercised under
peculiar difficulties. Heresy was everywhere and all-pervading.
An unknown but certainly large portion of the population was
addicted to Catharism or Waldensianism, while even the orthodox
could not, for the most part, be relied upon for sympathy or aid.
Practical toleration had existed for so many generations, and so
many families had heretic members, that the population at large
was yet to be educated in the holy horror of doctrinal aberrations.
National feeling, moreover, and the memory of common wrongs
suffered during twenty years of bitter contest with invading sol-
diers of the Cross, during which Catholic and Catharan had stood
side by side in defence of the fatherland, had created the strongest
bonds of sympathy between the different sects. In the cities the
magistrates were, if not heretics, inclined to toleration and jealous
of their municipal rights and liberties. Throughout the country
many powerful nobles were avowedly or secretly heretics, and
Raymond of Toulouse himself was regarded as little better than a

heretic. The Inquisition was the symbol of a hated foreign dom-
ination which could look for no cordial support from any of these
classes. It was welcomed, indeed, by such Frenchmen as had suc-
ceeded in planting themselves in the land, but they were scattered,
and were themselves the objects of detestation to their neighbors.
The popular feeling is voiced by the Troubadours, who delight in
expressing contempt for the French and hostility to the friars and
their methods. As Guillem de Montanagout says: "Now have
the clerks become inquisitors and condemn men at their pleasure.
I have naught against the inquests if they would but condemn er-
rors with soft words, lead the wanderers back to the faith without
wrath, and allow the penitent to find mercy." The holder Pierre
Cardinal describes the Dominicans as disputing after dinner over
the quality of their wines: They have created a court of judg-
ment, and whoever attacks them they declare to be a Waldensian;
they seek to penetrate into the secrets of all men, so as to render
themselves dreaded."*
The lands which Raymond had succeeded in retaining were,
moreover, drained by the enormous sums exacted of him in the
pacification. To enable him to meet these demands he was au-
thorized to levy taxes on the subjects of the Church, in spite of
their immunities, and this and the other expedients requisite for
the discharge of his engagements could not fail to excite wide-
spread discontent with the settlement and hostility to all that rep-
resented it. That it was hard to extort these payments from a
population exhausted by twenty years of war is manifest when, in
1231, two years after the treaty, the Abbey of Citeaux had not as
yet received any part of the two thousand marks which were its
share of the plunder, and it was forced to agree to a settlement
under which Raymond promised to pay in annual instalments of
two hundred marks, giving as security his revenues from the
manor of Marmande.t
The Inquisition, it is true, was at first warmly greeted by the
Church, but the Church had grown so discredited during the

Diez, Leben und Werke der Troubadours, pp. 450, 576.-Millot, Hist. Lit-
t6raire des Troubadours, III. 244-50.
t Teulet, Layettes, II. 185, 226-8.
In 1239 we find Raymond asking for six months' delay in the payment of one
of the instalments (Ib. p. 406).

events of the past half-century that its influence was less than in
any other spot in Christendom. Even-in Aragon the Council of
Tarragona, in 1238, felt itself compelled to decree excommunica-
tion against those who composed or applauded lampoons against
the clergy. The abuse of the interdict had grown to such propor-
tions that Innocent IV., in 1243, and again in 1245, was obliged
to forbid its employment throughout southern France, in all places
suspected of heresy, because it afforded to heretics so manifold an
occasion of asserting that it was used for private interests, and not
for the salvation of souls. During the troubles which followed
after the crusade of Louis VIII. the bishops had taken advantage
of the confusion to seize many lands to which they had no claim,
and this involved them in endless quarrels with the royal fisc in the
territories which fell to the king, while in those which remained
to Raymond, the pious St. Louis was forced to interfere to obtain
for him a restoration of what they obstinately refused to surren-
der. The Church itself was so deeply tainted with heresy that
the faithful were scandalized at seeing the practical immunity en-
joyed by heretical clerks, owing to the difficulty of assembling a
sufficient number of bishops to officiate at their degradation, and
Gregory IX. felt it necessary, in 1233, to decree that in such cases
a single bishop, with some of his abbots, should have power to
deprive them of holy orders and deliver them to the secular arm
to be burned-a provision which he subsequently embodied in the
canon law. Innocent IV., moreover, in 1245, felt called upon to
order his legate in Languedoc to see that no one suspected of her-
esy was elected or consecrated as bishop. On the other hand,
priests who were zealous in aiding the Inquisition sometimes found
that the enmities thus excited rendered it impossible for them to
reside in their parishes, as occurred in the case of Guillem Pierre,
a priest of Narbonne, in 1246, who on this account was allowed to
employ a vicar and to hold a plurality of benefices. About the
same time Innocent IV. felt obliged to express his surprise that
the prelates disobeyed his repeated commands to assist the Inqui-
sition; he has trustworthy information that they neglect to do so,
and he threatens them roundly with his displeasure unless they
manifest greater zeal. Bernard Gui, indeed, speaks of the bishops
who favored Count Raymond as among the craftiest and most
dangerous enemies of the inquisitors. The natural antagonism

between the Mendicants and the secular clergy was, moreover, in-
creased by the pretension -of the inquisitors to supervise the priest-
hood and see that they performed their neglected duty in all that
pertained to the extension of the faith. That under such circum-
stances the Dominicans employed in the pious work should suffer
constant molestation scarce needs the explanation given by the
pope that it was through the influence of the Arch Enemy.*
Another serious impediment to the operations of the Inqui-
sition lay in the absence of places of detention for those accused
and of prisons for those condemned. We have already seen how
the bishop shirked their duty in providing jails for the multitudes
of prisoners until St. Louis was obliged to step in and construct
them, and during this prolonged interval the sentences of the in-
quisitors show, in the number of contumacious absentees after a
preliminary hearing, how impossible it often was to retain hold of
heretics who had been arrested
To undertake, in such an environment, the apparently hope-
less task of suppressing heresy required men of exceptional char-
acter, and they were not wanting. Repulsive as their acts must
seem to us, we cannot refuse to them the tribute due to their fear-
less fanaticism. No labor was too arduous for their unflagging
zeal, no danger too great for their unshrinking courage. Regard-
ing themselves as elected to perform God's work, they set about
it with a sublime self-confidence which lifted them above the
weakness of humanity. As the mouthpiece of God, the mendi-
cant friar, who lived on charity, spoke to prince and people with
all the awful authority of the Church, and exacted obedience or
punished contumacy unhesitatingly and absolutely. Such men as

Council. Tarraconens. ann. 1238 c. 11 (Mart. Ampl. Coll. VII. 134). Ripoll
I. 120, 145, 165.-Potthast No. 9452,11092, 11094, 11515.-Vaissette, III. Pr. 365.
-Teulet, Layettes, II. 262. -Arch. des Frbres Precheurs de Toulouse (Doat,
XXXI. 19).-C. 1 Sexto v. 2.-Raynald. ann. 1243, No. 30.-Arch. de 1'Inq. de
Care. (Doat, XXXI. 69).- Bern. Guidon. de Trib. Grad. Prsedicat. (Bouquet,
XXI. 739).-Practica super Inquisit. (MSS. Bib. Nat., fonds latin, No. 14930, fol.
When Cardinal Wolsey sought to reform the English Church he found the
same difficulty in obtaining bishops to degrade clerical criminals, and he ob-
tained from Clement VII. the same remedy (Rymer, XIV. 239).
t Coll. Doat, XXI. 149, 153, 156, 158.-MSS. Bib. Nat., fonds latin, No. 9992.


Pierre Cella, Guillem Arnaud, Arnaud Catala, Ferrer the Catalan,
Pons de Saint-Gilles, Pons de l'Esparre, and Bernard de Caux, beard-
ed prince and prelate, were as ready to endure as merciless to inflict,
were veritable Maccabees in the internecine strife with heresy, and
yet were kind and pitiful to the miserable and overflowing with
tears in their prayers and discourses. They were the culminating
development of the influences which produced the Church Militant
of the Middle Ages, and in their hands the Inquisition was the
most effective instrument whereby it maintained its supremacy.
A secondary result was the complete subjugation of the South to
the King of Paris, and its unification with the rest of France.
If the faithful had imagined that the Treaty of 1229 had end-
ed the contest with heresy they were quickly undeceived. The
blood-money for the capture of heretics, promised by Count Ray-
mond, was indeed paid when earned, for.the Inquisition undertook
to see that this was done, but the earning of it was dangerous.
Nobles and burghers alike protected and defended the proscribed
class, and those who hunted them were slain without mercy when
occasion offered. The heretics continued as numerous as ever,
and we have already seen the fruitless efforts put forth by the
Cardinal Legate Romano and the Council of Toulouse. Even the
university which Raymond bound himself to establish in Toulouse
for the propagation of the faith, though it subsequently performed
its work, was at first a failure. Learned theologians were brought
from Paris to fill its chairs, but their scholastic subtleties were
laughed at by the mocking Southrons as absurd novelties, and the
heretics were bold enough to contend with them in debate. After
"a few years Raymond neglected to continue the stipends, and for
"a time the university was suspended.*

"* Practice super Inquisit. (MSS. Bib. Nat., fonds latin, No. 14930, fol. 224).-
Guill. Pelisso Chron. (Ed. Molinier, Anicii, 1880, pp. 6, 15).-Epistt. Secul. XIII.
T. I. No. 688 (Monument. Hist. German.). -Bern. Guidon. Vit. Gregor. PP. IX.
(Muratori S. R. I. III. 573).
One of the complaints made by Gregory IX. against Raymond, in 1236, was
that he had neglected to pay the salaries of the professors, and that the school
of .Toulouse was dissolved (Teulet, Layettes, II. 315). In 1239, however, a re-
ceipt in full for them was exhibited to the papal legate (Ib. p. 397), and in 1242,
when Raymond was under peril of death in the Agenois, his chief physician was
Loup of Spain, the professor of medicine in the University (Ib. p. 466).

The most encouraging feature of the situation, one, indeed,
full of promise, was the steady progress of the Dominican Order.
It had outgrown the modest Church of St. Romano, bestowed
upon it by Bishop Foulques; and in 1230 the piety of a prominent
burgher of Toulouse, Pons de Capdenier, provided for it more
commodious quarters in an extensive garden, situated partly in
the city and partly in the suburbs. The inmates of the convent,
some forty in number, were always ready to furnish champions of
the Cross, whose ardent zeal shrank from neither toil nor peril;
and when, in 1232, the fanatic Bishop Foulques died and was suc-
ceeded by the yet more fiery fanatic, the Dominican Provincial
Raymond du Fauga, the Order was fully prepared to. enter upon
the exterminating war with heresy which was to last for a hun-
dred years.*
The eager zeal of the friars did not wait to be armed with the
organized authorization of inquisitorial powers. Their leading
duty was to combat heresy, and their assaults on it were uninter-
mitting. In 1231 a friar, in a sermon, declared that Toulouse was
full of heretics, who held their assemblies there and disseminated
their errors without hindrance. Already the magistrates seem to
have looked askance on these pious efforts, for this assertion was
made the occasion of a decided attempt at repression. The con-
suls of the city met and summoned before them, in the capitol,
or town-hall, the prior, Pierre d'Alais. There they roundly scold-
ed and threatened him, declaring that it was false to assert the
existence of heresy in the town, and forbidding such utterances
for the future. Trivial as was the occurrence, it has interest as
the commencement of the ill-will between the authorities of Tou-
louse and the Inquisition, and as illustrating the sense of munici-
pal pride and independence still cherished in the cities of the South.
It required but a few years' struggle to trammel the civic liberties
which had held their own against feudalism, but which could not
stand against the subtler despotism of the Church.t
Even thus early Dominican ardor refused to be thus restrained.
Master Roland of Cremona, noted as the first Dominican licentiate
of the University of Paris, who had been brought to Toulouse to
teach theology in the infant University, was scandalized when he

Pelisso Chron. pp. 7-8. 1 Ibid. pp. 9-10.

heard of the insolent language of the consuls, and exclaimed that
it was only a fresh incentive to preach against heresy more bit-
terly than ever. He set the example in this, and was eagerly fol-
lowed by many of the brethren. He soon, too, had an opportunity
of proving the falsity of the consuls' disclaimer. It transpired that
Jean Pierre Donat, a canon of the ancient Church of Saint Sernin,
who had recently died and been buried in the cloister, had been
secretly hereticated on his death-bed. Without authority, and
apparently without legal investigation, Master Roland assembled
some friars and clerks, exhumed the body from the cloister, dragged
it through the streets, and publicly burned it. Soon afterwards
he heard of the death of a prominent Waldensian minister named
Galvan. After stirring up popular passion in a sermon, he marched
at the head of a motley mob to the house where the heretic had,
died and levelled it to the ground; then proceeding to the Ceme-
tery of Villeneuve, where the body was interred, he dug it up and
dragged it through the city, accompanied by an immense proces-
sion, to the public place of execution beyond the walls, where it
was solemnly burned.*
All this was volunteer persecution. The episcopal court was
as yet the only tribunal having power to act in such matters, and
it, as we have seen, could only authorize the secular arm to do its
duty in the final execution. Yet the episcopal court seems to have
been in no way invoked in these proceedings, and no protest is re-
corded as having been uttered against such irregular enforcement
of the law by the mob. There was, in fact, no organization for
the steady repression of heresy. Bishop Raymond appears to have
satisfied himself with an occasional raid against heretics outside
of the city, and to have allowed those within it virtual immunity
under the protection of the consuls, though he had, in virtue of his
office, all the powers requisite for the purpose, and the machinery
for their effective use could have readily been developed. No per-
manent results were to be expected from fitful bursts of zeal, and
the suppression of heresy might well seem to be as far off as ever.
Urgent as was evidently the need of some organized body de-
voted exclusively to persecution, the appointment of the first

"* Pelisso Chron. pp. 10-11. Preger, Vorarbeiten zu einer Geschichte der
deutschen Mystik, p. 17.

inquisitors, in 1233, seems not to have been regarded as possess-
ing any special significance. It was merely an experiment, from
which no great results were anticipated. FrBre Guillem Pelisson,
who shared in the labors and perils of the nascent Inquisition,
and who enthusiastically chronicled them, evidently does not con-
sider it as an innovation worthy of particular attention. It was
so natural an evolution from the interaction of the forces and
materials of the period, and its future importance was so little
suspected, that he passes over its founding as an incident of less
moment than the succession to the Priory of Toulouse. "Frere
Pons de Saint Gilles," he says, "was made Prior of Toulouse, who
bore himself manfully and effectively for the faith against the
heretics, together with Frere Pierre Cella of Toulouse and Frere
Guillem Arnaud of Montpellier, whom the lord pope made inquis-
itors against the heretics in the dioceses of Toulouse and Cahors.
Also, the Legate Archbishop of Vienne made Frere Arnaud Cata-
la, who was then of the Convent of Toulouse, inquisitor against
the heretics." Thus colorless is the only contemporary account of
the establishment of the Holy Office.*
How little the functions of these new officials were at first un-
derstood is manifested by an occurrence, which is also highly sug-
gestive of the tension of public feeling. In a quarrel between two
citizens, one of them, Bernard Peitevin, called the other, Bernard
de Solier, a heretic. This was a dangerous reputation to have,
and the offended man summoned his antagonist before the consuls.
The heretical party, we are told, had obtained the upper hand in
Toulouse, and the magistrates were all either sympathizers with or
believers in heresy. Bernard Peitevin was condemned to exile for
a term of years, to pay a fine both to the complainant and to the
city, and to swear publicly in the town-hall that he had lied, and
that de Solier was a good Catholic. The sentence was a trifle
vindictive, and Peitevin sought counsel of the Dominicans, who
recommended him to appeal to the bishop. Episcopal jurisdiction
in such a matter was perhaps doubtful, but Raymond du Fauga
entertained the appeal. A few years later, if any cognizance had
been taken of the case it would have been by the Inquisition, but

"* Pelisso Chron. p. 18. Cf. Bern. Guidon. Vit. Gregor. PP. IX. (Muratori S.
R. I. III. 578).

now the inquisitors, Pierre Cella and Guillem Arnaud, appeared
as advocates of the appellant in the bishop's court, and so clearly
proved de Solier's heresy that the miserable wretch fled to Lom-
Similar indefiniteness of procedure is visible in the next at-
tempt. The inquisitors, Pierre and Guillem, began to make an
inquest through the city, and cited numerous suspects, all of whom
found defenders among the chief citizens. The hearings took
place before them, but seem as yet to have been in public. One
of the accused, named Jean Teisseire, asserted himself to be a good
Catholic because he had no scruples in maintaining marital rela-
tions with his wife, in eating flesh, and in lying and swearing, and
he warned the crowd that they were liable to the same charge,
and that it would be wiser for them to make common cause than
to abandon him. When he was condemned, and the viguier, the
official representative of the count, was about to conduct him to
the stake, so threatening a clamor arose that the prisoner was
hurried to the bishop's prison, still proclaiming his orthodoxy.
Intense excitement pervaded the city, and menaces were freely
uttered to destroy the Dominican convent and to stone all the
friars, who were accused of persecuting the innocent. While in
prison Teisseire pretended to fall mortally sick, and asked for the
sacraments; but when the bailli of Lavaur brought to Toulouse
some perfected heretics and delivered them to the bishop, Teis-
seire allowed himself to be hereticated by them in prison, and
grew so ardent in the faith under their exhortations that when
they were taken out for examination he accompanied them, de-
claring that he would share their fate. The bishop assembled the
magistrates and many citizens, in whose presence he examined the
prisoners. They were all condemned, including Teisseire, who ob-
stinately refused to recant, and no further opposition was offered
when they were all duly burned.t
Here we see the inquisitorial jurisdiction completely subordi-
nate to that of the bishop, but when the inquisitors soon after-
wards left Toulouse to hold inquests elsewhere they acted with
full independence. At Cahors we hear nothing of the Bishop
of Querci taking part in the proceedings under which they con-

Pelisso pp. 10-17. t Ibid. pp. 17-20.

demned a number of the dead, exhuming and burning their bodies,
and inspiring such fear that a prominent believer, Raymond de
Broleas, fled to Rome. At Moissac they condemned Jean du
Gard, who fled to Monts6gur, and they cited a certain Folquet,
who, in terror, entered the convent of Belleperche as a Cistercian
monk, and, finding that this was of no avail, finally fled to Lom-
bardy. Meanwhile Frere Arnaud Catala and our chronicler, Guil-
lem Pelisson, descended upon Albi, where they penanced a dozen
citizens by ordering them to Palestine, and in conjunction with
another inquisitor, Guillem de Lombers, burned two heretics,
Pierre de Puechperdut and Pierre Bomassipio.*
The absence of the inquisitors from Toulouse made no differ-
ence in the good work, for their duties were assumed by their
prior, Pons de Saint-Gilles. Under what authority he acted is not
stated, but we find him, in conjunction with another friar, trying
and condemning a certain Arnaud Sancier, who was burned, in
spite of his protests to the last that he was a good Catholic, caus-
ing great agitation in the city, but no tumultuous uprising.t
The terror which Pelisson boasts that these proceedings spread
through the land was probably owing not only to the evidence
they afforded of an organized system of persecution, but also to
their introduction of a much more effective method of prosecution
than had heretofore been known. The "heretic," so called, was
the perfected teacher who disdained to deny his faith, and his
burning was accepted by all as a matter of course, as also was that
of the credens," or believer, who was defiantly contumacious and
persisted in admitting and adhering to his creed. Hitherto, how-
ever, the believer who professed orthodoxy seems generally to
have escaped, in the imperfection of the judicial means of proving
his guilt. The friars, trained in the subtleties of disputation and
learned in both civil and canon law, were specially fitted for the
detection of this particularly dangerous secret misbelief, and their
persistence in worrying their victims to the death was well calcu-
lated to spread alarm, not only among the guilty, but among the
How reasonable were the fears inspired by the speedy infor-
mality of the justice accorded to the heretic is well illustrated by

Pelisso Chron. pp. 20-1. t Ibid. p. 22.

a case occurring in 1234. When the canonization of St. Dominic
was announced in Toulouse it was celebrated in a solemn mass
performed by Bishop Raymond in the Dominican convent. St.
Dominic, however, desired to mark the occasion with some more
edifying manifestation of his peculiar functions, and caused word
to be brought to the bishop, as the latter was leaving the church
for the refectory to partake of a meal, that a woman had just been
hereticated in a house hard by, in the Rue de l'Olmet sec. The
bishop, with the prior and some others, hurried thither. It was
the house of Peitavin Borsier, the general messenger of the here-
tics of Toulouse, whose mother-in-law lay dying of fever. So sud-
den was the entrance of the intruders that the woman's friends
could only tell her "the bishop is coming," and she, who expected
a visit from the heretic bishop, was easily led on by Raymond to
make a full declaration of her heresy and to pledge herself to be
steadfast in it. Then, revealing himself, he ordered her to recant,
and, on her refusal, he summoned the viguier, condemned her as a
heretic, and had the satisfaction of seeing the dying creature car-
ried off on her bed and burned at the place of execution. Borsier
and his colleague, Bernard Aldric of Dremil, were captured, and
betrayed many of their friends; and then Raymond and the fri-
ars returned to their neglected dinner, giving thanks to God and
to St. Dominic for so signal a manifestation in favor of the faith.*
The ferocious exultation with which these extra-judicial hor-
rors were perpetrated is well reflected in a poem of the period by
Isarn, the Dominican Prior of Villemier. He represents himself
Sas disputing with Sicard de Figueras, a Catharan bishop, and each
of his theological arguments is clinched with a threat-

E' s'aquest no vols creyre vec te '1 foc aizinat
Que art tos companhos.
Aras vuelh que m' responds en un mot o en dos,
Si cauziras et foc o remanras ab nos."

"If you will not believe this, look at that raging fire which is con-
suming your comrades. Now I wish you to reply to me in one
word or two, for you will burn in the fire or join us." Or again,
"If you do not confess at once, the flames are already lighted;

Pelisso Chron. pp. 23-5.

your name is proclaimed throughout the city with the blast of
'trumpets, and the people are gathering to see you burn." In this
terrible poem, Isarn only turned into verse what he felt in his own
heart, and what he saw passing under his eyes almost daily.*
As the holy work assumed shape and its prospects of results
grew more encouraging, the zeal of the hunters of men increased,
while the fear and hatred of the hunted became more threatening.
On both sides passion was fanned into flame. Already, in 1233,
two Dominicans, sent to Cordes to seek out heretics, had been
slain by the terrified citizens. At Albi the people, excited by the
burning of the two heretics already referred to, rose, June 14,
1234, when Arnaud Catala ordered the episcopal bailli to dig up
the bones of a heretic woman named Beissera whom he had con-
demned. The bailli sent back word that he dared not do it. Ar-
naud left the episcopal synod in which he was sitting, coolly went
to the cemetery, himself gave the first strokes of the mattock, and
then, ordering the officials to proceed with the work, returned to
the synod. The officials quickly rushed after him, saying that
they had been ejected from the burial-ground by the mob. Ar-
naud returned and found it occupied by a crowd of howling sons
pf Belial, who quickly closed in on him, striking him in the face
and pummelling him on all sides, with shouts of "Kill him! he has
no right to live!" Some endeavored to drag him into the shops
hard by to slay him; others wished to throw him into the river
Tarn, but he was rescued and taken back to the synod, followed
by a mass of men fiercely shouting for his death. The whole
city, indeed, seemed to be of one mind, and many of the principal
burghers were leaders of the tumult. It is satisfactory to learn
that, although Arnaud mercifully withdrew the excommunication
which he launched at the rebellious city, his successor, Frere Fer-
rer, wrought the judgment of God upon the guilty, imprisoning
many of them and burning others.t

"* Millot, Troubadours, II. 65-77.-Mary-Lafon, listoire du Midi de la France,
III. 390-99.
t Vaissette, III. 403.-Martene Thesaur. I. 985.-Pelisso Chron. pp. 13 -14,
Chabanaud (Vaissette, td. Privat, X. 330) thinks it probable that this Ar-
naud Catala is the troubadour of the same name, developing, like Folquet of
Marseilles and others, from a poet to a persecutor.

In Narbonne disturbances arose even more serious, although
special inquisitors had not yet been sent there. In March, 1234,
the Dominican prior, Frangois Ferrer, undertook a volunteer in-
quisition and threw in prison a citizen named Raymond d'Argens.
Fifteen years previous the artisans of the suburb had organized a
confederation for mutual support called the Amistance, and this
body arose as one man and forcibly rescued the prisoner. The
archbishop, Pierre Amiel, and the viscount, Aimery of Narbonne,
undertook to rearrest him, but found his house guarded by the
Amistance, which rushed upon their followers with shouts of
" Kill!- kill!" and drove them away after a brief skirmish, in which
the prior was badly handled. The archbishop had recourse to ex-
communication and interdict, but to little purpose, for the Amis-
tance seized his domains and drove him from the city. Both sides
sought allies. Gregory IX. appealed to King Jayme of Aragon,
while a complaint from the consuls of Narbonne to those of Nimes
looks as though they were endeavoring to effect a confederation
of the cities against the Inquisition, of whose arbitrary and illegal
methods of procedure they give abundant details. A kind of truce
"was patched up in October, but the troubles recommended when
the prior, in obedience to an order from his provincial, undertook
"a fresh inquisition, and made a number of arrests. In December
"a suspension was obtained by the citizens appealing to the pope,
the king, and the legate, but in 1235 the people rose against the
Dominicans, drove them from the city, sacked their convent, and
destroyed all the records of the proceedings against heresy. Arch-
bishop Pierre had cunningly separated the city from the suburb,
about equal in population, by confining the inquisition to the lat-
ter, and this bore fruit in his securing the armed support of the
former. The suburb placed itself under the protection of Count
Raymond, who, nothing loath to aggravate the trouble, came there
and gave to the people as leaders Olivier de Termes and Gui-
raud de Niort, two notorious defenders of heretics. A bloody
civil war broke out between the two sections, which lasted until
April, 1237, when a truce for a year was agreed upon. In
the following August the Count of Toulouse and the Seneschal
of Carcassonne were called in as arbitrators, and in March, 1238,
a peace was concluded. That the Church triumphed is shown
by the conditions which imposed upon some of the participators

in the troubles a year's service in Palestine or against the Moors
of Spain.*
In Toulouse, the centre both of heresy and persecution, in spite
of mutterings and menaces, open opposition to the Inquisition was
postponed longer than elsewhere. Although Count Raymond is
constantly represented by the Church party as the chief opponent
of the Holy Office, it was probably his influence that succeeded in
staving off so long the inevitable rupture. Hard experience from
childhood could scarce have rendered him a fervent Catholic, yet
that experience had shown him that the favor and protection of
the Church were indispensable if he would retain the remnant of
territory and power that had been left to him. He could not as
yet be at heart a persecutor of heresy, yet he could not afford to
antagonize the Church. It was important for him to retain the
love and good-will of his subjects and to prevent the desolation of
his cities and lordships, but it was yet more important for him to
escape the stigma of favoring heresy, and to avoid calling down
upon his head a renewal of the storm in which he had been so
nearly wrecked. Few princes have had a more difficult part to
play, with dangers besetting him on every side, and if he earned
the reputation of a trimmer without religious convictions, that
reputation and his retention of his position till his death are per-
haps the best proof of the fundamental wisdom which guided his
necessarily tortuous course. Pierre Cardinal, the Troubadour, de-
scribes him as defending himself from the assaults of the worst of
men, as fearing neither the Frenchman nor the ecclesiastic, and as
humble only with the good.t
He was always at odds with his prelates. Intricate questions
with regard to the temporalities were a constant source of quarrel,
and he lived under a perpetual reduplication of excommunications,

*Vaissette, III. 402-8, 406; Pr. 370-1, 379-81. -Coll. Doat, XXXI. 33.-
Teulet, Layettes, II. 321, 824.
t "Car del pejors homes que son
So defen et de tot le mond;
Que Franses ni clergia
Ni las autras gens ne l'affront;
3as als bos s'humilia
Et 1'mal confond."
(Peyrat, Les Albigeois et 1'Inquisition, II. 394).

for he had been so long under the ban of the Church that no bishop
hesitated for a moment in anathematizing him. Then, one of the
conditions of the treaty of 1229 had been that within two years he
should proceed to Palestine and wage war there with the infidel
for five years. The two years had passed away without his per-
forming the vow; the state of the country at no time seemed to
render so prolonged an absence safe, and for years a leading ob-
ject of his policy was to obtain a postponement of his crusade or
immunity for the non-observance of his vow. Moreover, from the
date of the peace of Paris until the end of his life he earnestly and
vainly endeavored to obtain from Rome permission for the sepul-
ture of his father's body. These complications crippled him in
multitudinous ways and exposed him to immense disadvantage in
his fencing with the hierarchy.
As early as 1230 he was taxed by the legate with inobservance
of the conditions of the peace, and was forced to promise amend-
ment of his ways. In 1232 we see Gregory IX. imperiously or-
dering him to be energetic in the duty of persecution, and, possibly
in obedience to this, during the same year, we find him personally
accompanying Bishop Raymond of Toulouse in a nocturnal expe-
dition among the mountains, which was rewarded with the capture
of nineteen perfected heretics, male and female, including one of
their most important leaders, Pagan, Seigneur de Becede, whose
castle we saw captured in 1227. All these expiated their errors
at the stake. Yet not long afterwards the Bishop of Tournay, as
papal legate, assembled the prelates of Languedoc and formally
cited Raymond before King Louis to answer for his slackness in
carrying out the provisions of the treaty. The result of this was
the drawing up of severe enactments against heretics, which he
was obliged to promulgate in February, 1234. In spite of this,
and of a letter from Gregory to the bishops ordering them no
longer to excommunicate him so freely as before, he was visited
within a twelvemonth with two fresh excommunications, for pure-
ly temporal causes. Then came fresh urgency from the pope for
the extirpation of heresy, with which Raymond doubtless made a
show of compliance, as his heart was bent on obtaining from Rome
a restoration of the Marquisate of Provence. In this he was
strongly backed by King Louis, whose brother Alfonse was to be
Raymond's heir, and towards the close of the year he sought an

interview with Gregory and succeeded in effecting it. His recon-
ciliation with the papacy appeared to be complete. His military
reputation stood high, and Gregory made use of his visit to confide
to him the leadership of the papal troops in a campaign against
the rebellious citizens of Rome, who had expelled the head of the
Church from their city. Though he did not succeed in restoring
the pope, they parted on the best of terms, and he returned to
Toulouse as a favored son of the Church, ready on all points to
obey her behests.*
There he found matters rapidly approaching a crisis which
tested to the utmost his skill in temporizing. Passions on both
sides were rising to an uncontrollable point. At Easter, 1235, the
promise of grace for voluntary confession brought forward such
crowds of penitent heretics that the Dominicans were insufficient
to take their testimony, and were obliged to call in the aid of the
Franciscans and of all the parish priests of the city. Encouraged
by this, the prior, Pons de Saint-Gilles, commenced to seize those
who had not come forward spontaneously. Among these was a
certain Arnaud Dominique, who, to save his life, promised to betray
eleven heretics residing in a house at Cassers. This he fulfilled,
though four of them escaped through the aid of the neighboring
peasants, and he was set at liberty. The long-suffering of the
heretics, however, was at last exhausted, and shortly afterwards
he was murdered in his bed at Aigrefeuille by the friends of those
whom he had thus sacrificed. Still more significant of the dan-
gerous tension of popular feeling was a mob which, under the
guidance of two leading citizens, forcibly rescued Pierre-Guillem
Delort from the hands of the viguier and of the Abbot of Saint-
Sernin, who had arrested him and were conveying him to prison.
The situation was becoming unbearable, and soon the ceremony
of dragging through the streets and burning the bodies of some
dead heretics aroused an agitation so general and so menacing
that Count Raymond was sent for in hopes that his interposition

Bern. Guidon. Vit. Gregor. PP. IX. (Muratori, S. R. I. III. 573) -Archives
Nat. de France J. 430, No. 17, 18.-Guill. Pod. Laur. c. 42.-Peyrat, Hist. des Al-
bigeois, I. 287.-Harduin. Concil.VII. 203-8.-D'Achery Spicileg. III. 606.-Pot-
thast No. 9771.-Epistt. Seculi XIII. T. I. No. 577 (Mon. Germ. Hist.).-Matt.
Paris ann. 1234, p. 280.-Vaissette, III. 399-400, 406.-Hist. Diplom. Frid. II.
T. IV. pp. 485, 799-802.

might avert the most deplorable consequences. Thus far, although
perhaps somewhat lacking in alacrity of persecution, no serious
charges could be laid against him. His officials, his baillis and
viguiers, had responded to all appeals of the inquisitors and had
lent the aid of the secular arm in seizing heretics, in burning them,
and in confiscating their property. Yet when he came to Tou-
louse and begged the inquisitors to suspend for a time the vigor
of their operations he was not listened to. Then he turned to the
papal legate, Jean, Archbishop of Vienne, complaining specially
of Pierre Cella, whom he considered to be inspired with personal
enmity to himself, and whom he regarded as the chief author of
the troubles. His request that Cella's operations should be con-
fined to Querci was granted. That inquisitor was sent to Cahors,
where, with the assistance of Pons Delmont and Guillem Pelisson
he vigorously traversed the land and forced multitudes to confess
their guilt.*
This expedient was of no avail. Persecution continued as ag-
gressive as ever, and popular indignation steadily rose. The in-
evitable crisis soon came which should determine whether the In-
quisition should sink into insignificance, as had been the case with
so many previous efforts, or whether it should triumph over all
opposition and become the dominating power in the land.
Guillem Arnaud was in no way abashed by the banishment of
his colleague. Returning from a brief absence at Carcassonne, of
which more anon, he summoned for trial as believers twelve of
the leading citizens of Toulouse, one of them a consul. They re-
fused to appear, and threatened him with violence unless he should
desist. On his persisting, word was sent him, with the assent of
Count Raymond, that he must either leave the city or abandon
his functions as inquisitor. He took council with his Dominican
brethren, when it was unanimously agreed that he should proceed
manfully in his duty. The consuls then ejected him by force from
the city; he was accompanied to the bridge over the Garonne by
all the friars, and as he departed the consuls recorded a protest to
the effect that if he would desist from the inquisition he could re-
main; otherwise, in the name of the count and in their own, they
ordered him to leave the city. He went to Carcassonne, whence

"* Pelisso Chron. pp. 25-8.

he ordered the Prior of Saint-itienne and the parish priests to re-
peat the citations to the parties already summoned. This order
was bravely obeyed in spite of threats, when the consuls sent for
the prior and priests, and after keeping them in the town-hall part
of a night, expelled them from the town, and publicly proclaimed
that any one daring to repeat the citations should be put to death,
and that any one obeying the summons of an inquisitor should an-
swer for it in body and goods. Another proclamation followed,
in which the name of Count Raymond was used, prohibiting that
any one should give or sell anything to the bishop, the Dominicans,
or the canons of Saint-Jtienne. This forced the bishop to leave
the city, as we are told that no one dared even to bake a loaf of
bread for him, and the populace, moreover, invaded his house, beat
his clerks, and stole his horses. The Dominicans fared better, for
they had friends hardy enough to supply them with necessaries,
and when the consuls posted guards around their house, still bread
and cheese and other food was thrown over their walls in spite of
the arrest of some of those engaged in it. Their principal suffer-
ing was from lack of water, which had to be brought from the
Garonne, and as this source of supply was cut off, they were unable
to boil their vegetables. For three weeks they thus exultingly
endured their martyrdom in a holy cause. Matters became more
serious when the indomitable Guillem Arnaud sent from Carcas-
sonne a letter to the prior saying, that as no one dared to cite the
contumacious citizens, he was forced to order two of the friars to
summon them to appear before him personally in Carcassonne to
answer for their faith, and that two others must accompany them
as witnesses. Tolling the convent bell, the prior assembled the
brethren, and said to them with a joyful countenance: "Brethren,
rejoice, for I must send four of you through martyrdom to the
throne of the Most High. Such are the commands of our brother,
Guillem the inquisitor, and whoever obeys them will be slain on
the spot, as threatened by the consuls. Let those who are ready
to die for Christ ask pardon." With a common impulse the whole
body cast themselves on the ground, which was the Dominican
form of asking pardon, and the prior selected four, Raymond de
Foix, Jean de Saint-Michel, Gui de Navarre, and Guillem Pelisson.
These intrepidly performed their duty, even penetrating when
necessary into the bed-chambers of the accused. Only in one

house were they ill-treated, and even there, when the sons of the
person cited drew knives upon them, the bystanders interfered.
There was evidently nothing to be done with men who thus
courted martyrdom. To gratify them would be suicidal, and the
consuls decided to expel them. On being informed of this the
prior distributed among trusty friends the books and sacred ves-
sels and vestments of the convent. The next day (Nov. 5 or 6,
1235) the friars, after mass, sat down to their simple meal, during
which the consuls came with a great crowd and threatened to
break in the door. The friars marched in procession to their
church, where they took their seats, and when the consuls entered
and commanded them to depart they refused. Then each was
seized and violently led forth, two of them who threw themselves
on the ground near the door being picked up by the hands and
feet and carried out. Thus they were accompanied through the
town, but not otherwise maltreated, and they turned the affair
into a procession, marching two by two and singing Te Deum
and Salve Regina. At first they went to a farm belonging to the
church of Saint-Iftienne, but the consuls posted guards to see that
nothing was furnished to them, and the next day the prior dis-
tributed them among the convents of the province. That the
whole affair enlisted for them the sympathies of the faithful was
shown by two persons of consideration joining them and entering
the Order while it was going on.*
It is significant of the position which Guillem Arnaud's stead-
fastness had already won for his office that to him was conceded the
vindication of this series of outrages on the immunity of the Church.
Bishop Raymond had joined him in Carcassonne without anathe-
matizing the authors of his exile, but now the anathema prompt-
ly went forth, November 10, 1235, uttered by the inquisitor with
the names of the Bishops of Toulouse and Carcassonne appended
as assenting witnesses. It was confined to the consuls, but Count
Raymond was not allowed to escape the responsibility. The ex-
communication was sent to the Franciscans of Toulouse for publi-
cation, and when they obeyed they too were expelled, in no gen-

Pelisso Chron. pp. 80-40.-Bern. Guidon. Hist. Fundat. Convent. Praedicat.
(Martene Thesaur. VI. 460-1).-Epistt. Seeculi XIII. T. I. No. 688 (Mon. Germ.
Hist.).-Guill. Pod. Laur. c. 43.

tie fashion, and the rebellious city was virtually left without eccle-
siastics. Further excommunications followed, now including the
count, and Prior Pons de Saint-Gilles hastened to Italy to pour
the story of his woes into the sympathizing ears of the pope and
the sacred college. Gregory assailed the count as the chief of-
fender. A minatory brief of April 28, 1236, addressed to him, is
couched in the severest language. He is held responsible for the
audacious acts of the consuls; he is significantly reminded of the
unperformed vow of the crusade; not only has he failed to extir-
pate heresy according to his pledges, but he is a manifest fautor
and protector of heretics; his favorites and officers are suspect of
heresy; he protects those who have been condemned; his lands
are a place of refuge for those flying from persecution elsewhere,
so that heresy is daily spreading and conversions from Catholicism
are frequent, while zealous churchmen seeking to restrain them
are slain and abused with impunity. All this he is peremptorily
ordered to correct and to sail with his knights to the Holy Land
in the "general passage" of the following March. It scarcely
needed the reminder, which the pope did not spare him, of the
labors which the Church and its Crusaders had undergone to purge
his lands of heresy. He had too keen a recollection of the abyss
from which he had escaped to risk another plunge. He had gone
as far as he dared in the effort to protect his subjects, and it were
manifest folly to draw upon his head and theirs another inroad
of the marauders whom the pope with a word could let loose upon
him to earn salvation with the sword.*
The epistle to Raymond was accompanied with one to the le-
gate, instructing him to compel the count to make amends and per-
form the crusade. To Frederic II. he wrote forbidding him to
call on Raymond for feudal services, as the count was under ex-
communication and virtually a heretic, to which the emperor re-
plied, reasonably enough, that, so long as Raymond enjoyed posses-
sion of fiefs held under the empire, excommunication should not

Marteno Thesaur. I. 992.-Epistt. Seculi XIII. T. I. No. 688 (Mon. Germ.
Hist.).-Teulet, Layettes, II. 814.
The subordination of the bishop to the inquisitors is further shown in the
excommunication of the viguier and consuls of Toulouse, July 24,1237, in which
Bishop Raymond and other prelates are mentioned as assessors to the inquisitors
(Doat, XXI. 148).

confer on him the advantage of release from their burdens. King
Louis was also appealed to and was urged to hasten the marriage
between his brother Alfonse and Raymond's daughter Jeanne.
With the spectre of all Europe in arms looming up before him
Raymond could do nothing but yield. When, therefore, the legate
summoned him to meet the inquisitors at Carcassonne he meekly
went there and conferred with them and the bishops. The con-
ference ended with his promise to return the bishop and friars and
clergy to Toulouse, and this promise he kept. The friars were
duly reinstated September 4, after ten months of exile. That
Guillem Arnaud returned with them is a matter of course.*
Pierre Cella was still restricted to his diocese of Querci, and as
Guillem required a colleague, a concession was made to popular
feeling by the legate in appointing a Franciscan, it being imagined
that the comparative mildness of that Order might serve to modify
the hatred felt towards the Dominicans. The post was conferred
on the provincial minister, Jean de Notoyra, but his other duties
were too engrossing, and he substituted Frere Etienne de Saint-Thi-
bery, who had the reputation of being a modest and courteous
man. If hopes were entertained that thus the severity of the In-
quisition would be tempered, they were disappointed. The two
men worked cordially together, with a single purpose and perfect
Guillem Arnaud's activity was untiring. During his exile in
Carcassonne he occupied himself with the trial of the Seigneur de
Niort, whom he sentenced in February or March, 1236.4 In the
early months of 1237 we hear of him in Querci, co-operating with
Pierre Cella in harrying the heretics of Montauban. During his
absence there occurred a crowning mercy in Toulouse, which threw
the heretics into a spasm of terror and contributed greatly to their
destruction. Raymond Gros, who had been a perfected heretic
for more than twenty years, one of the most loved and trusted
leaders of the sect, was suddenly converted. Tradition relates
that a quarter of a century before he had been seized and con-
Potthast No. 10152.-Epistt. Secul. XIII. T. I. No. 700 (Mon. Germ. Hist.).
-Hist. Diplom. Frid. II. T. IV. P. H. p. 912.-Vaissette, III. 408.-Pelisso Chron.
pp. 40-1.
t Pelisso Chron. p. 41-2.
I Coll. Doat, XXI. 163.

signed to the stake, when the prophetic spirit of St. Dominic, fore-
seeing that he would return to the Church and perform shining
service in the cause of God, rescued him from the flames. On
April 2, without heralding, he presented himself at the Domini-
can convent, humbly begged to be received into the Church, and
promised to do whatever should be required of him. With the
eagerness of an impassioned convert he proceeded to reveal all
that lifelong intercourse with the Cathari had brought to his
knowledge. So full were his recollections that several days were
required to write down all the names and facts that crowded to
his lips. The lists were long and embraced prominent nobles and
citizens, confirming suspicion in many cases, and revealing heresy
in other quarters where it was wholly unlocked for.
Guillem Arnaud hurried back from Montauban to take full ad-
vantage of this act of Providence. The heretics were stunned.
None of them dared to deny the truth of the accusations made by
Raymond Gros. Many fled, some of whose names reappear in the
massacre of Avignonet and the final catastrophe of Mlontsegur.
Many recanted and furnished further revelations. Long lists were
made out of those who had been hereticated on their death-beds,
and multitudes of corpses were exhumed and burned, with the re-
sultant harvest of confiscations. It is difficult to exaggerate the
severity of the blow thus received by heresy. Toulouse was its
headquarters. Here were the nobles and knights, the consuls and
rich burghers who had thus far defied scrutiny and had protected
their less fortunate comrades. Now scattered and persecuted,
forced to recant, or burned, the power of the secret organization
was broken irrevocably. We can well appreciate the pious exulta-
tion of the chronicler as he winds up his account of the conster-
nation and destruction thus visited upon the heretical community
"-" Their names are not written in the Book of Life, but their bod-
ies here were burned and their souls are tortured in hell!" A
single sentence of February 19, 1238, in which more than twenty
penitents were consigned en masse to perpetual imprisonment,
shows the extent of the harvest and the haste of the harvesters.*

Pelisso Chron. pp. 48-51.-Coll. Doat, XXI. 149.-It is probable that among
these victims perished Vigoros de Bocona, a Catharan bishop. Alberic de Trois
Fontaines places his burning in Toulouse in 1233 (Chron. ann. 1233), but there is

The Inquisition thus had overcome the popular horror which
its proceedings had excited; it had braved the shock and tri-
umphed over the opposition of the secular authorities, and had
planted itself firmly in the soil. After the harvest had been gath-
ered in Toulouse it was evident to the indefatigable activity of the
inquisitors that they could best perform their functions by riding
circuit and holding assizes in all the towns subject to their juris-
diction, and this was represented as a concession to avert the com-
plaints of those who deemed it a hardship to be summoned to dis-
tant places. Their incessant labors began to tell. Heretics were
leaving the lands of Raymond at last and seeking a refuge else-
where. Possibly some of them found it in the domains which had
fallen to the crown, for in this year we find Gregory scolding the
royal officials for their slackness of zeal in executing sentences
against powerful heretics. Elsewhere, however, there was no rest
for them. In Provence this year Pons de 1'Esparre made himself
conspicuous for the energy and effectiveness with which he con-
founded the enemies of the faith; while Montpellier, alarmed at
the influx of heretics and their success in propagating their errors,
appealed to Gregory to favor them with some assistance that
should effectively resist the rising tide, and Gregory at once or-
dered his legate Jean de Vienne to go thither and take the neces-
sary measures.*
The progress of the Inquisition, however, was not destined to
be uninterrupted. Count Raymond, apparently reckless of the nu-
merous excommunications under which he lay, so far from sailing
for Palestine in March, had seized Marseilles, which was in rebel-
lion against its suzerain, the Count of Provence. This aroused
anew the indignation of Gregory, not only because of its inter-
ference with the war against the Saracens in Spain and the Holy
Land, but because of the immunity which heretics would enjoy

evidence of his being still alive and active in 1235 or 1236 (Doat, XXII. 222).
He was ordained a "filius major" in .Monts6gur about 1229, by the Catharan
bishop, Guillabert de Castres (Doat, XXII. 226), and his name as that of a re-
vered teacher continues for many years to occur in the confessions of penitents.
.. Guill. Pod. Laur. c. 43.--Arch. de l'LvcchM de Beziers (Doat, XXXI. 35).-
Bern. Guidon. Libell. de Magist. Ord. Predic. (Martene Ampl. Coll. VI. 422).-
Raynald. ann. 1237, No. 32.

during the quarrel of the Christian princes. He peremptorily or-
dered Raymond to desist from his enterprise on Marseilles, and to
perform his Crusader's vow. An appeal was made to King Louis
and Queen Blanche, whose intervention procured for Raymond
not only a postponement of the crusade for another year, but an
order to the legate empowering him to grant the count's request
to take the Inquisition entirely out of the hands of the Domini-
cans, if, on investigation, he should find justification for Raymond's
assertion that they were actuated by hatred towards himself.
Fresh troubles had arisen at Toulouse. July 24, 1237, the inquis-
itors had again excommunicated the viguier and consuls, because
they had not arrested and burned Alaman de Roaix and some
other heretics, condemned in absentia, and Raymond was resolved,
if possible, to relieve himself and his subjects from the cruel op-
pression to which they were exposed.*
In this his efforts were crowned with most unlooked-for suc-
cess. May 13, 1238, he obtained a suspension for three months of
all inquisitorial proceedings, during which time his envoys sent to
Gregory were to be heard. They seem to have used most persua-
sive arguments, for Gregory wrote to the Bishop of Toulouse to
continue the suspension until the new legate, the Cardinal-bishop
of Palestrina, should examine into the complaints against the
Dominicans and consider the advisability of granting Raymond's
request that the business of persecution should be confined, as for-
merly, to the bishops. Raymond's crusade was also reduced to
three years, to be performed voluntarily, provided he would give
to King Louis sufficient security that he would sail the following
year: by performing this, and making amends for the wrongs in-
flicted on the Church, he was to earn absolution from his numer-
ous excommunications.t
The temporary suspension was unexpectedly prolonged, for,

S Epistt. Seculi XIII. T. I. No. 706 (Mion. Germ. Hist.).-Potthast No. 10357,
10361.-Raynald. ann. 1237, No. 33, 37.-Teulet, Layettes, II. 339, No. 2514.-
Vaissette, III. 410.-Coll. Doat, XXI. 146.
A deposition of Raymond Jean of Albi, April 30, 1238 (Doat, XXIII. 273),
probably marks the term of the activity of the Inquisition before its suspension.
t Teulet, Layettes, II. 377, 386.-Epistt. Seculi XIII. T. I. No. 731 (Afon.
Germ. HIist.).-Raynald. ann. 1239, No. 71-3.-Arch. du Vatican T. XIX. (Bei-
ger, Actes d'Innocent IV. p. xix.).

owing to hostilities with Frederic II., the cardinal-legate's depart-
ure was postponed for a year. When at last he came, in 1239, he
brought special orders to the inquisitors to obey his commands.
"What investigation he made and what were his conclusions we
have no means of knowing, but this at least is certain, that until
late in 1241 the Inquisition was effectually muzzled. No traces
remain of its activity during these years, and Catholic and Catha-
ran alike could draw a freer breath, relieved of apprehension from
its ever-present supervision and the seemingly superhuman energy
of the friars.*
We can readily conjecture the reasons which impelled its re-
instatement. Doubtless the bishops were as negligent as of old,
and looked after their temporalities to the exclusion of their duties
in preserving the purity of the faith. Doubtless, too, the heretics,
encouraged by virtual toleration, grew bolder, and cherished hopes
of a return to the good old times, when, secure under their native
princes, they could safely defy distant Paris and yet more distant
Rome. The condition of the country was, in fact, by no means
reassuring, especially in the regions which had become domains of
the crown. The land was full of knights and barons who were
more or less openly heretics, and who knew not when the blow
might fall on them; of seigneurs who had been proscribed for
heresy; of enforced converts who secretly longed to avow their
hidden faith, and to regain their confiscated lands; of penitents
burning to throw off the crosses imposed on them, and to avenge
the humiliations which they had endured. Refugees,faidits, and
heretic teachers were wandering through the mountains, dwelling
in caverns and in the recesses of the forests. Scarce a family but
had some kinsman to avenge, who had fallen in the field or had
perished at the stake. The lack of prisons and the parsimony of
the prelates had prevented a general resort to imprisonment, and
the burnings had not been numerous enough to notably reduce the
numbers of those who were of necessity bitterly opposed to the
existing order. Suddenly, in 1240, an insurrection appeared, head-
ed by Trencavel, son of that Viscount of B6ziers whom we have
seen entrapped by Simon de Montfort and dying opportunely in

Arch. Nat. de France J. 430, No. 19, 20. Guill. Pod. Laurent. c. 43. -
Vaissette, III. 411.

his hands, not without suspicion of poison. He brought with him
from Catalonia troops of proscribed knights and gentlemen, and
was greeted enthusiastically by the vassals and subjects of his
house. Count Raymond, his cousin, held aloof; but his ambigu-
ous conduct showed plainly that he was prepared to act on either
side as success or defeat might render advisable. At first the ris-
ing seemed to prosper. Trencavel laid siege to his ancestral town
of Carcassonne, and the spirit of his followers was shown when,
on the surrender of the suburb, they slaughtered in cold blood
thirty ecclesiastics who had received solemn assurance of free
egress to Narbonne.*
It required but a small force of royal troops under Jean de
Beaumont to crush the insurrection as quickly as it had arisen,
and to inflict a vengeance which virtually annihilated the petite
noblesse of the region; but, nevertheless, the lesson which it taught
was not to be neglected. The civil order, as now established in
the south of France, evidently rested in the religious order, and
the maintenance of this required hands more vigorous and watch-
ful than those of the self-seeking prelates. A great assembly of
the Cathari held in 1241, on the bank of the Larneta, under the
presidency of Aymeri de Collet, heretic Bishop of Albi, showed
how bold they had become, and how confidently they looked to
the future. Church and State both could see now, if not before,
that the Inquisition was a necessary factor in securing to both the
advantages gained in the crusades.t
Gregory IX., the founder of the Inquisition, died August 22,
1241. It is probable that, before his death, he had put an end to
the suspension of the Inquisition and slipped the hounds from the
leash, for his immediate successor, Celestin-IV., enjoyed a pontifi-
cate, of but nineteen days-from September 20 to October 8-
and then followed an interregnum until the election of Innocent
IV., June 28,1243, so that for nearly two years the papal throne

Guill. Pod. Laur. c. 43.-Guill. Nangiac. Gest. S. Ludov. ann. 1239.-Vais-
sette, III. 420.-Bern. Guidon. Vit. Gregor. PP. IX. (Muratori S. R. I. III. 574).
-Teulet, Layettes, II. 457. It was not until 1247 that Trencavel released the
consuls of BEziers from their allegiance to him. Mascaro, Libre de Memorias,
ann. 1247.
t A. 3Iolinier (Vaissette, id. Privat, VII. 448-61).-Douais, Les Albigeois,
Paris, 1879; Pieces justif. No. 4.


was practically vacant. Raymond's policy, for the moment, had
leaned towards gratifying the papacy, for he desired from Gregory
not only the removal of his four excommunications and forbear-
ance in the matter of the crusade, but also a dispensation to enable
him to carry out a contract of marriage into which he entered
with Sanche, daughter and heiress of the Count of Provence, not
foreseeing that Queen Blanche would juggle him in this, and, by
securing the brilliant match for her son Charles, found the House
of Anjou-Provence, and win for the royal family another large
portion of the South. Full of these projects, which promised so
well for the rehabilitation of his power, he signed, April 18, 1241,
with Jayme I. of Aragon, a treaty of alliance for the defence of
the Holy See and the Catholic faith, and against the heretics.
Under such influences he was not likely to oppose the renewal of
active persecution. Besides, he had been compromised in Trenca-
vel's insurrection; he had been summoned to answer for his con-
duct before King Louis, when, on March 14, he had been forced
to take an oath to banish from his lands the faidits and enemies
of the king, and to capture without delay the castle of Monts6-
gur, the last refuge of heresy.*
The case of the Seigneurs de Niort, powerful nobles of Fenouil-
1ldes, who had taken part in Trencavel's insurrection, is interest-
ing from the light which it throws upon the connection between
the religion and the politics of the time, the difficulties which the
Inquisition experienced in dealing with stubborn heresy and patri-
otism, and the damage inflicted on the heretic cause by the abor-
tive revolt. The three brothers-Guillem Guiraud, Bernard Otho,
and Guiraud Bernard-with their mother, Esclarmonde, had long
been a quarry which both the inquisitors and the royal seneschal
of Carcassonne had been eager to capture. Guillem had earned
the reputation of a valiant knight in the wars of the crusades, and
the brothers had managed to hold their castles and their power
through all the vicissitudes of the time. In the general inquisition
made by Cardinal Romano in 1229 they were described as among
the chief leaders of the heretics, and the Council of Toulouse, at
the same time, denounced two of them as enemies of the faith,
and declared them excommunicate if they did not submit within

D'Achery Spicileg. III. 621.-Vaissette, IIIL 424; Pr. 400.

fifteen days. In 1233 we hear of their having, .not long before,
laid waste with fire and sword the territories of Pierre Amiel,
Archbishop of Narbonne, and they had assailed and wounded him
while on his way to the Holy See, an exploit which led Gregory
IX. to order the archbishop, in conjunction with the Bishop of
Toulouse, to proceed against them energetically, while at the same
time he invoked the secular arm by a pressing command to Count
Raymond. It was probably under this authority that Bishop
Raymond du Fauga and the Provost of Toulouse held an inquest
on them, in which was taken the testimony of Pierre Amiel and
of one hundred and seven other witnesses. The evidence was con-
flicting. The archbishop swore at great length as to the misdeeds
of his enemies. They were all heretics. At one time they kept
in their Castle of Dourne no less than thirty perfected heretics,
and they had procured the assassination of Andr6 Chaulet, Senes-
chal of Carcassonne, because he had endeavored to obtain evidence
against them. Other witnesses were equally emphatic. Bernard
Otho on one occasion had silenced a priest in his own church, and
had replaced him in the pulpit with a heretic, who had preached
to the congregation. On the other hand, there were not wanting
witnesses who boldly defended them. The preceptor of the Hos-
pital at Puysegur swore to the orthodoxy of Bernard Otho, and
declared that what he had done for the faith and for peace had
caused the death of a thousand heretics. A priest swore to having
seen him assist in capturing heretics, and an archdeacon declared
that he would not have remained in the land but for the army
which Bernard raised after the death of the late king, adding
that he believed the prosecution arose rather from hate than from
charity. Nothing came of this attempt, and in 1234 we meet
with Bernard Otho as a witness to a transaction between the royal
Seneschal of Carcassonne and the Monastery of Alet; but when
the Inquisition was established it was promptly brought to bear
on the nobles who persisted in maintaining their feudal indepen-
dence in spite of the fact that their immediate suzerain was now
the king. In 1235 Guillem Arnaud, the inquisitor, while in Car-
cassonne, with the Archdeacon of Carcassonne as assistant, cited
the three brothers and their mother to answer before him. Ber-
nard Otho and Guillem obeyed the summons, but would confess
nothing. Then the seneschal seized them; under compulsion

Guillem made confession ample to warrant the inquisitor in sen-
tencing him to perpetual prison (March 2, 1236), while Bernard,
remaining obdurate, was condemned as a contumacious heretic
(February 13, 1236), and the seneschal made preparations to burn
him. Guiraud and his mother, Esclarmonde, were further con-
demned, March 2, for contumacious absence. Guiraud, however,
who had wisely kept at large, began to fortify his castles and
make warlike demonstrations so formidable that the Frenchmen
scattered through the land took alarm. The Marechal de la
Foi, Levis of Mirepoix, stood firm, but the rest so worked upon
the seneschal that the brothers were released, and the inquisi-
tors had only the barren satisfaction of condemning the whole
family on paper-a disappointment alleviated, it is true, by gath-
ering for the stake a rich harvest of less formidable heretics,
both clerks and laymen. Equally vain was an effort made two
years later by the inquisitors to compel Count Raymond to carry
out their sentence by confiscating the lands of the contumacious
nobles, but the failure of Trencavel's revolt forced them to sue for
peace. Bernard Otho was again brought before the Inquisition,
and Guillem de Niort made submission for himself and brothers,
surrendering their castles to the king on condition that he would
procure their reconciliation with the Church, and that of their
mother, nephews, and allies, and, failing to accomplish this by the
next Pentecost, that he would restore their castles and grant them
a month of truce to put themselves in defence. King Louis rati-
fled the treaty in January, 1241, but refused, when the time came,
to restore the castles, only agreeing to pay over the revenues on
consideration that the brothers should reside outside of Fenouil-
ledes. Guillem died in 1256, when Louis kept both castles and
revenues, under pretext that the treaty had been a personal one
with Guillem. The new order of things by this time had become
so firmly established that no further resistance was to be dreaded.
The extinction of this powerful family is a typical example of the
manner in which the independence of the local seigneurie was
gradually broken down by means of the Inquisition, and the au-
thority of crown and Church was extended over the land.*

Guillem de Tudela V. 8980, 9183. -Tresor des Chartes du Roi a Carcas-
sonne (Doat, XXII. 34-49).-Vaissette, td. Privat, VIII. 975.-Teulet, Layettes,


Under the reaction consequent upon Trencavel's failure, and
emboldened by the ruin of the local protectors of the people, the
inquisitors returned to their work with sharpened zeal and re-
doubled energy. Chance has preserved for us a record of sen-
tences pronounced by Pierre Cella, during a circuit of a few
months in Querci, from Advent, 1241, to Ascension, 1242, which
affords us a singularly instructive insight into one phase of inquis-
itorial operations. We have seen that, when an inquisitor visited
a town, he proclaimed a "time of grace," during which those who
voluntarily came forward and confessed were spared the harsher
punishments of prison, confiscation, or the stake, and that the In-
quisition found this expedient exceedingly fruitful, not only in the
number of penitents which it brought in, but in the testimony
which was gathered concerning the more contumacious. The rec-
ord in question consists of cases of this kind, and its crowded cal-
endar justifies the esteem in which the method was held.*
Summarized, the record shows-
In Gourdon....... 219 sentences pronounced in Advent, 1241.
In Montcucq.... 84 Lent, 1242.
In Sauveterre.... 5.
In Belcayre....... 7.
In Montauban... 254 sentences pronounced in week before Ascension (May 21-
28, 1242).
In Moissac ....... 99 week of Ascension (May 28-June
In Montpezat.... 22 Lent, 1242.
In Montaut....... 23 "
In Castelnu .... 11 "
Total........ 724

II. 252, No. 2241.-Vaissette, III. 383, 422-3; Pr. 385, 397-99.-Ripoll VII. 9.-
Potthast No. 9024.-Pelisso Chron. pp. 28-9.-Coll. Doat, XXI. 163-164, 166;
XXIV. 81.
The document is in the Collection Doat, XXI. 185 sqq.-Although it does
not specify that the cases are of voluntary penitents within the time of grace,
there is no risk in assuming this. The penances are all of the kind provided for
such penitents; and in one case (fol. 220) it is mentioned that the party had not
come in within the time, which would infer that the rest had done so. Besides,
the extraordinary speed with which the business was transacted is wholly in-
compatible with prosecutions of accused persons striving to maintain their in-

Of these penitents four hundred and twenty-seven were ordered
to make the distant pilgrimage to Compostella, in the northwest-
ern corner of Spain-some four hundred or five hundred miles of
mountainous roads. One hundred and eight were sent to Canter-
bury, this pilgrimage, in all but three or four cases, being super-
imposed on that to Compostella. Only two penitents were re-
quired to visit Rome, but seventy-nine were ordered to serve in the
crusades for terms varying from one to eight years.
The first thing that impresses one in considering this record
is the extraordinary speed with which the work was done. The
whole was despatched in six months, and there is no evidence that
the labor was continuous -in fact, it could not have been so, for
the inquisitor had to move from place to place, to grant the neces-
sary delays, and must have been frequently interrupted to gather
in the results of testimony which implicated recusants. With
what reckless lack of consideration the penances were imposed is
shown by the two hundred and nineteen penitents of Gourdon,
whose confessions were taken down and whose sentences were
pronounced within the four weeks of Advent; and even this is
outstripped by the two hundred and fifty-two of Montauban, de-
spatched in the week before Ascension, at the rate of forty-two
for each working-day. In several cases two culprits are included
in the same sentence.
Even more significant than this, however, are the enormous
numbers-two hundred and nineteen for a small town like Gour-
don and eighty-four for Montcucq. The number of these who
were really heretics, both Catharan and Waldensian, is large,
and shows how thoroughly the population was interpenetrated
with heresy. Even more, however, were good Catholics whose
cases prove how amicably the various sects associated together,
and how impossible it was for the most orthodox to avoid the as-
sociation with heretics which rendered him liable to punishment.
This friendly intercourse is peculiarly notable in the case of a priest
who confessed to having gone to some heretics in a vineyard,
where he read in their books and ate pears with them. He was
rudely reminded of his indiscretion by being suspended from his
functions, sent to Compostella and thence to Rome, with letters
from the inquisitors which doubtless were not for his benefit, for
apparently they felt unable to decide what ought to be done for

an offence so enormous. Even the smallest derelictions of this sort
were rigorously penanced. A citizen of Sauveterre had seen three
heretics entering the house of a sick man, and heard that they had
hereticated him, but knew nothing of his own knowledge, yet he
was subjected to the disgrace of a penitential pilgrimage to Puy.
Another, of Belcayre, had carried a message between two heretics,
and was sent to Puy, St. Gilles, and Compostella. A physician of
Montauban had bound up the arm of a heretic and was subjected
to the same three pilgrimages, and the same penance was inflicted
on a woman who had simply eaten at a table with heretics. The
same was prescribed in several cases of boatmen who had igno-
rantly transported heretics, without recognizing them until the
voyage was under way or finished. A woman who had eaten and
drunk with another woman who she heard was a heretic was sen-
tenced to the pilgrimages of Puy and St. Gilles, and the same pen-
ance was ordered for a man who had once seen heretics, and for a
woman who had consulted a Waldensian about her sick son. The
"Waldenses had great reputation as skilful leeches, and two men
who had called them in for their wives and children were pen-
anced with the pilgrimages of Puy, St. Gilles, and Compostella.
A man who had seen heretics two or three times, and had already
purchased reconciliation by a gift to a monastery, was sent on a
long series of pilgrimages, embracing both Compostella and Can-
terbury, besides wearing the yellow cross for a year. Another
was sent to Compostella because he had once been thrown into
company with heretics in a boat, although he had left them on
hearing their heresies; and yet another because, when a boy, he
had spent part of a day and night with heretics. One who had
seen heretics when he was twelve years old was sent to Puy;
while a woman who had seen them in her father's house was
obliged to go to Puy and St. Gilles. A man who had seen two
heretics leaving a place which he had rented was sent to Compos-
tella, and another who had allowed his Waldensian mother to visit
him and had given her an ell of cloth was forced to expiate it with
pilgrimages to Puy, St. Gilles, and Compostella.* The list might
be prolonged almost indefinitely, but these cases will suffice to

*Coll. Doat, XXI. 210, 215, 216, 227, 229, 230, 238, 265, 283, 285, 293, 299,
300, 301, 305, 807, 808, 310.

show the character of the offence and the nature of the grace
proffered for voluntary confession. There is no pretence that any
of these particular culprits themselves were not wholly orthodox,
but the people were to be taught that the toleration which had
existed for generations was at an end; that the neighborly inter-
course which had established itself between Catholic and Catharan
and Waldensian was in itself a sin; that the heretic was to be
tracked and captured like a wild beast, or at least to be shunned
like a leper.
When such was the measure meted out to spontaneous peni-
tents within the time of grace, with harsher measures in reserve
for those subsequently detected, we can easily imagine the feelings
inspired by the Inquisition in the whole population, without dis-
tinction of creed, and the terror common to all when the rumor
spread that the inquisitors were coming. Scarce any one but was
conscious of some act-perhaps of neighborly charity-that ren-
dered him a criminal to the awful fanaticism of Pierre Cella or
Guillem Arnaud. The heretics themselves would look to be im-
prisoned for life, with confiscation, or to be burned, or sent to
Constantinople to support the tottering Latin Empire; while the
Catholics were likely to fare little better on the distant pilgrim-
ages to which they were sentenced, even though they were spared
the sterner punishments or the humiliation of the saffron cross.
Such a visit would bring, even to the faithful, the desolation of a
pestilence. The inquisitors would pass calmly on, leaving a neigh-
borhood well-nigh depopulated-fathers and mothers despatched
to distant shrines for months or years, leaving dependent families
to starve, or harvests ungathered to be the prey of the first-comer,
all the relations of a life, hard enough at the best, disturbed and
broken up. Even such a record as that of Pierre Cella's sentences
rendered within the time of grace shows but a portion of the work.
A year or two later we find the Council of Narbonne beseeching
the inquisitors to delay rendering sentences of incarceration, be-
cause the numbers of those flocking in for reconciliation after the
expiration of the term of grace were so great that it would be impos-
sible to raise funds for their maintenance, or to find stones enough,
even in that mountainous land, to build prisons to contain them.*

Council. Narbonn. ann. 1244 c. 19.

That a whole vicinage, when it had timely notice, should bind it-
self in a league to defeat the purpose of the inquisitors, as at Cas-
telnaudary, must have been a frequent experience; that, sooner
or later, despair should bring about a catastrophe like that of
Avignonet was inevitable.

Monts4gur for years had been the Mount Tabor of the Cathari
-the place of refuge in which, as its name implies, they could feel
secure when safety could be hoped for nowhere else. It had been
destroyed, but early in the century Raymond de P6reille had re-
built it, and for forty years he held it as an asylum for heretics,
whom he defended to the utmost of his ability. In 1232 the Catha-
ran bishops Tento of Agen and Guillabert de Castres of Toulouse,
with a number of ministers, foreseeing, in the daily increasing
pressure of persecution, the necessity of some stronghold which
should serve as an asylum, arranged with Raymond that he should
receive and shelter all fugitives of the sect and guard the common
treasure to be deposited there. His castle, situated in the territo-
ries of the marshals of Mirepoix, had never opened its gates to
the Frenchmen. Its almost inaccessible peak had been sedulously
strengthened with all that military experience could suggest or
earnest devotion could execute. Ever since the persecutions of
the Inquisition commenced we hear of those who fled to Monts&-
gur when they found the inquisitor's hand descending upon them.
Dispossessed knights, faidits of all kinds, brought their swords to
its defence; Catharan bishops and ministers sought it when hard
pressed, or made it a resting-place in their arduous and dangerous
mission-work. Raymond de Pereille himself sought its shelter
when, compromised by the revelations of Raymond Gros, he fled
from Toulouse, in 1237, with his wife Corba; the devotion of his
race to heresy being further proved by the fate of his daughter
Esclarmonde, who perished for her faith at the stake, and by the
Catharan episcopate of his brother Arnaud Roger. Such a strong-
hold in the hands of desperate men, fired with the fiercest fanati-
cism, was a menace to the stability of the new order in the State;
to the Church it was an accursed spot whence heresy might at
any moment burst forth to overspread the land again. Its de-
struction had long been the desire of all good Catholics, and Ray-
mond's pledge to King Louis, March 14, 1241, to capture it had

been one of the conditions on which his suspicions relations with
Trencavel had been condoned. In fact, he made some show of be-
sieging it during the same year, but success would have been most
damaging to the plans which he was nursing, and his efforts can
scarce have been more than a cover for military preparations des-
tined to a far different object. The French army, after the sup-
pression of the rising, also laid siege to Monts6gur, but were un-
able to effect its reduction.*
On Ascension night, 1242, while Pierre Cella was tranquilly
winding up his work at Montauban, the world was startled with
the news that a holocaust of the terrible inquisitors had been made
at Avignonet, a little town about twelve leagues from Toulouse.
The stern Guillem Arnaud and the courteous Etienne de Saint-
Thibery were making, like their colleague Pierre Cella, a circuit
through the district subjected to their mercy. Some of their sen-
tences which have been preserved show that in November, 1241,
they were laboring at Lavaur and at Saint-Paul de Caujoux, and
in the spring of 1242 they came to Avignonet.t Raymond d'Al-
faro was its bailli for the count, who was his uncle through his
mother, Guillemetta, a natural daughter of Raymond VI. When
he heard that the inquisitors and their assistants were coming he
lost no time in preparing for their destruction. A swift messen-
ger was despatched to the heretics of Montsegur, and in answer to
his summons Pierre Roger of Mirepoix, with a number of knights
and their retainers, started at once. They halted in the forest of
Gaiac, near Avignonet, where food was brought them, and they
were joined by about thirty armed men of the vicinage, who wait-
ed with them till after nightfall. Had this plot, failed, d'Alfaro
had arranged another for an ambuscade on the road to Castelnau-
dary, and the fact that so extensive a conspiracy could be organ-
ized on the spot, without finding a traitor to betray it, shows how
general was the hate that had been earned by the cruel work of
the Inquisition. Not less significant is the fact that on their re-
turn to Montsegur the murderers were hospitably entertained at
the ChAteau de Saint-Felix by a priest who was cognizant of their
bloody deed.
The victims came unsuspectingly to the trap. There were
"* Pelisso Chron. pp. 49-50. Coll. Doat, XXII. 216-17, 224, 228. Schmidt,
Cathares I. 315, 324. t Coll. Doat, XXI. 153, 155, 158.

eleven in all. The two inquisitors, with two Dominican friars,
and one Franciscan, the Benedictine Prior of Avignonet, Raymond
de Costiran, Archdeacon of Lezat, a former troubadour, of whose
verses only a single obscene song remains, a clerk of the archdea-
con, a notary, and two apparitors -in all a court fully furnished
for the despatch of business. They were hospitably received and
housed in the castle of the count, where on the morrow they were
to open their dread tribunal for the trembling inhabitants. When
darkness came a selected band of twelve, armed with axes, left
the forest and stole cautiously to a postern of the castle, where
they were met by Golairan, a comrade of d'Alfaro, who assured
himself that all was right, and returned to see what the inquisitors
were doing. Coming back, he reported that they were drinking;
but a second visit, after an interval, brought the welcome news that
they were going to bed. As though apprehensive of danger, they
had remained together in the great hall, and had barricaded the
door. The gate was opened, the men of Montsegur were admit-
ted and were joined by d'Alfaro, armed with a mace, and twenty-
five men of Avignonet, and the fact that an esquire in the service
of the inquisitors was with him indicates that there was treachery
at work. The hall-door was quickly broken down, the wild band
of assassins rushed in, and, after despatching their victims, there
was a fierce chorus of gratified vengeance, each man boasting of
his share in the bloody deed--d'Alfaro especially, who shouted
" Va be, esta be," and claimed that his mace had done its full duty
in the murderous work. Its crushing of Guillem Arnaud's skull
had deprived Pierre Roger de Mirepoix, the second in command
at Montsegur, of the drinking-cup which he had demanded as his
reward for the assistance furnished. The plunder of the victims
was eagerly shared between the assassins-their horses, books,
garments-even to their scapulars. When the news reached
Rome, the College of Cardinals made haste to express their belief
that the victims had become blessed martyrs of Jesus Christ, and
one of the first acts of Innocent IV., after his installation in June,
1243, was to repeat this declaration; but they never were canon-
ized, in spite of frequent requests to the Holy See, and of the nu-
merous miracles which attested their sanctity in the popular cult,
until, in 1866, Pius IX. gave them tardy, recognition.*
Vaissette, II. 431; Pr. 438-42. -Doat, XXIV. 160. Guill. Pod. Laur. c.

Like the murder of the legate Pierre de Castelnau, in 1208, the
massacre of Avignonet was a fatal error. Its violation of the tra-
ditional sanctity of the ecclesiastic sent a thrill of horror even
among those who had small sympathy with the cruelty of the In-
quisition, while the deliberateness of its planning and its unspar-
ing ferocity gave color to the belief that heresy was only to be
Sextirpated by force. Sympathy, indeed, for a time might well
change sides, for the massacre was practically unavenged. Frere
Ferrer, the Inquisitor of Carcassonne, made due inquest into the
affair, and after the capture of Montsegur, in 1244, some of the
participants confessed all the details, but the real culprits escaped.
Count Raymond, it is true, when he had leisure from pressing
business, hanged a few of the underlings, but we find Raymond
d'Alfaro, in 1247, promoted to be Viguier of Toulouse, and repre-
senting his master in the proceedings with regard to the burial
of the old count, and, finally, he was one of the nine witnesses to
Raymond's last will. Another ringleader, Guillem du Mas-Saintes-
Puelles, is recorded as taking the oath of allegiance to Count Al-
fonse, in 1249, after the death of Raymond. Guillem's participa-
tion in the murders has special interest, as showing the antagonism
created by the violence of the Inquisition, for in 1233, as Bailli of
Lavaur, he had dutifully seized a number of heretics and carried
them to Toulouse, where they were promptly burned.*
The massacre of Avignonet came at a time peculiarly unfortu-
nate for Count Raymond, who was nursing comprehensive and
far-reaching plans, then ripe for execution, for the rehabilitation
of his house and the independence of his land. He could not es-
cape the responsibility for the catastrophe which public opinion
45.-Peyrat, Les Albigeois et l'Inquisition, II. 304.-Diez, Leben und Werke der
Troubadours, p. 491.- Ripoll I. 117. Analecta Franciscana, Quaracchi, 1887,
II. 65.
The Catholic tradition at Avignonet was that some of the inquisitors' follow-
ers escaped to the church, where they were massacred with a number of Catholic
inhabitants who had sought refuge there. In consequence of this pollution the
church remained unused for forty years, and the anniversary of its reconciliation,
on the first Tuesday in June, was still, in the last century, celebrated with illu-
minations and rejoicing as a local feast (Bremond ap. Ripoll 1. c.).
Vaissette, III. 456.-Guill. Pod. Laur. c. 45.-Molinier ap. Pelisso Chron. p.
19.-Molinier, L'Ensevelissement de Raimond VI. p. 21.-Vaissette, td. Privat,
VIII. 1258.

everywhere attached to him. Although he had recently, on March
14, solemnly sworn to persecute heresy with his whole strength
when, apparently sick unto death, he had sought absolution at the
hands of the episcopal official of Agen, yet he was known to be
hostile to the Dominicans as inquisitors, and had bitterly opposed
the restoration of their functions. On May 1, just four weeks be-
fore the event, he had made a solemn declaration in the presence
of numerous prelates and nobles to the effect that he had appealed
to Rome against the commission of Dominican inquisitors by the
provincial in his territories, and that he intended to prosecute that
appeal. He protested that he earnestly desired the eradication of
heresy, and urged the bishops to exercise energetically their ordi-
nary power to that end, promising his full support to them and
the execution of the law both as to confiscation and the death-
penalty. He would even accept the friars as inquisitors provided
they acted independently of their Orders, and not under the au-
thority of their provincials. One of his baillis even threatened, in
the church of Moissac, seizure of person and property for all who
should submit to the penalties imposed by the inquisitors, as they
were not authorized by the count to administer justice. Such being
his position, it was inevitable that he should be regarded as an accom-
plice in the murders, and that the cause which he represented should
suffer greatly in the revulsion of public feeling which it occasioned.*
Raymond had been busy in effecting a widespread alliance
which should wring from the House of Capet its conquests of the
last quarter of a century. He had been joined by the Kings of
England, Castile, and Aragon, and the Count de la Marche, and
everything bid fair for his reconquest of his old domains. The
massacre of Avignonet was a most untoward precursor of the re-
volt which burst forth immediately afterwards. It shook the
fidelity of some of his vassals, who withdrew their support; and,
to counteract its impression, he felt obliged to convert his sham
siege of Monts6gur into an active one, thus employing troops
which he could ill spare. Yet the rising, for a while, promised
success, and Raymond even reassumed his old title of Duke of

STeulet, Layettes, II. 466.- Maj. Chron. Lemovicens. ann. 1242 (Bouquet,
XXI. 765).-Vaissette, III. Pr. 410.-Guill. Pod. Laur. c. 45.-Schmidt, Catha-
res, I. 320.-Bern. Guidon. Vit. Celestin. PP. IV. (Muratori S. R. I. III. 589).

Narbonne. King Louis, however, was equal to the occasion, and
allowed the allies no time to concentrate their forces. His victo-
ries over the English and Gascons at Taillebourg and Saintes, July
19 and 23, deprived Raymond of all hope of assistance from that
quarter. Pestilence forced the withdrawal of the main army of
Louis, but a force Under the veteran Imbert de Beaujeu operated
actively against Raymond, who, without help from his allies and
deserted by many of his vassals, was obliged to lay down his arms,
December 22. When suing for peace he pledged himself to extir-
pate heresy and to punish the assassins of Avignonet with an effu-
siveness which shows the importance attached to these conditions.
The sagacity and moderation of King Louis granted him easy
terms, but one of the stipulations of settlement was that every
male inhabitant over the age of fifteen should take an oath to
assist the Church against heresy, and the king against Raymond,
in case of another revolt. Thus the purity of the faith and the
supremacy of the foreign domination were once again recognized
as inseparably allied.*
The triumph of both had been secured. This ended the last
serious effort of the South to recover its independence. Hence-
forth, under the treaty of Paris, it was to pass irrevocably into
the hands of the stranger, and the Inquisition was to have unre-
stricted opportunity to enforce conformity in religion. It was in
vain that Raymond again, at the Council of Beziers, April 20,
1243, summoned the bishops of his dominions-those of Toulouse,
Agen, Cahors, Albi, and Rodez urging them personally or
through proper deputies, whether Cistercians, Dominicans, or
Franciscans, to make diligent inquisition after heresy, and pledged
the assistance of the secular arm for its extirpation. It was equally
in vain that, immediately on the accession of Innocent IV., in
June, a deputation of Dominicans, frightened by the warning of
Avignonet, earnestly alleged many reasons why the dangerous
burden should be lifted from their shoulders. The pope peremp-
torily refused, and ordered them to continue their holy labors,
even at the risk of martyrdom.t

Vaissette, III. 434-7, 439.- Teulet, Layettes, II. 470, 481-2, 484, 487, 488,
489, 493, 495, etc.
t Vaissette, III. Pr. 425.- Ripoll I. 118. Innocent's bull is dated July 10,

Despite this single exhibition of hesitation and weakness, the
Order was not lacking in men whose eager fanaticism rendered
them fully prepared to accept the perilous post. The peril, in-
deed, was apparent rather than real-it had passed away in the
revulsion which followed the useless bloodshed of Avignonet and
the failure of Raymond's rebellion. There was a rising tide in
favor of orthodoxy. A confraternity organized in October, 1243,
by Durand, Bishop of Albi, is probably only the expression of
what was going on in many places. Organized under the pro-
tection of St. Cecilia, the members of the association pledged
themselves not only to mutual protection, but to aid the bishop
to execute justice on heretics, Vaudois and their fautors, and to
defend inquisitors as they would their own bodies. Any member
suspected of heresy was to be incontinently ejected, and a reward
of a silver mark was offered for every heretic captured and deliv-
ered to the association. The new pope had, moreover, spoken in
no uncertain tone. His refusal to relieve the Dominicans was ac-
companied with a peremptory command to all the prelates of the
region to extend favor, assistance, and protection to the inquisitors
in their toils and tribulations. Any slackness in this was freely
threatened with the papal vengeance, while favor was significantly
promised as the reward of zeal. The Dominicans were urged to
fresh exertion to overcome the threatened recrudescence of heresy.
A new legate, Zoen, Bishop-elect of Avignon, was also despatched
to Languedoc, with instructions to act vigorously. His predeces-
sor had been complained of by the inquisitors for having, in spite
of their remonstrances, released many of their prisoners and remit-
ted penances indiscriminately. All such acts of misplaced mercy
were pronounced void, and Zoen was ordered to reimpose all such
penalties without appeal.*
Still more menacing to the heretic cause was the reconciliation
at last effected between Raymond and the papacy. In Septem-
ber, 1243, the count visited Italy, where he had an interview with
Frederic II. in Apulia, and with Innocent in Rome. For ten years
1243, within a fortnight after his election. The deputation had evidently been
sent to Celestin IV., and the bull had been prepared in advance, awaiting the
election of a successor.
Archives de l'Pvechdd'Albi (Doat, XXXI. 47).-Archives de l'Inq. de Carcas-
sonne (Doat, XXXI. 63, 05, 97).-Berger, Registres d'Innocent IV. No. 31, 102.


he had been under excommunication, and had carried on an un-
availing struggle. He could no longer cherish illusions, and was
doubtless ready to give whatever assurances might be required
of him. On the other hand, the new pope was free from the pre-
dispositions which the long strife had engendered in Gregory IX.
There seems to have been little difficulty in reaching an under-
standing, to which the good offices of Louis IX. powerfully con-
tributed. December 2, Raymond was released from his various
excommunications; January 1, 1244, the absolution was announced
to King Louis and the prelates of the kingdom, who were ordered
to publish it in all the churches, and January 7 the Legate Zoen
was instructed to treat him with fatherly affection and not permit
him to be molested. In all this absolution had only been given
ad cautelam, or provisionally, for a special excommunication had
been decreed against him as a fautor of heretics, after the massacre
of Avignonet, by the inquisitors Ferrer and Guillem Raymond.
Against this he had made a special appeal to the Holy See in
April, 1243, and a special bull of May 16, 1244, was required for
its abrogation. No conditions seem to have been imposed respect-'
ing the long-deferred crusade, and thenceforth Raymond lived in
perfect harmony with the Holy See. Indeed, he was the recipient
of many favors. A bull of March 18, 1244, granted him the priv-
ilege that for five years he should not be forced by apostolic let-
ters to answer in judgment outside of his own dominions; another
of April 27, 1245, took him, his family, and lands under the special
protection of St. Peter and the papacy; and yet another of May
12, 1245, provided that no delegate of the Apostolic See should
have power to utter excommunication or any other sentence against
him without a special mandate. Besides this, one of April 21,
1245, imposed some limitations on the power of inquisitors, limita-
tions which they seem never to have observed. Raymond was
fairly won over. He had evidently resolved to accommodate him-
self to the necessities of the time, and the heretic had nothing fur-
ther to hope or the inquisitor to fear from him. The preparation
for increased and systematic vigor of operations is seen in .the
elaborate provisions, so often referred to above, of the Council of
Narbonne, held at this period.*

*Vaissette, III. 448; Pr. 411, 433-4.-Potthast No. 10943, 11187, 11218,

Yet so long as heresy retained the stronghold of Montsegur as
a refuge and rallying-point its secret and powerful organization
could not be broken. The capture of that den of outlaws was a
necessity of the first order, and as soon as the confusion of the re-
bellion of 1242 had subsided it was undertaken as a crusade, not
by Raymond, but by the Archbishop of Narbonne, the Bishop of
Albi, the Seneschal of Carcassonne, and some nobles, either led by
zeal or by the hope of salvation. The heretics, on their side, were
not idle. Some baillis of Count Raymond sent them Bertrand de
la Bacalairia, a skilful maker of military engines, to aid them in
the defence, who made no scruple in affirming that he came with
the assent of the count, and from every side money, provisions,
arms, and munitions of war were poured into the stronghold. In
the spring of 1243 the siege began, prosecuted with indefatigable
ardor by the besiegers, and resisted with desperate resolution by
the besieged. As in the old combats at Toulouse, the women as-
sisted their warriors, and the venerable Catharan bishop, Bertrand
Martin, animated their devoted courage with promises of eternal
bliss. It is significant of the public temper that sympathizers in
the besiegers' camp permitted tolerably free communication be-
tween the besieged and their friends, and gave them warning of
the plans of attack. Even the treasure which had been stored up
in Montsegur was conveyed away safely through the investing
lines, about Christmas, 1243, to Pons Arnaud de ChAteauverdun
in the Savartes. Secret relations were maintained with Count
Raymond, and the besieged were buoyed up with promises that if
they would hold out until Easter, 1244, he would march to their
relief with forces supplied by the Emperor Frederic II. It was
all in vain. The siege dragged on its weary length for nearly a
year, till, on the night of March 1, 1244, guided by some shep-
herds who betrayed their fellow-countrymen, by almost inaccessi-
ble paths among the cliffs, the crusaders surprised and carried one
of the outworks. The castle was no longer tenable. A brief par-
ley ensued, and the garrison agreed to surrender at dawn, deliver-
ing up to the archbishop all the perfected heretics among them,

11390, 11638. Teulet, Layettes, II. 523, 524, 528, 534.- D'Achery, III. 621.-
Berger, Registres d'Innocent IV. No. 21, 367, 360, 364, 594, 697, 1383.- Douais,
Les sources de 1'histoire de 1'Inquisition (loc. cit. p. 415).


on condition that the lives of the rest should be spared. Although
a few were let down from the walls with ropes and thus escaped,
the capitulation was carried out, and the archbishop's shrift was
short. At the foot of the mountain-peak an enclosure of stakes
was formed, piled high with wood, and set on fire. The Perfect
were asked to renounce their faith, and on their refusal were cast
into the flames. Thus perished two hundred and five men and
women. The conquerors might well write exultingly to the pope,
"We have crushed the head of the dragon!" *
Although the lives of the rest of the captives were guaranteed,
they were utilized to the utmost. For months the inquisitors Fer-
rer and P. Durant devoted themselves to the examinations to se-
cure evidence against heretics far and near, dead and alive. From
the aged Raymond de PBreille to a child ten years of age, they
were forced, under repeated interrogatories, to recall every case of
adoration and heretication that they could remember, and page
after page was covered with interminable lists of names of those
present at sermons and consolamenta through a period extending
back to thirty or forty years before, and embracing the whole
land as far as Catalonia. Even those who had brought victual to
Montsegur and sold it were carefully looked after and set down.
It can readily be conceived what an accession was made to the
terrible records of the Inquisition, and how valuable was the in-
sight obtained into the ramifications of heresy throughout the land
during more than a generation-what digging up of bones would
follow with confiscation of estates, and with what unerring cer-
tainty the inquisitors would be able to seize their victims and con-
found their denials. We can only guess at the means by which
this information was extracted from the prisoners. Torture had
not yet been introduced; life had been promised, and perpetual
imprisonment was inevitable for such pronounced heretics; and
when we see Raymond de Pereille himself, who had endured un-
flinchingly the vicissitudes of the crusades, and had bravely held
out to the last, ransacking his memory to betray all whom he had
ever seen adore a minister, we can imagine the horrors of the two

Guill. Pod. Laur. c. 46.-Coll. Doat, XXII. 204, 210; XXIV. 76, 80, 168-72,
181.-Schmidt, Cathares, I. 325.-Peyrat, Les Albigeois et l'Inquisition, II. 363

months' preliminary captivity which had so broken his spirit as to
bring him to this depth of degradation. Even a perfected heretic,
Arnaud de Bretos, captured while flying to Lombardy, was in-
duced to reveal the names of all who had given him shelter and
attended his ministrations during his missionary wanderings.*
Henceforth the Cathari could hope only in God. All chance
of resistance was over. One by one their supports had broken,
and there was only left the passive resistance of martyrdom. The
Inquisition could track and seize its victims at leisure, and king
and count could follow with decrees of confiscation which were
gradually to transfer the lands of the South to orthodox and loyal
subjects. The strongest testimony that can be given to the living
earnestness of the Catharan faith is to be found in the prolonga-
tion of this struggle yet through three hopeless generations. It is
no wonder, however, if the immediate effect of these crowding
events was to fill the heretics with despair. In the poem of Isarn
de Villemur, written about this period, the heretic, Sicard de Fi-
gueras is represented as saying that their best and most trusted
friends are turning against them and betraying them. How many
believers at this juncture abandoned their religion, even at the
cost of lifelong imprisonment, we have no means of accurately es-
timating, but the number must have been enormous, to judge from
the request, already alluded to, of the Council of Narbonne about
this time to the inquisitors to postpone their sentences in view
of the impossibility of building prisons sufficient to contain the
crowds who hurried in to accuse themselves and seek reconcilia-
tion, after the expiration of the time of grace, which Innocent IV.,
in December, 1243, had ordered to be designated afresh.t
Yet, in a population so thoroughly leavened with heresy, these
thousands of voluntary penitents still left an ample field of activ-
ity for the zeal of the inquisitors. Each one who confessed was
bound to give the names of all whom he had seen engaged in he-
retical acts, and of all who had been hereticated on the death-bed.
Innumerable clews were thus obtained to bring to trial those who
failed to accuse themselves, and to exhume and burn the bones of
those who were beyond the ability to recant. For the next few

Collection Doat, XXII. 202, 214, 237; XXIV. 68,160, 182, 198.
f Millot, Troubadours, II. 77.-Berger, Registres d'Innocent IV. No. 37.

years the life of the inquisitors was a busy one. The stunned
populations no longer offered resistance, and grew used to the de-
spair of the penitents sentenced to perpetual prison, the dragging
of decomposed corpses through the streets, and the horror of the
Tophets where the victims passed through temporal to eternal
flame. Still there is a slight indication that the service was not
wholly without danger from the goadings of vengeance or the
courage of despair, when the Council of Beziers, in 1246, ordering
travelling inquests, makes exception in the cases when it may not
be'safe for the inquisitors to personally visit the places where the
inquisition should be held; and Innocent IV., in 1247, authorizes
the inquisitors to cite the accused to come to them, in view of the
perils arising from the ambushes of heretics.*
The fearless and indefatigable men who now performed the
functions of inquisitor in Languedoc can rarely have taken advari-
tage of this concession to weakness. Bernard de Caux, who so
well earned the title of the hammer of heretics, was at this time
the leading spirit of the Inquisition of Toulouse, after a term of
service in Montpellier and Agen, and he had for colleague a kin-
dred spirit in Jean de Saint-Pierre. Together they made a thor-
ough inquest over the whole province, passing the population
through a sieve with a completeness which must have left few
guilty consciences unexamined. There is extant a fragmentary
record of this inquest, covering the years 1245 and 1246, during
which no less than six hundred places were investigated, embrac-
ing about one half of Languedoo. The magnitude of the work
thus undertaken, and the incredible energy with which it was
pushed, is seen in the enormous number of interrogatories recorded
in petty towns. Thus at Avignonet there are two hundred and
thirty; at Fanjoux, one hundred; at Mas-Saintes-Puelles, four
hundred and twenty. M. Molinier, to whom we are indebted for
an account of this interesting document, has not made an accurate
count of the whole number of cases, but estimates that the total
cannot fall far short of eight thousand to ten thousand. When
we consider what all this involved in the duty of examination and
comparison we may well feel wonder at the superhuman energy
of these founders of the Inquisition; but we may also assume, as

Council. Biterrens. ann. 1246, Consil. ad Inquis. c. 1.-Ripoll, I. 179.

with the sentences of Pierre Cella, that the fate of the victims
who were sifted out of this mass of testimony must have been
passed upon with no proper or conscientious scrutiny. At least,
however, they must have escaped the long and torturing delays
customary in the later and more leisurely stages of the Inquisi-
tion. With such a record before us it is not easy to understand
the complaint o'f the bishops of Languedoc, in 1245, that the In-
quisition was too merciful, that heresy was increasing, and that
the inquisitors ought to be urged to greater exertions. It was
possibly in consequence of the lack of harmony thus revealed be-
tween the episcopate and the Inquisition that Innocent, in April
of the same year, ordered the Inquisitors of Languedoo to proceed
as usual in cases of manifest heresy, and in those involving slight
punishment, while he directed them to suspend proceedings in
matters requiring imprisonment, crosses, long pilgrimages, and
confiscation until definite rules should be laid down in the Council
of Lyons, which he was about to open. These questions, however,
were settled in that of B]ziers, which met in 1246, and issued a new
code of procedure.*
In all this Count Raymond, now thoroughly fitted in the Cath-
olic groove, was an earnest participant. As his stormy life drew
to its close, harmony with the Church was too great an element
of comfort and prosperity for him to hesitate in purchasing it with
the blood of a few of his subjects, whom, indeed, he could scarce
have saved had he so willed. He gave conspicuous evidence of
his hatred of heresy. In 1247 he ordered his officials to compel
the attendance of the inhabitants at the sermons of the friars in
all towns and villages through which they passed, and in 1249, at
Berlaiges, near Agen, he coldly ordered the burning of eighty be-
lievers who had confessed their errors in his presence-a piece of
cruelty far transcending that habitual with the inquisitors. About
the same time King Jayme of Aragon effected a change in the
Inquisition in the territories of Narbonne. Possibly this may
have had some connection with the murder by the citizens of two

Doat, XXII. 217.-Molinier, L'Inquisition dans le midi de la France, pp.
186-90.-See also Peyrat, Les Albigeois et 1'Inq. III. 467-78.-Vaissette, III. Pr.
446-8.-Teulet, Layettes, II. 566.
M. l'Abb6 Douais (loc. cit. p. 419) tells us that the examinations in the in-
quest of Bernard de Caux number five thousand eight hundred and four.

officials of the Inquisition and the destruction of its records, giv-
ing endless trouble in the effort to reconstruct the lists of sentences
and the invaluable accumulation of evidence against suspects. Be
this as it may, Innocent IV., at the request of the king, forbade
the archbishop and inquisitors from further proceedings against
heresy, and then empowered the Dominican Provincial of Spain
and Raymond of Pennaforte to appoint new ones for the French
possessions of Aragon.*
When St. Louis undertook his disastrous crusade to Damietta
he was unwilling to leave behind him so dangerous a vassal as
Raymond. The vow of service to Palestine had long since been
remitted by Innocent IV., but the count was open to persuasion,
and the bribes offered show at once the importance attached to
his presence with the host and to his absence from home. The
king promised him twenty thousand to thirty thousand livres foi
his expenses and the restitution of the duchy of Narbonne on his
return. The pope agreed to pay him two thousand marks on his
arrival beyond seas, and that he should have during his absence all
the proceeds of the redemption of vows and all legacies bequeathed
to the crusade. The prohibition of imposing penitential crusades
on converted heretics was also suspended for his benefit, while the
other long pilgrimages customarily employed as penances were
not to be enjoined while he was in service. Stimulated by these
dazzling rewards, he assumed the cross in earnest, and his ardor for
the purity of the faith grew stronger. Even the tireless activity
of Bernard de Caux was insufficient to satisfy him. While that
incomparable persecutor was devoting all his energies to working
up the results of his tremendous inquests, Raymond, early in 1248,
complained to Innocent that the Inquisition was neglecting its
duty; that heretics, both living and dead, remained uncondemned;
that others from abroad were coming into his own and neighbor-
ing territories and spreading their pestilence, so that the land
which had been well-nigh purified was again filled with heresy.t
Death spared Raymond the misfortunes of the ill-starred Egyp-
tian crusade. When his preparations were almost complete he
Vaissette, III. 457, 459; Pr. 467.-Guill. Pod. Laur. 48.-Baluz. et Mansi
I. 210.-Arch. de 1'Inq. de Carcassonne (Doat, XXXI. 105,149).-Ripoll, I. 184.
t Vaissette, III. 455-6; Pr. 468, 469.-Arch. de 1'Inq. de Care. (Doat, XXXI.
77, 79, 80).-Martene Thesaur. I. 1040.

was seized with mortal illness and died, September 27, 1249, with
his latest breath ordering his heirs to restore the sums which he
had received for the expedition, and to send fifty knights to serve
in Palestine for a year. That his death was generally regretted
by his subjects we can readily believe. Not only was it the ex-
tinction of the great house which had bravely held its own from
Carlovingian times, but the people felt that the last barrier be-
tween them and the hated Frenchmen was removed. The heiress
Jeanne had been educated at the royal court, and was French in
all but birth. Moreover, she seems to have been a nonentity
whose influence is imperceptible, and the sceptre of the South
passed into the hands of Alphonse of Poitiers, an avaricious and
politic prince, whose zeal for orthodoxy was greatly stimulated
by the profitable confiscations resulting from persecution. Ray-
mond had required repeated urging to induce him to employ this
dreaded penalty with the needful severity. No such wat6hfulness
was necessary in the case of Alphonse. When the rich heritage fell
in, he and his wife were with his brother, King Louis, in Egypt, but
the vigilant regent, Queen Blanche, promptly took possession in
their name, and on their return, in 1251, they personally received
the homage of their subjects. By a legal subtlety Alphonse evaded
the payment of the pious legacies of Raymond's will, and compound-
ed for it by leaving, on his departure for the North, a large sum to
provide for the expenses of the Inquisition, and to furnish wood for
the execution of its sentences. Not long afterwards we find him
urging his bishops to render more efficient support to the labors
of the inquisitors; in his chancery there was a regular formula of
a commission for inquisitors, to be sent to Rome for the papal sig-
nature; and throughout his twenty years of reign he pursued the
same policy without deviation. The urgency with which, in De-
cember, 1268, he wrote to Pons de Poyet and Etienne de GAtine,
stimulating them to redoubled activity in clearing his dominions
of heretics, was wholly superfluous, but it is characteristic of the
line of action which he carried out consistently to the end.*
The fate of Languedoc was now irrevocably sealed. Hitherto

"* Martene Thesaur. I. 1044.-Vaissette, III. 465.-Vaissette, Ed. Privat, VIII.
1255, 1292, 1333,1583.-Guill. Pod. Laur. c. 48.-Mary-Lafon, Hist. du midi de
la France, III. 83, 49.-Arch. de 1'Inq. de Carcass. (Doat, XXXI. 250).

there had been hopes that perhaps Raymond's inconstancy might
lead him to retrace the steps of the last few years. Moreover, his
subjects had shared in the desire, manifested in his repeated mar-
riage projects, that he should have an heir to inherit the lands not
pledged in succession to his daughter. He was but in his fifty-first
year, and the expectation was not unreasonable that his line might
be perpetuated and the southern nationality be preserved. All
this was now seen to be a delusion, and the most sanguine Cath-
aran could look forward to nothing but a life of concealment end-
ing in prison or fire. Yet the heretic Church stubbornly held its
own, though with greatly diminished numbers. Many of its mem-
bers fled to Lombardy, where, even after the death of Frederic II.,
the civic troubles and the policy of local despots, such as Ezzelin
da Romano, afforded some shelter from the Inquisition. Yet
many remained and pursued their wandering missions among the
faithful, perpetually tracked by inquisitorial spies, but rarely be-
trayed. These humble and forgotten men, hopelessly braving
hardship, toil, and peril in what they deemed the cause of God,
were true martyrs, and their steadfast heroism shows how little
relation the truth of a religion bears to the self-devotion of its fol-
lowers. Rainerio Saccone, the converted Catharan, who had the
best means of ascertaining the facts, computes, about this time,
that there were in Lombardy one hundred and fifty "perfected"
refugees from France, while the churches of Toulouse, Carcas-
sonne, and Albi, including that of Agen, then nearly destroyed,
numbered two hundred more. These figures would indicate that
a very considerable congregation of believers still existed in spite
of the systematic and ruthless proscription of the past twenty
years. Their earnestness was kept alive, not only by the occa-
sional and dearly-prized visits of the travelling ministers, but by
the frequent intercourse which was maintained with Lombardy.
Until the disappearance of the sect on this side of the Alps, there
is, in the confessions of penitents, perpetual allusion to these pil-
grimages back and forth, which kept up the relations between the
refugees and those left at home. Thus, in 1254, Guillem Fournier,
in an interrogatory before the Inquisition of Toulouse, relates.
that he started for Italy with five companions, including two
women. His first resting-place was at Coni, where he met many
heretics; then at Pavia, where he was hereticated by Raymond

Mercier, former deacon of Toulouse. At Cremona he lived for a
year with Vivien, the much-loved Bishop of Toulouse, with whom
he found a number of noble refugees. At Pisa he stayed for eight
months; at Piacenza he again met Vivien, and he finally returned
to Languedoc with messages from the refugees to their friends at
home. In 1300, at Albi, Etienne Mascot confesses that he had
been sent to Lombardy by Master Raymond Calverie to bring
back Raymond Andre, or some other perfected heretic. At Genoa
he met Bertrand Fabri, who had been sent on the same errand by
Guillem Golfier. They proceeded together and met other old ac-
quaintances, now refugees, who conducted them to a spot where,
in a wood, were several houses of refuge for heretics. The lord of
the place gave them a Lombard, Guglielmo Pagani, who returned
with them. In 1309 Guillem Falquet confessed at Toulouse to
having been four times to Como, and even to Sicily, organizing the
Church. He was caught while visiting a sick believer, and con-
demned to imprisonment in chains, but managed to escape in 1313.
At the same time was sentenced Raymond de Verdun, who had
likewise been four times to Lombardy.*
The proscribed heretics, thus nursing their faith in secret, gave
the inquisitors ample occupation. As their ranks were thinned by
persecution and flight, and as their skill in concealment increased
with experience, there could no longer be the immense harvests
of penitents reaped by Pierre Cella and Bernard de Caux, but
there were enough to reward the energies of the friars and to tax

Trainer. Summa (Mart. Thesaur. V. 1768).-Molinier, L'Inquis. clans le midi
de la France, pp. 254-55. MSS. Bib. Nat., fonds latin, No. 11847. Lib. Sen-
tentt. Inq. Tolos. pp. 13, 14.- See also the curious account of Ivo of Narbonne
in Matt. Paris, ann. 1243, p. 412-13 (Ed. 1644).
The Abb6 Douais, in his analysis of the fragments of the "Registre de 'In-
quisition de Toulouse" of 1254 and 1256, tells us that it contains the names of
six hundred and thirteen accused belonging to the departments of Aude, Arigce,
Gers, Aveyron, and Tarne-et-Garonne, the greater part of whom were Perfects.
That this is evidently an error is shown by the statistics of Rainerio Saccone,
quoted in the text. At this time, in fact, the whole Catharan Church, from Con-
stantinople to Aragon, contained only four thousand Perfects. Still the number
of accused shows the continued existence of heresy as a formidable social factor
and the successful activity of the Inquisition in tracking it. In this register
eight witnesses contribute one hundred and seven names to the list of accused
(Sources de l'hist. de l'Inquisition, loc. cit. pp. 432-83).

the adroitness of their spies. The organization of the Inquisition,
moreover, was gradually perfected. In 1254 the Council of Albi
carefully revised the regulations concerning it. Fixed tribunals
were established, and the limitations of the inquisitorial districts
"were strictly defined. For Provence and the territories east of
the Rhone, Marseilles was the headquarters, eventually confided
to the Franciscans. The rest of the infected regions were left to
the Dominicans, with tribunals at Toulouse, Carcassonne, and Nar-
bonne; and, from such fragmentary documents as have reached
us, at this time the Inquisition at Carcassonne rivalled that of
Toulouse in energy and effectiveness. For a while safety was
sought by heretics in northern France, but the increasing vigor of
the Inquisition established there drove the unfortunate refugees
back, and in 1255 a bull of Alexander IV. authorized the Provin-
cial of Paris and his inquisitors to pursue the fugitives in the ter-
ritories of the Count of Toulouse. At the same time the special
functions of the inquisitors were jealously guarded against all en-
croachments. We have seen how, in its early days, it was sub-
jected to the control of papal legates, but now that it was firmly
established and thoroughly organized it was held independent;
and when the legate Zoen, Bishop of Avignon, in 1257, endeav-
ored, in virtue of his legatine authority, which fourteen years be-
fore had been so absolute, to perform inquisitorial work, he was
rudely reminded by Alexander IV. that he could do so if he
pleased in his own diocese, but that outside of it he must not in-
terfere with the Inquisition. To this period is also to be ascribed
the complete subjection of all secular officials to the behests of the
inquisitors. The piety of St. Louis and the greed of Alphonse of
Poitiers and Charles of Anjou rivalled each other in placing all
the powers of the State at the disposal of the Holy Office, and in
providing for its expenses. It was virtually supreme in the land,
and, as we have seen, it was a law unto itself.*
The last shadow of open resistance was dissipated in the year
1255. After the fall of Montsegur the proscribed and disinher-

"* MSS. Bib. Nat., fonds latin, Nouv. Acquis. 189.--Molinier, op. cit. p. 404.-
Ripoll I. 273-4.-Arch. Nat. de France, J. 481, No. 34.-Arch. de 1'Inq. de Care.
(Doat, XXXI. 239, 250, 252).-Vaissette, III. Pr. 528, 536.-Arch. di Napoli, Re-
gestro 6, Lettere D, fol. 180.

ited knights, the faidits, and the heretics had sought to establish
among the mountains some stronghold where they could feel safe
for a moment. Driven from one retreat after another, they finally
took possession of the castle of Queribus, in the Pyrenees of Fe-
nouilledes. In the early spring of 1255 this last refuge was be-
sieged by Pierre d'Auteuil, the royal Seneschal of Carcassonne.
The defence was stubborn. May 5 the seneschal appealed to the
bishops sitting in council at B]ziers to give him assistance, as they
had done so energetically at Montsegur. The reply of the prel-
ates was commendably cautious. They were not bound, they
said, to render military service to the king, and when they had
joined his armies it had been by command of a legate or of their
primate, the Archbishop of Narbonne. Nevertheless, as common
report described Queribus as a receptacle of heretics, thieves, and
robbers, and its reduction was a good work for the faith and for
peace, they would each one, without derogating from his rights,
furnish such assistance as seemed to him fitting. It may be as-
sumed from this that the seneschal had to do the work unaided;
in fact, he complained to the king that the prelates rather impeded
than assisted him, but by August the place was in his hands, and
nothing remained for the outlaws but the forest and the caverns.
In that savage region the dense undergrowth afforded many a
hiding-place, and an attempt was made to cut away the briers and
thorns which served as shelter for ruined noble and hunted Catha-
ran. The work was undertaken by a certain Bernard, who thence
acquired the name of Espinasser or thorn-cutter. Popular hatred
has preserved his remembrance, and expresses its sentiment in a
myth which gibbets him in the moon.*
With the land at its feet, the Inquisition, in the plenitude of its
power, had no hesitation in attacking the loftiest nobles, for all
men were on a level in the eyes of the Most High, and the Holy
Office was the avenger of God. The most powerful vassal of the
houses of Toulouse and Aragon was the Count of Foix, whose ex-
tensive territories on both sides of the Pyrenees rendered him al-
most independent in his mountain fastnesses. Count Roger Ber-
nard II., known as the Great, had been one of the bravest and

*Concil. Biterrens. ann. 1255.--Vaissette, III. 482-3; IV. 17.--A. 3Iolinier
(Vaissette, 2d. Privat, VI. 848).-Peyrat, op. cit. III. 54.

most obstinate defenders of the land, and, after the pacification of
1229, Raymond had been obliged to threaten him with war to
force him to submit. His memory was proudly treasured in the
land as "Rogier Bernat lo pros et sens dengun reproche." His
family was deeply tinctured with heresy. His wife and one of
his sisters were Waldenses, another sister was a Catharan, and the
monk of Vaux-Cernay describes him as an enemy of God and a
cruel persecutor of the Church. Yet, when he yielded in 1229, al-
though he does not seem to have energetically fulfilled his oath
to persecute heresy in his domains, for in 1233 we hear of his hold-
ing a personal conference at Aix with the heretic bishop Bertrand
Martin, he was in other respects a loyal subject and faithful son
of the Church. In 1237 he counselled his son, then Vizconde de
Castelbo in Aragon, to allow the Inquisition in his lands, which
resulted in the condemnation of many heretics, although Ponce,
Bishop of Urgel, his personal enemy, had refused to relieve him
of excommunication as a fautor of heresy until 1240, when he sub-
mitted to the conditions imposed, abjured heresy, and was recon-
ciled. At his death, in 1241, he left liberal bequests to the Church,
and especially to his ancestral Cistercian Abbey of Bolbonne, in
which he died in monkish habit, after duly receiving the sacra-
ments. His son, Roger IV., gave the coup de grdce to the rising of
1242, by placing himself under the immediate sovereignty of the
crown, and.defeating Raymond after the victories of St. Louis had
driven back the English and Gascons. He had some troubles with
the Inquisition, but a bull of Innocent IV., in 1248, eulogizes his
devotion to the Holy See, and rewards him with the power to re-
lease from the saffron crosses six penitents of his choice; .and in
1261 he issued an edict commanding the enforcement of the rule
that no office within his domains should be held by anyone con-
demned to wear crosses, any one suspected of heresy, or the son
of any one similarly defamed.*
All this would seem to give ample guarantee of the orthodoxy
and loyalty of the House of Foix, but the Inquisition could not

"* Miguel del Verms, Chronique Bearnaise.--P. Sarnaii Hist.'Albigens. c. 6.
-Guill. Pod. Laur. c. 8.-Schmidt, Cathares, I; 299:-Vaissette, III. 426; 503; Pr.
383-5, 392-8.-Teulet, Layettes, II. 490.-Bern. Guidon. Vit. Coelestin. PP. IV.
(Muratori, S. R. I. III. 589).-Berger, Registres d'Innocent IV. No. 3530.

condone its ancient patriotism and tolerance. Besides, if Roger
Bernard the Great could be convicted of heresy, the confiscation
of the broad inheritance would effect a great political object and
afford ample spoils for all concerned. Twenty-two years after his
death, therefore, in 1263, proceedings were commenced against his
memory. A faithful servitor of the old count still survived, Ray-
mond Bernard de Flascan, bailli of Mazeres, who had attended his
lord day and night during his last sickness. If he could be brought
to swear that he had seen heretication performed on the death-bed,
the desirable object would be attained. Frbre Pons, the Inquisitor
of Carcassonne, came to Mazeres, found the old man an unsatisfac-
tory witness, and threw him into a dungeon. Suffering under a se-
vere strangury, he was starved and tormented with all the cruel in-
genuity of the Inquisition, and interrogated at intervals, without his
resolution giving way. This was continued for thirty-two days,
when Pons resolved to carry him back to Carcassonne, where possi-
bly the appliances for bringing refractory witnesses to terms were
more efficacious. Before the journey, which he expected to be
his last, the faithful bailli was given a day's respite at the Abbey
of Bolbonne, which he utilized by executing a notarial instrument,
November 26,1263, attested by two abbots and a number of monks,
in which he recited the trials already endured, solemnly declared
that he had never seen the old count do anything contrary to the
faith of Rome, but that he had died as a good Catholic, and that
if, under the severe torture to which he expected to be subjected,
human weakness should lead him to assert anything else, he would
be a liar and a traitor, and no credence should be given to his
words. It would be difficult to conceive of a more damning reve-
lation of inquisitorial methods; yet fifty years later, when those
methods had been perfected, all concerned in the preparation of
the instrument, whether as notary or witnesses, would have been
prosecuted as impeders of the Inquisition, to be severely punished
as fautors of heresy.*
"What became of the poor wretch does not appear. Doubtless
he perished in the terrible Mura of Carcassonne under the combi-
nation of disease, torture, and starvation. His judicial murder,
however, was gratuitous, for the old count's memory remained un-

*Vaissette, III. Pr. 551-3.

condemned. Yet Roger Bernard III., despite the papal favor and
the proofs he had given of adhesion to the new order of things,
was a perpetual target for inquisitorial malice. When lying in
mortal illness at Mazeres, in December, 1264, he received from
Etienne de GAtine, then Inquisitor of Narbonne, an imperious or-
der, with threats of prosecution in case of failure, to capture and
deliver up his bailli of Foix, Pierre Andre, who was suspect of
heresy and had fled on being cited to appear. The count dared
only in reply to express surprise that no notice had been given him
that his bailli was wanted, adding that he had issued orders for his
arrest, and would have personally joined in the pursuit had not
sickness rendered him incapable. At the same time he requested
"Apostoli," and appealed to the pope, to whom he retailed his
grievances. The inquisitors, he said, had never ceased persecuting
him; at the head of armed forces they were in the habit of de-
vastating his lands under pretext of searching for heretics, and
they would bring in their train and under their protection his
special enemies, until his territories were nearly ruined and his
jurisdiction set at naught. He, therefore, placed himself and his
dominions under the protection of the Holy See. He probably
escaped further personal troubles, for he died two months later, in
February, 1265, like his father, in the Cistercian habit, and in the
Abbey of Bolbonne; but in 1292 his memory was assailed before
Bertrand de Clermont, Inquisitor of Carcassonne. The effort was
fruitless, for in 1297 Bertrand gave to his son, Roger Bernard IV.,
a declaration that the accusation had been disproved, and that
neither he nor his father should suffer in person or property in
consequence of it.*
When such were the persecutions to which the greatest were
exposed it is easy to understand the tyranny exercised over the
whole land by the irresponsible power of the inquisitors. No one
was so loftily placed as to be beyond their reach, no one so hum-
ble as to escape their spies. When once they had cause of enmity
with a man there was no further peace for him. The only appeal
from them was to the pope, and not only was Rome distant, but
the avenue to it lay, as we have seen, in their own hands. Human
wickedness and folly have erected,.in the world's history, more vio-

SVaissette, III. Pr. 575-77; IV. Pr. 109.

lent despotisms, but never one more cruel, more benumbing, or
more all-pervading.
For the next twenty years there is little worthy of special note
in the operations of the Inquisition of Languedoc. It pursued its
work continuously with occasional outbursts of energy. Etienne
de Gatine, and Pons de Poyet, who presided over its tribunals for
many years, were no sluggards, and the period from 1373 to 1375
rewarded their industry with an abundant harvest. Though here-
tics naturally grew scarcer with the unintermitting pursuit of so
many years, there was still the exhaustless catalogue of the dead,
whose exhumation furnished an impressive spectacle for the mob,
while their confiscations were welcome to the pious princes, and
contributed largely to the change of ownership of land which was
a political consummation so desirable. Yet heresy with incredi-
ble stubbornness maintained itself, though its concealment grew
ever more difficult, and Italy grew less safe as a refuge and less
prolific as a source of inspiration.*
In 1271 Alphonse and Jeanne, who had accompanied St. Louis
in his unlucky crusade to Tunis, died without issue, during the home-
ward journey. The line of Raymond was thus extinct, and the
land passed irrevocably to the crown. Philippe le Hardi took pos-
session even of the territories which Jeanne had endeavored, as was
her right, to alienate by will, and though he surrendered the Age-
nois to Henry III., he succeeded in retaining Querci. No opposi-
tion was made to the change of masters. When, October 8, 1271,
Guillaume de Cobardon, royal Seneschal of Carcassonne, issued his
orders regulating the new regime, one of the first things thought
of was the confiscations. All castles and villages which had been
forfeited for heresy were taken into the king's hand, without preju-
dice to the right of those to whom they might belong, thus throw-
ing the burden of proof upon all claimants, and cutting out assigns
under alienations. In 1272 Philippe paid a visit to his new terri-
tories; it was designed to be peaceful, but some violence commit-
ted by Roger Bernard IV. of Foix caused him to come at the head
of an army, with which he easily overcame the resistance of the
count, occupied his lands, and threw him into a dungeon. Re-
leased in 1273, the count in 1276 rendered such assistance in the

Coll. Doat, XXV. XXVI.-Martene Thcsaur.V. 1809.

invasion of Navarre that Philippe took him into favor and re-
stored his castles, on his renouncing all allegiance to Aragon.
Thus the last show of independence in the South was broken
down, and the monarchy was securely planted on its ruins.*
This consolidation of the south of France under the kings of
Paris was not without compensating advantages. The monarch
was rapidly acquiring a centralized power, which was very differ-
ent from the overlordship of a feudal suzerain. The study of the
Roman law was beginning to bear fruit in the State as well as in
the Church, and the imperial theories of absolutism as inherent in
kingship were gradually altering all the old relations. The king's
court was expanding into the Parlement, and was training a school
of subtle and resolute civil lawyers who lost no opportunity of ex-
tending the royal jurisdiction, and of legislating for the whole land
in the guise of rendering judgments. In the appeals which came
ever more thickly crowding into the Parlement from every quar-
ter, the mailed baron found himself hopelessly entangled in the
legal intricacies which were robbing him of his seignorial rights
almost without his knowledge; and the Ordonnances, or general
laws, which emanated from the throne, were constantly encroach-
ing on old privileges, weakening local jurisdictions, and giving to
the whole country a body of jurisprudence in which the crown
combined both the legislative and the executive functions. If it
thus was enabled to oppress, it was likewise stronger to defend,
while the immense extension of the royal domains since the begin-
ning of the century gave it the physical ability to enforce its grow-
ing prerogatives.
It was impossible that this metamorphosis in the national in-
stitutions could be effected without greatly modifying the rela-
tions between Church and State. Thus even the saintliness of Louis
IX. did not prevent him from defending himself and his subjects
from ecclesiastical domination in a spirit very different from that
which any French monarch had ventured to exhibit since the days
of Charlemagne. The change became still more manifest under
his grandson, Philippe le Bel. Though but seventeen years of age
when he succeeded to the throne in 1286, his rare ability and vigor-

Vaissette, IV. 3-5, 9-11, 16, 24-5.-Baudouin, Lettres in6dites de Philippe
le Bel, Paris, 1886, p. 125.

ous temper soon led him to assert the royal power in incisive fash-
ion. He recognized, within the boundaries of his kingdom, no su-
perior, secular or spiritual. Had he entertained any scruples of
conscience, his legal counsellors could easily remove them. To
such men as Pierre Flotte and Guillaume de Nogaret the true po-
sition of the Church was that of subjection to the State, as it had
been under the successors of Constantine, and in their eyes Boni-
face VIII. was to their master scarce more than Pope Vigilius had
been to Justinian. Few among the revenges of time are more
satisfying than the catastrophe of Anagni, in 1303, when Nogaret
and Sciarra Colonna laid hands on the vicegerent of God, and
Boniface passionately replied to Nogaret's reproaches, "I can pa-
tiently endure to be condemned and deposed by a Patarin"-for
Nogaret was born at St. Felix de Caraman, and his ancestors were
said to have been burned as Cathari. If this be true he must have
been more than human if he did not feel special gratification when,
at command of his master, he appeared before Clement V. with a
formal accusation of heresy against Boniface, and demanded that
the dead pope's bones be dug up and burned. The citizens of Tou-
louse recognized him as an avenger of their wrongs when they
placed his bust in the gallery of their illustrious men in the Hotel-
It was to the royal power, thus rising to supremacy, that the
people instinctively turned for relief from the inquisitorial tyranny
which was becoming insupportable. The authority lodged in the
hands of the inquisitor was so arbitrary and irresponsible that
even with the purest intentions it could not but be unpopular, while
to the unworthy it afforded unlimited opportunity for oppression
and the gratification of the basest passions. Dangerous as was
any manifestation of discontent, the people of Albi and Carcas-
sonne, reduced to despair by the cruelty of the inquisitors, Jean
Galande and Jean Vigoureux, mustered courage, and in 1280 pre-
sented their complaints to Philippe le Hardi. It was difficult to

Raynald. ann. 1303, No. 41.-Vaissette, IV. Note xi.-Guill. Nangiac. Contin.
ann. 1303, 1309, 1310.-Nich. Trivetti Chron. ann. 1306.-La Faille, Annales de
Toulouse I. 284.
The irresistible encroachment of the royal jurisdiction, in spite of perpetual
opposition, is most effectively illustrated in the series of royal letters recently
printed by M. Ad. Baudouin (Lettres inidites de Philippe le Bel, Paris, 1886).

sustain their charges with specific proofs, and after a brief investi-
gation their reiterated requests for relief were dismissed as frivo-
lous. In the agitation against the Inquisition thus commenced, it
must be borne in mind that heretics had little to do. By this time
they were completely cowed and were quite satisfied if they could
enjoy their faith in secret. The opposition arose from good Cath-
olics, the magistrates of cities and substantial burghers, who saw
the prosperity of the land withering under the deadly grasp of
the Holy Office, and: who felt that no man was safe whose wealth
might arouse cupidity or whose independence might provoke re-
venge. The introduction of the use of torture impressed the pop-
ular imagination with special horror, and it was widely believed
that confessions were habitually extorted by insufferable torment
from rich men whose faith was unblemished. The cruel provisions
which brought confiscation on the descendants of heretics, more-
over, were peculiarly hard to endure, for ruin impended over every
one against whom the inquisitor might see fit to produce from his
records evidence of ancestral heresy. It was against these records
that the next attempt was directed. Foiled in their appeal to the
throne, the consuls of Carcassonne and some of its prominent
ecclesiastics, in 1283 or 1284, formed a conspiracy to destroy the
books of the Inquisition containing the confessions and deposi-
tions. How far this was organized it would be difficult now to
say. The statements of the witnesses conflict so hopelessly on
material points, even as to dates, that there is little dependence
to be placed on them. They were evidently extracted under
torture, and if they are credible the consuls of the city and the
archdeacon, Sanche Morlana, the episcopal Ordinary, Guillem
Brunet, other episcopal officials and many of the secular clergy
were not only implicated in the plot, but were heretics in full affili-
ation with the Cathari. Whether true or false they show that
there was the sharpest antagonism between the Inquisition and
the local Church. The whole has an air of unreality which ren-
ders one doubtful about accepting any portion, but there must
have been some foundation for the story. According to the evi-
dence Bernard Garric, who had been a perfected heretic and a
filius major, but had been converted and was now a familiar of
the Inquisition, was selected as the instrument. He was ap-
proached, and after some bargaining he agreed to deliver the

books for two hundred livres Tournois, for the payment of which
the consuls went security. How the attempt failed and how it
was discovered does not appear, but probably Bernard at the first
overtures confided the plot to his superiors and led on the con-
spirators to their ruin.*
The whole community was now at the mercy of the Inquisi-
tion, and it was not disposed to be lenient in its triumph. While
the trials were yet going on, the citizens made a fresh appeal to
Pierre Chalus, the royal chancellor, who was passing through Tou-
louse on a mission from the court of Paris to that of Aragon.
This was easily disposed of, for on September 13, 1285, the inquis-
itors triumphantly brought before him Bernard Garric to repeat
the confession made a week previous. He had thoroughly learned
his lesson, and the only conclusion which the royal representative
could reach was that Carcassonne was a hopeless nest of heretics,
deserving the severest measures of repression. As a last resort
recourse was had to Honorius IV., but the only result was a brief
from him to the inquisitors expressing his grief that the people
of Carcassonne should be impeding the Inquisition with all their
strength, and ordering the punishment of the recalcitrants irre-
spective of their station, order, or condition, an expression which
shows that the opposition had not arisen from heretics.t
In reply to these complaints the inquisitors could urge with
some truth that heresy, though hidden, was still busy. Although
heretic seigneurs and nobles had been by this time well-nigh de-
stroyed and their lands had passed to others, there was still infec-
tion among the bourgeoisie of the cities and the peasantry. It is
one of the noteworthy features of Catharism, moreover, that at

S Bern. Guidon. Gravam. (Doat, XXX. 93, 97).-Molinier op. cit. p. 35.-
Doat, XXVI. 197, 245, 265, 266.-Lib. Sententt. Inq. Tolos. p. 282.
Sanche Morlana, the archdeacon of Carcassonne, who is represented as bear-
ing a leading part in the conspiracy, belonged to one of the noblest families of
the city. His brother Arnaud, who at one time was Seneschal of Foix, was like-
wise implicated, and died a few years later in the bosom of the Church. In 1328
Jean Duprat, then inquisitor, obtained evidence that Arnaud had been hereti-
cated during a sickness, and again subsequently on his death-bed (Doat, XXVIII.
128). This would seem to lend color to the charge of heresy against the con-
spirators, but the evidence was considered too flimsy to warrant condemnation.
t Doat, XXVI. 254.- Bern. Guidon. Gravam. (Doat, XXX. 93).-Arch. de
l'Inq. de Care. (Doat, XXXII. 132).

no time during its existence were lacking earnest and devoted min-
isters, who took their lives in their hands and wandered around
in secret among the faithful, administering spiritual comfort and
instruction, making converts where they could, exhorting the
young and hereticating the old. In toil and hardship and peril
they pursued their work, gliding by night from one place of con-
cealment to another, and their self-devotion was rivalled by that
of their disciples. Few more touching narratives can be conceived
than those which could be constructed from the artless confes-
sions extorted from the peasant-folk who fell into the hands of
the inquisitors -the humble alms which they gave, pieces of
bread, fish, scraps of cloth, or small coins, the hiding-places which
they constructed in their cabins, the guidance given by night
through places of danger, and, more than all, the steadfast fidel-
ity which refused to betray their pastors when the inquisitor sud-
denly appeared and offered the alternative of free pardon or the
dungeon and confiscation. The self-devotion of the minister was
well matched with the quiet heroism of the believer. To this
fidelity and the complete network of secret organization which
extended over the land may be attributed the marvellously long
exemption which many of these ministers enjoyed. in their prose-
lyting missions. Two of the most prominent of them at this
period, Raymond Delboc and Raymond Godayl, or Didier, had
already, in 1276, been condemned by the Inquisition of Carcas-
sonne as perfected heretics and fugitives, but they kept at their
work until the explosion of 1300, incessantly active, with the
inquisitors always in pursuit but unable to overtake them. Guil-
lem Pages is another whose name constantly recurs in the confes-
sions of heretications during an almost equally long period. The
inquisitors might well urge that their utmost efforts were needed,
but their methods were such that even the best intentions would
not have saved the innocent from suffering with the guilty.*
The secretly guilty were quite sufficiently influential, and the
innocent sufficiently apprehensive, to keep up the agitation which
had been commenced, and at last it began to bear fruit. A new
inquisitor of Carcassonne, Nicholas d'Abbeville, was quite as cruel

MSS. Bib. Nat., fonds latin, No. 11847.-Doat, XXVI. 197.-Lib. Sententt.
Inq. Tolos. pp. 54, 109, 111, 130, 187, 138, 139, 143, 144, 146, 147.

and arbitrary as his predecessors, and when the people prepared
an appeal to the king he promptly threw into jail the notary who
drew up the paper. In their desperation they disregarded this
warning; a deputation was sent to the court, and this time they
were listened to." May 13, 1291, Philippe addressed a letter to his
Seneschal of Carcassonne reciting the injuries inflicted by the
Inquisition on the innocent through the newly-invented system
of torture, by means of which the living and the dead were fraud-
ulently convicted and the whole land scandalized and rendered
desolate. The royal officials were therefore ordered no longer to
obey the commands of the inquisitors in making arrests, unless
the accused be a confessed heretic or persons worthy of faith vouch
for his being publicly defamed for heresy. A month later he reit-
erated these orders even more precisely, and announced his inten-
tion of sending deputies to Languedoc armed with full authority
to make permanent provision in the matter. It is impossible to
exaggerate the importance of these manifestoes as marking a new
era in the relations between the temporal and spiritual authorities.
For far less than this all the chivalry and scum of Europe had
been promised salvation if they would drive Raymond of Toulouse
from his inheritance.*
It was probably to break in some degree the force of this
unheard-of interference with inquisitorial supremacy that in Sep-
tember, 1292, Guillem de Saint-Seine, Inquisitor of Carcassonne,
ordered all the parish priests in his district for three weeks on

There has been great confusion as to the date of Philippe's action. The
Ordonnance as printed by LauriBre and Isambert is of 1287. As given by Vais-
sette (IV. Pr. 97-8) it is of 1291. A copy in Doat, XXXI. 266 (from the Regist.
Curim Francim de Carcass.), is dated 1297. Schmidt (Cathares I. 342) accepts
1287; A. Molinier (Vaissette, 9d. Privat, IX. 157) confirms the date of 1291. The
latter accords best with the series of events. 1287 would seem manifestly im-
possible, as Philippe was crowned January 6, 1286, at the age of seventeen, and
would scarcely, in fifteen months, venture on such a step so defiant of all that was
held sacred; nor would Nicholas IV. in 1290 have praised his zeal in furthering
the Inquisition (Ripoll II. 29), while 1297 seems incompatible with his subsequent
action on the subject.
In 1292 Philippe prohibited the capitouls of Toulouse from employing tort-
ure on clerks subject to the jurisdiction of the bishop, a prohibition which
had to be repeated in 1307.-Baudouin, Lettres inedites de Philippe le Bel,
pp. 16, 78.


Sunday and feast-days to denounce as excommunicate all who
should impede the business of the Inquisition and all notaries who
should wickedly draw up revocations of confessions for heretics.
This could not effect much, nor was anything accomplished by
a Parlement held April 14, 1293, at Montpelli'er, by the royal
chamberlain, Alphonse de Ronceyrac, of all the royal officials and
inquisitors of Toulouse and Carcassonne to reform the abuses of
all jurisdictions.*
Shortly after this, in September, 1293, Philippe went a step fur-
ther and threw his aegis over the unfortunate Jew. Although
Jews as a class were not liable to persecution by the Inquisition,
still, if after being once converted they reverted to Judaism, or
if they proselyted among Christians to obtain converts, or if they
were themselves converts from Christianity, they were heretics in
the eyes of the Church, they fell under inquisitorial jurisdiction,
and were liable to be abandoned to the secular arm. All these
classes were a source of endless trouble to the Church, especially
the "neophytes or converted Jews, for feigned conversions were
frequent, either for worldly advantage or to escape the incessant
persecution visited upon the unlucky children of Israel.t The
bull Turbato corde, ordering the inquisitors to be active and vigi-
lant in prosecuting all who were guilty of these offences, issued
in 1268 by Clement IV., was reissued by successive popes with a
pertinacity showing the importance attached to it, and when we
see Frere Bertrand de la Roche, in 1274, officially described as
inquisitor in Provence against heretics and wicked Christians who

Arch. de l'Inq. de Care. (Doat, XXXII. 251). -Chron. Bardin ann. 1293
(Vaissette IV. Pr. 9).
t In 1278 the inquisitors of France applied to Nicholas III. for instructions,
stating that some time previous, during a popular persecution of the Jews, many
of them through fear, though not absolutely coerced, had received baptism and
allowed their children to be baptized. With the passing of the storm they had
returned to their Jewish blindness, whereupon the inquisitors had cast them in
prison. They were duly excommunicated, but neither this nor the "'squalor
carceris" had been of avail, and they had thus remained for more than a year.
The nonplussed inquisitors thereupon submitted to the Holy See the question
as to further proceedings, and Nicholas ordered them to treat such Jews as here-
tics-that is to say, to burn them for continued obstinacy.-Archives de 1'Inq.
de Carcassonne (Doat, XXXVII. 191).

embrace Judaism, and Frere Guillaume d'Auxerre, in 1285, quali-
fied as "Inquisitor of Heretics and Apostate Jews in France," it
is evident that these cases formed a large portion of inquisitorial
business. As the Jews were peculiarly defenceless, this jurisdic-
tion gave wide opportunity for abuse and extortion which was
doubtless turned fully to account. Philippe owed them protec-
tion, for in 1291 he had deprived them of their own judges and
ordered them to plead in the royal courts, and now he proceeded
to protect them in the most emphatic manner. To Simon Brise-
tote, Seneschal of Carcassonne, he sent a copy of the bull Turbato
corde, with instructions that while this was to be implicitly obeyed,
no Jew was to be arrested for any cause not specified therein,
and, if there was any doubt, the matter was to be referred to the
royal council. He further enclosed an Ordonnance directing that
no Jew in France was to be arrested on the requisition of any
person or friar of any Order, no matter what his office might
be, without notifying the seneschal or bailli, who was to decide
whether the case was sufficiently clear to be acted upon without
reference to the royal council. Simon Brisetete thereupon ordered
all officials to defend the Jews, not to allow any exactions to be
imposed on them whereby their ability to pay their taxes might
be impaired, and not to arrest them at the mandate of any one
without informing him of the cause. It would not have been
easy to limit more skilfully the inquisitorial power to oppress a
despised class.*
Philippe had thus intervened in the most decided manner, and
the oppressed populations of Languedoc might reasonably hope
for permanent relief, but his subsequent policy belied their hopes.
It vacillated in a manner which is only partially explicable by the

Mag. Bull. Roman. I. 151, 155, 159.-Archivio di Napoli, Registro 20, Lett.
B, fol. 91.-MSS. Bib. Nat., fonds latin, No. 14930, fol. 227-8.-Wadding. ann.
1290, No. 5, 6.-C. 13, Sexto v. 2.-Coll. Doat, XXXII. 127; XXXVII. 193, 206,
209, 242, 255, 258.-Wadding. ann. 1859, No. 1-8.-Lib. Sentcntt. Inq. Tolos.
p. 230.
In 1288 Philippe had already ordered the Seneschal of Carcassonne to pro-
tect the Jews from the citations and other vexations inflicted on them by the
ecclesiastical courts (Vaissette, 1d. Private, IX. Pr. 232). Yet in 1306 he had
all the Jews of the kingdom seized and exiled, and forbidden to return under
pain of death (Guill. Nangiac. Contin. ann. 1306).

shifting political exigencies of the times so far as we can pene-
trate them. In this same year, 1293, the Seneschal of Carcassonne
is found instructing Aimeric, the Viscount of Narbonne, to exe-
cute royal letters ordering aid to be rendered to the inquisitors
there. This may have been a mere local matter, and Philippe,
for a while at least, adhered to his position. Towards the end
of 1295 there was issued an Ordonnance of the royal court, appli-
cable to the whole kingdom, forbidding the arrest of any one on
the demand of a friar of any Order, no matter what his position
might be, unless the seneschal or bailli of the jurisdiction was
satisfied that the arrest should be made, and the person asking it
showed a commission from the pope. This was sent to all the
royal officials with strict injunctions to obey it, although, if the
accused were likely to fly, he might be detained, but not surren-
dered until the decision of the court could be had. Moreover, if
any persons were then in durance contrary to the provisions of
the Ordonnance, they were to be set at liberty. Even this did
not effect its object sufficiently, and a few months later, in 1296,
Philippe complained to his Seneschal of Carcassonne of the num-
bers who were arrested by the royal officers, and confined in the
royal prisons on insufficient grounds, causing scandal and the heavy
infliction of infamy on the innocent. To prevent this arrests
were forbidden except in cases of such violent presumption of
heresy that they could not be postponed, and the officials were
instructed, when called upon by the inquisitors, to make such ex-
cuses as they could. These orders were obeyed, for when, about
this time, Foulques de Saint-Georges, Vice-inquisitor of Carcas-
sonne, ordered the arrest of sundry suspects by Adam de Marolles,
the deputy seneschal, the latter referred the matter to his princi-
pal, Henri de Elisia, who, after consultation with Robert d'Artois,
lieutenant of the king in Languedoc and Gascony, refused the de-
No previous sovereign had ventured thus to trammel the In-
quisition. These regulations, in fact, rendered it virtually power-
less, for it had no organization of its own; even its prisons were
the king's and might be withdrawn at any time, and it depended

Regist. Curie Francia de Care. (Doat, XXXII. 254, 267, 268, 269).-Vais-
sette, IV. Pr. 99.

wholly upon the secular arm for physical force. In some places,
as at Albi, it might rely upon episcopal assistance, but elsewhere
it could do nothing of itself. Philippe had, moreover, been care-
ful not to excite the ill-will of his bishops, for his Ordonnances
and instructions alluded simply to the friars, thus excluding the
Inquisition from royal aid without specifically naming it. His
quarrel with Boniface VIII. was now beginning. Between Janu-
ary, 1296, and February, 1297, appeared the celebrated bulls Oleri-
cis laicos, Ineffabilis amoris, Excitat nos, and Exiit a te, whose
arrogant encroachments on the secular power aroused him to re-
sistance, and this doubtless gave a sharper zest to his desire to
diminish in his dominions the authority of so purely papal an in-
stitution as the Inquisition. So shrewd a prince could readily see
its effectiveness as an instrument of papal aggression, for the
Church could make what definition it pleased of heresy; and
Boniface did not hesitate to give him fair warning, when, in Oc-
tober, 1297, he ordered the Inquisitor of Carcassonne to proceed
against certain officials of Beziers who had rendered themselves
in the papal eyes suspect of heresy because they remained under
excommunication, incurred for imposing taxes on the clergy, boast-
ing that food had not lost its savor to them nor sleep its sweet-
ness, and who, moreover, dared with polluted lips to revile the
Holy See itself. Under such an extension of jurisdiction Philippe
himself might not be safe, and it is no wonder that tentative ef-
forts made in 1296 and 1297 to find some method of reconciling
the recent royal Ordonnances with the time-honored absolutism
of the Inquisition proved failures.*
Meanwhile, the exigencies of Italian politics caused Boniface
suddenly to retrace his steps. His quarrel with the Cardinals
Giacomo and Pietro Colonna rendered it advisable to propitiate
Philippe. In May, 1297, he assented to a tithe conceded to the
king by his bishops, and in the bull Noveritis (July, 1297) he ex-
empted France from the operation of the Clericis laicos, while in
Licet per specials (July, 1298) he withdrew his arrogant preten-
sion imperatively to prolong the armistice between France and

"* Du Puy, Histoire du Differend, etc. Pr. 14, 15, 28, 24.-D'Argentr6, Collect.
Judic. de novis Error. I. I. 125.-Vaissette, IV. Pr. 99.-Arch. de 1'Inq. de Care.
(Doat, XXXII. 264).-Faucon, Registres de Boniface VIII. No. 2140.

England. A truce was thus patched up with Philippe, who has-
tened to manifest his good-will to the Holy See by abandoning
his subjects again to the inquisitors. In the Liber Sextus of the
Decretals, published by Boniface March 3,1298, the pope included,
with customary imperiousness, a canon commanding the absolute
obedience of all secular officials to the orders of inquisitors under
penalty of excommunication, which if endured for a year carried
with it condemnation for heresy. This was his answer to the
French monarch's insubordinate legislation, and Philippe at the
moment was not inclined to contest the matter. In September
he meekly enclosed the canon to his officials with instructions to
obey it in every point, arresting and imprisoning all whom inquisi-
tors or bishops might designate, and punishing all whom they
might condemn. A letter of Frere Arnaud Jean, Inquisitor of
Pamiers, dated March 2, of the same year, assuring the Jews that
they need dread no novel measures of severity, would seem to in-
dicate that the royal protection had been previously withdrawn
from them. The good understanding between king and pope
lasted until 1300, when the quarrel broke out afresh with greater
acrimony than ever. In December of that year the provisions of
Clericis laicos were renewed by the bull .Nuper ex rationabilibus,
followed by the short one, of which the authenticity is disputed,
Scire te volumus, asserting Philippe's subjection in temporal affairs
and calling forth his celebrated rejoinder, Sciat tua maximafatui-
tas. The strife continued with increasing violence till the seizure
of Boniface at Anagni, September 8, 1303, and his death in the
following month.*
Under this varying policy the fate of the people of Languedoc
was hard. Nicholas d'Abbeville, the Inquisitor of Carcassonne,
was a man of inflexible severity, arrogantly bent on pushing his
prerogatives to the utmost. He had an assistant worthy of him in
Foulques de Saint-Georges, the Prior of the Convent of Albi, which
was under his jurisdiction. He had virtually another assistant in
the bishop, Bernard de Castanet, who delighted to act as inquisi-
tor, impelled alike by fanaticism and by greed, for, as we have
Du Puy, op. cit. Pr. 39, 41, 42, 44.- Faucon, Registres de Boniface VIIL
No. 1822-3, No. 1829, No. 1830-1, No. 1930.-C. 18 Sexto v. 2.-Isambert, Anc.
Loix Frang. II. 718.-Vaissette, ]id. Privat, X. Pr. 347.-Archives de l'tvech6
d'Albi (Doat, XXXII. 275).

seen, the bishops of Albi, by a special transaction with St. Louis,
enjoyed a half of the confiscations. Prior to his elevation in 1276
Bernard had been auditor of the papal camera, which shows him
to have been an accomplished legist, and he was also a patron of
art and literature, but he was ever in trouble with his people. Al-
ready, in 1277, he had succeeded in so exasperating.them that his
palace was swept by a howling mob, and he barely escaped with
his life. In 1282 he commenced the erection of the cathedral of
St. Cecilia, a gigantic building, half church, half fortress, which
swallowed enormous sums, and stimulated his hatred of heresy by
supplying a pious use for the estates of heretics.*
To such men the protection granted to his subjects by Philippe
was most distasteful, and not without reason. Heretics naturally
took advantage of the restrictions imposed on the Inquisition and
redoubled their activity. It might seem, indeed, to them that the
day of supremacy of the Church was past, and that the rising in-
dependence of the secular power might usher in an era of com-
parative toleration, in which their persecuted religion would at
length find its oft-deferred opportunity of converting mankind-
a dream in which they indulged to the last. More demonstrative,
if not more earnest, was the feeling which the royal policy aroused
in Carcassonne. The Ordonnances had not only crippled the In-
quisition, but had shown the disfavor with which it was regarded
by the king, and in 1295 some of the leading citizens, who had
been compromised in the trials of 1285, found no difficulty in
arousing the people to open resistance. For a while they con-
trolled the city, and inflicted no little injury on the Dominicans,
and on all who ventured to support them. Nicholas d'Abbeville
was driven from the pulpit when preaching, pelted with stones
and pursued with drawn swords, and the judges of the royal court
on one occasion were glad to escape with their lives, while the
friars were beaten and insulted when they appeared in public and
were practically segregated as excommunicates. Bernard Gui, an

C. Molinier, L'Inq. dans le midi de la France, p. 92.-A. Molinier (Vaissette,
Rd. Privat, IX. 307). The character and power of the bishops of Albi are illus-
trated in a successor of Bernard de Castanet, Bishop Geraud, who in 1312, to
settle a quarrel with the Seigneur de Puygozon, raised an army of five thousand
men with which he attacked the royal Chateau Vieux d'Albi, and committed
much devastation.-Vaissette, IV. 160.

eye-witness, naturally attributes this to the influence of heresy,
but it is impossible for us now to conjecture how much may have
been due to religious antagonism, and how much to the natural
reaction among the orthodox against the intolerable oppression
of the inquisitorial methods.*
For some years the Inquisition of Carcassonne was suspended.
As soon as secular support was withdrawn public opinion was too
strong, and it succumbed. This lasted until the truce between
king and pope again placed the royal power at the disposal of the
inquisitors. In their despair the citizens then sent envoys to Boni-
face VIII., with Aimeric Castel at their head, supported by a num-
ber of Franciscans. Boniface listened to their complaints and pro-
posed to depute the Bishop of Vicenza as commissioner to examine
and report, but the papal referendary, afterwards Cardinal of S.
Sabina, required a bribe of ten thousand florins as a preliminary.
It was promised him, but Aimeric, having secured the good offices
of Pierre Flotte and the Duke of Burgundy, thought he could ob-
tain his purpose for less, and refused to pay it. When Boniface
heard of the refusal he angrily exclaimed, "We know in whom
they trust, but by God all the kings in Christendom shall not save
the people of Carcassonne from being burned, and specially the
father of that Aimeric Castel !" The negotiation fell through, and
Nicholas d'Abbeville had his triumph. A large portion of the
citizens were wearied with the disturbances, and were impatient
under the excommunication which rested on the community. The
prosperity of the town was declining, and there were not wanting
those who predicted its ruin. The hopelessness of further resist-
ance was apparent, and matters being thus ripe for a settlement, a
solemn assembly was held, April 27, 1299, when the civic magis-
trates met the inquisitor in the presence of the Bishops of Albi
and Beziers, Bertrand de Clermont, Inquisitor of Toulouse, the
royal officials, sundry abbots and other notables. Nicholas dic-
tated his own terms for the absolution asked at his hands, nor
were they seemingly harsh. Those who were manifest heretics,
or specially defamed, or convicted by legal proof must take their
chance. The rest were to be penanced as the bishops and the Ab-

SBern. Guidon. Hist. Conv. Predic. (Martene Coll. Ampl.VI. 477-8).-Ejusd.
Gravam. (Doat, XXX. 94).

bot of Fontfroide might advise, excluding confiscation and per-
sonal or humiliating penalties. All this was reasonable enough
from an ecclesiastical point of view, but so deep-seated was the
distrust, or so strong the heretical influence, that the people asked
twenty-four hours for consideration, and on reassembling the next
day refused the terms. Six months passed, their helplessness and
isolation each day becoming more apparent, until, October 8, they
reassembled, and the consuls asked for absolution in the name of
the community. Nicholas was not severe. The penance imposed
on the town was the building of a chapel in honor of St. Louis,
which was accomplished in the year 1300 at the cost of ninety livres
Tournois. The consuls, in the name of the community, secretly ab-
jured heresy. Twelve of the most guilty citizens were reserved
for special penances, viz., four of the old consuls, four councillors,
two advocates, and two notaries. Of these the fate was doubtless
deplorable. Chance has preserved to us the sentence passed on
one of the authors of the troubles, Guillem Garric, by which we
find that he rotted in the horrible dungeon of Carcassonne for
twenty-two years before he was brought forward for judgment in
1321, when in consideration of his long confinement he was given
the choice between the crusade and exile, and the crushed old man
fell on his knees and gave thanks to Jesus Christ and to the in-
quisitors for the mercy vouchsafed him. Some years later intense
excitement was created when FrBre Bernard D61icieux obtained
sight of the agreement, and discovered that the consuls had been
represented in it as confessing that the whole community had
given aid to manifest heretics, that they had abjured in the name
of all, and thus that all citizens were incapacitated for office and
were exposed to the penalties of relapse in case of further trouble.
This excited the people to such a point that the inquisitor, Geof-
froi d'Ablis, was obliged to issue a solemn declaration, August 10,
1303, disclaiming any intention of thus taking advantage of the
settlement; and notwithstanding this, when King Philippe came
to Carcassonne in 1305 the agreement was pronounced fraudulent,
the seneschal Gui Caprier was dismissed for having affixed his
seal to it, and confessed that he had been bribed to do so by Nicho-
las d'Abbeville with a thousand livres Tournois.*

"* MSS. Bib. Nat., fonds latin, No. 4270, fol. 18,119-28, 129, 15-6,292.-Arch.

Encouraged by the crippling and suspension of the Inquisition,
the Catharan propaganda had been at work with renewed vigor.
In 1299 the Council of B6ziers sounded the alarm by announcing
that perfected heretics had made their appearance in the land, and
ordering close search made after them. At Albi, Bishop Bernard
was, as usual, at variance with his flock, who were pleading against
him in the royal court to preserve their jurisdiction. The occa-
sion was opportune. He called to his assistance the inquisitors
Nicholas d'Abbeville and Bertrand de Clermont, and towards the
close of the year 1299 the town was startled by the arrest of
twenty-five of the wealthiest and most respected citizens, whose
regular attendance at mass and observance of all religious duties
had rendered them above suspicion. The trials were pushed with
unusual celerity, and, from the manner in which those who at first
denied were speedily brought to confession and to revealing the
names of their associates, there was doubtless good ground for the
popular belief that torture was ruthlessly and unsparingly used;
in fact, allusions to it in the final sentence of Guillem Calverie,
one of the victims, leave no doubt on the subject. Abjuration
saved them from the stake, but the sentence of perpetual impris-
onment in chains was a doubtful mercy for those who were sen-
tenced, while aw number were kept interminably in jail awaiting
The whole country was ripe for revolt. The revival of Phi-
lippe's quarrel with Boniface soon gave assurance that help might
be expected from the throne; but if this should fail there would
be scant hesitation on the part of desperate men in looking for
some other sovereign who would lend an ear to their complaints.
The arrest and trial for treason of the Bishop of Pamiers, in 1301,
shows us what was then the undercurrent of popular feeling in
Languedoc, where the Frenchman was still a hated stranger, the
king a foreign despot, and the people discontented and ready to
shift their allegiance to either England or Aragon whenever they
could see their advantage in it. The fragile tenure with which

de I'Inq. de Care. (Doat, XXXII. 283).-Vaissette, IV. 91; Pr. 100-2.-Lib. Sen-
tentt. Inq. Tolos. pp. 282-5.-Coll. Doat, XXXIV. 21.
Council. Biterrens. ann. 1299, c. 3 (Vaissette, IV. 96).-MSS. Bib. Nat., fonds
latin, No. 4270, fol. 264, 270.-Archives de 1'Evch6B d'Albi (Doat, XXXV. 69).
-MSS. Bib. Nat., fonds latin, No. 11847.-Lib. Sententt. Inquis. Tolos.p. 266.

the land was still held by the Kings of Paris must be kept in view'
if we would understand Philippe's shifting policy.*
The prosecutions of Albi caused general terror, for the victims
were universally thought to be good Catholics, selected for spolia-
tion on account of their wealth. The conviction was widespread
that such inquisitors as Jean de Faugoux, Guillem de Mulceone,
Jean de Saint-Seine, Jean Galande, Nicholas d'Abbeville, and
Foulques de Saint-Georges had long had no scruple in obtaining,
by threats and torture, such testimony as they might desire
against any one whom they might wish to ruin, and that their
records were falsified, and filled with fictitious entries for that
purpose. Some years before, Frere Jean Martin, a Dominican,
had invoked the interposition of Pierre de Montbrun, Archbishop
of Narbonne (died 1286), to put a stop to this iniquity. Some
investigation was made, and the truth of the charges was estab-
lished. The dead were found to be the special prey of these vult-
ures, who had prepared their frauds in advance. Even the fierce
orthodoxy of the MarBchaux de la Foi could not save Gui de Levis
of Mirepoix from this posthumous attack; and, when Gautier de
Montbrun, Bishop of Carcassonne, died, they produced from their
records proof that he had adored heretics and had been hereticated
on his death-bed. In this latter case, fortunately, the archbishop
happened to know that one of the witnesses, Jourdain Ferrolh,
had been absent at the time when, by his alleged testimony, he
had seen the act of adoration. Frere Jean Martin urged the arch-
bishop to destroy all the records and cause the Dominicans to be
deprived of their functions, and the prelate made some attempt at
Rome to effect this, contenting himself meanwhile with issuing
some regulations and sequestrating some of the books. It was
probably during this flurry that the Inquisitors of Carcassonne
and Toulouse, Nicholas d'Abbeville and Pierre de Mulceone, hear-
ing that they were likely to be convicted of fraud, retired with
their records to the safe retreat of Prouille and busied themselves
in making a transcript, with the compromising entries omitted,
which they ingeniously bound in the covers stripped from the old
Du Puy, Hist. du Differend, Pr. 633 sqq. 653-4.-Martene Thesaur. I.
+ MSS. Bib. Nat., fonds latin, No. 4270, fol. 125-8, 139.


About this time occurred a case which confirms the popular
belief in inquisitorial iniquity, and which had results of vastly
greater importance than its promoters anticipated. When the
disappointed Boniface VIII. swore that he would cause the burn-
ing of Aimeric Castel's father, he uttered no idle threat. Nicholas
d'Abbeville, a fitting instrument, was at hand, and to him he pri-
vately gave the necessary verbal instructions. Castel Fabri, the
father, had been a citizen of Carcassonne distinguished for piety
and benevolence no less than for wealth. A friend of the Fran-
ciscan Order, after duly receiving the sacraments, he had died, in
1278, in the hands of its friars, six of whom kept watch in the
sick-room until his death, and he had been buried in the Francis-
can cemetery. We have seen in the case of the Count of Foix
how easily all these precautions could be brushed aside, and Nich-
olas found no difficulty in discovering or making the evidence he
required.* Suddenly, in 1300, the people of Carcassonne were
startled by a notice, read in all the parish churches, summoning
those wishing to defend the memory of Castel Fabri to appear be-
fore the Inquisition on a day named, as the deceased Was proved
to have been hereticated on his death-bed. The moment was well
chosen, as Aimeric Castel, the son, was absent. The Franciscans,
for whom the accused had doubtless provided liberally in his will,
felt themselves called upon to assume his defence. Hastily con-
sulting, they determined to send their lector, Bernard de Licgossi,
or D6licieux, to the General Chapter then assembling at Marseilles,
for instructions, as, in the chronic antagonism between the Mendi-
cants, the matter seemed to be regarded as an assault on the Or-
der. The wife of Aimeric Castel provided for the expenses of the
journey, and Bernard returned with instructions from the pro-
vincial to defend the memory of the deceased, while Eleazar de

"* In a series of confessions extracted from Master Arnaud Matha, a clerk of
Carcassonne, in 1285, there are two, of October 4 and 10, in which he de-
scribes all the details of the heretication of Castel Fabri on his death-bed, in
1278 (Doat, XXVI. 258-60). While these cannot be positively said to be inter-
polations, they have the appearance of being so, and it may safely be assumed as
impossible that such a matter would have been allowed to lie dormant for fifteen
years with so rich a prize within reach. The case is doubtless one of the forged
records which, as we have seen, were popularly believed to be customary in the

Clermont, the syndic of the convent, was deputed by the Guardian
of Narbonne to co-operate with him. Meanwhile Nicholas had
proceeded to condemnation, and when, July 4, 1300, Bernard
and El6azar presented themselves to offer the testimony of the
friars who had watched the dying man, Nicholas received them
standing, refused to listen to them, and on their urging their evi-
dence left the room in the most contemptuous manner. In the
afternoon they returned to ask for a certificate of their offer and
its refusal, but found the door of the Inquisition closed, and could
not effect an entrance.
The next step was to take an appeal to the Holy See and ask
for Apostoli," but this was no easy matter. So general was the
terror inspired by Nicholas that the doctor of decretals, Jean de
Penne, to whom they applied to draw the paper, refused unless
his name should be kept inviolably secret, and nineteen years after-
wards Bernard when on trial refused to reveal it until compelled
to do so. To obtain a notary to authenticate the appeal was still
harder. All those in Carcassonne absolutely refused, and it was
found necessary to bring one from a distance, so that it was not un-
til July 16 that the document was ready for service. How serious-
ly, indeed, all parties regarded what should have been a very simple
business is shown by the winding-up of the appeal, which places,
until the case is decided, not only the body of Castel Fabri, but
the appellants and the whole Franciscan convent, under the pro-
tection of the Holy See. When they went to serve the instrument
on Nicholas the doors, as before, were found closed and entrance
could not be effected. It was therefore read in the street and left
tacked on the door, to be taken down and treasured and brought
forward in evidence against Bernard in 1319. We have no further
records of the case, but that the appeal was ineffectual is visible
in the fact that in 1322-3 the accounts of Arnaud Assalit show
that the royal treasury was still receiving an income from the
confiscated estates of Castel Fabri; while in 1329 the still unsatis-
fied vengeance of the Inquisition ordered the bones of his wife
Rixende to be exhumed.*
"* MSS. Bib. Nat., fonds latin, No. 4270, fol. 14-16, 29-80, 35, 120, 148.-Coll.
Doat, XXVII. 178; XXXIV. 123, 189.
As late as 1338 the confiscated house of Castel Fabri at Carcassonne was the
subject of a reclamation by Pierre de Manse who claimed that Philippe le Bel


The case of Castel Fabri might have passed unnoticed, like
thousands of others, had it not chanced to bring into collision with
the Inquisition the lector of the convent of Carcassonne. Bernard
D6licieux was no ordinary man, in fact a contemporary assures us
that in the whole Franciscan Order there were few who were his
equals. Entering the Order about 1284, his position of lector or
teacher shows the esteem felt for his learning, for the Mendicants
were ever careful in selecting those to whom they confided such
functions; and, moreover, we find him in relations with the lead-
ing minds of the age, such as Raymond Lully and Arnaldo de
Vilanova. His eloquence made him much in request as preacher;
his persuasiveness enabled him to control those with whom he
came in contact, while his enthusiastic ardor prompted him to
make any sacrifices necessary to a cause which had once enlisted
his sympathies. He was no latitudinarian or time-server, for when
the split came in his own Order he embraced, to his ruin, the side
of the Spiritual Franciscans, with the same disregard of self as he
had manifested in his dealings with the Inquisition. He was no
admirer of toleration, for he devoutly wished the extermination of
heresy, but experience and observation had convinced him that
in Dominican hands the Inquisition was merely an instrument of
oppression and extortion, and he imagined that by transferring it
to the Franciscans its usefulness would be preserved while its evils
would be removed. Boniface VIII., as we have seen, about this
time replaced the Franciscan inquisitors of Padua and Vicenza with
Dominicans for the purpose of repressing similar evils, and in the
jealousy and antagonism between the two orders the converse
operation might seem worth attempting in Languedoc. In the
hope of alleviating the sufferings of the people, Bernard devoted
himself to the cause for years, incurring obloquy, persecution, and
ingratitude. Those whom he sought to serve allowed him to sell
his books in their service, and to cripple himself with debt, while
the enmities which he excited hounded him relentlessly to the
death. Yet in the struggle he had the sympathies of his own
Order which everywhere throughout Languedoc manifested itself

had given it to his queen, through whom it had come to him. The royal officials
asserted that the gift had only been for life, and had seized it again, but Philippe
de Valois abandoned it to the claimant.-Vaissette, Ed. Privat, X. Pr. 831-3.

the enemy of the Dominican Inquisition. Already, in 1291, Fran-
ciscans in Carcassonne had endeavored to intervene in cases of
heresy, and had been sharply reproved by Philippe le Bel at the
instance of the Inquisitor Guillaume de Saint-Seine. In 1298 they
had supported the appeal of the men of Carcassonne to Boniface
VIII., and throughout the whole of Bernard's agitation the Fran-
ciscan convents are seen to be rallying-points of the opposition.
It is there that Bernard preaches his fiery sermons; it is there
that meetings are held to plan resistance. During the troubles
in Carcassonne Foulques de Saint-Georges went with twenty-five
men to the Franciscan convent to cite the opponents of the Inqui-
sition. The friars would not admit them, but tolled the bell and
an angry crowd assembled, while those inside the convent assailed
them with stones and quarrels, and they were glad to escape with
their lives.*
Mainly the inquisitors complained to the Franciscan prelates
of Bernard as an impeder of the Holy Office. The form of a trial
would be gone through, and the offender would be furnished with
letters attesting his innocence. The Dominicans asserted that
Franciscan zeal was solely caused by jealousy; the Franciscans re-
torted that their friends were the special objects of inquisitorial
persecution. King Philippe's confessor was a Dominican, Queen
Joanna's a Franciscan, and the two courtly friars took part, for
and against the Inquisition, with a zeal which rendered them im-
portant factors in the struggle. The undying hostility between
the two Orders always led them to opposite sides in every ques-
tion of dogma or practice, and this was one which afforded the
amplest scope to bitterness.t
The coup-de-main executed on the so-called heretics of Albi, in
December, 1299, and the early months of 1300, had excited con-
sternation too general for the matter to be passed over. King
Philippe's quarrel with Boniface was breaking out afresh, and he
might not be averse to making his subjects feel that they had a

"* Historia Tribulationum (Archiv ffir Litteratur- u. Kirchengeschichte, 1886,
p. 148.-MSS. Bib. Nat., fonds latin, No. 4270, fol. 231.-Vaissette, Ed. Privat,
X. 268.
t MSS. Bib. Nat., fonds latin, No. 4270, fol. 9, 19, 22, 24, 26, 32, 40, 63, 70,
73, 81, 82, 84, 119, 128, 149, 155, 163.- Bern. Guidon. Hist. Cony. Albiens. (D.
Bouquet, XXI. 748).-Coll. Doat, XXXIV. 26.


protector in the throne. With the advice of his council an inves-
tigation was ordered, and confided to the Bishops of B6ziers and
Maguelonne, but the inquisitors arrogantly and persistently re-
fused to allow the secrets of their office to be invaded. This was
not calculated to remove popular disquiet, and in 1301 Philippe
sent to Languedoc two officials armed with supreme powers, un-
der the name of Reformers. As the royal authority extended
and established itself, special deputies for the investigation and
correction of abuses were frequently despatched to the provinces.
-In the present case those who came to Languedoc perhaps had
for their chief business the arrest of the Bishop of Pamiers, ac-
cused of treasonable practices, but the colorable pretext for their
mission was the correction of inquisitorial abuses. One of them,
Jean de Pequigny, Vidame of Amiens, was a man of high char-
acter for probity and sagacity; the other was Richard Nepveu,
Archdeacon of Lisieux, of whom we hear little in the following
years, except that he quietly slipped into the vacant episcopate
of Beziers. He must have done his duty to some extent, how-
ever, for Bernard Gui tells us that he died in 1309 of leprosy, as
a judgment of God for his hostility to the Inquisition.*
The Reformers established themselves at Toulouse, where
Foulques de Saint-Georges had been inquisitor since Michaelmas,
1300, and speedily gathered much damaging testimony against
him, for he was accused not only of unduly torturing persons for
purposes of extortion, but of gratifying his lusts by arresting
women whose virtue he failed otherwise to overcome. Thither
flocked representatives of Albi, with the wives and children of
the prisoners, beseeching and imploring the representatives of the

"* MSS. Bib. Nat., fonds latin, No. 4270, fol. 163.- Guillel. Nangiac. Contin.
ann. 1303.- Grandes Chroniques, T. V. pp. 156-7. Girard de Fracheto Chron.
contain. ann. 1203 (D. Bouq. XXI. 23).-Vaissette, IV. 112.-Bern. Guidon. Hist.
Fund. Cony. (Martene Ampl. Coll. V. 514).
"When, long years afterwards, in 1319, Bernard DBlicieux was carried from
Avignon to Toulouse for the trial which led to his death, one of the convoy, a
notary named Arnaud de Nogaret, chanced to allude to a report that Pequigny
had been bribed with one thousand livres to oppose the Inquisition. Then the
old man's temper flashed forth in defence of his departed friend-" Thou list
in the throat: the Vidame was an honest man!"-MSS. Bib. Nat., fonds latin,
No. 4270, fol. 263.

king for justice, and promising revelations if they would issue let-
ters of safety to those who would give information-for the ter-
ror inspired by the Inquisition was such that no one dared to
testify concerning it unless he was assured of protection against
its vengeance. The Bishop of Albi came also to justify himself,
and on his return to his episcopal seat he was welcomed with
a manifestation of the feeling entertained for him by his flock,
whom the coming of the Reformers encouraged in the expression
of their sentiments. When his approach was announced a crowd
of men and women rushed forth from the gates to meet him with
shouts of "Death, death, death to the traitor!" It may perhaps
be doubted whether, as reported, he bore the threats and insults
with patience akin to that of Christ, ordering his followers to
keep their weapons down; certain it is that he was roughly han-
dled, and had difficulty in safely reaching his palace. A conspir-
acy was formed to burn the palace, in order, during the confu-
sion, to liberate the prisoners, but the hearts of the conspirators
failed them and the project was abandoned. Even more mena-
cing was the action of a number of the chief citizens, who bound
themselves by a notarial instrument to prosecute him and Nicho-
las d'Abbeville in the king's court. As a consequence, the bish-
op's temporalities were sequestrated, and eventually the enormous
fine of twenty thousand livres stripped him of a portion of his ill-
gotten gains for the benefit of the king, who was bitterly re-
proached by Bernard Delicieux for thus preferring money to
justice. Bernard de Castanet retained his uneasy seat until 1308,
when, seeing under Clement V. no prospect of better times, he pro-
cured a transfer to the quieter see of Puy. One of the earliest
signs of the revulsion under John XXII. was his advancement, in
December, 1316, to the Cardinalate of Porto, which he held for
only eight months, his death occurring in August, 1317.*
The Reformers, meanwhile, had sent for Bernard D6licieux,
who was then quietly performing his duties as lector in the con-
vent of Narbonne. He must already have made himself conspic-

"* Bern. Guidon. Hist. Fund. Conv. (Martene Ampl. Coll. VI. 510-11).-Arch.
de 1'Inq. de Care. (Doat, XXVII. 7).-MSS. Bib. Nat., fonds latin, No. 4270, fol.
6, 7, 11, 42, 45, 48, 71,161,270.-Arch. de 1'h6tel-de-ville d'Albi (Doat, XXXIV.
169).-Vaissette, IV. 143.

uous in the affair of Castel Fabri, and was evidently regarded as
a desirable ally in the impending struggle. According to his own
story he advised Pequigny to let the Inquisition alone, as experi-
ence had shown that effort was useless; but on being called again
to Toulouse on some business connected with the Priory of la
Daurade, and having to visit Paris in connection with the will of
Louis, Bishop of Toulouse, it was arranged, at Pequigny's sugges-
tion, that he should accompany a deputation which the citizens of
Albi were sending to the king to invoke his active intervention.
The court was at Senlis, whither they repaired, and there came
also Pequigny to justify himself, and Frere Foulques with several
Dominicans, eager to establish the innocence of the Inquisition.*
The battle was fought out before the king. Bernard urged
the suspension of the inquisitors during an investigation, or that
the Dominicans should be permanently declared ineligible while
awaiting final action by the Holy See. Supported by FrBre Guil-
laume, the king's Dominican confessor, Foulques preferred charges
against Pequigny, but could furnish no proofs. Pequigny retort-
ed with accusations against Foulques, and a commission, consist-
ing of the Archbishop of Narbonne and the Constable of France,
was appointed to hear both sides. After due deliberation, it re-
ported in favor of Pequigny, and the king took the unheard-of
step of removing the inquisitor. He at first requested this of the
Dominican Provincial of Paris, who possessed the power to do so,
but that official called together a chapter, which contented itself
with appointing an adjunct, and ordering Foulques to retain office
till the middle of the following Lent, in order to complete the tri-
als which he had already commenced. This gave Philippe great
offence, which he expressed in the most outspoken terms in letters
to his chaplain and to the Bishop of Toulouse, whom he bitterly
reproached for advising acceptance of the terms. He did not
content himself with words, for simultaneously, December 8,
1301, he wrote to the bishop, the Inquisitor of Toulouse, and the
seneschals of Toulouse and Albi, stating that the imploring cries
of his subjects, including prelates and ecclesiastics, counts, bar-
ons, and other distinguished men, convinced him that Foulques
was guilty of the charges preferred against him, including crimes

*MSS. Bib. Nat., fonds latin, No. 4270, fol. 16, 149.

abhorrent to the human mind. He afflicted the people with nu-
merous exactions and oppressions; he was accustomed to com-
mence proceedings with torture inconceivable and incredible, and
thus compel confession from those whom he suspected, and when
this failed he suborned witnesses to testify falsely. His detesta-
ble excesses had created such general terror that a rising of the
people was to be apprehended unless some speedy remedy was
had. Some further unavailing opposition was made to Foulques's
removal, but not much was gained by the appointment of his suc-
cessor, Guillaume de Morieres, who had previously succeeded him
in the Priory of Albi. Foulques was gratified with the important
Priory of Avignon, and when he subsequently died in poverty
at Lyons he was regarded by his Order almost in the light of a
Philippe had not contented himself with getting rid of
Foulques, but had endeavored to introduce reforms which are
interesting not only as a manifestation of the royal supremacy
which he assumed, but also as the model of all subsequent en-
deavors to curb the abuses of the Inquisition. It was natural
that this should take the shape of reviving the episcopal power
which had become so completely suppressed. Firstly, the prison
which the crown had built on its own land in Toulouse for the
use of the Inquisition was to be placed under the charge of some
one selected by both bishop and inquisitor, and in case of their
disagreement by the royal seneschal. The inquisitor was deprived
of the power of arbitrary arrest. He was obliged to consult the
bishop, and when they could not agree the question was to be
decided by a majority vote in an assemblage consisting of certain
officials of the cathedral and of the Franciscan and Dominican
convents. Arrests were only to be made by the seneschal, after
these preliminaries had been observed, except in case of foreign
heretics who might escape. The question of bail was to be set-
tled in the same way as that of arrest. In no case was either
bishop or inquisitor entitled to obedience when acting individual-
ly, for, as the king declared, "We cannot endure that the life and

MSS. Bib. Nat., fonds latin, No. 4270, fol. 121,125, 182,150,159, 165.-Vais-
sette, IV. Pr. 118-20.-Bern. Guidon. Hist. Cony. Prsdic. (Martene Ampl. Coll.
VI. 510).-Arch. de l'h6tel-de-ville d'Albi (Doat, XXXIV. 169).


death of our subjects shall be abandoned to the discretion of a
single individual, who, even if not actuated by cupidity, may be
insufficiently informed." Inadequate as these reforms eventually
proved, they had an excellent temporary effect. For a time the
Inquisition was paralyzed, and arrests which had been taking
place every week were suddenly brought to an end, for during
1302 these provisions were embodied in a general Ordonnance, and
the legislation of 1293 protecting the Jews was repeated. At
the same time Philippe was careful to manifest due solicitude for
the suppression of heresy, for he published anew the severe edict
of St. Louis; and on the appointment of Guillaume de Morieres to
the Inquisition of Toulouse he wrote to the seneschal instruct-
ing him to place the royal prisons at the inquisitor's disposal, to
pay him the customary stipend, and to aid him in every way un-
til further orders.*
While the new regulations may have promised relief elsewhere,
they gave little comfort at Albi, the inquisitorial proceedings of
whose bishop had given rise to the whole disturbance. Its citi-
zens were still languishing in the prison of the Inquisition of Car-
cassonne, and a numerous deputation of both sexes was sent to
the king, accompanied by two Franciscans, Jean Hector and Ber-
trand de Villedelle. Again Bernard Delicieux was present, hav-
ing this time been opportunely chosen to represent the Order on
a summons from Philippe for consultation on the subject of his
quarrel with Pope Boniface. They all followed the king to Pierre-
fonds and then to Compiegne. He gave them fair words, prom-
ised a speedy visit to Languedoc, when he would settle matters,
and consoled them with a donation of one thousand livres, which
he could well afford to do, for the confiscated estates of the pris-
oners were in his hands, and were never released.t
All this, of course, gave little satisfaction; nor were the peo-
ple placated by the removal of Nicholas d'Abbeville, for he was
succeeded in the Inquisition of Carcassonne by Geoffroi d'Ablis,

Vaissette, IV. Pr. 118-21.-MSS. Bib. Nat., fonds latin, No. 4270, fol. 69.-
Isambert, Anc. Loix Fran9. II. 747, 789.
t Arch. de l'h6tel-de-ville d'Albi (Doat, XXXIV. 169).--MSS. Bib. Nat.,
fonds latin, No. 4270, fol. 16, 70, 184, 151.--Coll. Doat, XXXIII. 207-72;
XXXIV. 189.

who was as energetic and unsparing as his predecessor, and who
brought royal letters, dated January 1, 1303, ordering all officials
to render him the customary obedience. Popular excitement
grew more and more threatening, and as Albi had no local inquis-
itors of its own, being within the jurisdiction of the tribunal of
Carcassonne, the discontent vented itself on the Dominicans, who
were regarded as the representatives of the hated tribunal. On
the first Sunday in Advent, December 2,1302, when the friars
went as usual to preach in the churches they were violently eject-
ed and assailed with cries of Death to the traitors!" and deemed
themselves at length fortunate in being able to regain their con-
vent. This state of things continued for several years, during
which they scarce dared to show themselves in the streets, and
were never secure from insult. All alms and burial-fees were
withdrawn, and the people refused even to attend mass in their
church. The names of Dominic and Peter Martyr were erased
from the crucifix at the principal gate of the town, and were re-
placed with those of Pequigny and Nepveu, and of two citizens
who were leaders in the disturbances-Arnaud Garsia and Pierre
Probi of Castres.*
The prisoners of Albi were still as far as ever from liberation,
and Bernard Delicieux urged Pequigny to come to Carcassonne
and consider their case on the spot. In the summer of 1303 he
did so, and was met by a large number of the people of Albi, men
and women, praying him to liberate them. While he was inves-
tigating the subject he came upon the instrument of pacification
between Nicholas d'Abbeville and the consuls of Carcassonne in
1299. This was communicated to the people by Fr6re Bernard in
a fiery sermon, and a knowledge of its conditions aroused them
almost to frenzy. Riots ensued in which the houses of some of
the old consuls and of those who were regarded as friends of the
Inquisition were destroyed; the Dominican church was assailed,
its windows broken, the statues in its porch overthrown, and the
friars maltreated. To violate the prisons of the Inquisition was so
serious a matter that Pequigny seems to have wished the backing
of an enraged populace before he would venture on the step: and

Vaissette, ]d. Privat, X. Pr. 409. MSS. Bib. Nat., fonds latin, No. 4270,
fol. 165.-Bern. Guidon. Hist. Cony. Prsedic. (Martene Ampl. Coll. VI. 511).

"when he resolved upon it he anticipated resistance so confidently
that with his privity Bernard assembled fourscore men, with
skilled mechanics, in the Franciscan convent, ready to break open
the jails in case of necessity.. Their services were not needed.
Geoffroi d'Ablis yielded, and in August, 1303, Pequigny removed
the prisoners of Albi. He did not discharge them, however, but
merely transferred them to the royal prisons, and refused to carry
them to the king as Bernard advised. Possibly their treatment
for a while may have been gentler, but they derived no perma-
nent advantage from the movement. The grasp of the Inquisi-
tion was unrelaxing. It 'obtained possession of them again, and
we shall see that it held them to the last.*
Meanwhile advantage was taken of the access obtained to
them to procure from them statements of the tortures which they
had endured, and lists were made of the names of those whom
they had been forced to accuse as heretics. These were circulated
throughout the land and excited general alarm, the Franciscans
being especially active in giving them publicity. On the other
hand, the inquisitor Geoffroi d'Ablis was equal to the emergency.
Ie cited Pequigny to appear and stand trial for impeding the In-
quisition, and on his refusal excommunicated him, September 29;
and as soon as word could be carried to Paris he was published
as excommunicate by the Dominicans there. This audacious act
brought all parties to a sense of the nature of the conflict which
had sprung up between Church and State. The consuls and people
of Albi addressed to the queen an earnest petition beseeching her
to prevail upon the king not to abandon them by withdrawing
the Reformers, who had already done so much good and on whom
depended their last hope. A fruitless effort also was made to pre-
vent the publication of the excommunication. At Castres, Oc-
tober 13, Jean Ricoles, stipendiary priest of the Church of St.
Mary, published it from the pulpit, as he was bound to do, and
was promptly arrested by the deputy of the royal viguier of Albi
and carried to the Franciscan convent, where he was threatened

MSS. Bib. Nat., fonds latin, 4270, fol. 8, 17, 19, 20, 32, 44, 49, 58, 156, 162,
229.-Pequigny is also said to have arrested some of the friars connected with
the Inquisition (La Faille, Annales de Toulouse I. 34), but I think this impos-

and maltreated, and the friars used every effort to persuade him
to withdraw it. This in itself was a' grave violation of clerical
immunity, and it was soon recognized that such proceedings were
worse than useless. Pequigny's authority was paralyzed until the
excommunication should be removed, and this could only be done
by the man who had uttered it, or by the pope himself.*
The prospect of relief was darkened by the election, October
21, of Benedict XI., himself a Dominican and necessarily pre-
disposed in favor of the Inquisition. Special exertions evidently
were required unless all that had been gained was to be lost, and,
at the best, litigation in the Roman court was a costly business.
Pequigny had appealed to the pope, and, October 29, he wrote
from Paris to the cities of Languedoc asking for their aid in the
persecution which he had brought upon himself in their cause.
Bernard Delicieux promptly busied himself to obtain the required
assistance. By his exertions the three cities of Carcassonne, Albi,
and Cordes entered into an alliance and pledged themselves to fur-
nish the sum of three thousand livres, one half by Carcassonne
and the rest by the other two, and to continue in the same pro-
portions as long as the affair should last. After Pequigny's death
they renewed their obligation to his oldest son Renaud; but as the
matter was much protracted, they grew tired, and Bernard, who
had raised some of the money on his own responsibility, was left
with heavy obligations, of which he vainly sought restitution at
the hands of the ungrateful cities.t
The quarrel was thus for a time transferred to Rome. Pe-
quigny went to Italy with envoys from the king and from Carcas-
sonne and Albi to plead his cause, and was opposed by Guillaume
de Moribres, the Inquisitor of Toulouse, sent thither to manage
the case against him. Benedict was not slow in showing on

MISS. Bib. Nat., fonds latin, 4270, fol. 27, 272.-Arch. de 1'Inq. de Care.
(Doat, XXXII. 114).-Bern. Guidon. Hist. Conv. Predic. (Martene Ampl. Coll.
VI. 511).-Vaissette, IV. Pr. 128.-Coll. Doat, XXXIV. 26.
The Dominican party declared that the statements purporting to come from
the prisoners were fraudulent, and Bernard Gui relates with savage satisfaction
that a monk named Raymond Baudier, who was concerned in getting them up,
hanged himself like Judas (1. c. p. 514).
t MSS. Bib. Nat., fonds latin, 4270, fol. 63, 153-55,272-3.-HIaur6au, Bern. D6-
licieux pp. 187, 190.

"which side his sympathies lay. At Perugia, while the pope was
conducting the solemnities of Pentecost, May 17, 1304, Pequigny
ventured to enter the church. Benedict saw him, and, pointing to
him, said to his marshal, P. de Brayda, "Turn out that Patarin!"
an order which the marshal zealously obeyed. The significance
of the incident was not small, and after the death of both Bene-
dict and Pequigny, Geoffroi d'Ablis caused a notarial instrument
recounting it to be drawn up and duly authenticated as one of
the documents of the process. The climate of Italy was very un-
healthy for Transmontanes. Morieres died at Perugia, and Pe-
quigny followed him at Abruzzo, September 29, 1304, the anni-
versary of his excommunication. Having remained for a year
under the ban for impeding the Inquisition, he was legally a
heretic, and his burial in consecrated ground is only to be ex-
plained by the death of Benedict a short time before. Geoffroi
d'Ablis demanded that his bones be exhumed and burned,while Pe-
quigny's sons carried on the appeal for the rehabilitation of his
memory. The matter dragged on till Clement V. referred it to a
commission of three cardinals. These gave a patient hearing to
both sides, who argued the matter exhaustively, and submitted
all the necessary documents and papers. At last, July 23, 1308,
they rendered their decision to the effect that the sentence of
excommunication had been unjust and iniquitous, and that its
revocation should be published in all places where it had been
announced. Geoffroi fruitlessly endeavored to appeal from this,
which was the most complete justification possible of all that had
been said and done against the Inquisition, emphasized by Clem-
ent's cutting refusal to listen to his statements-"It is false:
the land never wished to rebel, but was in evil case in consequence
of the doings of the Inquisition," while a cardinal told him that
for fifty years the people had been goaded to resistance by the
excesses of his predecessors, and that when a corrective was ap-
plied they only added evil to evil.*
Benedict XI. had given other proofs of partisanship. It is
true that in answer to the complaints of the oppressed people he

Arch. de 1'Inq. de Care. (Doat, XXXI. 10; XXXII. 114).-Bern. Guidon.
Hist. Cony. Prsdic. (Martene Ampl. Coll. VI. 510-11).- MSS. Bib. Nat., fonds
latin, 4270, fol. 88, 109, 122.

appointed a commission of cardinals to investigate the matter, but
there is no trace of their labors, which were probably cut short
by his death, July 7, 1304. No commissioners of his selection
would have been likely to report adversely to the Inquisition, for
he manifested his prejudgment by ordering the Minister of Aqui-
taine, under pain of forfeiture of office and future disability, to
arrest FrDre Bernard without warning and send him under suffi-
cient guard to the papal court, as a fautor of heretics and presum-
ably a heretic. The leading citizens of Albi, including G. de
Pesenches the viguier and Gaillard Rtienne the royal judge, who
had sought to aid Pequigny, were also involved in the papal con-
demnation. The Minister of Aquitaine intrusted to Frbre Jean
Rigaud the execution of the arrest, which he duly performed, June,
1304, in the convent of Carcassonne, adding an excommunication
when Bernard, encouraged by the active sympathy of the people,
delayed in obeying the papal summons. He never went, and it
is a curious illustration of Franciscan tendencies to see that the
minister absolved him from the excommunication, and that the
provincial chapter of his Order at Albi decided that he had done
all that was requisite, though perhaps Benedict's death in July
had relieved them from fears as to the immediate consequences of
their contumacy.*
Meanwhile Philippe le Bel had at last fulfilled his promise
to visit in person his southern provinces and rectify on the spot
the wrongs of which his subjects had so long complained. He
was expecting a favorable termination to his negotiation with
Benedict for the removal of the excommunications launched by
Boniface VIII. against himself and his subjects and chief agents,
a result which he obtained May 13, 1304, with exception of the
censure inflicted on Guillaume de Kogaret and Sciarra Colonna.
When, therefore, he reached Toulouse on Christmas Day, 1303, he
was mnot disposed to excite unnecessarily Benedict's prejudices.
From Albi and Carcassonne multitudes flocked to him with cries
for redress and protection, and Pequigny spoke eloquently in their
behalf. The inquisitors were represented by Guillem Pierre, the

Arch. de l'hetel-de-ville d'Albi (Doat, XXXIV. 45).-Arch. de 1'Inq. de
Care. (Doat, XXXIV. 14).-MSS. Bib. Nat., fonds latin, 4270, fol. 23, 25, 31, 86,
132, 187, 140-1, 152,153.


Dominican provincial, while Bernard D61icieux was foremost in
the debate. It was on this occasion that he made his celebrated
assertion that St. Peter and St. Paul would b'e convicted of heresy
if tried with inquisitorial methods, and when the scandalized
Bishop of Auxerre tartly reproved him, he stoutly maintained the
truth of what he had said. Friar Nicholas, the king's Dominican
confessor, was suspected of exercising undue influence in favor of
the Inquisition, and Bernard endeavored to discredit him by ac-
cusing him of betraying to the Flemings all the secrets of the
royal council. Geoffroi d'Ablis, the Inquisitor of Carcassonne,
moreover, was ingratiating himself with Philippe at the moment
by skilful negotiations to bring about a reconciliation with Rome.*
Philippe patiently heard both sides, and recorded his conclu-
sions in an edict of January 13, 1304, which was in the nature of
a compromise. It recited that the king had come to Languedoc
for the purpose of pacifying the country excited by the action of
the Inquisition, and had had prolonged consultation on the subject
with all who were entitled to express an opinion. The result thus
reached was that the prisoners of the Inquisition should be visited
by royal deputies in company with inquisitors; the prisons were
to be safe, but not punitive. In the case of prisoners not yet sen-
tenced the trials were to be carried to conclusion under the con-
joined supervision of the bishops and inquisitors, and this co-opera-
tion was to be observed in the future, except at Albi, where the
bishop, being suspected, was to be replaced by Arnaud Novelli, the
Cistercian Abbot of Fontfroide. The royal officials were strictly
ordered to aid in every way the inquisitors and episcopal ordinaries
when called upon, and to protect from injury and violence the
Dominicans, their churches and houses.t
At Albi.the change had the wished-for effect. No more here-
tics were found and no further prosecutions were required. Yet
the refusal of the king to entertain any project of reform other
than his previous one of curbing the Inquisition with an illusory

"* Grandjean, Registres de Benoit XI. No. 1253-60, 1276.-MSS. Bib. Nat.,
fonds latin, 4270, fol. 21, 73, 74, 158, 162, 278.--Molinier, L'Inq. dans le midi de
la France pp. 126-7.-Geoffroi d'Ablis had sufficient influence with the king to
persuade him to found the Dominican convent of Poissy.
t Vaissette, IV. Pr. 130-1.-MSS. Bib. Nat., fonds latin, 4270, fol. 139.

episcopal supervision was a grievous disappointment. Men nat-
urally argued that if the Dominicans had done right they ought
not to be insulted by the proposed episcopal co-operation; and if
they had done wrong they ought to be replaced. If any change
was called for, the projected one was insufficient. So many hopes
had been built upon the royal presence in the land, that the result
caused universal dismay, which was not relieved by Philippe's sub-
sequent action. When he visited Carcassonne he was urged to see
the unfortunate captives whose persecution had been the promi-
nent cause of the troubles, but he refused, and sent his brother Louis
to look at them. Worse than all, the citizens had designed to pro-
pitiate him and demonstrate their loyalty by offering him some
elaborate silver vessels. These were yet in the hands of the gold-
smiths of Montpellier when the royal party came to Carcassonne,
so they were sent after him to B6ziers, where the presentation was
made, a portion to him and the rest to the queen. She accepted
the offering, but he not only rejected it, but, when he learned what
the queen had done, forced her to return the present. This threw
the consuls of Carcassonne into despair. Offerings of this kind
from municipalities to the sovereign were so customary and their
gracious acceptance so much a matter of course, that refusal in this
instance seemed to argue some most unfavorable intentions on the
part of the king, which was not unlikely, seeing that Elias Patrice,
the leading citizen of Carcassonne, had plainly told him when there
that if he did not render them speedy justice against the Inquisi-
tion they would be forced to seek another lord, and when Philippe
ordered him from his presence the citizens obeyed Patrice's com-
mand to remove the decorations from the streets. Imagining that
he had been won over by the Dominicans and that his protection
would be withdrawn, the prospect of being abandoned to the
mercy of the Inquisition seemed so terrible that they wildly de-
clared that if they could not find another lord to protect them
they would burn the town and with the inhabitants seek some
place of refuge. In consultation with FrBre Bernard it was has-
tily determined to offer their allegiance to Ferrand, son of the
King of Majorca.
The younger branch of the House of Aragon, which drew its
title from the Balearic Isles, held the remnants of the old French
possessions of the Catalans, including Montpellier and Perpignan.


It had old claims to much of the land, and its rule might well be
hailed by the people as much more welcome than the foreign
domination to which they had been unwillingly subjected. Had
the whole region agreed to transfer its allegiance, its reduction
might have cost Philippe a doubtful struggle, embarrassed as he
was with the chronic disaffection of the Flemings. When, how-
ever, the project was broached to the men of Albi, they refused
peremptorily to embark in it, and there can be no stronger proof
of the desperation of the Carcassais than their resolution to per-
sist in it single-handed. Ferrand and his father were at Mont-
pellier entertaining the French court, which they accompanied to
Nimes. He eagerly listened to the overtures, and asked Fr6re
Bernard to come to him at Perpignan. Bernard went thither
with a letter of credence from the consuls, which he prudently
destroyed on the road. The King of Majorca, when he heard of
the offer, chastened his son's ambition by boxing his ears and pull-
ing him around by the hair, and he ingratiated himself with his
powerful neighbor by communicating the plot to Philippe.*
Although there could have been no real danger from so crazy
a project, the relation of the southern provinces to the crown were
too strained for the king not to exact a vengeance which should
prove a warning. A court was assembled at Carcassonne which
sat through the summer of 1305 and made free use of torture in
its investigations. Albi, which had taken no part in the plot,
escaped an investigation by a bribe of one thousand livres to the
seneschal, Jean d'Alnet, but the damage inflicted on the Francis-
can convent shows that the Dominicans were keen to make re-
prisals for what they had suffered. The town of Limoux had
been concerned in the affair; it was fined and disfranchised, and

MSS. Bib. Nat., fonds latin, 4270, fol. 26, 74-8, 88-9, 98, 103-8, 198, 200-3,
226, 233, 265, 279.-M-ascaro, Memorias de Bezes, ann. 1336, 1389.
For the tenure of Montpellier by the Kings of Iajorca, see Vaissette, IV. 38,
42, 77-8, 151, 235-6. It was not until 1349 that Philippe. de Valois bought out
the rights of Jayme II., and in 1352 his son Jean was obliged to extinguish the
claims still asserted by Pedro IV. of Aragon (Ib. 247, 268, Pr. 219).
Bernard's attention was probably drawn to the House of Majorca by its strong
adhesion to the Franciscan Order. Ferrand's older brother died in 1304, in the
Franciscan habit, under the name of Fray Jayme. Another brother, Felipe, be-
came a Spiritual Franciscan," as we shall see hereafter.

forty of its citizens were hanged. As for Carcassonne, all of its
eight consuls, with Elias Patrice at their head, and seven other
citizens were hanged in their official robes, the city was deprived
of self-government and subjected to the enormous fine of sixty
thousand livres, a sentence from which it vainly appealed to the
Parlement. As Bernard Gui observes with savage exultation,
those who had croaked like ravens against the Dominicans were
exposed to the ravens. Aimeric Castel, who had sought in this
way to obtain redress for the wrong done to his father's memory
and estate, escaped by flight, but was captured and long lay a
prisoner, finally making his peace with a heavy ransom, and a
harvest of fines was gathered into the royal exchequer from all
who could be accused of privity. As for Frere Bernard, he re-
ceived early intelligence from Frere Durand, the queen's confessor,
of the discovery of the plot, when he boldly headed a delegation
of citizens of Albi who went to Paris to protest their innocence.
There Durand informed them that Albi was not implicated, when
they returned, leaving Bernard. At the request of the king, Clem-
ent Y. had him arrested and carried to Lyons, whence he was
taken by the papal court to Bordeaux; and when it went to Poi-
tiers he was confined in the convent of St. Junian of Limoges.
In May, 1307, at the instance of Clement, Philippe issued letters
of amnesty to all concerned, and remitted to Carcassonne the por-
tion of its fine not yet paid, and in Lent, 1308, Bernard was al-
lowed to come to Poitiers. On the king's arrival there he boldly
complained to him of his arrest and of the punishment which had
involved the innocent with the guilty. As he still had no license
to leave the papal court, he accompanied it to Avignon, and was at
length discharged with the royal assent-the heavy bribes paid to
three cardinals by his friends of Albi having perhaps something
to do with his immunity. He returned to Toulouse, and we hear
of no further activity on his part. His narrow escape probably
sobered his restless enthusiasm, and as the reform of the Inquisi-
tion seemed to have been taken resolutely in hand by Clement V.
he might well persuade himself that there was no further call for
MSS. Bib. Nat., fonds latin, 4270, fol. 78-80, 90-1,196, 247, 252-3, 257-9.-
Bern. Guidon. Hist. Cony. Prsdic. (Martene Ampl. Coll. VI. 479-80).-Vaissette,
IV. 129-80.-Vaissette, fd. Privat, X. Pr. 461.-Bernard Gui's allusion refers

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