Front Cover
 Half Title
 Title Page
 Table of Contents
 Biographical Notice of the Life...
 A Voyage to Lilliput, I
 A Voyage to Lilliput, II
 A Voyage to Lilliput, III
 A Voyage to Lilliput, IV
 A Voyage to Lilliput, V
 A Voyage to Lilliput, VI
 A Voyage to Lilliput, VII
 Expostulatory Epistle from Mary...
 A Voyage to Lilliput, VIII
 A Voyage to Brobdingnag, Chapter...
 A Voyage to Brobdingnag, Chapter...
 A Voyage to Brobdingnag, Chapter...
 A Voyage to Brobdingnag, Chapter...
 A Voyage to Brobdingnag, Chapter...
 A Voyage to Brobdingnag, Chapter...
 A Voyage to Brobdingnag, Chapter...
 A Voyage to Brobdingnag, Chapter...
 A Voyage to Laputa, Balnibari,...
 A Voyage to Laputa, Balnibari,...
 A Voyage to Laputa, Balnibari,...
 A Voyage to Laputa, Balnibari,...
 A Voyage to Laputa, Balnibari,...
 A Voyage to Laputa, Balnibari,...
 A Voyage to Laputa, Balnibari,...
 A Voyage to Laputa, Balnibari,...
 A Voyage to Laputa, Balnibari,...
 A Voyage to Laputa, Balnibari,...
 A Voyage to Laputa, Balnibari,...
 Appendix to Laputa
 A Voyage to the Country of the...
 A Voyage to the Country of the...
 A Voyage to the Country of the...
 A Voyage to the Country of the...
 A Voyage to the Country of the...
 A Voyage to the Country of the...
 A Voyage to the Country of the...
 A Voyage to the Country of the...
 A Voyage to the Country of the...
 A Voyage to the Country of the...
 A Voyage to the Country of the...
 A Voyage to the Country of the...
 Back Cover

Group Title: Gulliver's travels
Title: Gulliver's travels into several remote nations of the world
Full Citation
Permanent Link: http://ufdc.ufl.edu/UF00003257/00001
 Material Information
Title: Gulliver's travels into several remote nations of the world
Uniform Title: Gulliver's travels
Physical Description: xxxii, 306 p., 1 leaf of plates : ill. (some col.) ; 22 cm.
Language: English
Creator: Swift, Jonathan, 1667-1745
Lawrence, Ella Park ( Former owner )
Lawrence, George Appleton ( Former owner )
Davies, Frederick Peter, fl. 1851-1857 ( Engraver )
Barrow ( Illustrator )
Willoughby & Co ( Publisher )
Publisher: Willoughby & Co.
Place of Publication: London
Publication Date: [1862?]
Subject: Imaginary places -- Fiction   ( lcsh )
Voyages, Imaginary -- Fiction   ( lcsh )
Pride and vanity -- Fiction   ( lcsh )
War   ( lcsh )
Castaways -- Fiction   ( lcsh )
Fantasy fiction   ( lcsh )
Courts and courtiers -- Fiction   ( lcsh )
Giants -- Fiction   ( lcsh )
Treason -- Fiction   ( lcsh )
Reason -- Fiction   ( lcsh )
Satires -- 1862   ( rbgenr )
Fantasy literature -- 1862   ( rbgenr )
Hand-colored illustrations -- 1862   ( local )
Pictorial cloth bindings (Binding) -- 1862   ( rbbin )
Publishers' catalogues -- 1862   ( rbgenr )
Genre: Satires   ( rbgenr )
Fantasy literature   ( rbgenr )
Hand-colored illustrations   ( local )
Pictorial cloth bindings (Binding)   ( rbbin )
Publishers' catalogues   ( rbgenr )
novel   ( marcgt )
Spatial Coverage: England -- London
Statement of Responsibility: by Jonathan Swift ; with a life of the author ; embellished with numerous engravings by first-rate artists.
General Note: Frontispiece is engraved by F.P. Davies after Barrow and is hand-colored.
General Note: Publisher's catalogue follows text.
Funding: Brittle Books Program
 Record Information
Bibliographic ID: UF00003257
Volume ID: VID00001
Source Institution: University of Florida
Rights Management: All rights reserved by the source institution and holding location.
Resource Identifier: aleph - 002238248
notis - ALH8745
oclc - 53824680
 Related Items
Other version: Alternate version (PALMM)
PALMM Version

Table of Contents
    Front Cover
        Front page i
        Front page ii
        Front page iii
    Half Title
        Front page iv
        Front page v
        Front page vi
        Front page vii
    Title Page
        Front page viii
        Front page ix
        Front page x
    Table of Contents
        Front page xi
        Front page xii
    Biographical Notice of the Life of Jonathan Swift
        Page i
        Page ii
        Page iii
        Page iv
        Page v
        Page vi
        Page vii
        Page viii
        Page ix
        Page x
        Page xi
        Page xii
        Page xiii
        Page xiv
        Page xv
        Page xvi
        Page xvii
        Page xviii
        Page xix
        Page xx
        Page xxi
        Page xxii
        Page xxiii
        Page xxiv
        Page xxv
        Page xxvi
        Page xxvii
        Page xxviii
        Page xxix
        Page xxx
        Page xxxi
        Page xxxii
    A Voyage to Lilliput, I
        Page 1
        Page 2
        Page 3
        Page 4
        Page 5
        Page 6
        Page 7
        Page 8
        Page 9
        Page 10
        Page 11
    A Voyage to Lilliput, II
        Page 12
        Page 13
        Page 14
        Page 15
        Page 16
        Page 17
        Page 18
        Page 19
        Page 20
        Page 21
    A Voyage to Lilliput, III
        Page 22
        Page 23
        Page 24
        Page 25
        Page 26
        Page 27
        Page 28
        Page 29
    A Voyage to Lilliput, IV
        Page 30
        Page 31
        Page 32
        Page 33
        Page 34
        Page 35
    A Voyage to Lilliput, V
        Page 36
        Page 37
        Page 38
        Page 39
        Page 40
        Page 41
    A Voyage to Lilliput, VI
        Page 42
        Page 43
        Page 44
        Page 45
        Page 46
        Page 47
        Page 48
        Page 49
        Page 50
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    A Voyage to Lilliput, VII
        Page 52
        Page 53
        Page 54
        Page 55
        Page 56
        Page 57
        Page 58
        Page 59
        Page 60
    Expostulatory Epistle from Mary Gulliver to Captain Lemuel Gulliver
        Page 304
        Page 305
        Page 306
    A Voyage to Lilliput, VIII
        Page 61
        Page 62
        Page 63
        Page 64
        Page 65
        Page 66
        Page 67
        Page 68
    A Voyage to Brobdingnag, Chapter I
        Page 69
        Page 70
        Page 71
        Page 72
        Page 73
        Page 74
        Page 75
        Page 76
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        Page 79
        Page 80
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    A Voyage to Brobdingnag, Chapter II
        Page 82
        Page 83
        Page 84
        Page 85
        Page 86
        Page 87
    A Voyage to Brobdingnag, Chapter III
        Page 88
        Page 89
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        Page 91
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    A Voyage to Brobdingnag, Chapter IV
        Page 99
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    A Voyage to Brobdingnag, Chapter V
        Page 104
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    A Voyage to Brobdingnag, Chapter VI
        Page 114
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    A Voyage to Brobdingnag, Chapter VII
        Page 122
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    A Voyage to Brobdingnag, Chapter VIII
        Page 128
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    A Voyage to Laputa, Balnibari, Luggnagg, Glubdubdrib, and Japan, Chapter I
        Page 142
        Page 143
        Page 144
        Page 145
        Page 146
        Page 147
    A Voyage to Laputa, Balnibari, Luggnagg, Glubdubdrib, and Japan, Chapter II
        Page 148
        Page 149
        Page 150
        Page 151
        Page 152
        Page 153
        Page 154
        Page 155
    A Voyage to Laputa, Balnibari, Luggnagg, Glubdubdrib, and Japan, Chapter III
        Page 156
        Page 157
        Page 158
        Page 159
        Page 160
    A Voyage to Laputa, Balnibari, Luggnagg, Glubdubdrib, and Japan, Chapter IV
        Page 161
        Page 162
        Page 163
        Page 164
        Page 165
        Page 166
    A Voyage to Laputa, Balnibari, Luggnagg, Glubdubdrib, and Japan, Chapter V
        Page 167
        Page 168
        Page 169
        Page 170
        Page 171
        Page 172
        Page 173
    A Voyage to Laputa, Balnibari, Luggnagg, Glubdubdrib, and Japan, Chapter VI
        Page 174
        Page 175
        Page 176
        Page 177
        Page 178
        Page 179
    A Voyage to Laputa, Balnibari, Luggnagg, Glubdubdrib, and Japan, Chapter VII
        Page 180
        Page 181
        Page 182
        Page 183
        Page 184
    A Voyage to Laputa, Balnibari, Luggnagg, Glubdubdrib, and Japan, Chapter VIII
        Page 185
        Page 186
        Page 187
        Page 188
        Page 189
        Page 190
    A Voyage to Laputa, Balnibari, Luggnagg, Glubdubdrib, and Japan, Chapter IX
        Page 191
        Page 192
        Page 193
        Page 194
    A Voyage to Laputa, Balnibari, Luggnagg, Glubdubdrib, and Japan, Chapter X
        Page 195
        Page 196
        Page 197
        Page 198
        Page 199
        Page 200
        Page 201
        Page 202
    A Voyage to Laputa, Balnibari, Luggnagg, Glubdubdrib, and Japan, Chapter XI
        Page 203
        Page 204
        Page 205
        Page 206
    Appendix to Laputa
        Page 207
        Page 208
        Page 209
        Page 210
        Page 211
        Page 212
        Page 213
        Page 214
        Page 215
        Page 216
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    A Voyage to the Country of the Houhnhms, Chapter I
        Page 218
        Page 219
        Page 220
        Page 221
        Page 222
        Page 223
        Page 224
    A Voyage to the Country of the Houhnhms, Chapter II
        Page 225
        Page 226
        Page 227
        Page 228
        Page 229
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    A Voyage to the Country of the Houhnhms, Chapter III
        Page 231
        Page 232
        Page 233
        Page 234
        Page 235
        Page 236
    A Voyage to the Country of the Houhnhms, Chapter IV
        Page 237
        Page 238
        Page 239
        Page 240
        Page 241
        Page 242
        Page 243
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    A Voyage to the Country of the Houhnhms, Chapter V
        Page 245
        Page 246
        Page 247
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        Page 249
        Page 250
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    A Voyage to the Country of the Houhnhms, Chapter VI
        Page 253
        Page 254
        Page 255
        Page 256
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    A Voyage to the Country of the Houhnhms, Chapter VII
        Page 261
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    A Voyage to the Country of the Houhnhms, Chapter VIII
        Page 269
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        Page 273
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    A Voyage to the Country of the Houhnhms, Chapter IX
        Page 276
        Page 277
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        Page 280
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    A Voyage to the Country of the Houhnhms, Chapter X
        Page 282
        Page 283
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        Page 287
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    A Voyage to the Country of the Houhnhms, Chapter XI
        Page 290
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    A Voyage to the Country of the Houhnhms, Chapter XII
        Page 298
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    Back Cover
        Page 316
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Full Text

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The Baldwin Library





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THERE is nothing so joyous as a fresh and vigorous
boyhood, and none are so happy as boys, in their
pleasures, sports, and pastimes: their gallant ex-
ploits, their noble magnanimity, and ripe-hearted
disinterestednesss, win all hearts. It has long been
my delight to record their doings" in the play-
ground, the school-room, or in the holiday ramble;
and it will be my delight to do so still, in this and
succeeding volumes. Sincerely do I hope that I
shall be able to add sterling gold .to the "golden
age," and afford to Young England, amid many
S comicalities and much laughter, some serious lessons,
and even wisdom; so that each volume may be a
cheerful play-mate, a steady school-mate, and a
ready help-mate to recreation and instruction, not
only during the "Holiday Season," but "ALL THE

Your affectionate friend,
Holly Lodge,
July, 14, 1860.


MEMOIR of Dean Swift .. i
CHAP. I.-The author gives some account of himself and family: his first inducements
to travel. He is shipwrecked, and swims for his life; gets safe on shore in the country
of Lilliput; is made a prisoner, and carried up the country ...... 1
CHAP. II.-The emperor of Lilliput, attended by several of the nobility, comes to see
the author in his confinement. The emperor's person and habit described. Learned
men appointed to teach the author their language. He gains favour by his mild
disposition. His pockets are searched and his sword and pistols taken from him 12
CHAP. IlI.-The author diverts the emperor and his nobility of both sexes, in a very
uncommon manner. The diversions of the court of Lilliput described. The author
has his liberty granted him upon certain conditions 22
CHAP. IV.-Mildendo, the metropolis of Lilliput, described, together with the emperor's
palace. A conversation between the author and the principal secretary, concerning
the affairs of that empire. The author offers to serve the emperor in his wars 80
CHAP. V.-The author, by an extraordinary stratagem, prevents an invasion. A
high title of honour is conferred on him. Ambassadors arrive from the emperor of
Blefuscu and sue for peace. The empress's apartments on fire by accident: the
author instrumental in saving the rest of the palace .. 8 F
CHAP. VI.--Of the inhabitants of Lilliput; their learning, laws, and customs, the
manner of educating their children. The author's way of living in that country.
Hiis vindication of a great lady ....42
CIAP. VII.-The author being informed of a design to accuse him of high treason,
makes his escape to Blefuscu. His reception there 62
CHAP. VIII.-The author, by a lucky accident, finds means to leave Blefuscu; and,
after some difficulties, returns safe to his native country . 61
CHAP. I.-A great stor'a described, the long-boat sent to fetch water, the author goes
with it to discover the country. He is left on shore, is seized by one of the natives,
and carried to a farmer's house. Ilis reception, with several accidents that happened
there. A description of the inhliaitants .. .... 69
CHAP. II.-A description of the farmer's daughter. The author carried to a market
town and then to the metropolis. The particulars of his journey. 82
CHAP. III.-The author sent for to court. The queen buys him of his master the far.
mer, and presents him to the king. He disputes with his majesty's great scholars.
An apartment at court provided for the author. He is in high favour with the
queen. He stands up for the honour of his own country. His quarrels with the
queen's dwarf 88
CHAP. IV.-The country described. A proposal for correcting modern maps. The
king's palace, and some account of the metropolis. The author's way of travelling.
The chief temple described ... 99
CHAP. V.-Several adventures that happened to the author. The execution of a
criminal. The author shows his skill in navigation 104
CHAP. VI.-Several contrivances of the author to please the king and queen; he
shows his skill in music. The king inquires into the state of England, which the
author relates to him. The king's observations thereon 114
CHAP. VII.-The author's love of his country. He makes a proposal of much advan-
tage to the king, which is rejected. The king's great ignorance in politics. '1 he
learning of that country very imperfect and confined. The laws and military affairs,
and parties in the state............ 122
CH lP. Vll.-The king and queen make a progress to the frontiers. The author
attendd them. The manner in which he leaves the country very particularly related.
rie returns to England 127
CHAP. I.-The author sets out on his third voyage, is taken by pirates. The malice
of a Dutchman. His arrival at an island He is received into Laputa 142
CHAP. II.-The humours and dispositions of the Laputians described. An account of
their learning. Of the king and his court. The author's reception there. The in-
habitants subject to fear and disquietudes. An account of the women 148

CHAP. III.-A phenomenon solved by modern philosophy and astronomy. The La-
putians' great improvements in the latter. The king's method of suppressing
insurrections 156
CHAP. IV.--The author leaves Laputa, is conveyed to Balnibarbi, arrives at the me-
tropolis. 4 description of the metropolis and the country adjoining. The author
hospitably received by a great lord. His conversation with that lord. 161
CHAP. V.--The author permitted to see the grand academy of Lagado. The academy
largely described. The arts wherein the professors employ themselves 167
CHAP. VI.-A further account of the academy. The author proposes some improve-
ments, which are honourably received .. ...... 174
CHAP. VII.-The author leaves Lagado, arrives at Maldonada. No ship ready.
He takes a short voyage to Glubbdubdrib. His reception by the governor. 180
CHAP. VIII.-A further account of Glubbdubdrib. Ancient and modern history
corrected 185
CHAP. IX.-The author returns to Maldonada. Sails to the kingdom of Luggnagg.
The author confined. He is sent for to court. The manner of his admittance. The
king's great lenity to his subjects 191
CHAP. X.-The Luggnaggians commended.-A particular description of the Struld-
brugs, with many conversations between the author and some eminent persons upon
that subject .. ........... .. 195
CHAP. XI.-The author leaves Luggnagg and sails to Japan. From thence he returns
in a Dutch ship to Amsterdam, and from Amsterdam to England 203

CHAP. I.-The author sets out as captain of a ship. His men conspire against him,
confine him a long time to his cabin. Set him on shore in an unknown land. He
travels up into the country. The Yahoos, a strange sort of animal, described. The
author meets two Houyhnhnms .....218
CHAP. II.-The author conducted by a Houyhnhnm to his house. The house
described. The author's reception. The food of the Houyhnhnms. The author in
distress for want of meat, is at last relieved. His manner of feeding in this country. 225
CoAP. Ill.-The author studies to learn the language; the Houyhnhnm, his master,
assists in teaching him the language described. Several Houyhnhnms of quality come
out of curiosity to see the author. He gives his master a short account of his voyage. 231
CHAP. 1V.-The Houyhnhnm's notion of truth and falsehood. The author's discourse
disapproved by his master. The author gives a more particular account of himself,
and the accidents of his voyage 237
CHAP. V.-The author, at his master's command, informs him of the state of England.
The causes of war among the princes of Europe. The author begins to explain the
English constitution 245
CHAP. VI.-A continuation of the state of England under queen Anne. The character
of a first minister of state in European courts .253
CHAP. VII.-The author's great love to his native country. His master's observations
upon the constitution and administration of England. as described by the author,
with parallel cases and comparisons. His master's observations upon human nature 261
CHAP. VIII.-The author relates several particulars of the Yahoos. The great
virtues of the Houyhnhnms. The education and exercise of their youth. Their
general assembly 269
CHAP. IX.-A grand debate at the general assembly of the Houyhnhnms, and how it
was determined. The learning of the Houyhnhnms. Their buildings. The number
of burials. The defectiveness of their language 277
CHAP. X.-The author's economy, and happy life among the Houyhnhnms. His great
improvement in virtue by conversing with them. Their conversations. The author
has notice given him by his master that he must depart from the country. He falls
into a swoon for grief; but submits. He contrives and finishes a canoe by the help of
a fellow servant, and puts to sea at a venture ... 282
CHAP. XI.-The author's dangerous voyage. He arrives at New Holland, hoping to
settle there. Is wounded with an arrow by one of the natives. Is seized and carried
by force into a Portuguese ship. The great civilities of the captain. The author
arrives at England 290
CHAP. XII.-The author's veracity. His design in publishing this work. His censure
of those travellers who swerve from the truth. The author clears himself from any
sinister ends in writing. An objection answered. The method of planting colonies.
His native country commended. The right of the crown to those countries described
by the author, is justified. The difficulty of conquering them. The author takes
his last leave of the reader: proposes his manner of living for the future: gives good
advice and concludes 298





ow Jonathan Swift merited the praises, or deserved
the censure of posterity, let the record of his life
and doings, carefully set forth by his biographers,
Every age and country has produced its wits and
satirists; every phase of social and political existence
has been observed by historians and philosophers,-
yet never was there, in any time or land, a man pos-
sessed of such rich intellectual gifts, whose attain-
ments produced more brilliant results or less real
good, than he whose life we are about to portray.
) Nevertheless, the history of this celebrated man is replete with
instruction and encouragement to literary aspirants; and, while
we admire the industry, perseverance, and talent of Swift, the
records of his doings teach us to avoid the perils that attend the abandon-
ment of principle, and hold out a warning example of the misery result-
ing from a too loose rein upon the passions.
Born in obscurity, and almost in want-educated by the charity of rela-
tions-sent. from his university with no honour, nay, almost disgrace-
patronised by a statesman with no influence, and yet of an exacting and
supercilious disposition, the early years of Swift exhibit little else than the
humiliation of genius and the sickness of heart which arises from hope de-
ferred. Nevertheless, by a steady perseverance in the path he had chosen,
and by an honourable exertion of talent, he won for himself a name and
position, and at a remarkable crisis was patronised, caressed, and
honoured by the leading men of all parties. At the moment when Swift
was at the zenith of his influence, when fortune and power seemed to
be lying at his feet, the whigs, his patrons, lost the favour of the queen
and the confidence of the people; and he at once went over to the stories.
His wit and talents were now employed to assail his former friends,


whose warm supporter he had been, with all the rancour of a renegade.
Though politically powerful he was morally weak; and his patrons, while
they feared, detested him; and in his new position it was his fate to be
dreaded by both parties in the state, while he was respected by few and
loved by none. In the reign of Anne nobility and wit shared the public
influence and applause; and the pens of Addison and Swift were no less valu-
able to their party than the sword of Marlborough; and Bolingbroke him-
self contributed no little by his writings to the efficient support of his failing
cabinet. The stories beguiled Swift with promises of preferment; and at last,
when his support was no longer necessary, though he expected at least a
bishopric, shelved him with the deanery of St. Patrick's; and, eventually,
when they were themselves removed from power, their ci-devant apologist
appeared to be consigned to hopeless oblivion and neglect. The private life
of Swift was no less extraordinary; and it will be our task in the follow-
ing pages to show that, while he was the cause of unhappiness and misery to
at least two beautiful and accomplished women, he was incapable of feeling
the passion of love in anything but its grossness, or the sentiment of friend-
ship in aught but its exacting and selfish spirit. Miserable himself from
the indulgence of a false philosophy and a disappointed ambition, he caused
those he esteemed to share his unhappiness; and while indulging in misan-
thropy and spleen, private life gave the dean no consolation for the failure
of his hopes in public life: if at one time his genius rose superior to mis-
fortune, at another he proved too certainly that fame can only be achieved
by a steady and consistent course of exertion. His whole life teaches the
,fact that political influence is valueless when not beneficially exerted, and
that the applause of crowds brings no solid comfort or enduring happiness
unless shared with the approval of the silent monitor within.

Jonathan Swift was born in Dublin on the 30th day of November, in
the year 1667. He was sometimes heard to say that he was an English-
man, and that he was brought over to Ireland in a bandbox; and he once
seriously asserted to Pope that he was born in England. At a later period
he used to point out the house in Dublin in which he was born. This incon-
sistency can hardly be called an eccentricity of genius. It merely amounts
to this, that Swift told a very foolish untruth, the motive for which is not
now discoverable. He was descended from a younger branch of the Swift
family in the county of York. His father was the sixth son of the Rev.
Thomas Swift, vicar of Goderich, and was bred to the profession of the law.
The extensive confiscations in Ireland consequent to the civil wars in 1641,
and afterwards ratified by the acts of settlement and explanation, had
transferred an immense amount of Irish property to English companies
and landowners, who were compelled to employ agents in the management
of their estates. These agencies were very lucrative; they laid the founda-
tion of many families, such as the Beresfords, which have since been added
to the ranks of the nobility. The father of Jonathan, through the interest
of s(me one of his family connexions, obtained one of these profitable em-
ployments, and removed to Dublin; but ere he could derive much advan-
tage from the occupation he died, leaving his widow with a very slender pro-
vision.* The posthumous child, Jonathan Swift, thus deprived of a father's



tenderness and watchful care before his birth, first saw the light in a small
house in Holey's Court, Dublin, which is still shown by the residents in the
neighbourhood. Towards the end of his life, it is said that Swift observed
the anniversary of his birth as a day of fasting and prayer, never failing to
read the third chapter of the book of Job on each return of that eventful
day. Richard Brennan, his servant, in whose arms he expired, says that
one of the few lucid intervals which he experienced during his long and
fatal malady was a faint consciousness of his birthday, which he showed by
frequently repeating, when it came round,-" Let the day perish wherein I
was born, and the night in which it was said, there is a man-child conceived."
His mother was supported by her brother-in-law, Goodwin Swift, who
undertook the education of his nephew; but while yet an infant a singular
accident for a time removed him from the care of his uncle and mother. His
nurse was a native of Whitehaven; and on the death of a relative, it being
necessary she should visit England to receive a small legacy, she being
fondly attached to the child, stole him away from his mother and took him
with her across the channel. His delicate health and other concurrent cir-
cumstances prevented his being sent back for more than three years. Upon
his return to his mother, it appeared that his nurse had taken extraordinary
care of his education, for though not yet five years old he could read and
spell with tolerable correctness.
He was so docile a child, that at six years of age he could read any chapter
in the Bible. About that age he was sent to Kilkenny School, a collegiate
establishment founded by the Ormond family, and reckoned the best in that
city. A desk is still shown whereon he had carved his name. Here lie
remained eight years, and was entered in Trinity College, Dublin, as a pen-
sioner under Sir George Ashe, on the 20th of April, 1682. His cousin,
Thomas Swift, was entered at the same time; and the two Swifts appearing
on the register at the same period, without their Christian names, has caused
some confusion, which, however, has been in a great measure dispelled by
the researches of the late Dr. Barratt, who, with admirable skill and exem-
plary patience, has traced Swift's academic career, with a view to show that
much of the disgrace said to have been attached to his name was in reality
the result of extraneous circumstances, rather than to any inherent vice in
the lad himself. It seem that his sense of dependence on the bounty of
his uncle was so constant and acute, as to affect him in his studies and retard
his progress; for, after the usual course of study, he was refused his degree
of Batchelor. of Arts, and only eventually obtained it by special favour,"
a term used in Dublin to designate a want of merit. This had the effect
of making him study for eight hours a day for seven years after, in order to
redeem himself. This, if it be true, showed very extraordinary resolution,
but it is hardly probable that any man could rigidly adhere, for so long a
period, and spite of accidents and the temptations of pleasure, to so severe
a discipline. Swift remained three years longer a student in the university,
and formed one of a clique remarkable for their irregularities and breaches
of college discipline. Their thorough contempt of all order brought
them under the censure of the heads of the university, which they resented
ny lampoons of more bitterness than wit. For a repeated series of these
offences, Swift and a college chum, of thename of George Finglas, were
obliged to ask pardon on their knees of Dr. Allen, the dean; this degra-
dation was never forgiven or forgotten by Swift, for, more than twenty ears


afterwards, we find the name of Dr. Allen introduced into a philippic which
Swift addressed to Lord Berkeley during his Irish administration. It was
while a student at Dublin, that Swift commenced his celebrated Tale of a
Tub." He showed his first sketch to Mr. Waring, a fellow-stndent, a gentle-
man with whose family he at one time intended to form a tender connexion.
He became acquainted, with Miss Waring, and either formed or fancied an
attachment which circumstances prevented his disclosing at that period.
At the age of twenty-one, he was thrown on his own resources by the
death of his uncle; but another uncle, Dryden William Swift, though he
had not much to bestow, assisted him, the benevolence of his manners en-
hancing the value of his gifts. The son of this kind uncle, Willoughby
Swift, was a Lisbon merchant, and generously contributed to the support of
his cousin. Many years afterwards, the Dean used to relate a curious inci
dent in his college life, of which Willoughby was the hero, with much
warmth of feeling and grateful remembrance. He was one day musing
despondingly in his rooms, his eyes fixe*' on the future, and gloomily con-
trasting it with his present condition-w .n empty purse, scanty library, and
naked board-when his attention was aroused by a noise in the court-yard
below; on looking out, he saw a foreign-looking sailor making inquiries for
S some one, and apparently perplexed at the waggeries of the students, for
which they were famous. It suddenly occurred to Swift that it might be
a messenger from his cousin Willoughby; he hastened down, and soon
found his anticipations correct. The stranger came up with him to his
room, produced a long purse, and presented it as a present from his cousin,
refusing to accept any part of its contents as a reward for his trouble.
From the most reckless extravagance, Swift became almost parsimonious,
when in the possession of a little more than he had been accustomed to-a
character he maintained to the end of his life. Upon leaving college, lhe
was advised by his mother to make known his condition to Sir William
Temple, to whom she was distantly related. He did so, and that gentleman
received him into his house with the greatest kindness.
Temple was a man of literary genius and of great experience in the
world. He had often been sent as ambassador to Holland, and had in
many signal instances proved himself an able diplomatist. It is not likely
that the youth, and consequently crude notions, ofSwiftcould be very accept-
able to the private hours of such a man. He was, therefore, master of a
good deal of his time, which he employed in studying and writing poetry.
He read Cyprian Irenmus and the works of John Sleidanus, a great lawyer
of the age of the Emperor Charles V. He produced a few Pindaric odes,
but Swift's mind was wholly destitute of poetic feeling, and it is not wonder-
ful that his attempts in a high and difficult department of the poetic art were
miserable failures. Dryden, on seeing his pieces, told him gs much,
Cousin Swift," said he, with more candour than politeness, you will never
be a poet." This honest and well-founded opinion was repaid by a hatred
which never ceased, even when Dryden was in his grave.
As might be supposed, Temple at last began to appreciate the talents of
his humble guest, as time and good society gave them ease and polish. He
gradually admitted him into familiarity and confidence. King William had
a just sense of Temple's upright statesmanship, and was accustomed to visit
him at his house, in order to confer with him on the affairs of the country.
Swift was allowed to be present at these conferences; and on one or two



occasions, when the king was disappointed at not seeing Temple, who was
frequently confined to his bed with the gout, he acted as the substitute of
his patron. The king taught Swift how to cut asparagus in the Dutch way,
and offered him a captaincy of horse, which, however, he refused, as he had
views in the church; and the king afterwards promised him a prebend.
Scon after, Sir William removed to an estate in Surrey, called Moor Park,
where Swift received his initiation into public business. The Earl of Port-
land had been despatched by the king to Moor Park, in order to receive
'l emple's advice as to a bill for triennial parliaments, then pending in the
House of Commons. Neither the earl nor his master, who were both fo-
reigners, were very well acquainted with the English constitution, and they
had been persuaded that the measure was very dangerous. All Temple's
explanations were of no force; the earl still continued frightened. Swift
was then despatched to the king with a written explanation of the whole
matter. He presented the paper, and supported it with all his knowledge
of English history ; but so little to the king's satisfaction were the arguments
adduced, that he used all his influence to suppress the bill, and it was accord-
ingly negatived. Swift often said that his ill-success in this piece of business
was the first thing that cured him of vanity. This may be reasonably
doubted by any one who has read his letters to Pope and Gay, or observed
the various allusions to his own importance which occur in his works.
Swift, ashamed of his disappointment of academical honours at Dublin
university, applied at Oxford for a master's degree. This he obtained
in 1692. and immediately began to press his patron fora settlement. They
disagreed ; and Swift pettishly left Moor Park for Ireland, where he intended
to take orders. After a lapse of some time, having been meanwhile strongly
recommended by Sir William, he obtained the small prebend of Kilroot in
the diocese of Connor, then worth more than a hundred a year. About this
time he appears to have renewed his acquaintance with Miss Waring, whom
he designated by the affected name of Varina. The courtship, as far as it
can be traced, appears to have been supremely ridiculous. While the lady
was cold and reserved, the lover was to the last degree impetuous and full of
passion; and when at last the poor girl surrendered at discretion, his ardour
as suddenly cooled, and his warm epistles to Varina were changed into
formal letters to Miss Jane Waring, in which all her former objections to the
match were studiously recapitulated, besides hinting in most unmistakable
terms, that the adoring lover would make but a reluctant bridegroom.
Miss Waring, with a proper degree of spirit, immediately broke off all inter-
course with the faithless Jonathan, and left him free to try his arts on a more
unfortunate victim. The duties of a country clergyman soon became dull,
when he remembered in what splendour he had passed his hours with the
distinguished scholar and statesman, whose house was the resort of such
men as Dryden and Congreve. Besides this, Swift had other reasons for
wishing to leave Kilroot. He is said to have been charged with a liaison
with a farmer's daughter, who had more beauty than virtue, from the effects
of which he only escaped by handsomely remunerating her friends. A re-
conciliation between Swift and his patron soon took place, and Swift returned
to England. Temple, on this occasion, treated him with great consideration,
and made him his confidential secretary. Swift must have learned much
valuable political knowledge from the conversations of a statesman who had
figured in public life since 1661. In the midst of his business of secre-


tary, revising Temple's works, and finishinghis own Tale of a Tub," he found
leisure to pay attention to a beautiful young lady, Esther Johnston, daughter
of Sir William's steward, better known by the poetic name of Stella. From
this period may be dated all the misery of his future career. The best
account of this unfortunate lady is to be found in a letter to Mr. G. M.
Berkeley, by her niece, Mrs. Hearn, which is published by that gentleman
in his very interesting volume of Literary Relics:"--
"Mrs. Esther Johnston, better known by the name of Stella, was born at
Richmond, in Surrey, on the 13th of March, 1681. Her father was a mer-
chant, and the younger brother of a good family in Nottinghamshire. He
died young, and left his widow with three children-a son and two daughters.
Whilst Mrs. Johnston lived at Richmond, she had the happiness of becoming
first acquainted with Lady Gifford, the sister of Sir William Temple. The
uncommon endowments, both of body and mind, which Mrs. Johnston cer-
tainly possessed in a high degree, soon gained her not only the esteem, but
the warm friendship of that excellent lady, a friendship which lasted till
death. As they seldom were apart, and Lady Gifford lived much with her
brother, Sir William, it was through her that Mrs. Johnston and her two
daughters (her son dying young) were brought to the knowledge and friend-
ship of Sir William Temple and his lady; who discovering so many excel.
lences and such fine parts in the little Hetty, as she was always called in the
Temple family, so far took upon themselves the care of her education as to
bring her up with their own niece, the late Mrs. Temple, of Moor Park,
by Farnham; a most acceptable piece of kindness and friendship this to the
mother, whose little portion had been greatly injured by the South Sea
Bubbles; and here it was that Dean Swift first became acquainted with
Stella, and commenced that attachment which terminated in their marriage.
The cause why that marriage was not owned to the world has never been
thoroughly explained. It is the opinion, however, of her own family, that
their finances not being equal to the style in which the dean wished to move
as a married man, could be the only one; Stella's own fortune being only
1500, 1000 of which, as a further mark of friendship, was left her by
Sir William Temple himself. It was Dean Swift's wish at last to have
owned his marriage; but finding herself declining very fast, Stella did not
choose to alter her mode of life; and besides, she fully intended coming over
to England to her mother."
It has been asserted by the apologists of Swift that he intended this affair
merely as an innocent flirtation; but unfortunately, the poor girl soon enter,
trained an affection for him, which was extinguished only with her life. It
is plain that Swift never loved her; and it may be questioned whether he
ever felt real love or friendship for any one. He had no idea of love (in its
most exalted sense) or indeed of any other elevating feeling, and his insensi-
bility in this respect has been mentioned as an excuse for his treatment
of Stella. But it is a poor apology, even although it could be readily re-
pelled by the consideration that if his heart was unsympathetic, his judg-
ment, which was clear enough, might have pointed out to him the criminality
of his conduct.
An excellent opportunity for the display of his satirical talent was
opened to him in 1697 by the famous controversy on the respect.
tive merits of ancient and modern learning. In 1694, William Wotton, a
precocious young iman, published, Reflections on Ancient and Modern


Learning." This book was nothing but a learned reflex of the injudicious
criticisms of an obscure French writer of the name of Charles Periault,
who decried the ancient authors with but small discernment. It was an-
swered by Sir William Temple, who unluckily advanced the merits of the
Epistles of Phalaris. A reply to Temple was published soon after, to which
was appended a Dissertation on Phalaris." The reply was by Wotton,
and the dissertation by the famous Bentley, a man who was undervalued in
his own day, but who now possesses an European reputation as one of the
founders of the philosophical philology. He proved the epistles to be spuri-
ous, and Wotton handled Temple's production with great severity. Swift,
eager to try his own powers, and to defend his patron, wrote The Battle
of the Books." It was, however, only handed about in MS. and not pub-
lished until after Temple's death. Temple died in 1699, leaving, besides
a considerable sum of money, his MSS. to the care of Swift, who shortly
afterwards published them with a dedication to king William. But neither
the dedication, nor a petition which he forwarded reminding the king of his
promise of a prebend, received any notice. After dangling some time in
the ante-chamber of St. James's he retired, highly disgusted with his disap-
pointment. The treatment he experienced was certainly far from that which
he had a right to expect, fbr he had the promise of the king himself, and was
well known to him. Swift himself said afterwards that he believed the king
never saw the petition; and this is very probable, for he had too much re-
gard for Temple not to have taken notice of Swift. The dean had to thank
the courtiers for the first of those disappointments which soon filled a mind
naturallyy harsh with the bitterest misanthropy. The sense of this misfor-
"une had not worn off, when he had to endure another. The earl of Berkeley
was appointed one of the Lords Justices of Ireland, and Swift was invited to
be his chaplain and private secretary. He accordingly attended the earl on
his journey to Ireland in those capacities. A person named Bushe, however,
contrived to supplant him in the post of secretary, having succeeded, it
seems, in convincing the earl that it was not an office fit for a clergy-
man. In order to soothe Swift's just resentment, Berkeley promised him
the first good vacancy in the church that was in his gift. The deanery of
Derry shortly falling vacant Swift confidently applied, and he was very
coolly told by Bushe that he must pay down 1000 for it. God confound
thee both for a couple of scoundrels !" cried the enraged suitor, and im-
mediately left the castle. The earl, who was afterwards ashamed of his
conduct, or was probably afraid to offend a man of Swift's satirical talents,
in a short time pacified him with two poor livings, Laracor and Bathbeggin,
amounting in all to about 230 per annum. At Laracor he increased his
parochial duties by reading prayers on Wednesdays and Fridays; as this was
a novelty, few of the parishioners attended ; and on one occasion Roger, the
clerk, formed the entire congregation. Swift, no way dismayed, immediately
commenced the service--" Dearly beloved Roger, the Scripture moveth you
and me in sundry places," &c., and so went through the complete service.
Notwithstanding this, and other equally irreverent matters nonced by his
biographers, which need not be mentioned here, he generally performed his
duties with much exactness and decorum.
When Swift settled in his livings at Laracor Stella was in England; and
it is probable that time, absence, and new faces would h;ve produced their
usual effects; and that, by an union with a man who was capable of returning


her affection, she might tave been reserved for a happier lot than that which
was preparing for her. The invitation which she now received from Swilt
to come to Ireland, and take up her abode near him, was the crisis of their
unhappy connexion. Had she resolutely refused-but, alas a woman's judg-
mlent is rarely a match for her love, and she could not forsee her miserable fate.
In the strength of her faith, poor Stella accepted the invitation, and joyfully
departed for Ireland. But Swift longed for the bustle of political lite. He
visited England at least once a year, to enter for a short time personally into
the politics of the day, to give to the public a political pamphlet, and to
gratify himself with the company of the wits of Will's and Button's. Of the
many eminent men who frequented these coffee-houses, his acquaintance
with Addison seems to have been the most intimate.
In this manner, alternately enjoying the society of Stella at Laracor and
the scenes of political warfare in London, did Swift pass his life till the year
1713, when he received the deanery of St. Patrick's as a reward for hi
political tergiversation.
It would be very difficult, and not very entertaining, to explain the politi-
cal opinions of Swift, to any one not acquainted with a requisite knowledge
of the great questions which agitated society in his day. They were founded
on the mere ephemeral questions of the time, irrespective of their bearings on
the general principles of human nature. Swift was altogether a party man,
a party writer, and what is more, a party thinker; hence it is, that his
* political pamphlets disappoint those who read them with the expectation of
tracing anything of the fame which attended their first publication. Even
to the well-informed in history, it is difficult to appreciate the true bearing
of political opinions long exploded, or which have vanished with the questions
which gave them rise. The age of Anne is not very far distant from our time,
but its spirit is entirely lost in the present day. The lapse of years gradually
evolves new elements of power and opinion, and thus works, both in the
moral and physical worlds, a slow but constant revolution. From his ac-
quaintance with Sir William Temple, Swift had contracted, in common with
almost all the politicians of his time, a great admiration for the revolution
of 1688. Both the stories and the whigs united in expelling James from the
throne; but the motives of the last were entirely different from those of
the first: the stories were alarmed for the church; the whigs for the civil
institutions of the country. A tory, in the time of William and Mary, was
one who allowed the sovereign an extensive prerogative in all but church
affairs, and hated dissenters: a whig was one who advocated a limited and
strictly defined royal prerogative, and was inclined to favour the dissenters.
Swift was always a tory; but as the church was the touchstone of his party,
he did not scruple to identify himself with the whigs, while they were in
power, and did not flagrantly invade its privileges. His first political
pamphlet was in favour of the whigs; it was entitled, A Discourse on the
Dissensions in Athens and Rome." If anything like this were to be pub-
lished now, it would not be noticed; the very first sentence was nonsense.
The standard of literary merit was not nearly so high then as the vast accn-
mulation of eminent writers has since made it, and so Swift received en-
couragement from the whigs.
In 1704 was published his Tale of a Tub," one of the few brilliant
efforts of his wit. It was printed anonymously, but Swift was immediately
pointed out as the author. it raised a great outcry against him, and indeed



very justly, for the language of the satire is often such as could not be used
with propriety by a clergyman; even the oaths of lord Peter, which give
such piquancy to the character, come strangely from such a quarter.
In the former reign Swift had made for himself many enemies and few
friends by his violent opposition to the court party. William III. though

much admired for his great bravery, never secured the love of his people,
and the secret of Swift's dislike to him has been attributed to his endeavours
to coerce the parliament in which the satirist held no place.
In 1708, were published The Sentiments of a Church of England Man,"
the Letter on the Sacramental Test," and a few smaller pamphlets.
Soon after, he wrote a Project for the Advancement of Religion," and
' Argument against Abolishing Christianity." The last is a legitimate off-
spring of Swift's wit. It is a piece of cruel irony on the infidels and free-
thinkers of that day. The rest are tiresome productions to a reader of these
times, and now and then a little silly. As a specimen of the style of his
smaller productions we give a sample from a MS. work which was carried
on by the students of Trinity College, called The Whimsical Medley,"
for which we are indebted to the indefatigable industry of Dr. Barratt,
it being undoubtedly from the pen of Swift.


Janus, you usher in a thing,
Strange and new,-a martyr'd king.
Your altar who would worship more ?
Who takes delight in royal gore ?
And with a monarch's sacred head,
Will paint your calendar in red?
Sure you dispatched your work in haste,
Before another day was past,
For fear the mischief should be o'er,
Had you but stayed to shut your door.
How well does Janus represent
Fanatics in a government,
Jealous of every prying eye,
Close and conceal'd in peace they lie,
But when the din of war they hear,
Both quickly open and appear;
Both seem for peace, both thirst for blood,
Both wear two faces under one hood.
About this time Swift was employed in some important ecclesiastical
business by archbishop King, primate of Ireland, which gave him an intro-
duction to Harley, one of the leaders of the tory party. He began to be
doubtful of the intentions of the whigs to serve him, and he readily listened
to the overtures of Harley. Accordingly, on his next visit to England, in
the year 1710, he broke off all connexion with the whigs, who were then
falling; and when Harley and St. John ultimately triumphed, he completely
identified himself with the tory party. They soon appreciated Swift's
talents for that sort of political writing which is adapted to the greatest
possible number of readers, and secured him by their attentions and pro-
mises. Swift was delighted. Writing to Stella, he says:-" Mr. Harley
is so excessively obliging that I know not what to make of it, unless to show
the rascals of the other party that they used a man unworthily who deserved
better. He speaks all the kind things in the world to me." And again:
" I stand with the new people ten times better than I did with the old, and
forty times more caressing."
With great hopes he immediately wrote for his new patrons, and re-
ceived the management of a periodical paper, called the" TExaminer," which
had been originated by St. John, Atterbury, and Prior. Swift's first paper
is in No. 13, and the very first page shows the hireling spirit of its writer.
All Swift's numbers are written with great spirit, and must have been
well adapted, by their style and affectation of temper, to gain proselytes to
the new administration. Many of the articles may be perused with in-
terest even in the present day. One, on political lying, is a piquant paper
on that fertile subject. His attacks on public men were very serviceable to
his patrons, and those especially on Marlborough and Wharton, are in the
highest degree forcible and relentless.
It may be easily supposed that Swift's ambition rose with the value which
the ministers set upon his services. Shrewd as he was, his vanity must
have assisted his judgment to estimate this value, for it is plain he thought
that nothing but a bishopric would be equivalent to the services he hal
rendered. Filled with this sense of his present importance and future
elevation, he affected a foolish equality with Harley and St. John. These


statesman saw his eccentric character, and humoured it for the sake of his
pen. But the impudent familiarity with which he often treated them must
have given them no small dislike to their strange supporter. Probably this
is the reason why Swift never obtained a bishopric. Both Harley and St.
John were men of taste in literature; and no doubt, as such, fund
some enjoyment in the society of Swift. But it is not to be supposed that
they were so indiscreet as to admit a more party writer, like Swilt, to any
confidence in public matters of the slightest delicacy or importance ; it is
enough to suppose that they explained to him such ends as he was to forward
with his pen. That it was difficult to impose on Swift's sagacity may be
readily conceived; but abler men than he have been used by statesmen,
and such were Harley and St. John as far as mere abilities were concerned.
It is one of the most ordinary accomplishments of a courtier to be able to
deceive with a child-like simplicity.
The conduct of the allies," appeared in 1711, and created a sensation
not to be paralleled in the history of pamphleteering. Four editions were
printed in a week. In this performance a ift v..ry clearly explained to the
nation the true state of its affairs on the continent ; and advocated peace, on
the attainment of which, indeed, the safety of the ministers depended. This
pamphlet greatly influenced thi: subiequin' divisions in the House of Com-
mons; indeed, the ministeri.d speeches :,nd resolutions consisted almost
wholly of quotations from it. On the whole, it is written with clearness in
the details, though the parts are badly put together; and it cannot be ques-
tioned but that Swift's arguments favoured the true interests of the country.
Next year he published a Proposal for correcting, improving, and as-
certaining the English tongue." Dr. Johnson, an excellent authority in
such matters, says, "that it is written without much knowledge of the
general nature of languages, and without any accurate inquiry into the
history of other tongues. The certainty and stability, which, contrary to all
experience, he thinks attainable, he proposes to secure by instituting an
academy; the decrees of which every man would have been willing, and
many would have been proud, to disobey; and which, being renewed by
successive elections, would, in a short time, have differed from itself."
After his successful efforts in their favour, Swift began to press the
ministers for preferment. They put him off from time to time with pro-
mises, and magnified the difficulty of obtaining for him any considerable ad-
vancement, on the ground of queen Anne's prejudice against the author of
the Tale of a Tub." They amused him so long with hopes and protesta-
tions, that he became justly alarmed for his prospects. Speaking of the
civilities of Harley, now earl of Oxford, he says, in his Journal to Stella,"
-"26th December, 1712. I dined with the lord treasurer, who chid me
for being absent three days. Mighty kind, less of civility and more of in-
terest. My grandfather used to say

'More of your lining,
And less of your dining."
It ultimately became obvious to the ministers that they must either prefer
Swift or make him their enemy. They were too well acquainted with the
force of his satire as exemplified in his onsets against Marlborough and
Wharton to choose the latter: they therefore conferred upon him the cele-


brated deanery of St. Patrick's. His appointment was, however, by no means
popular in Ireland, and on the day appointed for his installation the follow-
ing verses, by Dr. Smedley, dean of Ferns, were found posted on the gates
of the cathedral:

"To day this temple gets a Dean,
Of parts and fame uncommon;
Used both to pray and to prophane,
To serve both God and mammon.
"When Wharton reign'd a whig he was;
When Pembroke, that's dispute sir,
In Oxford's time what Oxford pleased,
Nn-con., or Jack, or Neuter.
This place he got by wit and rhyme,
And many ways most odd;
And might a bishop be in time,
Did he believe in God.
For high-churchmen and policy,
He swears he prays most hearty;
But would pray back again, would be
A Dean of any party.
Four lessons, Dean! all in one day,
Faith it is hard, that's certain;
'Twere better hear thy own Peter say
God damn you Jack and Martin.
Hard to be plagued with Bible still
And Prayer-book before thee;
Hadst thou not time to think at will,
Of some diverting story.
Look down, St. Patrick! look, we pray
On thine own church and steeple;
Convert thy Dean on this great day,
Or else, God help the people !
"And now whene'er his Deanship dies,
Upon his tomb be graven-
A man of God here buried lies,
Who never thought of heaven."

In the midst of his political labours in Enogland, and while he was regu-
larly transmitting to Stella the diary of his daily actions, he had cultivated
the acquaintance till he had won the heart of Miss Vanhomrigh, another
beautiful young lady, who was entirely ignorant ot his connexion with Stella,
and whose fate was at last rendered as unhappy as hers, because the cruel
object of their common passion seemed to be destitute of common honesty
and feeling.
It was, to say the least of it, highly dishonorable in Swift to invite
Stella to Ireland, knowing the state of her feelings towards him, if he did
not intend to marry her. It was still more dishonourable in him to throw
obstacles, which he knew would be insurmountable, in the way of her union



with a worthy gentleman to whom her only objection was that it might pre-
vent her from ever being united to the man to whom she had been so long
constant. His attentions to Vanessa, by which poetical name he designated
the unfortunate Miss Vanhomrigh, show not only how destitute he was of
sympathy with the sensibilities of women, but how careless he was of pre-
serving honourable conduct, for his eyes must have been open to the nature
of his intimacy with the absent Stella. Considered in the light of his con-
duct to these two women, the poem of Cadenus and Vanessa is a heart-
less piece of raillery. It was written shortly after Vanessa had, after a
severe struggle, disclosed to him the state of her affections. His intention
i1i this poem it would be hard to divine, unless it be allowable to conjecture
that he merely wished to flatter her-to leave her unsatisfied yet pleased-
and thus to be an example of a hateful male coquetry,-hateful because of
its destructive effects.
As a further specimen of Swift's satirical powers we transcribe a poem,
very little known, which made a great sensation on its appearance in
"The famous speech-maker of England, or Baron, (alias Barren,) Lovel's
Charge at the Assizes at Exon, April 5th 1710.*

From London to Exon,
By special direction,
Came down the world's wonder,
Sir Salathiel Blunder,
With a qnoif on his head
As heavy as lead;
And thus opened and said:
Gentlemen of the grand inquest.
Her Majesty, mark it,
Appointed this c:.cuit,
For me and my brother,
Before any other;
To execute laws,
As you may suppose,
Upon such as offenders have been;
So then, not to scatter,
More words on the matter.
We're beginning just now to begin.
But hold-first and foremost, I must enter a clause,
As touching and concerning our excellent laws;
Which, here I aver,
Are better by far
Than them all put together abroad and beyond sea:
For I ne'er read the like nor e'er shall I fancy.
The laws of our land
Don't abet, but withstand,
Inquisition and thrall,
And whatever may gall,
And fire withal;

See the original charge in the Examiner, No. 1. p. 55.-Sir Salathiel Lovel
died May 3, 1717.


And sword that devours
Wherever it scowers :
They preserve liberty and property, for which men pull and haul so,
And they are made for the support of good government also.

Her Majesty, knowing
The best way of going
To work for the weal of the nation,
Builds on that rock,
Which all storms will mock,
Since religion is made the foundation.
And, I tell you to boot, she
Resolves resolutely,
No promotion to give
To the best man alive,
In church or in state,
(I'm an instance of that,)
But only to such of a good reputation
For temper, morality and moderatiin.
Fire I Fire I a wild-fire,*
Which greatly disturbs the Queen's peace,
Lies running about;
And if you don't put it out,
(That's positive) will increase
And any may spy,
With half of an eye,
That it comes from our priests and papistical fry
Ye have one of these fellows,
With fiery bellows,
Come hither to blow and to puff here :
Who having been toss'd
From pillow to post,
At last vents his rascally stuff here;
Which to such as are honest must sound very oddly,
When they ought to preach nothing but what's very godly;
As here from this place we charge you to do,
As ye'll answer to man beside ye know who.
Ye have a diocesan,t
But I don't know the man;
They tell me, however,
The man's a good liver,
And fiery never!
Now ye under-pullers,
That wear such black colours,
How well would it look,
If his measures ye took,
Thus for head and for rump
Together to jump;
For there's none deserve places,
I speak't to their faces,
But men of such graces,
And I hope he will never prefer any asses:
A line seems to be wanting here.
t Doctor Offspring Blackall,-he was made Bishop of Exeter in 1707, and
died in 1716. He published a volume of sermons in 8vo., 1707; reprinted
with his other works in 2 vols., folio, 1723.



bEpecially when I'm so confident on't,
For reasons of state, that her majesty won't,
Know I myself I
Was present and by,
At the great trial, where tlhre was a great company,
Of a turbulent preacher, who cursedly hot,
Turn'd the fifth of November, even the gunpowder-plot,
Into impudent railing and the devil knows what,
Exclaiming like fury-it was at Paul's, London,
How church was in danger and like to be undone,
And so gave the lie to gracious Queen Anne;
And, which is far worse to our parliament-men:
And then printed a book,
Into which men did look:
True, he made a good text;
But what followed next
Was nought but a dung-hill of sordid abuses,
Instead of sound doctrine, with proofs to't, and uses.
It was high time of day
That such inflama-
tion should be extinguished without more delay :
But there was no engine could possibly don't,
Till the commons played theirs, and so quite put it out.
So the man was tried for't
Before highest court:
Now its plain to be seen,
It's his principles I mean,
Where they suffered this noisy and his lawyers to bellow.
Which over, the blade
A poor punishment had
For that racket he made.
By which ye may know
They thought as I do,
That he is but at best an inconsiderable fellow.
Upon this I find here,
And every where,
That the country rides rusty, and is '" gut of geer.
And for what?
May I not
In opinion vary,
And think the contrary,
But it must create
Unfriendly debate,
And disunion straight;
When no reason in nature
Can be given of the matter,
Any more than for shapes or for different stature
I f you love your dear selves, your religion, or queen,
Ye ought in good manners be peaceable men:
For nothing disgusts her
Like making a bluster;
And your making this riot,
Is what she could cry at,
Since all her concern's for our welfare and quiet.
I would ask any man
')f them all that maintain


Their passive obedience
With such mighty vehemence,
That damn'd doctrine, I trow I
What he means by it, ho
To trump it up now?
Or to tell me, in short,
What need there is for't ?
Ye may say, I am hot;
I say I am not;
Only warm as the subject on which I am got.
There are those alive yet,
If they do not forget,
May remember what mischief it did church and state;
Or at least must have heard
The deplorable calamities
It drew upon families,
About sixty years ago, and upward.]
And now do ye see,
Whoever they be,
That make such an oration
In our Protestant nation,
As though church was all on a fire,-
With whatever cloak
They may cover their talk,
And wheedle the folk,
That the oaths they have took,
As our governors strictly require;-
I say they are men- (and I'm a judge, ye all know,)
That would our most excellent laws overthrow:
For the greater part of them to church never go;
Or, what's much the same, it by very great chance is,
If e'er they partake of her wise ordinances.
Their aim is, no doubt,
Where they made to speak out,
To pluck down the queen, that they make all this rout;
And to set up, moreover,
A bastardly brother;
Or at least to prevent the house of Hanover.
Ye gentlemen of the jury,
What means all this fury,
Of which I'm informed by
Good hands, I assure ye;
This insulting of persons by blows and rude speeches,
And breaking of windows, which you know, maketh breaches.
Ye ought to resent it,
And in duty present it,
For the law is against it;
Not only the actors engaged in this job,
But those that encourage and set on the mob:
The mob, a paw word, and which I ne'er mention,
But must in this place, for the sake of distinction,
I hear that some bailiffs and some justices,
Have strove what they could, all this rage to suppress:
And I hope many more
Will exert the like power,
Since none will, depend on't,
Get a jot of preferment,



But men of this kidney, as I told you before.-
I'll tell you a story: Once upon a time
Some hot headed fellows must needs take a whim,
And so were so weak,
('Twas a mighty mistake)
To pull down and abuse
Bawdy-houses and stews;
Who,.tried by the laws of the realm for high-treason,
Were hang'd, drawn, and quarter'd, for that very reason.
When the time came about
For us all to set out,
We went to take leave of the queen;
Where were great men of worth,
Great heads, and so forth,
The greatest that ever were seen:
And she gave us a large
And particular charge;
Good part on't indeed
Is quite out of my head;-
But I remember she said,
We should recommend peace and good neighbourhood, where-
Soever we came; and so I do here:
For that every one, not only men and their wives,
Should do all that they can to lead peaceable lives;
And told us withal, that she fully expected
A special account how ye all stood affected,
When we've been at St James's, you'll hear of the matter.
Again then I charge ye,
Ye men of the clergy,
That ye follow the track all
Of your own Bishop Blackall,
And preach, as ye should,
What's savoury and good;
And together all cling,
As it were in a string
Not falling out, quarrelling one with another,
Now we're treating with monsieur,-that son of his mother.
Then proceeded on the common matters of the law ; and concluded :-
Onee more, and no more, since few words are best,
I charge you all present, by way of request,
If ye honour, as I do,
Our dear royal widow,
Or have any compassion
For church or the nation;
And would live a long while
In continual smile,
And eat roast and boil,
And not be forgotten,
When ye are dead and rotten;
That ye would be quiet and peaceably dwell,
And never fall out, *

Swift arrived at his deanery in 1713, a miserable man-not with remorse
at having sown the seeds of unhappiness in the hearts of two excellent and
beautiful women, but at not having obtained a bishopric. Ho wr.tus w


Vanessa, At my nrst coming I thought I should have died of discontent,
and was horribly melancholy while they were installing me, but it begins to
wear off and change to dulness." In about a fortnight he returned to Eng-
land, for the purpose of endeavouring to keep the ministry together, which
was every day expected to fall in pieces in consequence of the quarrels of
Oxford and his rival Lord Bolingbroke, formerly St. 'ohn. These two
statesmen were peculiarly opposite to each other, both in te nature of their
capacities and dispositions: Oxford was slow, sure and penetrating; Boling-
broke was rapid, sanguine, and adventurous-alternately enjoying signal
triumphs and suffering signal misfortunes. Oxford was cold and reserved;
Bolingbroke was gay and easy of access. The abilities of Oxford were
adapted both to business and literature, but his versatility was inferior to
that of Bolingbroke, the brilliancy of whose talents was display, not only in
the dexterous management of men, and in fertility of literary thought, but
in a copious and seductive eloquence, and in a philosophy that was more than
superficial. Estimates efabilities are ever influenced by a tacit reference to the
elevation of the sphere in which they shine; but tried by the highest stan-
dard of the statesmanship of their own age, these men will be found pre-emi-
nent. Characters such as these, when contending for superiority, could not
but shatter any ministry; and the efforts of Swift were, of course, altogether
unavailing. Soon afterwards Oxford was suddenly dismissed: but just as
Bolingbroke had secured the consequences of his triumph, the death of the
queen dissolved his administration, and scattered the leaders of the tory
party. The results of the return of the whigs to power are well known.
The whole tory party was laid under ban. Oxford was sent to the Tower,
and Bolingbroke became an exile in France. The ruin of his friends was
the death-blow to Swift's political life in England. He had published
"The Public Spirit of the Whigs," which had the effect of exasperating that
party to such a degree, that they exerted their influence to bring the author
to punishment. They were very nearly successful; but Swift succeeded,
somehow, in saving himself, not feeling inclined, probably, to relish that spe-
cies of flattery to his talents. When the whigs succeeded to the administra-
tion of the government, Swift was exposed to so many insults from the
dominant party that he retired (if he did not actually flee, as is asserted
in Smollett's History of England) to his deanery in Dublin.
Vanessa soon followed him, and Stella grew jealous. The health of the
latter had declined in consequence of her keen sense of his neglect, and she
frequently insisted on marriage the only atonement he could make to her
wasted youth and fallen reputation. Swift was at last prevailed on to con-
sent, but only to the outward forms. His intercourse with her continued to
be precisely the same as before. For some years he contrived to conceal his
marriage from the unhappy Vanessa, who refused offer after offer for his
sake; but at last she discovered the truth and died of a broken heart,--re-
versing a will she had made in his favour, and leaving a second in which she
enjoined her executor, Bishop Berkeley, to publish the poem of "Cadenus
and Vanessa, in which the dean had avowed his passion for her, together
with his letters to her, all of which breathed the most ardent affection.
The bishop, who was one of Swift's most familiar friends, reluctantly pub-
lished the poem but, for obvious reasons, withheld the letters. The effect
produced on both Swift and Stella on the appearance of the poem was the
severest trial they had ever experienced, proving the pregnant source of



many heart-burnings and much bitterness of feeling. Swift went on a tour
through the south of Ireland, and Stella to the house of a friend till the
scandal had in some some degree died away; but all confidence from that
time between them (and on her part justly, too,) was broken never to be
renewed; and though she apparently regained her usual equanimity, the idol
of her heart had fallen down never to be set up again.
It was the year 1723, the year of Vanessa's death, that gave to the world
the most splendid example of Swift's talent in moving the passions of the
people. About that time a patent was granted to William Wood, a manu-
facturer of Wolverhampton, for coining halfpence and farthings to the extent
of100,000. The duchess of Kendal, said to have been married to George I.,
had received the patent from Sunderland the prime minister, and disposed
of it to Wood, who immediately issued the money. The Irish people, how-
ever, complained that their country was treated as a dependent kingdom by
the patent being granted to an Englishman, and the coining being carried on
in England. The patent was kept a sort of secret by the ministers, whose
indiscretion in this respect caused the most injurious and groundless reports
to be circulated and believed, which might have been at once removed by the
simple publication of the facts. Swift appeared, in order to increase the
ferment, by a series of letters and ballads, all of which were signed M. B.
Drapier; and in these he did not fail to avail himself of all the latitude of
sarcastic conjecture. In this, indeed, he had room enough, for the patent
had been passed without the knowledge of the lord-lieutenant or privy-
council of Ireland: it was no wonder the people of Ireland grew jealous.

Walpole began to oe alarmed, and drew up a conciliatory paper, which ws
extensively circulated, but it made no impression. This minister, who w;a
then at the head of the treasury, wisely determined to act with moderation.


The duke of Grafton had not shown much talent or desire for conciliation.
and was therefore recalled. Lord Carteret was appointed to succeed him,
but even his superior address failed to allay the passions of the populace.
Besides the influence of Swift, he had the opposition of Middleton, lord
chancellor of Ireland, and the patent was finally surrendered.

Gulliver's Travels appeared in 1727. This work created a great sen-
sation but the satire was allowed by every one to be merely general. The
politicians to a man agree," writes Gay to Swift, That it is free from par.
ticular reflections, but that it is a satire on general society and is too severe."
Pope also writes to him in the same manner. I find no considerable
man," says he, very angry with the book; some, indeed, say that it is too
bold, but none that I hear of, accuse it of particular reflections." With the
exception of two or there allusions to Sir Robert Walpole, who is particular.
ised as Flimnap, the treasurer, in the voyage to Lilliput, this is precisely
the character of Swift's performance. The "'Travels" were not published till
after Swift's return to Ireland. There was a considerable deal of mystery
affected with regard to the authorship, which was at once pronounced
to be Switt's. Pope, Gay, Arbuthnot, and other of his friends, so far
favoured this affectation of secrecy, of which the dean was particularly fond,
as to write in apparent doubt as to the author, though the two first must
have known that the work was projected months before. As before ob-
served, so great was the sensation created by the Drapier's letters, that the
Travels were exposed to an unusual degree of notoriety; so much so in-
deed, that Swift purposely remained in his deanery till the rage of Walpole,
who was chiefly rejected on, was appeased.
There has been traced a strong likeness between the characters of Gul-
liver and Robinson Crusoe; and no doubt the popularity of Defoe's hero

had the effect of creating more than an accidental resemblance between the
two. Dunlop, in his History of Fiction," boldly asserts that the dean

derived his idea of the character and his plan of carrying out the story
from Defoe. But there is an essential difference between Gulliver and
Crusoe, inasmuch as the former is designed as a satire on the abuses of
human learning and civilization, and a caricature upon the exaggerations
of travellers, while the latter bears throughout the impress.of truth, and
is forcible from its very simplicity.
In the Voyage to Lilliput, it is designed to expose the policy of the court
during the reign of the first George; and the differences between the court
and the popular party is ably described in the intrigues of the Big.endianq
and the Little-endians. The prince of Wales, afterwards George II., is
supposed to have been unwilling to permit an union of parties, and is cla-
racterised as the prince apparent of Lilliput, wearing one high-heeled and
one low-heeled shoe.
In spite of the malevolence of the whigs the Travels" gave great sa.
tisfaction to the stories, and their extreme popularity gave evidence how
much the people relished the abuse of their former favourites. In the
voyage to Brobdingnag the author takes a more extended scope; the attack
being made, not upon the tactics of a party, but upon the general system
ot policy pursued by the ministers of Europe. Swift, like Bolingbroke,
attempts to sketch the character of a patriot king and a popular govern-
ment. The opinions formed by these beings, possessed of immense physical
and moral strength, of European policy and the scandals of a court, are
developed with great ability, and possess a power of satire quite unequalled
by any similar production. It is man viewing the mimic squabbles of an
ant-hill, or Gulliver himself contemplating the court of Lilliput.
The contrast between the position of the same man, at one time a giant
and at another less than the smallest dwarf, is very happily conceived and
admirably carried out, and lends singular force to the satire. The attack
upon the maids of honour in the voyage to Brobdingnag, appears to us
savage and unmanly, and is the only special allusion in this part of the
"Travels. Swift, however, bore no great love to the ladies of Queen
Anne's -court, to whom he believed he owed his failure in not obtaining
a bishopric.
The voyage to Laputa would, had it been the first published, have pro-
bably proved a failure, The satire was not, at the time of its publication,
the least understood by the mass of the people. It was intended to ridi-
cule the Royal Society, then but lately established, and which had been
previously satirised by Butler. In the pursuits of the inhabitants of the
Flying Island, an attack is made on Sir Isaac Newton, who had given
his opinion, as master of the Mint, on the genuineness of Wood's copper
coinage ; and his habitual absence of mind probably suggested to Swift the
whimsical idea of the Flappers, who constantly attended the Laputian phi-
losophers, and administered a blow on the ear with their bladders whenever
they found their master's attention wandering or absorbed. The satire
contained in his description of the College of Projectors is particularly
happy, and was greatly relished; as, during the rage for speculation which
rose with the South-Sea scheme, proposals fully as absurd as those mentioned
by Swift were every day being- published and found greedy and impatient
followers among the idle, the speculative, or the vicious. The raising of ghosts
at Glubbdubdrib were then, and are now, considered decided failures. Not
so, however, the melancholy description of the Struldbrugs, in which Swift


appears to have foreseen his melancholy end, and to have felt, as he did
when ne exclaimed to Young, on seeing a withered tree-" I am like that
oak, I shall decay at top."
The voyage to the Houyhnhnms was the most unpopular, and deservedly
remains so. It is disgusting and repulsive from the misanthropy and filthy
language which pervades it; and is, in the present day, seldom read, and
never defended. Sir Walter Scott indeed, has attempted to excuse Swift
on account of the low condition of the poor Irish at that time, leading as they
were a mere animal existence, horrible to contemplate. A letter addressed
by Swift to the Reverend John Brandreth, dean of Emby, in the county
of Tipperary, gives a tolerably good idea of the state of the pea-
santry and surrounding country at that time. We are indebted to a
book, very little known at the present day, entitled "Letters of His
Excellency Hugh Boulton, DD., Lord Primate of Ireland," for this
If you are not an excellent philosopher, I allow you personate
one perfectly well; and if you believe yourself, I heartily envy you: for I
never yet saw in Ireland a spot of earth two feet wide, that had not in it
something to displease. I think I once was in your county, Tipperary,
which is like the rest of the kingdom,-a bare face of nature, without
houses or plantations :-filthy cabins, miserable, tattered, half starved,
creatures, scarce in human shape; one insolent, ignorant, oppressive 'squire
S to be found in twenty miles' riding;-a parish church to be found only in a
summer-day's journey, in comparison of which an English farmer's barn is
a cathedral; a bog of fifteen miles round;-every meadow a slough, and
every hill a mixture of rock, heath, and marsh;-and every male and
female, from the farmer inclusive to the day-labourer, infallibly a beggar, and
consequently a thief, which in this island are terms convertible. The
Shannon is rather a lake than a river, and has not the sixth part of the
stream that runs under London Bridge. There is not an acre of land in
Ireland turned to half its advantage, yet it is better improved than the
people: and all these evils are effects of English tyranny; so your sons and
grandchildren will find to their sorrow. Cork indeed, was a place of trade;
but for some years past is gone to decay; and the wretched merchants,
instead of being dealers, are dwindled into pedlars and cheats. I desire
you will not write such accounts to your friends in England. Did you ever
see one cheerful countenance among our country vulgar unless once a year at
a fair or on a holiday, when some poor rogue happened to get drunk and
starved the whole week after.-You will give a very different account of
your winter campaign, when you can't walk five yards from your door
without being mired to your knees, nor ride half a mile without being in
slough to your saddle skirts; when your landlord must send twenty miles
for yeast, before he can brew or bake; and the neighbours for six miles
round must club to kill a mutton.-Pray.take care of damps, and when
you leave your bedchamber, let a fire be made, to last till night; and after
all, if a stocking happen to fall off a chair, you may wring it next morning,
I nunc et tecum versus medicare canoros. I have not said all this out of any
malicious intention, to put you out of conceit with the scene where you are,
but merely for your credit; because it is better to know you are miserable,
than to betray an ill taste. I consult your honour, which is dearer than life,



therefore, I demand that you shall not relish one bit of victuals, one drop
of drink, or the company of any human creature, within thirty miles of
Knoctoher, during your residence in those parts; and then I shall begin to
have a tolerable opinion of your understanding. My lameness is very
slowly recovering; and if it be well when that the year is out, I shall
gladly compound; yet I make a shift to ride about ten miles a day by
virtue of certain implements called gambadoes, where my feet stand firm
as on a floor; and I generally dine alone, like a king or an hermit, and con-
tinue alone, until I go to bed; for even my wine will not purchase com-
pany, and I begin to think the lame are forsaken as much as the poor and
the blind. Mr. Jebb never calls at the deanery of late: perhaps he hath
found out that I like him as a modest man, and of very good understanding.
This town is neither large nor full enough to furnish events for entertaining
a country correspondent. Murder now and then is all we have to trust to.
Our fruit is all destroyed with the long spring and eastern winds; and I
shall not have the tenth part of my last year's fruit. Miss Hoadley hath
been nine days in the small pox, which I never heard of till this minute;
but they say she is past danger. She would have been a terrible loss
to the archbishop. Dr. Feltox of Oxford, hath writ an octavo about
Revelation ; I know not his character. He sent over four copies, to me,
one of which was for Mr. Tickle, two for the bishops of Cork and
Waterford, and one to myself, by way of payment for sending the
rest, I suppose, for he sent me no letter. I know him nc:-When-
ever you are in town I hope you will mend your usaTg of me, by
coming often to a philosophical dinner at the deanery; his I pretend
to expect for the sake of our common princess, Lady E. Gerinaine, to whom
I've (qy. I owe) the happiness of your acquaintance: and n her account I
expect your justice to believe me to be with truest esteem,
Your most obedient humble servant,
(Dublin,) 30th June, 1732. J; SWIFT.

To return, however to the motives which actuated the dean to draw so
dark a picture of human nature. Extraneous causes had, no doubt, great
influence on his mind, and tended to make him look on the gloomy side of
life. Vanessa, disappointed and heart-broken, had sunk into an early
grave, and Stella did not long survive her wretched rival; and, besides
tasting the bitter fruits of his own heartless and selfish passions, his ambi-
tion was blighted, and the seeds of the most afflicting malady we.e at this
time most surely sown. Misanthropical, discontented, gloomy andl disap.
pointed, it is no wonder, surrounded as he was by poverty and the worst
specimens of humanity that his description of the Yahoos should be drawnn
with so dark a pencil as to be revolting from its very truthfulness; and in
painting the picture of unregenerate and savage man, he should have revelled
m the contemplation of so disgusting a portraiture. But, horrible as it is, it is
not without its use: it teaches us what humanity would become if left eln-
tirely to the brutalizing influence of ignorance and the passions, and deprived
of the light of intelligence and religion.
The dean, like a large class not peculiar to his day, sought in the indul-
gence of misanthropic sentiments, a relief from the weary monotony of
an ill-spent life and a sweet revenge for disappointed ambition. The old
duchess of Marlborough, his hitter enemy, who had long outlived her power


though not her love for it, declared that Swift was a most admirable portrait-
painter, and expressed her delight at the description of the miserable Yahoos,
who were, she said, truly the men of the world.
The Travels became immensely popular with all classes of politicians; si
much so indeed, that Voltaire, who was then in England, warmly recom-
mended it to the perusal of his friends, and advised its translation into the
French. The task was undertaken by the Abbe Desfontaines, who, how.
ever, refrained from giving a literal version of Swift's peculiar notions, which
were too bold for his countrymen. The abbe published a continuation ot
Gulliver's Travels, which never reached a second edition, and was soon con-
signed to merited oblivion.
The year in which the Travels appeared was a wretched one to Swift,
for in it died Stella, and with her all of happiness in the world. After this
melancholy event he appeared to lose all sense of even such pleasure as he
was capable of feeling, and adopted, in the bitterness of disappointment and
the solitude of misanthrophy, the motto of Vive la bagatelle."
During the following years he published a few pamphlets among which
are the Directions to servants," the Sacramental test," Polite conversa-
tions," and some others. The two first display the talent he possessed for
minutet e observation, which was particularly observable in Gulliver's Travels.
Throughout his whole life he had been in the habit of throwing his trifling
thoughts into rhyme: of his various pieces the best are Cadenus and
Vanessa," and the Rhapsody on Poetry." He made a fierce attack on the
Irish Parliament in a production entitled the Legion Club;" it is forcible
and pointed, as are all his attacks whether in verse or prose, and displays
the force of disappointed ambition. About this time he published some
verses on his owip death, which reflect the strange eccentricity and misan-
thropy of their author.
The last yeprs of Swift were visited by alternate fits of moody idleness
and gloomy insanity. In 1741, his mental condition was such, that it be-
came absolutely necessary that legal guardians should be appointed to look
after his person and property. While finishing the Legion Club," he was
sized with fi:ts of giddiness, and so severe and continuous were they, that
upon its completion he never again ventured upon any work of thought and
labour. Thej next year he had a few short intervals of reason, but the hopes
of his eventual recovery were soon alas dispelled, never again to be enter-
tained. Soon after, he sunk into a state of stupid lethargy, remaining for
hours together in a motionless, listless, stupid, condition. His faithful servant,
Richard Brennan, who attended him in his last illness, and supported him
in his arms when he expired, relates that to the last he was sufficiently sen-
sible to repeat parts of the Lord's prayer, and that his lips moved with sup.
plic:ation even after the power of utterance was gone for ever. His death,
which took place on the evening of the 19th of October, 1745 was character-
ized by peace and tranquillity. "He went off," says Brennan, "like the
snuff of a candle." He bequeathed his whole property to a hospital for
lunatics; in his own words
He gave the little wealth he had,
To build a house for fools and mad;
To show, by one satiric touch,
No nation wanted it so much.



There are, says Mr. G. M. Berkeley, only four authentic portraits of
Swift, of which the one preserved by his family as a heirloom in the
deanery of St. Patrick's is the most authentic. A copy of it adorns the
dining hall of Trinity College, Dublin, and represents a countenance
" strongly marked with grief, indignation, and beneficence."

This great wit, but unfortunate man, was in person tall, robust, and well
made; his complexion was rather dark; his eyes were blue, and very ex-
pressive; his eyebrows dark and heavy ; his nose inclining to aquiline; and
his lips slightly curled upwards. In his youth he was considered handsome,
and in the decline of life his figure is universally described as noble and
imposing. He was a very fluent speaker, ready at retort, and never
thrown off his guard by the unexpected attack of his assailant. This
talent would have rendered him formidable, had he been presented with a
seat in the house of lords, which was t that time sadly deficient of elo-
quent debaters, and, with the single exception of Atterbury, scarcely pos.
sessed an able speaker. His tongue was dreaded no less than his pen, and
all parties sought to disarm his hostility by the grossest flattery, to which,
despite his genius, the dean was at all times particularly open. His conver-
sational powers were of the highest order, the originality of his humour render-
ing him a welcome guest at the tables of the great, to wlich he was a frequent



visitor. He delighted in relating anecdotes, of which he possessed a great store,
and could invest the commonest chit-chat of the table with an indescribable
charm. He was very fond of puns, and was the author of some of the best
that exist. It is a pity that so few have been preserved; they would be read
with the greatest relish in the present day, presenting, as they did, not
merely verbal wit, but a store of learning and talent, the most extensive
and unique, if not the most delicate and refined. He indulged in the
greatest singularity of speech, which was manifested on all, and some
extraordinary occasions. In introducing Bishop Berkeley to Lord Berkeley
of Stratton, he said:-" My lord, I present to your lordship's notice a
relation of your own; he is good for something, and that, as times go, is
saying a great deal." One day, when travelling in the southern part of
Ireland, he stopped to water his horse at a brook; a gentleman of the
neighbourhood also halted for the same purpose, and saluted the dean:
Swift, with his usual politeness, returned the courtesy, and went his way.
The gentleman, anxious to know who he was, sent his servant after him to
inquire. On overtaking the dean, the servant, with more than Irish simplicity,
said:-" Sir, my master wishes to know who you are."--' Tell your
master,' answered Swift, that I am the man who returned his salute at the
He had an extraordinary talent for extemporaneous rhyming. An
innkeeper who wished to add the king's head to his sign, which was that of
the Bell, inquired of the dean, who was stopping at his house, what he
should say to reconcile the anomaly. Say," said Swift-

"Ding dong, ding dong,
May the king live long :
Ding dong, ding dong."

He became so popular about the time of the publication of the celebrated
Drapier's Letters," that whenever he appeared in the streets he was fol-
lowed by a great crowd, who saluted him with cheers and congratulations.
He used to say they ought to provide him with hats, as he bowed his
acknowledgments oftener than the prince himself. There has been much
said of his interchange of jests with the shoe-blacks and beggars of Dublin,
but, as it happens with every celebrated wit, much is attributed to him of
which he had not the slightest knowledge. Some of his lampoons and
epigrams display the most caustic wit. Bettesworth, the serjeant-at-law,
had provoked Swift's anger by his attack on the privileges of the clergy,
and thus he repays him:
Thus at the bar the boby Bettesworth,
Though half-a-crown o'erpays his sweat'sworth,
Who knows in law, nor text, nor margent,
Calls Singleton his brother sergeant."
For the anecdote which accompanies this epigram we are indebted to the
learned Dr. Barrett. When the poem, of which the epigram forms a part,
was first published, it was brought wet from the press into a company in
which Bettesworth was present. The serjeant was requested to read it
aloud to the assembly: he complied; but when he came to that part which
reflected on himself he stormed and raved, and declared he would take



de dlv vengeance on the author. Immediately proceeding to the deanery,
he made his way into the presence of Swift, and looking daggers, exclaimed
Sir, I am serjeant Bettesworth."
The dean with the most unconcerned face asked,
Of what regiment, pray ?"
Bettesworth, still more enraged, demanded-" Are you the author of this
paper ?"
The dean, with great coolness replied,
Mr. Bettesworth, when I was a youth I was acquainted with a great
lawyer, who advised me, knowing my satirical disposition, if any scoundrel
or blockhead whom I had lampooned asked me such a question as you have
put, to deny the authorship; and I therefore tell you, that I am not the
author of those lines."
Bettesworth looked thunders, blu~ter,., and swore, but got no further
satisfaction. At length he departed, saying,-" Mr. Dean, you are like one
of your own Yahoos; you have clambered to a place of security, whence you
can gratify your malice by discharging your filth on your betters."
As Bettesworth continued to tlir.:at-i-, tllr irhabit:mnts of St. Patrick's
district formed themselves into a defensive association to protect their
favourite dean from personal violence, and the unfortunate lawyer could
scarcely appear in the streets without being hooted and laughed at. Bettes-
worth subsequently declared in parliament that Swift's satire had deprived
him of more than twelve hundred pounds a year. Swift's last composition,
and almost his last symptom of rationality, was an epigram. During one of
his brief lucid intervals he was taken out by his physician for a drive: as
they passed through the park, Swift observed a building he had never seen
before, and asked what it was. Being told it was a magazine of powder for
the defence of the city-" O ho !" he exclaimed, my tablets, my tablets!
let me put that down ;" and taking out his pocket-book, wrote these lines-
the last he ever penned.
Behold a proof of Irish sense
Here Irish wit is seen;
Where nothing's left that's worth defence
We build a magazine."
Abstractedly speaking, the office of the critic is superior to that of the
author. The critic is possessed of knowledge, not minute, but extensive,
for he studiously remarks only the essential points of a subject. The
author's knowledge is minute and profound, but it lies in only one direction.
It is the office of the critic to popularize the investigations, to correct the
errors, and to illustrate the truths of those whose genius has called them to
a life of laborious study in one branch of knowledge. The critic indicates
the chasms of science; the author fills them up. In everything the critic
is the director of the author. This is the origin of the tone of superiority
assumed by critics over authors, and which some sensible men have pro-
teoted against; but a little consideration will show that it cannot be avoided:
indeed, the very function of the critic presupposes it. But for one who
proe rly understands his vocation as a true critic, there are perhaps fifty in-
jidscious pretenders, whose heedless strictures, or false praises, are apt to
give rise to opinions derogatory to the office of the critic, however just of
him who usurps it. These remarks will be readily understood in this place.



Gulliver's Travels" and the Tale of a Tub" are the two brilliant per-
formances which will place Swift in the ranks of England's literati. They
exhibit the quality of his wit, and from them will posterity estimate his
talents. The peculiar industry and correctness of Swift has not hitherto
been noticed in relation to the manner in which he has given an air of
reality to the most opposite ideas. For instance, when speaking of the
relative proportions of his giants or his dwarfs, can anything exceed the ex-

sctness with which he has drawn their several gigantic or minute charac-
teristics? In this particular he has shown talent the most original and
No one ever exceeded Swift in the bitterness of his satire. His wit
is his hatred distilled, and thus gives deadly force to his attacks. If
Congreve could have hated his political opponents as heartily, perhaps
his wit would have carried a similar venom. But what degrades
Swift's style below most of the writers of his day, infinitely below even
Farquhar and Ben Jonson, is the filthy language of which he makes use.



The character of his intelleo- may be inferred from a consideration of his
works. It was clear, steady, and apathetic; never glowing, tender, or
elevated. His conceptions were all cold-blooded, often curdled with a cynical
misanthropy, and two frequently vulgar and filthy. Cowper and Sheridan
draw their dazzling rapiers and fight their battles of wit like gentlemen;
the antagonists of Swift find themselves knocked down with a dirty kitchen
besom, by which they are immediately besmeared with a compound of vitriol
and filth.
Gulliver's Travels" are a condensation of all Swift's misanthropy. This
performance is the bitterest satire on human nature that ever was conceived.
Swift had only seen the dark side of the world; his life had been a series
of disappointments; and thus, to use his own words-" he heartily hated
and detested the animal called man, though he heartily loved John, Peter,
Thomas, and so forth." There were times, however, when he relented
a little; and once, to Pope, he said-" If there were but half a dozen
Arbuthnots in the world, I would burn my travels." He appears to have ftlt
sensible sorrow in his latter days for much that he had written, as is
evidenced in a letter to the Rev. Dr. Henry Jenny, rector of Armagh, whom
he is supposed to have satirized in a poem entitled Hamilton's Bawn."
The satire in Gulliver's Travels" is thoroughly just; but it stands on
too narrow a basis to give more than a transient amusement to any one
possessed of enlarged ideas of the world. There is much that is vood and
noble in human nature as well as much that is vicious. To be worthy the
contemplation of a philosopher, the colouring of a great picture of human
existence should be as various as that of the original. And such a picture
could not fail of being a generous and beneficial satire. It is the common
source of regret that every one applies general satire to all but himself; but
this is much more the fault of the satirist than of the reader. If the picture
is all dark and loathsome, it never strikes a man that it can represent him-
self: a more faithful delineation would have brought home the likeness, and
he would have been ashamed of the spots on the general goodness of his
nature. No man, or class of men, was ever reformed by being represented
as a mass of bad qualities: on the contrary, the injudicious satirist rouses
against himself hatred, contempt, and all other bad passions ; but a man is
eager to correct his faults when he is told of them as detracting from his
general excellence; and the motives which are thus awakened are generous
and healthy, and likely to give an elevated tone to the character. The fol-
lowing extract from the Travels" is an excellent piece of satire on pro-
jectors and scientific discoverers, and is introduced in this place for the pur-
pose of giving the reader a few remarks of the celebrated metaphysician,
Dr. Brown, who appears to consider that Swift did not push his satire so far
as he might fairly have done; an imputation the dean is not generally open
to, his failures in that respect being by no means numerous.
"There was a scheme for entirely abolishing all words whatsoever; and
this was urged as a great advantage in point of health as well as brevity.
For it is plain that every word we speak is in some degree a diminution of
our lungs by corrosion; and consequently contributes to the shortening of
our lives. An expedient was therefore offered, that, since words are only
names for things, it would be more convenient for all men to carry about
them such things as were necessary to express a particular business they are
to discourse on: and this invention would certainly have taken place, to the


great ease as well as health of the subject, if the women, in conjunction with
the vulgar and illiterate, had not threatened to raise a rebellion unless they
might be allowed the liberty to speak with their tongues after the manner
of their forefathers; such constant irreconcilable enemies to science are the
common people. However, many of the most learned and wise adhere to
the new scheme of expressing themselves by things, which has only this
inconvenience attending it, that, if a man's business be very great, and of
various kinds, he must be obliged, in proportion, to carry a greater bundle
of things upon his back, unless he can afford one or two strong servants to
attend him. I have often beheld two of these sages almost sinking under
the weight of their packs like pedlars among us; who, when they met in
the streets, would lay down their loads, open their packs, and hold conver-
sation for an hour together, then put up their implements, help each other
to resume their burdens, and take their leave."
Dr. Brown says-" I cannot but think that to a genius like that of Swift a
finer subject of philosophical ridicule than the mere difficulty which his sages
felt in carrying a sufficient stock of things to supply the place of abstract lan-
guage might have been found. In his own great field of political irony, for ex-
ample, how many subjects of happy satire might he have found in the emblems
to which his patriots and courtiers, in their most zealous professions of public
devotion, might have been obliged to have recourse; the painful awkwardness
of the political expectant of places and dignities, who was outwardly to have
no wish but for the welfare of his country, yet could find nothing but mitres
and maces, and seals, and pieces of stamped metal, with which to express
his purity and disinterested patriotism; and the hurrying eagerness of the
statesman to change instantly the whole upholstery of language in his house
for new political furniture, in consequence of the mere accident of his re-
moval of office."
The vindictiveness of Swift may be seen in the severely bitter attacks he
made on individuals. The steward of his college had offended him in some
way, and he thus paints his portrait. When once the dean took offence he
never forgave the culprit. He was a firm friend when it suited his interest
or ambition; but where he supposed either the one or the other had been
slighted, he spared no means, however unfair or dishonourable, by tongue
or pen, to lower his adversary in the estimation of his confreres.
is an animal mixture, a medley or hodge-podge of butcher and cook, of
scullion and scholar. He lives negatively by the privation of others, and
mortifies more the flesh than all the divines in the kingdom. Did he
live anong the ancients, he would be taken for a wrestling-master, with his
skin oiled for the circus. Hence, it comes to pass, that his greasy shirt
pays his laundress, and finds her in soap and candles. You may follow
him (like the old pie-woman,) by his smell. Strangers passing by his
door take it for the college chandler's: an ignorant woman went there,
directed by her nose, to sell her kitchen stuff. The butcher's dogs fawn
upon him, and follow him for his hogoes."
The Tale of a Tub" is an allegory, in which the churches of Rome
and England, and the Calvinistic church, are respectively represented as
three brothers, Peter, Jack, and Martin. The gradual rise of the eccle-



siastical corruptions of the past centuries, together with the reformation,
are admirably and laughably typified by the increasing foppery of the
brothers, and by Peter kicking Martin and Jack out of doors, who after-
wards set up for themselves. Ihe entire scope of the satire is against the
churches of Rome and Scotland. There are a great many prefaces and
digressions, which, although in some parts obscure and obscene, evince
much wit, and the most pungent irony. The circumstance of Swift
writing allegory has led some of his biographers to suppose that he
was possessed of fancy, it being erroneously imagined that allegory was a
continuation of metaphor. Mr. Carson, of Ireland, very clearly points out
the line of demarcation between allegory and metaphor in his Essay on
"The Figures of Speech." The Tale of a Tub" is an effort of wit
rather than of fancy. Wit and fancy have at least one field of display;
for they are both founded on resemblance. Perhaps allegory is a part of
this common field; and it may be well taken for granted that the sustained
resemblance of his allegory was traced out by the wit of Swift, and that
the fancy, which never made any native sally in any other of his works,
was not likely to shine with much lustre in the Tale of a Tub." The
atmosphere of Swift's mind was far too chilly for the growth of the deli-
cate flowers of rhetoric.
Perhaps, after the specimens already given, enough has been said indi-
cative of his style. It is fertile in poor and idiomatic expressions. His
poetical effusions are especially chargeable with this literary vice: in this
he is a contrast to the other wits and writers of his day, whose works have
descended to us. Pope and Addison are not often indecent, and they are
never disgusting. Rich in all the arts that make literature attractive, it
seemed to be their innocent ambition to "gild" what already appeared to
be "refined gold," and to "paint the lily" with a more dazzling whiteness.
Swift, on the contrary, delights to degrade everything that is amiable by
associations of every kind of nastiness. His poems are no sooner opened,
than the nose is invaded and the stomach set in motion.
A biographer who does not enter into the moral character of his subject
leaves it to be understood that in this respect he was an ordinary specimen
of human nature. In this, however, there is, perhaps, some injustice ; as
it is possible that the same peculiarities of mind which elevated him above
his fellow-men, gave also a distinctive character to his morals. The
question of his moral temperament must, nevertheless, be left undecided, or
charitably explained, unless great events or critical situations have afforded
good grounds for a decided and distinct opinion. Although considerable
mystery hangs over many parts of Swift's life, there are two critical situa-
tions which may be easily distinguished. The first is the invitation to
Stella to come to Ireland, already mentioned; the second is his treatment of
Vanessa after she had disclosed to him the state of her affections. In both
of these Swift acted a most dishonourable and unmanly part, and yet the
name of Swift has descended to posterity in the light of his abilities rather
than in the shade of his character. Strange it is, that wit should be con-
sidered valuable enough to redeem character, not to say dishonour and
disgrace. But the world is, for the most part, led captive by meretricious
displays; and the greatest vices will ever find their admirers and apologists,
if they are gilded by the charm of genius or lighted up by the flashes of
wit. To say a good thing is far more famous than to do a good thing.



The names of Howard and Hampden have but a feeble immortality; and
it requires all the genius of Pope and all the eloquence of Burke to embalm
them. But the critic who recognizes any moral error in the language of
praise or censure must act on this maxim-that no abilities, however solid
or shining, can lay any other claim to admiration than that which is
founded on the good use made of them, and the noble ends to which they
are devoted. In this memoir we have carefully avoided the field of Irish
politics, which, however proper their consideration might have been in a life
of Swift, would, from the vastness of the subject, as well as from the convic-
tion of the ill-feeling which such retrospects frequently occasion in this day,
have occasioned too long a digression. It will be enough to observe that his
writings, and especially the Drapier's Letters" were influential in spread-
ing more correct views of the true position and rights of Ireland. This
unhappy country, the nursing mother of eloquence and wit, seems, however,
to be true still to the fortunes of genius.
The biographer of Swift, or of any other of the literary men of his time,
cannot but feel that they were the polishers of that luxuriant power which
a century before, laid the foundations of England's intellectual greatness.
The age of Elizabeth was an era of power; the age of Anne was one of
polish. Imagination, in its comprehensive sense, was the basis of both
periods; in the former, breaking out in the grandest phenomena, and
peopling the intellectual world with the happiest creations of humanity; in
the latter, delighting in the lighter imagery of a well regulated fancy.
With the exception of Bacon, who possessed the lofty imagination of the
age, we see no one thus gifted who endeavoured to penetrate the secrets of
philosophy, until we arrive at the precincts of our own day. A race of
daring and powerful (though perhaps a little erratic) writers are already
beginning to appear. They have dedicated themselves with a religious
devotion to the service of truth: and it is reasonable to hope that the
spring-time and summer of literature should be succeeded by an autumnal
era, of which their flowers may be considered as the beautiful harbingers.
Having thus endeavoured to give the reader a fair and comprehensive
digest of the life and principal works of the great satirist, we can but say in
conclusion, that it is ever to be regretted that talents so splendid, and
genius so exalted as that possessed by Swift, should have been perverted
to the mere purposes of party; and that, while his literary fame will con-
tinue to be appreciated by generations unborn, his character, instead of
shining with the light of religion and morality, should be rather held out as
a beacon to warn the heedless against the consequences ever resulting from
the laxity in moral attributes, and the tergiversation in political honour
which distinguishes him from all his contemporaries,





Y Father had a small estate in Not-
tinghamrshire; I was the third of five
S sons. He sent me to Emanuel col-
lege in Cambridge, at fourteen years
old, where I resided three years, and
applied myself close to my studies;
but the charge of maintaining me,
M although I had a very scanty allow-
ance, being too great for a narrow
fortune, I was bound apprentice to
Mr. James Bates, an eminent sur-
Hi geon in London, with whom I con-
tinued four years; and my father now and then sending me small sums
of money, I laid them out in learning navigation, and other parts of the


mathematics, useful to those who intend to travel, as I always believed it
would be, some time or other, my fortune to do. When I left Mr. Bates,
I went down to my father; where, by the assistance of him and my uncle
John, and some other relations, I got forty pounds, and a promise of
thirty pounds a year to maintain me at Leyden; there I studied physic
two years and seven months, knowing it would be useful in long voyages.

Soon after my return from Leyden, I was recommended by my good
master, Mr. Bates, to be surgeon to the Swallow, Captain Abraham Pan-
nell, commander : with whom I continued three years and a half, making
a voyage or two into the Levant, and some other parts. When I came
back I resolved to settle in London; to which Mr. Bates, my master, en-
couraged me, and by him I was recommended to several patients. I took
part of a small house in the Old Jewry; and being advised to alter my
condition, I married Mrs. Mary Burton, second daughter to Mr. Edmund
Burton, hosier, in Newgate-street, with whom I received four hundred
pounds for a portion.
But my good master Bates dying in two years after, and I having few
friends, my business began to fail; for my conscience would not suffer
me to imitate the bad practice of too many among my brethren. Having
therefore consulted with my wife, and some of my acquaintance, I deter-
mined to go again to sea. I was surgeon successively in two ships, and
made several voyages, for six years, to the East and West Indies, by which
I got some addition to my fortune. My hours of leisure I spent in reading
the best authors, ancient and modern, being always provided with a good
number of books; and when I was ashore, in observing the manners and
dispositions of the people, as well as learning their language; wherein I
had a great facility, by the strength of my memory.
The last of these voyages not proving very fortunate, 1 grew weary of


the sea, and intended to stay at home with my wife and family. I re-
moved from the Old Jewry to Fetter-lane, and from thence to Wapping,
hoping to get businer. among the sailors, but it would not turn to ac-
count. After three years' expectation that things would mend, I accepted
an advantageous offer from Captain William Prichard, master of the An-
telope, who was making a voyage to the South Sea. We set sail from
Bristol, May 4, 1699, and our voyage at first was very prosperous.
It would not be proper, for some reasons, to trouble the reader with the
particulars of our adventures in those seas ; let it suffice to inform him,
that in our passage from thence to the East Indies, we were driven by a
violent storm to the north-west of Van Diemen's Land. By an observa-
tion, we found ourselves in the latitude of 30 degrees 2 minutes south.
Twelve of our crew were dead by immoderate labour and ill food; the
rest were in a very weak condition. On the 5th of November, which was
the beginning of summer in those parts, the weather being very hazy, the
seaman spied a rock within half a cable's length of the ship; but the
wind was so strong, that we were driven directly upon it, and split. Six

of the crew, of whom I was one, having let down the boat into the sea,
made a shift to get clear of the ship and the rock. We rowed, by my
computation, about three leagues, till we were able to work no longer,
being already spent with labour while we were in the ship. We therefore
trusted ourselves to the mercy of the waves, and in about half an hour the
boat was overset by a sudden flurry from the north. What became of
my companions in the boat, as well of those who escaped on the rock, or
were left in the vessel, I cannot tell ; but conclude they were all lost.
For my own part, I swam as fortune directed me, and was pushed for-
ward by the wind and tide. I often let my legs drop, and could feel no
bottom; but when I was almost gone. and able to struggle no longer, I
found myself within my depth ; and by this time the storm was so much
abated. The declivity was so small, that I walked near a mile before I
got to the shore, which I conjectured was about cight o'clock in the even-
ing. I then advanced forward near half a mile, but could not discover
any sign of houses or inhabitants; at least I was in so weak a condition,


that I did not observe them. I was extremely tired, and with that, and
the heat of the weather, and about half a pint of brandy that I drank as I
left the ship, I found myself much inclined to sleep. I lay down on the
grass, which was very short and soft, where I slept sounder than ever I
remembered to have done in my life, and, as I reckoned, about nine hours;
for when I awaked, it was just day-light. I attempted to rise, but was not
able to stir: for as I happened to lie on my back, I found my arms and legs
were strongly fastened on each side to the ground; and my hair, which
was long and thick, tied down in the same manner. I likewise felt seve-

ral slender ligatures across my body, from my arm-pits to my thighs. I
could only look upwards, the sun began to grow hot, and the light
offended my eyes. I heard a confused noise about me; but in the pos-
ture I lay, could see nothing except the sky. In a little time I felt some-
thing alive moving on my left leg, which advancing gently forward over
my breast came almost up to my chin; when bending my eyes downward
as much as I could, I perceived it to be a human creature not six inches
high, with a bow and arrow in his hands, and a quiver at his back. In
the mean time, I felt at least forty more of the same kind (as I conjec-
tured) following the first. I was in the utmost astonishment, and roared
so loud, that they all ran back in a fright; and some of them, as I was
afterwards told, were hurt with the falls they got by leaping from my
sides upon the ground. However, they soon returned, and one of them,
who ventured so far as to get a full sight of my face, lifting up his hands
and eyes by way of admiration, cried out in a shrill but distinct voice,
Ilekinah degul: the others repeated the same words several times, but I
then knew not what they meant. I lay all this while, as the reader may
believe, in great uneasiness; at length, struggling to get loose, I had the
fortune to break the strings, and wrench out the pegs that fastened my
left arm to the ground; for, by lifting it to my face, I discovered the
methods they had taken to bind me, and at the same time with a violent
pull, which gave me excessive pain, I a little loosened the strings that tied


down my hair on the left side, so that I was just able to turn my ho.d
about two inches. But the creatures ran off a second time, before 1 could
seize them ; whereupon there was a great shout in a very shrill.accent,
and after it ceased I heard one of them cry aloud, tolgo phonac; when in
an instant I felt above a hundred arrows discharged on my left hand.
which pricked me like so many needles; and besides, they shot another


flight into the air, as we do bombs in Europe, \ihercofl mi ,l;, I suppose,
fell on my body, (though I felt them not) and some on my face, which
I immediately covered with my left hand. When this shower of arrows
was over, I fell a groaning with grief and pain, and then striving again
to ge' loose, they discharged another volley larger than the first, and
some of them attempted with spears to stick me in the sides ; but by
good luck I had on me a buff jerkin, which they could not pierce. I
thought it the most prudent method to lie still, and my design was to
continue so till night, when, my left hand being already loose. I could
easily free myself: and as for the inhabitants, I had reason to believe I
might be a match for the greatest army they could bring against me, if
they were all of the same size with him that I saw. But fortune dis-
posed otherwise of me. When the people observed I was quiet they
discharged no more arrows ; but, by the noise I heard, I knew their num-
bers increased ; and about four yards from me, over-against my right ear,
I heard a knocking for above an hour, like that of people at work; when
turning my head that way, as well as the pegs and strings would permit
me, I saw a stage erected about a foot and a half from the ground, capa-
ble of holding four of the inhabitants, with two or three ladders to mount
it: from whence one of them, who seemed to be a person of quality,
made me a long speech, whereof I understood not one syllable. Buit I
should have mentioned, that before the principal person began his ora-
tion, he cried out three times, Langro dcel san; (these words and the


former were afterwards repeated and explained to me.) Whereupon,
immediately about fifty of the inhabitants came and cut the strings that
fastened the left side of my head, which gave me the liberty of turning
it to the right, and of observing the person and gesture of him that was

to speak. He appeared to be of a middle age, and taller than any of tl e
other three who attended him, whereof one was a page that held up his
train, and seemed to be somewhat longer than my middle finger; the
other two stood one on each side to support him. He acted every part of
an orator, and I could observe many periods of threatings, and others of
promises, pity and kindness. I answered in a few words, but in the most
submissive manner, lifting up my left hand and both my eyes to the sun,
as calling him for a witness; and being almost famished with hunger,
having rot eaten a morsel for some hours before I left the ship, I found
the demands of nature so strong upon me that I could not forbear showing
my impatience (perhaps against the strict rules of decency) by putting my
finger frequently to my mouth, to signify that I wanted food. The hurgo
(for so they call a great lord, as I afterwards learnt) understood me very
well. He descended from the stage, and commanded that several lad.-
ders should be applied to my sides, on which above a hundred of the in-
habitants mounted, and walked towards my mouth, laden with baskets
full of meat, which had been provided and sent thither by the king's
orders, upon the first intelligence he received of me. I observed there
was the flesh of several animals, but I could not distinguish them by the
taste. There were shoulders, legs, and loins, shaped like those of mutton,
and very well dressed, but smaller than the wings of a lark. I eat them
by two or three at a mouthful, and took three loaves at a time, about the


bigness of musket bullets. They supplied me as fast as they could, show-
ing a thousand marks of wonder and astonishment at my bulk and appe-
tite. I then made another sign, that I wanted drink. They found by
my eating that a small quantity would not suffice me; and being a most
ingenious people, they slung up, with great dexterity, one of their largest
hogsheads, then rolled it towards my hand, and beat out the top; I drank
it off at a draught, which I might well do, for it did not hold half a pint,
and tasted like a small wine of Burgundy, but much more delicious.
They brought me a second hogshead, which I drank in the same manner,
and made signs for more: but they had none to give me. When I had
performed these wonders, they shouted for joy, and danced upon my
breast, repeating several times as they did at first, Hekielah degul. They
made me a sign that I should throw down the two hogsheads, but first
warning the people below to stand out of the way, crying aloud, Borach
mevolah; and when they saw the vessels in the air, there was a universal
shout of Hekinah degul. I confess I was often tempted, while they were

1 -------- ;^^ ^

passing backwards and forwards on my body, to seize forty or fifty of the
first that came in my reach, and dash them against the ground. But the
remembrance of what I had felt, which probably might not be the worst
they could do, and the promise of honour I made them, for so I inter-
preted my submissive behaviour, soon drove out these imaginations. Be-
sides, I now considered myself as bound by the laws of hospitality, to a
people who had treated me with so much expense and magnificence.


However, in my thoughts I could not sufficiently wonder at the intre.
pidity of these diminutive mortals, who durst venture to mount and walk
upon my body, while one of my hands was at liberty, without trembling
at the very sight of so prodigious a creature as I must appear to them.
After some time, when they observed that I made no more demands foi
meat, there appeared before me a person of high rank from his imperial
majesty. His excellency having mounted on the small of my right leg,
advanced forwards up to my face, with about a dozen of his retinue; and
producing his credential? under the signet royal, which he applied close
to my eyes, spoke about ten minutes without any signs of anger, but with
a kind of determinate resolution; often pointing forwards, which, as I
afterwards found, was towards the capital city, about half a mile distant;
whither it was agreed by his majesty, in council, that I must be conveyed.
I answered in few words, but to no purpose, and made a sign with my
hand that was loose, putting it to the other, (but over his excellence's
head for fear of hurting him or his train) and then to my own head and
body, to signify that I desired my liberty. It appeared that he under-
stood me well enough, for he shook his head by way of disapprobation,
and held his hand in a posture to show that I must be carried as a prisoner.
However, he made other signs to let me understand, that I should have
meat and drink enough, and very good treatment. Whereupon I onca
more thought of attempting to break my bonds, but again, when 1 felt
the smart of their arrows upon my face and hands, which were all in
blisters, and many of the darts still sticking in them, and observing like-
wise that the number of my enemies increased, I gave tokens to let them
know that they might do with me what they pleased. Upon this, the
liurgo and his train withdrew, with much civility and cheerful counte-
nances. Soon after I heard a general shout, with frequent repetitions of
the words, Peplom selan; and I felt great numbers of people on my left
side relaxing the cords to such a degree, that I was able to turn upon my
right, and to ease myself with making water; which I very plentifully
did, to the great astonishment of the people; who, on conjecturing by
my motion what I was going to do, immediately opened to my right and
left on that side, to avoid the torrent, which fell with such noise and vio.
lence from me. But before this, they had daubed my face and both my
hands with a sort of ointment, very pleasant to the smell, which, in a
few minutes, removed all the smart of their arrows. These circum-
stances, added to the refreshment I had received by their victuals and
drink, which were very nourishing, disposed me to sleep. I slept about
eight hours, as I was afterwards assured; and it was no wonder, for the
physicians, by the emperor's order, had mingled a sleepy potion in the
hogsheads of iine.


It seems, that upon the first moment I was discovered sleeping on the
ground, after my landing, the emperor had early notice of it by an express;
and determined, in council, that I should be tied in the manner I have
related (which was done in the night while I slept) ; that plenty of meat
and drink should be sent me, and a machine prepared to carry me to the
capital city.
This resolution, perhaps, may appear very bold and dangerous, and I
am confident would not be imitated by any prince in Europe on the
like occasion. However, in my opinion, it was extremely prudent, as
well as generous : for, supposing these people had endeavoured to kill
me with their spears and arrows, while I was asleep, I should certainly
have awaked with the first sense of smart, which might so far have
roused my rage and strength, as to have enabled me to break the strings
wherewith I was tied; after which, as they were not able to make re-
sistance, so they could expect no mercy.

:-- -.. ----

These people are most excellent mathematicians, and arrived to a
great perfection in mechanics by the countenance and encouragement
of the emperor, who is a renowned patron of learning. This prince has
several machines fixed on wheels, for the carriage of trees and other great
weights. He often builds his largest men of war, whereof some are
nine feet long, in the woods where the timber grows, and has them carried
on these engines three or four hundred yards to the sea. Five hundred
carpenters and engineers were immediately set at work to prepare the


greatest engine they had. It was a frame of wood, raised three inches
from the ground, about seven feet long, and four wide, moving upon
twenty-two wheels. The shout I heard was upon the arrival of this
engine, which it seems set out in four hours after my landing. It was
brought parallel to me as I lay. But the principal difficulty was to raise
and place me in this vehicle. Eighty poles, each of one foot high, were
erected for this purpose, and very strong cords, of the bigness of pack-
thread, were fastened by hooks to many bandages, which the workmen
had girt round my neck, my hands, my body, and my legs. Nine hun-
dred of the strongest men were employed to draw up these cords, by
many pulleys fastened on the poles, and thus, in less than three hours,
I was raised and slung into the engine, and there tied fast. All this I
was told; for, while the operation was performing, I lay in a profound
sleep, by the force of that soporiferous medicine infused into my liquor.
Fifteen hundred of the emperor's largest horses, each about four inches
and a half high, were employed to draw me towards the metropolis,
which, as I said, was half a mile distant.
About four hours after we began our journey, I awaked by a very
ridiculous accident; for the carriage being stopped awhile, to adjust
something that was out of order, two or three of the young natives had
the curiosity to see how I looked when I was asleep: they climbed up
into the engine, and advancing very softly to my face, one of them, an
officer in the guards, put the sharp end of his half-pike a good way up
into my left nostril, which tickled my nose like a straw, and made me
sneeze violently; whereupon they stole off unperceived, and it was three
weeks before I knew the cause of my waking so suddenly. We made
a long march the remaining part of-the day, and rested at night with five
hundred guards on each side me, half with torches, and half with bows
and arrows, ready to shoot me if I should offer to stir. The next morning
at sunrise we continued our march, and arrived within two hundred yards
of the city gates about noon. The emperor and all his court came out to
meet us; but his great officers would by no means suffer his majesty to
endanger his person by mounting on my body.
At the place where the carriage stopped there stood an ancient temple,
esteemed to be the largest in the whole kingdom; which, having been
polluted some years before by an unnatural murder, was, according to
the zeal of those people, looked upon as profane, and therefore had been
applied to common use, and all the ornaments and furniture carried away.
In this edifice it was determined I should lodge. The great gate front-
ing to the north was about four feet high, and almost two feet wide,
through which I could easily creep. On each side of the gate was a
small window, not above six inches from the ground; into that on the



left side, the king's smith conveyed four-score and eleven chains, like
those that hang to a lady's watch in Europe, and almost as large, which
were locked to my left leg with six-and-thirty padlocks. Over against
this temple, on the other side of the great highway, at twenty feet distance,
there was a turret, at least five feet high. Here the emperor ascended,
with many principal lords of his court, to have an opportunity of viewing
me, as I was told, for I could not see them. It was reckoned that above a
hundred thousand inhabitants came out of the town upon the same errand;
and, in spite of my guards, I believe there could not be fewer than ten
thousand, at several times, who mounted my body, by the help of ladders.
But a proclamation was soon issued to forbid it, upon pain of death.
When the workmen found it was impossible for me to break loose, they
cut all the strings that bound me; whereupon I rose up, with as melan-
choly a disposition as ever I had in my life. But the noise and astonish-
ment of the people, at seeing me rise and walk, are not to be expressed.
The chain that held my left leg was about two yards long, and gave rle
not only the liberty of walking backwards and forwards in a semicircle;
but, being fixed within four inches of the gate allowed me to creep in, and
lie at my full length in the temple.

1-- =i------------------



SHEN I found myself on my feet, I looked
about me, and must confess I never beheld
a more entertaining prospect. The country
iB E around appeared like a continued garden,
and the enclosed fields, which were gene-
rally forty feet square, resembled so many
beds of flowers. These fields were inter-
mingled with woods of half a stang,* and
the tallest trees, as I could judge, appeared
to be seven feet high. I viewed the town
on my left hand, which looked like the painted scenes of a city in a
I had been for some hours extremely pressed by the necessities of
nature; which was no wonder, it being almost two days since I had last
disburdened myself. I was under great difficulties between urgency and
shame. The best expedient I could think on,t was to creep into my

A stang is a pole or perch; sixteen feet and a half.
t The author is singular in the use of this phrase, as think of, not think on, is the
usual mode.


house, which I accordingly did ; and shutting the gate after me, I went
as far as the length of my chain would suffer, and discharged my belly
of that uneasy load. But this was the only time I was ever guilty of so
uncleanly an action; for which I cannot but hope the candid reader will
give some allowance, after he has maturely and impartially considered
my case, and the distress I was in. From this time my constant practice
was, as soon as I rose, to perform that business in open air, at the full
extent of my chain; and due care was taken every morning, before com-
pany came, that the offensive matter should be carried off in wheel-
barrows, by two servants, appointed for that purpose. I would not have
dwelt so long upon a circumstance that, perhaps, at first sight, may appear
not very momentous, if I had not thought it necessary to justify my charac-
ter, in point of cleanliness, to the world; which, I am told, some of my
maligners have been pleased, upon this and other occasions, to call in
When this adventure was at an end, I came back out of my house,
having occasion for fresh air. The emperor was already descended from
the tower, and advancing on horseback towards me, which had like to have
cost him dear; for the beast, though very well trained, yet wholly
unused to such a sight, which appeared as if a mountain moved before
him, reared up on his hinder feet: but that prince, who is an excellent
horseman, kept his seat till his attendants ran in, and held the bridle,
while his majesty had time to dismount. When he alighted, he surveyed
me round with great admiration; but kept beyond the length of my chain.
He ordered his cooks and butlers, who were already prepared, to give me
victuals and drink, which they pushed forward in a sort of vehicle upon
wheels, till I could reach them. I took these vehicles, and soon emptied
them all; twenty of them were filled with meat, and ten with liquor;
each of the former ntfforded me two or three good mouthfuls; and I
emptied the liquor of ten vessels, which was contained in earthern vials,
into one vehicle, drinking it off at a draught; and so I did with the
rest. The 'empress, and young princes of the blood of both sexes,
attended by many ladies, sat at some distance in their chairs; but upon
the accident'that happened to the emperor's horse they alighted, and
came near his person, which I am now going to describe. He is taller, by
almost the breadth of my nail, than any of his court; which alone is
enough to strike an awe into the beholders. His features are strong and
masculine, with an Austrian lip and arched nose, his complexion olive,
his countenance erect, his body and limbs well proportioned, all his
motions graceful, and his deportment majestic. He was then past his
prime, being twenty-eight years and three quarters old, of which he had
reigned about seven in great felicity, and generally victorious. For the


better convenience of beholding him, I lay on my side, so that my face
was parallel to his, and he stood but three yards off: however, I have
had him since many times in my hand, and therefore cannot be deceived
in the description. His dress was very plain and simple, and the fashion
of it between the Asiatic and the European: but he had on his head a light
helmet of gold, adorned with jewels, and a plume on the crest. He
held his sword drawn in his hand to defend himself, if I should happen to
break loose ;% it was almost three inches long; the hilt and scabbard were
gold enriched with diamonds. His voice was shrill, but very clear and
articulate; and I could distinctly hear it when I stood up. The ladies
and courtiers were all most magnificently clad; so that the spot they
stood upon seemed to resemble a petticoat spread on the ground, em-
broidered with figures of gold and silver. His imperial majesty spoke
often to me, and I returned answers; but neither of us could understand
a syllable. There were several of his priests and lawyers present, (as I
conjectured by their habits,) who were commanded to address themselves
to me; and I spoke to them in as many languages as I had the least
smattering of, which were High and Low Dutch, Latin, French, Spanish,
Italian, and Lingua Franca, 'but all to no purpose. After about two
hours the court retired, and I was left with a strong guard, to prevent the
impertinence, and probably the malice of the
rabble, who were very impatient to crowd about
me as near as they durst; and some of them
had the impudence to shoot their arrows at
me,, as I sat on the ground by the door of my
house, whereof one very narrowly missed my
left eye. But the colonel ordered six of the
ringleaders to be seized, and thought no pun-
ishment so proper as to deliver them bound into
my hands; which some of his soldiers accord-
ingly did, pushing them forward with the
butt-ends of their pikes into my reach. I
took them all in my right hand, put five of
them into my coat-pocket, and as to the sixth,
I made a countenance as if I would eat him
alive. The poor man squalled terribly, and
the colonel and his officers were in much pain, especially when the)

The masculine features, which Gulliver could not see before he laid his face
upon the ground, and the awful superiority of stature in the being whom he held
in his hand ; the helmet, the plume, and the sword, are fine proofs of human pride;
the ooject of which are trifling distinctions, which derive not only their origin but
their service from the folly, weakness, and imperfections of ourselves and others.



saw me take out my penknife: but I soon put them out of fear; for,
looking mildly, and immediately cutting the strings he was -bound with,
I set him gently on the ground, and away he ran. I treated the rest in
the same manner, taking them one by one out of my pocket; and I ob-
served "both the soldiers and the people were highly delighted at this
mark of my clemency, which was represented very much to my advantage
at court.
Towards night I got with some difficulty into my house, where I lay
on the ground, and continued to do so about a fortnight; during which
time the emperor gave orders to have a bed prepared for me. Six hun-
dred beds* of the common measure were brought in carriages, and worked
up in my house; a hundred and fifty of their beds, sewn together, make
up the breadth and length; and these were four double; which, how-
ever, kept me but very indifferently from the hardness of the floor, that
was of smooth stone. By the same computation, they provided me with
sheets, blankets, and coverlets, tolerable enough for one who had been
so long inured to hardships.
*As the news of my arrival spread through the kingdom, it brought
prodigious numbers, rich, idle, and curious people, to see me; so that the
villages were almost emptied; and great neglect of tillage and household
affairs must have ensued, if his imperial majesty had not provided, by
several proclamations and orders of state, against this inconveniency.
He directed that those who had already beheld me should return home,
and not presume to come within fifty yards of my house, without licence
from the court; whereby the secretary of state got considerable fees.
In the mean time the emperor held frequent councils, to debate what
course should be taken with me; and I was afterwards assured, by a
particular friend, a person of great quality, who was as much in the secret
as any, that the court was under many difficulties concerning me. They
apprehended my breaking loose; that my diet would be very expensive,
and might cause a famine. Sometimes they determined to starve me, or
at least to shoot me in the face and hands with poisonous arrows, which
would soon despatch me; but again they considered that the stench of
so large a carcase might produce a plague in the metropolis, and probably
spread through the whole kingdom. In the midst of these consultations,
several officers of the army went to the door of the great council-chamber,
and two of them being admitted, gave an account of my behaviour to the
six criminals above-mentioned; which made so favourable an impression
in the breast of.his majesty, and the whole board, in my behalf, that an
imperial commission was issued out, obliging all the villagers, nine hun-
Gulliver has observed great exactness in the just proportion and appearance
of the objects thus lessened.

dred yards round the city, ti deliver in every morning six beeves, forty
sheep, and other victuals, for my sust nance ; together with a proportion-
able quantity of bread, and wine, aid other liquors; for the due pay-
ment of which his majesty gave assignments upon his treasury: for this
prince lives chiefly upon his own demesnes; seldom, except upon great-
occasions raising any subsidies upon his subjects, who are bound to attend
him in his wars at their own expense. An establishment was also made
of six hundred persons to be my domestics, who had board-wages allowed
for their maintenance, and tents built for them, very conveniently, on
each side of my door. It was likewise ordered, that three hundred
tailors should make me a suit of clothes, after the fashion of the country;
that six of his majesty's greatest scholars should be employed to instruct
me in their language ; and lastly, that the emperor's horses, and those of
the nobility and troops of guards, should be frequently exercised in my
sight, to accustom themselves to me. All these orders were duly put in
execution; and in about three weeks I made a great progress in learning
their language; during which time the emperor frequently honoured me
with his visits, and was pleased to assist my masters in teaching me. We
began already to converse together in some sort ; and the first words I
learnt, were to express my desire that he would be pleased to give me
my liberty;' which I every day repeated on my knees. His answer, as I
could apprehend it, was, that this must be a work of time, not to be
thought on without the advice of his council, and that first I must lumos
kelmin pesso desmar ion emposa ;' that is, swear a peace with him and his
kingdom. However, that I should be used with all kindness. And he
advised me to 'acquire by my patience and discreet behaviour the good
opinion of himself and his subjects.' He desired, 'I would not take it
ill if he gave orders to certain proper officers to search me ; for probably
I might carry about me several weapons, which must needs be dangerous
things, if they answered the bulk of so prodigious a person.' I said,
'His majesty should be satisfied! for I was ready to strip myself, and
turn out my pockets before him.' This I delivered, part in words, and
part in signs. He replied, 'that by the laws of the kingdom, I must be
Searched by two of his officers; that he knew this could not be done
without my consent and assistance; and he had so good an opinion of
my generosity and justice as to trust their persons in my hands; that
whatever they took from me should be returned when I left the country
or paid for, at the rate which I would set upon them.' I took up the two
officers in my hands, put them first into my coat-pockets, and then into
every other pocket about me, except my two fobs, and another secret
pocket, which I had no mind should be searched, wherein I had some
little necessaries that were of no consequence to any but myself. In


one of my fobs there was a silver watch, and in the other a small quantity
of gold in a purse. These gentlemen, having pens, ink and paper about
them, made an exact inventory of every thing they saw; and when they
had done, desired I would set them 'down, that they might deliver it to
the emperor. This inventory I afterwards translated into English, and
is word for word as follows:
Imprimis, In the right coat-pocket of the great man-mountain (for so
I interpret the words quinbus festrin), after the strictest search, we found

only one great piece of coarse cloth, large enough to be a foot cloth for your
majesty's chief room of state. In the left pocket we saw a huge silver
chest, with a cover of the same metal, which we, the searchers, were not
able to lift. We desired it should be opened, and one of us stepping into
it, found himself up to the mid-leg in a sort of dust, some part whereof
flying up to our faces, set us both a-sneezing for several times together.
In his right waistcoat-pocket we found a prodigious bundle of white thin
substance, folded one over another, about the bigness of three men, tied
with a strong cable, and marked with black figures; which we humbly
conceive to be writings, every letter almost half as large as the palm of


our nands. In the left there was a sort of engine, from the back of
which were extended twenty long poles, resembling the palisadoes before
your majesty's court: wherewith we conjecture the man-mountain combs
his head; for we did not always trouble him with questions, because we
found it a great difficulty to make him understand us. In the large
pocket, on the right side of his middle cover, (so I translate the word
ranfu-lo, by which they meant my breeches), we saw a hollow pillar of
iron, about the length of a man, fastened to a strong piece of timber
larger than the pillar; and upon one side of the pillar were huge pieces
of iron sticking out, cut into strange figures, which we knew not what to
make of. In the left pocket, another engine of the same kind. In the
smaller pocket on the right side, were several round flat pieces of white
and red metal, of different bulk; some of the white, which seemed to be
silver, were so large and heavy, that my comrade and I could hardly lift
them. In the left pocket were two black pillars irregularly shaped : we
could not, without difficulty, reach the top of them, as we stood at the
bottom of his pocket. One of them was covered, and seemed all of a
piece: but at the upper end of the other there appeared a white round
substance, about twice the bigness of our heads. Within each of these
S was enclosed a prodigious plate of steel; which by our orders, we obliged
him to show us, because we apprehended they might be dangerous
engines. He took them out of their cases, and told us, that in his own
country his practice was to shave his beard with one of these, and
cut his meat with the other. There were two pockets which we could
not enter: these he called his fobs; they were two large slits cut into the
tops of his middle cover, but squeezed close by the pressure of his belly.
Cut of the right fob hung a great silver chain, with a wonderful kind of
engine at the bottom. We directed him to draw out whatever was at
the end of that chain; which appeared to be a globe, half silver, and half
of some transparent metal; for, on the transparent side, we saw certain
strange figures circularly drawn, and thought we could touch them, till
we found our fingers stopped by that lucid substance. He put this
engine to our ears, which made an incessant noise, like that of a water-
mill: and we conjecture it is either some unknown animal, or the god
that he worships; but we are more inclined to the latter opinion, because
he assured us, (if we understand him right, for he expressed himself very
imperfectly,) that he seldom did any thing without consulting it. He
called it his oracle, and said, it pointed out the time for every action of
his life.* From the left fob he took out a net almost large enough for
The author seems to intend to show the probable fallacy of opinions derived
from the reports of travellers, by showing how little truth need be represented to
make falsehood specious.


a fsherman, but contrived to open and shut like a purse, and served him
for the same use : we found therein several massy pieces of yellow metal,
which, if they be real gold, must be of immense value.
"Having thus, in obedience to your majesty's commands, diligently
searched all his pockets, we observed a girdle about his waist made of
the hide of some prodigious animal, from which, on the left side, hung a
sword of the length of five mrn ; and on the right, a bag or pouch divided
into two cells, each cell capable of holding three of your majesty's sub-
jects. In one of thI.e cells were several globes, or balls, of a most
ponderous metal, about the bigness of our heads, and required a strong
hand to lift them: the other cell contained a heap of certain black grains,
butof no gliat bulk or wiu;Lt, for we could hold above fifty of them in
the palms of our hands.
"This is an exact inventory of what we found about the body of the
man-mountain, who used us. with great civility, and due respect to your
majesty's commission. Signed and sealed on the fourth day of the
eighty-ninth moon of your majesty's auspicious reign:

When this inventory was read over to the emperor, he directed me,
although in very gentle terms, to deliver up the several particulars. He
first called for my scimitar, which I took out, scabbard and all. In the
mean time, he ordered three thousand of the choicest troops (who then
attended him) to surround me at a distance, with their bows and arrows
just ready to discharge; but I did not observe it, for mine eyes were
wholly fixed upon his majesty. He then desired me to draw my scimitar,
which, although it had got some rust by the sea-water, was in most parts
exceedingly bright. I did so, and immediately all the troops gave a shout
between terror and surprise; for the sun shone clear, and the reflection
dazzled their eyes, as I waved the scimitar to and fro in my hand. His
majesty, who is a most magnanimous prince, was less daunted than I
could expect; he ordered me to return it into the scabbard, and cast it
on the ground as gently as I could, about six feet from the end of my
chain. The next thing he demanded was one of the hollow iron pillar- ; by
which he meant my pocket pistols. I drew it out, and at his desire, as
well as I could, expressed to him the use of it; and charging it only with
powder, which by the closeness of my pouch, happened to escape wetting
in the sea (an inconvenience against which all prudent mariners take
special care to provide), I first cautioned the emperor not to be afraid, and
then I let it off in the air. The astonishment here was much greater


than at the sight of the scimitar. Hundreds fell down as if they had been
struck dead; and even the emperor, although he stood his ground, could
not recover himself for some time. I delivered up both my pistols in the

same manner as I had done my scimitar, and then my pouch of powder
and bullets; begging him that the former might be kept from fire, for
it would kindle with the smallest spark, and blow up his imperial palace
into the air. I likewise delivered up my watch, which the emperor was
very curious to see, and commanded two of his tallest yeomen of the
guards to bear in on a pole upon their shoulders, as draymen in England
do a barrel of ale. He was amazed at the continual noise it made, and
the motion of the minute-hand, which he could easily discern; for their
sight is much more acute than ours: he asked the opinions of his learned
men about it, which were various and remote, as the reader may well
imagine without my repeating ; although indeed I could not very perfectly
understand them. I then gave up my silver and copper money, my
purse with nine large pieces of gold, and some smaller ones; my knife


and razor, my comb and silver snuff-box, my handkerchief and journal-
book. My scimitar, pistols, and pouch, were conveyed in carriages to his
majesty's stores ; but the rest of my goods were returned me.
I had, as I before observed, one private pocket, which escaped their
search, wherein there was a pair of spectacles (which I sometimes use
for the weakness of mine eyes), a pocket perspective, and some other
little conveniences ; which, being of no consequence to the emperor,
I did not think myself bound in honour to discover, and I apprehended
they might be lost or spoiled, if I ventured them out of my possession.

P.;mies have always existed as isolated dwarfs, but the writers of the old
word were of opinion that the race existed as a nation, and as such are men-
tio ied by the Latin historian Pliny, and the elder Greeks, Herodotus and
Ariitotle. Ctesias, who lived in the time of Xenophon, thus speaks the opinion
and history of his own day: "In the middle of India, there are black men
called pigmies, using the same language as the other Indians; they are very
little, the tallest of them being but two cubits, and most of them but a cubit
and a-half high. They have very long hair, reaching down to their knees and
lower; and a beard larger than any man's. After their beards are grown long,
they wear no clothes, but the hair of their head falls behind, a great deal lower
than their hams, and that of their beard before comes down to their feet; then
laying their hair thick all about their body, they afterwards gird themselves,
making use of their hair for clothes. They are flat-nosed, and ill-favoured.
Their sheep are like lambs, and their oxen and asses scarcely as big as rams, and
their horses and mules, and all their other cattle, not bigger. Three thousand
of these pigmies are household troops in the service of the king of India. They
are good archers. They are very just, and use the same laws as the Indians

The word Gammachia is rendered by the ancient Biblical commentators,
pigmiess," and so the Vulgate has it. "This circumstance," as Sir Thomas
Browne remarks in his Enquiries into Vulgar Errors,' "tended greatly to con-
firm the popular belief in the existence of this fabulous race." Viewed as a
mere fiction, the account of Lilliput did not appear so extravagant in Swift's
days asit does in ours. Every one has heard the story of the Irish bishop, a
very learned man, who, having read the voyage to Lilliput, said that, "there
were some things in it, which he could not believe."

Gulliver is really an existing name. Swift had evidently forgotten he had
ever heard it, and fancied it an invention of his own: no doubt he was amused
at the discovery of his mistake; one of that family was a member of the colonial
legislature in Boston. Mr. Jonathan Gulliver, however, was at especial and
needless pains to prove the fact of "no connexion with the other house" across
the water: it seems he had no wish to be immortalized after so questionable a



Y gentleness and good behaviour had gained
so far on the emperor and his court, and
indeed upon the army and people in
general, that I began to conceive hopes of
getting my liberty in a short time. I took
all possible methods to cultivate this favour-
Sable disposition. The natives came, by

danger from me; I would sometimes lie
down, and let five or six of them dance on
my head; and at last the boys and girls would venture to come and play
at hide and seek in my hair. I had now made a good progress in under-
standing and speaking their language. The emperor had a mind one
day to entertain me with several of the country shows, wherein they
exceeded all nations I have known, both for dexterity and magnificence.
I was diverted with none so much as that of the rope-dancers, performed
upon a slender white thread extended about two feet, and twelve inches
from the ground: upon which I shall desire liberty, with the reader's
patience, to enlarge a little.
This diversion is only practised by those persons who are candidates
for great employment, and high favour at court. They are trained in
this art from their youth, and are not always of noble birth, or liberal


education. When a great office is vacant, either by death or disgrace
(which often happens), five or six of those candidates petition the
emperor to entertain his majesty and the court with a dance on the rope;
and whoever jumps the highest, without falling, succeeds in the office.
Very often the chief ministers themselves are commanded to show their
skill, and to convince the emperor that they have not lost their faculty.
Flimnap, the treasurer, is allowed to cut a caper on the straight rope, at
least an inch higher than any other lord in the whole empire. I have
seen him do the summerset* several times together, upon a trencher
fixed on a rope which is no thicker than a common packthread in England.
My friend Reldresal, principal secretary for private affairs, is in my
opinion, if I am not partial, the second after the treasurer : the rest of
the great officers are much upon a par
These diversions are often attended with fatal accidents, whereof great
numbers are on record. I myself have seen two or three candidates
break a limb. But the danger is much greater when the ministers them-
selves are commanded to show their dexterity; for, by contending to
excel themselves and their fellows, they strain so far that there is hardly
one of them who has not received a fall, and some of them two or three.
I was assured that, a year or two before my arrival, Flimnap would
infallibly have broken his neck, if one of the king's cushions, that acci-
dentally lay on the ground, had not weakened the force of his fall.
There is likewise another diversion, which is only shown before the
emperor and empress, and first minister, upon particular occasions. The
emperor lays on the table three fine silken threads of six inches long;
one is blue, the other red, and the third green. These threads are pro-
posed as prizes for those persons whom the emperor has a mind to dis-
tinguish by a peculiar mark of his favour. The ceremony is performed
in his majesty's great chamber of state, where the candidates are to
undergo a trial of dexterity, very different from the former, and such as I
have not observed the least resemblance of in any other country of the
new or old world. The emperor holds a stick in his hands, both ends
parallel to the horizon, while the candidates advancing, one by one,
sometimes leap over the stick, sometimes creep under it, backward and
forward, several times, according as the stick is advanced or depressed.
Sometimes the emperor holds one end of the stick, and his first minister
the other; sometimes the minister has it entirely to himself. Whoever
performs his part with most agility, and holds out the longest in leaping
and creeping, is rewarded with the blue-coloured silk; the red is given
to the next, and the green to the third, which they all wear girt twice
Sommerser or summersault, a gambol of a tumbler, in which he springs up, turns
heels over head in the air, and comes down upon his feet.


round about the middle; and you see few great persons about this court,
who are not adorned with one of these girdles.

The horses of the army, and those of the royal stables having been
daily led before me, were no longer shy, but would come up to my very
feet without starting. The riders would leap them over my hand, as I
held it on the ground; and one of the emperor's huntsmen, upon a large
courser, took my foot, shoe and all; which was indeed a prodigious leap,
I had the good fortune to divert the emperor one day after a very extra.
ordinary manner. I desired he would order several sticks of two feet
high, and the thickness of an ordinary cane, to be brought me; where-
upon his majesty commanded the master of his woods to give directions
accordingly; and the next morning six woodmen arrived with as many
carriages drawn by eight horses to each. I took nine of these sticks,
and fixing them firmly in the ground in a quadrangular figure, two feet
and a-half square, I took four other sticks, and tied them parallel at each
corner about two feet from the ground; then I fastened my handkerchief
to the nine sticks that stood erect; and extended it on all sides, till it
was tight as the top of a drum; and the four parallel sticks, rising about
five inches higher than-the handkerchief, served as ledges on each side,
When I had finished my work, I desired the emperor to let a troop of his
best horses, twenty-four in number, come and exercise upon this plain.
His majesty approved of the proposal, and I took them up, one by one,
in my hands, ready mounted and armed with the proper officers to exercise



them. As soon as they got into order, they divided into two parties,
performed mock skirmishes, discharged blunt arrows, drew their swords,
fled and pursued, attacked and retired, and in short, discovered the best
military discipline I ever beheld. The parallel sticks secured them and
their horses from falling over the stage; and the emperor was so much
delighted, that he ordered this entertainment to be repeated several days,
arid once was pleased to be lifted up, and give the word of command;
and with great difficulty persuaded even the empress herself to let me
hold her in her close chair within two yards of the stage, when she was
able to take a full view of the whole performance. It was my good
fortune, that no ill accident happened in these entertainments; only once,
a fiery horse that belonged to one of the captains, pawing with his hoof,
struck a hole in my handkerchief, and his foot slipping, he overthrew his
rider and himself; but I immediately relieved them both, and covering
the hole with one hand, I set down the troop with the other, in the same
manner as I took them up. The horse that fell was strained in the left
shoulder, but the rider got no hurt; and I repaired my handkerchief as
well as I could: however, I would not trust the strength of it any more,
in such dangerous enterprises.
About two or three days before I was set at liberty, as I was enter-
taining the court with this kind of feats, there arrived an express to
inform his majesty, that some of his subjects, riding near the place where
I was first taken up, had seen a great black substance lying on the
ground, very.oddly shaped, extending its edges round, as wide as his
majesty's bedchamber, and rising up in the middle as high as a man:
that it was no living creature, as they at first apprehended, for it lay on
the grass without motion; and some of them had walked round it
several times; that, by mounting upon each other's shoulders, they had
got to the top, which was flat and even, and stamping upon it, they
found that it was hollow within; that they humbly conceived it might
be something belonging to the man-mountain ; and if his majesty pleased,
they would undertake to bring it with only five horses. I presently
knew what they meant, and was glad at heart to receive this intelligence.
It seems, upon my reaching the shore after our shipwreck, I was in
such confusion, that before I came to the place where I went to sleep,
my hat, which I had fastened with a string to my head while I was
rowing, and had stuck on all the time I was swimming, fell off after I
came to land; the string, as I conjecture, breaking by some accident,
which I never observed, but thought my hat had been lost at sea. I
entreated his imperial majesty to give orders it might be brought to me
as soon as possible, describing to him the use and nature of it: and the
next day the wagoners arrived with it, but not in a very good condition;


they had bored two holes in the brim, within an inch and a-half of the
edge, and fastened two hooks in the holes; these hooks were tied by a
long cord to the harness, and thus my hat was dragged along for above
half an English mile; but, the ground in that country being extremely
smooth and level, it received less damage than I expected.
Two days after this adventure, the emperor, having ordered that part of
his army which quarters in and about his metropolis, to be in readiness,
took a fancy of diverting himself in a very singular manner. He desired
I would stand like a Colossus, with my legs as far asunder as I conveniently

could. He then commanded his general (who was an old experienced
leader and a great patron of mine,) to draw up the troops in close order,
and march them under me; the foot by twenty-four abreast, and the
horse by sixteen, with drums beating, colours flying, and pikes advanced.
This body consisted of three thousand foot, and a thousand horse. His
majesty gave orders, upon pain ef death, that every soldier in his march





should observe the strictest decency with regard to my person; which
however could not prevent: some of the younger officers from turning up
their eyes as they passed under me ; and, to confess the truth, my
breeches were at that time in so ill a condition, that they afforded some
opportunities for laughter and admiration.
I had sent so m.ian memorials and petitions for my liberty, that his
majesty at length mentioned the matter, first in the cabinet, and then in
a full council; where it was opposed by none, except Skyresh Bolgolam,
who was pleased, without any provocation, to be my mortal enemy.
But it was carried against him by the whole board, and confirmed by
the emperor. That minister was galbet, or admiral of the realm, very
much in his master's confidence, and a person well versed in affairs, but
of a morose and sour complexion. However, he was at length persuaded
to comply; but prevailed that the articles and conditions upon which I
should be set free, and to which I must swear, should be drawn up by
himself. These articles were brought to me by Skyresh Bolgolam in
person, attended by two under-secretaries, and several persons of distinc-
tion. After they were read, 1 was demanded to swear to the performance
of them: first in the manner of my own country, and afterwards in the
method prescribed by their laws ; which was, to hold my right foot in
my left hand, and to place the middle finger of my right hand on the
crown of my head, and my thumb on the tip of my right ear. But be-
cause the reader may be curious to have some idea of the style and
manner of expression peculiar to that people, as well as to know the
articles upon which I recovered my liberty, I have made a translation of
the whole instrument, word for word, as near as I was able, which I
here offer to the public:

olbasto Momarem Evlame Gurdilo Shefin Mully Ully Gue, most
mighty emperor of Lilliput, delight and terror of the universe,
whose donLnions extend five thousand blustrugs (about twelve miles in
circumference) to the extremities of the globe; monarch of all monarchs,
taller than the sons of men; whose feet press down to the centre, and
whose head strikes against the sun; at whose nod the princes of the
earth shake their knees; pleasant as the spring, comfortable as the
summer, fruitful as autumn, dreadful as the winter. His most sublime
majesty proposes to the man-mountain, lately arrived at our celestial
dominions, the following articles, which, by a solemn oath, he shall be
obliged to perform:

I. The man-mountain shall not depart from our dominions, without
our license under our great seal.


II. He shall not presume to come into our metropolis, without our
express order; at which time, the inhabitants shall have two hours
warning to keep within doors.

III. The said man-mountain shall confine his walks to our principal
high roads, and not offer to walk, or lie down, in a meadow or field of

IV. As he walks the said roads he shall take the utmost care not to
trample upon the bodies of any of our loving subjects, their horses or
carriages, nor take any of our subjects into his hands, without their
own consent.

V. If an express requires extraordinary despatch, the man-mountain
shall be obliged to carry, in his pocket, the messenger and horse a six
days' journey, once in every moon, and return the said messenger back (if
so required,) safe to our imperial presence.

VI. He shall be our ally against our enemies in the island of Blefuscu.-
and do his utmost to destroy their fleet, which is now preparing to
invade us.

VII. That the said man-mountain shall, at his time of leisure, be
aiding and assisting to our workmen, in helping to raise certain great
stones, towards covering the wall of the principal park, and other our
royal buildings.

VIII. That the said man-mountain shall, in two moons' time, deliver
in an exact survey of the circumference of our dominions, by a com-
putation of his own paces round the coast.

Lastly, That, upon his solemn oath to observe all the above articles,
the said man-mountain shall have a daily allowance of meat and drink
sufficient for the support of 1728 of our subjects, with free access to our
-oyal person, and other marks of our favour. Given at our palace at
Belfaborac, the twelfth day of the ninety-first moon of our reign.

I swore and subscribed to these articles with great cheerfulness and
content, although some of them were not so honourable as I could

In his description of Lilliput, he seems to have had England more immediately
to view. In his description of Blefuseu, he seems to intend the people and king-
dom of France.-Orrery.



have wished; which proceeded wholly from the malice of Skyresh
Bolgolam, the high-admiral; whereupon my chains were immediately
unlocked, and I was at full liberty. The emperor himself, in person,
did me the honour to be by at the whole ceremony. I made my
acknowledgments by prostrating myself at his majesty's feet: but he
commanded me to rise; and after many gracious expressions, which,
to avoid the censure of vanity, I shall not repeat, he added, that he
hoped I should prove a useful servant, and well deserve all the favours
he had already conferred upon me, or might do for the future.'
The reader may please to observe, that in the last article of the re-
covery of my liberty, the emperor stipulates to allow me a quantity of
meat and drink sufficient for the support of 1728 Lilliputians. Some
time after, asking a friend at court how they came to fix on that deter-
minate number, he told me that his majesty's mathematicians, having
taken the height of my body by the help of a quadrant, and finding it to
exceed theirs in proportion of twelve to one, they concluded, from the
similarity of their bodies, that mine must contain at least 1728 of theirs,
and consequently would require as much food as was necessary to sup-
port that number of Lilliputians. By which the reader may conceive
an idea of the ingenuity of this people, as well as the prudent and exact
economy of so great a prince.

-- LS 77


---~i 'F~

~-~-~-- -



HE first request I made, after I had obtained
my liberty, was, that I might have license
to see Mildendo, the metropolis; which
the emperor easily granted me, but with a
special charge to do no hurt either to the
i inhabitants or their houses. The people
1 1 had notice, by proclamation, of my design
to visit the town. The wall which en-
compassed it, is two feet and a-half high,
and at least eleven inches broad, so that a
coach and horses may be driven very safely
round it; and it is flanked with strong towers at ten feet distance. I
stepped over the great western gate, and passed very gently and sideling
through the two. principal streets only in my shc -t waistcoat, for
fear of damaging the roofs and eaves of the houses with the skirts of
my coat. I walked with the utmost circumspection, to avoid treading on
any stragglers who might remain in the streets; although the orders
were very strict, that all people should keep in their houses, at their own
peril. The garret windows and tops of houses were so crowded with


spectators, that I thought in all my travels I had not seen a more popu-
lous place. The city is an exact square, each side of the wall bei~g five

hundred feet long. The two great streets, which run across and divide
it into four quarters, are five feet wide. The lanes and alleys, which I
could not enter, but only viewed them as I passed, are from twelve to
eighteen inches. The town is capable of holding five hundred
thousand souls: the houses are from three to five stories: the shops and
markets well provided.
The emperor's palace is in the centre of the city where the two great
streets meet. It is enclosed by a wall of two feet high, and twenty feet
distant from the building. I had his majesty's permission to step over
this wall; and the space being so wide between that and the palace, I
could easily view it on every side. The outward court is a square of forty
feet, and includes two other courts : in the inmost are the royal apart-
ments, which I was very desirous to see, but found it extremely difficult;
for the great gates, from one square into another, were but eighteen inches
high, and seven inches wide. Now the buildings of the outer court were
at least five feet high, and it was impossible for me to stride over them
without infinite damage to the pile, though the walls were strongly built
of hewn stone, and four inches thick. At the same time, the emperor
nad a great desire that I should see the magnificence of his palace; but
this I was not able to do till three days after, which I spent in cutting down,
with my knife, some of the largest trees in the royal park, about a hun-


dred yards' distance from the city. Of these trees I made two stools,
each about three feet high, and strong enough to bear my weight. The
people having received notice a second time, I went again through the
city to the palace, with my two stools in my hands. When I came to
the side of the outer court, I stood upon one stool, and took the other in
my hand; this I lifted over the roof, and gently set it down on the space
between the first and second court, which was eight feet wide. I then

stepped over the building very conveniently from one stool to ,the other,
and drew up the first after me with a hooked stick. By this contrivance
I got into the inner court; and lying down upon my side, I applied my
face to the windows of the middle stories, which were left open on pur-
pose, and discovered the most splendid apartments that could be ima-
gined. There I saw the empress and the young princes, in their several
lodgings, with their chief attendants about them. Her imperial majesty
was pleased to smile very graciously upon me, and gave me out of the
window her hand to kiss.
But I shall not anticipate the reader with further descriptions of this
kind; because I reserve them for a greater work, which is now almost
ready for the press; containing a general description of this empire,
from its first erection, through a long series of princes ; with a particular
account of their wars and politics, laws, learning and religion ; their plants
and animals; their peculiar manners and customs, with others matters
very curious and useful; my chief design at present being only to relate



such events and transactions as happened to the public or to myself
during a residence of about nine months in that empire.
One morning, about a fortnight after I had obtained my liberty,
Reldresal, principal secretary (as they style him,) for private affairs, came
to my house, attended only by one servant. He ordered his coach to wait
at a distance, a-d desired I would give him an hour's audience; which
I readily consented to, on account of his quality and personal merits, as
well as of the many good offices he had done me during my solicitations
at court. I offered to lie down, that he might the more conveniently
reach my ear; but he chose rather to let me hold him in my hand during
our conversation. He began with compliments on my liberty said he
might pretend to some merit in it;" but however added, that if it had
not been for the present situation of things at court, perhaps I might not
have obtained it so soon. For," said he, as flourishing a condition as we
may appear to be in to foreigners, we labour under two mighty evils; a
violent faction at home, and the danger of an invasion by a most potent
enemy from abroad. As to the first, you are to understand, that for
above seventy moons past there has been two struggling parties in this
empire, under the name Tramecksan and Slamecksan,* from the high and
low heels of their shoes, by which they distinguish themselves. It is
alleged, indeed, that the high heels are most agreeable to our ancient
constitution; but, however this be, his majesty has determined to make
use only of low heels in the administration of the government, and all
offices in the gift of the crown, as you cannot but observe ; and particu-
larly that his majesty's imperial heels are lower by at least a drurr than
any of his court (drurr is a measure about the fourteenth part of an
inch). The animosities between these two parties run so high, that they
will neither eat, nor drink, nor talk with each other. We compute the
Tramecksan, or high heels, to exceed us in number; but the power is
wholly on our side. We apprehend his imperial highness, the heir to
the crown, to have some tendency towards the high heels ; at least we
can plainly discover that one of his heels is higher than the other, which
gives him a hobble in his gait. Now, in the midst of these intestine dis-
quiets, we are threatened with an invasion from the island of Blefuscu,
which is the other great empire of the universe, almost as large and
powerful as this of his majesty. For as to what we have heard you
affirm, that there are other kingdoms and states in the world inhabited by

High and low church, or whig and tory. As every accidental difference between
man and man in person and circumstances is by this work rendered extremely
contemptible ; so speculative differences are shown to be equally ridiculous, when
the zeal with which they are opposed and defended too much exceeds their im-


human creatures as large as yourself, our philosophers are in much doubt,
and would rather conjecture that you dropped from the moon, or one of
the stars; because it is certain, that a hundred mortals of your bulk
would in a short time destroy all the fruits and cattle of his majesty's
dominions: besides, our histories of six thousand moons make no men-
tion of any other regions than the two great empires of Lilliput and
Blefuscu. Which two mighty powers have, as I was going to tell you,
been engaged in a most obstinate war for six and thirty moons past. It
began upon the following occasion: it is allowed on all hands, that the
primitive way of breaking eggs, before we eat them, was upon the larger
end; but his majesty's grandfather, while he was a boy, going to eat
an egg, and breaking it according to the ancient practice, happened to
cut one of his fingers; whereupon the emperor his father published an
edict, commanding all his subjects, upon great penalties, to break the
smaller end of their eggs. The people so highly resented this law, that
our histories tell us, there have been six rebellions raised on that account;
wherein one emperor lost his life, and another his crown. These civil
commotions were constantly fomented by the monarch? of Blefuscu; and
when they were quelled, the exiles always fled for refuge to that empire.
It is computed that eleven thousand persons have at several times'suffered
death rather than submit to break their eggs at the smaller end. Many
hundred large volumes have been published upon this controversy: but
the books of the Big-endians have been long forbidden, and the whole party
rendered incapable by law of holding employment. During the course of
these troubles, the emperors of Blefuscu did frequently expostulate by their
ambassadors, accusing us of making a schism in religion, by offending
against a fundamental doctrine of our great prophet Lustrog, in the fifty-
fourth chapter of the Blundecral, which is their Alcoran. This however
is thought to be a mere strain upon the text; for the words are these:
that all true believers break their eggs at the convenient end; and which
is the convenient end, seems, in my humble opinion, to be left to every
man's conscience, or at least in the power of the chief magistrate to de-
termine. Now, the Big-endian exiles have found so much credit in the
emperor of Blefuscu's court, and so much private assistance and encou-
ragement from their private party here at home, that a bloody war has
been carried on between the two empires for six-and-thirty moons, with
varied success; during which time we have lost forty capital ships,
and a much greater number of smaller vessels, together with thirty thou-
sand of our best seamen and soldiers; and the damage received by the
enemy is reckoned to be somewhat greater than ours. However, they
have now equipped a numerous fleet, and are just preparing to make
a descent upon us; and his imperial majesty, placing great confidence in


your valour and strength, has commanded me to lay this account of his
affairs before you."
I desired the secretary to present my humble duty to the emperor; and
to let him him know, that I thought it would not become me, who was
a foreigner, to interfere with parties ; but I was ready, with the hazard
of my life, to defend his person and state against all invaders."

Gulliver without examining the subject of dispute readily engaged to defend
the emperor against invasion; because he knew that no such monarch had a
right to invade the dominions of another for the propagation of truth -H.



'I "'- i~i empire of Blefuscu is an island situated
to the north-east of Lilliput, from in hii it
S, ..-'. is parted only by a channel of eight hundred
S' yards wide. I had not yet seen it, and
." upon this notice of an intended invasion, I
'" .. avoided appearing on that side of the coast,
for fear of being discovered by some of the
SI '' J enemy's ships, who had received no intelli.
S -gence of me; all intercourse between the
Stwo empires having been strictly forbidden
during the war, upon pain of death, and an embargo laid by our emperor
upon all vessels whatsoever. I communicated to his majesty a project I
had formed, of seizing the enemy's whole fleet; which, as our scouts
assured us, lay at anchor in the harbour, ready to sail with the first fair
wind. I consulted the most experienced seamen upon the depth of the
channel, which they had often plumbed; who told me, that in the middle
at high water it was seventy glumglufs deep. which is about six feet of
European measure; and the rest of it fifty glumrluffs at most. I


walked'towards the north-east coast, over against Blefuscu ; where, lying
down oenind a hillock, I took out my small perspective glass, and viewed
the enemy's fleet at anchor, consisting of about fifty men of war, and
a great number of transports: I then came back to my house, and
gave orders (for which I had a warrant) for a great quantity of the
strongest cable and bars of iron. The cable was about as thick
as packthread, and the bars of the length and size of a knitting-needle.
I trebled the cable to make it stronger, and for the same reason I
twisted three of the iron bars together, bending the extremities into a
hook. Having thus fixed fifty hooks to as many cables, I went back to
the north-east coast, and putting off my coat, shoes, and stockings, walk d
into the sea, in my leather jerkin, about half an hour before high water,
I waded with what haste I could, and swam in the middle about thirty
yards, till I felt ground. I arrived at the fleet in less than half an hour.
The enemy were so frightened when they saw me, that they leaped out Lf

"- .

.-^ ._o ---- '=

their ships and swam to shore, where there could not be fewer than
thirty thousand souls: I then took my tackling, and fastening a hook to
the hole at the prow of each, I tied all the cords together at the end.
While I was thus employed, the enemy discharged several thousand
arrows, many of which stuck in my hands and face; and, besides the
excessive smart, gave me much disturbance in my work. My greatest
apprehension was for mine eyes, which I should have infallibly lost, if I
had not suddenly thought of an expedient. I kept, among other little
necessaries, a pair of spectacles, in a private pocket, which, as I observed
IIei s ipsad wmto hrweeteecol o efwrt
thirty~------ tosnsos: thntomyaclig an ateiga okt
t~~ oe.t h roofecitiedaltecod oehr ttee
"While~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~~~r I a hsepoyd h n Ischrgdsvrltoan
arrws may f wic stckinmhndadfce;nbsdste


before, had escaped the emperor's searchers. These I took out, and
fastened as strongly as I could upon my nose, and thus armed, went on
boldly with my work, in spite of the enemy's arrows, many of which
struck against the glasses of my spectacles, but without any other effect
than a little to discompose them. I had now fastened al! the hooks, and
taking the knot in my hand, began to pull; but not a ship would stir, for
they were all too fast held by their anchors; so that the boldest part of my
enterprise remained. I therefore let go the cord, and leaving the hooks fixed
to the ships, I resolutely cut with my knife the cables that fastened the
anchors, receiving about two hundred shots in my face and hands; then
I took up the knotted end of the cables, to which my hooks were tied,
and with the greatest ease drew fifty of the enemy's largest men of war
after me.
The Blefuscudians, who had not the least imagination of what I intended.
were at first confounded with astonishment. They had seen me cut the
cables, and thought my design was only to let the ships run adrift, or
fall foul of each other: but when they perceived the whole fleet moving
in order, and saw me pulling at the end, they set up such a scream of
grief and despair as it is almost impossible to describe or conceive.
When-I had got out of danger, I stopped awhile to pick out the arrows
that stuck in my hands and face; and rubbed on some of the same
ointment that was given me on my first arrival, as I have formerly
mentioned. I then took off my spectacles, and waiting about an hour,
till the tide was a little fallen, I waded through the middle with my
cargo, and arrived safe at the royal port of Lilliput.
The emperor and his whole court stood on the shore, expecting the
issue of this great adventure. They saw the ships move forward in a
large half-moon, but could not discern me, who was up to my breast in
water. When I advanced to the middle of the channel, they were yet in
pain, because I was under water to my neck. The emperor concluded
me to be drowned, and that the enemy's fleet was approaching in
a hostile manner : but he was soon eased of his fears ; for the channel
growing shallower every step I made, I came in a short time within
hearing, and holding up the end of the cable, by which the fleet was
fastened, I cried in a loud voice, Long live the most puissant king
of Lilliput!" This great prince received me at my landing with all
possible encomiums, and created me a nardac upon the spot, which is the
highest title of honour among them.
His majesty desired I would take some other opportunity of bringing
all the rest of his enemy's ships into his ports. And so immeasurable is
the ambition of princes, that he seemed to think of nothing less than
reducing the whole empire of Blefuscu into a province, and governing it


by a viceroy; of destroying the Big-endian exiles, and compelling that
people to break the smaller end of their eggs, by which he would remain
the sole monarch of the whole world. But I endeavoured to divert him
from this design, by many arguments drawn from the topics of policy as
well as justice; and I plainly protested, "that I would, never be an
instrument of bringing a free and brave people into slavery ;" and, when
the matter was debated in council, the wisest part of the ministry were
of my opinion.
This open bold declaration of mine was so opposite to the schemes and
politics of his imperial majesty, that he could never forgive me. He men-
tioned it in a very artful manner at council, where I was told that some
of the wisest appeared at least, by their silence, to be of my opinion; but
others, who were my enemies, could not forbear some expressions which
by a side wind reflected on me; and from this time began an intrigue be-
tween his majesty, and a junto of ministers, maliciously bent against me,
which broke out in less than two months, and had like to have ended in
my utter destruction. Of so little weight are the greatest services to
princes, when put into the balance with a refusal to gratify their passions,
About three weeks after this exploit, there arrived a solemn embassy
from Blefuscu, with humble offers of a peace; which was soon concluded
upon conditions very advantageous to our emperor, wherewith I shall
not trouble the reader. There were six ambassadors, with a train of
about five hundred persons: and their entry was very magnificent,
suitable to the grandeur of their master, and the importance of their
business. When their treaty was finished, wherein I did them several
good offices by the credit I now had, or at least appeared to have, at
court, their excellencies, who were privately told how much I had been
their friend, made me a visit in form. They began with many compli-
ments upon my valour and generosity, invited me to that kingdom, in
the emperor their master's name, and desired me to show them some
proofs of my prodigious strength, of which they had heard so many
wonders; wherein I readily obliged them, but shall not trouble the reader
with the particulars.
When I had for some time entertained their excellencies, to their infi-
nite satisfaction and surprise, I desired they would do me the honour to
present my most humble respects to the emperor their master, the renown
of whose virtues had so justly filled the whole world with admiration,
and whose royal person I resolved to attend, before I returned to my
own country. Accordingly, the next time I had the honour to see the
emperor, I desired his general license to wait on the Blefuscudian
monarch, which he was pleased to grant me, as I could perceive, in a
very cold manner; but could not guess the reason, till I had a whisper


from a certain person, that Flimnap and Bolgolam had represented my
intercourse with those ambassadors as a mark of disaffection ;" from
which I am sure my heart was wholly free. And this was the first time
I began to conceive some imperfect idea of courts and ministers.
It is to be observed, that these ambassadors spoke to me by an inter-
preter, the languages of both empires differing as much from each other
as any two in Europe, and each nation priding itself upon the antiquity,
beauty, and energy of their own tongue, with an avowed contempt of
that of their neighbour: yet our emperor, standing upon the advantage
he had got by the seizure of their fleet, obliged them to deliver their cre-
dentials, and make their speech, in the Lilliputian tongue. And it must
be confessed, that from the great intercourse of trade and commerce be-
tween both realms; from the continual reception of exiles which is
mutual among them; and from the custom, in each empire, to send their
young nobility and richer gentry to the other, in order to polish them-
selves by seeing the world, and understanding men and manners ; there
are few persons of distinction, or merchants, or seamen, who dwell in the
maritime parts, but what can hold conversation in both tongues ; as I
found some weeks after, when I went to pay my respects to the emperor
of Blefuscu, which, in the midst of great misfortunes through the malice
of my enemies, proved a very happy adventure to me, as I shall relate in
its proper place.
The reader may remember, that when I signed those articles upon
which I recovered my liberty, there were some which I disliked, upon
account of their being too servile: neither could any thing but an extreme
necessity have forced me to submit. But being now a nardec of the
highest rank in that empire, such offices were looked upon as below my
dignity, and the emperor (to do him justice) never once mentioned them to
me. However, it was not long before I had an opportunity of doing his
majesty, at least as I then thought, a most signal service. I was alarmed
at midnight by the cries of many hundred people at the door ; by which,
being suddenly awaked, I was in some kind of terror. I heard the word
burylum repeated incessantly : several of the emperor's court, making
their way through the crowd, entreated me to come immediately to the
palace, where her imperial majesty's apartment was on fire, by the careless-
ness of a maid of honour, who fell asleep while she was reading a ro-
mance. I got up in an instant ; and orders were given to clear the way
before me, and it being likewise a moonlight night, I made a shift to get
to the palace without trampling on any of the people. I found they
had already applied ladders to the walls of the apartment, and were well
provided with buckets, but the water was at some distance. These
buckets were about the size of a large thimble, and the poor people


supplied me with them as fast as they could ; but the flame was so
violent that they did little good. I might easily have stifled it with my
coat, which I unfortunately left behind me for haste, and came away only
.n my leathernjerkin. The case seemed wholly desperate and deplorable
and this magnificent palace would have infallibly been burned down to the
ground, if, by a presence of mind unusual to me, I had not suddenly
thought of an expedient.
I had the evening before drunk plentifully of a most delicious wine,
called glimigrim (the Blefuscudians call itflunec, but ours is esteemed the
better sort,) which is very diuretic. By the luckiest chance in the world,
I had not discharged myself of any part of it. The heat I had contracted
by coming very near the flames, and by labouring to quench them, made
the wine begin to operate by urine; which I voided in such a quantity,
and applied so well to the proper places, that in three minutes the fir-
was wholly extinguished, and the rest of that noble pile, which had- co
so many ages in erecting, preserved from destruction.
It was now daylight, and I returned to my house without waiting
to congratulate the emperor; because, although I had done a very
eminent piece of service, yet I could not tell how his majesty might resent
the manner by which I had performed it: for, by the fundamental laws
of the realm, it is capital in any person, of what quality soever, to make
water within the precincts of the palace. But I was a little comforted by
a message from his majesty, "that he would give orders to the grand
justiciary for passing my pardon in form ;" which, however, I could not
obtain ; and I was privately assured, that the empress, conceiving the
greatest abhorence of what I had done, removed to the most distant side
of the court, firmly resolved that those buildings should never be repaired
for her use ; and, in the presence of her chief confidants, could not
forbear vowing revenge.



*]LTHOUGH I intend to leave the description
of this empire to a particular treatise, yet,
in the mean time, I am content to gratify
the curious reader with some general ideas.
As the common size of the natives is some-
what under six inches high, so there is an
exact proportion in all other animals, as well
as plants and trees : for instance, the tallest
horses and oxen are between four and five
inches in height, the sheep an inch and
a-half, more or less; their geese about the bigness of a sparrow, and so
the several gradations downwards, till you come to the smallest, which,
to my sight, were almost invisible; but nature has adapted the eyes of
the Lilliputians to all objects proper for their view: they. see with great
exactness, but at no great distance. And to show the sharpness or
their sight towards objects that are near, I have been much pleased with
observing a cook pulling a lark which was not as large as the common
fly; and a young girl threading an invisible needle with invisible silk.
Their tallest trees are about seven feet high: I mean some of those in


the great royal parK, the tops whereof I could but just reach with my
fist clenched. The other vegetables are in the same proportion; but this
I leave to the reader's imagination.
I shall say but little at present of their learning, which, for many ages,
has flourished in all its branches among them: but their manner of
writing is very peculiar, being neither from the left to the right, like the
Europeans; nor from the right to the left, like the Arabians ; nor from
up to down, like the Chinese ; but, aslant, from one corner of the paper
to the other, like ladies in England.
They bury their dead with their heads directly downwards, because
they hold an opinion, that in eleven thousand moons they are all to rise

~- ~ ~ --- _ _

again; in which period the earth (which they conceive to be flat,) will
turn upside down, and by this means they shall, at their resurrection, be
found ready standing on their feet. The learned among them confess the
absurdity of this doctrine; but the practice still continues, in com-
pliance to the vulgar.
There are some laws and customs in this empire very peculiar; and if
they were not so directly contrary to those of my own dear country, I
should be tempted to say a little in their justification. It is only to be
wished they were as well executed. The first I shall mention, relates to
informers. All crimes against the state are punished here with the
utmost severity ; but, if the person accused makes his innocence plainly


to appear upon his trial, the accuser is immediately put to an ignominious
death; and out of his goods or lands the innocent person is quadruply
recompensed for the loss of his time, for the danger he underwent, for
the hardship of his imprisonment, and for all the charges he has been at
in making his defence ; or, if that fund be insufficient, it is largely supplied
by the crown. The emperor also confers on him some public mark of
his favour, and proclamation of his innocence is made throughout the
whole city.
They look upon fraud as a greater crime than theft, and therefore
seldom fail to punish it with death; for they allege, that care and
vigilance, with a very common understanding, may preserve a man's
goods from thieves, but honesty has no fence against superior cunning;
and since it is necessary that there should be a perpetual intercourse of
buying and selling, and dealing upon credit; where fraud is permitted
and connived at, or has no law to punish it, the honest dealer is always
undone, and the knave gets the advantage. I remember, when I was
once interceding with the king for a criminal who had wronged his
master of a great sum of money, which he had received by order, and
ran away with; and happened to tell his majesty, by way of extenuation,
that it was only a breach of trust, the emperor thought it monstrous in
me to offer as a defence the greatest aggravation of the crime; and truly
I had little to say in return, further than the common answer, that
different nations had different customs; for, I confess, I was heartily
Although we usually call reward and punishment the two hinges upon
which all government turns, yet I could never observe this maxim to be
put in practice by any nation, except that of Lilliput. Whoever can
there bring sufficient proof, that he has strictly observed the laws of his
country for seventy-three moons, has a claim to certain privileges, ac-
cording to his quality or condition in life, with a proportionate sum of
money out of a fund appropriated for that use: he likewise acquires the
title of snilpall, or legal, which is added to his name, but does not
descend to his posterity. And these people thought it a prodigious
defect of policy among us, when I told them that our laws were enforced
only by penalties, without any mention of reward. It is upon this account
that the image of Justice, in their courts of judicature, is formed with six
eyes, two before, as many behind, and on each side one, to signify cir-
cumspection; with a bag of gold open in her right hand, and a sword
sheathed in her left, to show she is more disposed to reward than to
An art of parliament has been since passed, by which some breaches of trust
have been made capital.


In choosing persons for all employment, they have more regard to
good morals than to great abilities; for, since government is necessary to-
mankind, they believe that the common size of human understanding is
fitted to some station or other; and that Providence never intended to
make the management of public affairs a mystery to be comprehended
only by a few persons of sublime genius, of which there are seldom three
born in an age: but they suppose truth, justice, temperance and the like,
to be in every man's power; the practice of which virtues, assisted by
experience and a good intention, would qualify any man for the service of
his country, except where a course of study is required. But they
thought the want of moral virtues was so far from being supplied by
superior endowments of the mind, that employment could never be put
into such dangerous hands as those of persons so qualified ; and at least,
that the mistakes committed by ignorance, in. a virtuous disposition
would never be of such fatal consequence to the public weal, as the
practices of a man, whose inclinations led him to be corrupt, and who
had great abilities to manage, to multiply, and defend his corruptions.
In like manner, the disbelief of a Divine Providence renders a man
incapable of holding any public station : for since kings avow themselves
to be the' deputies of Providence, the L.,ll;i.,r.ii, think nothing can be
more absurd than for a, prince- to employ such men as disown the
authority under which he acts.
In relating these and the following laws, I would only be understood
to mean the original institutions, and not the most scandalous corruptions,
into which these people are fallen by the degenerate nature of man.
For, as to that infamous practice of acquiring great employment by
dancing on the ropes, or badges of favour and distinction by leaping
over sticks and creeping under them, the reader is to observe, that they
were first introduced by thel gi.n.nl.Ither ,u the emperor now reigning,
and grew to the present height by the gradual increase of party and
Ingratitude is among them a capital crime, as we read it to have been
insome other countries: for they reason thus : that whoever makes ill
return to his benefactor, must needs be a common enemy to the, rest of
mankind, from whom he has received no obligation, and therefore such
a man is not fit to live.
Their notions relating to the duties of parents and children differ
extremely from ours. For since the conjunction of male and female is
founded upon the great law of nature, in order-to propagate and continue
the species, the Lilliputians will needs have it, that men and women are
joined together, like other animals, by the motives of concupiscence;
and that their tenderness towards their young proceeds from the like


natural principle : for which reason, they will never allow that a child is
under any obligation to his father for begetting him, or to his mother for
bringing him into the world : which, considering the miseries of human
life, was neither a benefit in itself, nor intended so by his parents, whose
thoughts, in their love encounters, were otherwise employed. Upon
these, and the like reasoning, their opinion is, that parents are the last
of all others to be trusted with the education of their own children; and
therefore they have in every town public nurseries, where all parents,
except cottagers and labourers, are obliged to serid their infants of both
sexes to be reared and educated, when they come to the age of twenty
moons, at which time they are supposed to have some rudiments of docility.
These schools are of several kinds, suited to different qualities, and both
sexes. They have certain professors well skilled in preparing children for
iuch a condition of life as befits the ranks of their parents, and their own
caprices as well .as inclinations. I shall first say something of the male
nurseries, and then of the female.

The nurseries for males of noble or eminent birth, are provided with
grave and learned professors and their several deputies. The clothes and
food of the children are plain and simple. They are bred up in the prin-
ciples of honour, justice, courage, modesty, clemency, religion, and
love of their country ; they are always employed in some business, ex-
cept in the times of eating and sleeping, which are very short, and two


hours for diversions, consisting of bodily exercises. They are dressed by
men till four years of age, and then, are obliged to dress themselves,
although their quality be ever so great; and the women attendants, who
are aged proportionably to ours at fifty, perform only the most menial
offices. They are never suffered to converse with servants, but go together
in smaller or greater numbers to take their diversions, and always in the
presence of a professor, or one of his deputies ; whereby they avoid those
early bad impressions of folly and vice, to which our children are subject.
Their parents are suffered to see them only twice a year : the visit is to
last but an hour; they are allowed to kiss the child at meeting and
parting; but a professor, who always stands by on those occasions, will
not suffer them to whisper, or use any fondling expressions, or bring any
presents of toys, sweetmeats, and the like.
The pension from each family for the education and entertainment
of a child, upon failure of due payment, is levied by the emperor's
The nurseries for children of ordinary gentlemen, merchants, traders,
and handicrafts, are managed proportionably after the same manner; only
those designed for trades are put out apprentices at eleven years old:
whereas, those of persons of quality continue in their exercises till fifteen,
which answers to twenty-one with us; but the confinement is gradually
lessened for the last three years.
In the female nurseries, the young girls of quality are educated much
like the males, only they are dressed by orderly servants of their own
sex; but always in the presence of a professor or deputy, till they come
to dress themselves, which is at five years old. And if it be found that
these nurses ever presume to entertain the girls with frightful or foolish
stories, or the common follies practised by chambermaids among us, they
are publicly whipped thrice about the city, imprisoned for a year, and
banished for life to the most desolate part of the country. Thus, the
young ladies there are ae much ashamed of being cowards and fools as the
men; and despise all personal ornaments, beyond decency and cleanliness:
neither did I perceive any difference in their education made by their
difference of sex, only that the exercises of the females were not
altogether so robust: and that some rules were given them relating to
domestic life, and a smaller compass of learning was enjoined them : for
their maxim is, that among people of quality, a wife should always be a
reasonable and agreeable companion, because she cannot always be
young. When the girls are twelve years old, which among them is the
marriageable age, their parents or guardians take them home, with great
expressions of gratitude to the professors, and seldom without the tears
of the young lady and her companions.


In the nurseries of females of the meaner sort, the children are
instructed in all kinds of works proper for their sex, and their several
degrees; those intended for apprentices are dismissed at seven years old;
the rest are kept to eleven.
The meaner families who have children at these nurseries, are obliged,
beside their annual pension, which is as low as possible, to return to
the steward of the nursery a small monthly share of their getting, to be
a portion for the child; and therefore all parents are limited in their
expenses by the law. For the Lilliputians think nothing can be more
unjust, than for people, in subservience to their own appetites, to bring
children into the world, and leave the burden of supporting them on the
public. As to persons of quality, they give security to appropriate a
certainn sum for each child, suitable to their condition: and these funds
%re always managed with good husbandry and the most exact justice.
The cottagers and labourers keep their children at home, their
business being only to till and cultivate the earth, and therefore their
education is of little consequence to the public : but the old and diseased
among them are supported by hospitals; for begging is a trade unknown
m this empire.
And here it may, perhaps, divert the curious reader, to give some
S account of my domestics, and my manner of living in this country,
during a residence of nine months and thirteen days. Having a head
mechanically turned, and being likewise forced by necessity, I had made
for myself a table and chair convenient enough, out of the largest trees in
the royal park. Two hundred seampstresses were employed to make me
shirts, and linen, for my bed and table, all of the strongest and coarsest
kind they could get; which however, they were forced to quilt together
in several folds, for the thickest was some degrees finer than lawn.
Their linen is usually three inches wide, and three feet make a piece.
The seampstresses took my measure as I lay on the ground, one standing
at my neck,-and another at my middle, with a strong cord extended,
that each held by the end, while a third measured the length of the
cord with the rule of an inch long. Then they measured my right
thumb, and desired no more; for by a mathematical computation, that
twice round the thumb is once round the wrist, and so on to the neck
and waist, and by the help of my old shirt, which I displayed on the
ground before them for a pattern, they fitted me exactly. Three hundred
tailors were employed in the same manner to make me clothes; but
they had another contrivance for taking my measure. I kneeled down
and they raised a ladder from the ground to my necl ; upon this ladder
one of them mounted, and let fall a plumbline from my collar to the
floor, which just answered the length of my coat; but my waist and


arms I measured myself. When my clothes were finished, which was
done in my house (for the largest of theirs would not have been able to
hold them), they looked like the patch-work made by ladies in England,
only that mine were al1 of a colour.

I had three hundred cooks to dress my victuals, in little convenient
huts, built about my house, where they and their families lived, and pre-
pared two dishes a-piece. I took up twenty waiters in my hand and placed
them on the table : a hundred more attended below on the ground, some
with dishes of meat, and some with barrels of wine and other liquors slung
on their shoulders : all which the waiters above drew up, as I wanted, in a
very ingenious manner, by certain cords, as we draw the bucket up a well
in Europe. A dish of their meat was a good mouthful, and a barrel of their
liquor a reasonable draught. Their mutton yields to ours, but their beef is
excellent. I have had a sirloin so large that I have been forced to make
three bites of it; but this is rare. My servants were astonished to see me
eat it bones and all, as in our country we do the leg of a lark. Their geese
and turkeys I usually ate at a mouthful, and I confess they far exceed ours.
Of their smaller fowl I could take up twentyor thirty at the end of my knife.
One day his imperial majesty, being informed of my way of living,
desired that himself and his royal consort, with the young princes of
the blood of both sexes, might have the happiness," as he was pleased
to call it, of dining with me." They came accordingly, and I placed
them in chairs of state, upon my table, just over against me, with their
guards about them. Flimnap, the lord high treasurer, attended there
likewise with his white staff; and I observed he often looked on me


with a sour countenance, which I would not seem to regard, but ate more
than usual in honour to my dear country, as well as to fill the court with
admiration. I have some private reasons to believe, that this visit from his
majesty gave Flimnap an opportunity of doing me ill offices to his mas-
ter. That minister had always been my secret enemy, though he out-
wardly caressed me more than was usual to the moroseness of his nature.
He represented to the emperor the low condition of his treasury; that
he was forced to take up money at a great discount; that exchequer
bills would not circulate under nine per cent. below par; that I had cost
his majesty above a million and a half of sprugs (their greatest gold coin,
about the bigness of a spangle); and, upon the whole, that it would be
advisable in the emperor to take the first fair occasion of dismissing me."
I am here obliged to vindicate the reputation of an excellent lady, who
was an innocent sufferer upon my account. The treasurer took a fancy
to be jealous of his wife, from the malice of some evil tongues, who
informed him that her grace had taken a violent affection for my
person; and the court scandal ran for some time, that she once came
privately to my lodging. This I solemnly declare to be a most infamous
falsehood, without any grounds, further than that her grace was pleased
to treat me with all innocent marks of freedom and friendship. I own
she came often to my house, but always publicly, nor ever without three

.-*. = t u-I'r"""7 -- i ,n*
more in the coach, who were usually her sister and young daughter, and
some particular acquaintance: but this was common to many other
ladies of the court: and I will appeal to my servants around, whether
they at any time saw a coach at my door without their knowing what per-
sons were in it. On those occasions, when a servant had given me notice.


my custom was to go immediately to the door; and, after paying my
respects, to take up the coach and two horses very carefully in my hands
(for, if there were six horses, the postillion always unharnessed four),
and place them on a table, where I had fixed a moveable rim quite round,
of five inches high, to prevent accidents; and I have often had four
coaches and horses at once on my table, full of company, while I sat in
my chair leaning my face towards them; and while I was engaged with
one set, the coachmen would gently drive the others round my table.
I have passed many an afternoon very agreeably in these conversations.
But I defy the treasurer, or his two informers ( I will name them, and let
them make the best of it), Clustril and Drunlo, to prove that any person
ever came to me incognito, except the secretary Reldresal, who was sent
by express command of his imperial majesty, as I have before related.
I should not have dwelt so long upon this particular, if it had not been
a point wherein the reputation of a great lady is so nearly concerned, to
say nothing of my own; though I then had the honour to be a nardac,
which the treasurer himself is not; for all the world knows, that he is
only a glumglum, a title inferior by one degree, as that of a marquis is to
a duke in England; yet I allow he preceded me in right of his post.
These false informations, which I afterwards came to the knowledge of by
an accident not proper to mention, made the treasurer show his lady for
some time an ill countenance, and me a worse; and although he was at
last undeceived and reconciled to her, yet I lost all credit with him, and
found my interest decline very fast with the emperor himself, who was,
indeed, too much governed by that favourite.




EFORE I proceed to give an account of my
Leaving this kingdom, it may be proper to
inform the reader of a private intrigue, which
had been for two months forming against
I had been hitherto, all my life, a stranger
to courts, for which I was unqualified by
the meanness of my condition. I had, in-
deed, heard and read enough of the dispo-
sitions of great princes and ministers ; but
never expected to have found such terrible
effects of them in so remote a country, governed, as I thought, by very
different maxims from those in Europe.
While I was just preparing to pay my attendance on the emperor of
Blefuscu, a considerable person at court (to whom I had been very ser-
viceable, at a time when- he lay under the highest displeasure of his
imperial majesty.) came to my house very privately at night, in a close
chair; and, without sending in his name, desired admittance. The chair-
men were dismissed; I put the chair, with his lordship in it, into my


coat-pocket; and, giving orders to a trusty servant to say I was indis-
posed and gone to sleep, I fastened the door of my house, placed the
chair on the table, according to my usual custom, and sat down by it.
After the common salutations were over, observing his lordship's coun-
tenance full of concern, and inquiring into the reason, he desired I
would hear him with patience, in a matter that highly concerned my
honour and my life." His speech was to the following effect, for I took
notes of it as soon as he left me :-
"You are to know," said he, that several committees of council have
lately been called in the most private manner, on your account; and it is
but two days since his majesty came to a full resolution.
"You are very sensible that Skyresh Bolgolam (galbet or high-ad-
miral,) has been your mortal enemy, almost ever since your arrival. His
original reasons I know not; but his hatred is increased since your great
success against Blefuscu, by which his glory as admiral is much obscured.
This lord, in conjunction with Flimnap, the high-treasurer, whose enmity
against you is notorious on account of his lady; Limtoc, the general;
Lalcon, the chamberlain; and Balmuff, the grand justiciary, have pre-
pared articles of impeachment against you, for treason and other capital

This preface made me so impatient, being conscious of my own merits
and innocence, that I was going to interrupt him; when he entreated me
to be silent, and thus proceeded:-


Out of gratitude for the favours you have done me, I procured infor-
mation of the whole proceedings, and a copy of the articles; wherein I
ventured my head for your service."



'Whereas, by a statute made in the reign of his imperial majesty,
Calin Deffar Plune, it is enacted, that, whoever shall make water within
the precincts of the royal palace, shall be liable to the pains and penalties
of high treason; notwithstanding, the same Quinbus Flestrin, in open
breach of the said law, under colour of extinguishing the fire kindled in
the apartment of his majesty's most dear imperial consort, did maliciously,
traitorously, and devilishly, by discharge of his urine, put out the said
fire kindled in the said apartment, lying and being within the precincts of
the said royal palace, against the statute in that case provided, etc.
against the duty, etc.


'That the said Quinbus Flcstrin, having brought the imperial fleet of
Blefuscu into the royal port, and being afterwards commanded by his
imperial majesty to seize all the other ships of the said empire of Blefuscu,
and reduce that empire to a province, to be governed by a viceroy from
hence, and to destroy and put to death, not only all the Big-endian exiles,
but likewise all the people of that empire who would not immediately
forsake the Big-endian heresy; he, the said Flestrin, like a false traitor
against his most auspicious, serene, imperial majesty, did petition to
be excused from the said service, upon pretence of unwillingness to
force the consciences, or destroy the liberties and lives of an innocent


'That, whereas certain ambassadors arrived from the court of Blefuscu.
to sue for peace in his majesty's court; he, the said Flestrin, did, like a
false traitor, aid, abet, comfort and divert, the said ambassadors, although

A lawyer thinks himself honest, if he does the best he can for his client; and a
statesman, if he promote the interests of his country; but the Dean here inculcates
a higher notion of right and wrong, and obligations to a larger community.-H.


ne knew them to be servants to a prince who was lately an open enemy
to his imperial majesty, and in an open war against his said majesty.


'That the said Quinbus Flestrin, contrary to the duty of a faithful,
subject, is now preparing to make a voyage to the court and empire of
Blefuscu, for which he has received only verbal license from his imperial
majesty; and, under colour of the said license, does falsely and traitor-
ously intend to take the said voyage, and thereby to aid, comfort, and
abet the emperor of Blufuscu, so lately an enemy, and in open war with
his imperial majesty aforesaid.'
There are some other articles ; but these are the most important, of
which I have read you an abstract.
In the several debates upon this impeachment, it must be confessed
that his majesty gave many marks of his great lenity; often urging the
services you had done him, and endeavouring to extenuate your crimes.
The treasurer and admiral insisted that you should be put to the most
painful and ignominious death, by setting fire to your house at night;
and the general was to attend with twenty thousand men, armed with
poisoned arrows, to shoot you on the face and hands. Some of your
servants were to have private orders to strew a poisonous juice on your
shirts and sheets, which would soon make you tear your own flesh, and
die in the utmost torture. The general came into the same opinion
so that, for a long time, there was a majority against you; but his
majesty resolving, if possible, to spare your life, at last bought off the
Upon this incident, Reldresal, principle secretary for private affairs,
who always approved himself your true friend, was commanded by the
emperor to deliver his opinion, which he accordingly did; and therein
justified the good thoughts you have of him. He allowed your crimes
to be great, but that there was still room for mercy, the most commend-
able virtue in a prince, and for which his majesty was so justly celebrated.
He said, the friendship between you and him was so well known to the
world, that perhaps the most honourable board might think him partial.
however, in obedience to the command he had received, he would freely
offer his sentiments. That if his majesty, in consideration of your
services, and pursuant to his own merciful disposition, would please to
spare your life, and only give orders to put out both your eyes, he
humbly conceived, that by this expedient justice might in some measure
be satisfied, and all the world would applaud the lenity of the emperor,
as well as the fair and generous proceedings of those who have the


honour to be his counsellors. That the loss of your eyes would be no
impediment to your bodily strength, by which you might still be useful
to his majesty: that blindness is an addition to courage, by concealing
dangers from us: that the fear you had for your eyes, was the greatest
difficulty in bringing over the enemy's fleet; and it would be sufficient
for you to see by the eyes of the ministers, since the greatest princes do
no more.
"This proposal was received with the utmost disapprobation by the
whole board. Bolgolam, the admiral, could not preserve his temper; but
rising up in a fury, said, he wondered how the secretary durst presume to
give his opinion for preserving the life of a traitor: that the services
you had performed were, by all true reasons of state, the great aggravation
of your crimes; that you, who were able to extinguish the flames by the
discharge of urine into her majesty'a apartment (which be mentioned with
horror,) might, at another time, raise an inundation by the same means,
to drown the whole palace; and the same strength, which enabled you
to bring over the enemy's fleet, might serve, upon the first discontent, to
carry it back : that he had good reasons to think that you were a Big-
endian in your heart; and, as treason begins in the heart before it appears
in overt acts, so he accused you as a traitor on that account, and there-
fore insisted you should be put to death.
The treasurer was of the same opinion ; he showed to what straits
his majesty's revenue was reduced, by the charge of maintaining you,
which would soon grow insupportable: that the secretary's expedient of
putting out your eyes, was so far from being a remedy against this evil,
that it would probably increase it, as is manifest from the common
practice of blinding some kind of fowls, after which they fed the faster,
and grew sooner fat; that his sacred majesty and the council, who are
your judges, were, in their own consciences, fully convinced of your
guilt, which was a sufficient argument to condemn you to death, without
the formal proofs required by the strict letter of the law.*
"But his imperial majesty, fully determined against capital punishment,
was graciously pleased to say, that since the council thought the loss of
your eyes too easy a censure, some other way may be inflicted hereafter.
And your friend the secretary, humbly desiring to be heard again, in
answer to what the treasurer had objected, concerning the great charge

There is something so odious in whatever is wrong, that even those whom it
does not subject to punishment, endeavour to colour it with an appearance of
right; but the attempt is always unsuccessful, and only betrays a consciousness
of deformity by showing a desire to hide it. Thus, the Lilliputian court pretended
a right to dispensewith the strict letter of the law to put Gulliver to death, though
by the strict letter of the law, he could be only convicted of a crime; the intention
of the statute not being to suffer the palace rather to be burnt than defiled. -H.

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