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2 2008 Miramanni Maringola Mishkin


3 To S r C a r l o s C h a r l i e for imparting upon me the importance of thoroughness, the high cost of arrogance a nd the power of innocence


4 ACKNOWLEDGMENTS There are a number of people without whom this thesis would not have been possible. I would like to extend my special thanks to the following long but un editable list (and of course I have to wr ite in linear order so order is absolutely not indicative of my level of gratitude): Special thanks to D r K r i s t i n a E r n e s t and D r E u g e n e B o z n i a k for their recognition of what I needed to do with my Special thanks to D r I g n a c i o P o r z e c a n s k i for guiding me, teaching me to think more I could not have done it without you. Special thanks to the S N R E o f f i c e without whom there are so m thank you M e i s h a C a t h y and D r H u m p h r e y I cannot thank you enough for all of your support I would also like to take this opportunity to thank A n a P e t e r s o n for taking a chance and extending me her hand, J o n D a i n for bein g supportive and teaching me about diplomacy and the real value of the learning experience, the T C D program for being there and giving me a travel grant (especially to Hanna, Wanda and Patricia but to all the TCD staff for all the hard work you do). Of co urse, I want to specially thank my committee: H u g h P o p e n o e for being so impressively knowledgeable and keeping me on track, P e t e H i l d e b r a n d for keeping me straight, being so patient and creating the model in the first place and to W a g n e r for knowing so muc h about orchids and being open minded, having a great outlook and sense of humor. My gratitude also goes to C a r l o s for making the research possible and demonstrating true altruism and to C a n d i d o for making the research possible and teaching me about real i ntelligence and dedication.


5 I extend s pecial thanks to D r A l e j a n d r o P a l a c i o s for working with me for a decade now I would also like to thank D r A l e j a n d r o C a s a s for giving me personal classes in Ethnobotany. Special thanks also goes to D i a n a for everything (especially letting me crash the car) and being a great big sister, to J u l i o for being a good brother, a good lawyer and a true friend and to C h a c h a for bein g unconditio nally supportive and motivating; And to all of them for reinforcing just how important family is. My gratitude also to A m y for reminding me that my life is great and assuring motivation for the future and teaching me the value of patience and steadfastness, to F a i t h for being hilarious and letting me know when I am not myself and how to be a better me, to B o b and C a a n i e for supporting me for no other reason than because they are profoundly good people, to J o e for talking to me almost every da y at points and helping me reason through a couple of tough parts, to B r a i n for great camping stories write, to E s t e l l e for being real and all the long venting sessions and to O n d i for inspiring me to I am grateful to my dear P o l o for undying love and support and watching from afar. Many t hanks to my p a r e n t s and my G r a n d p a r e n t s for your support in this endeavor that was such a long time in coming, to my sister C r y s t a l just for being there and sharing the same genes (not jeans); to my P a p ‡ L u i s a n d M a m ‡ Y o l a n d a for keeping perspective and not letting me get caught up in the minutia and being great Godparents for helping me to be the best version of myself. And final ly my gratitude to S a l v a d o r T z i t z i k i S r C a r l o s C h a r l i e and B Ž t o for being the best roommates I could ask for.


6 TABLE OF CONTENTS page ACKNOWLEDGMENTS ................................ ................................ ................................ ........... 4 L IST OF TABLES ................................ ................................ ................................ ...................... 9 LIST OF FIGURES ................................ ................................ ................................ .................. 11 ABSTRACT ................................ ................................ ................................ ............................. 13 CHAPTER 1 INTRODU CTION ................................ ................................ ................................ ............. 14 2 LITERATURE REVIEW ................................ ................................ ................................ ... 17 Background ................................ ................................ ................................ ........................ 17 Previous Research ................................ ................................ ................................ .............. 21 3 ................................ ................................ ................................ ........ 26 Area Overview and Historic Progression ................................ ................................ ............ 26 ................................ ................................ ................................ .............. 27 Physical Characteristics of the Study A rea ................................ ................................ .......... 28 Cognitive Base Knowledge of the Natural Environment ................................ ..................... 30 Prehispanic to Colonial PurhŽpecha ................................ ................................ .................... 33 Modern PurhŽpecha ................................ ................................ ................................ ........... 38 4 ORCHIDS ................................ ................................ ................................ .......................... 49 Why Conserve Them? ................................ ................................ ................................ ........ 49 Orchid Culture, Domestic orchids ................................ ................................ ...................... 50 End emic Orchids: E u c h i l e c i t r i n a and L a e l i a a u t u m n a l i s ................................ ................... 53 E u c h i l e c i t r i n a ................................ ................................ ................................ ............. 53 L a e l i a a u t u m n a l i s ................................ ................................ ................................ ........ 54 Cultural Significance ................................ ................................ ................................ .......... 54 Day of the Dead ................................ ................................ ................................ .......... 54 Pasta de Ca–a de Ma’z ................................ ................................ ................................ 56 Propagation Techniques ................................ ................................ ................................ ..... 58 E x s i t u ................................ ................................ ................................ ......................... 58 I n s i t u ................................ ................................ ................................ .......................... 60 Orchids as NTFPs ................................ ................................ ................................ .............. 61 5 EXTERNAL INFLUENCES AND PRESSURES ................................ .............................. 70 A Brief Examination of External Pressures ................................ ................................ ......... 73


7 NAFTA and Immigration ................................ ................................ ................................ ... 74 Remittances ................................ ................................ ................................ ........................ 79 Nafta and the Environment ................................ ................................ ................................ 80 Bilateral Resource Management Limitations ................................ ................................ ...... 83 Sustainability as a Compromise ................................ ................................ .......................... 85 6 METHODS ................................ ................................ ................................ ........................ 92 Researchable Problem and Objectives ................................ ................................ ................ 92 Sondeo ................................ ................................ ................................ ............................... 93 Linear Programming ................................ ................................ ................................ .......... 95 ELP Model ................................ ................................ ................................ ......................... 96 The Variables and Constraints ................................ ................................ .......................... 100 7 THE PARTICIPATING COMMUNITY: OPONGUIO ................................ .................... 107 Household Goods ................................ ................................ ................................ ............. 108 Agriculture ................................ ................................ ................................ ....................... 109 Wild Plants ................................ ................................ ................................ ...................... 111 Cattle ................................ ................................ ................................ ............................... 112 Fishing ................................ ................................ ................................ ............................. 112 Education ................................ ................................ ................................ ......................... 113 Employment ................................ ................................ ................................ ..................... 114 Artisanal Products ................................ ................................ ................................ ............ 115 Ex ternal Support Programs ................................ ................................ ............................... 116 Emigration ................................ ................................ ................................ ....................... 117 Remittances ................................ ................................ ................................ ...................... 117 Homes ................................ ................................ ................................ .............................. 118 Livelihood Strategies ................................ ................................ ................................ ........ 118 Marginalization ................................ ................................ ................................ ................ 119 8 RESULTS ................................ ................................ ................................ ........................ 129 HH 1 1 2 0 1 0 ................................ ................................ ................................ ................. 129 HH 4 1 1 0 0 1 ................................ ................................ ................................ ................. 131 HH 5 1 3 0 0 2 ................................ ................................ ................................ ................. 132 HH 6 3 1 2 3 0 ................................ ................................ ................................ ................. 133 HH 7 4 3 0 0 0 ................................ ................................ ................................ ................. 134 HH 8 2 1 0 0 1 ................................ ................................ ................................ ................. 135 HH 16 4 3 0 0 0 ................................ ................................ ................................ ............... 136 HH 19 0 2 1 0 0 ................................ ................................ ................................ ............... 136 HH 21 2 1 1 0 1 ................................ ................................ ................................ ............... 137 HH 31 2 1 2 0 3 ................................ ................................ ................................ ............... 138 Discussion ................................ ................................ ................................ ........................ 139 Individual Households ................................ ................................ ............................... 139 General Observations ................................ ................................ ................................ 141


8 9 CONCLUSIONS AND RECOMMENDATIONS ................................ ............................ 153 Utility of This Research ................................ ................................ ................................ ... 155 Recommendations ................................ ................................ ................................ ............ 155 APPENDIX A DATA ................................ ................................ ................................ .............................. 158 B BREV E REPORTE SONDEO ................................ ................................ ......................... 170 C ELP Mo del ................................ ................................ ................................ ....................... 172 Link to ELP Model ................................ ................................ ................................ ........... 172 BIOGR APHICAL SKETCH ................................ ................................ ................................ ... 183


9 LIST OF TABLES Table page 3 1 Brassols (2003). ................................ ................................ ................................ ............. 48 5 1 Mexico: indicators of tariff protection by percentage; Tornell and Esquivel, 1997. ...... 89 6 1 An example of household composition inp ut table for HH 5. ................................ ....... 105 6 2 Age classification for household composition as used in this thesis .............................. 105 6 3 Labor availability across household member categories and unit time (available days per two month time period). ................................ ................................ ......................... 105 6 5 Example of regression results of bimonthly household expenses input table. ................ 106 6 6 Labor requirements for orchid activity per period. ................................ ....................... 106 7 1 Labor requirement activity calendar for livelihood system. ................................ .......... 128 8 1 Labor availability and use by season and year with no cash cost (EPWCP) for HH1. ... 144 8 2 Labor availability and use by season and year with no c ash cost (EPWCP) for HH4. ... 144 8 3 Labor availability and use by season and year with no cash cost (EPWCP) for HH5. ... 145 8 4 Labor availability and use by season and year with no cash cost (EPWCP) for HH6. ... 145 8 5 Labor availability and use by season and year with no cash cost (EPWCP) for HH7. ... 146 8 8 Labor availability and use by season and year with no cash cost (EPWCP) for HH19. 147 8 9 Labor availability and use by season and year with no cas h cost (EPWCP) for HH21. 148 8 10 Labor availability and use by season and year with no cash cost (EPWCP) for HH31. 148 A 1 EPWC P data for HH1. ................................ ................................ ................................ 158 A 2 EPWCP data for HH4. ................................ ................................ ................................ 159 A 3 EPWCP data for HH5. ................................ ................................ ................................ 160 A 4 EPWCP data for HH6. ................................ ................................ ................................ 161 A 5 EPWCP data for HH7. ................................ ................................ ................................ 162 A 6 EPWCP data for HH16. ................................ ................................ ............................... 163


1 0 A 7 EPWCP data for HH19. ................................ ................................ ............................... 164 A 8 EPWCP data for HH31. ................................ ................................ ............................... 165 A 9 SUCC scenario data for households 1 31. ................................ ................................ .... 166 A 10 Labor associated with Household composition for EPWCP scenario. ........................... 169


11 LIST OF FIGURES Figure page 3 1 Map of Michoac‡n de Ocampo ................................ ................................ ...................... 45 3 2 ................................ ................................ ........................ 46 3 3 An Index map showing locati on of Lago de P‡tzcuaro ................................ ................... 47 3 4 classic to classic periods. ................................ ................... 47 4 1 Illustrated orchid diagram ................................ ................................ .............................. 66 4 2 The Bee Orchid ( O p h r y s a p i f e r a )and the Orchid Bee ( E u g l o s s i n i s p ) ............................ 66 4 3 E u c h i l e c i t r i n a ................................ ................................ ................................ ............... 67 4 4 L a e l i a a u t m n a l i s ................................ ................................ ................................ ............ 67 4 5 Altar decorated for the day o f the dead in Janitzio (left) ................................ ................. 67 4 6 A C a t r i n a crea ted in Capula, Michoac‡n 2007 ................................ ............................... 68 4 7 Pasta de ca– a de maize as practiced today ................................ ................................ ...... 68 4 8 Burial place of Don Vasco de Quir oga, Basi lica de la Virgen de la Salud ...................... 69 4 9 A shade house for Rustic Cultivation in Chiapas ................................ ............................ 69 5 1 ................................ ................................ ..... 90 5 2 A framework for sustainable rural livelihoods ................................ ................................ 91 7 1 Map of Oponguio relative to Lake P‡ tzcuaro ................................ ............................... 122 7 2 The H a c i e n d a found at the head of the b a r r i o for which it is named ........................... 122 7 3 The local church ................................ ................................ ................................ .......... 123 7 4 The primary school ................................ ................................ ................................ ...... 123 7 5 A local woman selling produce in the large market in Quiroga ................................ .... 12 3 7 6 Public transportation: A c o m b i ................................ ................................ .................... 124 7 7 An example of a similar machine t o the one used in agriculture ................................ ... 124 7 8 Cattle grazing r a s t r o j o ................................ ................................ ................................ 125


12 7 9 Local fisherman ................................ ................................ ................................ ........... 125 7 10 Charales after preparation for cooking ................................ ................................ ......... 125 7 11 Local Butterfly fishermen ................................ ................................ ............................ 125 7 12 Woman weaving traditional p e t a t e bed ................................ ................................ ....... 126 7 13 Woven baskets and as sorted crafts for sale in front of a residence ................................ 126 7 14 One of the typical mid level hou ses in the community ................................ ................ 126 7 15 Map of ma rginaliz .................. 127 8 1 Male and female participation vs. credit in SUCC scenario for HH1. ........................... 149 8 2 Male and female participation vs. credit in SUCC scenario for HH4. ........................... 149 8 3 Male and female participation vs. credit in SUCC scenario for HH5. ........................... 150 8 4 Male and female participation vs. credit in SUCC scenario for HH6. ........................... 150 8 5 Male and female participation vs. credit in SUCC scenario for HH7. ........................... 151 8 6 Male and female participation vs. credit in SUCC scenario for HH16. ......................... 151 8 7 Male and female participation vs. credit in SUCC scenar io for HH19. ......................... 152 8 8 Male and female participation vs. credit in SUCC scenario for HH31. ......................... 152


13 Abstract of Thesis Presented to the Graduate School of the Univers ity of Florida in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree of Master of Science LOOKING FOR BRIDGES: DOVETAILING CONSERVATION AND DEVELOPMENT IN A RURAL MEXICAN COMMUNITY By Miramanni Maringola Mishkin August 2008 Chair: H ugh Popenoe Major: Interdisciplinary Ecology Orchids are a marketable non timber forest product (NTFP) of cultural and economic value in the general study area, the Lake P‡tzcuaro basin of Michoac‡n, Mexico. In the study community of Oponguio, and others there is a need to improve the livelihood system (mainly production) to alleviate poverty, community fragmentation and ecological pressure. The Sondeo method was combined with Ethnographic Linear Programming modeling to perform an e x a n t e analysis of th e viability of an orchid culture activity. The results indicated that even while the orchid activity requires up to three years to generate cash, all households with available cash (including credit) and labor can participate without an adverse impact on the current livelihood system. The orchid activity acted as a significant supplemental activity even while the amount of cash generated was conservative. The general conclusion is that, with sufficient support, this sustainable management plan is a pract ical compromise and a significant step in bridging conservation and development. Key words: N a t u r a l p r o d u c t t r a d e o r c h i d s S o n d e o E L P m o d e l i n g M i c h o a c ‡ n M e x i c o


14 CHAPTER 1 INTRODUCTION This thesis is about exploring the relationship, in a broad sense between natural resource conservation, household livelihoods and economics and how these can be understood in order to reduce rural poverty and its ecological impact. The research delves into the very complex issue of resource conservation through livel ihood diversification in a rural Mexican community using orchids as a vehicle. Mexico is a country rich in cultural diversity, endemism and biodiversity. It is also home to some of the greatest social disparities in the Western Hemisphere (Faux 2003). The state of Michoac‡n, in south central Mexico, is particularly interesting due to the long settlement history (particularly around Lake P‡tzcuaro) high biodiversity an d endemism, as well as some of the highest numbers of Mexicans that emigrate to the U.S. every year. External political and market pressures have perpetuated poverty, community fragmentation and environmental strain in the rural communities along the shor e of Lake P‡tzcuaro, and others. The focus of this thesis was to look at the impact of an orchid cultivating activity on a rural aid conservation efforts in th e P‡tzcuaro basin while seeking to alleviate rural poverty, promote sustainable resource management and support rural livelihood diversification. One year (2006 2007) was spent collecting data in the community of San JosŽ Oponguio (Oponguio) in relation to the livelihood system and household interest in participation in an orchid cultivation project. A Sondeo (survey) was completed that resulted in general information related to the livelihood system and reproductive household activities. From there, va rious Ethnographic Linear Programming (ELP) models were created to simulate the household


15 livelihood strategies based on the greater livelihood system. Through these models, the impact of the addition of the orchid cultivation activity on the livelihood s trategies of several households were analyzed, as well as the impact on the over all livelihood system. This information will be presented to the community and the University of Michoac‡n upon completion of the thesis. C h a p t e r O v e r v i e w s : Chapter 1, the L i t e r a t u r e R e v i e w discusses the body of research related to rural poverty, livelihood diversification and natural product trade. Chapter 2, T h e explores the ecological background and physical characteristics of the Z o n a developin g the ecological context of the study area. This chapter also discusses t of the pre their development has for this research project as well as current social and ecological dynamics occurring in the and the state of Michoac‡ n (in which it is found). A brief overview of orchid complexity as species in an ecological as well as commercial context will be discussed in Chapter 3, O r c h i d s Their historic importance as a commercial product as well as their importance in ecological composition is also discussed. Later, the physical characteristics of two species that are the focus of this research ( E u c h i l e c i t r i n a and L a e l i a a u t u m n a l i s ) will be detailed as well as their cultural significance. T he different techniques that can be ap plied to orchid propagation and conservation are non timber forest product trade and examples of their efficacy. Chapter 4, E x t e r n a l P r e s s u r e s includes a general discussion of international mark et pressure and how it can cause a ripple effect with negative consequences for the rural impoverished. Specifically, NAFTA and its impact on Mexico are mentioned and how it has also been an influence on emigration from


16 Michoac‡n and subsequently the remi ttances that make up part of the economy S ustainable livelihood analysis and development is approached as a means for resolving some of these issues in getting rural people reconnected with the natural environment in a mutually sustainable manner and as a solid and consistent foundation from which researchers can consider sustainable development programs in order to reconnect marginalized rural poor with the greater market system that they are disconnected from Chapter 5, M e t h o d s describe s, in detail, the ELP modeling process along with the Sondeo method The two scenarios that were tested are also briefly discussed. Chapter 6, T h e C o m m u n i t y : O p o n g u i o explore s the community itself. Local ecological details and census information will lay the foundat ion for the community overview. The general social dynamics and the community livelihood system is described as he livelihood activities specific to the over all livelihood system are detailed Marginalization is briefly discussed as it relates to this community as well as the political structure along with local infrastructure. The results of the model simulation of the overall livelihood system created through ELP is discussed in Chapter 7, R e s u l t s a n d D i s c u s s i o n along with the the livelihood strategies specific to the households tested. Chapter 8, C o n c l u s i o n s a n d R e c o m m e n d a t i o n s elaborates the conclusions drawn from the results obtained from the model and the conclusion of this thesis.


17 CHAPTER 2 LITERATURE REVIEW According to an Institute of Development Studies ( IDS ) report in 2006, there is high spatial concurrence between the location of the While this seems counterintuitive, the myriad of influences that ranges from a global scale to a national one, trickle down into the rural communities where many still maintain a tenuous, subsistence lifestyle. This has distinct implication s for livelihood stu dies and development program s in terms of being mindful of what is available and of value placed on ac tivities (or resulting product) when developing a program. Activities that deplete the resource base are more costly in the long term in contrast to the initial cash return that res ults from them. However, in the absence of alternatives, the se depleting activities must and will be chosen. This makes sense when economic pressures force market incorporation to acquire needed goods and services Commercialization, however, is not an end in itself. While commercialization is interesting and theoretically viable there is a n immense need to ensure that a solid sustainable framework is applied to such development programs as this is transforming the way resources are used and therefore e xtracted. B a c k g r o u n d C ommunities with greater ecological diversity and a more conserved environment have greater productive diversity (Toledo et al. 1987). In contrast, the populations that have great specificity in trade or production activity are gen erally associated with ecological deterioration (due to over exploitation of resources), which only serves to make subsistence more tenuous. Thus, if conservation efforts can be combined with diversification of household livelihood strategies based on loc al resources then there is a greater likelihood of long term sustainable


18 resource management and livelihood success (Shackleton et al. 2007; Marshall et al. 2006; McSweeny 2004; Takasaki et al. 2004 ; Forsyth et al. 1998). In many rural communities the ne ed to further diversify their livelihood strategies (mainly through production ) is due to environmental pressure, poverty and low standards of living D iversification is one of the ways that rural communities achieve an adaptive economic stability (Shackl eton et al. 2007; McSweeny 2004; Takasaki et al. 2004; Forsyth et al. 1998). Ashley and strengthening diversification options that promote risk averse, multi occupa Therefore, a lternatives that add to diversification of livelihood strategies are helpful for resilience and necessary for livelihood security as well as sustainable use of local resources It is not a question of over estimating the p otential of a given natural product to support a community so much as it is seeing natural products as a potential component of the grea ter livelihood system. In integrating natural products into livelihood strategies and with appropriate management, ther e is great potential to conserve natural product habitat in the process thus building a bridge between conservation and development. A practical way in which the actual system can be modified is through the determination of alternatives based on resource availability, historic success and traditional knowledge for commercial development. The effort to comprehend poverty and its causes now focuses on income distribution, human capital, vulnerability, and an obligation to protect the poor (Ashley & Maxwell, 2001). Natural product trade has an important role in this process. A study done by Shackleton et al. (2007) demonstrated that natural products clearly make a difference in the welfare and development of the most marginalized sectors of communit ies Acco rding to a review of non timber forest product (NTFP) development projects in Mexico and Bolivia (Marshall et al.


19 2006) NTFPs are instrumental in satisfying subsistence needs and generating cash for rural communities. They assert that the current push to wards a more global economy could be a benefit to natural product producers in rural, forested areas as it has potential to develop more trade linkages to the greater market system while acting to maintain forests as a resource base from which to draw. Ev en where the returns are not sizeable, in all cases involving natural product trade the benefits are socio economically significant (Shackleton et al. 2007, Marshall et al. 2006) Shackleton et al. (2007) developed a compelling discourse on the reasons f or rural poverty, natural resource dependence and failed development programs. They argue that natural resource products in rural areas often and production capacity. This creates a push to wards focusing on activities with higher returns. When development programs concentrate on homogenizing livelihood strategies focusing on one few activities results in limited diversification making them less resilient in the event of market failure or changes in market demand. In the P‡tzcuaro basin, selling orchids has been a part of the livelihood system of the for centuries but many o rchids (a number of them endemic like L a u t u m n a l i s and E c i t r i n a ) are becoming rare r as habitat is encroached upon by industry and urban sprawl. T le's historic and current willingness to participate in general conservation efforts and development programs as well as ecological and ethnographic studies demonstrates that these people are willing to integrate sustainable, modern techniques with traditional ones in order to return to the level of ecological and economic equilibrium they ha d previously maintained for centuries (Toledo et al. 1987) Their successful use of natural


20 products in trade goes back to the pre colonial period and was re established during the Spanish much consistent with the sustainable livelihood philosophy that was dominant and successful in the area for several centuries, possibly millennia. Poles of development are referenced here as complementary clusters of production that rely on resources and skills specific to certain communities or localized areas that allow for market competition without competing with one another. All of the trades in this area are partially traditional and partially residual from a sustainable resource management plan dev eloped by Vasco de Quiroga during the Colonial period. The plan developed by Vasco de Quiroga rested on the concept of poles of development It has been considered a type of economic utopia as it was a successful barter system for local communities and d eveloped refined artesian skills, many of which have persisted to the present day (Tuck 2002). Nowadays, i n metal work, textile, ceramic and woodwork there are many success stories in terms of economic growth and participation in the modern, global market (Tuck 2002, State of Michoac‡n 2000 ). These examples demonstrate great potential for self sufficiency through NTFP trade as well as long term natural resource management if development programs are approached with sustainable development in mind Orchid s are a practical link between sustainable development and conservation due to their ecological interdependence, cultural significance and economic market value. Commercialization, however, is not an end in itself. While commercialization is interesting and theoretically viable there is a n immense need to ensure that a solid sustainable framework is applied to such development programs as this is transforming the way resources are used and therefore e xtracted. Production time is another a factor in cons ervation/ development programs as natural products are usually immediately profitable when they are


21 taken from natural populations as they are already developed and thus an immediately marketable product. This must be offset. Put another way, economic co ncerns for limited resource households are immediately pressing even while the eventual return for the cultured orchid plants is significant for the households even at a conservative amount. This means that many producers face a real dilemma in terms of d evoting labor that brings immediate economic benefits to an activity that will not have a return for up to two years in the future. For some households, this makes the labor more costly in the short term. This is particularly true when there is little or no infrastructural or institutional support for such activities. The conundrum is that long term sustainable development and conservation of natural products ensures livelihood diversity and subsequently security once such activities are established. S ocio economic and even political marginalization is a huge obstacle to development programs as communities have limited access to market and market information, infrastructural supports for basic human services and law enforcement (Shackleton et al. 2007, IDS 2006 Marshall et al. 2006). These basic issues and how they act as potential barriers to development must be taken into consideration if a development program is to be successful over the long term. P r e v i o u s R e s e a r c h Because of the marked ecologica l deterioration that has been a result of the globalization (industrial revolution, modern agricultural practices), poor public works infrastructure, urban sprawl and subsequent concern by local communities, P ‡ t z c u a r o 2 0 0 0 was organized by a group of scien tists in 1992. This proj ect was supported by the govern ment organization SEMARNAP ( S e c r e t a r i a d e M e d i o A m b i e n t e y R e c u r s o s N a t u r a l e s y P e s c a ) and PNUD ( P r o g r a m a s d e N a c i o n e s U n i d a s p a r a e l D e s a r r o l l o ). The goal was to research and subsequent ly publish a series of studies including prognostics and suggestions for natural resource management and


22 ecological conservation to organize efforts to understand the processes integral in the ecological deterioration of the P‡tzcuaro valley and halt or reverse them. At the invitation of SEMARNAP and PNUD in 1997, a committee was formed ( C o m i t Ž T Ž c n i c o d e P ‡ t z c u a r o established by the state of Michoac‡n), that integrated diverse municipal, state and federal institutions, as well as civil ( e g I n s t i t u t o d e E s t u d i o s I n d ’ g e n a s ) and academic groups ( e g UNAM, UMSNH). They were all brought together to coordinate the efforts to save Lake P‡tzcuaro and the lake valley around it and disseminate the information generated by the effort. Initially, the research focused on ec ological processes and how those processes have been impacted over the last several centuries. These studies (some of which are still ongoing) took several years to complete and their goal was to have a solid, organized knowledge base by the year 2000 (i ncluding conservation and restoration plans). Some headway was made in terms of reforestation, sanitation (especially in the lake shore communities), water treatment and creation of organizations like the F o n d o M e x i c a n o p a r a l a C o n s e r v a c i — n d e l a N a t u r a l e z a so that funding for research could continue ( P‡tzcuaro informe 2000 ). Subsequently the human influence was determined to have had the most impact and another round of studies was performed in reference to the impact of anthropogenic activities and th eir impact on the lake valley. Unfortunately, this second phase of research has not been as organized as the first phase was. Here, it is especially important to mention that t his progression of events has a great deal to ch plan came into being. In early 1999, Dr. Alejandro Martinez Palacios (of the University of Michoac‡n, UMSNH) and I were collaborating on research that pertained to endangered and/or threatened orchids and their distribution around Lake P‡tzcuaro.


23 The precise locations of populations were mapped with a G P S device and transects were established for long term monitoring. Th e goal was to determine their current distribution relative to their previous distribution and the reasons for their scarcity. Once this was accomplished, a plan for their conservation (although, admittedly, we were t hinking in preservation terms) w ould be developed. In the summer of 2000, after collecting ecological information about the orchids we began collecting information from the communities around Lake P‡tzcuaro. Dr. Martinez Palacios and I started by going into the communities where the orchids were historically proliferous with local guides who showed us scattered orchid populations in the forest from which orchids were col lected. We were informed that community members rarely extracted orchids from overexploited populations although people from outside were not always as aware and respectful of these practices. Next, families that sold orchids in the markets were intervi ewed (to expound on the information we were given by the guides) W e were able to ascertain that, in general, the flowering season coincides with the time of year when the orchids were collected. If an orchid plant was collected, in general, just a porti on of the entire plant (usually a section containing approximately two pseudobulbs) was taken. This is generally not to the d etriment o f the portion of the plant that stays in its habitat as each pseudobulb can grow on its own under appropriate conditions Also, some were divided in home gardens and sold from there when possible. Two of the families interviewed sell orchids in the two largest markets in Morelia, as part of a generational livelihood being one of several successive generations that partic ipated in orchid collection. Both families informed us that selling plants, including various species of orchid was common We were told of areas rich in orchids that have been more or less clear cut


24 and that extraction, even of the orchids in the felled trees, was prohibited by the government We were also told of areas where certain species once proliferated but are now rare. Orchids are also frequently sold along the highway between Morelia and Quiroga (two relatively large cities) and have been take n to market as far away as the states of Mexico, Jalisco and Puebla (more than working wage per flower/pseudobulb depending on the species). We were also informed that several communities were interested in conserving well established, second growth forest (as virgin forest is almost nonexistent in the valley due to human presence over millennia). The State of Michoac‡n recognized several of these forest areas as p rotected areas between the years 2000 to 2006. Oponguio, the study community located in the heart of the was one of them. They were chosen due to their willingness to participate, their interest in orchid propagation and conservation an d the fact that both species of orchids were historically found within the forest that forms part of their community. The P'urhŽ pecha people in general have been extremely receptive to conservation efforts and have been very involved in sustainable manage ment programs. They have developed and, to a large degree, maintained complex methods of sustainable resource allocation and usage ( Toledo et al 1980, Caballero 1982). They have also developed a certain mistrust of development projects due to various pa st failures. It became clear that certain specific endemic o rchids have been part of the livelihood strategies of the PurhŽpecha people for centuries but they are becoming rare r as habitat is encroached upon by industry and urban sprawl. According to the previous research, these orchids are endangered due to the destruction of their habitat for industrial and subsistence purposes as well as their extraction from their habitat for cultural and commercial purposes.


25 Several years later in 2005 (as part of thi s research phase was to deal with sustainable community development through conservation of the orchids as the I determined that, in order to d o this responsibly, it was imperative to understand the diversity in community livelihood activities and also the local natural resources in conjunction with the ecological dynamics that promote ecosystem health. Moreover, to assure long term sustainabili ty, it was necessary to find ways to combine the two efforts. With such a diversity of natural resources and historic specificity of local production, this is an effort that has great potential to succeed. When it became apparent how integral a part of l ife the orchids were for the Mexican people (especially area) a plan of conservation through commercialization was discussed. The idea was to ensure that the people who relied on the orchids might continue to do so, but without suc h a detrimental impact on the wild populations and as a way to conserve them while extraction and unchecked industrialization encroaches on their habitat. In the case of L a e l i a a u t u m n a l i s and E u c h i l e c i t r i n a and the people who live in the valley, there i s an interesting dynamic that I believe lends itself to a mutually beneficial compromise.


26 CHAPTER 3 A r e a O v e r v i e w a n d H i s t o r i c P r o g r e s s i o n The state of Michoac‡n de Ocampo (as its boundaries are recognized today) was established as a St ate in 1824 (Fig. 2 1). It was not delineated with its many municipalities until ( Secretaria de Educaci—n, 2003 ). It is located in south central MŽxico, withi n the tropic of Cancer, and extends from the Pacific coast east, into the heart of the Mexican territory. Its extension includes ocean, highland (dry tropical) and lowland valleys (tropical), sierras, volcanoes and various freshwater lakes and rivers. It covers a territory of 58,836.95 km 2 and is considered 5 th in the nation in ecological diversity and biodiversity (SEMARNAP 2000). Michoac‡n is not a culturally homogenous entity. There have always been several ethnic groups present in the same territorial area: the Nahuas along the coast, Mazahuas and Otomies to the east, and the PurhŽpecha in the central part the m e s e t a and the lakes areas. The term Michoac‡n comes from the N‡huatl, M i c h i h u a c a n place where the people have the fish ( m i c h i : p e s c a d o h u a c : p o s s e s s i v e p r o n o u n a n : p l a c e ). This is a direct reference to the freshwater, high altitude lakes in the heart of the empire, which are also in the heart of the current state (Correa Perez 1997 ) The cultural resistance of these groups in the face of t he Spanish Conquest and resulting m e s t i z a j e has left in its path their languages and other manifestations (although fragmented, subordinate and in many ways separated from their original roots) that to this day give each area its own flavor, personality an d authority that defines it even in the face of dominant modern westernization.


27 E vidence exists of human civilization dating back approximately 5,500 years and evidence pech central portion of the state of Michoac‡n (Caballero 1982). This area is considered the capital of 2). Tzintzuntzan, only a few kilometers away is believed to be the re ligious center. The people who currently inhabit the area are be lieved to be one of the few and, in some cases relatively insolated survivors from the pre hispanic era. Their actual territory has been documented to have extended from Michoac‡n, Jalisco, N ayarit, extreme north of Colima, the southern portion of the state of Guanajuato, southeastern portion of the state of MŽxico, southwest of QuerŽtaro, and western Guerrero occupying approximately 100, 000km 2 terms of complexity) with classic Latin and Greek ( Dur‡n Carmona and Sevilla Palacios (ed.) 2003 ). Their most notable contributions in terms of skills are their ceramic techniques, medical practices, social organization, and complex political and religiou s practices ( Duran Carmona and Sevilla Palacios (ed.) 2003 ). What makes them different than the vast majority of native North American cultures is that, while they showed patterns of decadence and splendor, their decline was not part of natural process i nasmuch as it was due to human intervention the invasion of the Europeans. In spite of tenacious resistance that is evident today. It is reflected in the complex mixt ures of symbols and significance that can be clearly seen in religious festivals, combinations of the traditional with the European in their foods, music, clothing and art and a r t e s a n ’ a The P urhŽpecha developed and, to a large degree, have maintained co mplex methods of resource allocation and usage


28 (Caballero 1982). Many factors make the particular area of study ideal for this thesis, not the least of which are available natural resources and the historic development of the PurhŽpecha civilization and culture. The natural environment in the Zona PurhŽpecha is very diverse along with the communities found there. The diversity of natural resources lends itself to community development and livelihood diversity. The total extension of their territory includes considerable variation in topography ( e g mountains, rivers, valleys, lacustrine areas), micro climates and soil types. This creates diverse ec ological systems as well as considerable diversity in flora and fauna. They also have been touted as having maintained and even augmented the biodiversity found in their territory (Toledo et al. 1997, Correa Perez 1997 ) Three main lakes are found in the PurhŽpecha region: Chapala, Cuintzeo and P‡tzcuaro. The lake ecosystems are varied and represented by species composition that indicates modification by humans (direct or indirect). The highlands are represented mostly by oak and oak pine forests which, depending on their location within the area, have very notable differences in distribution, composition and structure. P h y s i c a l C h a r a c t e r i s t i c s o f t h e S t u d y A r e a Situated in the heart of the Zona PurhŽpecha is the P‡tzcuaro valley. The P‡tzcuaro valle y lies around 101 ¡ 26 N and 101 ¡ 54 W longitude and 19 ¡ and sits at an altitude of approximately 2369m The lake river valley approximately 1000 km 2 (93,430 ha), is a closed valley ( meaning that the water is stored in lakes from rain, not river fed) with marked gradients and abrupt topography. The altitude can vary from 2,035 m to 3,300m above sea level. This is a consequence of the complex geological history responsible for the formation of the n eo volcanic


29 mountain chain ( as part of th e Eje Neovolc‡nico T ransversal) and the results of which are the large number of sierras and the 150 small volcanoes in the area ( Duran Carmona and Sevilla Palacios (ed.) 2003 ). C omplex geo history is also responsible for high ecological diversity micro climates and micro ecology In spite of the relatively small extension of the valley (approximately 1000km 2 ), impressive geographical and ecological diversity is present. This is evident in t he six distinct altitude gradients (steps), eight vegetation t ypes, five distinctly different climate types and at least eighteen different soil types ( SEMARNAP 2000). Since the valley is closed the area is afforded a sort of continental insularity. This means that it is isolated enough as to experience a certain independence in development with respect to the surrounding areas. This also means that the process of development established a delicate balance based specifically on this insularity and on its components particularly its forests and lakes. This has en ormous implications for resource use and management. The most influential factor in the balance of the area (as determined by the same study done by SEMARNAP 2000), is the hydrologic balance and particularly, Lake P‡tzcuaro (Fig. 2 3). Therefore, the qu antity of water that is provided by rains, evaporation rates, runoff, filtering and accumulation rates are extremely important. It is estimated that the region receives 10 x 10 12 m 3 of rainwater (an average between 900 and 1000mm annually) of which 7 x 10 1 2 are lost to evapo transpiration. Of the 3 x 10 12 m 3 that remain, one third is lost to runoff and the rest is leached through the soil. The lakes (especially Lake P‡tzcuaro) are receptors for this rainfall. With a total area of 130km 2 and a depth of ap proximately 5 8 meters, Lake P‡tzcuaro maintains a relatively constant temperature between the surface and its depths (Platt Bradbury, 2000).


30 The forest that surrounds the lake aids in water and gas cycling and filtration. Evidence of a great deal of sp ecies rich, secondary growth forest is present, which is considered a sign of human activity over an exte nded period of time (Toledo et al. 1987). According to a study compiled by the Secretaria de Educaci—n del Estado ( revised 2003 ), the forest compositi on directly around the lake is very distinct from the rest of the oak pine forest that inhabits the majority of the interior of the state of Michoac‡n. Just around Lake P‡tzcuaro the forest is dry tropical forest (which boasts very fertile soils and speci es richness). The dry tropical forest here is considered dense to moderately dense with a canopy being between 6 to 12 meters. In general, it is found at altitudes of 2000m or higher where light freezes occur each year. This forest type previously made up more than 45% of the forest cover in Michoac‡n but now makes up barely five percent ( Duran Carmona and Sevilla Palacios (ed.) 2003 ). Much of the territory is now oak pine forest, grassland or parceled into agricultural plots. C o g n i t i v e B a s e K n o w l e d g e o f t h e N a t u r a l E n v i r o n m e n t The PurhŽpecha developed a complex system of species classification and nomenclature which has largely been conserved to the modern day. For example, of a list of 506 documented species of wild plants found in the area, those pe ople who were consulted were able to name at least 244 in PurhŽpecha and/or Spanish (Toledo, et al. 1980). Of a list of 136 collected fungi in the region, 64 had indigenous names, as well. The classification system for plants and fungi found in the area expresses utility (or lack thereof) of a given species, whether it is terrestrial or aquatic, wild or cultivated, indicative of Linnaean system of classification (Toled o et al. 1987). The fungi are classified in groups of edibles and hallucinogenic or they are grouped by time of year that they appear or germinate. The names given to fungi species usually refer to the color of the cap or surface, stipe, type of


31 reproduc tive structure (or possible absence of these) as well as phenology and habitat. They are F l o r e s d e l a T i e r r a urrently 25 species are still considered a regular part of the PurhŽpecha diet A even more complex taxon omic classification system for plants is broken down into five taxa that are significant of biological criteria defined by life form or habit; one of which is for plants with anomalous habits ny terms that refer to distinct parts of plants (some are allegorical ) as well as a direct correlation to the importance of a given species and the number of term s associated with it (Toledo et al. 1980). tensive understanding of successional stages and species composition in ecological communities both after disturbance such as forest fires and in areas of cultivation that are fallowed. A classification of different ecosystem types that are related to hum an modification was also developed as part of their knowledge base. For example, the communities around Lake P‡tzcuaro would be considered an altered or transformed environment refers to the areas where horticulture, arboriculture, agriculture, livestock and the cultivation and management of certain aquatic plants occurs ( or occurred and modified the ecosystem over the long term). This has strong, positive implications for modern management and conservation. It is well documented that there were many species collected for medicinal purposes. The PurhŽpecha even developed a system very akin to institutionalized medicine that is referenced in the colonial literature -


32 patients from surrounding areas (Ruiz 1978). In the colonial literature there is direct mention of trade and possible commerce of medicinal plants (Caballero 1982). To the present day, many homes have a small medicinal home garden. 1). A large portion of their vocabulary is de dicated to the classification of different soil types (there are ten according to the PurhŽpecha and 6 designated by pedologists), seasonal cycles of winds that occur in the basin, clouds (in terms of signals), types of rain, constellations and their locat ion for navigation, and season classification as well as moon phases and how they affect fishing activity, i.e. fertility (Toledo et al. 1980). Also noteworthy is that the words related to the annual cycles of the seasons incorporate the cardinal directio n from which they originate. The determination of soil classification describes texture, color, productive potential and general phenomena associated with each of the ten designated soil types (i.e. parent material, sediment size, fertility, etc.). Based on their classification, they were even able to construct an accurate area map based on soil type described in a study done by Barrera Brassols (2003). A study conducted by Toledo (et al. 1987) showed a base of 160 named and classified species of mammal s, amphibians, reptiles, birds and fish. Animal classification and nomenclature is also determined by biological characteristics and distribution in their habitat, especially in the case of fish. Aquaculture and fishing were a large part of PurhŽpecha l ife. Many of these traditions were carried on until well into the XX century and some even into the XXI (although many are now restricted by scarcity and governmental restrictions ). The literature also refers to a highly developed system of sustainable fo restry (for which the exact techniques are unfortunately unknown), which is demonstrated in the diversity and


33 composition as documented by Fray Alonzo de la Rea in 1643 (Caballero 1982). According to Ruiz (1978), the forests were documented as being impen etrable and only a certain group of high priests, while in charge of keeping their use and integrity under observation, were permitted to freely enter. As mentioned previously, the secondary growth forest is common in the region and is considered a sign o f human intercession. It is important to note that, according to historic accounts, the PurhŽpecha also received tributes from groups surrounding their territory I t is also believed (based on documented biodiversity and forest density) that their managem ent and consumption practices were sustainable over an indefinite extended time period (Barrera Bassols & Zinck 2003). This is appears consistent with the co mposition as recently as 50 years ago. For all of the modifications and alterations over the last five centuries, it was apparent that, until approximately 50 years ago, there were no major changes or shifts in ecological struc ture (Toledo et al. 1980). Another example of resource management is directly mentioned in the colonial literature was a wild life park in which various species of animal were maintained. It is believed that this park existed mainly for bird conservation since that feather art was central to the region and culture (Caballero 1982). Feather art was very prominent and multicolored feathers were used like mosaics in geometrical patterns or in the likeness of animals. These designs were worn on ceremonial capes, fans, pins and wall h angings (Correa P Ž rez 1997) and involved the use of a process involving orchid pseudobulbs called P a s t a d e C a – a d e M a ’ z P r e h i s p a n i c t o C o l o n i a l P u r h Ž p e c h a Fortunately, history of the PurhŽpecha people is well documented since the XVI century includin g ten works that document traditional knowledge and use of natu ral resources (Alvarez Icaza et al. 1990). During the height of the PurhŽpecha civilization in the XVI century the


34 estimated population was 80 100 thousand inhabitants and was distributed in 90 95 settlements across their ter ritory (Alvarez Icaza et al. 199 0). They were primarily hunters, farmers and fishermen. Agriculture and fish were the base of their economy (Correa Perez 1997 ). They grew a variety of crops from food crops (like c h ’ a maize and beans) to crops like cotton and tobacco. It is asserted that they were able to flourish and maintain biodiversity due to the high variation in resources that is natu rally available there (SEMARNAP 2000). They used wood for construction and fire wood for cooking and heating. Evidence has been found that shows the use of bronze tools as early as the XIV century (Fig. 2 4). The are considered to have some of the most prolific and advanced techniques for metalwork (copper in particular ) in Mesoamerica (Correa PŽ rez 1997 ). They used metallurgy to construct tools (for example hoes and planting tools), weapons, and for artistic applications like inlay and filigree. They worked in copper, bronze, silver and gold utilizing techniques like firing, soldering and molds. They are documented as also having very developed tech niques in stonework ( e g construction, statues, obsidian weapons and tools) woodwork ( e g statues, furniture and construction) and b a r r o (terracotta) which was used fo r domestic, commercial and ceremonial purposes (Correa PŽ rez 1997). Agriculture was considered a collective practice (although there were also plots of land that were devoted to the political figures and priests). Four distinct forms of agriculture were found in the area: highland farming, lowland farming, riparian farming and terrace farming. The agricultural procedures were determined specifically by ecological conditions and they appeared to have utilized methods that were considered minimally manipu lative of the natural environment; in other words, with a minimum of external inputs.


35 Terrace agriculture was practiced mainly in the peninsular area in the eastern portion of Lake P‡tzcuaro, due to rocky soil and steep topography and was maintained by m anual labor. Terracing both for building and agriculture was prevalent. In fact, many of these terraces are still used in area agriculture today. They were/are used to prevent erosion and run off into the lake. Irrigation systems were also developed th at utilized wells, lake water and rainwater ( Toledo et al. 1989). Home gardens were also commonly used for fruits and vegetables like tomatoes and chiles that are common in daily use (Caballero 1982). The vertical space was maximized in the gardens to m ake the best practical use of the smaller space. According to historic accounts, the PurhŽpecha were still using (up until the late XX century and even today in some cases) the same species of maize ( b l a n c o a m a r i l l o c o l o r a d o p i n t o y a z u l ) and several s pecies of chile. Beans, however, are species that are commercially available today (commonly Navy bean, Flor de Junio and Flor de Mayo). They also cultivated amaranth, a grain commonly used in many Prehispanic/ Mesoamerican cultures, and is still part of the PurhŽpecha diet, usually in conjunction with wheat or corn. Unfortunately, past references to other food plants are vague and unspecific but there are many references to wild species frequently collected for food. This is still done today especially as a way to supplement what they grow and/or to save money ( e g nopal -which is a staple in the Mexican diet and is sold in the more urban areas ) (Refer to Oponguio chapter) The area surrounding Lake P‡tzcuaro housed the administrative centers of the P political and religious centers, respectively. The local resources were traded between and among communities due to the specialization of services and products that were available through the


36 local resources in each area (local natural resources could be specialized by the local flora and fauna medicinal herbs, feathers, specific wood, etc.). There was also artisanal production like embroidery, metal work, wood work, pa inting, carpentry, stone cutting, etc. Clay, semi precious stones like turquoise, gold, silver, and copper, were resources that were used but were not found The presence of these re sources is indicative of trade which occurred also outside of the P urhŽpecha communities with other groups (Ruiz 1978). The colonial period (XVI century) brought a major change in the lifestyle of the people as well as a major shift in resourc e management. The territory was broken into parcels that were called e n c o m i e n d a s and were under the control of a European land owner. This change meant that, as soon as the Spaniards came in to rule, there was no longer a system of communal land and the power structure of the civilization was effectively dismantled. Epidemics like measles and others decimated the indigenous population. In fact, between the XVI and XVIII centuries, entire populations disappeared ( CESE 2000 ) To make matters worse, the European farming practices and crops were impractical as they were non native and required a great deal of external inputs in order to produce. They were also frequently devastated by plagues, pests and drought due to limited defenses to enviro nmental conditions. The result of such radical social and ecological changes was that the social organization of the settlements was drastically altered, population became disperse as well as accelerated gun pre colonialization (Platt Bradbury 2000; 1993 ; Toledo et al. 1989) among other environmental problems (CESE 2000). Socioeconomic disparity became rampant exacerbating cruelty and labor abuse while natural resources were irrationally exp loited for export to Europe.


37 Schmal (2004) writes, Michoac‡n: warfare, ecological collapse, and the loss of life resulting from forced labor in the e n c o m i e n d a system." B etween 1520 and 1565, the population of Michoac‡n had declined by about thirty percent, with a loss of some 600,000 people. For the rest of the colonial period the better part of three centuries Michoac‡n would retain its predominantly agrarian economy A little later in the XVI century, in order to facilitate the conversion of the indigenous people to Christianity, the Franciscans and the Augustines formed towns around their churches and convents. This gave rise to a new form of organization which al lowed for a return to communal farming, which was shared, as well as somewhat improved access to resources like health care and water. At the end of the XVI century, land tenure was dictated by a new legislation that one could purchase land and resources (i.e. water and forest) and h a c i e n d a s were formed, once again displacing indigenous communities. Frequent structuring and restructuring occurred continually during the XVII and XVIII centuries and caused further social instability except for some excepti ons in very rural, insulated areas. During this time, the lakes in the region and particularly Lake P‡tzcuaro lost a great deal of their extension (more than one third of its surface area) due to drainage ( e g for building and farming), eutrophication a nd water usage (irrigation, drinking, etc.) ( Platt Bradbury 2000) as the focus of settlements and resource exploitation occurred largely in the lake areas In the XIX century, the social and political issues reached crisis proportions and many towns and farms were abandoned due to the war of independence (1810 1821) as their inhabitants sought greater stability, security and safety (not to mention those that left to


38 participate). After the war, a new government was established and people returned to the abandoned homes and farms and emigration diminished considerably. The post war XIX century brought about more resource exploitation and land tenure disputes as the system of governance and land tenure did not change considerably. However, in 1786 the pr ocess to establish municipalities and the political boundaries of the Duran Carmona and Sevilla Palacios (ed.) 2003 ). Territories were divided among the politically powerful. Michoac‡n then became one of the 19 founding states of the New Mexican Republic in 1824. Mexico went through a great deal of political turmoil and change over that century and resulted in a more traditional E uropean system of organization and governance by the end of it resulting in the delineation of Michoac‡n more or less as it is known today. M o d e r n P u r h Ž p e c h a The most recent demographic research done by the S e c r e t a r ’ a d e l M e d i o A m b i e n t e R e c u r s o s N a t u r a l e s y P e s c a (SEMARNAP) ( 1990 ) found that there are approximately 112,000 people in 92 communities a density of approximately 112 people per km 2 in the state of Michoac‡n (compared to 53 people per km 2 in the country). Of these, 33% of the rural population is considered indigenous and living in the Although the conquest saw the disappearance of many of their tr aditions, there are pockets of communities that have conserved much of their cultural and traditional knowledge. The vast majorit y of people in this 2000 (CESE 2000) other than Spanish.


39 Excluding Lake P‡tzcuaro, there are approximately 77,516 ha of land resources allotted for indigenous use. Of this area, about two thirds is natural ecosystem (considered not modified: forest, gras sland, and other vegetative areas) and the other one third is used for agriculture, horticulture, arboriculture and cultivated meadowland (modified ecosystems). According to a study done by Toledo et al (1980), land use categories can be broken down into percentages: forests 41.8%, agriculture 34.8% (24.3% seasonal agriculture, 8.6 % humid agriculture and 1.9% irrigated land), livestock 0.5%, and horticulture and arboriculture 0.4% respectively. Horticulture tends to be practiced around the lake and agri culture is practiced in the highlands ( m e s o m o n t a – a ) and lowlands. There is distinct seasonality (dry and wet season the dry season seeing potential frost in the highlands). Irrigation is utilized for horticulture and in some cases for lowland agricultur e. The staple crops are maize, beans and wheat. There is a variable fallow period of one to three years A quaculture is still practiced today, in some cases even as it was before colonization. However, dependence on wild fish for subsistence and commerc e still exists. According to some studies, there are approximately 14 species of fish extracted through fishing (10 native and 4 introduced) as well as a few species of amphibians and turtles (Alvarez Icaza et al 1990). However, according to the data co llected by this study, the fish populations have declined drastically in the last decade and fishing is no longer a viable economic activity and barely sufficient for subsistence. Where once it was a common activity, it is now limited to only a few commun ities and the number of fishermen has dropped by more than two thirds (Martinez Palacios personal communication Dur‡n Carmona and Sevilla Palacios (ed.) 2003 ) A common example is the Whitefish ( p e s c a d o b l a n c o : C h r i o s t o m a s p ), a fish endemic to Lake P‡ tzcuaro that is now considered extremely endangered. Efforts are being made to farm and reestablish


40 this fish into its habitat but the results are inconclusive (Martinez Palacios 2002). Fish are now being brought in from other state s. Agricultural prac tices have changed due to mechanization, land tenure laws, removal of subsidies and market pressures. However, some traditional techniques have remained prevalent in small scale, modern farming. Terracing is still practiced even simply through maintaini ng old terraces as well as home gardens, in some cases. Draft animals are employed to help with farming in the highlands, lowlands and riparian areas where mechanism is unaffordable, unavailable or not possible due to rocky soils. The use of oxen occurs but horses are generally favored due to their multiple use potential and relative cost effectiveness (Toledo et al. 1990; Mart’nez, personal communication). According to Toledo et al. (1990), quite a bit of diversity exists in agricultural crops. Documen ted, are nine varieties of corn, two of wheat, fourteen varieties of bean, five of squash, twenty fruits, fifteen plants used for tea, eleven leafy greens, and more than fifteen other vegetables (carrot, radish, beet, potato, tomato, tomatillo, onion, caul iflower, etc.). The staple crops are maize, beans and squash which are alternated with wheat and barley. Maize and beans irrigation. In general, these gardens are tended by the women and have a great diversity of both domestic and semi domestic plants (Toledo et al. 1990). They also utilize a vertical technique in gardening (i.e vertical multi cropping), making greater productive use of a smaller space (Alvarez Icaza et al. 1990). knowledge. In the gardens near Lake P‡tzcuaro, they employ a method that is believed to be of pre H ispanic origin. It is designed with a lever wi th a cup like attachment that pushed water


41 from the lake into the gardens through stone lined canals (Toledo et al. 1990). Water is also transported by hand from the lake areas where there is greater poverty and smaller plots. Another method is to dig in to the water table (generally 100 200 meters from the lake) approximately 2 4 m into the ground creating a well and possibly canals that lead to the gardens (Toledo et al 1987). S ome use is also made of animal run chain pumps, which are generally utilize d in riparian areas. And finally, s ome electric pumps are used to pull water directly from the lake or previously constructed wells. A complex system of subsistence based on the multiple use of ecosystems is common -home gardens, aquaculture, etc. (Tol edo et al 1980). There are several main activities that have lake, agriculture is a main activity while island communities focus on fishing activities. A grow ing industry for ecotourism for some communities with direct access to the lake waters is emerging ( personal communication and observation ). A number of minor activities are also part of the livelihood systems of different communities. These activities w ill be detailed further in the chapter on Oponguio, the community specific to this study. The majority of the communities in the Zona PurhŽpecha have some area of specialization as far as community livelihood -generally agricultural products or artesania. It is notable that as recently as 1980 of the 24 communities studied by Toledo et al., 16 of them had a specialized trade that involved some direct use of the natural environment. Around the lake, m any of the trades that were prevalent at the height of clay (Capula), metalwork (Sta. Clara del Cobre), woodwork (Patzcuaro), Reed weaving (throughout the lake region), textiles (Erongar’cuaro), fishing and aq uaculture, etc These trades are however (in many cases) less localized and due to external pressures ( see External Pressures


42 chapter ) are limited by over exploitation of resource s and limited market access. Limited employment that requires certain skill (i.e. educators, nurses and political leaders) an d which supplies labor to industry (i.e. railroad, construction, etc) is also available. All of the trades that are prevalent in the Zona are partially traditional and partially residual from a plan of self sufficiency developed by Fray Don Vasco de Quir oga during the colonial period (Tuck 2002). The plan was successfully designed to provide religious instruction, training in marketable trades (some of which were traditional and simply maintained) and education in the fundamentals of governance as deemed appropriate by the European system. In the later XX century, the Mexican government stepped in to subsidize private, foreign initiatives at the expense of the people of the Zona PurhŽpecha. In metal work, textiles, ceramic and woodworking (especially fu rniture) there are many success stories in terms of profitability in the local and even, in some cases, the global market are formed. These examples (alongside historic development) demonstrate a high likelihood of self sufficiency, adaptive management a nd sustainability. However, the socio economic disparity Currentl y, it has been observed that the communities with greater ecological diversity and more conserved environment have greater productive diversity and greater economic success (Toledo et al 1990). In contrast, the populations that have great specificity in trade or production activity are generally associated with ecological deterioration and social fragmentation, which only serves to make subsistence more tenuous (Davis et al. 2007, Barret et al. 2001, Bebbington 1999).


43 With the encroachment of urban spra wl, poverty and impractical land use and land tenure laws, in the XX and XXI century it has become evident that their traditions and the environmental integrity of what once was an ecologically rich and healthy area are suffering greatly. A marked ecologi cal deterioration exists in the Zona PurhŽpecha and particularly the Lake P‡tzcuaro region which has increased with frightening rapidity. This has been directly correlated with industry, poverty and land use restrictions (Alvarez Icaza et al. 1990, Toledo et al. 1980 ) From 1963 1990 the forest cover diminished from 33,000 ha to 18,000 ha a disappearance of 45% of the total forest cover (Alvarez Icaza et al. 1990). This and other types of disturbance (forest fires, resin extraction, deforestation) are be lieved to have left remaining forests vulnerable to disease and blight. This has grave implications not only for the forests and the ecosystems that they sustain, but also the people and livelihoods that depend on them. Livelihoods were affected by resour ce exploitation (in particular the forests) that occurred in the XX century. Particularly in the 1970s, there was an irrational exploitation of the forests in the Z o n a not only by the residents but also by outside interests and industry. Many of the natural forest resources presently end up in development centers outside of the area even today (Morelia, Quiroga, etc). The most common uses for the trees are pine resin (for paint and solvents), material for construction, heating for metal proce ssing, and paper. This leaves local communities with limited forest resources, water scarcity and few alternatives to exploitation as the products have high industrial value. According to a study done by SEMARNAP (2000), it was determined that between th e years of 1963 to 1991 some 45% of the forest in the Lake P‡tzcuaro valley was removed.


44 Where erosion and vegetative debris have always been an issue (especially in the lake areas) they have had graver impacts in the last few decades due to removal of f orest cover, according to the same study. This is causing eutrophication in the lakes that is resulting in seriously declining fish populations, poor water quality and sedimentation (Alvarez Icaza et al. 1999). Unfortunately, conservation efforts have la gged exploitation and have not been sufficient to balance out the quantity of extraction and continued consequences of previous damage at this time. In terms of the lake areas, a full 50% of Lake P‡tzcuaro (a wealth of resources for the entire lake river valley) is considered in a serious state of degradation and high continued risk having low chlorophyll a values, high phosphorus concentrations, severe erosion causing high ppm of suspended solids, and the direct influence of agricultural and human wastes -all accelerating eutrophication at an alarming rate (Alvarez Icaza et al. 1990). According to the study done by insufficient and underutilized public works infrastructure, agr ochemicals and poor solid waste treatment in adjacent communities. Due to many of the same causes, severe contamination of the rivers and streams in the valley continues. A great effort is being made to increase awareness of the plight of this area along with others made by local residents ( e g establishing forest as protected area in Oponguio), government organizations ( e g SEMARNAP), and NGOs ( e g EcoMorelia) since the early 1990s It is my hope that the dissemination of the information in this t hesis will help to support this effort along with practical development programs that take conservation into account when creating development plans.


45 Figure 3 1. Map o f Michoac‡n de Ocampo; Courtesy of Enciclopedia Brit‡nica, Inc


46 Figure 3 2 Map A) The study area lies within the municipality Erongaricuaro, outlined by the red circle.


47 Fig ure 3 3. An Index map showing location of Lago de P‡tzcuaro. A) 5 and 10 m bathymetric contours are shown; Adapted from Chac— n Torres (1993) and taken from Platt Bradbury (2000). Fig ure 3 4 classic to classic periods courtesy of Carlos Villase–or.


48 Table 3 1 rom Barrera Brassols (2003). Earth or hard matter P u r h Ž p e c h a S p a n i s h E n g l i s h Echeri Tierra Earth Tzacapu uiramu Canto Boulder Zacapurhu Piedra Stone Tzacapu pupurash Piedra deleznable Brittle stone Charaki Grava Gravel Poksinda Terr— n Ped (sic.) Echeri kuatapiti Tierra suelta Loose earth Echeri choperi Tierra dura Hard earth Echeri ietakata Tierra mixta Mixed earth Substances or soft matter P u r h Ž p e c h a S p a n i s h E n g l i s h Itsi Agua Water Its’rhuky Jugo Juice Tariat Aire Air Terendani Materia org‡nica Organic matter Iorhejpiti Fuerza vitamina Vitamin nutrient (sic.) Tsipit’cha Organismo viviente Living organism Plants and roots P u r h Ž p e c h a S p a n i s h E n g l i s h Plant‡echa Planta Plant Siringua Ra’z Root Siringua sahu‡piti Ra’z delgada Fine root Siringua tepari Ra’z gruesa Coarse root Soil classes P u r h Ž p e c h a S p a n i s h E n g l i s h EchŽricha kurhœnda Capa Layer EchŽricha Todas las clases de tierra All soil classes Echeri ietakata Tierra mixta Soil mixture Echeri sahuapiti Tierra simple o delgada Simple or shallow soil Echeri jau‡miti Tierra gruesa o profunda Deep soil Echeri jau‡kurini Tierra compuesta Composite soil Echeri khar’shi Tierra seca Dry soil Echeri uk‡ndeni Tierra hœmeda Humid soil Soil function P u r h Ž p e c h a S p a n i s h E n g l i s h Itsœrhini Chupar Water infiltration Uek‡ndeni Hœmedo Moist JirŽjtani Respirar To breath e Aph‡reni Sudar To sweat Khœhni Hinchar To swell


49 CHAPTER 4 ORCHIDS W h y C o n s e r v e T h e m ? Orch ids have morphological characteristics that have led to their presence over a diverse range of microhabitats from the tropics to Patagonia (Arditti, 1992) As they are monocots, there are commonalities in the ir basic characteristics (i.e. parallel venatio n, tri merous flower pattern, etc.). The flowers are frequently bisexual, bilaterally symmetrical with an inferior ovary and have a modified third petal called the labellum that makes orchid species distinctive (Fig. 4 1) There are other adaptive com monalities in orchid plant structure. The foremost is the epiphytic root system, which is characterized by a spongy covering called velamen whose function is to capture and retain sufficient amounts of water to be absorbed internally by the During dry periods, velamen also acts as a barrier against excessive water loss through transpiration, protecting interior cells from ultraviolet radiation ( Arditti 199 2 ). In many epiphytic orchids, the stalk is highly modified into a structure calle d a pseudobulb that is also designed for storage and permeated by vascular tissue. Other orchids have rhizomes although these tend to be terrestrial. A commonality in most orchids is a very long juvenile period (anywhere from two to thirteen years). Fl owering is considered the indicator of maturity. Once formed, a mature fruit can hold hundreds of thousands of small seeds, which in the majority of species have a specialized, symbiotic rela tionship with miccorhizal fungi (Arditti, 1992). The reason for this is that orchid seeds have no endosperm which holds nutrients for the developing embryo. This means that the seeds need outside nourishment, which is provided by the fungi. Orchids have been prized throughout the world for their beauty, uniqueness, m edicinal and culinary value. There is record of orchids as far back as in the M a t e r i a M e d i c a o f t h e M y t h i c a l


50 E m p e r o r published during the Han dynasty (206 B.C 220 A.D.) in China. There are also orchids mentioned in several hundred ancient Chinese books on botany and medicine (Arditti 1992). The Aztecs used the vanilla orchid pods frequently in a beverage called x o c o l a t l It is well documented that by the late 1700s, orchids were highly valued throughout the world and were cultivated, collected and trad ed (especially by Europeans) throughout the world Africa, Asia, the Americas, etc. They are now understood to have both economic significance and e cological importance (Koopowitz 2001). O rchids are clearly highly adapted to their environment having ver y specialized features and interactions. Their exact role in the ecosystems in which they are found is not well understood and has not been the focus of extensive study (Koopowitz 2001); Although, it is understood that their presence indicates a general l evel of ecological health (Kati et al. 2004) The co existence implicit in their ecological presence as a comensal species is also indicated by their specific and intimate relationship with many pollinating species, as well as humans (Kearns et al 1998 ) There are compelling examples that appear to demonstrate co evolution (Fig. 4 2) (Dressler 1982). (in terms of their presence in conjunction with general diversity ), as a charismatic conservation species, breeding, exotic ornamentals, cultural significance, and/or artistic purposes. The orchids specific to this study are intimately involved in all of these. Because their habitat is forest, conservation is a comple O r c h i d C u l t u r e D o m e s t i c o r c h i d s Orchids, outside of their habitat, are generally grown for ornamental purposes and the amounts of money in the local an d world market (Arditti, 1992).


51 Modern commercial trade of orchids as a valuable commodity appears to have its establishment in the XVIII century through European travelers (merchants, missionaries, etc.) although orchids as ornamentals are mentioned in literature as far back as the XVI century B.C in China (Arditti, 1992) After the XVIII century, they became common features in botanical gardens and valued by private collectors (Koopowitz, 2001) Orchids were collected in huge numbers ( sometimes inclu ding the trees that hosted them) to ensure that at least some percentage arrived alive and in breeding condition. This had much to do with the fact that orchids are sensitive and often specific to their environment and therefore the high mortality rate fo r wild species taken from their natural habitat. Particularly in the 19 th century, there was a huge push in the European market for tropical orchids that resulted in the further irrational exploitation of orchids and their habitat (Koopowitz, 2001). It i s argued that this, as well as the onset of the industrial revolution and a global economy, is the reason that rare orchid populations are believed to have sustained great damage as well as many forest ecosystems of which orchids were, historically, a nat ural part (Koopowitz 2001). Currently, the global market for orchids is very strong. Commercial orchids are generally hybrids that have been developed to have more fragrant and showier flowers, are easier to grow and maintain and can be more easily prod uced. Rare, wild orchids have a much smaller market niche but bring in larger amounts of money sometimes simply based on their endangered or rare status. According to an article published in the Gainesville Florida Sun newspaper in 2004, in the U.S. mo re than 16 million orchids were sold in 2003, generating more than $121 million in retail monies. It is considered the fastest growing sector of the horticultural market. In some areas of the world, wild orchids have a market niche based on local traditi ons (i.e. D’a de los Muertos) or ornamental value due to beauty uniqueness and endemism


52 I n the markets in South central Mexico, certain orchid flowers can bring in anywhere from 100 to 400 pesos -between what would be a typical Conservation of their habitat ( i n s i t u ) a s an important method for maintaining orchid diversity is well known especially since there are so many that are very difficult to culture and maintain in non native en vironments a necessary form of assuring the longevity of even the hybrids that result from a wild origin. Generally, the features favored by orchid growers are not suitable for survival in the wild (larger flowers, fragrance, colors and patterns that would not appeal to the pollinators a native species has developed for over time). Hybrids are also susceptible to viruses that wild orchids are not. As such, it is important to maintain wild spe cies diversity in order to have a broad and diverse genetic base from which to draw. As in any breeding practice, it is necessary to offset the consequences of inbreeding. Crossbreeding with wild species to encourage hybrid vigor is a common solution. Wi ld orchid species are ideal because they can also introduce favorable secondary characteristics into the genetic line ( e g decreased time to flower, disease resistance, greater tolerance of artificial cultivation conditions, etc). Because of the aforeme ntioned specificity of orchid morphology, line breeding is often employed (otherwise, the favored characteristics would be quickly lost from one generation to the next). Also, just as there are changes in fashion (whether it be furniture, clothing, etc) there are also changes in ornamental flower style. Sometimes this is fostered by market competition the requires the introduction of wild genes, from time to time, in order to subtly or dramatically


53 adaptability, among others. Orchid breeding is a complex and fascinating process, in which hybrid breeders depend heavi plasm. But with this also comes the responsibility to protect our [wild] sources and that means arold Koopowitz, O r c h i d s a n d t h e i r c o n s e r v a t i o n ( 2 0 0 1 ) E n d e m i c O r c h i d s : E u c h i l e c i t r i n a a n d L a e l i a a u t u m n a l i s The two species favored in this study are E u c h i l e c i t r i n a and L a e l i a a u t u m n a l i s Both species are endemic to MŽxico and have significant econom ic and cultural value. E u c h i l e c i t r i n a Euchile citrina is epiphytic with smaller, egg shaped pseudobulbs that tend to range from 4 6 cm in length, 2 3 cm wide (Fig. 4 3). They are commonly covered by a persistent papery sheath that should not be removed The leaves are a silvery green and number 2 4 per pseudobulb. They are elliptical in shape and tend to range from 18 25 cm in length and 2 4 cm wide. The foliage has a fine, powdery coating over the leaves. The flowers are generally found in infloresc ence of 6 10 cm in length. One or two large, hanging flowers are generally found on each stalk. The blooms are pale yellow to deep yellow (or even almost orange) having fleshy sepals. Petals are elliptical, being 5 6.5 cm in length, 1.5 2 cm wide with a labellum more or less of the same length and ruffled with darker veins that can have varying amounts of white at the tip. Plants may be upright or pendant, but the flowers are always pendant. The flowers release a strong lemony fragrance, which lead to t bloom from late winter to spring in the dry oak pine forests found between 1300 2600m in South Central MŽxico


54 L a e l i a a u t u m n a l i s Within the genus L a e l i a there is a great deal of variation. This variation c an even be seen in the species themselves which can vary quite a bit from population to population (Harbinger and Soto 1997). L a e l i a a u t u m n a l i s can be described generally as an epiphytic orchid, with a dark green and oblong pseudobulb, about 15 cm long an d 3 cm wide (Fig. 4 4). Like many psuedobulbs, it is hard and fibrous with the same papery sheath mentioned in E u c h i l e c i t r i n e There are generally 1 3 leaves present which are dark green and can be tinged with purple. It has an erect flower stalk with 5 to 12 flowers alternating on bracts and can be as long as a meter (Harbinger and Soto 1997). Flowers can be anywhere from a very light lilac to a rich magenta generally having a yellow stripe on the labellum. The fragrance varies greatly and it is said that the fragrance it stronger if it is exposed to more sunlight (Harbinger and Soto 1997). It flowers during fall, from September to November. This Laelia is typical of the Mexican highlands, generally being found between 1800 2700 meters. C u l t u r a l S i g n i f i c a n c e D a y o f t h e D e a d Laelia autumnalis is used in the altars for the D ’ a d e l o s M u e r t o s (Day of the Dead), a ceremony which has been altered through the centuries and varies from location t o location (Fig 3 5, 3 6). In P rehispanic Mexico, the gener al purpose of the Day of the Dead was to celebrate death and, at the same time (paradoxically), the continuity of life. The original celebration goes back to the festivities held during the Aztec month of M i c c a i l h u i t o n t l i ritually presided over by the go ddess M i c t e c a c i h u a t l ("Lady of the Dead"), dedicated to children and the dead (Salvador 2003). In the Aztec calendar, this ritual fell roughly at the end of the month of July and the beginning of August. However, in the post conquest era Catholic priests


55 converting the native people to Catholicism. The result is that Mexicans currently celebrate the day of the dead during the first two days of November. The simplest descriptio n of the celebration is that families celebrate departed relatives. Some families celebrate the passing of a departed family member one year after their passing and some families celebrate the passing of a dear relative every year for several years. The following description of the altars by Jaime Stransky (1996) is very apt: flowers such as marigolds and c hrysanthemums and [the orchid] Laelia autumnalis, and adorne d with religious amulets and sometimes with offerings of food, cigarettes and alcoholic vorites of the honored relative ) Elaborate Catrin e s (skeletal figurines) are also considered a representative craft t hat can be seen during the year and sometimes adorning day of the dead celebrations as well as colorful skull confections made from white sugar and paper cut outs of skulls and skeletons (Fig. 4 5 and 4 6). The Day of the Dead can range from a very impor tant cultural event, with definite social and economic responsibilities for participants (exhibiting what social anthropologists would term for example in the community of El Espiritu near Lake P‡tzcuaro) consisting of food, flowers and favorite items of the late relatives, to a religious observance featuring actual worship of the dead ( e g Cuilapan and Oaxaca), to simply a uniquely Mexican holiday characterized by special foods and confections ( e g Mexico D.F., Morelia). There is also the tourist element that plays a role in places like the Island of Janitzio, famous for its celebration, in the middle of Lake P‡tzcuaro. People from all over MŽxico and the world come to see how the Day of the Dead is celebrated there eve ry November.


56 Economically speaking, its import is due to the tourist value (input) of the holiday and community involvement (expenditure). Because of this, its observance is considered of greater social importance in southern Mexico than in the northern part of the country due to a more dilute indigenous cultural influence (Stransky 1996). It also means a greater importance of Laelia autumnalis in south central Mexico, which is intimately associated with the flowers. There is a notable impact on wild p opulations as they are generally collected from the wild and placed on altars or sold in the public markets, in quantity, during this time. It is understood that t he more urban the setting the less religious and cultural importance appears to be preserved by observers. It can also be said that the more rural (and indigenous) the locality, the greater the religious and economic significance of most celebrations. On the island of Janitzio, (located within a few kilometers of the study area), the celebrati on is elaborate, especially with flower decorations of the many altars. P a s t a d e C a – a d e M a ’ z The use of pseudobulbs in making an adhesive compound (gum) is another cultural use of orchids. The use the word t a t z i n g u i to describe the adhesive g um, which has been used in making pasta de ca–a de ma’z and other activities during pre Colombian, colonial times and even into the present day. It has also been used all over Mexico as the adhesiv e for feather mosaics (called t z a u h t l i by the Aztecs) and t empera paintings ( Gonz‡lez Tirado 2004) The reason for its adhesive quality is that pseudo bulbs, among other things, are the storage area for nutrients taken into the plant. These nutrients are stored in the form of polysaccharides. This can be made i nto a vegetable gum and then converted into a powder This is how it was sold in the pre Colombian markets by the Aztecs and perhaps others ( Gonz‡lez Tirado 2004) Otherwise, raw cellulose and starch are insoluble in water although starch will suspend in water to form a paste when heated. The percentage of starch in pseudo bulbs is low


57 approximately 7% (Arditti 1992). The fiber content can be considerable, however, depending on the species When cooked, it generally produces more of a paste or putty ra ther than a gum ( Gonz‡lez Tirado 2004) It is documented in the F l o r e n t i n e c o d e x that t a t z i n g u i was used by the Aztecs as an adhesive in paper making ( Gonz‡lez Tirado 2004) It is theorized that it might also have been employed in the creation of three d imensional paper figures, which have been found in burial offerings in the T e m p l o M a y o r of Tenochtitlan ( Gonz‡lez Tirado 2004) It is also known to be an important ingredient in an additional prehispanic art form known as P a s t a d e C a – a d e M a ’ z (Fig. 4 7) The product of p a s t a d e c a – a d e m a ’ z (or p a s t a d e c a – a ) is a lightweight sculpture made of multiple of ingredients including corn paste (as its name describes) and the orchid adhesive compound, among other ingredients. Many M esoamerican tribes believed that the presence of effigies on the battlefield served to increase power and likelihood of victory (Stransky 1996). In general, the sculptures were believed to p a s t a d e c a – a as a lightweight, practical and durable way to take images of their gods into battle. During the conquest, the procedure was used to create Catholic effigies. It is believed that many of the statues made of p a s t a d e c a – a that are currently in t he churches are originals from the XVI century In fact, according to an i n f o r m e created by the state of Michoac‡n, la Vi rgen de la Salud (patron Saint of the region ) who resides in the church associated with the hosp ital in Santa Fe de la Laguna, near Lake P‡tzcuaro, is an example of this (Fig. 4 8). There is documentation that development plan in this area involved P‡tzcuaro as a center for the p a s t a d e c a – a process during colonialization (Stra nsky


58 1996 ). And it is a process that is still practiced there. In fact there is an organization, the Latin American Design Foundation that is dedicated to its preservation as a traditional art form and has developed a program of employment for local wome n interested in preserving the technique since 2002. (history, beauty, hybrid potential) of course, lends itself not only to local tradition and attraction of tourists to the area but it a lso has enormous implications for marketing the orchids produced with commercialization in mind Tourism is becoming more and more a solid part of the area s economy and livelihood system ( M e x i c a n S e c r e t a r ’ a d e T u r i s m o ) This has broad implications in te rms of other Currently, t ourism is national as well as international so that there is a broad spectrum of possibilities for the commercialization of the orchids and other plants that would have a solid national market with international potential. P r o p a g a t i o n T e c h n i q u e s In order to breed orchids, the stock must be cultivated or collected from wild populations. Historically, the demand for orchids is greater than their nat ural capacity to reproduce so that humans have developed ways to propagate them in greater numbers. There are many forms of propagation. There are also many variations on general propagation methods. Two basic and well studied techniques will be briefly discussed and in general terms. E x s i t u Many of the seminal breakthrough s in orchid seed propagation (including recognition of the ir mycorrhizal relationship) were discovered mainly in the first half of the XIX century (Arditti, 1992) Seeds were unkno wn to botanists until the mid XVIII century (Koopowitz, 2001) As mentioned previously, orchid seeds (unlike most other plants) do not contain an


59 endosperm. It is believed that the reason for this is that they are very tiny (sometimes microscopic) and ar e wind dispersed. This adds greatly to the complexity and difficulty in growing orchids from seed as they require outside help in obtaining necessary nutrients for gestation to occur. While many plants benefit from mycorrhizal fungi in the ground; orchids depend on them to provide necessary nutrients for seed germination. Most orchids have an intimate relationship with specific, local mycorrhizal fungi. The mycorrhizal relationship is a complex and individual association that appears to be largely enviro nmentally contextual and therefore difficult to easily replicate outside of the natural environment. This indirectly provoked the study of asymbiotic propagation (without mycorrhizal fungi). Asymbiotic seed propagation of orchids is still a common propa gation tool and is useful in e x s i t u conservation as a way of maintaining more diverse gene pools present in wild populations Just like any breeding outside of natural population breeding i n s i t u it would be a process of crossbreeding individuals and/or sampling seeds from wild populations. This process requires growth medium as well as specific light and temperature conditions. The growth medium contains the necessary nutrients for seed development as the mycorrhizae are not present to provide them. Another common propagation method is t issue culture Tissue culture involves taking a piece of the green plant and placing it in a growth medium where the cells multiply and a complete individual plant is created i n v i t r o ( A rditti 1992). It is believed that clonal propagation of orchids through tissue culture was developed by a graduate student of Botany in the first half of the 20 th century (Arditti 1992) Individuals created by tissue culture are considered clones, which for commercial purposes is no t necessarily problematic but for conservation purposes can be disastrous due to limited genetic variation unless certain precautions are taken In order to


60 ensure variation, a range of individuals from a population can be cloned then crossed with one ano ther. The seeds that are generated from these crossings have more genetic variability and their seed offspring can be reintroduced back into the natural habitat. This is similar to the process used in asymbiotic orchid culture. However, the tissue must be collected from wild populations or from individuals propagated from seed from the wild populations to ensure the population gene pool is conserved to allow for natural selection. It can also be useful with plants that have fallen from their host tree ( ECOSUR 2002 ). Collection, however, can be complicated if orchids are scarce, threatened or endangered as environmental laws may limit their sampling or availability. I n s i t u Conservation i n s i t u as an important method for maintaining biodiversity (as more species means higher biodiversity) is well known. It has even been argued that the consummate way to conserve orchids is in their natural habitat. This ensures survival and flexibility through the ecological and biological mechanisms that have allowed o rchids to maintain great diversity in a variety of areas across the globe. Their long term presence for future research and thus (among others) a greater understanding of species interactions and population dynamics as orchids are very complex, unique an d, in these spheres, invaluable An ( albeit arguable ) element of conservation is the presentation of charismatic species in order to give ecosystem conservation greater impact. Charismatic species have historically given humans a point of reference and i mpetus to more carefully manage ecosystems ( Kotoleon and Swanson 2003 ) Essentially, these charismatic species give a face to the urgency of conservation issues. As is historically apparent, f orest conservation becomes a very complicated issue due to s ocio economic and political dynamics that cause decision making to be problematic and frequently environmentally unfriendly. However, as deforestation has been directly linked


61 and global climate change to name a few habitat Orchids are, due to their ornamental, environmental, b otanical and commercial value a species with the kind of charisma and intrigue that make t hem appropriate for this role. O r c h i d s a s N T F P s This study looks at the possibility for a rural community in Michoac‡n, MŽxico to link some aspect of community development with conservation. Orchids are a perfect bridge between conservation and develop ment as they have a stable local and international market as well as being threatened species intimately connected to their local forest habitat. Conservation i n s i t u requires a commitment to conserve not only the orchids but their forest habitat, as wel l. Conveniently, the community participating in the study has already set aside over 100 ha of well conserved, diverse secondary growth forest as a protected area. The species composition is consistent with oak dry forest -natural orchid habitat. This greatly increases the likelihood of developmental success for this program. However, it is important not to overlook the importance of protection and law enforcement that requires effort and organization on the part of the participants and community membe rs as well as the municipal government for which there is some local infrastructural support (refer to Oponguio chapter). Non timber forest products (NTFPs) are becoming a clear instrument in poverty and environmental pressure alleviation in rural communit ies all over the world. According to a compilation of studies across Mexico and Bolivia edited by Mars hall et al. (2006), it was act as a buffer for economic hards hip (particularly when the main cash generating activity is no longer reliable) and can serve as a means for poverty alleviation. In fact, they go as far as to say, Marshall et al. also found that NTFPs serve as a


62 form of empowerment for community members, particularly women as women tend to be the most involved in processing and cultivation. They also found that these NTFP related activities encouraged labor sharing (versus gender disaggregation) at the house hold level as labor sharing greatly increases the likelihood of economic viability and return for these activities. While they did not find that involvement in NTFP production/utilization inherently lead to reduced rights for collection of wild individual s, they did find that communally owned resources saw improved harvest and management practices. According to Shackleton et al. (2007) there are several reasons why natural product commercialization is a favorable addition to livelihood strategies across th e globe (assuming it is not a normal part of the local livelihood strategy) : [ By ] providing additional options for income generation in the context of few opportunities, allowing households to diversify and supplement their income base, providing a safet y net for those facing shock and hardship, reducing reliance on other safety nets such as inter household transfers and state welfare, and generating extra cash for things like school, etc There is a notable example in Chiapas of a successful conservatio n and cultivation program started in the Soconusco region using the methodology, E l C u l t i v o R œ s t i c o y S u s t e n t a b l e d e O r q u ’ d e a s N a t i v a s e n e l S o c o n u s c o (1999) (Fig. 4 9) The program was initially developed by a doctoral candidate at the C o l e g i o d e l a F r o n t e r a S u r (ECOSUR). It was designed to offer training and long term advisement for plant growers, specifically coffee producers interested in cultivating and conserving native orchids and diversifying their livelihood strategies. The objectives were to: Co nserve the existing wild orchid populations in the Soconusco region


63 Restore the populations in protected areas and in forest fragments in the area Educate the local people in sustainability and more efficient use of natural resources Offer a viable economi c alternative for the local people in the region The program began in 1999 and persists to the present day, boasting the participation of 45 producers in 7 communities in L a R e s e r v a E l T r i u n f o (Damon et al. 2005). According to Damon et al. (2005), t he pro gram has successfully achieved cultivation of numerous native orchids. A few government organizations have granted some financial support (Fundaci—n Produce [ NGO ] SEMARNAT and CONANP O ), but she reports that it has not been sufficient to cover all of the expenses i ncur r ed by the many tasks associated with the initiation (initial propagation) of such an extensive program that requires long term monitoring and due to intense external pressures and severe poverty, also requires infrastructural support (see Ex ternal pressures chapter). While the expectation of ECOSUR was that all coffee producers would participate, some stopped due to the inordinately long juvenile periods of several of the orchids. There was also the barrier of the general distrust of divers ification strategies due to innumerable and devastating past failures. She reports, however, that all 45 of those who maintained participation have achieved positive results. The limit in interest may be related to the orchids as only a commercial produc t having limited cultural value and market access in this community making it necessary to create a market niches and innovative products. Damon (2005) does say that the main goal was conservation and the secondary goal was commercialization: al of cultivation is important to keep in mind, the most important aspect of these programs is the environmental education that starts a shift in perception which leads to


64 greater awareness. Since certain commercial products like orchids maintain their va lue due to uniqueness and rarity, it is no t necessarily a failure that not all growers in the ECOSUR study participated until the end. This supports the co mmercial orchid business but not flooding the market and assuring that these native orchids are cons erved in their natural habitat as well as the The method is practical and ideal for rural environments as it requires very little inputs and the inputs that are required can be easily found locally. In the cas e of the aforementioned project, parts of the plants can also be used to make products for sale. It is also possible to sell the orchid plant) as a market product. The plants are grown i n v i t r o in a laboratory (until they can be more easily cultivated in the field) and brought to the community once they are sufficiently developed to grow on their own. This makes university involvement key in the ECOSUR project as well as the proposed project in Oponguio, Michoac‡n. Pieces of oak bark can be used as substrate for acclimatization of the cultivated plants in shade houses that can be communal or individual (dependent on community preference) before being sold or befo re being reestablished in their habitat. Oaks ( Q u e r c u s s p p ) are the preferred host species for L a u t u m n a l i s and E c i t r i n a so that pieces of their bark and branches are an ideal substrate prior to sale or reestablishment. These pieces of oak are taken from fallen branches or pieces from sustainably logged trees (or a c l a r e o ). This is already practiced in the study community. In terms of orchid conservation, once the cultivators have established a solid base of plants, a certain percentage can be reestab value, it is important to focus on establishing the cultivators before conserving through


65 reestablishment or the reestablished plants run a much higher risk of illicit extraction. In the case of Opong combined with establishing a solid cultivation activity increase the likelihood of the success of both the cultivation and conservation endeavors. The two goals also rein force one another. In spite of the differences and complications associated with the orchid commercialization project in Chiapas, there are positive implications for this research project as the local people in the study area of Oponguio, Michoac‡n have al ready set aside 100 ha of forest as protected area for conservation. They have greater market access. The orchids chosen for commercialization were intentionally chosen due to their cultural and local market value. The people of Oponguio have been inter ested in conserving the plants for some time and have the support of the local university (University of Michoac‡n) to pursue the project if they decide to. First, however, due for whom. This kind of cultivation has broader implications as there are many endemic orchids to Mexico (as well as all of Latin America) which could be grown and commercialized as a livelihood in conjunction with conservation efforts. As there are speci al cultural attributes ( a r t e s a n ’ a ) for given areas, there are plants that are also associated with those same areas. The orchids have real potential to become signature of the places in which they are commercialized. They would then be an attraction as w ell as a way to maintain them, as their presence is instrumental in their value.


66 Fig ure 4 1. Illustrated orchid diagram t aken from Sheehan and Sheehan ( 1994 ) An Illustrated Survey of Orchid Genera p.383 Fig ure 4 2 The Bee Orchid ( O p h r y s a p i f e r a ) and the Orchid Bee ( E u g l o s s i n i s p ); Courtesy of the BBC (online resource)


67 Fig ure 4 3 E u c h i l e c i t r i n e c ourtesy of Jesœs Moreno Fig ure 4 4 L a e l i a a u t m n a l i s c ourtesy of AMO (online resource). Figure 4 5 Altar decorated for the day of the dead in Janitzio (left); Courtesy of Inside Mexico (onlineresource)


68 Fig ure 4 6 A C a t r i n a crea ted in Capula, Michoac‡n 2007; Courtesy of the author. Fig ure 4 7 Pasta de ca–a de maize as practiced today; Courtesy o f CREFAL


69 Fig ure 4 8. Burial place of Don Vasco de Quiroga, Basilica de la Virgen de la Salud ; Courtesy of the State of Michoac‡n (online reference). Fig ure 4 9 A shade house for R ustic C ultivation in Chiapas ; Courtesy of A. Damon (2005).


70 CHAPTE R 5 EXTERNAL INFLUENCES AND PRESSURES Globalization is the process of networking national economies into an international market system. This process has taken an interesting direction, particularly since the development of neoclassical economic theory. In attempting to standardize the market system with the outcome of balanced participation, the result is an economic homogenization (with a focus on industry and large corporations) that has manifested itself at the local level as greater socio economic di sparity and resource degradation in much of the world. This outcome is likely related to the disconnect between scientific principles of material and energy related to production and the focus on greater profits and market value. Production is a physical process that relies on a series of activities that requires energy to transform a raw even in the case of natural products. Christensen (1989) makes a very compelling argument that somewhere between the classi c economic theorists and the neoclassic theorists, economic theory began to ignore the material origin of products and the laws of thermodynamics. The integration of basic physical principles of material and energy were apparently present in pre classical, physiocratic and early XVI century classical economics but absent in modern theory (Christensen 1989). Interestingly, pre classical and physiocratic economic theorists integrated thermodynamic principles even before they were formulated in the 1840s To elaborate a bit with an example from Christensen (1989): p r o d u c t i v e because it yielded a surplus of output about the material input advanced at the beginning of production: one livre of seed planted yiel ded five livres of output. Artisan activities, by contrast, were t r a n s f o r m a t i o n s of raw materials. Industry buys raw materials from agriculture [or nature] in order to work them up.


71 Manufacturing gives raw materials form, but a dds nothing to them materiall y [in a physical sense the compositional elements] A similar distinction was made by classical writers. Malthus (1815, 1836) argues that only industrial machine However Christensen (1989) points out that, in the transition from classical to neoclassical economic theory, the material origins of the products themselves were ignored while the application of theory focused on the process of transforming t he materials. In other words, economic system as units of material worth that can be invested in at a fixed point in time, in monetary units. This converts worth into a concept of investment in a firm versus the worth of the materials and their origin. Removing the material origins further translates into a failure to take environmental services provided by natural resources into account when determining the value of a market product. The assumptions that are made in defi according to neoclassic economic theory are very much at odds with the basic physical principles governing material and energy transformations (Christensen 1989; Ayres 1978; Georescu Roegen 1971). Marginal productivity makes the assum ption that the output above the input cost is based solely on the market value of the inputs, again not taking into account the socio al product of one input is assumed to fall as long as some other


72 input to production does not c hange but the market is constantly changing and the nature of finite resources as finite must be taken into account unless the long term accessibility of the raw material is assured in the process. The value cannot be determined responsibly if the input and output cost/benefit analysis excludes opportunity costs of the depletion of the raw materials at their point of origin. That is to say, the value is then det ermined without taking into consideration the long term existence of such resources and their value as existent sinks of possible products and services in the present and in the future thus arriving at only a partial present value of the product. These external political and economic pressures have a great impact on community development and livelihood development both in urban and rural areas, something particularly true in a world with a globalized economy and foreign interests which depend on the nati onal and regional infrastructure. Infrastructure, in socio economic terms, is represented by the structural elements that allow for production of goods and services without being part of the production process the avenues for product transport (roads, ra ilroad, airports, etc.), markets for finished products, etc. In socio framework of support to provide for its people, for example public works, political structure, social programs, educatio n, etc. Clearly these two kinds of infrastructure overlap in many areas and are dependent on one another to function optimally. The institutional fabric that underlies these production systems that underpin the socio political structures (i.e. government and non government agencies, laws and their enforcement, regulations, subsidies, capacity building, information dissemination, etc.) is very important to highlight in this process. It is this fabric that is both the result and the perpetuator of the discon nect between value assessment and market value that creates such a gap between rural


73 communities and particularly rural poor and these institutions. The result is limited access to markets and few, if any, input provisions which in turn result in lower eco nomic resilience and higher levels of poverty. A B r i e f E x a m i n a t i o n o f E x t e r n a l P r e s s u r e s Symptomatic of the disconnect, environmental deterioration (particularly in rural areas) is a consequence of greater numbers of people looking to fragile ecosystems and poor ecosystem management practices for subsistence. There is also an historic trend of community dissolution and reorganization caused by outside, systemic pressures which result in the loss of traditional knowledge, successful long term resource mana gement and culture (Ramirez 2007; Henrich 1997; Toledo and Argueta 1990) particularly where infrastructure is weak As infrastructure is central to management of resources, governments (whether they be local or national) are relied upon to provide infrast ructure supporting institutions to aid in the integration or reintegration of marginalized communities or groups into the socio economic system. Private sector support it usually limited and specialized in investment scope. When governments do not or can not support efforts to reintegrate rural communities into the economy, there are limited private sector initiatives to invest in rural communities thus leaving rural people further from the market. This is largely due to rural communities being considered poor investments as a result of their limited production potential per capita and limited market access. Because of these limitations, there is a dependence on support in the form of subsidies, loans, capacity building programs and regulation. Many deve loping countries turn to market liberalization and international investments to satisfy these needs and with the goal of building a stronger economy. Market liberalization and trade, in theory, give all producers the opportunity to participate in the mar ket system, whether it be through local production or international trade. However, in practice, it is apparent that economic growth does not ensure poverty alleviation.


74 According to Kuyvenhoven (2004), e array of market liberalization and been little progress in dismantling the repressive restrictions imposed by rich countries on access to their own agricultu Removal of input subsidies and public marketing agencies has opened up new opportunities for the private sector, but which have often been curtailed by inadequate public investment in key infrastructures like roads and communication s N A F T A a n d I m m i g r a t i o n NAFTA, the North American Free Trade Agreement, is a clear example of the trend that has been perpetuated as a result of the disconnect and the immense difficulties that arise f rom creating development programs without taking socio economic and environmental implications of market behavior into account. Apart from having been implemented recently (in the last twenty years), it is also a piece in the myriad of political and econom ic influences that affect the very fabric of development in terms of sociopolitical and economic infrastructure. It will be briefly discussed in the context of its overall impact on the Mexican economy and its implications for development and environmenta l impact as a direct result of trade and foreign investment. be a major force in gene population (Hufbauer and Sc hott 2005; Weintraub 2004; Faux 2003 ; Cameron and Tomlin 2000). In practice, what it failed to do was aid in the elaboration of infrastructure to ensure maximum benefit for all parties involved, focusing solely on the industrial private sector. The


75 agreement only extended protection to corporate interests in that trade was liberalized but mainly benefited large industry (Table 5 1) (IDS 2006 ; Tornell and Esquivel 1997 ; Husted and Logsdon 1997; Esquivel and L—pez 2003). Mexico is privy by its very physical location to have direct access to U.S. borders and, therefore, the U.S. Market. Th is created a focus on Northern Mexican development and upper and upper middle cl ass professionals at the expense of the southern agricultural producers and rural indigenous people (Hufbauer and Schott 2005; Weintraub 2004; Faux 2003; Wiggins et al. 2002 ; Cameron and Tomlin 2000) One of the promises made by the Mexican government was that as tariffs on US agricultural products went down, subsidies and technical assistance would be prioritized for small farms so that they could augment productivity and increase quality in order to effectively compete (Faux 2003). However, according to Faux (2003), farm program funding dropped from 2 billion dollars a year to 500 thousand between 1994 and 2000 while subsidies for US farmers exporting to MŽxico were increased over that time period. To further exacerbate the issue, there was limited employ ment in nearby urban areas. The subsidy cuts were a result of de prioritizing rural infrastructure in response to structural readjustments that focused on industrial development due to its greater initial economic growth potential. For example, according t o Faux (2003), economic stimulation was almost exclusively on the border that Mexico shares with the United States in m a q u i l a d o r a s (assembly factories) and between the years of 1994 and 2000 m a q u i l a d o r a employment doubled while employment growth was stagna ting elsewhere. Added to this, one must look at the privatization of Banks and other investment services resulting in an opening here, as well, for foreign investment.


76 Wiggins et al. (2002) outline a pertinent synopsis of critics of the agricultural refor m that was a result of trade liberalization started in the late 1980s (including NAFTA), part of which is pertinent here: assets that determines the market powe r is skewed and unjust -is notably unequal then the market outcome cannot be socially optimal (unless government intervenes). T h e b u y i n g p o w e r o f t h e r i c h f e w w i l l d i c t a t e w h a t i s p r o d u c e d r a t h e r t h a n t h e n e e d s o f t h e m a n y p o o r The economic liberalism of the Salinas administration integrated Mexico within the world economy, thereby exposing the peasantry to the cold winds of global competition. If ma rket forces work against organized labour in industrial societies such as the USA, then they are likely The removal of subsidies is not by itself problematic inasmuch as doing so when crucial input activities are the object of subsidy. Kuyvenhoven (2004) provides a good example in the removal of pesticide subsidies in Indonesia. Because the subsidy removal was offset by integrated pest management techniques, the input costs were lowere d over the long term and agriculture production and producers benefited both in the short term and in the long term. However, Kuyenhoven (2004) is careful to clarify that removal of input subsidies that are the difference between productive farming practic es and poverty and environmental degradation as illustrated by following the example given from Africa. Because of reduced fertilizer subsidies on small farms and areas of low productive potential, there is a marked increase in soil nutrient mining, lower yields and thus lower future yields in an environment where subsistence is already tenuous and environmental degradation and poverty are reaching frightening levels


77 NAFTA ultimately plays a definitive role in the kind of external pressure that forces dis persion rather like bearing down on a box full of ball bearings. Eventually, the pressure forces the ball bearings from a high entropy state to a state of lower entropy although in this case, the pressure is not physical so much as socio political and ec onomic. In this instance, a lower entropy state translates into a dispersion more commonly known as emmigration. A significant indicator of this imbalanced policy and the result of overlooking the importance of rural infrastructure specific to NAFTA are crossing into the United States every year. These numbers have increased steadily over the last twenty years (USINS 2003) meaning that the economic stimulation promised by NAFTA did not stimulate employment growth as was anticipated and therefore did not benefit over all development or economic stability in Mexico (Weintraub 2004; Cameron and Tomlin 2000; Esquivel and Rodriguez Lopez 2003; Krueger 1999; Husted and Logsdon 1997). According to the U.S. Immigra tion and Naturalization service (USINS) 2003, from 1991 2001 Mexico accounted for 24.7 % of all legal immigrants coming into the U.S. It is estimated that during that time they made up as many as 55% of all illegal immigrants coming into the U.S. (USINS 19 99). This contrasts starkly with the next highest group of immigrants during that time, El Salvador registering around 7%. Michoac‡n, Mexico is considered in the top five states for highest emigration to the United States in the country. To give some his torical context, Mexico (before 1970) made up a small percentage of immigrants to the U.S. during the latter half of the XIX century and beginning of the XX century when the largest number of immigrants (legal and illegal) were coming from Europe. In fact, was a product of the B r a s e r o program implemented after WWII.


78 The relatively recent spike in immigration is believed to be a result of the disparate economic growt h stimulated by NAFTA, poor infrastructure and other inadequate Government policies. The labor and lower level jobs that were expected to have been created by NAFTA never materialized, pressuring rural and urban poor to look for employment wherever it was available. The devaluation of the peso served to exacerbate this and the immigration vectors that had been established during seasonal B r a s e r o labor in the U.S .became means for encountering permanent employment (partially due to stricter immigration law e nforcement making crossing the border a higher risk and more costly). The exchange rate between the devalued peso and the U.S. dollar (the strongest world currency at the time), created further incentive for job seeking rket was flourishing while Mexico was in a recession. Remittances became a major source of income to Mexican communities at this time, in the mid 1990s. Although it is projected that remittances will drop steadily as US immigration reform tightens, the U.S economy weakens and with the drastic drop in population growth in Mexico from 6.1 children per female in 1974 to 2.4 children in 1999 (Bean and Lowell 2004; CONAPO 1999). The labor surplus and economic need in rural Mexico have opened the door to an ex odus in the last several decades to seek work outside of rural communities. This has heavily impacted Michoac‡n so that community fragmentation has been an enormous obstacle to rural development. There are various communities where women, children and th e elderly stay behind while the working age males seek work elsewhere in larger urban centers or even outside of the country. The general study area of the P‡tzcuaro basin has shown diverse impacts as each community is impacted with varying degrees of sev erity. Some communities have lost the vast majority of their working age males, while others still eke out a living through services, trade,


79 agriculture and remittances. The particular community that participated in this analysis has been impacted, certa inly, by the aforementioned factors however, the community is struggling to maintain a local economy in order to keep community members at home (refer to Oponguio chapter). R e m i t t a n c e s y and certainly remain a buffer for many low income families when income generating activities are scarce and/or limited. While the monthly amount is often not enough to support the entire household, it is enough to supplement the household income when cas h is scarce raising the income status of the household. Remittances are helpful in the temporary improvement of living conditions in households that receive them (Acosta et al. 2008). Remittances can make a difference in the development and evolution of ho usehold livelihood strategies (Ruiz 2004) if the quantity and frequency facilitate participation in a particular activity. There are isolated examples of migrants organizing remittances for community betterment (Ruiz 2004). A recent study by Acosta et al. (2008) found that, while remittances raised the household income and therefore lowered the poverty level, it was not as significant as the monetary figures of income flow would suggest in poverty alleviation, in general (Acosta et al. 2008; Taylor 1999). I t is also interesting to note that remittances are slowing substantially both to Mexico (a significant drop of 6.8%) and Brazil which are the two largest remittance providers in Latin America, according to a report by the Multilateral Investment Fund in 20 07 (Fig. 5 2). These are the largest drops to have been reported in the last thirteen years. This is related to the current U.S. economic downturn and economists are speculating that this will result even greater emigration to the U.S. as remittance depend ent families seek income unavailable to them in their communities and cities (Roig Franzia 2008, Washington Post).


80 Remittances, although individually they are relatively small quantities per month, are considered to be the second highest source of income for many communities with high emigration rates, in Mexico. In the study community of Oponguio, remittances have been instrumental in some family economic development (for example the creation of one of the restaurants in the community). They are not a widespread or generally consistent augmentation of discretionary household income for many families. There are families that receive sporadic remittances but few that receive consistent remittances to make them part of the livelihood strategy. This has g reat potential to change if the labor surplus continues to grow without alternatives within the community or even the study area for income generating activities. This shift towards dependence on external support is consistent in areas with poor resource management and few cash generating alternatives. N a f t a a n d t h e E n v i r o n m e n t Industries from affluent countries take advantage of the absence or under enforcement of laws in developing countries as the short term investment will be prioritized over future costs (IDS 2006; Daly 1993; Faber 1992). This kind of industrial behavior exists largely due to poor internal infrastructure in developing countries on the local scale and a weak institutional base that result in ineffective ministries, weak and/or under e nforced laws, regulations that favor large international business and short term economic gains that allow for competition in international markets and attract foreign inves tment (Hufbauer and Schott 2005; Kuyvenhoven 2004; Weintraub 2004; Faux 2003; Wiggi ns et al. 2002; Cameron and Tomlin 2000). The previously discussed neoclassical disconnect between resource use and exploitation is both a result and a perpetuator of this infrastructural weakness. For example, Canada negotiated much more rigidly with the U.S. than Mexico ensuring that their environmental concerns were addressed in the contract. The Canadian government


81 even issued a review of the NAFTA agreement of 1992 and its environmental impact potential looking at the environmental degradation that wa s a result of the impact of multinational companies constructing factories in Northern Mexico. This review was in response to the severe environmental damage done by certain factories called m a q u i l a d o r a s and as a way to add strength to their own argument i n reference to environmental concerns. A study done by SEDUE ( S e c r e t a r ’ a d e D e s a r r o l l o U r b a n o y E c o l o g ’ a I n t e r n a t i o n a l ) in 1990 on the m a q u i l a d o r a s shows the progression and devastating impacts of these factories on the Mexican environment (speaking both ecologically and socially). This study showed that only a minute percentage (6%) of the more than one thousand factories that were a result of foreign investment capital in the first decade of NAFTA complied with operating license requirements in relation to environmental considerations (emissions, hazardous waste production and disposal, with environmental laws and standards to avoid sanctions or embargo (Weint raub 2004; Husted & Logsdon 1997; Bowen et al. 1995; Frumpkin et al. 1995; Gomez 1993). According to the Science and Technology Division of the Parliamentary Research Branch of the Canadian government (Murray 1993), d human rights has prevented Mexican workers from achieving the benefits of industrialization. Workers in the m a q u i l a d o r a region receive the lowest manufacturing wages in Mexico and are subjected to poor air quality and to some of the most environmentally Murray (1993) goes on to explain that the cost lower cost of factory wages in Mexico (in the case of Canada, 1/10 the hourly wage) along with the lack of environmental law enforcement


82 costs of environmental law compliance rarely exceeding 2% of value added, in these cases. There is some evidence that the implementation of NAFTA between the U.S., Canada and Mexico created an elevated continental consciousness of environmental issues and their impact subsequent creation of the North American Commission of Environmental Cooperation or CE C after investigations like that of SEDUE (1990). This is likely due to the costs of such industrial behavior outweighing the benefits for Mexico. This is also attributed in some part to trade negotiations and foreign investment creating greater disseminat ion of technical information among the involved parties. It is also implied that because the U.S. and Canada are industrial nations that enforce comparable levels of environmental protection, standard of living, civil rights, labor standards, health care a nd education, Mexico benefits by proxy through the interaction and exposure to such established socio political and public works infrastructures. A supporting example of this is the enactment of the F e d e r a l L a w o n E c o l o g i c a l E q u i l i b r i u m a n d E n v i r o n m e n t a l C o n t a m i n a t i o n in Mexico in 1988 as a companion to the NAFTA agreement to enforce environmental laws that were previously being abused and overlooked. This was a major advancement for Mexico without further undermining their bargaining power; Although, with the recent shift in the late 1990s to early 2000 in foreign investments to Asia, Mexico is enjoying less leverage in industrial trade negotiation. stark contrast to th e U.S. and Canada and while the example is present, building such infrastructure requires time and independence something that the free trade agreement has not fostered to this point. This means that while Mexico has benefited from greater information


83 dis semination, more political transparency, technological awareness and environmental consciousness, the level of political transparency both in Mexico and between negotiating parties has not been sufficient to optimize economic and trade policies in holding negotiating governments fully accountable for their actions. Problematically, the same limited infrastructure that results in under enforced environmental laws and dependence on foreign investment in poorer countries, preclude the enforcement of NAFTA rul es by the exploited party. While there is a dispute resolution mechanisms particularly for environmental issues written into the NAFTA agreement through the CEC, it has (at least until 2004) not been employed. A contract is only as legitimate as its enforc ement. This is a blatant indicator of the imbalance that such an already stratified social structure exacerbating social disparity and disorganization resulting in irrational further environmental exploitation and degradation, particularly in rural areas. This implementation of development programs there. B i l a t e r a l R e s o u r c e M a n a g e m e n t L i m i t a t i o n s As general trade agreements like NAFTA are drafted and adopted, there is a pressure for ort of the necessary infrastructure to linkage between domestic and intern ational politics is sought by negotiators so that the impacts of decisions made in one political sphere impact others. The failures that are associated with NAFTA are largely due to the inability of countries like Mexico to meet such stringent and broad in ternational demands for higher standards without multilateral investment in the production


84 process of goods and services as well as market accessibility. This comes with a complex set of issues (social capital, resource allocation and usage, education, hea lth, among many others) that must be confronted internally and supported in the agreement itself. A strong socio political and public works infrastructure is central to this (particularly developmental security). Infrastructure development is dependent on internal needs and priorities as well as the needs and priorities of the external stakeholders not withstanding the investment potential of both sectors. This means that the basic needs of the local stakeholders are fundamental to any agreement, particula rly where local, natural resources are essential. Resource management is further complicated when the management is shared by a wide array of stakeholders from many scales -local to national to international. This implies the need for a framework by which all involved parties can negotiate and from which agreements can be reached that are mutually beneficial to all negotiating parties. Because each stakeholder group (from local to international) has different resources, specialties and priorities, developi ng a framework can be very difficult. M anagement within a framework that looks beyond the neoclassical economic approach and takes long term resource management into account to ensure a greater likelihood of equal participation and/or benefit is imperative There are enormous implications that are apparent in ecological strain and degradation worldwide caused by current livelihood and industrial practices. This disconnect does not represent all vectors to the socio economic disparities experienced by many rural people, however, it is very useful in considering development plans that seek to bridge the gap between conservation of local resources and the inescapable human development that requires their use and, therefore, management.


85 Rural poor have been, in many cases, removed from historic practices that allowed for a successful, albeit subsistence, way of life through the process of globalization (Barrera Brassols & Zink 2004; also refer to Chapter on history). Livelihood activities were bas ed on local resource availability and trade with nearby communities. Their livelihood strategies were not based on a greater market access and sociopolitical limitations from a large central government. S u s t a i n a b i l i t y a s a C o m p r o m i s e According to the Wor ld Resources report (2000), there is consistency between areas high in biodiversity and rural poor. This has been considered an impetus for development programs that integrate the local natural resource base with livelihood strategies in order to conserve the natural environment thus ensuring long term stability (Shakleton et al. 2007). The general consensus is that sustainable commercialization of local, natural resource products is an important vector for this to be achieved (Shackleton et al. 2007, Scher r et al. 2004, IDS 2006). Although many sources refer to poverty as the impetus for resource dependence, it seems more appropriate to frame it in the context of the greater production system. It is well researched that pendent on local natural resources for their subsistence and household economy (Shackleton et al. 2007; IDS 2006; Belcher 2005; Scherr et al., 2004; Belcher et al. 2004; Arnold 2001; Narendran et al., 2001; Godoy et al., 2000; Sherr 2000). In areas of high biodiversity and natural resource wealth, this fundamentally means that the basic elements are present to assure food security, livelihood diversity and sustainable development. Restrictions, however, are placed on activities and development of communitie s not based on local resource availability but by land tenure laws, political boundaries and government policy having little or nothing to do with on local conditions, traditions or knowledge (Shackleton et al.


86 2007; IDS 2006; Scherr 2000). This perpetuate Kuyvenhoevn (2004) expresses the need for a legal framework for the enforcement of contracts in the market system that m ust be provided by the state. He goes on to discuss how inappropriate interventions by the state can be very destructive environmentally and socially. An example to revisit would be the removal of fertilizer subsidies in Africa. Public works infrastructure is also an issue that must be approached taking local circumstances into account. The inappropriate construction of public works infrastructure in environmentally fragile areas that would be seriously damaged by wider access and settlement which is eviden t, for example, in the Brazilian rainforest (Laurance 1998; Turner 1996). There is also the danger of over subsidizing activities that cannot be locally sustained creating dependence on external funds and environmental use practices that are unsuitable for the area as in South Africa in the 1980s The issue of government generated market price distortions cannot be overlooked. Market prices rarely adequately reflect environmental costs and benefits associated with m arket products and are undervalued not only by the market dictates but also by local producers who have little flexibility to take these costs and benefits into account (Kuyvenhoven 2004). A problematic result of this is that even when market access is imp roved, the producers gain more by growing or selling what is commercially valuable without taking into consideration environmental impact because of this. A clear compromise would be policy and development programs that reflect the local environmental and social circumstances in needs assessments, development programs and policy definition.


87 here in the context of sustainable development. For the purposes of this disc ussion the term in its use and management while contributing in no way to the detriment of the environment in which it is found nor to the individuals (in a eco biological context) who utilize it in order to adopted: elihood comprises the capabilities, assets (including both material and social resources) and activities required for a means of living. A livelihood is sustainable when it can cope with and recover from stresses and shocks, maintain or enhance its capabil ities 3) An area where these issues of development, market and natural resource management dovetail is the natural product trade. Since the introduction of the concept of sustai nability in the 1980s, some attention has been given to developing links between conservation of local rural communities is often based on risk mitigation and to improve standards of living and dependent on local natural resources (Kunyenhoven 2004, Hildebrand and Schmink 2004, Tarasaki et al. 2004, Ellis 1998). These activities range from seasonal production (due to seasonal availability) and raw vs. processe d materials (produce vs. skilled craft products) to emergency use as a fall back in the event of scarcity or disturbance (natural disaster, economic) (Shackleton et al. 2007; McSweeny 2004; Takasaki et al. 2004). It has also been asserted that natural prod uct trade is one of the few low barrier and direct links that the rural poor (particularly


88 women) have to the income generating market (Shackleton et al. 2007; Shackleton & Shackleton 2004; Campbell et al. 2002). This kind of trade can act as a buffer bet ween the sectors involved in bilateral and multilateral management that result in a global market. There are many examples in Africa and Latin America where these products have secured the welfare of even the most marginalized rural poor, yielding financia l and non financial benefits (Shackleton et al. 2007; Marshall et al. 2006; Shackleton & Shackleton 2004; Campbell et al. 2002; Ashley & Maxwell, 2001). A development plan based on livelihood diversification through sustainable, natural product trade res ults in a more solid compromise between market dictates and political ambition. A more responsible approach to rural development and resource management, taking local resources and their total value into account creates a valuation that incorporates ecolo gical opportunity costs and social capital. Since diversification is an important element of a stable economy (national, community or household), biodiversity becomes integral in the development process as a means for assuring ecological as well as socioe conomic resilience. This requires that conservation oriented approaches to natural resource trade and management be adopted in order to assure long term sustainability of the resources and the livelihoods that depend on them.


89 T able 5 1 Mexico: indica tors of ta riff protection by percentage; Tornell and Esquivel, 1997


90 Fig ure 5 1. Taken f rom Roig The Washington Post.


91 Figure 5 2. A framework for sustainable r ural livelihoods taken from Scoones (1998).


92 CHAPTER 6 METHODS Diversification is a common way that rural households strategize to achieve some level of economic resiliency (refer to External pressures chapter). Recognizing and supporting this diversity is instrumental in determining the factors that contribute to the success or failure of a development program. Development program is defined here as a proposed modification of the livelihood system. L i v e l i h o o d s y s t e m is defined as the composite of activ ities available to all households within a community from which to choose to secure their household livelihoods (Hildebrand 1980). When considering development programs it is necessary to take this diversity external influences into account in order to e nsure that a proposed development program does not fail over time due to poor internal support, and/or systemic limitations within and without the greater livelihood system -i.e. market access, political support, etc. ( refer to External pressures chapter ) Many development programs overlook the essential diversity of livelihood activities needed for the long term ecological and economic survival of communities. It is this diversity that makes them more resilient to external market changes and influences a s well as local disturbances (drought, plague, etc.). It also means that, where poverty is rampant (especially where there is natural resource diversity), alternatives are imperative for household and ecological sustainability. R e s e a r c h a b l e P r o b l e m a n d O b j e c t i v e s This study was designed to find a way to determine the viability of introducing an activity like commercializing orchids in a rural livelihood system in order to avoid as many of the historic development pitfalls as possible. In this community and others there is a need to improve the livelihood system (mainly production ) to alleviate poverty, community


93 fragmentation and ecological pressure Also, because this is a proposed project that would require a number of years to generate money due to t he reproductive characteristics of the orchids, it was necessary to perform an e x a n t e analysis. The p roject o bjective s are as follows: a. to determine the viability of the addition of orchid culture for both commercial and conservation purposes in a ru ral community based on their current livelihood strategies by employing the methodology of Ethnographic Linear Program model ing b. to determine the viability of an orchid cultivation activity based on resource availability, historic success and tradition al knowledge for commercial development. It i s hypothesized that, i f an e x s i t u production system is created that tak es into account a current livelihood strateg ies then a ho will be increased by the modification of an orchid growing activity if deemed viable by the e x a n t e analysis developed through ELP modeling This w i l l in turn influence conservation efforts (both i n s i t u and e x s i t u ) once established. It is important also to consider that what is viable for one household or certai n household members, is not necessarily viable for all households or all members. This makes an e x a n t e viability determination a necessary and useful tool to avoid undermining the livelihood system developed over time by communiti es. Chambers (1997) argued that the only feasible approach to poverty and livelihood analysis was by allow ing the people themselves to define th e criteria which are important which increases the likelihood of success. S o n d e o The Sondeo methodology is an i nformal but structured interview type originally developed at the Guatemalan Institute of Agricultural Science and Technology (ICTA) to more thoroughly gather information in relation to agricultural systems where technological alternatives were being


94 consi dered and promoted (Hildebrand 198 1 ). It is a methodology ideal for interdisciplinary studies as it incorporates a number of researchers of various backgrounds to conduct the semi structured interviews in teams. This ensures a more thorough and less bias ed obtaining of information that results in a more objective assessment of the interaction between the agro socio economic circumstances in the community and the resources on which it is dependent. A Sondeo is a practical means for acquainting researcher s with the research area as a system -instead of focusing on one specific facet that does not incorporate all factors in the local decision making process The Sondeo can also highlight the limitations to certain activities that may exist but that are no t obvious to the outside observer. It also serves to illustrate the framework that makes up the greater livelihood system According to Hildebrand (198 1 ), it was useful to determine the homogeneity of farming systems to discover the adjustments that were common to farmers in the system. It is also useful for determining the boundaries of a diverse livelihood system and clarify the limitations that community members confront when choosing activities to secure their household livelihood s trategies For th is reason it was considered ideal for this project as an orientation tool. In order to initiate the Sondeo, four multi disciplinary teams of two researchers per team were organized to interview all willing households in the community. Each team was rota ted before each interview day and interviewed as many households as were possible in the workday period. Participant interviewers ranged from a social scientist, botanist, ecologist, sustainable technology specialist, agriculturalist, to university studen ts with a focus in biology and agriculture. The interviews were focused on the elements that make up and affect the livelihood system. Once the interviews were concluded each working day, they were discussed among all members and the interview topic was refocused for the next outing. Once all interviews were


95 completed, a brief report was corroborated and discussed among all members of the interview teams. This report served to summarize the community livelihood system and focus subsequent interviews spe cifically to the information needed to complete the ELP model. The variables, constraints and resources were specified in more in depth questioning of interviewees (particularly families that voiced interest in participating in the project) once the Sonde o was completed. L i n e a r P r o g r a m m i n g Linear programming has been used since the 1950s in order to maximize (or minimize) an objective, subject to a set of specific constraints (Dorfman, 1951). It was initially used to help farmers determine better farm management practices and to augment their profits (Heady 1958). The method optimizes the allocation of constrained resources (i.e. land, labor, capital) in potential alternative combinations Bernard (2000) defines Ethnographic methods as causal analyses that predict what kinds of choices people will make under specific circumstances. Here, the term ethnographic is being interpreted as a way to approach understanding a human system by looking at the decisions that were made in the recent past and are lik ely to continue to be made in the same manner (b ased on slowly changing local circumstances and consistent limitations ), in the future This creates a pattern of predictability that allows for further (and more specific) predictions on how any change or m odification would impact the general system or its component parts. The Ethnographic Linear Programming (ELP) model is based on these premises but uses specific information regarding the decisions made in a household. ELP is a basic tool for the economi c and ethnographic analysis of a livelihood system based on household decision making and local economy.


96 It is assumed that the criteria will be similar in making future decisions. Where the ELP purely stochastic mathematical model This model is a descriptive and predictive tool based on the actual activities that a given household or community participates in. This is a method that acts as an intermediary by giving a quantifiable element to wh at has traditionally been considered purely qualitative and therefore less precise or predictable The basic mathematical description of linear programming is as follows: M a x ( o r m i n ) : P = C j X j ( j = 1 . n ) S u b j e c t t o : A i j X j < = R j ( i = 1 . m ) X i > = 0 P is the variable objective to be maximized (or minimized); C j is the cost (debit) or returns (credit) of X j (each of the n activities); A i j is the set of input or output coefficients for each activity ( j ) and resources or constraints ( i ) and R is t he set of total minimum or maximum constraints or restrictions. P frequently represents the end of year, discretionary cash available to the household and was used for this purpose in this study. E L P M o d e l When it became evident that the ideal approach w ould be an e x a n t e determination of viability the Ethnographic Linear Programming (ELP) model became methodologically significant ( Hildebrand et al. 2003 ) This e x a n t e analysis creates a detailed description of the livelihood system of the community wit hout falling prey to the assumptions common in general economic analyses. It is also consistent with fundamental elements outlined in the Sustainable Livelihood Framework developed by the Institute of Developmental Studies (IDS) and elaborated by Scoones (1998).


97 The ELP modeling of a potentially sustainable livelihood system based on the actual ELP modeling was designe d to specify the variables and constraints of the people involved in the research p rogram while taking into consideration local resources -along with their potential and limitations This ensures that, even with ample room for error, the communities ( and /or those suggesting livelihood modification ) will obtain an educated preview of how a proposed modification might impact a livelihood system be before its implementation. It is a powerful tool through which the e x a n t e viability determination of a sustai nable livelihood modification plan is utilized as a guide in order to avoid wasting precious time and limited resources in rural communities, with broad applica bility throughout the world. ELP modeling takes into account not only the diversity in househo ld livelihood activities resources. Since the communities are made up of diverse households (based on household composition, gender disaggregation, econom ic stability, skills, access, etc.), what might be viable for one household will not be viable for all households in a community. While this is intuitive many development programs have not, historically, taken this into account. It is often assumed that one activity will be appropriate for all community members or even enough to contribute substantially to the local economy based on widespread participation and is frequently based on using averages Averaging makes the assumption that all households are similar and will respond in the same way. It is also important to mention that the model (as a reflection of the actual system used by a household) is a way to quantify that which has historically been considered entirely qualitative This means, based on the previous and consistent decisions that are made by a household, one


98 can ascertain what changes and in what quantities would be necessary to the current livelihood system to render any modification viable -or not. S pecifically, with respect to the cu rrent study, it is possible to see how the current activities would be impacted by the addition of the commercialization of the endemic orchids, as proposed. This saves the households that are interested in participating (as well as the community) a great deal of time and resources (both natural and social) by having an e x a n t e determination versus an analysis after the fact. In this way, various policy and production alternatives can be tested in the virtual ELP system giving an educated approximation of how the actual system might respond. This also has implications for the delicate community economy which would not suffer the impacts of trial and error (i.e. limited resources that could have been reserved for other activities or conserved for future us e -land, labor, money, etc.). It also allows program developers to target specific economic domains This is especially pertinent where development programs have a history of being implemented with low success rates and large debt accrual as a result (no t to mention the natural resources that were exhausted in the process). Historic use of this methodology demonstrates a diverse utility due to its fundamental function as a descriptive tool with the ability to project certain impacts and outcomes. Its u tility on a more general scale lies within the structure of the methodology itself. It supplies a framework (matrix) that is situational (as well as circumstantial, as necessary) but broadly applicable. This means the method can be used anywhere, under a ny circumstances and still have useful predictive abilities based on what is available to the people in the research area. In fact, ELP and linear programming modeling have been used on several occasions in sustainability studies, comparing agro ecosystem management practices and production over


99 multiple spatial and temporal scales (Davis et al. 2007 ; Thangata et a l. 2007; Cabrera et al. 2004; Breuer 2003; Mudhara et al. 2003; Turner et al. 2002; Raja et at.1997). It is a predictive model due to its proj ective capabilities based on what is entered into the model. This makes it very useful as factors like changing household composition, production potential and other factors (like production time) can be taken into account over successive years t hus its predictive ability for specific activities as well as how they would be impacted by a development program This me thod was employed to understand the basis of the diverse livelihood system and how modifying household livelihood strategies (or activities) with an additional livelihood activity would impact the households. Once the specific information is gathered, it is integrated into a matrix in a spreadsheet in the Excel program of Microsoft Office that includes the minimum quantity of products necess ary to continue the current livelihood status of the household, and what variables affect it (including seasonality, labor availability, market changes, etc). Labor and expenditures that are necessary for household subsistence are taken specifically into a ccount. Then the Excel S olver function (found in the program tools) performs hundreds of iterations of all the variables in all possible combinations until the objective as specified by the modeler is maximized (or minimized) necessary expenses are met (necessary referring to those expenses relating directly to the maintenance of the household). The rows hold the input output coefficients related to the livelihood sys tem ( e g labor, consumption, production, land allocation for certain activities, etc.). Rows also include the amount of cash necessary to complete each activity as well as accounting rows for consumption. In this model (since discretionary cash has be en delineated as the objective to be maximized), the

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100 maximization function is used in Solver in order to seek the combination of variables that will result in the greatest amount of end year discretionary cash. However, anything in the model can be maxim ized or minimized, from end cash and crop production to cattle production, labor and leisure time. In this model, the e n d c a s h is maximized. It is important to note that once a model is created, it is still useful as long as the livelihood system remains generally consistent. It can also be modified as necessary as new inputs and outputs appear. T h e V a r i a b l e s a n d C o n s t r a i n t s Input tables were used to enter data related to household composition and consumption directly into the model without having to re calculate and enter the data into the matrix for each change in household composition (Table 6 1) This made modeling each household easier and left less room for human error in the transfer of information. Below is the family composition of Household 5. The example tables are taken directly the household analyses. Household composition influences labor availability and consumption greatly as they contribute differently to both. Aged family members are considered like children as they are able to give very little support and still require resources be it from the household income or time that might otherwise be devoted to household or production labor. They are comparable across labor, consumption and monthly expenses to children and are therefore con sidered the same for analysis purposes. Elderly household members are considered able to contribute approximately the equivalent of an adolescent family member (Table 6 1). In order to categorize each member group, it was necessary to determine the ages that were appropriate per category (Table 6 2). Family or household compositions in the results section are represented as numbers to the side of the household number (created for anonymity), for example H H 1 1 2 0 1 0 The first number represents the nu mber of Adult Males, the second represents the number of Adult

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101 Females, and so on (refer to household composition table 6 1). This numeric representation will appear next to the corresponding household number when discussing individual households, for con venience. Labor refers to the amount of human days that a given household composition category can expect to contribute per unit of time The total hours devoted to an activity are broken into 8 given activity. The total available labor was determined for males by the total amount of labor they could contribute based on 8 hour workdays, 6 days a week. Female labor, however, was the available labor after household reproduction activities were co mpleted. Children and the aged are considered a labor drain as they require care and maintenance but cannot contribute to household labor activities. This information was placed into the corresponding activity column in the matrix from the labor input t able (Table 6 3) For practical purposes the time units used were increments of two months: Period I represents January February, period II represents March April, etc. Because labor and consumption vary consistently between the gender groups in the var ious households, they are gender disaggregated. The livelihood activities are also generally (although not always) gender disaggregated. The labor availability table is connected directly into the household composition table so that the amount of total m ale and female labor is household composition specific. composition. It is this value that is connected to the matrix. Th e Consumption table (Table 6 4) works much the sa me w ay that the labor table does The amount that each adult male consumes of a given product is multiplied by the total number of adult males in the household (the same is applied to each of the other household member categories) and then totaled for eac h consumption category (i.e. m a ’ z [corn], f r i j o l [beans], etc.)

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102 and linked directly into the available resource column in the model for inclusion in the Solver function. Table 6 5 is based on a linear regression of expenses per household member category pe r two month time period to tie expenses to household composition and enter it direct ly into the model. Using this regression, a close approximation of the monthly expense per household member category was determined using data from 31 interviewed househol ds in the community. In cases where external influences are pertinent, for example consistent remi t tances, those are incorporated as a part of the monthly family cash In the case of inconsistent remittances, the months of low discretionary cash are the m onths in which remittances are added to act in the model as they do in the household economy -as a stabilizing factor during times of cash shortage. In the elaboration of the livelihood system model, certain actions were taken to ensure that the impacts of the orchid activity in the scenarios that were performed would be consistent. First, the livelihood activities that are currently part of each individual household strategy are fixed in the Excel Solver so that they do not exceed the maximum dictated by the original data collected. The value is set, however, as less than or equal to the demand so that the influence that the orchid activity has can be measured in relation to which activity is prioritized. Environmental or demand limitations (as in th e case of fishing, music activity and tortilla selling) are taken into account in the solver itself so that the model does not exceed certain levels that, in reality, are restricted by limited availability or demand (which can mean ability for others to pa y for the goods or services or environmental supply limitation making the product unavailable beyond a certain quantity). Because of over fishing and pollution in Lake P‡tzcuaro, the number of fishermen and the quantity of fish that can be taken from the lake is severely

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103 limited to personal consumption and many are limited to certain times of year that they can fish. For this reason, the fishing activity was set to no more than 10% of what is caught as this reflects the catch limit due to low fish populat ions. Due to limited local demand, ac tivities (like selling tortillas, the music activity carpentry, etc.) are constrained by the demand within the community as expansion of these activities is currently infeasible due to travel costs and common availabi lity of these services elsewhere. It was also necessary to restrict the household models to the original activities in which the individual households participate due to low demand and surplus labor. ilable labor in activities that earn the most cash per day of labor. This demand constraint is taken into account directly in the Solver function of Excel In this way, the livelihood strategies employed by each household in the livelihood system are i ndividually recreated so that the impact of the addition of an alternative activity (or activities) can be estimated. All approximations or speculations were conservative. The orchid activity data that was used in the ex ante analysis in the livelihood st rategies of the individual households was loosely based on the orchid cultivation activity developed by ECOSUR and Damon (2005) in Chiapas, Mexico (refer to Orchid chapter). The methodology includes either individual, household shade houses or, in the cas e of Damon (2005) a communal shade house (this is dependent on community and cultivator preference). The labor requirements were calculated based on the same project resulting in higher labor requirements during the first year and slightly lower and more consistent labor in subsequent years, once the plants are established, seeds are collected and the environment is created for their care and development in the community (refer to ELP models and Table 6 6). The costs were calculated based on fuel, transpo rtation and material costs for plant maintenance that resulted in approximately 600 pesos

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104 in start up costs Initial involvement by the university is required and the costs incurred by the U niversity were not con sidered as they would be under u niversity p rotocol and research project funding. University involvement in the initial orchid propagation is instrumental if seed propagation is the method of choice to minimize further impact on wild orchid communities as they provide laboratory facilities and prof essional involvement. The orchid activity was added into the livelihood system after the modeled livelihood system was calibrated. When credit was added for orchid production, it was necessary to set the male and female credit cells less than or equal to the amount of orchid activity so as not to take credit for other activities (see Appendix A). Two scenarios were explored to determine what level of participation in the orchid activity could be expected. One considered that initiation of the activity had no cost to producers (EPWCP) and the other involved associated start up costs with credit (SUCC) at 15% interest compounded over 3 years. An analysis was performed over 6 years and the outcome was comparable so that the initial 3 year analysis was electe d. The orchid activity is not set to generate income until the third year in the three year models and in the 6 th year in the 6 year model as the orchids take between 2 to 5 years to reach reproductive maturity. The cash earned from the orchid activity i s a conservative estimate based on the lowest amount that the plants bring when sold in the markets (210 pesos per 2 month period per 100 plants).

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105 Table 6 1. An e xample of hou sehold composition input table for HH 5 F a m i l y C o m p o s i t i o n Adult Mal e 1 Adult Female 3 Elderly/Adolesc. Male 0 Elderly/Adolesc. Female 0 Aged/Children 2 Table 6 2. Age classification for household composition as used in this thesis Children 0 12 Adolescent 13 18 Adult 19 69 Elderly 70 80 Aged 81 and up Table 6 3. L abor availability across household member categories and unit time (available days per two month time period). L a b o r A v a i l a b i l i t y U n i t o f t i m e ( p e r 2 m o p e r i o d ) i n d a y s I I I I I I I V V V I Adult Male 55 55 55 55 55 55 Adult Female 22 22 22 22 22 22 Elderly/Adolesc. Male 30 30 30 30 30 38 Elderly/Adolesc. Female 22 22 22 22 22 22 Aged/Children 5 5 5 5 5 5 T o t a l M a l e L a b o r 55 55 55 55 55 55 T o t a l F e m a l e L a b o r 46 56 56 56 56 56

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106 Table 6 4. Example of h ouse hold consumption requirements input table. C o n s u m p t i o n U n i t o f t i m e ( y r ) M a s a ( k g ) F r i j o l ( k g ) C h a r a l ( k g ) A c u m a r a ( k g ) L e c h e ( k g ) Adult Male 300 72 35 35 140 Adult Female 250 68 30 30 140 Elderly/Adolesc. Male 300 72 35 35 140 Elderly/Ad olesc. Female 250 68 30 30 140 Aged/Children 150 50 20 20 140 T o t a l 1350 376 165 165 700 Table 6 5. Example of regression results of bimonthly household expenses input table. T a b l e 4 : G a s t o s ( r e g r e s s i o n ) U n i t o f t i m e ( 2 m o ) Adult Male (AM) 92 .93958 Adult Female (AF) 422.8771 Elderly/Adolesc. Male (E/AM) 0 Elderly/Adolesc. Female (E/Af) 0 Aged/Children (A/Ch) 404.8728 Total 920.685 Table 6 6. Labor requirements for orchid activity per period. Labor Requirements for Orchid activity (days) Year 1 Year 2 3 Period I (Jan Feb) 8 8 Period II (Mar Apr) 8 8 Period III (May Jun) 14 8 Period IV (Jul Aug) 8 8 Period V (Sep Nov) 12 8 Period VI (Nov Dec) 14 8

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107 CHAPTER 7 THE PARTICIPATING COMMUNITY: OPONGUIO The vast majority of the i nformation contained in this chapter comes from the interviews and subsequent personal communication after the completion of the Sondeo. San JosŽ Oponguio is located at 19¡ 36' 0" North, 101¡ 40' 30" West and falls within the municipality of Erongaricuaro which extends from Quiroga to P‡tzcuaro, approximately 242.67 km 2 (Fig. 7 1). The name Oponguio, local production of crops like corn, beans, peaches, avocado, cherries ( P r u n u s s a l i c i f o l i a ), figs ( F i c u s c a r i c a ), apricot and c h e r i m o y a ( A n o n a c h e r i m o l i a ). It also falls within the zone known for its lumber, woodworking, pottery and hand embroidery. The products produced for sale are: milk, tortillas, cor n, beans, beef, lamb, pork, g oat and some crafts for example p e t a t e m e z c a l and hand embroidery. There are 400 people in the community of Oponguio that make up approximately 80 families. The community is broken up into four b a r r i o s (or concentrations of houses): L a H a c i e n d a L a C a n c h a L o s B a u t i s t a s and L a s P a l m a s Not a great deal is known about them. Only the stories that are passed down from older members of the community throughout the generations provide historic information. L a H a c i e n d a is the oldest of the b a r r i o s (Fig. 7 2). The older community members talk about it having been a functional h a c i e n d a having been owned by a very wealthy man and his family (Mejia) and established before the revolution of 1910. The h a c i e n d a system forced the local indigenous people to work under the wealthy owners with the idea that they would work off their debt and eventually own their allotted parcel of land. This was often done through share cropping and was equated with indentured servitude. The hacienda system hugely influenced the m ix of European and indigenous culture that is still present today.

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108 L a C a n c h a is the next oldest and is also the largest of the b a r r i o s It was founded by the h a c i e n d a independence from the h a c i e n d a d o ( or hacienda owner) after the revolution. It now contains the auditorium, the small church and the primary school (Fig. 7 3, 7 4). The b a r r i o L o s B a u t i s t a s is named for the family that came to Oponguio from Janitzio (a nearby island in Lake P‡ tzcuaro) They were the first tradi t ional fi shermen to return to the area af ter the establishment of the h a c i e n d a first language (native languages were forbidden in many h a c i e n d a s ). Many in the fami ly still They would come seasonally every year to farm on land that was lent to them in exchange for produce and forage for cattle. Eventually, they settled permanently in the b a r r i o L a s P a l m a s is the most recently e stablished of the b a r r i o s and is so named for the abundan ce of palm trees found there. It is notable that it was in this b a r r i o that the first local celebration of the town occurred in honor of Jos Ž Mejia, a member of the original founding family. The ce lebration occurs yearly on the 19 th of May on the Day of Saint JosŽ the patron saint of JosŽ Mejia and of the community, San JosŽ Oponguio H o u s e h o l d G o o d s The majority of families from all four barrios generally g o to the markets in Er— ngaricuaro on Tues day and to Quiroga on Thursdays as this is the day of the t i a n g u i s (the day all venders come together to sell their products in the local market) (Fig. 7 5). C o m b i s (Volkswagen bus es converted into micro buses) or buses are the means of local transportati on (Fig. 7 6). Travel to either commercial cente r (Quiroga or Erongaricuaro) takes approximately 20 minutes and costs 8 pesos each way.

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109 According to the interviews, residents purchased things like: tomato avocado lettuce radish zucchini and potato that are not grown in the com munity because of the climate. W inter is cold and can even fros t for several consecutive days as the community is in the highlands. The majority of the rainfall occurs in the rainy season (June September) making it too wet fo r many crops during that time. The soil is also very saline. According to interviews, chicken is consumed more than beef (4 times per week and once a week, respectively). Eggs are generally not consumed on a regular basis. All of these, when consumed a re purchased in the market. The local store stocks the things that households run out of quickly like instant coffee, sugar, chili peppers, flour, bread, and sometimes seasonal fruit. In general, the local store sells the products that are in cans or pack ages with a long shelf life. The prices at the local store are comparable to the markets and supermarkets in the commercial centers. A g r i c u l t u r e Agricultur e as an income generating activity was once a great deal more prevalent than it is today. It is sti ll the main form o f community subsistence accounting for approximately 90% as the vast majority of the people in the community grow and store the produce for household con sumption. Land preparation begins in February, planting begins in June and harvesti ng occurs in late November to early December. January is a month of rest before preparations for the next year begin again. The staple crops are corn and beans ( also H a b a s a legume ) which are often intercropped. Corn is largely used for m a s a (the flou r paste or dough made from the corn that is used for a variety of food products like a t o l e c o r u n d a s and t o r t i l l a s ), although the grain can be used for n i x t a m a l (hominy) before grinding Corn is sometimes used for animal feed and/or r a s t r o j o (the corn pla n t after the ear of corn is harvested ). S urplus beans and corn are sold

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110 locally and in the markets when possible Also cultivated are wheat, oats, alfalfa, and forage grasses. The farmers no longer plant crops in the same manner as they previously did due to a government program, P r o C a m p o that was established in the community which taught them to plant using a form of resource conservation farming. This technique was introduced in 2001 by five community members. The other farmers were hesitant in th e begi n ning but all of them ultimat e ly accepted its utility. The process is locally called l a b r a n z a d e c o n s e r v a c i — n which employs the use of a machine called d o b l a d e n c e (Fig. 7 8) that serves the purpose of planting, fertilizing and appl ying pesticid e T he machine was purchased among the farmers in 2001 with a grant from the I n s t i t u t o N a c i o n a l d e I n v e s t i g a c i o n e s F o r e s t a l e s A g r ’ c o l a s y P e c u a r i a s (INIFAP). It is used communally by the farmers and a schedule is decided based on size of plot and need. After the initial planting and application of chemicals, there are two more fertilizing events once in July and once in August. The previous method used by farmers prior to this one required a great deal more manual labor, time and inputs According to a loca l farmer, when the two methods are compared after the initial cost of the machinery, the previous cropping method cost approximately 28 00 pesos, while the new method results in a cost of approximately 1800 pesos. L abor and costs are considerably lower wit h the second method but p roductivity is the same. According to the local farmers, this method saves resources as well by working with the right quantities of fertilizer, pesticide, seed and season. Three families have gardens, one of whom grows avocado and the rest have home gardens that produce lettuce, c h i l i p e p p e r s various greens, and herbs for cooking that include mint,

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111 cilantro, cumin, marjoram, etc. These gardens are for family consumption and not for sale. They are sometimes shared, particularl y between and among family households. W i l d P l a n t s V arious plants are har v ested in the wild. The staple plant is Nopal (Prickly Pear) an O p u n t i a sp. of cactus native to Mexico. According to the information gathered in the interviews 20 of the p e n c a s (p latyclades) are harvested every two weeks. This is likely a dietary staple due to its high nutritional value and even medicinal benefits. They contain vitamin A vitamin C vitamin K riboflavin vitamin B6 magnesium potassium and manganese as well a s iron and copper (Sawaya et al 2005). They are also believed to lower the glycemic effect of certain foods and particularly benefit diabetics (Frati et al. 1990). It is not known locally how extraction impacts the wild populations but it does not appea r to have caused any scarcity of the Nopales. Wild greens are also collected for dietary consumption ( e g v e r d o l a g a s a c e l g a s q u e l i t e s and certain species of fungi). Some of the greens are cultivated in home gardens or simply in plant pots near the hom e. A few herbs are collected for their medicinal benefits and are commonly cultivated around the home for example, chamomile (ex. Anti inflammatory and calming agent), g o r d o l o b o ( G n a p h a l i u m s p p ) (ex. for blood circulation, anti inflammatory ), mint (ex. f or s tomach discomfort and as an herb ), C a m e l i n a s p p ( ex. teas and food) eucalyptus (ex. colds), b o r r a j a ( B o r a g o o f f i c i n a l i s ) e p a s o t e ( C h e n o p o d i u m a m b r o s i o i d e s ) arnica (ex. joint health) and pa s siflora (ex. anxiety). Aloe ( S a v i l a s p p ) and M a g u e y ( A g a v e sp. ) are often used to treat animals for superficial wounds and skin irritations. Some cooking spices can be both collected and cultivated around the home like laurel, anis, marjoram and rosemary.

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112 C a t t l e Cattle do not represent a prevalent activity in t he community but they are a significant one for those who do (Fig. 7 9) Five families participate in this activity. Of the five families that rely on cattle as their primary income generating activity, only one has a herd larger than four animals. There are others that have one animal for milk and dairy products to supplement the household diet and as a limited source of cash. Sometimes the dairy products are purchased or traded. Neither dairy nor meat are staples in this community. The animals are so ld in June or December mostly in Quiroga and secondarily in Erongaricuaro and sometimes in P‡tzcuaro. Usually no more than two animals are sold per year as the herds are small and they are sold in the commercial centers outside of the community. One anim al can bring in (depending on the market) around 5,000 pesos. They are not sold inside the community as they are considered primarily a cash generating activity and not a food item. F i s h i n g One of the activities that was once prevalent in the lake side co mmunities but has been seriously limited by over con sumption and lake contamination is fishing (Fig. 7 10, 7 11, 7 12). Previously, fishing was a stable livelihood activity for two thirds of the people who live in communities around the lake for centuries Now there are approximately 30 fishermen and often there are not enough fish to keep fishing as a viable livelihood by itself. In general, the native fish are C h a r r a l ( c h r o s t o m a s p p .) A c u m a r a ( A l g a n s e a l a c u s t r i s ) and the endemic White Fish ( C h i r o s t o m a e s t o r ) Carp M o j a r r a and tilapia are non native species that are also fished from the lake. There are only three fishermen who fish year round, the rest fish between January and May (particularly during Lent). Usually 300 kilos of fish per fisherman are taken out of the lake each fishing season and the fish that bring in the best market price are C h a r a l e s A c u m a r a and M o j a r r a The native fish population of Lake P‡tzcuaro has suffered greatly in the last thirty

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113 years. The non native species were intr oduc ed into the lake to help cut dow n eutrophication (a serious problem in the lake) and alleviate pressure on native species. Most of the fished species are natives due to the higher price and market demand as the others are more common and easier to acq uire Those who fish often do it at night, particularly during the mating of the a c u m a r a which are harvested young and still relatively small (approximately the size of a large sardine or small herring) during lent E d u c a t i o n The general education lev el of people between the ages of 60 80 is primary school (grades K 4). The average education level of those between the ages of 40 60 is secondary school (grades 5 8) and average education level for those between the ages of 30 40 is high school (grades 9 12). However, education level is rarely a priority for those who wish to stay in the community as there are few jobs that require skilled labor and can pay for a higher skill level within the community itself. There is also a financial barrier for those who have low household income levels and are not eligible for grants and scholarships (which are few and very competitive) in order to continue on to higher education. The community has a primary school located in the b a r r i o L a C a n c h a However, children must travel to San AndrŽs (a nearby community approximately 5 km distance) to attend secondary school. They must travel to Quiroga (approximately 20 km) to attend high school. Public school is free to attend but requires expenses like uniforms and school supplies costing around 500 pesos per year and additionally 5 0 60 pesos per week, per student for things like supplies and food In order to attend colleges or universities, students generally travel to Morelia. In a few cases, students will study in Gu adalajara and Mexico City where the largest academic specialty determines the school that one attends. The

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114 costs associated with college are between 300 600 pesos per week and are dependent on the academic focus ( e g tea ching totals 300 400 pesos while biology averages 500 600 pesos per week). According to local statistics, of 10 students, one or two fini sh a two year degree ( c a r r e r a ) while most complete the secondary school or high school level. E m p l o y m e n t Many of the j obs created in the community are services provided to other community members like construction/carpentry gardening/lawn care, house cleaning, waiting tables in local restaurants, cooking, day laborers livestock hand, field laborer tortilla making, cons truction /carpentry, yard work, agriculture, etc. There are also several areas of entrepreneurship like store keepers, restaurants, M e z c a l production (from local agaves), etc. There are also farmers whose activities are discussed more in depth in the sect ion on agriculture. The restaurants employ 22 people from the community. Twelve of the employees have permanent, full time employment while the rest work when there is need -most frequently on weekends and holidays. The first restaurant opened 18 years ago and started as a c o c i n a e c o n — m i c a This means that it was a very small establishment that was run out of the home kitchen. The other restaurant opened 11 years ago in the H a c i e n d a b a r r i o in much the same way. Since then two others have opened in the last five years. They all take advantage of the lake view and tourists who utilize the scenic highway on their way to P‡tzcuaro, Erongaricuaro, Quiroga and Morelia. A group of eight local musicians play music generally twice a month q u i n c e a – o s birthda ys, holidays, etc. The instruments are varied: guitar, mandolin, violin, base, trumpet, clarinet, trombone, saxophone and drums. Members are taught in neighboring San AndrŽs or by a local music teacher. Three members sing and groups are formed depending on circumstance and availability of members. The musicians practice regularly and only in their spare time. The

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115 demand for musicians is limited to local need and can be cost prohibitive (travel, instruments, etc.). During large community celebrations a nd certain family functions they will sometimes volunteer their services. This is a supplemental but significant livelihood activity and most musicians devote the majority of their available labor to more consistent jobs. Some community members are employ ed outside of the community. A wide variety of outside jobs exist which generally require some level of education or skill: office work, teachers, administrators, architects, engineers, veterinarians, health care workers administrative assistants and adv ertisers One of the women in the community is a nurse and travels five hours to work weekly, staying in the area where she works during the week and coming home on weekends. Others work on the railroad, construction and carpentry in companies or nearby communities when employment is available. Railroad workers are also few in this community as a small crew of people work over an established area of railroad and only two from the community are needed. One of them has worked for the railroad for over 25 years. A r t i s a n a l P r o d u c t s The main skilled and traditional craft produced in Oponguio involves the weaving of water reeds ( T y p h a s p p .) The water reeds (locally called t u l e ) grow in the shallow waters near the lake shore (Fig. 7 1 2 and 7 1 3 ) The t u l e i s cut in the month of March for use throughout the rest of the year. It is traditionally use as beds called, P e t a t e The sleeping mats (they are made in single sizes as well as a full s m a t r i m o n i a l better advantage of habitational space. They can also be used for drying other products like tortillas, pumpkin seeds, corn, etc. in the sun Other products like ba skets, bags and woven animal figures are made out of t u l e as well and sold in larger markets, along the highway and in tourist centers. They are a mid level of labor intensity (one full sized p e t a t e taking 3 hours to

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116 complete if woven until finished) and bring in a very low monetary amount (20 pesos per full sized p e t a t e and 10 pesos for a bunch of t u l e ). E x t e r n a l S u p p o r t P r o g r a m s S everal support programs are available to the community members of Oponguio: T e r c e r a e d a d (for elderly people), O p o r t u n i d a d e s (for poor families), and P r o C a m p o (for farmers). Women who are not eligible for O p o r t u n i d a d e s but have children in school may be eligible for grants through a government agency, SEDESOL ( S e c r e t a r ’ a d e D e s a r r o l l o S o c i a l ) The programs are briefly detailed as follows: C ommunity members eligible for T e r c e r a E d a d are given support for 70% of estimated monthly expenses. Whatever this does not cover as it is considered a very conservative estimate is supplemente d by a package of food staples that are given t o qualifying individuals every month. Of the community members who farm, about 60% have some support coming from P r o C a m p o This helps with input needs and capacity building (from extension) for qualifying farmers. The aid they are currently receiving is only from extension. A bout 85% of the women in the community count on O p o r t u n i d a d e s This program gives qualifying (impoverished) mothers 315 pesos every three months. About 15% of the school age children receive scholarships through SEDESOL. The rest ei ther have jobs that bring in enough income for education (about 5%) or are unable to afford education above primary school This grant results in 450 pesos per eligible student per school year and covers the cost of attendance for the school year. The cli nic in San AndrŽs gives eligible families medical care covered under their socialized medicine program -although medication is not included and must be purchased through the pharmacy. Four familie s in the community have elderly persons in the household

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117 w ho require special care due to chronic illness For example, there is an elderly woman who needs a wheelchair, supplies and medications. The other three require costly medications and their families cannot afford insurance and are not eligible for govern ment aid and are forced to pay for them out of their household cash when possible Otherwise they rely on natural remedies and herbs found locally. E m i g r a t i o n A number of families have left their homes to find work outside the community. Some of them ha ve even left the country and can be absent from the community for months, sometimes years at a time. Those that have houses keep them in the family and they are looked after and maintained by family members who stayed in the community or by community memb ers contracted to do so. When possible, the emigrants pay for those services. Limited information was available on this topic as the dynamics of emigration are still being studied and it is taboo to discuss it in great detail with outsiders. R e m i t t a n c e s Famili e s that receive remittances are relatively few and are spread out among the f our barrios. Of the 12 families in L a H a c i e n d a b a r r i o six receive sporadic remittances In L a C a n c h a six of the 42 families also receive sporadic remittances. Only one of the families receives consistent month l y remittances. In the barrio L o s B a u t i s t a s there are six of the eighteen families that also receive sporadic remittances. In the final barrio, L a s P a l m a s there are eight families. Of these eight, two of them receive regular bimonthly remittances. The majority of the family members who send remittances are sending them from the U.S. although there are some who are sending them from large urban centers in Mexico, for example Monterrey and Mexico City.

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118 H o m e s In general, established familie s live in homes that are already paid for -whether it be through inheritance building by hand or paying for construction as they go (although many of them are finished as the parents have children who are almost grown) House s can be made of ad obe, brick or plywood (Fig. 7 14 ). The households are usually made up of several generations of family members -grandparents, parents and their children. Children live at home in most cases until they marry (and even after), often hel ping with the maintenance and income of the household. It can also be said that the larger the household, the larger the diversity of activities and even more so when children are of working age. Working age is dependent on accessibility to school and us ually starts between 13 18 years of age. L i v e l i h o o d S t r a t e g i e s The vast majority of families participate in a variety of activities in order to meet and, when possible, go above the basic household and family needs (Table 7 1). For example, a large number of male family members farm corn and beans for household consumption but work in other activities when they are not farming in order to generate cash. Many participate in more than one alternate activity on a part time basis in order to retain flexibilit y for seasonal labor requirements like farming and fishing. Women are more limited in the activities that they can participate in outside the home than men but also diversify their livelihood strategies when labor and access allow. Some women make and s ell tortillas from surplus m a s a Others participate in service oriented activities like house cleaning (particularly for wealthier home owners who are only in the community seasonally) or waitressing in the local, family owned restaurants. Some women par ticipate in more than one activity, however the household responsibilities lower their available labor for such activities, particularly if they have young children or aged family members.

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119 If remittances are sent back to the household from those who emigra te then they are considered part of the household income, especially if they are consistent and can be depended on by the household on a regular basis. Many, however, are not consistent as stated earlier in the chapter and act as an economic buffer during times of severe cash shortage. M a r g i n a l i z a t i o n According to the C o m i s i — n F e d e r a l p a r a e l D e s a r r o l l o d e l o s P u e b l o s I n d ’ g e n a s (Federal Commission for the Development of Indigenous Communities) (2005), Oponguio, Michoac‡n, falls in an indigenous area that is considered to represent a mid level of marginalization (Fig. 7 1 6 ). to relegate to an unimportant or powerless position within a society or group economic marginalization as refer enced in the literature takes Miriam rural communities and poverty. Howard (1998) includes the ecological (or resource) aspect of marginalization by saying: id growth in human population and a degradation in the quality or quantity of natural resources within the context of an inegalitarian resource regime that denies a portion of the population regular access to healthy resource s The integration of the envi ronment into the concept of marginalization is appropriate in Mexico as it is still a system where the wealthy few own the majority of the fertile, agricultural or building land. This means that land is generally utilized in accordance with its market val ue without taking into account the environmental opportunity costs of exploiting it and limiting who can use it. Land tenure in Oponguio is made up of small personal properties that were gained by the members of the hacienda over the years after it was n o longer operational. The rest is still owned by the Mejia family. It is interesting that land and resources are often shared in the community.

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120 farmers leave fo rage ( rastrojo ) for the cattle, they can use the land free of charge. In another case of private land with community access, approximately 100 ha of forest was set aside in 2005 as protected community forest land by the Mejia family and the Forest Commiss ion. All community members take part in protecting the protected forest land from clandestine logging, unsustainable firewood collection, over collection of herbaceous and flowering plants and forest fires. A reforestation project called Proyecto de Fore staci—n organizes conservation efforts. It was established by the community, the University of Michoac‡n, and UNAM to ensure sustainable extraction practices, and aclareo, a process which aids in the conservation of large, native trees and protects old gr owth stands by appropriate thinning. According to one community leader, the Mejia family actually owns it. But everyone in the community has open access to it with n o The political organization of this community lends itself to this kind of management as local decisions are agreed upon by the majority of the community of Oponguio. Community meetings are set up monthly to discuss any events or decisions that will involve or impact the A cooperative was also formed to give community residents access to loans and as a way to save money without having to travel all the way to a commercial center bank. It is centered in the community of Oponguio but now extends to eight other neighboring communities in the area. Sixty eight members live in Oponguio. A savings account ( fondo de ahorros ) is available where a minimum of 10 and a maximum of 200 pesos must be deposited every week in order to

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121 participate. Any loans that are provided accumulate 3% interest and are only given to community members to avoid collection difficult y. This is largely to cover management costs and so that lenders receive a small benefit for participation. The interest is given out at the end minimum of two to four w the difference between a successful livelihood strategy and extreme poverty for some participating families as it gave them start up capital for activities that augment their househol d discretionary cash.

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122 Fig ure 7 1 Map of Oponguio relative to Lake P‡tzcuaro A) It is approximately 50 kilometers around the lake; Courtesy of w w w s e g u n d a m a n o c o m Fig ure 7 2 This is the H a c i e n d a foun d at the head of the b a r r i o for which it is named. A) It is the original structure and has been kept up since it was built before the Mexican Revolution; Courtesy of the author.

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123 Fig ure 7 3 The local church ; Courtesy of the author. Figure 7 4 Th e primary school ; Courtesy of the author Fig ure 7 5 A local woman selling produce in the large market in Quiroga ; Courtesy of the author.

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124 Fig ure 7 6 Public transportation: A c o m b i ; Courtesy of the author. Figure 7 7. An example of a s imilar machine to the one used in agriculture A) It is called the S e m b r a d o r a d e p r e c i s i o n (precision planter) and acts similarly to the d o b l a d e n c e ; Courtesy of the author.

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12 5 Fig ure 7 8 C attle grazing r a s t r o j o ; Courtesy of the author. Fig ure 7 9 Local fisherman, courtesy of Carlos Villase–or. Figure 7 10. Charales after preparation for cooking, courtesy of the author Fig ure 7 11 Local fishermen, courtesy of Carlos Villase–or

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126 Fig ure 7 1 2 Woman weaving traditional p e t a t e bed. Fig ure 7 1 3 Woven baskets and assorted crafts for sale in front of a residence; Courtesy of author. Fig ure 7 1 4 One of the typical mid level houses in the community; Courtesy of the author.

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127 Fig ure 7 14 Map of marginalization and indigenous presence Courtesy of the C o m i s i — n F e d e r a l p a r a e l D e s a r r o l l o d e l o s P u e b l o s I n d i g e n a s A) The study area, the municipality of Erongaricuaro is demarcated by a red circle b etween Nahuatzen and P‡tzcuaro.

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128 Table 7 1. La bor requirement activity calendar for livelihood system. ! !"#$%&'(#)*+ -"..+% /#01#23 4%.".% 5*(.#++"0 6(71#80 !90#7* :"(8#2%(#" .(";")*, '9%(" +#<=#%$" <%0%(* "+;"2#+ !"#$"%& ()*%$"%& +"%,' ./%01 +"& !$#) !$1& .$2$34 5)/4)6*)% 789)6*)% :),)6*)% ;"*8%'<)=$0%)6)#4 "#$%& '()#*' %(+,!

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129 CHAPTER 8 RESULTS The results from the two scenarios that were modeled (as described in the Methods chapter) will be discussed in this section: 1) The earning potential without cost to producers (E PWCP) ; associated start up costs 2) The addition of credit (SUCC) at 15% compound interest payable at the end of 3 years along with the option of not using credit An analysis was performed over 6 years and the outcome was comparable so that the initial 3 year analysis was elected in the interest of practicality and consistency with the previous scenario In order to test the EPWCP, the revenue started at 560 pesos per two month period and decreased incrementally by half until reaching 0.000188 pesos. The cash amount used for orchid earnings in the SUCC scenario was a conservative 210 pesos for one hundred orchids and over each two month period as this is the lowest amount that that these orchids bring in the local market. The amount of start up cost was estimated at 600 pesos (Damon 2005). The household livelihood strategies are briefly outlined at the beginning of each household section. In the interest of convenience, the headings for each household will contain the household number followed by th e household composition in abbreviated form (ex. HH 1 1 2 0 1 0 as seen below ) The first number represents the number of Adult Males, the second represents the number of Adult Females, and so on (refer to household composition table 6 1). This numeric representation will appear next to the corresponding household number when discussing individual households, for convenience. H H 1 1 2 0 1 0 Corn is produced for consumption only, which is not uncommon. The females participate in the p e t a t e making acti vity while the adolescent male participates in the part time

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130 a l b a – i l (construction/carpentry) activity. The male activities were not impacted by the addition of the orchid activity. The livelihood activity that was impacted by the orchid activity was the making of p e t a t e which is a female activity. The results from the EPWCP scenario showed that participation was un affected by the amount of cash generated by the activity (Appendix A) Males participated equally regardless of how much the activity earne d until revenue dropped to zero. Females produced 453 plants until the activity earned less than 140 pesos per two month unit of time. At that point, females dropped production to 385 plants where production stayed until the earning reached zero. Only w hen the earning potential reached zero was the activity abandoned by the model. M ale labor in year 1 was constraining in period III (Table 8 1) because of start up labor requirements Years 2 and 3 show a more even and consistent distribution of labor thr oughout the year and there was no time period when labor was completely used up. More female labor was utilized in year 2 and 3 than in year 1 (Table 8 1). Unused female labor was at a minimum in period VI and was non existent in year 1. In years 2 and 3, unused female labor decreased and labor was more evenly distributed as the females participated more in the orchid activity than the p e t a t e activity. Male and female labor are limiting in period III for year 1 effectively determining the limit of parti cipation in the orchid activity. In the SUCC scenario male participation (103 plants) dropped dramatically to 11 plants when credit decreased from 600 to 500 pesos. P articipation by males completely stopped once credit went below 500 pesos (Fig. 8 1). Female participation produced 453 plants when they received full credit. Once credit dropped from 600 to 500 pesos, participation dropped dramatically to 15 plants. Females continued to participate although participation remained low (10 plants and under ) as credit was

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131 reduced (Fig. 8 1). Females participated even when there was no credit to cover start up costs although participation was limited to fewer than 10 plants. In comparing the two scenarios (EPWCP vs. SUCC), female participation was higher w hen the value of the orchids was above 140 pesos per two month unit of time, producing 453 plants versus 385. H H 4 1 1 0 0 1 In this young household, corn is produced for household consumption. The Adult Female participates in the l i m p i e z a (house clea ning) activity part time while the adult male participates in the j a r d i n e r o (gardening) activity full time. The orchid activity did not impact participation in any of the original livelihood activities. The results from the EPWCP scenario showed that pa rticipation in the orchid activity was unaffected by the amount of cash generated by the activity. Male participation remained constant at 206 plants and female participation stayed at 97 plants. Only when the earning potential reached zero was the activ ity abandoned by the model. Male labor was not constraining for participation in the orchid activity in any of the time periods although it comes closest in period VI of year 1 (38 of a possible 43 days). Years 2 and 3 show a more even and consistent dist ribution through all time periods (Table 8 2). Between years 1 and 2 male unused labor increases, particularly in periods III (12 days), V (8 days) and VI (12 days). Labor remains consistent from year 2 to year 3. Participation in the j a r d i n e r o activity is unaffected by the addition of the orchid activity. Female labor was constraining in period VI of year 1, limiting participation in orchids, however, labor was more consistently and evenly distributed in years 2 and 3 with the addition of

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132 the orchid a ctivity. l i m p i e z a activity was unaffected by the addition of the orchid activity. The SUCC scenario showed that male participation decreased as credit decreased (Fig. 8 2). Initial male participation producing 206 plan ts dropped to 102 plants when credit was reduced to 300 pesos and continued to drop by approximately half each time credit was reduced. Female participation, however, was consistent regardless of credit amount staying at approximately 95 plants. Participa tion was comparable in both the EPWCP and SUCC scenarios except in the case of male participation once credit dropped below 400 pesos at which point male participation decreased as credit decreased. H H 5 1 3 0 0 2 In this cash constrained household with abundant female labor, male labor is devoted to corn production for sale as well as for consumption. Females in this household do not participate in any cash generating activities because there is no demand for their services. Female labor is reduced a b it due to the presence of two children that require labor time. The results from the EPWCP scenario showed that participation fluctuated when orchids brought in between 560 and 8.75 pesos per two month unit of time Female unused labor increased slightly between years 1 and 2 for all periods except V and VI. In periods V and VI between years 1 and 2, unused labor goes up considerably 9 days and 13 days, respectively. Female labor use is consistent between years 2 and 3 for all periods. Because of the cash constraint an relatively abundant labor, this household is ripe for emigration of the male member. However, this may not be possible because in this community women do not produce corn. The SUCC scenario for this household showed that male participa tion dropped substantially after credit was reduced to 400 pesos and ceased completely after it dropped from

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133 300 pesos. Female participation decreased slightly when credit dropped to 500 pesos and also ceased after credit dropped below 300 pesos (Table 8 3). Comparing the two scenarios, male participation fluctuated as credit decreased and remained relatively constant in the EWPCP scenario. Females participated equally in the EWPCP and SUCC but only when there was full credit. H H 6 3 1 2 3 0 In this household with abundant male labor, corn is produced for sale as well as for consumption. The males dedicate labor to growing and selling corn as well as fishing for consumption. One of the males participates part time in the j a r d i n e r o activity. There i s also one male who lives outside of the household and sends remittances which are consistent and significant to the household income but does not impact consumption or add to available household labor. Female s participate in the l i m p i e z a activity but no other income generating activity. The remittances that the family receives go to the adult female to cover household expenses According to the ELP model, the female shares this cash with the male. The remittances, l i m p i e z a j a r d i n e r o and sharing activi ties were not impacted by the addition of the orchid activity. Corn production, however, goes up 193 kg in year 3 in the EPWCP scenario. In the EPWCP scenario, the participation level for both males and females remained consistent (males producing 414 pl ants and females producing 555 plants) until revenue reached zero, at which point the model abandoned the activity (Appendix A). Male labor was constraining in period II (Table 8 4) thus determining the limit of participation. This is also true in years 2 and 3. Unused female labor was low as the orchid activity raised labor to 86 days in period VI in the first year, which is 2 days under the total available female labor for the household. However, female labor in all periods was consistent between year s 2 and 3.

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134 The SUCC scenario in this household showed that female participation dropped dramatically (from producing 555 plants to producing only 4) once credit decreased from 600 to 500 pesos. Female participation ceased altogether below 500 pesos of c redit. Male participation decreased when credit dropped from 600 to 500 pesos (from 414 plants to 389 plants). Production decreased more dramatically when credit dropped from 600 to 500 pesos (389 plants to 110 plants) and ceased completely once credit we nt below 400 pesos. In comparing the two scenarios, participation was the identical between EPWCP and SUCC. However, when credit dropped below 600 pesos, participation also decreases in the SUCC scenario where there is no change in participation in the EPWCP scenario until the cash price for the orchids reaches zero H H 7 4 3 0 0 0 In this mature household, corn is produced and fish are caught exclusively for household consumption. These are male dominated activities. There is also male labor allot ted full time to the j a r d i n e r o activity and the a l b a – i l activity quarter time. Female labor is allotted to the l i m p i e z a activity. The participation in these activities was unchanged by the addition of the orchid activity. The EPWCP scenario showed that participation in the orchid activity remained constant (408 plants) for the females while male participation started at 909 plants and decreased to701 plants when cash generated by the activity dropped below 560 pesos per two month unit of time After tha t drop in credit amount, male participation stays at 701 plants until the cash earnings reach zero. Male labor was constraining in period III of year 1. In years 2 and 3 labor remained consistent between all periods.

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135 Female labor remained consistent amo ng years in all periods except in periods V and VI where unused labor increased 16 days and 25 days, respectively. Female labor in these periods remained consistent between years 2 and 3. In the SUCC scenario, male participation ceased completely (from 6 69 plants to zero production) once credit dropped from 600 to 500 pesos (Fig. 5). Female participation decreased dramatically (from 408 plants to 19) when credit dropped from 600 to 500 pesos. Once credit dropped below 400 pesos, female participation was nominal showing a production of only 3 4 plants. In comparing the two scenarios, participation by males is lower in the SUCC scenario even with full credit (dropping from 909 plants to 687 plants) while female participation is the same at full credit. Both male and female participation decreases as credit decreases, while participation remains constant in the EPWCP scenario regardless of cash generated by the orchid activity. H H 8 2 1 0 0 1 In this household with relatively abundant male labor, corn is grown both for both consumption and sale. The males devote their labor to this activity as well as fishing for consumption and cattle production for sale (as well as for milk for household consumption). One of the males works outside of the community to earn money for the household but contributes to household labor and consumption. Female labor is used in the l i m p i e z a activity which uses all but 2 days of her available labor (8 days) in year 1 and she has no available labor in years 2 or 3 in period I and comes within a day of using all available labor in periods II, III, IV and V (Table 8 6). The amount of labor necessary for these activities uses all available male labor in period II for all years and all available female labor in period I in year s 2 and 3 and leaves one day of

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136 available labor for periods I V in years 2 and 3. This makes participation in the orchid activity labor constraining and the model is unable to incorporate the orchid activity into the livelihood strategy for this household H H 1 6 4 3 0 0 0 In this labor abundant and mature household, corn is grown by males for household consumption. Fishing by males for consumption is also present in this livelihood strategy. The males earn cash by participating in the j a r d i n e r o and a l b a – i l activities full time. Females participate in the l i m p i e z a activity. The EPWCP simulation showed male and female participation remained constant regardless of the cash amount generated by the activity. Males and females participated almost equally with males producing 400 plants and females producing 408 plants. Labor was not constraining in any time period in any year for males or females, however, females came within two days of the total available labor (66 days) in period VI in the first year. Female labor remained consistent for all periods except for periods V and VI in year 1. The SUCC scenario showed that males and females participate in the orchid activity at the same level as the EPWCP simulation regardless of the amount of credit avail able. H H 1 9 0 2 1 0 0 This is a female headed household. The adolescent male participates in growing corn for consumption. One of the women works as a m e s e r a (waitress) full time and the adolescent male participates in odd jobs earning the equivalent of a j a r d i n e r o working quarter time. According to the ELP model, the females shared cash with the male in the original scenario. However, once the orchid activity is incorporated, females shared with the male until year 3 when he had a surplus and shared with the females.

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137 The results of the EPWCP scenario show that participation in the orchid activity remained consistent for both the male (188 plants) and females (157 plants) so that participation was unaffected by the amount of cash generated by the act ivity. Only when the earning potential reached zero was the activity abandoned by the model. Available labor fluctuated across periods and across years for both males and females (Table 8 8). In some periods unused labor increased substantially. Maximum labor was reached in year 1, period VI for females and reached within a day of maximum labor for males in the third year during period VI. The results of the SUCC scenario show that male participation remained consistent (188 plants) regardless of credit amount. Female participation, however, decreased from 157 plants to 97 plants once the credit amount drops to 300 pesos. Female participation continues to decrease as credit is reduced. The comparison of participation between the two scenarios shows th at participation in the orchid activity was consistent between the EPWCP and the SUCC scenarios until credit dropped below 300 pesos at which point participation decreased as credit decreased. H H 2 1 2 1 1 0 1 In this household with relatively abundant ma le labor, several activities that are participated in for household consumption only: growing corn, milk cow and fishing. These are predominantly male activities. The cash generating male activities consist of working outside the community ( f u e r a ), and livestock. The female participates in the l i m p i e z a activity to generate cash. The amount of labor necessary for these activities uses all available male labor in period II in years 2 and 3 (Table 8 9). Female labor is also constraining as there is les s than a full day available in periods I V for all years. These labor constraints prohibit participation in the orchid

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138 activity and the model does not incorporate the orchid activity into the livelihood strategy for this household under either scenario. H H 3 1 2 1 2 0 3 This household has abundant adult and adolescent male labor and highly limiting female labor because of the number of children. Corn is produced and fish are caught exclusively for household consumption. Male labor is devoted to these ac tivities as well as devoting full time labor to the a l b a – i l activity (construction/carpentry). The female has very little labor available due to the three children that constrain female labor and prior to the orchid activity does not participate in any ca sh generating activities. The addition of the orchid activity does not impact male participation in the other cash generating activities as the labor devoted to those activities does not change The results of the EPWCP scenario show that female partic ipation remained constant and low (only producing 16 plants) throughout the three year simulation but did not cease until cash value reached zero (Appendix A). Male participation, however, remained constant until the cash value per two month approached ze ro (0.000375 pesos). Male labor is not constraining in any time period, even with the addition of the orchid activity (Table 8 10) In fact, unused male labor goes up considerably in the third year in periods I, II and III Female labor remained consisten t in all periods for years 2 and 3. There is no unused female labor in period III and VI and only a fraction of a day available in period V in year 1. In years 2 and 3 there is less than one day of unused female labor. The results of the SUCC scenario sh ow that male participation decreased from 202 plants to 59 plants as credit was reduced from 600 to 500 pesos (Fig. 8 8 ). There was a further decline in participation (from 59 to 21 plants) as credit dropped from 500 to 400 pesos. Once credit was

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139 reduced from 300 200 pesos, male participation dropped below 10 plants. Male participation ceased once credit dropped below 200 pesos. Female participation remained low and constant (16 plants) until credit dropped below 200 pesos, at which point female partic ipation dropped gradually. Female participation, although low, did not cease even when there was no available credit. A comparison of the SUCC and EPWCP scenarios shows that initial participation is consistent in both scenarios when there is full credit a nd the cash value does not fall below 0.000375 for males, respectively. D i s c u s s i o n I n d i v i d u a l H o u s e h o l d s In HH 1, the only income generating activity impacted by the addition of the orchid activity was p e t a t e When end cash is maximized, the activity that earns more per unit of labor is favored. In this case, the orchid activity has more cash earning potential than the petate activity and is therefore favored. The p e t a t e activity is not abandoned, however. This is probably because there is enough su rplus labor to allow for participation in both activities and the model considers the petate activity lucrative and labor inexpensive enough to continue participation. Female participation varies depending on credit available in the SUCC scenario and earn ing potential in the EPWCP scenario This is likely because the model considers p e t a t e more remunerative per unit of time once orchids drop below 140 pesos. In HH 4, f emale participation was consistent regardless of credit. The cash sharing activity sho wed that the male supplied the necessary cash for her to continue participation. HH 5 the fluctuations in labor are due to the need to give males a large amount of start up cash (7500 pesos) to make the model feasible to run the scenarios. This means th at the male of the household is able to produce more in year 1 (according to the model) because of start up

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140 capital. In year 2, the male can only expand the activity to the amount of cash that was transferred from year 1 to year 2 and is this limited as t he amount is less than the start up cash that was inserted for year 1. Labor goes back up in year 3 as the male expands labor into the orchid activity as year 2 yielded less cash than was available in year 1 for the corn activity. HH 6 shows that there was positive impact on one of the subsistence activities -corn production goes up goes up 193 kg in year 3. The model shows that female cash sharing with the male allows him to grow more corn in year 3. It is interesting that the female participation sto p ped when credit dropped from 600 to 500 pesos where the male did not stop until credit dropped below 400 pesos This is likely due to the greater number of adult males (3) than females (1) in the household thus raising the quantity of available adult mal e labor for income generating activities and therefore the amount of discretionary cash available to fund the activity It is notable that in HH 7, male and females ceased participation in the orchid activity once credit dropped below 500 pesos. This ho usehold is able to participate in all of the livelihood activities present in their household strategy because there is a more mature household composition and the members were able to establish a livelihood strategy that includes non farm labor. HH 16 is a more economically stable household, having all household members of adult working age and participating in steady cash generating activities. It is interesting that, due to surplus labor, all household members of working age appear to participate in th e orchid activity. Males and females participate d consistently regardless of scenario likely due to higher discretionary cash available to household members. It is interesting to note that females share cash with males for year 1 and then males share wit h females in years 2 and 3. Credit did not

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141 impact participation at all, which is likely due to the available cash and sharing that allows for household members to participate regardless of credit availability. It is noteworthy in HH 19 that f emales share cash with the adolescent male thus making male invol vement in the activity possible. However, in year 3 the Adolescent male in the household shared with the females. Male unused labor decreases between year 2 and 3 in periods V (5 days) and VI (13 days). This was likely due to the different labor requirements per time period for farming which was increased as a result of the increased cash available and increased participation in the corn growing activity G e n e r a l O b s e r v a t i o n s It is clear that agricult ural activities are still the main activity as food production for household consumption is common in the majority of the households in this study, as well as across various Latin American countries. Davis et al (2007) talk about the importance and interr elation of agriculture and non farm activities: In rural areas, this implies that a shrinking agricultural sector and expanding rural non farm (RNF) activities, as well as a changing definition of rural itself, should be viewed as likely features of econo mic development. The available empirical evidence unequivocally points out to the existence of a large RNF economy. While few data sources exist which allow for consistent measurement of changes in RNF income and employment over time, available informatio n points to an increasing role for RNF activities. It would be misleading, however, to see this growth in RNF activities in isolation from agriculture, as both are linked through investment, production and consumption throughout the rural economy, and bot h form part of complex

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142 Of the 31 households interviewed for this study, ten households elected to participate in the ELP modeling. Eight, according to these results, would be able to participate in the orchid activity. Two households would be unable to participate due to labor constraints. It is significant to mention that n o ne of the original livelihood activities were abandoned as a result of the presence o f the orchid activity (with or without start up costs) although there were some impacts on the labor allocated to the p e t a t e and corn activities The labor tables show that all households adopted the orchid activity to utilize unused resources (labor) where they were available but did not compromi se the other income generating activities. The consistent increase in unused male and female labor after year 1 in all scenarios is due to the decrease in labor requirement for the orchid activity in years 2 and 3. There is a greater labor requirement in year 1 due to initial preparation activities of the e x s i t u habitat. The vast majority of the unused labor in all of the households was allocated to the orchid activity when start up costs were not constraining. If all available labor is used in the fir st year, then that limits participation in subsequent years. Even based on a conservative amount of cash earned for orchid sales, in several households the orchid activity substantially raised the cash earned at the end of three years for orchid growers. In some cases, it was the difference between having discretionary cash or not having any cash at all. While production time is sometimes a barrier to participation, there are many successes in the case of tree crops and other perennial crops ( e g A g a v e ). In the case of the orchids used in this study, E u c h i l e c i t r i n a and L a e l i a a u t u m n a l i s the development period ranges from 2 to 5 years to (flower) but the plants without flower are marketable at a lower return by the first or second year. This is where the pressure is high for extraction of wild populations, as opposed to

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143 cultivating them, because the return is relatively immediate in the market. However, besides selling plants that are reproductively mature (flowering) there is also the option of sell ing eventual flower and instructions for their care. These could be sold to tourists at a low price and generate income within the first and certainly second ye ar of production. They would be a direct result of cultivation and help alleviate pressure on wild populations. The s e results and their implications support the previously cited literature and that shows Activities are chosen based on earned cash per unit of labor as well as utilizing surplus labor when alternatives are available. In the absence of a variety of cash generating alternatives, any activity that generates cash, however small will be utilized

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144 Table 8 1. Labor availability and use by season and year with no cash cost (EPWCP) for HH1 H H 1 Available Labor (days) by 2 month period Y r 1 Y r 2 Y r 3 M a l e l a b o r I ( 4 3 ) 35.03 35.03 35.03 M a l e l a b o r I I 34.28 34.28 34.28 M a l e l a b o r I I I 43 36 .83 36.83 M a l e l a b o r I V 35.03 35.03 35.03 M a l e l a b o r V 38.39 34.28 34.28 M a l e l a b o r V I 34.7 28.53 28.53 F e m a l e L a b o r I ( 6 6 ) 39.17 66 66 F e m a l e L a b o r I I 38.96 54.24 54.24 F e m a l e L a b o r I I I 66 54.24 54.24 F e m a l e L a b o r I V 38.96 54.24 54.24 F e m a l e L a b o r V 56.99 54.24 54.24 F e m a l e L a b o r V I 65.92 50.04 50.04 Table 8 2. Labor availability and use by season and year with no cash cost (EPWCP) for HH4 L a b o r H H 4 Available Labor (days) per 2 month period Y r 1 Y r 2 Y r 3 M a l e l a b o r I ( 4 3 ) 21.66 21.66 21.66 M a l e l a b o r I I 21.16 21.16 21.16 M a l e l a b o r I I I 35.20 22.86 22.86 M a l e l a b o r I V 21.66 21.66 21.66 M a l e l a b o r V 29.39 21.16 21.16 M a l e l a b o r V I 38.00 25.66 25.66 F e m a l e L a b o r I ( 1 7 ) 11.32 11.32 11.32 F e m a l e L a b o r I I 11.32 11.32 11.32 F e m a l e L a b o r I I I 11.32 11.32 11.32 F e m a l e L a b o r I V 11.32 11.32 11.32 F e m a l e L a b o r V 15.11 11.32 11.32 F e m a l e L a b o r V I 16.00 10.32 10.32

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145 Table 8 3. Labor availability and use by season and year with no cash cost (EPWCP) for HH5 L a b o r H H 5 Available labor (days) per 2 month period Y r 1 Y r 2 Y r 3 M a l e l a b o r I ( 4 3 ) 14.34 12.71 14.78 M a l e l a b o r I I 12.25 11.30 12.51 M a l e l a b o r I I I 26.34 16.08 20.23 M a l e l a b o r I V 14.34 12.71 14.78 M a l e l a b o r V 16.92 11.30 12.51 M a l e l a b o r V I 38.00 23.95 32.93 F e m a l e L a b o r I ( 5 6 ) 18.63 17.00 17.00 F e m a l e L a b o r I I 18.63 17.00 17.00 F e m a l e L a b o r I I I 18.63 17.00 17.00 F e m a l e L a b o r I V 18.63 17.00 17.00 F e m a l e L a b o r V 26.25 17.00 17.00 F e m a l e L a b o r V I 30.06 17.00 17.00 Table 8 4. Labor availability and use by season and year with no cash cost (EPWCP) for HH6 H H 6 Available Labor (days) by 2 month period Y r 1 Y r 2 Y r 3 M a l e l a b o r I ( 1 8 0 ) 111.37 111.02 111.70 M a l e l a b o r I I 179.81 179.61 180.00 M a l e l a b o r I I I 71.06 45.55 46.90 M a l e l a b o r I V 40.57 40.22 40.90 M a l e l a b o r V 54.76 38.01 38.40 M a l e l a b o r V I 84.29 57.97 60.90 F e m a l e L a b o r I ( 8 8 ) 54.68 54.68 54.68 F e m a l e L a b o r I I 54.68 54.68 54.68 F e m a l e L a b o r I I I 54.68 54.68 54.68 F e m a l e L a b o r I V 54.68 54.68 54.68 F e m a l e L a b o r V 76.89 54.68 54.68 F e m a l e L a b o r V I 86.00 52.68 52.68

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146 Table 8 5. Labor availability and use by season and year with no cash cost (EPWCP) for HH7 H H 7 Available labor (days) by 2 month period Y r 1 Y r 2 Y r 3 M a l e l a b o r I ( 1 7 2 ) 128.54 128.54 128.54 M a l e l a b o r I I 127.14 127.1 4 127.14 M a l e l a b o r I I I 172.00 131.88 131.88 M a l e l a b o r I V 73.34 73.34 73.34 M a l e l a b o r V 98.69 71.94 71.94 M a l e l a b o r V I 118.35 78.23 78.23 F e m a l e L a b o r I ( 6 6 ) 41.52 41.52 41.52 F e m a l e L a b o r I I 41.52 41.52 41.52 F e m a l e L a b o r I I I 41.52 41.52 41.52 F e m a l e L a b o r I V 41.52 41.52 41.52 F e m a l e L a b o r V 57.84 41.52 41.52 F e m a l e L a b o r V I 64.00 39.52 39.52 Table 8 6. Labor availability and use by season and year with no cash cost (EPWCP) for HH8 L a b o r H H 8 Available labor (days) per 2 month period Y r 1 Y r 2 Y r 3 M a l e l a b o r I ( 8 6 ) 58.26 60.95 60.95 M a l e l a b o r I I 86.00 86.00 86.00 M a l e l a b o r I I I 32.00 41.15 41.15 M a l e l a b o r I V 29.46 32.15 32.15 M a l e l a b o r V 28.40 28.40 28.40 M a l e l a b o r V I 37.92 62.15 62.15 F e m a l e L a b o r I ( 8 ) 6.50 8.00 8.00 F e m a l e L a b o r I I 6.50 7.13 7.13 F e m a l e L a b o r I I I 6.50 7.13 7.13 F e m a l e L a b o r I V 6.50 7.13 7.13 F e m a l e L a b o r V 6.50 7.13 7.13 F e m a l e L a b o r V I 4.50 4.81 4.81

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147 Table 8 7. Labor availability and use by season and year with no cash cost (EPWCP) for HH16 L a b o r H H 1 6 Available labor (days) per 2 month period Y r 1 Y r 2 Y r 3 M a l e l a b o r I ( 1 7 2 ) 144.61 144.61 144.61 M a l e l a b o r I I 143.22 143.22 143.22 M a l e l a b o r I I I 172.00 147.95 147.95 M a l e l a b o r I V 89.41 89.41 89.41 M a l e l a b o r V 104.05 88.02 88.02 M a l e l a b o r V I 99.60 75.55 75.55 F e m a l e L a b o r I ( 6 6 ) 41.52 41.52 41.52 F e m a l e L a b o r I I 41.52 41.52 41.52 F e m a l e L a b o r I I I 41.52 41.52 41.52 F e m a l e L a b o r I V 41.52 41.52 41.52 F e m a l e L a b o r V 57.84 41.52 41.52 F e m a l e L a b o r V I 64.00 39.52 39.52 Table 8 8. Labor availability and use by season and year with no cash cost (EPWCP) for HH19 L a b o r H H 1 9 Available labor (days) per 2 month period Y r 1 Y r 2 Y r 3 M a l e l a b o r I ( 3 5 ) 17.38 17.38 16.80 M a l e l a b o r I I 16.80 16.80 18.75 M a l e l a b o r I I I 30.00 18.75 1 7.38 M a l e l a b o r I V 17.38 17.38 16.80 M a l e l a b o r V 24.31 16.80 21.95 M a l e l a b o r V I 33.20 21.95 34.57 F e m a l e L a b o r I ( 4 4 ) 34.57 34.57 34.57 F e m a l e L a b o r I I 34.57 34.57 34.57 F e m a l e L a b o r I I I 34.57 34.57 34.57 F e m a l e L a b o r I V 34.57 34.57 34.57 F e m a l e L a b o r V 40.86 34.57 34.57 F e m a l e L a b o r V I 44.00 34.57 0.00

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148 Table 8 9. Labor availability and use by season and year with no cash cost (EPWCP) for HH21 H H 2 1 Available labor (days) per 2 month period Y r 1 Y r 2 Y r 3 M a l e l a b o r I ( 1 1 6 ) 67.68 82. 96 82.96 M a l e l a b o r I I 102.72 116 116 M a l e l a b o r I I I 35.68 56.92 56.92 M a l e l a b o r I V 30.48 44.92 44.92 M a l e l a b o r V 28.32 39.92 39.92 M a l e l a b o r V I 36.55 58.92 58.92 F e m a l e L a b o r I ( 8 ) 7.25 7.25 7.25 F e m a l e L a b o r I I 7.25 7.25 7.25 F e m a l e L a b o r I I I 7.25 7.25 7.25 F e m a l e L a b o r I V 7.25 7.25 7.25 F e m a l e L a b o r V 7.25 7.25 7.25 F e m a l e L a b o r V I 5.25 5.25 5.25 Table 8 10. Labor availability and use by season and year with no cash cost (EPWCP) for HH31 H H 3 1 Available labor (days) per 2 month pe riod Y r 1 Y r 2 Y r 3 M a l e l a b o r I ( 1 4 0 ) 124.62 124.62 69.42 M a l e l a b o r I I 123.26 123.26 68.06 M a l e l a b o r I I I 140.00 127.88 72.68 M a l e l a b o r I V 69.42 69.42 69.42 M a l e l a b o r V 76.14 68.06 68.06 M a l e l a b o r V I 67.40 55.28 55.28 F e m a l e L a b o r I ( 7 ) 6.04 6. 04 6.04 F e m a l e L a b o r I I 6.04 6.04 6.04 F e m a l e L a b o r I I I 7.00 6.04 6.04 F e m a l e L a b o r I V 6.04 6.04 6.04 F e m a l e L a b o r V 6.68 6.04 6.04 F e m a l e L a b o r V I 7.00 6.04 6.04

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149 .+"(!+/)!0('+"(!1+2#1+/!,56!32()#&!778 9 8 : ; < = 9 899 :99 ;99 <99 =99 >99 ?99 @2()#&!A1(545B C+2#1+/!A1(2!899!1"+/&5B D('+"( '+"( Figure 8 1 Male and female participation vs. credit in SUCC scenario for HH1. .+"(!+/)!0('+"(!1+2#1+/!,56!345&!77< 9 96= 8 86= : :6= 9 899 :99 ;99 <99 =99 >99 ?99 @2()#&!A1(545B C+2#1+/!A1(2!899!1"+/&5B D('+"( '+"( Fig ure 8 2. Male and female participation vs. credit in SUCC scenario for HH4

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150 .+"(!+/)!0('+"(!1+2#1+/!,56!32()#&!77!= 9 96= 8 86= : :6= 9 899 :99 ;99 <99 =99 >99 ?99 32()#&!A1(545B 1+2#1+/!A1(2!899!1"+/&5B D('+"( '+"( Fig ure 8 3. Male and female participation vs. credit in SUCC scenario for HH5 .+"(!+/)!0('+"(!1+2#1+/!,56!32()#&!77!> 9 8 : ; < = > 9 899 :99 ;99 <99 =99 >99 ?99 32()#&!A1(545B 1+2#1+/!A1(2!899!1"+/&5B D('+"( '+"( Fig ure 8 4. Male and female participation vs. credit in SUCC scenario for HH6

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151 .+"(!+/)!0('+"(!1+2#1+/!,56!32()#&!77!? 9 8 : ; < = > ? E 9 899 :99 ;99 <99 =99 >99 ?99 32()#&!A1(545B 1+2#1+/!A1(2!899!1"+/&5B D('+"( '+"( Fig ur e 8 5. Male and female participation vs. credit in SUCC scenario for HH7 .+"(!+/)!0('+"(!1+2#1+/!,56!32()#&!77!8> ; ;6= < <6= = 9 899 :99 ;99 <99 =99 >99 ?99 32()#&!A1(545B 1+2#1+/!A1(2!899!1"+/&5B D('+"( '+"( Fig ure 8 6. Male and female participation vs. credit in SUCC scenario for HH16

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152 .+"(!+/)!0('+"(!1+2#1+/!,56!32()#&!77!8F 9 96: 96< 96> 96E 8 86: 86< 86> 86E : 9 899 :99 ;99 <99 =99 >99 ?99 32()#&!A1(545B 1+2#1+/!A1(2!899!1"+/&5B D('+"( '+"( Fig ure 8 7 Male and female participation vs. credit in SUCC scenario for HH19 .+"(!+/)!0('+"(!1+2#1+/!,56!32()#&!77!;8 9 96= 8 86= : :6= 9 899 :99 ;99 <99 =99 >99 ?99 32()#&!A1(545B 1+2#1+/!A1(2!899!1"+/&5B D('+"( '+"( Fig ure 8 8 Male and female participation vs. credit in SUCC scenario for HH31.

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153 CHAPTER 9 CONCLUSIONS AND RECOMMENDATIONS This study is an e x a n t e analysis of the impacts and viability that introducing an orchid cultivating activity would have on the small sca le livelihood system of the community of Oponguio, Michoac‡n. There is also a conservation aspect of the cultivation activity that is integral in assuring the sustainability (in the literal and development sense) of the cultivating activity as well as imp roving the environmental integrity of the protected forest area established by the community. Thirty one of the eighty or so households participated in the Sondeo and ten participated in the modeling process. Eight of the ten households that were chosen to participate, were chosen based on willingness to participate in the modeling process and showed great interest in the orchid cultivating activity. The other two households were chosen to demonstrate how labor can be a limiting factor in accepting a new activity into the livelihood strategy. The goal was to determine the viability and general impacts of the addition of the orchid activity for commercialization and conservation purposes on the livelihood strategies of various households through Ethnograp hic Linear Program modeling. It was also to consider the viability of the orchid activity based on historic success and traditional knowledge. The results supported by the addition of the orchid activity. The literature review supported the viability of the activity based on historic success and traditional knowledge. The two factors that were equally influential in participation in the orchid activity were labor av ailability and available cash (this includes credit and refers to the presence of start up costs). The results for all households show that those that have the available labor to participate can participate if there is no start up cost that they have to c over, or if there is credit available for the start up costs The models also show that in general, the higher the proportion of start up

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154 costs covered by credit, the greater the participation. Households with sufficient surplus cash have greater potenti al to participate when start up costs are present. In most cases, participation by household members (male and female) remained consistent regardless of the amount (high or low) of cash generated by the orchid activity when there were no start up costs. This is due to the presence of substantial unused labor and the absence of alternative cash generating activities. The projected return for the orchid activity was conservative and based on the minimum amount possible for orchids in the market. Notwithst anding, the activity was still substantial in difference between having discretionary cash or not sometimes it even made a difference in augmenting other produ ction activities. It is also interesting to note that participation occurred in many households regardless of how much the orchid activity earned. Frequently, development programs are disregarded because the return is low and appears nominal. In a study of diverse livelihoods, Shackleton et al. (2007) emphasize that commercialization activities should not be rejected if the economic return for a natural resource product is not sizeable. They go on to explain that households in rural communities particip ate in livelihood activities for different reasons an d with differing goals in mind making each household and each community distinct. This is very much supported in this analysis for the community of Oponguio. Interestingly, based on the results of the models, there is little likelihood that orchids (particularly in the local market and with widespread participation) in this community of abundant labor, would make enough money per unit time to take labor priority away from other activities with greater remuneration Also, greater remuneration for the orchid activit y does not lower the utility of the services that are provided by service and production activities like farming, a l b a – i l (construction/carpentry), j a r d i n e r o (gardening), m u s i c o (music) l i m p i e z a

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155 (cleaning) and m e s e r o ( restaurant work), etc. This is supportive of the research that underscores the importance and relevance of rural livelihood diversity. U t i l i t y o f T h i s R e s e a r c h Looking at the over all implications for this particular program ev en though there was no cash return until the third year in the simulations there was substantial participation in all households with available labor and access to credit (if necessary) This supports the benefit from having a broad activity base to choos e from when there is limited demand for other cash generating activities in the livelihood system. Orchids as natural products in this area worked very well as a cash generating activity in the simulations. This, combined with the existence of an establi shed market niche for them (particularly L a e l i a a u t u m n a l i s ) due to their cultural and ornamental value, significantly increase likelihood of implementation. The precise details of the application of the orchid development plan might vary a bit in reality but the trends will very likely be those demonstrated by this study since the household priorities are very much reflected in the model maximizing end cash and utilizing available labor while first prioritizing household consumption needs. This combined with available labor and willingness to participate means a high likelihood of success with possibilities for further natural product activities with similar cash generating potential in the future. These results also support the research that such activ ities have great potential to aid in poverty alleviation, as well as increased economic stability and resilience for rural communities. R e c o m m e n d a t i o n s In order to initiate an organized market activity, there is some level of start up capital and capacity building necessary. Support for communities in diversifying their activities allows for the possibility of the natural progression of subsistence into specialization thus aiding in the eventual alleviation of rural poverty. In this way the process can be adaptive versus abrupt :

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156 subsistence activities are not abandoned while cash generating alternatives are explored in order to improve quality of life and improve household economic stability. This is where external involvement and infrastructural support is beneficial and required. In cases like this one, community participants require support and training. Researchers trained in orchid propagation and conservation would mean the difference between success and failure in the start up of the activity as t here is a wide research base from which to draw that is not directly accessible by community members. Strong, long term links are imperative in the implementation of the proposed program and others like it. Further, it is important to remember that socio economic development programs and ecological research have been ongoing in this area for more than a decade. Orchids have been an evasive, charismatic species with the potential to bridge these diverse efforts. Participation, particularly with the involv ement of the U niversity of Michoac‡n in asymbiotic (non miccorhizal) propagation and conservation, is viable for even the poorest households with available labor. It is not unreasonable that the u niversity participate in the conservation aspect of this pr oject as it would simply mean continuing the work that has already been started University participation is key in the orchid conservation effort and particularly the initial seed propagation. D evelopment programs like the one proposed, must be focused on aiding the households in diversifying livelihood activities based on local resources, traditions and need. In accordance with the literature, Oponguio is an ideal place to implement this kind of joint venture between the university and the community. I nfrastructure is in place to conserve habitat (the conservation area established by the community which is also protected by the community and the state) The area has historically been traditional habitat for these and other orchids, and there is a sign ificant

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157 ecological res earch base to draw from for long term management. These factors and the results of this study signify a real possibility to locally resolve the conundrum of long term sustainable development and conservation of natural products.

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158 APPENDIX A DATA The following tables represent the data from the EPWCP scenario for all households modeled. Table A 1. EPWCP data for HH1. >>? -2!8 -2!8 ! Prices M orchid F orchid low value high value 560 869:E=?8 <6=:>?E> 420 840 280 869:E=?8 <6=:> ?E> 210 420 140 869:E=?8 <6=:>?E> 105 210 70 869:E=?8 ;6E==:9E 52.5 105 35 869:E=?8 ;6E==:9E 26.25 52.5 17.5 869:E=?8 ;6E==:9E 13.125 26.25 8.75 869:E=?8 ;6E==:9E 6.56 13.125 4.38 869:E=?8 ;6E==:9E 3.28 6.56 2.19 869:E=?8 ;6E==:9E 1.6 4 3.28 1.10 869:E=?8 ;6E==:9E 0.82 1.64 0.55 869:E=?8 ;6E==:9E 0.41 0.82 0.28 869:E=?8 ;6E==:9E 0.21 0.41 0.14 869:E=?8 ;6E==:9E 0.1 0.21 0.07 869:E=?8 ;6E==:9E 0.051 0.051 0.035 869:E=?8 ;6E==:9E 0.026 0.026 0.018 869:E=?8 ;6E==:9E 0. 0128 0.026 0.012 869:E=?8 ;6E==:9E 0.0064 0.0128 0.006 869:E=?8 ;6E==:9E 0.0032 0.0064 0.003 869:E=?8 ;6E==:9E 0.0016 0.0032 0.0015 869:E=?8 ;6E==:9E 0.008 0.0016 0.00075 869:E=?8 ;6E==:9E 0.0004 0.008 0.000375 869:E=?8 ;6E==:9E 0.0002 0 .0004 0.000188 869:E=?8 ;6E==:9E 0.0001 0.0002

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159 Table A 2. EPWCP data for HH4. HH4 Prices M orchid F orchid low value high value 560 :69=?8<; 96F<><:F 420 840 280 :69=?8<; 96F<><:F 210 420 140 :69=?8<; 96F<><:F 105 210 70 :69=?8<; 96F <><:F 52.5 105 35 :69=?8<; 96F<><:F 26.25 52.5 17.5 :69=?8<; 96F<><:F 13.125 26.25 8.75 :69=?8<; 96F<><:F 6.56 13.125 4.375 :69=?8<; 96F<><:F 3.28 6.56 2.19 :69=?8<; 96F<><:F 1.64 3.28 1.10 :69=?8<; 96F<><:F 0.82 1.64 0.55 :69=?8<; 96F <><:F 0.41 0.82 0.28 :69=?8<; 96F<><:F 0.21 0.41 0.14 :69=?8<; 96F<><:F 0.1 0.21 0.07 :69=?8<; 96F<><:F 0.051 0.051 0.035 :69=?8<; 96F<><:F 0.026 0.026 0.018 :69=?8<; 96F<><:F 0.0128 0.026 0.012 :69=?8<; 96F<><:F 0.0064 0.0128 0.006 :6 9=?8<; 96F<><:F 0.0032 0.0064 0.003 :69=?8<; 96F<><:F 0.0016 0.0032 0.0015 :69=?8<; 96F<><:F 0.008 0.0016 0.00075 :69=?8<; 96F<><:F 0.0004 0.008 0.000375 :69=?8<; 96F<><:F 0.0002 0.0004 0.000188 :69=?8<; 96F<><:F 0.0001 0.0002

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160 Table A 3. EPWCP data for HH5. HH5 Prices M orchid F orchid low value high value 560 96E:< 96<:;<;F 420 840 280 86<>F=>; 86;E?F?: 210 420 140 86<8:>;F 86F9>:= 105 210 70 86;;;;88 86F9>:= 52.5 105 35 86:E8?< 86F9>:= 26.25 52.5 17.5 86: =>=>= 86F9>:= 13.125 26.25 8.75 86:<<8:? 86F9>:= 6.56 13.125 4.375 86:;?F<< 86F9>:= 3.28 6.56 2.19 86:;?F<< 86F9>:= 1.64 3.28 1.10 86:;;;;8 86F9>:= 0.82 1.64 0.55 86:;:==E 86F9>:= 0.41 0.82 0.28 86:;:8?F 86F9>:= 0.21 0.41 0.14 86:;8FE: 86F9>:= 0.1 0.21 0.07 86:;8EE< 86F9>:= 0.051 0.051 0.035 86:;8EE< 86F9>:= 0.026 0.026 0.018 86:;8EE< 86F9>:= 0.0128 0.026 0.012 86:;8EE< 86F9>:= 0.0064 0.0128 0.006 86:;8EE< 86F9>:= 0.0032 0.0064 0.003 86:;8EE< 86F9>:= 0.0016 0.0032 0 .0015 86:;8EE< 86F9>:= 0.008 0.0016 0.00075 86:;8EE< 86F9>:= 0.0004 0.008 0.000375 86:;8EE< 86F9>:= 0.0002 0.0004 0.000188 86:;8EE< 86F9>:= 0.0001 0.0002

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161 Table A 4. EPWCP data for HH6. HH6 Prices M orchid F orchid low value high value 560 <68;?= =6==;=?8 420 840 280 <68;?= =6==;=?8 210 420 140 <68;?= =6==;=?8 105 210 70 <68;?= =6==;=?8 52.5 105 35 <68;?= =6==;=?8 26.25 52.5 17.5 <68;?= =6==;=?8 13.125 26.25 8.75 <68;?= =6==;=?8 6.56 13.125 4.375 <68;?= =6==;=?8 3.2 8 6.56 2.19 <68;?= =6==;=?8 1.64 3.28 1.10 <68;?= =6==;=?8 0.82 1.64 0.55 <68;?= =6==;=?8 0.41 0.82 0.28 <68>8? =6==;=?8 0.21 0.41 0.14 <68>8? =6==;=?8 0.1 0.21 0.07 <68>8? =6==;=?8 0.051 0.051 0.035 <68>8? =6==;=?8 0.026 0.026 0.018 <68>8? =6==;=?8 0.0128 0.026 0.012 <68>8? =6==;=?8 0.0064 0.0128 0.006 <68>8? =6==;=?8 0.0032 0.0064 0.003 <68>8? =6==;=?8 0.0016 0.0032 0.0015 <68>8? =6==;=?8 0.008 0.0016 0.00075 <68>8? =6==;=?8 0.0004 0.008 0.000375 <68>8? =6==;=?8 0 .0002 0.0004 0.000188 <68>8? =6==;=?8 0.0001 0.0002

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162 Table A 5. EPWCP data for HH7. HH7 Prices M orchid F orchid low value high value 560 F69F9;9> <69E9;=? 420 840 280 ?698<:E> <69E9;=? 210 420 140 ?698<:E> <69E9;=? 105 210 70 ? 698<:E> <69E9;=? 52.5 105 35 ?698<:E> <69E9;=? 26.25 52.5 17.5 ?698<:E> <69E9;=? 13.125 26.25 8.75 ?698<:E> <69E9;=? 6.56 13.125 4.375 ?698<:E> <69E9;=? 3.28 6.56 2.19 ?698<:E> <69E9;=? 1.64 3.28 1.10 ?698<:E> <69E9;=? 0.82 1.64 0.55 ? 698<:E> <69E9;=? 0.41 0.82 0.28 ?698<:E> <69E9;=? 0.21 0.41 0.14 ?698<:E> <69E9;=? 0.1 0.21 0.07 ?698<:E> <69E9;=? 0.051 0.051 0.035 ?698<:E> <69E9;=? 0.026 0.026 0.018 ?698<:E> <69E9;=? 0.0128 0.026 0.012 ?698<:E> <69E9;=? 0.0064 0.012 8 0.006 ?698<:E> <69E9;=? 0.0032 0.0064 0.003 ?698<:E> <69E9;=? 0.0016 0.0032 0.0015 ?698<:E> <69E9;=? 0.008 0.0016 0.00075 ?698<:E> <69E9;=? 0.0004 0.008 0.000375 ?698<:E> <69E9;=? 0.0002 0.0004 0.000188 ?698<:E> <69E9;=? 0.0001 0.0002

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163 Table A 6. EPWCP data for HH16. HH 16 Prices M orchid F orchid low value high value 560 <699E8>; <69E9;=? 420 840 280 <699E8>; <69E9;=? 210 420 140 <699E8>; <69E9;=? 105 210 70 <699E8>; <69E9;=? 52.5 105 35 <699E8>; <69E9;= ? 26.25 52.5 17.5 <699E8>; <69E9;=? 13.125 26.25 8.75 <699E8>; <69E9;=? 6.56 13.125 4.375 <699E8>; <69E9;=? 3.28 6.56 2.19 <699E8>; <69E9;=? 1.64 3.28 1.10 <699E8>; <69E9;=? 0.82 1.64 0.55 <699E8>; <69E9;=? 0.41 0.82 0.28 <699E8>; <69E 9;=? 0.21 0.41 0.14 <699E8>; <69E9;=? 0.1 0.21 0.07 <699E8>; <69E9;=? 0.051 0.051 0.035 <699E8>; <69E9;=? 0.026 0.026 0.018 <699E8>; <69E9;=? 0.0128 0.026 0.012 <699E8>; <69E9;=? 0.0064 0.0128 0.006 <699E8>; <69E9;=? 0.0032 0.0064 0.00 3 <699E8>; <69E9;=? 0.0016 0.0032 0.0015 <699E8>; <69E9;=? 0.008 0.0016 0.00075 <699E8>; <69E9;=? 0.0004 0.008 0.000375 <699E8>; <69E9;=? 0.0002 0.0004 0.000188 <699E8>; <69E9;=? 0.0001 0.0002

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164 Table A 7. EPWCP data for HH19. H H 19 Prices M orchid F orchid low value high value 560 86E?==8 86=?8<:F 420 840 280 86E?==8 86=?8<:F 210 420 140 86E?==8 86=?8<:F 105 210 70 86E?==8 86=?8<:F 52.5 105 35 86E?==8 86=?8<:F 26.25 52.5 17.5 86E?==8 86=?8<:F 13.125 26.25 8.75 86E?==8 86=?8<:F 6.56 13.125 4.375 86E?==8 86=?8<:F 3.28 6.56 2.19 86E?==8 86=?8<:F 1.64 3.28 1.10 86E?==8 86=?8<:F 0.82 1.64 0.55 86E?==8 86=?8<:F 0.41 0.82 0.28 86E?==8 86=?8<:F 0.21 0.41 0.14 86E?==8 86=?8<:F 0.1 0.21 0.07 86E ?==8 86=?8<:F 0.051 0.051 0.035 86E?==8 86=?8<:F 0.026 0.026 0.018 86E?==8 86=?8<:F 0.0128 0.026 0.012 86E?==8 86=?8<:F 0.0064 0.0128 0.006 86E?==8 86=?8<:F 0.0032 0.0064 0.003 86E?==8 86=?8<:F 0.0016 0.0032 0.0015 86E?==8 86=?8<:F 0.008 0.0016 0.00075 86E?==8 86=?8<:F 0.0004 0.008 0.000375 86E?==8 86=?8<:F 0.0002 0.0004 0.000188 86E?==8 86=?8<:F 0.0001 0.0002

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165 Table A 8. EPWCP data for HH31. HH 31 Prices M orchid F orchid low value high value @AB :69: 9<9E 968>9?8< 420 840 CDB :69:9<9E 968>9?8< 210 420 ?EB :69:9<9E 968>9?8< 105 210 FB :69:9<9E 968>9?8< 52.5 105 G@ :69:9<9E 968>9?8< 26.25 52.5 ?FH@ :69:9<9E 968>9?8< 13.125 26.25 DHF@ :69:9<9E 968>9?8< 6.56 13.125 EHGF@ :69:9<9E 968>9 ?8< 3.28 6.56 CH?I :69:9<9E 968>9?8< 1.64 3.28 ?H?B :69:9<9E 968>9?8< 0.82 1.64 BH@@ :69:9<9E 968>9?8< 0.41 0.82 BHCD :69:9<9E 968>9?8< 0.21 0.41 BH?E :69:9<9E 968>9?8< 0.1 0.21 BHBF :69:9<9E 968>9?8< 0.051 0.051 BHBG@ :69:9<9E 968>9?8 < 0.026 0.026 BHB?D :69:9<9E 968>9?8< 0.0128 0.026 BHB?C :69:9<9E 968>9?8< 0.0064 0.0128 BHBBA :69:9<9E 968>9?8< 0.0032 0.0064 BHBBG :69:9<9E 968>9?8< 0.0016 0.0032 BHBB?@ :69:9<9E 968>9?8< 0.008 0.0016 BHBBBF@ :69:9<9E 968>9?8< 0.0004 0.008 BHBBBGF@ 9 968>9?8< 0.0002 0.0004 BHBBB?DD 9 968>9?8< 0.0001 0.0002

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166 The following tables are the data that was collected from the SUCC scenario. Table A 9. SUCC scenario data for HH1 31 >>'? ,834 +' 8%,-0J ('8%,-0J ,%)J04 >99 869:E=? 8 <6=:>?E=?8< >99 >99 9689>?<8 96:99>:F=9? =99 >99 9 968=;>E=8>> <99 >99 9 9689:<=>??? ;99 >99 9 969?>E<:=E; :99 >99 9 969>8> 899 >99 9 969==EE==8= =9 >99 9 969=;<==?8 := >99 9 969=8>=EE?F = >99 9 969=8::E;EF 9 >>'E ,834 ! >99 :69=?8<; 96F<><:E=?8 >99 >99 :69=?8<; 96F<><:E=?8 =99 >99 :699<=:; 96F<><:E=?8 <99 >99 869:9E?; 96F<><:E=?8 ;99 >99 96=:F9<:E=?8 :99 >99 96:;;F=: 96F<><:E=?8 899 >99 968:>><= 96F<><:E=?8 =9 >99 969?FFEF 96F<><:E=?8 := >99 969<=<:E=?8 = >9 9 969;?::: 96F<><:E=?8 9 77!= ,834 ! >99 86<<>;8< 86F9>:= >99 >99 86<;;=;? 868:F8?99; =99 >99 96=FFF9< 868:F8?99; <99 >99 9 9 ;99 >99 9 9 :99 >99 9 9 899 >99 9 9 =9 >99 9 9 := >99 9 9 = >99 9 9 9

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167 Table A 9. Continued. 77!> ,834 ! >99 <68;?= =6==;=?8<:F >99 >99 ;6EE=;8: 969<;9E=F8E =99 >99 869F?;9; 9 <99 >99 9 9 ;99 >99 9 9 :99 >99 9 9 899 >99 9 9 =9 >99 9 9 := >99 9 9 = >99 9 9 9 77!? 345& .! 423%#) 0!423%#) 32()#& >99 ;6;<;;>? :69<98?E=?8 >99 >99 9 968 F99 9 969>99 9 969E;8:< ;99 >99 9 969;EF<>99 9 969;=<9=F9E 899 >99 9 969;;E>>=:8 =9 >99 9 969;:?:E8= := >99 9 969;:<==<8> = >99 9 969;:<==<8> 9 ! ! 77!8> ! ,834 ! >99 <699E8>; <69E9;=?8<; >99 >99 <6 99E8>; <69E9;=?8<; =99 >99 <699E8>; <69E9;=?8<; <99 >99 <699E8>; <69E9;=?8<; ;99 >99 <699E8>; <69E9;=?8<; :99 >99 <699E8>; <69E9;=?8<; 899 >99 <699E8>; <69E9;=?8<; =9 >99 <699E8>; <69E9;=?8<; := >99 <699E8>; <69E9;=?8<; = >99 <699E8>; <69E9;=?8<; 9

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168 Table A 9. Continued. HH 19 ,834 +' 8%,-0J ('8%,-0J ,%)J04 >99 86E?==8 86=?8<:E=?8 >99 >99 86E?==8 86=?8<:E=?8 =99 >99 86E?==8 86=?8<:E=?8 <99 >99 86E?==8 86=?8<:E=?8 ;99 >99 86E?==8 96F>?<8E99: :99 >99 86E?==8 96;FEE;:;>8 899 >99 86E?= =8 968F:9?;F<> =9 >99 86E?==8 9689:8?EFE; := >99 86E?==8 9689:8?EFE; = >99 86E?==8 9698F??=:>? 9 ! ! 77!;8 ,834 +' 8%,-0J ('8%,-0J ,%)J04 >99 :69:9<9E 968>9?8<:E> >99 >99 96=EE98F 968>9?8<:E> =99 >99 96:8;>=; 968>9?8<:E> <99 >99 969EEE>< 9 68>9?8<:E> ;99 >99 969:><>F 968>9?8<:E> :99 >99 9 968?:; 899 >99 9 968;>8;;;E< =9 >99 9 968;9:8<=<8 := >99 9 968:=E;?=E: = >99 9 968:
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169 Table A 10. Labor associated with Household composition for EPWCP scenario. G'4*/&!4D!+3&#,#&-!+5 +5543#+&()!H#&%!77!34'145#/ ! I23%#)!. I23%#)!0 ! G. G0 JKG. JK!G!0 GK@% 778 869:E=?8<:F ;6E==:9E LLLL M 8 : 9 8 9 77< :69=?8<:E=? 96F<><:F LLLL M 8 8 9 9 8 77= 86>=8:F9FE> 968:;9>E LLLL M 8 ; 9 9 : 77> 86F;9:8=F< =6==;=?8 LLLL M ; 8 : ; 9 77? ?6 98<:E=?8< <69E9;=? LLLL M < ; 9 9 9 77E ! ! LLLL M : 8 9 9 8 778> ! ! LLLL M < ; 9 9 9 778F 86E?==89:9< 86=?8<:F LLLL M 9 : 8 9 9 77:8 ! ! LLLL M : 8 8 9 8 77;8 :69:9<9E8>; 968>9?8< LLLL M : 8 : 9 ;

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170 APPENDIX B BREVE REPORTE SONDEO F a m i l i a s : En general, las familias tienen casa propia por generaciones o se construye cada que se puede. TambiŽn se quedan los hijos en casa hasta que se casen a menos que salgan a la escuela y se quedan en otra ciudad trabajando. A veces se quedan aœn despuŽs con sus espos os e hijos. P e s c a : Temporada Feb Abr. Se pesca en las noches cuando los acœmaras (m‡s bien sardinas grandes) est‡n reproduciendo. TambiŽn pescan carpa, charales, mojarra. Desafortunadamente, los poblaciones de peces de varias especies han declinado a tal grado que hay pocos pescadores desde que no se puede sacar en cantidades para vender en el mercado. Ahora los pocos pescadores que hay pescan simplemente lo que puedan para autoconsumo. A g r i c u l t u r a : Era la actividad mas prevalerte en la comunidad. Sin embargo ahora es generalmente para autoconsumo y cada casa usa un pedacito de tierra con 0.15 0.25 ha. Ma’z se siembra m‡s que otra cosa para auto consumo (en su mayor’a para tortillas y como uso secundario atole, corundas, etc.). Junio empiezan la siembre y cosechan en Diciembre. Enero es el mes de descanso y empiezan a preparar para la siguiente temporada en Febrero. Por causa de un programa social y animo de lideres comunitarios, se ha mecanizado un poco con una maquina que se compro entre los agricultores. Ma’z tambiŽn sirve para forraje de animales de ganader’a, los dos la mazorca y el rastrojo dependiendo de necesidad. G a n a d e r ’ a : Usualmente de vende en mayo o septiembre. Hay una familia que vende en Diciembre porque se gana m‡s como la carne es escasa. Solo hay pocas familias que participan en la venta pero hay varias que tienen animales para leche o como inversi—n. O t r o s f u e n t e s d e t r a b a j o : Jardiner’a, limpieza de casa, mœsico, alba–il, producci—n de Mezcal, agricultura (pagan por s embrar y cuidar a veces), tienda, restaurante, T r a b a j o f u e r a d e l a c o m u n i d a d : promotor de ingeniero secretaria, enfermer’a, educaci—n. Todos trabajan tiempo completo y requieren la misma cantidad de horas. Se puede viajar muy lejos para conseguir ta les trabajos. C o n s u m e n d e l m o n t e v a r i a s c o s a s : Nopales sacan 20 pencas cada dos semanas. Aœn m‡s en cuaresma. TambiŽn verdolagas acelgas y chile pero ellos tienen estas plantas en su jard’n de masetas. Especies: laurel, an’s, romero, mejorana. En su mayor’a estas plantas est‡n tambiŽn en el jard’n de mesetas. P l a n t a s m e d i c i n a l e s : manzanilla, gordolobo, hierbabuena, camelina, eucalipto, borraja, pasote, ‡rnica, pasiflora. Para los animales: savila, maguey. Muchas veces la gente tiene estas o alguna s de ellas en sus jardines para tenerlas a la mano.

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171 A l i m e n t o s q u e c o m p r a n : jitomate, aguacate, lechuga, r‡banos, calabaza, papa. Estos se compran en Quiroga o Erongar’cuaro en el mercado. En general no se siembran en casa por el clima bastante fr’o en invierno y demasiado agua cae en tiempo de lluvia. Carne: Res (4 veces por semana/60 x kilo) Pollo (1 por semana/ 30 x kilo) Casi no consuman huevo. Tortillas se hacen en casa. P a g a n t o d o s l o s s e r v i c i o s : agua, luz, gas o cada mes o cada tercera m es. Hace poco que llegaron los servicios. Si alguien no puede pagar, se deja el servicio hasta que se pueda volver a pagar. A t e n c i — n M e d i c a : Cl’nica de San AndrŽs gratis por el gobierno (seguro social). Medicamentos tambiŽn son gratis tanto como ha ya. Si no hay lo medicamentos requeridos se tiene que ir y comprar en la farmacia. Unos van a Erongaricuaro, el DF, Quiroga, Morelia. Algunos tienen apoyo de seguro social y otros tienen apoyo de sus hijos.

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172 APPENDIX C ELP MODEL L i n k t o E L P M o d e l The fo llowing links are ELP models that are hyperlinked for convenience and demonstration. Feel free to contact the author for the remainder of the household models or with any questions specific to these models and/or households. ELP Model HH 1 hyperlink. ELP Model HH 21 hyperlink.

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179 Bolivia and Policy Implica tions for Decision makers. UNEP World Conservation Monitoring Centre, Cambridge, UK. Maxwell, A. and Tomlin, B. (2000). The making of NAFTA: How the deal was done. Cornell University Press. 2000 Mcllvaines Newsad, H.L. ( 2000 ) Tied to the land: Liveli hood systems in northwestern Ecuador.Ph.D. D is sertation Univ. of Florida, Gainesville. McSweeny, K. (2004). Tropical forests product sale as natural insurance: The effects of household characteristics and the nature of shock in Eastern Honduras. Societ y and Natural Resources, Vol. 17 pp. 39 45. Mesera, O., Astier, M. & Lopez Ridaura, S. (2000) S o s t e n t a b i l i d a d y m a n e j o d e r e c u r s o s n a t u r a l e s M u n d i P r e n s a M e x i c o S A d e C V M e x i c o Narendran, I.K. Murthy, H.S. Suresh, H.S. Dattaraja, N.H. Ravin dranath and R. Sukumar (2001) Nontimber forest product extraction, utilisation and valuation: a case study from the Nilgiri Biosphere Reserve, southern India, Economic Botany Vol. 55 pp. 528 538. Odum, E.P. 1997. Ecology: A bridge between science and so ciety. Sinauer Associates, Inc.,Sunderland, MA. O'Meagher, B.; du Pisani, L. G.; and White D. H. (2001) Evolution of drought policy and related science in Australia and South Africa. Agricultural Systems Vol 57, No. 3 July 1998 Pages 231 258. Raja R.; C. E. Sooriamoorthi ; P. Kanniappan ; T. Ramachandran. 1997. Energy pla n ning and optimization model for rural development. Interna t ional Journal of Energy Research Vol. 21 No.6 pp. 527 547 Ramirez, C. (2007). Ethnobotany and the loss of tradit ional knowledge in the 21 st century. !"#$%&%"'$()*+,+'-. #)/)01123.'"3%$,)4%25)6)115) 786 9 78:) ) Rittershausen, Brian and Wilma (2003). Growing Orchids. Hermes House and Anness Publishing Limited, London UK. Roe, D. (2004). The millennium development goa ls and health. London: International Institute for Environment and D evelopment (IIED). London, UK. Rojas Zamorano, A. (editor) (2002) A p o r t e s a l P r o y e c t o P ‡ t z c u a r o : e s t u d i o s p r o p u e s t a s y a v a n c e s p a r a l a r e s t a u r a c i — n d e l a c u e n c a d e l L a g o d e P ‡ t z c u a r o S e c r e t a r ’ a d e M e d i o A m b i e n t e R e c u r s o s N a t u r a l e s y P e s c a D i r e c c i — n E j e c u t i v a d e l p r o y e c t o P ‡ t z c u a r o y e l F o n d o M e x i c a n o p a r a l a C o n s e r v a c i — n d e l a N a t u r a l e z a M o r e l i a M e x i c o

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183 BIOGRAPHICAL SKETCH Miramanni Maringol a Mishkin was born in Connecticut and received her undergraduate degree at Central Washington University She came to the University of Florida after working in Michoac‡n for approximately a decade looking for bridges between conservation and development in conjunction with other scientists from the University of Michoac‡n and UNAM. After rece iving her Master of Science in i nterdisciplinary e cology with a concentration in t ropical c onservation and d evelopment in August of 2008, she will continue on to a PhD at the University of Florida to continue looking for bridges between conservation and development in rural communities.

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LOOKING FOR BRIDGES: DOVETAILING CONSERVATION AND DEVELOPMENT IN A RURAL MEXICAN COMMUNITY. Miramanni Maringola Mishkin 352 3 92 9230 SNRE Dr. Hugh Popenoe Master of Science June 2008 This thesis contributes to the greater body of scientific knowledge in relation to conservation and development as human beings learn to coexist more harmoniously with the natural environment. It supports the research that natural product trade activities have great potential to aid in poverty alleviation, as well as increased economic stability and resilience for rural communities. It also demonstrates the importance of considering social factors when seeking conservation plans with a greater likelihood of long term success.