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Permanent Link: http://ufdc.ufl.edu/IR00000694/00001
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Physical Description: Dissertation
Language: English
Creator: Athayde, Simone ( Author, Primary )
Publisher: University of Florida
Place of Publication: Gainesville
Publication Date: 2010
Copyright Date: 2010
Abstract: Indigenous lands are responsible for the conservation of nearly 21% of the Brazilian Amazon, and are the main barrier against deforestation. This research contributes to the understanding of the relationship between political empowerment, socio-cultural resilience and territorial control among Amazonian indigenous peoples. I sought to explore which factors may lead to the persistence or loss of indigenous knowledge after geographical displacement. I argue that cultural and environmental resilience are intertwined, so that where traditional knowledge is maintained, there will be greater territorial control among indigenous peoples in the Amazon. I apply a systems approach to explore the effects of historical, environmental, political, socioeconomic and cultural factors in their interaction with a specific domain of indigenous knowledge. The Kaiabi speak a language of the Tupi-Guarani stock and are great agriculturalists and basket makers. The majority of the population was transferred by the Brazilian government from their ancestral territory in the Tapajós River basin to the Xingu Park region from 1950 to 1966. Two small groups remained in the ancestral land, one on the Peixes River and other on the Teles Pires River. Transfer to the park brought changes in Kaiabi social and political organisation and in the access to and management of natural resources. Forty years after the transfer, the Xingu Kaiabi have adapted to the new conditions, creating mechanisms for cultural perpetuation and territorial control. By contrast, the groups who remained in the ancestral land lost many aspects of their traditional lore. Cross-sectional and longitudinal studies were carried out in order to compare the dynamics of knowledge related to basketry and textile weaving among 114 men and 110 women in four villages across three Kaiabi groups in a five year period. Factors that led to the cultural peristence and political empowerment of the Xingu Kaiabi in contrast with the other two groups were also explored, as well as peoples’ perspectives on the role and work of political organizations. Results show that knowledge is being both innovated and eroded among the Kaiabi, and that agency, leadership and innovation are critical assets in enabling cultural resilience. Whereas in Xingu and Teles Pires areas there is innovation and new knowledge being generated- with younger generations still learning- in Rio dos Peixes, knowledge and native language have been eroded at a faster pace. Promoting the persistence of native language and adapting schools to include both indigenous and western knowledge could help to reverse the process of loss of cultural resilience in Rio dos Peixes. Greater political empowerment in Xingu, allied to the development of community-based projects, has influenced indigenous knowledge perpetuation and mechanisms for its transmission. In the Kaiabi case, territorial isolation combined with political support and local leadership led to greater cultural and environmental resilience of the Xingu group in comparison to the other two areas.
Acquisition: Collected for University of Florida's Institutional Repository by the UFIR Self-Submittal tool. Submitted by Simone Athayde.
Publication Status: Unpublished
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2 2010 Simone Ferreira de Athayde


3 To my family, for all the love, care, and support, and to the Kaiabi people, who welcomed me in their lands and inspired me to learn another perspective about the world.


4 ACKNOWLEDGMENTS This dissertation is the result of a journey of ten years of work amo n g the Kaiabi people from the Brazilian Amazon and builds on my previous master thesis. During all these years I have counted on the support, inspiration and collaboration of many institutions, professors, colleagues, family and friends wh om I would like to acknowledge. This research would not ha ve existed as such if my friend Aturi (Jowosipep) Kaiabi had not come to my shack in Diauarum Post in 1999 and asked me if I could help him to write a project. Seven years later, we were sharing the satisfaction to hear that the Kaiabi Araa project was o ne of the winners of an award from the Ministry of Culture in Brazil. I want to sincerely thank my friend Aturi for having inspired me, for his trust, good spirit and capacity of leadership. I also want to thank him for the care and hospitality during my prolonged stay in Tuiarar village in Xingu Park. If this dissertation could be coauthored, I would share the autorship with him. I wish to thank the Kaiabi people for having welcomed and allowed me to work in Xingu, Rio dos Peixes and Teles Pires, especially the communities from Capivara, Tuiarar, Tatuy Post, Novo Horizonte and Kururuzinho villages. Thanks to Mairaw, Alup, Tari, Makup and Yanukul from ATIX, for all the help, collaboration and trust. Thanks to the chiefs Jywapan (Capivara), Aturi (Tu iarar), Muruai (Rio dos Peixes) and Hatu (Kururuzinho) for their hospitality and interest. Thanks also to my dedicated field assistants who helped me conducting and translating interviews : Sirakup (Capivara), Aturi (Tuiarar), Jywapan and Pipala (who hel ped me conduct interviews in Rio dos Peixes) and Eroit (Kururuzinho). Thanks to my friend Cansio and his wife Moreai for the hospitality in Rio dos Peixes. Thanks to Eroit and his family for the hospitality and great food in Kururuzinho. A special thanks to some women who


5 participated as leaders and textile teachers in the Kaiabi Araa project: Mytang (Tuiarar), Maru (Caiara), Cunhaete (Kururuzinho), Juaruu (PIV Manito) and Josiane (Kururuzinho). I thank my family for having believed and supported me during my life as a jungle person, remembering my bank account password after I spent five months in the jungle without touching my wallet. Especially, my gratitude and love for my father Mauro, my mother Eunice and my sister Miriam. Thanks to Geraldo Silva for the friendship, for his commitment to the Kaiabi people and for the dedication to our son Adriano. I wish to thank God for sending my son Adriano my way and for protecting us during our Amazonian travels. Im thankful to the boy who had the privilege t o spend his baby years at Xingu among the indians, and who accompanied me during all my fieldwork stages: facing challenges, crossing rivers, getting tropical viruses, fishing piran has, riding planes, trucks, boats and buses in the middle of the Amazon fro ntier. I wish to thank many institutions that provided financial support to enable me to complete this work. Thanks to the Instituto Socioambiental (ISA), my home institution, who supported different stages of this research and the preliminary versions of the Kaiabi Araa book. Thanks to the Conselho Nacional de Desenvolvimento Cientfico e Tecnolgico (CNPq), the Brazilian national agency for science and technology, which supported my research through a four year doctoral grant. To the Instituto de Educ ao do Brasil (IEB), for the support through the BECA Program. Thanks to the Tropical Conservation and Development Program (TCD) and to the Center for Latin American Studies at the University of Florida (UF) which supported preliminary fieldwork stages through different scholarships. Thanks to the School of Natural Resources and the Environment (SNRE) at UF for the support, especially during the final stages of the writing of this dissertation. Thanks to the Amazon Conservation Leadership Program


6 (ACLI) at University of Florida funded by Gordon and B etty Moore Foundation, for the financial support. I thank the American Association for University Women (AAUW) for the support through the concession of a prestigious international fellowship. I met Dr. Ma rianne Schmink nine years ago in Rio Branco, Acre, Brazil. At that time, I already enjoyed her smile and s y mpathy. Destiny worked its way in getting me to undertake my doctoral program at University of Florida, und er her supervision. I consider myself priv ileged to have been her student and wish to express my sincere gratitude for all the attention, encouragement, care and support she ha s devoted to me during my stay at UF. I wish to acknowledge the important role that Marianne has played as TCD Director si nce the creation of the Program. The environment and support provided by UF and TCD makes you feel at home, even miles away from your home country. I feel that I could not have come to a better place to take my doctoral program I want to acknowledge and thank other UF faculty who have supported and encouraged my research. I wish to thank Dr. Robert Buschbacher for his constant dedication and support, as well as for his leadership and extreme devotion in running programs such as the ACLI (Amazon Conservat ion Leadership Initiative), which has enabled Latin American students to access quality education at UF. Thanks to Dr. Michael Heckenberger, my Xingu colleague, for all the exchange of ideas and advice related to my work with the Kaiabi. To Dr. Emilio Brun a for his guidance in co writing a paper with me on participatory management of arum. To Dr. Anthony Oliver Smith for the great classes on economic anthropology and rural peoples, and for his constant encouragement. My gratitude to Dr. Russel Bernard for the incredible course on research design in anthropology, as well as for his availability, dedication and enthusiasm related to my research. To Dr. Stephen Humphrey, SNRE graduate director, for his support since the


7 beginning of my program. Thanks also to Cathy Ritchie and Meisha Wade from SNRE for the support My gratitude to Dr. Karen Kainer Jon Dain, Patricia Sampaio and Margarita Gandia from TCD/Center for Latin American Studies for the inspiration, attention and support My appreciation and gratitude to Dr. Mary Allegretti for teaching a wonderful course on Amazonian social movements, and for helping me with the writing of one of the chapters of my dissertation. I m grateful to national and international museums which have collaborated with the Kaiabi people through the donation of photographs of objects of Kaiabi material culture, especially baskets and textiles Specifically, thanks to: the Museu de Arqueologia e Etnologia from University of So Paulo (MAE USP); the Museum of Cultures in Basel, Switzerland, in the p erson of Alexander Brust, head of the Americas department; the Museum of Ethnology of Berlin, Germany; and the National Museum of Rio de Janeiro. Thanks to Dr. Geor g Grnberg, for having collected many baskets among the Kaiabi in 1966 and deposited them in ethnographic museums. I appreciate his effort in visiting the Kaiabi 40 years after the finishing of his dissertation. I wish to acknowledge the support of previous colleagues and professors with whom I interacted during my Masters program in England. Thanks to Dr. Roy Ellen, my former advisor, for his dedication; to Dr. Raj Puri, for the guidance in data analysis ; and to Dr. Gary Martin, for his interest and encouragement. I remember when Gary suggested that I should do research abou t people lear ning from the Kaiabi Araa book about seven years ag o in Canterbury A special thanks to Dr. Miguel Alexiades for his years of dedication and guidance in cowriting a chapter with me for his book on mobility and migration in indigenous Amazonia My sincere gratitude and appreciation to my nonindigenous Xingu colleagues and friends, without those my life in Xingu would not ha ve been so pleasant safe and adventurous


8 Thanks to my former boss and friend Andr Villas Bas from Instituto Socioambiental for his continuous care encouragement and support, besides his incredible dedication to the work with indigenous peoples in the Amazon. Thanks also to all my xinguano friends from ISA: Ktia Ono Paulo Junqueira Paula Menezes Rosana Gasparini Maria Cristina Troncarelli ( Bimba ) Estela Wrker Marcus Schmidt (Top) Renata Farias and Angelise Pimenta for all the years of fun, collaboration, friendship and collective baths in the Xingu River. Thanks to Joo Pavese for the friendship and dedication in the production of the excellent documentary Kaiabi Araa. Im grateful to Frederico de Oliveira and Francisco Stuchi for their support and for their work with the Teles Pires Kaiabi. So many friends have helped me during my PhD journey that I might for get to list and thank some of them here. For the friends that I forget to list, please accept my excuses and my gratitude. To my Portuguese friend Joana Rodrigues, thanks for the fun times spent during fieldwork in Xingu and for her dedication to the work with the Yudja people. My sincere gratitude to Doriam Borges and Ludmila Ribeiro for their help with data analysis and for teaching me to work with the SPSS Program. Thanks to my friends in Gainesville (some already finished their programs) for the friends hip, fun and care : the superpoderosas Diana Alvira ( Tita ) and Amy Duchelle ; Arika Virapongse; Omaira Bolanos; Ane Alencar; Morena Maia; Eric Carvalho; Ricardo and Denyse Mello; Lucimar Souza; Margareth Buschbacher; Pio and Jenny Saqui; Wendy L in Bartels; Shoana Humphries; Valrio Gomes; Leonardo Pacheco and all the Brazilians that play in the Boteco do Pacheco band. Finally, I wish to thank my boyfriend Gary for his love, dedication and enthusiasm, especially during the final stages of the writing of th is dissertation.


9 TABLE OF CONTENTS page ACKNOWLEDGMENTS ...............................................................................................................4 LIST OF TABLES .........................................................................................................................13 LIST OF FIGURES .......................................................................................................................14 LIST OF ABBREVIATIONS ........................................................................................................19 ABSTRACT ...................................................................................................................................22 CHAPTER 1 INTRODUCTION ..................................................................................................................24 The Kaiabi: Diaspora, Resilience and Change of an Amazonian People ..............................24 Weaving Indigenous and Scientific Knowledge through Col laboration ................................26 Fields of Inquiry and Possible Applications ...........................................................................29 Indigenous Knowledge Systems and Biocultural Diversity ............................................29 Social Ecological Systems, Resilience and Change ........................................................34 Indigenous Knowledge, Displacement and Place ...........................................................38 The Political Ecology of Empowerment .........................................................................43 A Process Perspective on Indigenous Knowledge and Cultural Change ........................46 Brief Chronological Sketch of Research Done Among the Kaiabi ........................................50 Personal Names and Orthography ..........................................................................................53 Structure of Dissertat ion .........................................................................................................55 2 FIELDWORK AND METHODS ...........................................................................................62 Previous Fieldwork .................................................................................................................62 Fieldwor k Carried Out from 2002 to 2004 .............................................................................63 Fieldwork Carried Out from 2006 to 2007 .............................................................................65 Objectives, Research Questions and Hypotheses ...................................................................66 Research Design .....................................................................................................................72 Data Analysis ..........................................................................................................................75 3 THE KAIABI IN TAPAJS AND T HE TRANSFER TO XINGU PARK ..........................79 Introduction .............................................................................................................................79 The Kaiabi in the Tapajs Region ..........................................................................................80 Contact with the Villas Bas Brothers ....................................................................................87 The Indigenous Noble Savage and the Creation of the Xingu Park .......................................90 Xin gu has Everything an Indian Could Wish: the Transfer to the Xingu Park ...................94 Conclusion ............................................................................................................................100


10 4 THE KAIABI AFTER THE DIASPORA: ADAPTATION AND LAND STRUGGLES IN NEW TERRITORIAL CONFIGURATIONS .................................................................104 Introduction ...........................................................................................................................104 The Ones who Left: The Adaptation to Xingu Park a fter the Transfer ................................105 The Ones who Remained: The Adaptation of Rio dos Peixes and Teles Pires Groups and Processes of Land Demarcation .................................................................................110 Rio dos Peixes ...............................................................................................................111 Teles Pires .....................................................................................................................117 Indigenous Land Demarcation in Brazil, and Kaiabi Land Claims ......................................122 Batelo Indigenous Land ...............................................................................................126 TI Kayabi in Teles Pires ................................................................................................131 Arraias River in Xingu Region ......................................................................................135 Conclusion ............................................................................................................................138 5 ENVIRONMENTAL CONTRASTS, ADAPTATION AFTER DISPLACEMENT, AND NATURAL RESOURCE MANAGEMENT ACROSS THREE KAIABI LANDS ..145 Introduction ...........................................................................................................................145 Environmental Contrasts between the Three Areas ..............................................................146 Environmental Conservation Status and Threats ..................................................................149 Environmental Adaptation, Natural Resource Use and Management among the Xingu Kaiabi ................................................................................................................................157 Conclusion ............................................................................................................................166 6 CURRENT TERRITORIAL ORGANIZATION AND POLITICAL CONFIGURATION ACROSS THREE KAIABI LANDS ..................................................175 Introduction ...........................................................................................................................175 Overview of the Areas Currently Occupied by the Kaiabi ...................................................176 Xingu Indigenous Park ..................................................................................................177 Apiak Kaiabi Indigenous Land in Rio dos Peixes .......................................................182 Kayabi Indigenous Land in Teles Pires .........................................................................185 Notes on the Demography of the Kaiabi ..............................................................................189 The Political Empowerment of the Xingu Kaiabi ................................................................191 The Formation of a n Indigenous Political Leader .........................................................196 The Creation and Sustaining of ATIX ...........................................................................201 Community based Projects and Initiatives ....................................................................209 The Kuman Project ......................................................................................................211 The Kaiabi Araa Project ................................................................................................212 The Munuwi Project ......................................................................................................215 Benefits and Disadvantages of Community based Projects in Xingu ...........................216 Itaok and Kawaip Associations in Rio dos Peixes and Teles P ires ......................................222 Peoples Perceptions on the Work of Kaiabi Indigenous Associations ................................225 Conclusion ............................................................................................................................230


11 7 COMPARATIVE SOCIOECONOMIC ANALYSIS OF FOUR KAIABI VILLAGES ....245 Introduction ...........................................................................................................................245 Overview of V illages Organization ......................................................................................248 Capivara and Tuiarar Villages at Xingu Park ..............................................................248 Tatuy Post and Novo Horizonte Village in Rio dos Peixe s ...........................................252 Kururuzinho Post and Village in Teles Pires ................................................................255 Comparative Socioeconomic Analyses of Four Villages .....................................................257 People interviewed and Age Classes .............................................................................257 Places of Birth ...............................................................................................................259 Interethnic Mixing .........................................................................................................260 Functions in the Village, Sources and Stability of Income ...........................................262 Travel and Dislocations B etween the Villages ..............................................................268 Formal Schooling ..........................................................................................................271 Language Proficiency ....................................................................................................279 Comparisons and Relationships betwe en Socioeconomic Variables ...................................284 Conclusion ............................................................................................................................286 8 THE DYNAMICS OF WEAVING KNOWLEDGE ACROSS FOUR KAIABI VILLAGES ...........................................................................................................................313 Introduction ...........................................................................................................................313 Weaving Culture into Material Objects ................................................................................315 Types and Uses of B asketry and Textile Items ....................................................................320 Twillplaited Designed Baskets .....................................................................................323 Stages of Basketry Weaving ..........................................................................................324 Natural Resources Used in Basketry and Textile Production ...............................................326 Weaving Knowledge: Social Meaning, Transmission, Distribution and Change ................333 Social Meaning and Traditional Learning Mechanisms ................................................333 Knowledge Distribution of Woven Items ......................................................................336 Knowledge Distribution and Transmission of Designed Basketry and Textiles ...........341 Age of l earning .......................................................................................................343 Reviewing models a nd mechanisms of knowledge transmission ..........................345 Distribution of knowledge on graphic designs .......................................................351 Weaving Cosmology, Shamanism and Sy mbol ....................................................................367 Shamans, baskets, cotton and textiles ............................................................................372 Taboos related to weaving basketry and textiles ...........................................................374 Basketry, Textiles and Markets ............................................................................................375 Relationship between Weaving Knowledge, Language Proficiency and Socioeconomic Aspects ..............................................................................................................................380 Conclusion ............................................................................................................................391 9 CONCLUSIONS: A SYSTEMS APPROACH TO THE STUDY OF CULTURAL CHANGE ..............................................................................................................................433 Colla pse and Renewal: Displacement, Socio Ecological Systems and the Kaiabi ..............433 Indigenous Knowledge, Displacement and Place .................................................................440


12 Empo werment, Western Institutions and Territorial Control ...............................................443 Processual Studies on Indigenous Knowledge Systems .......................................................446 Applications and Policy Recommendations .........................................................................455 Future Steps ..........................................................................................................................457 APPENDIX A CODEBOOK USED IN THIS RESEARCH ........................................................................460 B NAMES AND MEANINGS OF BASKETRY AND TEXTILE DESIGNS .......................465 C CODES AND POSSIBLE NAMES FOR BASKETRY AND TEXTILE DESIGNS .........468 D CATALOGUE OF KAIABI BASKETRY DESIGNS .........................................................474 E CATALOGUE OF KAIABI TEXTILE DESIGNS .............................................................510 LIST OF REFERENCES .............................................................................................................519 BIOGRAPHICAL SKETCH .......................................................................................................544


13 LIST OF TABLES Table page 51 Plant resources of cultural an d economic importance mentioned in free listings conducted with men and women in four Kaiabi villages.. ...............................................171 61 Evolution of Kaiabi population through time. .................................................................237 62 Synthesis of the results of the Kaiabi Araa project, in terms of objects produced and people who have participated in the four workshops developed in Kururuzinho and Tuiarar villages between 2004 and 2006. ......................................................................238 63 Comparison between political participation, perception of indigenous organisations work and preference for future projec ts between four Kaiabi villages ...........................239 71 Number and gender of people interviewed in four Kaiabi villages. ................................299 72 Functions a nd occupations in the villages. .....................................................................303 73 Levels of stability of income for men and women in four Kaiabi villages. .....................306 74 Level of formal schooling for people interviewed in four Kaiabi villages. .....................309 75 Proficiency in nati ve language for people interviewed in four Kaiabi villages. ..............310 76 Results of logistical regression analysis f or selected socio economic variables, having language proficiency as the dependent variable. .................................................312 81 Basketry items and textile related items produced by Kaiabi men. .................................397 82 Main natural resources used in Kaiabi basketry and textiles. ..........................................404 83 Plants currently used as arum substitutes by the Kaiabi people. ...................................405 84 Basketry items and textile related items produced by Kaiabi men with respective frequencies in each village by weavers and by total o f men included in the sampling. ..406 85 Textile items produced by Kaiabi women .......................................................................409 86 Textile items produced by Kaiabi women with respective frequencies in each village by weavers and by tot al of women included in the sampling. .........................................410 87 Results of logistical regression analysis for selected socio economic variables, having weaving knowledge as the dependent variable. ...................................................430


14 LIST OF FIGURES Figure page 11 The adaptive cycle, used to understand change and reorganization of socioecological systems. Source: Gunderson and Holling (2002). ............................................59 12 A possible representation of a systemic approach to the study of a cultural domain, in this case weaving knowledge. ............................................................................................60 13 Another possible representation of a systems approach to the study of factors involved in the resilience and change of Kaiabi cultural system. ......................................61 31 Map showing the location of Kaiabi ancestral territory and the demographic situation of the group between 1955 and 1966. ..............................................................................102 32 Map of Xingu Park and location of Arraias River close to the Tywape Vigilance Post (PIV) in the n orthweste rn region. ....................................................................................103 41 Location of indigenous lands in Brazil. In the red polygon, location of Xingu Park (PIX), Apiak Kaiabi Land, TI Kayabi in Teles Pires and TI Batelo (claimed). ..........141 42 Detail of the location of the three areas occupied by the Kaiabi in Mato Grosso: PI Xingu, TI Apiak Kayabi and TI Kaya bi, marked with red triangles. ............................142 43 Map of delimitation of TI Batelo in Rio dos Peixes region, showing the location of old Kaiabi villages. ..........................................................................................................143 44 Map of delimitation of TI Kayabi in Teles Pires region. .................................................144 51 Indigenous lands (green), federal and state protected areas (blue and brown) and deforestation in the Braz ilian Amazon ...........................................................................169 52 Map showing the municipalities that surround Xingu Indige nous Park. .........................170 53 Selected plant resources most cited by women and by men interviewed in four Kaiabi villages. ................................................................................................................174 61 Location of the indigenous lands currently occupied by the Kaiabi: Xingu Indigenous Park, TI Apiak Kaiabi (Rio dos Peixes) and TI Kayabi (Teles Pires). ..........................234 62 Map of Xingu Indigenous Park. It is possible to distinguish the upper Xingu region and PI Leonardo, the middle section and PI Pavuru and the northern portion or lower section of the Park where PI Diauarum is located. S ource: ISA (2009 b). ......................235 63 Evolution of Kaiabi population in the three areas occupied by the group, from 1955 to 2007. ............................................................................................................................236


15 64 Degree of participation in political meetings amongst men (M male) and women (F female) in four Kaiabi villages. CA=Capivara; TU=Tuiarar; RP=Rio dos Peixes; TP= Teles Pires. ...............................................................................................................242 65 Percepti ons of people (M male and F female) about the work carried out by local organizations in Capivara (CA), Tuiarar (TU), Rio dos Peixes (RP) and Teles Pires (TP) villages. ....................................................................................................................243 66 Preference of communities for future projects to be developed by indigenous organizations in four Kaiabi villages. CA Capivara; TU Tuiarar; RP Rio dos Peixes; TP Teles Pires. ....................................................................................................244 71 Location of Capivara a nd Tuiarar villages on the northern portion of Xingu Park. Source: Instituto Socioambiental, 2008. ..........................................................................290 72 Map of houses of Capivara village in 2002, around the soccer field. ..............................291 73 Map of Capivara village in 2007, showing the old village (front) with the school (yellow building) and the new village (back). Drawing by Sirakup Kaiabi. ...................292 74 Map of Tuiarar village in 2002 showing houses, health unit and school. Drawing by Tamakari Kaiabi. ..............................................................................................................293 75 Map of Tuiarar village in 2007. Drawing by Apurin and Pi raju. .................................294 76 Map of the planned new Tuiarar village (2007) located on the back area of the old village, with the house of culture or school of culture in the center, surrounded by resident s houses. Drawing by Apurin and Piraju. .........................................................295 77 Map of Rio dos Peixes Post (Tatuy) showing the river, the road which leads to Juara and the path to Novo Horizonte village, located adjacent t o the post. Drawing by Simone Athayde, 2007. ....................................................................................................296 78 Map of the houses in Novo Horizonte village at Rio dos Peixes. Drawing by Simone Athayde, 2007. .................................................................................................................297 79 Map of Kururuzinho Post and village at Kayabi Indigenous Land in Teles Pires river. The airplane landing strip is located at the back of the village. Drawing by Tangeui Kaiabi, 2007. ....................................................................................................................298 710 Age pyramids for people interviewed in each age class by gender in four Kaiabi villages. Age classes based on Athayde (2003). ..............................................................300 711 Age pyramids for the Xingu Kaiabi population, from 1970 to 1999. Source: Pagliaro (2005). ..............................................................................................................................301 712 Places of birth for people interviewed in four Kaiabi villages. .......................................302


16 713 Total monthly income by village, in dollars, from waged officers, retirement pensions and family pensions. CA=Capivara; TU=Tuiarar; RP=Rio dos Peixes; TP= Teles Pires. .......................................................................................................................304 714 Sources of income for people interviewed in four Kaiabi villages. CA=Capivara; TU=Tuiarar; RP=Rio dos Peixes; TP=Teles Pires. ........................................................305 715 Percentage of women and men interviewed in four villa ges, travelling between the three Kaiabi areas. CA=Capivara; TU=Tuiarar; RP=Rio dos Peixes; TP=Teles Pires. F=female; M=male. ...............................................................................................307 716 Reasons for travels between the three Kaiabi areas among women and men interviewed in four villages. CA=Capivara; TU=Tuiarar; RP=Rio dos Peixes; TP=Teles Pires. F=female; M=male. ...............................................................................308 717 A comparison of selected socioeconomic variables between fo ur Kaiabi villages. CA Capivara; TU Tuiarar; RP Rio dos Peixes; TP Teles Pires. ...............................311 81 Graphic representation of domains or modules of knowledge involved in weaving knowledge, considered in this research. Broad categories considered: 1) Form; 2) Function; 3) Materials; 4) Meanings; 5) Designs. ...........................................................395 82 Types of Kaiabi baskets grouped according to semantic categories and uses, with distinction of use by men, women or both. ......................................................................396 83 Stages of basket weaving. ................................................................................................402 84 Kaiabi ethnomathemathics: counting, grouping and design structure. The design woven in the center of the basket square is the Iyp pattern (Mendes, 2001). .............403 85 Distribution of men who weave each type of basketry item by villag e. CA Capivara; TU Tuiarar; RP Rio dos Peixes; TP Teles Pires. ..................................................411 86 Distribution of women who weave each type of textile item by village. CA Capivara; TU Tuiarar; RP Rio dos Pei xes; TP Teles Pires. ..................................................412 87 Percentage of men in all villages, who weave each type of basketry item. .....................413 88 Percentage of wo men in all villages, who weave each type of textile item. ....................414 89 Percentage of women and men who weave designed baskets and textiles in four Kaiabi villages. CA Capivara; TU Tuiarar; RP Rio dos Peixes; TP Teles Pires. .................................................................................................................................415 810 Age of learning designed baskets and textiles among female (F) and male (M) weavers in four Kaiabi villages. CA Capivara; TU Tuiarar; RP Rio d os Peixes; TP Teles Pires. ..............................................................................................................416


17 811 Typology of modes of cultural transmission developed by Cavalli Sforza and Feldman (1981) and Hewlett and Cavalli Sforza (1986). ................................................417 812 Ways of learning to weave designed baskets among Kaiabi men in two villages in Xingu in 2002. .................................................................................................................418 813 Ways of learning to weave designed basket s and textiles among Kaiabi women and man in all villages in 2007. ..............................................................................................419 814 A model for the study of indigenous knowledge domains and mechanisms of transmission based on the Kaiabi case. Adapt ed and expanded from Cavalli Sforza and Feldman (1981) and Hewlett and Cavalli Sforza (1986). .........................................420 815 Distribution of knowledge on different basketry designs among Kaiabi men, comparing total men interviewed and only basketry weavers. ........................................421 816 Distribution of knowledge on designs among men from Capivara and Tuiarar villages interviewed in 2002 and 2007. ...........................................................................422 817 Percentage of men who weave different designs in each village, grouped by classes. ...423 818 Competence scores on consensus analysis regarding agr eement on naming the different basketry designs among men in four Kaiabi villages. CA Capivara (red); TU Tuiarar (blue); RP Rio dos Peixes (orange); and KU Kururuzinho (greenTeles Pires). ......................................................................................................................424 819 Similarity between men from Capivara (red) and Tuiarar (blue) villages regarding names given to basketry designs. Non metric multidimensional scaling (MDS) analysis of similarity. .......................................................................................................425 820 Similarity between men from Rio dos Peixes (orange) and Kururuzinho (green) villages regarding names given to basketry designs. Non metric multidimensional scaling (MDS) analysis of similarity. ..............................................................................426 821 Distribution of knowledge on textile designs among Kaiabi women in four villages. ....427 822 Competence scores on consensus analysis regarding agreement on naming the different textile designs among women in four Kaiabi villages. CA Capivara (red); TU Tuiarar (blue); RP Rio dos Peixes (orange); and KU Kururuzinho (greenTeles Pires). ......................................................................................................................428 823 Linear regress ions showing relationship between age and basketry knowledge among Kaiabi men: A) Relationship between age and number of basketry items woven by Kaiabi men; B) Knowledge of names for basketry designs; C) Ability to weave (or use) of basketry designs. ..................................................................................................429


18 824 A comparison of selected socioeconomic variables, including language proficiency and weaving knowledge (ability to weave) between four Kaiabi villages. CA Capivara; TU Tuiarar; RP Rio dos Peixes; TP Teles Pires. .......................................431 825 A model for understanding interactions among variables related to Kaiabi language proficiency and weaving knowledge. ..............................................................................432 91 A model based on the adaptive cycle from the socioecological systems theory, showing collapse, reorganization, exploitation and conservation events applied to the history of Kaiabi people. ..................................................................................................459


19 LIST OF ABBREVIATION S ADR Administrao regional da FUNAI FUNAIs regional administration AIK Associao Indgena K K AIK K Associao Indgena Kawaip Kaiabi Kawaip Kaiabi Indigenous Association AIS Agente Indgena de Sade Indigenous health agent ATIX Associao Terra Indgena Xingu, Xingu Indigenous Land Association AVA Associao Vida e Ambiente Association life and environment BIE Bilingual intercultural education CIMI Conselho Indigenis ta Missionrio Indigenist missionary council CEMAT Centrais Eltricas Matogrossenses Electrical company of Mato Grosso COIAB Coordenao das Organizaes Indgenas da Amaznia Brasileira, Coordination of Indigenous Organizations of Brazilian Amazon COI CA Coordinadora de las Organizaciones Indigenas de la Cuenca Amaznica, Coordination of Indigenous Organizations of the Amazon Basin C ONOMALI Companhia Colonizadora do Noroeste MatoGrossense DF D R Development forced displacement and resettlement DOU Di rio oficial da Unio Brazilian federal government official newspaper DSEI XINGU Distrito de Sade Especial Indgena do Xingu Xingu Indigenous Health Unit EPM Escola Paulista de Medicina So Paulo School of Medicine FAB Fora Area Nacional Brazi lian Aeronautic Army FBC Fundao Brasil Central, Central Brazil Foundation FMV Fundao Mata Virgem Mata Virgem Foundation FUNAI Fundao Nacional do ndio, National Indian Foundation FUNASA Fundao Nacional de Sade National Health Agency GT Grup o de trabalho para questes de terras indgenas (FUNAI) Working group for study of Indigenous lands claims


20 GTME Grupo de Trabalho Missionrio Evanglico Group of evangelic missionaire work IBAMA Insttituto Nacional do Meio Ambiente e dos Recursos Naturais Renovveis Brazilian Environmental Agency INCRA Instituto Nacional de Colonizao e Reforma Agrria National Institute for Colonization and Agrarian Reform IK Indigenous knowledge IPAM Instituto de Pesquisa Ambiental da Amaznia Amazonian Insti tute for Environmental Research ISA Instituto Socioambiental Social Environmental Institute ITAOK Associa o Indgena Itaok (Kaiabi) Itaok Indigenous Association MEC Ministrio da Educao Ministry of Education MINC Ministrio da Cultura Brazi lian Ministry of Culture MMA Ministrio do Meio Ambiente Brazilian Minsitry of the Environment NGO Non governmental Organisation NRF Norwegian Rainforest Foundation NTFP Non timber Forest products OPAN Operao Anchieta, Anchieta Operation PDPI Pr ojetos Demonstrativos dos Povos Indg enas Indigenous Demonstrative Projects PI Posto Indgena Indigenous Post PIV Posto Indgena de Vigilncia Indigenous Vigilance Post PIX Parque Indgena do Xingu Xingu Indigenous Park PPTAL Projeto Integrado de Proteo s Populaes e Terras Indgenas da Amaznia Legal PROESI Programa de Educao Superior Indgena Intercultural Program for indigenous intercultural education SEMA Secretaria do Meio Ambiente Secretary of the Environment


21 SEDUC Secretaria de Estado de Educao do Mato Grosso Secretary of Education of Mato Grosso State SIL Sociedade Internacional de Lingstica Summer Institute of Linguistics SPI Servio de Proteo ao ndio Indian Protection Service SPU Servio de Patrimnio da Unio, Servi ce of Union Patrimony SUDECO Superintendncia do Desenvolvimento do Centro Oeste Agency for Development of the Center western region of Brazil TEK Traditional Environmental (or Ecological) Knowledge TI Terra Indgena, Indigenous Land UNEMAT Univ ersidade do Estado de Mato Grosso University of Mato Grosso State UNESCO United Nations Educational, Scientific and Cultural Organization UNI Unio das Naes Indgenas Indigenous Nations Union UNIFESP Universidade Federal de So Paulo Federal Univ ersity of So Paulo Y IKATU XINGU Campanha gua Bonita do Xingu Xingu River Campaign


22 Abstract of Dissertation Presented to the Graduate School of the University of Florida in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree of Doctor of Philosophy WEAVING POWER: DISPLACEMENT, TERRITORY AND INDIGENOUS KNOWLEDGE SYSTEMS ACROSS THREE KAIABI GROUPS IN THE BRAZILIAN AMAZON By Simone Ferreira de Athayde August 2010 Chair: Marianne Schmink Major: Interdisciplinary Ecology Indigenous lands are responsible for the conservation of nearly 21% of the Brazilian Amazon, and are the main barrier against deforestation. This research contributes to the understanding of the relationship between political empowerment, socio cultural re silience and territorial control among Amazonian indigenous peoples I sought to explore which f actors may lead to the persistence or loss of indigenous knowledge after geographical displacement. I argue that cultural and environmental resilience are intertwined, s o that where traditional knowledge is maintained, there will be greater territorial control among indigenou s peoples in the Amazon. I apply a systems approach to explore the effects of historical, environmental, political, socioeconomic and cultural facto rs in their interaction with a specific domain of indigenous knowledge. The Kaiab i speak a language of the Tupi G uarani stock and are great agriculturalists and ba sket makers. The majority of the population was transferred by the Brazilian government from their ancestral territory in the Tapajs River basin to the Xingu Park region from 1950 to 1966. Two small groups remained in the ancestral land, one on the Peixes River and other on the Teles Pires River. Transfer to the park brought changes in Kaiabi soc ial and political organisation and in the access to and management of natural resources. Forty years after the transfer, the Xingu


23 Kaiabi have adapted to the new conditions, creating mechanisms for cultural perpetuation and territorial control. By contrast, the groups who remained in the ancestral land lost many aspects of their traditional lore. Cross sectional and longitudinal studies w ere c arried out in order to compare the dynamics of knowledge related to basketry and textile weaving among 114 men and 110 women in four villages across three Kaiabi groups in a five year period F actors that led to the cultural peristence and political empowerment of the Xingu Kaiabi in contrast with the other two groups were also explored as well as peoples perspectives on the role and work of political organizations. Results show that knowledge is being both innovated and eroded among the Kaiabi, and that agency leadership and innovation are critical asset s in enabling cultural resilience. Whereas in Xingu and Teles Pires areas there is innovation an d new knowledge being generated with you nger generations still learning in Rio dos Peixes knowledge and native language have been eroded at a faster pace. Promoting the persistence of native language and adapting school s to include both indigenous and western knowledge could help to reverse the process of loss of cultural resilience in Rio dos Peixes. Greater political empowerment in Xingu, allied to the development of community based projects, has influenced indigenous knowledge perpetuation and mechanisms for its transmission. In the Kaiabi case, territorial isolation combined with political support and local leadership led to greater cultural and environmental resilience of the Xingu group in co mparison to the other tw o areas


24 CHAPTER 1 INTRODUCTION The Kaiabi: Diaspora, Resilience and Change of an Amazonian P eople 1 The Kaiabi are a Tupi Guarani speaking people who originally occupied several tributaries of the Tapajs River in the southern Brazilian Amazon. In light of an imminent government sponsored agric ultural colonization scheme in the area, and in order to minimize conflicts with rubber tappers and settlers, the Brazilian federal government induced the relocation of the Kaiabi several hundred kilometers to the southeast, to what is now the Xingu Indigenous Park (Grnberg, 2004). While most Kaiabi relocated to Xingu between 1950 and 1966, two smaller groups refused to leave, and still live in or close to their ancestral region, one in Rio dos Peixes and the othe r along the Teles Pires River. After the diaspora, the process of re settlement, fragmentation, sedentarization and contact with other indigenous peoples and with nonindigenous social and economic systems has created rapid and profound changes in territorial and social organisation amongst the three Kaiabi groups, including shifts in their knowledge systems and natural resource management practices. The three groups to which we are going to continuously refer in this dissertation are hereby named the Xing u Kaiabi, the Rio dos Peixes or Tatuy Kaiabi and the Teles Pires or Par Kaiabi. The recently resettled Xingu Kaiabi have undergone a process of social and political revitalization enhanced by the unique conditions found at Xingu Park and by access to int ernational funding and technical support that came to Amazonia with the environmentalist movement (Oakdale, 1996; 2004; Athayde et al., 2009). Currently o ccupy ing an area of nearly 1 Parts of this dissertation are based on my previous writings, and include sections of my Masters thesis (Athayde, 2003) and of published book chapters and papers, mainly from Athayde (2004); Senra et al. (2004); Silva a nd Athayde (2004); Athayde et al. (2006) and Athayde et al. (2009).


25 one million hectares in the northern portion of the Xingu Park, t hey have d eveloped strong leadership skills, maintaining, in a changing and adaptive way, a wide repertoire of traditional practices and institutions, including their language, crop plants, material culture, as well as festivals and rituals. In an apparent contradic tion, Kaiabi groups who remained in the ancestral region are numerically inferior to the Xingu Kaiabi, and have experienced a higher degree of assimilation into Brazilian non indigenous society and loss of traditional knowledge. The Kaiabi have a sophisti cated agriculture and culinary, as well as an elaborated material culture, in which the most technically and artistically developed items are the designed and painted twill plaited baskets (Ribeiro, 1986; Athayde, 2003; Athayde et al., 2009). These baskets have been produced by Kaiabi men according to different social meanings and economic purposes, which have been shifting along with the changes faced by the group after their transfer to Xingu Park. Basketry designs have became strong symbols of Kaiabi ide ntity, and have been applied in other artifacts such as painted benches, club handles and sculpted gourds, as well as body painting. While in Xingu Park basketry knowledge has been at the same time eroded, perpetuated and innovated, it seems that in the ot her two Kaiabi areas, knowledge of this cultural domain is eroding at a faster pace. Contradictions and paradoxes are more of a rule than an exception when it comes to cultural persistence and change among indigenous peoples in the contemporary world. Whe reas in Xingu Park the Kaiabi have managed to perpetuate their basketry knowledge, they have been dealing with a critical lack of the main natural fiber used in the weaving work ( Ischnosiphon gracilis Maranthaceae), named arum in Portuguese (Athayde et al., 2006). This fiber is abundant in the other two Kaiabi areas, where the knowledge has been lost. In Xingu, there is


26 knowl edge but no raw material : in the ancestral land, there is plenty of raw material but lack of knowledge. Kaiabi women traditional ly produced textiles hammocks and straps for carrying babies using the twined weaving technique (Ribeiro, 1984/1985). After 1970, there was a technical shift and innovation amongst Xingu women, in which they began to use a different weaving technique ( twilled), applying the basketry designs woven by men in the textiles. There was no paralle to this shift by women residing in the other two Kaiabi areas, who have lost the knowledge of weaving to different extents. In this dissertation, I take elements fro m the theories and fields of historical ecology, ethnoecology, cognitive anthropology, political ecology systems ecology and ethnography to advance the understanding of processes of indigenous knowledge systems persistence and change after displacement W hy and through which mechanisms have the Xingu Kaiabi retained their traditional lore, whereas the other two groups have lost it in different degrees? The main question to be explored in this research relates to the processes, mechanisms and factors involved in indigenous peoples cultural retention or resilience and erosion or loss. Weaving Indigenous and Scientific Knowledge through Collaboration This dissertation is based on information collected during ten years of work as a practitioner and associated researcher for the Xingu Program of the NGO Instituto Socioambiental (ISA) among the Kaiabi at Xingu Park, and on visits to other Kaiabi lands for short periods of time, one in 1999, when I spent one month with the Kaiabi at the Rio dos Peixes village (Silva et al., 2000; Senra et al., 2001) and the other in September of 2004, when I participate d in travel to the Kururuzinho Indigenous Post at Kaiabi land in Par, with a group of Kaiabi from Xingu (ATIX, 2004).


27 In 1999, I was in my palm thatched hut at Di auarum Post (Xingu Park) when I received the visit of Aturi Kaiabi (his current new name is Jowosipep, which means Tortoise), at that time teacher at Tuiarar school and prominent political leader. He asked me to help him to write a project for FUNAIs edu cational department, to promote the revitalization of basketry and textile knowledge among the Kaiabi in Xingu and the Teles Pires Kaiabi, who reside in the Kururuzinho Post and village. According to him, weaving knowledge was being lost in Xingu, and in T eles Pires the situation was even more critical, with very few men still knowing how to weave baskets and no women knowing how to weave a hammock anymore. He wanted to develop a project with the Kaiabi from Teles Pires, because he was born there, and his f ather took him to Xingu when he was only ten years old. Besides this, there are other kinship ties between Tuiarar village in Xingu and Kururuzinho village in Teles Pires. It would also be too difficult and ambitious to include the Rio dos Peixes Kaiabi i n this first community based project. Aturi had been talking to Eroit Kaiabi, a teacher in Kururuzinho village, about his idea of promoting cultural exchange between the two groups: a group of Kaiabi teachers (men and women) from Xingu would dislocate to Par to teach people there how to weave baskets and textile items (hammocks, straps for carrying babies etc). They would also promote weaving workshops for men and women, especially youth, in the Xingu Park, as well as activities for management of the arum plant. I found the i dea compelling, spectacular: I am in , I told Aturi at that moment without envisioning that ten years later I would be telling this story to you. At that time, I had already fallen in love with Kaiabi baskets, and had taken photos of baskets in different Kaiabi villages. As a biologist, I had also been coordinating a participatory project for research and management of the arum plant (Athayde et al ., 2006). What motivated me the


28 most was the fact that I would be working for them on t heir own idea, their project, from the beginning to the end. This project was later approved by the PDPI (Projetos Demonstrativos dos Povos Indgenas) in 2004, lasting two years, but the whole process took seven years. The project, named Kaiabi Araa, was o ne of the winners of the Indigenous Cultures award from the Brazilian Ministry of Culture (MINC) in 2007. Later on, I thought that western science would have a place and a role in the project, in the investigation of the processes of knowledge creation, erosion, transmission, distribution, innovation and change related to weaving practices among Kaiabi men and women. In my Masters dissertation in Ethnobotany defended in 2003 at University of Kent, England, I investigated basketry knowledge among Kaiabi men in two Xingu villages: Capivara and Tuiarar. However, when I finished the first thesis the project had not begun yet; it was still under consideration by the PDPI. In 2004, we traveled to Kururuzinho village in Teles Pires along with ten Kaiabi men a nd women (weaving teachers) from Xingu. It was the first time I had visited the Kaiabi from Par, as they are called, because the two other areas where the Kaiabi live (Xingu and Rio dos Peixes) are in Mato Grosso. Since my collaboration with the Kaiabi b egan, we have been organizing educational books on basketry and textiles, containing myths, stories and drawings related to baskets and textile production and products, as well as photos of basketry designs taken by myself and by other researchers, some of them acquired through donation by national and international museums. These books have helped the Kaiabi to keep and regain the knowledge of basketry designs, due to the fact that some weavers (men and women alike) are able to reproduce the design in the baskets or textiles by looking at the photos in the book. A quantitative


29 investigation on the ability of men and women to learn from the books was also part of this PhD project, and is presented in Chapter 8. After getting to know all three Kaiabi groups, I thought that research comparing the situation of knowledge systems between them more than forty years after the transfer would be very interesting, almost required, even with all the challenges (and miles of dirty roads and rivers to be covered on buses, trucks and boats) ahead. My nine year old son Adriano has accompanied me during all this process and also during my fieldwork travels to all Kaiabi areas. This would be the first scientific research done including all three Kaiabi groups, giving voice to Kaiabi women, and also the first longitudinal study done among the Kaiabi, since I used baseline data collected in 2002 to compare with data collected in 2007. The cultural domain was already chosen: weaving knowledge, basketry and textiles, men and women. Nevertheless, this research also sheds light on other realms of scientific inquiry, which would ultimately help to explain why, how, and to what extent, the Xingu Kaiabi became more culturally resilient than the other two groups. Fields of Inquiry and Po ssible Applications Indigenous Knowledge Systems and Biocultural Diversity In a nthropology and related fields of inquiry, research on indigenous knowledge (IK) systems has had multiple ramifications and applications in the last decades such as : sustainable development; economic use of biodiversity; natural resource management and conservation; intellectual property rights issues; political empowerment and grassroots movements; from intercultural education and indigenous schooling to processes of advocacy, i n the creation and implementation of public policies concerning indigenous rights (Sillitoe et al ., 1998; Berkes, 1999; Berkes et al., 2000, Colchester, 2000; Ellen and Harris, 2000; McGovern, 2000; Laird,


30 2002; Posey, 2004; Hall, 2006; Nugent, 2006; Posey and Balick, 2006; Sillitoe, 2007; Zent, 2009 a ). Berkes et al (2000), define traditional or indigenous knowledge as cumulative and adaptive by nature, tested by trial and error and transmitted through generations orally or by shared practical experiences One important difference between IK and western science is that indigenous knowledge is largely dependent on social structure and mechanisms. M echanisms for intergenerational transmission of knowledge are embedded in social structure, which is also dynam ic and changes according to internal and external historical factors. I prefer to use the wording indigenous knowledge instead of traditional knowledge , which might have misleading interpretations such as being perceived as contrary to modern or scientif ic phenomena, or as denoting simple, primitive, anachronistic, irrational, stagnant, outdated or immutable knowledge (Kearney, 19996; El len and Harris, 2000; Zent and Maffi, 2007). I like the emphasis given by Zent ( 2009 a ) to the term traditional, w hich would refer to cumulative result of the collective historical experience of groups and individuals, usually handed down from previous generations through customary modes of transmission. For him, the concept of traditional knowledge would also relate to it being embodied in language, classifications, beliefs, values, rituals, social ins titutions and daily practices. Traditional might also be used when referring to knowledge held by other local peoples, who cannot be defined as indigenous, but hold specif ic knowledge which is based on their close relationship with nature and the place where they live: riverine communities, rubber tappers caboclos or mestizos, and others. Berkes and Folke (2002) mention that the word traditional might be used to mean historical and cultural continuity, but without losing sight of the fact that all societies are dynamic and in a constant process of change; thus what is traditional is continuously redefined.


31 As environmental conservation awareness and crisis have exponentially progressed in the last decades, greater attention and resources have been directed, among policy makers, researchers and development practitioners, to the domain of environmental knowledge, also called traditional environmental knowledge (TEK). TEK would have a big role to play in natural resource management, biodiversity conservation and development of the Amazon and elsewhere (Posey, 1999; Balick, 2006; Hall, 2006; Sillitoe, 2007; Zent and Maffi, 2007). Hall (2006:328) considers TEK as a component of social capital for promoting economic progress and supplying environmental services which has been neglected by official planners and policy makers. Cultural understandings of the environment might be instrumental in nature conservation initiatives an d programs, providing knowledge of species requirements, ecosystem dynamics, sustainable harvesting levels and ecological interactions ( Berkes and Folke, 2002; Pilgrim et al ., 2008). According to Brush (1993), TEK reflects the ecological adaptation of huma ns to diverse environmental settings, thus it can serve as a ground for the development of initiatives to conserve biological diversity. Furthermore, biodiversity conservation and management projects have been more successful when local knowledge was incor porated in the process (Carroll and Meffe, 1994; Athayde et al ., 2006; Zent and Maffi, 2007). Sillitoe (2007) emphasizes that including indigenous knowledge in the context of participatory development is likely to produce more successful interventions, since these will be culturally significant and at the same time contribute to empower people that will participate in their formulation and implementation. Research and theoretical approaches developed in the past few decades in the fields of ethnolinguistic s, ecosystem health, agroforestry, agriculture, ethnobotany, ethnobiology systems theory, cultural and environmental anthropology have reinforce d the idea of interdependence


32 between cultural and biological diversity (Inglis, 1993; Bale, 1994; Carroll and Mefe, 1994; Denevan, 2001; Maffi, 2001; Gunderson & Holling, 2002; Harmon, 2002; Heckenberger et al ., 2003; Zent and Maffi, 2007). Scientific adoption of the idea of coevolution between systems of people and nature or social cultural and ecological systems (Walters, 1986) led to the development of the concept of biocultural diversity , to highlight the historical interactions and therefore mutual effects and impacts of human cultures on nature and vice versa (Harmon, 2002; Maffi, 2005; Maffi, 2007; Zent and Maffi, 2007). Therefore, if environmental knowledge is eroded, there is greater probability that this would cause a neg ative effect on the ecosystem. I n the opposite direction, w here more vigorous systems of TEK are maintained, the probability of find ing stronger indicators of ecosystem health is greater (Inglis, 1993; Zent and Maffi, 2007). For cognitive anthropologists, culture can be interpreted and studied as a partially shared understanding of the world (Boster, 1986:429). Under that model, cult ure could be defined as shared knowledge, organized in cultural domains (Weller, 1987; Ellen, 2009). Previous researchers have studied indigenous knowledge systems focusing in specific domains, mainly medical knowledge (Garro, 1986; Soto, 2004); and ecolog ical knowledge (Boster, 1986; Zent, 1999; Reyes Garca, 2001; Hunn, 2002; Wyndham, 2002; Rival, 2009 and many others). Technical knowledge, or knowledge related to object production, use and meaning, has been studied in the Amazon by Wilbert (1975); Rivir e (1992); Van Velthem (1998; 2001) and Chernela (2008), among others. Ellen (2009) presents research on Nuaulu basket making from Indonesia, in which he reviews and criticizes the concept and fixity of cultural domain. According to him, boundaries attribut ed to domains by anthropologists are many times artificially defined, easy to challenge and, most important, have neg lected or denied the overlapp between domains. Furthermore, the domains chosen or defined by researchers might


33 not reflect local categoriza tion of knowledge. Ignoring or not taking into account overlapp between domains might limit our capacity to understand mechanisms and processes of knowledge transmission. He gives an example of a plant species (eg. Ficus sp), which might simultaneously be a member of various domains identified as a plant, a food, a medicine, a construction material, an element in landscape, a totem and so on. Therefore, changes in knowledge transmission in one domain can affect others, positively or negatively. He states t hat knowledge transmission must be understood in terms of overlapping knowledges of nonmutually exclusive domains . (Ellen, op cit., 246). This research is not specifically about traditional environmental knowledge. However, it includes aspects of Kaiab i environmental knowledge as it relates to mechanisms of adaptation to Xingu Park and to the knowledge of plant species of cultural and economi c importance in the three areas, including those used in basketry and textiles production (Chapter s 5 and 8). In regard to the concept of biocultural diversity, I seek to verify to wh at extent the vitality of a given domain of IK (in this case, weaving knowledge), might be used as an indicator of conservation status. In other words, where knowledge (and by extension, culture) is maintained, territorial control and thus biodiversity conservation will be greater than where knowledge is eroded. On the other hand, this is a twoway road, taking in account that ownership of the land, and more important, territorial control, especially in Brazil, often happen through political mobilization, empowerment and access to resources. Therefore, when land rights are assured, the potential of social cultural reproduction might be grater (Surrals and Hierro, 2005). If this argument i s plausible, linguistic and artistic knowledge might be used as proxy elements to indicate the vitality of both ecological and environmental knowledge systems among indigenous peoples (topi c explored in Chapters 7 and 8) This may have practical implicatio ns for development


34 projects, in which more flexibility could be given to indigenous community based initiatives who might want to prioritize cultural revitalization over strict conservation and natural resource management actions (Pilgrim et al ., 2009). S ocial E cological Systems, R esilience and Change The maintenance of cultural diversity and the knowledge, innovations and outlooks it contains increases the capacity of human systems to adapt and cope with change ( Brush, 1993; Maffi, 1999; Gunderson & Holli ng, 2002; Harmon, 2002). Gadgil et al (2003) sustain that local knowledge (of any resource user group) is relevant in systems of adaptive management. Zent and Maffi (2007:2) and Dei et al (2000) state that by maintaining their traditional knowledge and technologies, people give themselves more options, greater control over their lives, and greater leverage with which to negotiate the process of development and change more on their own terms. If indigenous knowledge systems can be understood as social c ultural capital for the future (Hall, 2006), the greater their flexibility and capacity to adapt while still ensuring their transmission through generations and thus their perpetuation or conservation the greater the power and potential of indigenous peoples to achieve self determination and control over land and resources. Similarly the biodiversity of a specific place can be viewed as natural capital the greater the biodiversity, the greater capacity to generate products, services and adapt to cha nge. Berkes and Folke (2002) consider that the distinction between social and natural systems is artificial and arbitrary. They, along with a group of scientists involved in interdisciplinary research of the complex links between people and nature, have developed the concept of social ecological systems to refer to integrated and multiscaled processes of humans and nature, constantly interacting and adapting in time and space (Berkes et al ., 2003).


35 A pplied to social ecological systems the idea of resili ence comes to rescue us from submersion in the paradox of understanding change in continuity and vice versa. The r esilience concept, applied originally to solid mechanics, is the property of a material to absorb energy when it is deformed elastically and then, upon unloading, to have this energy recovered (Wikipedia, 2008) or the capacity to absorb change, impact or stress and then return to a previous state of dynamic stability. According to Holling and Gunderson (2002), the concept of resilience applied to ecological systems has had different interpretations in the ecological literature. They note that there is always a tension between efficiency and persistence, constancy and change, or predictability and unpredictability. One definition which is suitable to understand cultural change in indigenous societies is the magnitude of disturbance that can be absorbed before the system changes its structure by changing the variables and processes that control behaviour (Holling and Gunderson, 2002:28). Walker et al. (2004) define resilience as the capacity of a system to absorb disturbance and reorganize while undergoing change so as to still retain essentially the same function, structure, identity, and feedbacks. Greater resilience provides complex systems with the possibility and ability to persist in response to shocks and disturbances (Gunderson, 2003). According to Walker et al. (2004), adaptability in socialecological systems can be interpreted as the capacity of actors in a system to influence resilie nce. Therefore, we could interpret cultural resilience as the capacity of human societies to absorb change and adapt to novel situations without collapsing or losing their identity as a group. According to Gunderson (2003), social systems have a unique property of responding to uncertainty through the generation of novelty, which would be key in dealing with surprises or crises. Again, resilience brings both continuity and innovation in adapting to change and also allows for processes of uncertainty through human agency and capacity to


36 innovate, thus changing a possible prediction of the future. The greater the social cultural and natural capital, the greater the resilience or capacity of adaptation to change, or in other words, the capacity of perpetuation of a social ecological system under shifting conditions. Gunderson and Holling (2002) and their collaborators, along with theories about the functioning of socioecological systems, have developed the concept of adaptive management and the adaptive cycle. According to them, any given socioecological system may go through phases of exploitation, conservation, release and reorganization (Figure 1 1). This concept is easy to understand when we think about the process of forest recovery or secondary succession after a fire event, for instance. The fire event is the phase of release, s hock or creative destruction, forcing that system to change. The re growth of vegetation represents the reorganization phase, in which innovation and restructuring occurs. The sys tem undergoes an exploitation phase of competition and accumulation of nutrients and biomass in which connectedness and stability increase towards the stage of conservation, in which a grown forest is formed. Despite the fact that the ecosystem properties might be the same before and after the release event, this forest is not exactly the same as it used to be before. This concept has been applied to different fields, not only in socioecological systems, but in the functioning of any system that might pres ent a cyclic functioning. In this case, I want to apply these ideas to the dynamics of indigenous knowledge systems (see Chapter 9). Going back to our statement in the previous section, as social ecological systems are interlinked, and mutually inter acting with each other, a logical conclusion would be that conserving knowledge would ultimately mean conserving nature, through an intricate web of social, institutional, economic and political interactions which scientists aim to decipher understand and inter pret O ur worldviews affect our decisions, which affect our actions, which


37 affect other peoples lives, which affect the environment, in a chain reaction. Applying these ideas to the Kaiabi case, we might observe that in comparison to other Amazonian indi genous groups (see Fausto, 2001, about the Parakan people), they have been actively engaged in transforming their destiny through their own agency upon historical facts to which they were subjects. Therefore, they might be seen as agents of continuity and change, reproducing and re working their traditional knowledge and forms of organisation in new territorial, sociocultural, political and economic contexts and configurations (Oakdale, 1996). In this dissertation, I adopt a systems approach for the stud y of a specific cultural domain, considering factors and elements that might affect that sub system in different ways. The domain of weaving knowledge might be view ed as a sub system nested into territorial, political, ecological, socio economic, institutional and cultural systems (Figures 1 2 and 13). The integrated study of the factors involved in social ecological resilience, political empowerment and territorial control among the Kaiabi will provide a ground for further research and action concerning i ndigenous peoples development and conserva tion programs Research on Kaiabi history, land struggles, socioeconomic and political systems (presented in Chapters 3, 4 and 6) is not the main subject of this dissertation, and it would be too ambitious (even an impos sible mission) to present an indepth portrait and discussion of the consequences of induced displacement in Kaiabi social, economic and political organization among all g roups. My intention here is two fold: 1) to present a brief chronological des cription of each Kaiabi groups history after displacement, using interviewees testimonies and secondary data; and 2) to present a comparative description of the current socioeconomic, political and environmental landscape in the areas occupied by each g roup. I believe that this information is needed for us to put the puzzle pieces together in trying to unveil what caused cultural and environmental resilience


38 among the Xingu Kaiabi as compared with the other places. This information might serve as a backg round for future comparative research on the Kaiabi, as well as for the elaboration of development projects by the Kaiabi and/or their partners. One interesting aspect to explore, which was previously studied among the Xingu Kaiabi by anthropologist Suzanne Oakdale (1996:4) is the interplay between external and internal structures of identity, agency and power among them, which ultimately has shaped their history and trajectory along with broader scale Brazilian national politics. Following Oakdales idea but taking another theoretical path, building on the previous section, my approach to this topic relates to the possibility to link agency, power, knowledge, and social ecological resilience. Indigenous Knowledge, Displacement and Place Numerous scholars have emphasized the tight interdependence between indigenous knowledge and place. Indigenous knowledge has commonly been r eferred to as local knowledge, reflecting the mutual relationships embedded in the natural cultural domain of a given place (Bale, 1994; 1998; Berkes, 1999; Casimir and Rao, 1992; Gooch 1998; Hunn, 1999; Nazarea, 1999 ; Ellen and Harris, 2000). Hunn (1999) states that it is the rootedness or local feature of IK that makes it fragile and therefore susceptible to be eroded or lost. I f on one side there is an obvious interdependence between knowledge and place, on the other there is the paradox of both humans and the environment being mobile, adaptive, dynamic and interchangeable by essence. History, as well as possibilities and constr aints imposed by Brazilian political circumstances, c hallenges the understanding of how indigenous societies have adapted and changed in the Amazon ( Roosevelt, 1994; Ramos, 1998; Little, 1999, 2001; Heckenberger, 2001; 2005).


39 Feld and Basso (1996) describe the evolution of approaches to the study of place in anthropology and related sciences. While in the 1980s there was a tendency to focus on the sense of rootedness in place, subsequent work has embraced a theorization of place from its contestation an d its linkage to local and global power relations (Feld and Basso, 1996:4). Renewed theoretical interpretations of people and place reflect the widespread conditions of exile, displacement, diasporas and conflicts over borders, as well as struggles of indigenous peoples for ancestral homelands, land rights and retention of sacred places (Feld and Basso, op. cit.; Harvey and Thompson, 2005). Anthropologists have broadened the philosophical notions of sense of place, and came to view places as sites of contestation, power struggles and displacement as histories of annexation, assimilation and resistance. The development of studies of place redirected our understanding of stabilized territories and cultural boundedness to a more flexible one, where place is vi ewed as a more fluid entity, as spaces beyond cultures, as ethnoscapes being constantly reconstructed in a dynamic and oscillatory way (Gupta and Fergusson, 1992; Hirsh and OHanlon, 1995; Feld and Basso, 1996; Alexiades, 2009). The history of development of the Brazilian Amazon is permeated by stories of government led forced displacement, relocation and resettlement of indigenous and other local communities in order to give place for settlement and mining projects, dam and road construction, and creation of protected areas (Aspelin and Santos, 1981; Little, 2001; Sohn, 2009). In the 1960s and 1970s, the urge to occupy and develop the presumed emptiness of the Amazon by the military government caused the displacement and relocation of innumerable indigenous groups (Cunha and Salzano, 1992; Menezes, 2000; Little, 2001). The process of forced displacement and resettlement of local people resulting from development forces is a political and global phenomenon, which has happened in many other countries beside s Brazil.


40 According to Oliver Smith (2009:3), more people were involuntarily displaced in the 20th Century than in any other moment in recorded history. In Brazil, processes of displacement and relocation of indigenous peoples have resulted in catastrop hic experiments involving eviction of communities from their traditional lands with which they had strong spiritual ties; exposure of the communities to epidemics and abuses; restrictions on or impediments to their access to strategic natural resources; an d changes to their social and political organization (Aspelin and Santos, 1981). The Panar, the Ikpeng (Txico) and the Kisdj (Suy) are among other indigenous groups that have been displaced and transferred to Xingu Park, comparable to the Kaiabi case (Menezes, 2000). In Chapter 4 I will go back to these examples, in which movements to return to ancestral territories, always present, were more or less successful. The geographical dislocation of the Kaiabi can be considered a case of development forced displacement and resettlement or DFDR (Oliver Smith, 2009:3). According to Oliver Smith (2009), there is a general failure of governments in planning, funding and training people to support DFDR processes, resulting in the impoverishment of the displaced. These deficiencies in DFDR, combined with struggles for survival, keeping cultural identities and securing human rights (such as rights to land, forest, water, as well as spiritual, cultural and moral rights) have led to resistance movements of all sorts in an attempt to reassert both the logic and the sense of control over their lives and futures, both as individuals and as a social group (Oliver Smith, 1996). People affected by DFDR often develop innovative strategies to defend their rights in negotiat ions with the state, developing new sources and forms of political power (Oliver Smith, 2009).


41 Theories on social change and risks accompanying development forced displacement have been developed by scholars and practitioners such as Thayer Scudder and Mi chael Cernea. According to Scudder (2009), DFDR accelerates social change: changes in behavior patterns, institutions, belief systems and other social domains are compressed into a shorter time span. Scudder has also found, comparing different development forced displacement situations, that individuals and sociocultural systems are affected and respond in remarkably similar ways throughout the resettlement process. (Scudder, 2009:3) Scudder (1981) developed a four stage stress model spanning over two ge nerations to characterize DFDR. According to him, most community members are affected by and respond to DFDR in similar ways during the first two generations following the displacement event, irrespective of cultural, geographical and political differences According to Scudder (2009:30) these stages are: Stage 1: Planning for resettlement before physical removal. Stage 2: Coping with the initial drop in living standards that tends to follow removal. Stage 3: Initiating economic development and community fo rmation activities necessary for improving the living standards of first generation resettlers. Stage 4: Handing over a sustainable resettlement process to the second generation of resettlers and to nonproject authority institutions. Interesting enough, these stages can be compared to the 4 stages of the adaptive cycle from social ecological systems theory (see Figure 1 1). Stage 1 would be comparable to the release phase of adaptive cycle, in which the disturbance event is the displacement. Stage 2 would be passing from the release to the exploitation phase, in which people are facing a drop or collapse in their social and territorial organization after the collapse, but starting to reorganize. Stage 3 would be the exploitation phase, in which the communi ty is organizing and working to improve the standards of quality of life for their descendents. Stage 4 would


42 be the conservation stage, in which a certain level of stability and sustainability is achieved and handed over to the second generation. Cernea and McDowell (2000) identified eight risks that human groups might face when exposed to DFDR events: a) landlessness; b) joblessness; c) homelessness; d) marginalization; e) increased morbity/mortality; f) food insecurity; g) lack of access to common prope rty; h) social disarticulation. Applied to the Kaiabi case, people who went to Xingu and/or those who stayed have faced these risks in greater or lesser intensity. This question will be further explored in Chapter 4. Indigenous responses to displacement c an be compared to those of refugees that belong to a certain ethnic group. According to Camino and Krufeld (1994:XV) the process of displacement may entail the creation of new and changed identities under old labels. The authors affirm that in the case o f refugees, many populations strive to formulate innovations that are grounded in their own ethnic background and social organization. Regarding the Kaiabi, considering the fact that the displaced group retained knowledge, whereas the ones who remained los t it, I argue that there are factors more relevant to cultural persistence than attachment to land. F orced displacement might not unequivocally lead to just the erosion of indigenous knowledge. Given favourable circumstances and factors, indigenous societi es can recover from the losses following displacement, recreating and reaffirming their cultural patrimony and identity in new territorial configurations (Oliver Smith, 2002). I hope that this dissertation contributes to the theories of cultural emplaceme nt and displacement, through the exploration of the factors and mechanisms through which indigenous peoples react, adapt and resist to voluntary, forced or induced geographical movements (Feld and Basso, 1996; Cernea and McDowell, 2000; Chatty and Colchest er, 2002; Harvey and


43 Thompson, 2005; Oliver Smith, 2009; Scudder, 2009; Alexiades, 2009). Through the reconstruction of the history of Kaiabi diaspora and its social, economic, environmental and cultural consequences, I intend to contribute to the processe s of land claims and struggles in which the three Kaiabi groups are involved (Chapter 4). The Political Ecology of Empowerment Knowledge and power are intrinsically correlated, fluid and dynamically changing. Among Amazonian indigenous peoples, knowledge systems territorial configurations and political organization structures have shifted in unprecedented ways after hundreds of years of contact and interaction with western societies and institutions (Hemming, 1978; Roosevelt, 1994; Jackson, 1994; Posey, 1994; Little, 2001; Heckenberger, 2005; Alexiades, 2009) In this research, to better explore the mutual relationships between political empowerment, environmental conservation and the dynamics of indigenous knowledge systems, I use some elements from the theoretical field of political ecology applied to the history of Amazonian indigenous peoples in general and to the Kaiabi in particular. Concerning the role of historical change and external influences on social ecological systems, the field of political ecology shares certain characteristics and concerns with political economy. According to Bates and Lee s (1996:9), both examine the role of power relations in determining human uses of the environment . Political ecology explores natural resource access a nd utilization under the logic of capitalism and the diverse economic situations development has brought everywhere (Wolf, 1972; 1982 Biersack, 1999). Slocum and Thomas Slayter (1995:4) define empowerment as a process through which individuals, as well as local groups and communities, identify and shape their lives and the kind of society in which they live. It relates to the ability of a people to mobilize and influence change, on the basis of their access to knowledge, political processes and financial, social and natural resources. According to Narayan


44 (2005:5), empowerment relates to the expansion of assets and capabilities of poor people to participate in, negotiate with, influence, control and hold accountable institutions that affect their lives . Political empowerment, development of local institutions, land ownership and by extension environmental conservation have been historically intertwined in Amazonian indigenous landscapes. S ome later research on political ecology has had practical applicat ions, such as in the fields of conservation, resistance and social movements and human rights (Peet and Watts, 1996). Scholarship in political ecology and indigenous knowledge systems has also tackled issues related to the (mis ) representations of indigenous peoples as innate cons ervationists or noble savages, or on the contrary, as harmful to nature under certain circumstances ( Redford and Stearman, 1993; Peres, 1994; Conklin and Graham, 1995; Peres and Terborgh, 1995) Results of work done in this fiel d have had practical implications for the development of public policies towards conservation of tropical forests in the Amazon and elsewhere ( Colchester, 2000; Schwartzman et al ., 2000) In the Amazon, starting in the 1970s, the development of indigenous grassroots movements and the partnership forged between indigenous peoples and the environmental agenda broadly set up by international scientific, politic and activist in stances, have had great impact o n public policies, law making, management of indigenous lands and, of course, on the empowerment of indigenous organizations (Ramos, 1998; Albert, 2004; 2005). Albert (2004) introduces the concept of the projects market, to highlight the importance of international funding, done mainly through projects, as the main strategy to support indigenous peoples needs in terms of economic alternatives, territorial management and cultural revitalization


45 The alliances with environmentalism and the capacity of Amazonian indigenous peoples to create a public image co nsonant with the objectives of sustainable development and conservation has been a theme of discussion in the academy (Conklin, 1997; Fisher, 1994; Jackson, 1994; 1995). A uthors have analyzed the ways in which indigenous Amazonian peoples have resisted, ap propriated, assumed and/or internalized the image created for them by western institutions such as the state, NGOs, academy, churches or others (Turner, 1991; Fisher, 1994; Jackson, 1994, 1995; Conklin and Graham, 1995; Gray, 1997; Sahlins, 1997; Oakdale, 2004; Albert, 2005). In the Kaiabi case, specifically in Xingu, political leaders have been successful in the articulation of their agenda in consonance with nature conservation objectives of their donors, partners or funding agencies. Kaiabi history is pe rmeated by paradoxes of becoming something defined outside with and for others, and simultane ously keeping ancestral forms of organization and identity in and for them selves ( Oakdale, 1996; 2004). For this research, I focus on two main interrelated topics linked to the political ecology approach applied to the Kaiabi case, presented in Chapter 6, which involve: 1) How and with wh at consequences have the indigenous grassroots movements in Brazil interacted with the international environmentalist movement (R amos, 1998; Albert, 2005); and 2) How have indigenous peoples responded to and appropriated institutions, resources, norms and values in the construction of their identity and management of their lands (Albert, 2005; Hierro, 2005; Hierro and Surrals, 2005; Oakdale, 2005). I present a comparative analysis of the process of Kaiabi political empowerment in Xingu, through the indigenous Association ATIX (Associao terra Indgena Xingu) contrasted with the difficulties faced by the other political organizations in Rio dos Peixes (Itaok Association) and Teles Pires (Kawaip Association). I also present and discuss results of interviews done with men and women from the three Kaiabi groups, related to


46 the situation, role and potentialities of the indigenous organiz ations ATIX (Xingu), Itaok (Rio dos Peixes) and Kawaip (Teles Pires). A P rocess Perspective on Indigenous Knowledge and Cultural Change Taking into account the magnit ude and possible unfolding of the field, the development of a general theory of indigenous knowledge systems and how they change would be too ambitious and even impossible (Nugent, 2006). Zent ( 2009 a ) identifies seven related phases that have ar isen in the past fifty years and that are still present in contemporary anthropological research on indigenous knowledge systems : 1) environmental ethnoscience; 2) theoretical cognitive ethnobiology; 3) modeling the relationship between knowledge and behavior; 4) the significance of IK for sustainable development and conservation of nature; 5) debates a bout the valuation, exploitation, and compensation of IK; 6) IK as a critical ecopolitical discourse, and 7) processual perspectives of IK. What Zent ( 2009 a :12) called processual perspectives on indigenous knowledge , would include the following questions: how it is created, what does the learning process entail, who passes it on to whom, in what situations and contexts does transmission occur, why is it lost or changed, what is the social organization of knowledge, how do social relationships regulate t he flow of information, how do use patterns and contexts affect knowledge, what social and ecological factors promote its conservation or extinction. He suggests that due to the relative immaturity of this perspective, most of the conclusions reached so f ar are limited to the particular local settings in which the studies were carried out and thus so far there has been virtually no development of a more general or theoretical understanding of such processes. In another paper directed to the development of a Traditional Environmental Knowledge Vitality Index, Zent and Maffi (2007) mention the scarcity of longitudinal studies on indigenous knowledge systems transmission and change


47 This dissertation is related to phases 4,6 and 7 defined by Zent (2009 a): 4) the significance of IK for sustainable development and conservation, reflecting a broader perspective woven throughout this research; 6) IK and ecopolitics, approached in C hapter 6 and 7) processual perspectives of IK, developed in Chapters 7 and 8. I understand processual study as research that comprises a continuous time frame, through which one can understand how change is occurring as a process, in a continuous set of events, rather than a snapshot taken at a given moment in time. As an example, R icardo Godoy, Victoria Reyes Garca and their associates have carried out processual studies on indigenous knowledge and its many facets among the Tsimane indigenous people in Bolivia for many years ( Reyes Garca, 2001; 2005; Godoy, 2001; Godoy et al ., 2005). Building on previous research done with the Kaiabi throughout ten years, I present a processual study of weaving knowledge among Kaiabi men and women, in which I address the questions and gaps of knowledge stated by Zent (2009 a) It is worth mention in g that I take one sub domain of weaving knowledge to carry out an indepth analy s is, related to the ability to weave designed basketry and textiles. This domain consists of specialized knowledge, and as such, might present important differences in its patt erns of knowledge creation, transmission, erosion and innovation. R esearch on indigenous knowledge systems has shown the highly variable distribution of knowledge in a given ethnic group, according to diverse factors such as environment, gender, age, kin groups, schooling and social position ( Boster, 1986; Boster et al ., 1987; Philips and Gentry, 1993; Nabhan and St. Antoine, 1993; Ellen and Harris, 2000; Hunn, 2002; Wilbert, 2002; Zarger, 2002; Howard, 2003). In spite of variations, several studies have shown that intra cultural variation is patterned in a given indigenous group (Ellen, 1979; Boster, 1985; Weller, 1983; 1987; Reyes Garca, 2001; Reyes Garca et al ., 2005). For instance, m echanisms of


48 knowledge acquisition and transmission differ according to gender, since they are related to the different roles men and women play in the society (Boster, 1985; 1986, Howard, 2003). The inclusion of women and knowledge related to textiles in this research opens up the possibility to compare mechanisms of knowledge acquisition, transmission, distribution and erosion between men and women. How do these mechanisms differ between genders? Are there common trends which can be observed for men and women alike? Furthermore, the great majority of previous research done amongst the Kaiabi has focused on mens knowledge, having mostly relied on men as the main informants (Grnberg, 1970; Travassos, 1984; Rodrigues, 1993; Oakdale, 1996; Schmidt, 2000; Tomass, 2006). Howard (2003) discusses the underappreciat ed role of i ndigenous womens knowledge in ethnographic research and conservation projects around the globe. In this research, Kaiabi women have had the opportunity to express themselves not only in relation to weaving knowledge, but also to give their opinions related to political organisation, consequences of the transfer to Xingu, and prospective development projects in which they would like to participate. Weaving knowledge, especially related to graphic designs, has social and symbolic meaning which prevents its mastery by everyone or by a large number of people (Athayde, 2003; Athayde et al ., 2009). To understand how knowledge is learned, distributed and transmitted among the Kaiabi, I partially adopt the concept of culture as shared knowledge (Boster, 1986), applied to the domain of weaving knowledge. I want to contribute to the understanding of intracultural similarity and variation (Boster, 1987; Weller, 1987) using statistical models and consensus analysis (Romney et al ., 1986). I also review and expand the mo de l proposed by Ellen (2009, see C hapter 8) to the study of ove rlapping categories in basketry making as a cultural domain. Besides general questions on how knowledge is created


49 and transmitted, how it varies between genders and other social categories and how it changes, this research presents a review of models for knowledge or cultural transmission developed by cognitive anthropologists, specifically of the model proposed by Cavalli Sforza and Feldman (1981). The interactions between socio economic aspects and cultural shift s are also explored and compared among the three groups, and presented i n C hapters 7 and 8 (Maffi, 2001). I sought to deepen the understanding and open a debate on how social organization and thus mechanisms of knowledge transmission are shifting among indigenous peoples, through their growing participation in and assimilation of western institutions, such as schools, political organizations, markets and development projects (Turner, 1991; Posey, 1994; Jackson, 1994; 1995; Gray, 1997; Oakdale, 1996; 2004; Godoy, 2001; Godoy et al ., 2005; Reyes Garca et al ., 2005). Specifically, this research advances some questions and models explored by other authors, relating changes in indigenous knowledge domains (including language proficiency) wi th selected socio economic aspects such as market integration, schooling, and age (Zent, 1999; 2001; Godoy, 2001; Hill, 2001; Hunn, 2001; Reyes Garca, 2001; Reyes Garca et al ., 2005; Athayde et al ., 2009). It is expected that older people will retain mor e knowledge and language proficiency in comparison to younger people (Phillips and Gentry, 1993; Zent, 1999; Athayde, 2003; Athayde et al., 2009). Additionally, it is expected that greater levels of market integration and formal schooling lead to knowledge erosion (Nabhan and St. Antoine, 1993; Zent, 1999; Godoy, 2001; Godoy et al., 2005; Reyes Garca, 2001; 2005). Beyond confirming or denying these postulates, this research contributes to the understanding of how these processes happen, interact and affect the social political configuration and indigenous peoples knowledge systems ( Reyes Garca, 2001).


50 S ince 2004, the Kaiabi from Xingu are carrying out a community based project named Kaiabi Araa, for the revitalisation of basketry and textiles weaving inv olving an exchange between men and women from Xingu Parks villages and from Kururuzinho village in the ancestral land at Teles Pires River (ATIX, 2004). Thus, one contribution of this research will be an evaluation of the impact of this project in the dis tribution of knowledge between men and women in Xingu Park and in Kururuzinho village (Teles Pires River), by comparing the data obtained in 2007 to the 2002 baseline data for Xingu Park (mainly Tuiarar village) and the 2004 data for Teles Pires area (peo ple were interviewed there before the project started). While the Xingu Kaiabi have maintained and recreated basketry and textiles weaving practices in spite of the lack of raw materials such as arum, the two other groups of Kaiabi have experienced a loss of knowledge in terms of this particular tradition. Prior to 2004, only four men and one woman still knew how to weave in the Kururuzinho village (Teles Pires). In Rio dos Peixes, according to testimonies given by Xingu Kaiabi informants, artistic knowled ge on basketry and textiles has been ap parently lost. Through this research, we will be able to evaluate if and to what extent knowledge is really lost there and to determine the role that kinship links and constant visits of Xingu relatives might play in knowledge revitalization. The differences and dynamics related to weaving among the three Kaiabi groups also recur in other aspects of their lore, including language, crop varieties, festivals and other handicraft production. R esearch on the social dynami cs of knowledge related to basketry and textiles thus might provide insights into other realms of social change accompanying the distinct historical trajectories produced and follo wed by different Kaiabi groups. Brief Chronological Sketch of R esearch D one A mong the Kaiabi A chronology of the more relevant bibliographical sources about the Kaiabi begins with the explorer Antnio Pyrineus de Souza in 1916, who wrote one of the first publications about


51 the group (Souza, 1916). He also collected valuable items of Kaiabi M aterial Culture, which are deposited at the Museu Nacional (National Museum) in Rio de Janeiro. Among other first accountings on the Kaiabi, we should mention the expeditions of the German explorer Karl Von den Steinen, who published a detailed story of his expeditions in Mato Grosso and Par, and the indigenous peoples with whom he established contact or got information about through other groups (Steinen, 1940). Max Schmidt (1942), a German anthropologist, was the first person to conduct more detailed ethnographic research amongst the Kaiabi from 1927 to 1929. Schmidt brings valuable information on the relationship between the Kaiabi and SPI Posts (Simo Lopes and Pedro Dantas) at that time. He also collected a variety of objects, which were d eposited in the Museum of Ethnology in Berlin. After him, Father Joo Dornstauder worked for the Anchieta mission for twenty five years among the Kaiabi in the Rio dos Peixes region, and wrote valuable information on the groups traditional territory and the situation of this group before and after the transfer to Xingu Park (Dornstauder, 1955; 1981). Georg Grnberg, an Austrian ethnologist, worked with the Kaiabi of Rio dos Peixes before the transfer to Xingu Park, writing a detailed historical descriptio n and ethnography of the group ( Grnberg 1970) A chapter portraying the actual situation of the Kaiabi today accompanied the publication of his dissertation as a book in Portuguese in 2004 ( Grnberg 2004; Senra, et al ., 2004). Cludio and Orlando Villa s Bas (1989) presented the situation of the Kaiabi at So Manoel or Teles Pires river prior to the transfer to Xingu Park. Berta Ribeiro (1979; 1986) carried out ethnographic work on Kaiabi basketry in the Xingu Park. In the 70s and 80s, Elizabeth Travassos (1984; 1993), wrote about Kaiabi music (Jowosi festival) and shamanism, and Mariana Ferreira did research on indigenous peoples and schooling in Brazil, with a focus on


52 Xingu indigenous peoples and among them, the Kaiabi (Ferreira, 1992). Rodrigues (1993) did research on Kaiabi agroforestry management among the Xingu Kaiabi in the Capivara village. In 1996, Suzanne Oakdale presented her doctoral dissertation on Kaiabi agency and identity construction, working with the Kaiabi at Xingu Park, with a focus on Tuiatar village (Oakdale, 1996; 2005). Father Bartolom Meli (1993) presented a description of the situation of the Rio dos Peixes group before and after the transfer of part of the Kaiabi population to Xingu Park. Various anthropologists have carr ied out research among the three Kaiabi groups, working for FUNAI on the identification of Kaiabi ancestral lands as part of land claims and disputes processes. Among these, Patrcia Rodrigues (1994) was responsible for the anthropological report on the enlargement of the Kaiabi territory in the lower Teles Pires region (where Kururuzinho Post is located). Klinton Senra worked on the preliminary identification of a land claim of the Xingu Kaiabi related to the northwestern region of the Xingu Park (at the Arraias river, see Chapter 4 on land claims) and also coordinated the identification of the Batelo land in the Rio dos Peixes region (Senra, 2001; 2002). Regarding linguistic studies, Rose Dobson and Helga Weiss worked with the Kaiabi at Rio dos Peixes and at Xingu Park in the 1960s, 1970s and 1980s (Dobson, 1998; Weiss, 2005, see next section) and later on Patrcia Souza researched aspects of Kaiabi language among the Xingu Kaiabi (Souza, 2004). Among the Xingu Kaiabi, Pagliaro (2002; 2005) wrote about Kaiabi demographic recovery after the transfer to Xingu Park, and Jackeline Mendes did research on ethnomathematics (Mendes, 2001). Beginning in the 1990s, as part of the Xingu Program from Instituto Socioambiental (ISA), Geraldo Silva worked extensively on Kaiabi agrodiversity knowledge and management, and natural resource management at Xingu Park (Silva, 1999; Silva and Athayde, 1999; Silva et


53 al., 2000; Silva, 2002a; Silva, 2002b; Silva, 2004). He wrote his dissertation on knowledge related to peanut diversity and conservation among the Xingu Kaiabi (Silva, 2009). Marcus Schmidt (2001) carried out research on Kaiabi silviculture and natural resources management for his Masters dissertation. I have carried out research amongst the three Kaiabi groups (w ith a focus on the Xingu Kaiabi) on material culture, basketry, textiles and natural resource management (Athayde, 1998; 2001; 2003; 2004; Athayde et al., 2006; 2009). Aturi Kaiabi did a research paper for his undergraduate course conclusion at Universida de do Estado de Mato Grosso (UNEMAT) about basketry and textiles (Kaiabi, 2006). More recently, Lea Tomass (2006) has worked on research of Kaiabi festivals with a focus on the Jowosi festival among the Xingu K aiabi, which is also the subject of her doct oral research. Amongst the Kaiabi from Teles Pires, Francisco Stuchi has done research on ethnoarcheology for his masters thesis (Stuchi, 2010), and Frederico Oliveira (2008) has carried out his doctoral research among the Teles Pires group at the Kururuz inho post and village, on territoriality and land claim struggles. Personal Names and O rthography The Kaiabi speak a language fr om the Tupi stock, in the Tupi G uarani linguistic family (Rodrigues, 1986). In the existent literature concerning the Kaiabi, there have been many different ways of spelling the name of the group: Cajahis, Cajabis, Kajabi, Caiabis, Cayabi, Kayabi (Souza, 2004). For this dissertation, I will adopt the spelling as Kaiabi, which is adopted and in use by the teachers at Xingu Park (Souza, 2004). A grammar and orthography for the Kaiabi language began to be developed in the 1960s, with the work of linguists Rose Dobson and Helga Weiss from the Summer Institute of Linguistics or Sociedade Internacional de Lingstica (SIL), who wor ked at the Tatuy indigenous post at Rio dos Peixes and later on at Xingu Park after the transfer of the group, already in the 1970s (Dobson,


54 1973; 1988; 1997; Weiss, 1998; 2005). Later on, Kaiabi teachers continued to develop the grammar and orthography t hroug h courses and workshops of the program for training of indigenous teachers carried out in Xingu Park initially by FMV/AVA, which was taken over by ISA in 1995, with some activities of accompanying indigenous teachers at the village still underway (Tro ncarelli et al., 2003). Kaiabi teachers from Xingu Park, with the support from ISAs team and from the linguist Patrcia de Oliveira Borges e Souza, organized the first book for literacy training in the Kaiabi language in 1999 (Troncarelli, 1999). Deriving from her work with the Kaiabi at Xingu Park, Patrcia wrote her Masters thesis on aspects of the Kaiabi language (Souza, 2004). Some teachers trained through ISAs Program have entered the I ndigenous University Program ( Terceiro Grau Indgena Program, UN EMAT2), and since then have continued working in the development of Kaiabi written language. In this dissertation, when using Kaiabi words or transcribing narratives, I tried to observe the grammatical forms and orthography with the greatest accu racy poss ible. However, as Kaiabi and other indigenous languages orthographies are still in construction and debate, there might be mistakes and incongruences in my Kaiabi writing, for which I apologize in advance to the Kaiabi and to the general readers The na mes for basketry designs were written, translated and reviewed with the participation of my teacher and friend Jowosipep (Aturi) Kaiabi, chief and teacher of Tuiarar village. The names for basketry and textiles items derive from workshops developed in Tui arar village, as part of the Kaiabi Araa project (ATIX, 2004; 2005). Portuguese names and technique designations are based on Berta Ribeiros work on Brazilian indigenous peoples basketry and textiles (Ribeiro, 1984/85; Ribeiro, 1985; Ribeiro, 1986). The names for plants and natural resources mentioned in the 2 Universidade do Estado de Mato Grosso, which implemented the first Indigenous University Program in Brazil in 2001 (UNEMAT, 2008).


55 dissertation were based on previous reports and documents reviewed by indigenous teachers (Athayde, 1998; Silva and Athayde, 1999; Silva and Athayde, 2004; Athayde et al., 2006). Concerning the nam es for people who participated in the interviews and fieldwork, I opted for asking each interviewee or participant how they would prefer to be named: by their real Kaiabi or Portuguese names, or by a fake name, created in order to protect their privacy, as is usual in ethnographic writings. Most people whom I interviewed in the three Kaiabi lands preferred to be referred to by their real Kaiabi names in my dissertation but said that I could also use their Portuguese names to m ake easier to identify them. I n Rio dos Peixes, where people usually have a Portuguese and a Kaiabi name, they always preferred to be referred to by their Kaiabi name, even if this name is seldom used by them. I also asked permission to publicize the contents of the interviews and test imonies, which was part of the pr ior informed consent and in a n ethic al agreement signed by me and by the Kaiabi. Structure of Dissertation This dissertation is organized in a book format, structured in two parts and nine chapters, which follow progressi ve historical and scale levels, from Kaiabi ancestral territory to current lands, villages, households and individuals. I adopt a systems approach to explore and understand the dynamics of knowledge systems across three Kaiabi groups, analyzing historical, environmental, socio economic, political and cultural factors that influence the persistence, loss and change of indigenous knowledge through time. The first part includes C hapters 1 to 5 and contains a general introduction to the dissertation, where I present theories, methods and the historical, territorial and ecological context of the Kaiabi people before and after their displacement and transfer to Xingu Park. Chapters 1 and 2 include theoretical approaches, fields of inquiry and possible applicati ons of the research, as well as the methods employed in data collection and analysis, arguments to be discussed and hypotheses to be


56 tested. The subsequent chapters are organized in a similar structure, containing an introduction, in which I present the ma in aspects, arguments and questions discussed in the chapter, and a small conclusion at the end, summarizing re sults, findings and discussion. In C hapter 3, I present a description of the Kaiabi lifestyle in the Tapajs region before their contact with th e Villas Bas brothers the creation of Xingu Park by the Brazilian government and the process of transfer of the majority of the group to Xingu Park. Chapter 4 contains a description of the process of adaptation to Xingu, as well as the struggle of the two groups who remained around the ancestral territories in Rio dos Peixes and Teles Pires rivers regions. In this chapter, I also include an overview of the process of demarcation of indigenous lands in Brazil, and how this relates to current Kaiabi land claims. In Chapter 5, I include a description of environmental context and contrasts between the three Kaiabi lands considered in this study: Xingu Indigenous Park, Apiak Kaiabi indigenous land in Rio dos Peixes and Kayabi Indigenous Land in Teles Pires In this chapter, I explore the question of what mechanisms of ecological adaptation the Xingu Kaiabi have developed after their transfer to a new land and distinct environment. The second part of this dissertation includes C hapters 6 to 8 in which I present results of cross sectional and longitudinal studies regarding political empowerment and indigenous knowledge systems among four Kaiabi villages and Chapter 9, which is the general conclusion. Chapter 6 describes the current territorial organiza tion and political configuration across the three Kaiabi lands. The main question explored in this chapter relate s to the factors whi ch led to the demographic expans ion and concomitant political empowerment of the Xin gu K aiabi in contrast with the other tw o groups. I describe the process of political empowerment of the Xingu Kaiabi, as it relates to indigenous grassroots movements in Brazil. I present information on the political


57 organizations among the three Kaiabi groups, namely ATIX in Xingu, Itaok in Ri o dos Peixes and Kawaip in Teles Pires. I describe some community based projects developed by Xingu communities, including the Kaiabi Araa project, related to the revitalization of weaving knowledge among the Xingu and Teles Pires Kaiabi. Finally, I presen t results of interviews about peoples perceptions and expectations on the role and work of indigenous associations in each village. Chapter 7 includes a comparative socio economic analysis of the four villages included in this study: Capivara and Tuiara r in Xingu, Tatuy in Rio dos Peixes and Kururuzinho in Teles Pires. In this chapter, I present a comparative analys is of socioeconomic variables that might be influential in knowledge systems and thus in the cultural resilience of Kaiabi people. I want t o contribute to the understanding of socioeconomic factors that underlie processes of cultural change among the Kaiabi, and of the mechanisms through which they function. I test hypotheses linked to the effects of market integration and formal schooling on indigenous knowledge systems. My main dependent variable is language proficiency, which I sought to compare to the behaviour of weaving knowledge in the subsequent chapter. In Chapter 8, I go one more level down in scale and look at specificities linked to the domain of weaving knowledge related to basketry and textiles among men and women in four villages. I focus on two main aspects of weaving knowledge, exploring mechanisms of knowledge creation, transmission, distribution, and change, and the influence of western institutions on the dynamics of weaving knowledge across men and women in four villages. I present results of a longitudinal study comparing data collected in 2002 and 2007 among men in two Xingu villages. I test hypotheses and discuss the re sults attempting to integrate aspects discussed in previous chapters and how they relate to the dynamics of weaving knowledge.


58 Chapter 9 is a general conclusion of the dissertation, in which I review theories, methods, arguments and questions posed in the introduction in the light of the results and information presented throughout the document. I include discussions relevant to each main field of inquiry approached, as well as implications of my research for theory, research, practice and policy making r elated to indigenous peoples cultural and environmental resilience in the light of rapid change.


59 Figure 1 1. The adaptive cycle, used to understand change and reorganization of socioecological systems. Source: Gunderson and Holling (2002).


60 Figure 1 2. A possible representation of a systemic approach to the study of a cultural domain, in this case weaving knowledge. Territorial Political Institutional Ecological Socio economic Indigenous Knowledge Weaving Knowledge Uses Form Function Materials Symbolic Designs


61 Figure 1 3. Another possible representation of a systems approach to the study of factors involved in the resilience and change of Kaiabi cultural system. Displacement Mobility Political Context Socio economi c organization Territorial control & rights Western Institutions Ecological Conditions Cultural Resilience (IK)


62 CHAPTER 2 FIELDWORK AND METHODS Previous Fieldwork For this dissertation, I used published and unpublished data that I have been collecting during the last ten years at dif ferent Kaiabi villages and lands as part of my work as a practitioner for the Instituto Socioambiental ISA. I also carried out specific fieldwork during 2006 (May November) and in 2007 (MarchJuly). I have been recording myths and stories related to basketry and textiles weaving and to the natural resources used to make them, as well as data on the collection, preparation and transformation of the natural resources into different kinds of baskets. I have also been collecting information on the process of transfer of the Kaiabi to Xingu, and on natural resources of cultural and economic importance to the Kaiabi, occurring in all three areas currently occupied by the group. These data have been recorded in different ways: a) participant observation in the villages; b) semistructured interviews conducted with men and women at selected villages; c) collection of narratives and testimonies with elders and others ; d) through training courses and workshops; and e) through field walks in different ecosystems to s urvey natural resources. I have been photographing and collecting photographs of different kinds of baskets and textiles in the villages, in three Brazilian ethnographic museums located in So Paulo and Rio de Janeiro1, in the Museum of Ethnology in Berlin, Germany and in the Museum of Cultures in Basel, Switzerland. I also included photographs of baskets taken by Georg Grnberg, an anthropologist who worked with the Kaiabi people in Rio dos Peixes in 1966, before the ir 1 I surveyed the MAE/USP Museu de Arqueologia e Etno logia da Universidade de So Paulo and Klinton Senra, an anthropologist who has worked with Kaiabi people carried out surveys at the Museu Nacional and Museu do ndio in Rio de Janeiro.


63 transfer to Xingu Indigenous Park (Gr nberg and Grnberg, 1967; Grnberg, 970). With the material resulting from this photographic documentation, I organized an educational book for the Kaiabi people, containing the pictures of the baskets, the myths and stories told and written by them and informa tion about the natural resource ecology (Athayde, 2006 ). The organization of this book allowed me to have a fairly complete catalog of almost all graphic designs w oven in the painted baskets which w as used in the interviews In 1999, I participat ed i n travel to the Rio dos Peixes village with a group of Xingu Kaiabi wh o were interested in visiting re latives, visiting old villages in the ancestral land and collecting seeds and saplings of natural resources which occur in the ancestral region but a re scarce in the Xingu Park region (Silva et al., 2000) It was an opportunity to get to know the group of Kaiabi who stayed in Rio dos Peixes, and also to collect socioeconomic and environmental data valuable to the present research. At that time, I was in my third month of pregnancy. When I went back to Rio dos Peixes in 2007, I took my seven year old boy with me, which the Kaiabi there really appreciated. Fie ldwork Carried O ut from 2002 to 2004 In 2002 and 2003, as part of my MSc in Ethnobotany at Unive rsity of Kent (Athayde, 2003), I carried out fieldwork among Tuiarar and Capivara residents at Xingu Park. I was investigating the variation of knowledge related to basketry and textile weaving among the people of the two villages. Indigenous teachers, el ders and representatives of the group of indigenous agents for management of natural resources participated both in the questionnaire design and in the interviewing process. We then structured a questionnaire to carry out semi structured and structured int erviews with every man and woman aged fifteen years old and over in the two villages, and with key informants and shamans in other Kaiabi villages and in the Diauarum Indigenous Post.


64 For the purpose of that thesis I decided to work only with the men, le av ing the interviews with the wome n for a further stage of research. At that time, I selected Tuiarare and Capivara villages for comparison, because these were the biggest Kaiabi villages in the Xingu Park and the people who live there used to inhabi t two different places located i n their ancestral land before the transfer to Xingu: people from Tuiarar came from the Teles Pires region and people from Capivara came from Rio dos Peixes. In each village, I selected the household as the basic unit of analysi s. In every household, I interviewed the chief or the head of the household and all other men who lived in the same house: sons, sons in law, nephews, brothers in law etc. I collected basic social data about each person, specific data on basketry weaving and data on natural resources use and management. I recorded all the interviews using a tape recorder. In the second stage, I showed sheets containing photographs of different graphic designs in a random order and I asked people to say which design a par ticular person was known to weave. I assigned a code to each graphic design presented to the interviewed people. For other designs which people were known not to weave, I asked if they knew the names and then recorded the answers according to the codes. Fo r some specific persons, such as shamans, elders or very good weavers, I asked additional questions relating to cosmological and spiritual aspects of basket weaving. During May and June of 2003, I went back to some Kaiabi villages to fill in gaps related to kinship and knowledge of basketry graphic designs. I worked in Tuiarare, Capivara and Sobradinho and I also worked with Aturi Kaiabi on the correction of orthography in the native language and on the translation of each graphic pattern name.


65 To input m y quantitative and qualitative data on Kaiabi basketry w eaving, I structured a database using Microsoft Access. I assigned a symbol to each village, household and person, which was defined as the primary key in the database I carried out some basic statis tics to compar e Tuiarare and Capivara village s : number of people interviewed, place of birth, age, kinship. I also used Microsoft Excel to run statistical analysis, as well as SPSS for Windows, to run the Anova linear regression analysis to relate uses and names of basketry designs to age of the interviewees I used Anthropac software to run specific statistical analysis such as consensus analysis MDS scaling and cluster, related to the knowledge of graphic designs, the names given to them and the sequence in which they are learn ed2. In 2004, I participated in a trip to Kururuzinho village in the Teles Pires River along with ten men and women from Xingu, as part of the Kaiabi Araa project (ATIX, 2004; 2005). At that time, I collected demographic and socio economic data about the Kururuzinho community and also specific information on knowledge related to basketry and textiles, applying the same questionnaire used for my MS research in Capivara and Tuiarar villages in 2002, in all households, with men and w omen over 15 years of age. Fieldwork C arried O ut from 2006 to 2007 This research involved the participation of indigenous environmental managers3 in Xingu Park and of teachers, women, men, shamans and youth in three Kaiabi lands: Xingu Park, Rio dos Peixe s and Kururuzinho village at Teles Pires river. Fieldwork stages occurred in the summer of 2006 and during 2007. Background data w ere used to carry out a longitudinal study 2 I will explain better what these techniques are and why I use d them when I describe the statistical analyses Ive done for this dissertation. 3 There is a project in development by ISA and ATIX since 2000, for training of indigenous environmental managers to work with management and conservation of natural resources at X ingu Park. This includes 25 representatives of four indigenous peoples working in nearly 18 villages (Silva et al. 2002).


66 (Bernard, 2006) on indigenous artistic knowledge change among the Xingu Kaiabi comprising a five year time span (20022007), in which past and current mechanisms of knowledge creation, transmission and change related to basketry and textiles weaving were investigated amongst Kaiabi men and women respectively. The interviews done at diffe rent villages in Xingu Indigenous Park in 2002 and in Kururuzinho village (Teles Pires) in 2004 were adapted and repeated in 2007, and the same data collection instruments were applied in Rio dos Peixes. The study included four villages: two in Xingu Park (Tuiarar and Capivara), the Rio dos Peixes or Tatuy village and post at Rio dos Peixes in Mato Grosso, and the Kururuzinho village and post in Teles Pires River Par. In the summer of 2006, my doctoral proposal was presented to members of Kaiabi communi ties, ATIX and ISA personnel in So Paulo and in the Xingu Indigenous Park. Preliminary data on the kinship structure and socioeconomic characteristics of the Kaiabi were also collected during this period. Objectives, Research Questions and Hypotheses In this section, I present the main objectives, research questions and hypotheses of this research. Some questions and hypotheses are specifically treated in one or more chapters in this dissertation, whereas others are broad and therefore are not linked to a specific chapter, but approached throughout this document. Objectives 1. Contribute to the understanding of the factors and processes related to knowledge creation, conservation, distribution and change amongst indigenous societies. 2. Compare the effects of geographical displacement on the dynam ics of indigenous knowledge, political empowerment and territorial control across three Kaiabi groups. 3. Evaluate the impact of community based projects on knowledge transmission and distribution a cross two Kaiabi groups (Xingu P ark and Teles Pires).


67 4. Contribute to processes of cultural revitalisation and land claims in which the Kaiabi are currently en gaged Research Questions General 1. Which factors might enable or constrain cultural and environmental resilience among A mazonian indigenous peoples? 2. What factors are involved in the persistence, loss and innovation of indigenous knowledge among indigenous societies ? 3. What are the mechanisms of social and ecological adaptation which might be developed by indigenous peoples af ter a displacement situation? Specific 1. How, even under unfavourable ecological conditions, did the displaced Kaiabi manage to adapt and respond to the conditions faced in Xingu Park, being today influential in the Parks politics? In contrast, why do the p olitical organizations struggle to thrive in the other two areas? (Chapters 3, 4, 5 and 6) 2. How have the Kaiabi appropriated western institutions (such as indigenous associations, projects and schools) in the processes of construction of their identity and political empowerment? (Chapters 6, 7 and 8) 3. To what extent might the vitality of a given domain of IK (language proficiency, weaving knowledge), be used as an indicator of environmental conservation status? (Chapters 7 and 8) 4. Why have the displaced Kaiabi retained and innovated their knowledge on basketry and textiles, whereas the other groups who remained in the ancestral land have lost it? To what extent have the other two groups lost their traditional lore on weaving? (Chapter 8) 5. How has market integrat ion interfered in the dynamics of weaving knowledge among the three Kaiabi groups? (Chapters 7 and 8) 6. What might be the impact of community based projects on cultural revitalization among indigenous peoples? (Chapters 6 and 8) 7. Which adaptive mechanisms hav e the Xingu Kaiabi used to deal with environmental constraints caused by the transfer? (Chapter 5) 8. Which socioeconomic factors underlie processes of cultural shift among the Kaiabi and through which mechanisms do they operate? (Chapters 7 and 8)


68 Arguments and Hypotheses This research includes two main arguments and five working hypotheses described below. The hypotheses differ in scale and are linked to two main theoretical fields explored in this study, namely: 1) Processual studies in the acquisition, di stribution and transmission of IK (Ross, 2004; Zent, 2009 b), which can be congregated in the general field of Cognitive Anthropology; and 2) Indigenous knowledge and western institutions, which can be linked to political ecology and development studies (e .g. Sillitoe, 2007, among many ot hers mentioned in introductory c hapter). My two first hypotheses are concerned with variation of knowledge within and between each of the four communities studied. The other three explore patterns and variations between the three groups. For each argument and hypothesis, I included a theoretical background statement taken from the introductory part of this chapter (in the fields of inquiry subsections). Argument 1: Political empowerment enables cultural resilience. Theory or scientific corollary : Since the 1970s, political empowerment of indigenous organizations through alliances with environmental conservation institutions has been the main strategy in supporting social cultural and territorial sustainability of indigenou s peoples in the Amazon (Ramos, 1998; Albert, 2004; 2005). Argument 1: I argue that greater political empowerment ha s led to greater cultural resilience (capacity to absorb change) among the three Kaiabi groups. In other words, empowerment enhances the capacity of promoting cultural continuity. Argument 2: Indigenous knowledge and environmental conservation are intertwined Theory or scientific corollary : There is an historical and co evolutionary interdependence between cultural and biological diversity on planet E arth (Inglis, 1993; Bale,


69 1994; Carroll and Mefe, 1994; Denevan, 2001; Maffi, 2001; Gunderson & Holling, 2002; Harmon, 2002; Heckenberger et al ., 2003; Zent and Maffi, 2007). W here more vigorous systems of indigenous knowledge are maintained, th e probability of find ing stronger indicators of ecosystem health is greater (Inglis, 1993; Zent and Maffi, 2007). When land rights are assured, the potential of social cultural reproduction might be gr e ater (Surrals and Hierro, 2005). Argument 2: I argue that where knowledge (and by extension, culture) is maintained, territorial control and thus biodiversity conservation will be greater than where knowledge is eroded Therefore, it is expected that more robust systems of weaving knowledge correspond to gre ater territorial control and consequently to greater environmental conservation (see definitions below) across the three Kaiabi groups. H1 and H2: Indigenous knowledge distribution is patterned. Theory or scientific corollary : R esearch on indigenous knowl edge systems has shown the highly variable distribution of knowledge in a given ethnic group, according to diverse factors such as environment, gender, age, kin groups, schooling and social position ( Boster and Weller, 1987; Philips and Gentry, 1993; Nabha n and St. Antoine, 1993; Ellen and Harris, 2000; Hunn, 2002; Wilbert, 2002; Zarger, 2002; Howard, 2003). S everal studies have shown that intra cultural variation is patterned in a given indigenous group (Ellen, 1979; Boster, 1986; Weller, 1983; 1987; Reyes Garca, 2001; Reyes Garca et al., 2005). For instance, m echanisms of knowledge acquisition and transmission differ according to gender, since they are related to the different roles men and women play in the society (Boster, 1986, Howard, 2003; Silva, 2009). Also, i t is expected that older people will retain more knowledge and language proficiency in comparison to younger people (Phillips and Gentry, 1993; Zent, 1999; Athayde, 2003; Rijal, 2008; Eyssartier et al., 2008).


70 Hypotheses : Among the Kaiabi, I go beyond accepted corollary that i ndigenous knowledge is unevenly distributed within a given group. I hypothesize that: H1: E lders retain deeper and different knowledge when compared to younger people, and H2: M en and women use different mechanisms in knowledge creation and transmission. H3, H4 and H5: Mechanisms for indigenous knowledge transmission are differently affected by western institutions Theory or scientific corollary : Social organization and thus mechanisms of knowledge transmission are shift ing among indigenous peoples, through their growing participation in and assimilation of western institutions, such as schools, political organizations, markets and development projects (Turner, 1991; Posey, 1994; Jackson, 1994; 1995; Gray, 1997; Oakdale, 1996; 2004; Godoy, 2001; Godoy et al., 2005; Reyes Garca et al., 2005; Silva, 2009; Zent, 2009 b) I t is expected that greater levels of market integration and formal schooling lead to knowledge erosion (Nabhan and St. Antoine, 1993; Zent, 1999; Benz, 2000; Godoy, 2001; Godoy et al., 2005; Reyes Garca, 2001; 2005). H3: I hypothesize that g reater levels of market integration lead to erosion of weaving knowledge across three Kaiabi groups H4: I hypothesize that formal schooling erodes indigenous knowledge: higher levels of formal schooling leads to lower levels of weaving knowledge among men and women. H5: Role of community based projects: I hypothesize that t he Kaiabi Araa project is responsible for an increased number of basketry and textiles weavers amon g the younger generations. In villages which are participating in the project, there are more youth who know how to weave now in comparison to 2002 and to other villages which did not participate in the project.


71 Key t heoretical methodological d efinitions: 1. Cultural resilience I define cultural resilience here as the capacity of human societies to absorb change and adapt to novel situations without collapsing or losing their identity as a group (my adaptation, based on Gunderson, 2003). This is a very subj ective concept; therefore we need concrete ways to operationalize it to be able to compare it within a given cultural group. We can extend the concept to embrace the capacity of retention innovation and recreation of ethnic identity and of cultural domains, such as native language, agrobiodiversity, agricultural practices, environmental knowledge, medical knowledge, artistic knowledge, among others. For this research, cultural resilience will be operationalized through measurements of indigenous knowledge domains, such as proficiency in the native language and level of weaving knowledge (see next sections). 2. Environmental conservation and management Applied to indigenous lands, this concept relates to the degree of conservation of a given territory (deforestation levels, patchiness, threats, invasions), as well as its extension. It is operationalized here as the capacity of indigenous peoples to control, monitor, access and use natural resources existing in a defined geographical space. Also it relates to the legal status of the land, in terms of Brazilian law (stages of recognition of an indigenous land, see Chapter 4). 3. Political empowerment T he ability of a people to mobilize and influence change, on the basis of their access to knowledge, political processes and financial, social and natural resources (Slocum et al ., 1995) For this research, political empowerment will be operationalized through: a) degree of access and capacity of mobilization of financial and technical resources, by each Kaiabi gro up, in the management of their territories; b) degree of participation and information of community residents in political processes (such as participation in meetings and knowledge on the role of indigenous organizations). 4. Market integration Integrati on of indigenous peoples with market economy can take diverse approaches and therefore be studied for specific purposes using different methods (see Godoy, 2001 for a comprehensive analysis on indigenous peoples, forests and markets). In this research, Im interested in exploring the effects of market integration on a specific domain of indigenous knowledge, i.e., weaving knowledge of basketry and textiles. To do this, I estimate the level of income stability (cash income) of each interviewee (see next sections on data collection and analysis). I also use qualitative data on the distance and form of relationship with markets in each village (G odoy, 2001; Reyes Garca, 2001): f or example, by knowing which products are sold, by whom, how and with what frequen cy. 5. Weaving knowledge This is a specific domain of indigenous knowledge, related to the ability to weav e basketry and textiles among men and women (Athayde et al., 2009). To operationalize this concept and meas ure it as a variable, I used three measurem ents (see next sections): a) number of items of basketry or textiles items an individual masters; b) number and complexity of graphic designs that an indivi dual masters; c) capacity of an individual to name basketry and textiles designs.


72 Research Design St ructured, s emi structured and openend ed interviews were carried out among the residents men and women over 15 years old of the four villages included in the research, as well as with key informants such as shamans, political leaders and elderly reside nts in other villages. I used the same age cr iterion adopted in my previous m aster t hesis, to be methodologically consistent (Athayde, 2003). Reyes Garca (2001) also used 15 years old as the age criterion to include individuals in research on effects of m arket integration on ethnobotanical knowledge among Tsiman indigenous people from Bolivia. A copy of the codebook used to input data in my database is presented in Appendix A Narratives and conversations which were recorded previously were also used. Sem i structured interviews included four types of information: 1) E nvironmental management and land claims ; 2) P olitical empowerment; 3) S ocio economic aspects ; and 4) K nowledge on basketry and textiles weaving Below, we describe each type of information col lected through the individual interviews. 1. Environmental contrasts, conservation and management Data related to this topic are mostly presented in Chapter s 4 and 5. Secondary and primary data were collected in order to: a) compare environmental difference s among the three areas; b) estimate the conservation status of each of the three areas; c) explore mechanisms for environmental adaptation developed by the Xingu Kaiabi; d) survey plant species of cultural importance among residents of four villa ges; and e) describe each groups involvement in official land claiming processes. To survey plant species of cultural importance I conducted a free list exercise, in which I asked each participant to list at least five most important plant species that occur in the ancestral land. I complemented this free list exercise with openended interviews carried out with elders and key informants, asking them to mention important plant resources for the Kaiabi that only occur in the ancestral areas, or that occur sparsely i n Xingu. 2. Political empowerment Data related to this topic are mostly presented on Chapter 6. An outline was developed to collect specific data on political empowerment and the situation of political organizations in each land (Xingu ATIX; Rio dos Pei xes Itaok and Teles Pires Kawaip), which included collection of secondary, qualitative and quantitative data on: a) access to resources and opportunities (both financial and technical support); b) participation of community residents in political meetings and processes; c) type and degree of knowledge on the work performed by each indigenous organization; d)


73 preference for projects to be developed by each association in the future; and e) problems and challenges faced by each organization 3. Socio econom ic data Socio economic data w ere collected through semi structured interviews conducted across the three Kaiabi groups. Socio economic data are mainly presented and discussed on Chapter 7 and 8. Data collected included the following themes and variables : Brief life history in the case of elders and shamans, in order to understand historical facts, mobility patterns and processes of learning and transmission of knowledge. Estimated age it is expected that older people will be more knowledgeable than y ounger people. Data on age w ere collected and/or confirmed through consulta tion of secondary data and of health service records. K inship this also included interethnic marriages between the Kaiabi and other indigen ous peoples as well as with nonindigenous. I ntegration with market economy this was assessed through estimat es of cash and stability of income and types of economic activities, functions and professions developed in each village. It was estimated through interviews and, in the case of FUNAI officers, health agents, retired people and teachers, through their offi cial salary reports. I created a variable to represent the stability of income of each individual with four levels: 1 Waged officer; 2 Retirement pension; 3 Bolsa famlia (Family pension, a program of Brazilian government); 4 Irregular does not have a monthly wage and does not receive any government benefit. L anguage proficiency this was measured th rough a proficiency scale with 4 levels for speakin g and understanding abili ties: 0 none (does not speak and does not understand); 1little (understands but does not speak) ; 2 regular (speaks and understands, but not fluent ) ; 4good (fluent). S chooling for formal schooling, there were also four levels considered: 1Illiter ate; 2 Elementary (complete or incomplete); 3 High school (complete or incomplete); 4 University (complete or incomplete). Travels and dislocations in order to evaluate the nature and frequency of contacts and exchanges between the three areas, I asked people how many times they ha d travelled between their villages and the other two Kaiabi areas and for what purposes. For instance, I asked people in Rio dos Peixes how many times they ha d travelled to Xingu Park and for what reason. The same procedur e was adopted for the other areas and villages. P articipatio n in the Kaiabi Araa project t o compare the distribution of artistic knowledge between individuals and villages that are participating in the project and villages that are not. This enables ass ess ment of the impact of the project on weaving knowledge.


74 In order to be able to carry out some statistical analysis, I had to transform some variables that had four levels of measurement such as language proficiency, income stability and schooling in only two levels. The reason is that there werent enough people in each of the categories to allow some statistical procedures such as correlations and logistic regression analysis. Thus, I transformed these variables in only two levels, with yes or no responses: for example, if the person did or did not have proficiency in the Kaiabi language, income stability or formal schooling. 4. Longitudinal and cross sectional studies on weaving knowledge transmission and distribution Data related to this topic are presented on Chapter 8. T his included semi structured interviews on knowledge acquisition and transmission related to basketry and textiles weaving conducted amongst men and women over 15 years old at Xingu Park, Rio dos Peixes and Teles Pires areas. A catalog containing photos of basketry and textiles designs was used to collect data on names and uses of the designs, as well as on the sequence of learning. The photos contain the same codes used for the interviews done in 2002 at Xingu park and in 2004 at Kururuzinho village (Teles Pires). The main aspects and variables considered were: age at which began to learn (when?); how the person learned (how?); with whom the person learned (who?) ; knowledge on design names; knowledge on techniques used in weaving; ability to weave the design (uses); knowledge on mythical or special attributes of the objects ( quantitative data, to assess differences between elders and shamans in relation to other people); ability to weave different types of basket and textile items. ability to represent graphic designs in other artefacts to assess innovation of artistic knowledge; participation in the workshops of the Kaiabi Araa project and basketry designs and/or basketry and textiles objects learned at these events;


75 knowledge on natural resources used in basketry and textiles weaving which species are used, w here they are collected, which varieties of cotton are used, which cotton varieties each woman has in the family garden plot, which cotton varieties are declining. Data A nalysis Im aware of the risks associated with reduction of ethnographic data and complex socioecological systems to quantitative data and numbers. Therefore, I attempt to use qualitative methods as complementary to the ethnographic information available about the Kaiabi, in order to better understand socioeconomic, cultural political and environmental aspects of each of the three groups involved in this study. Data analysis done for this research consisted in a combination of quantitative univariate, bivariate and multivariate methods and models (Agresti and Finla y, 1997; Bernard, 2006) In addition, I used the cultural consensus model to understand the variability of knowledge related to basketry and textiles designs among men and women across the thr ee groups (Romney et al., 1986; Weller, 1987) A database on Microsoft E x cell was structured in order to enter data for the different units of analysis to be considered. Other softwares include SPSS to run descriptive, univariate, bivariate and multivaria te statistical analyses. Ucinet was used to run consensus analysis, MDS (multidimensional scalling) and cluster. A comparison between the results of the analyses of the data on basketry and textiles knowledge collected in 2002 and 2004 in Xingu Park and in Teles Pires amongst men and women with the data collected in 2007, was carried out in order to as sess changes in mechanisms of: 1 ) learning and transmission (for example, from kin groups to books and community based projects); 2 ) distribution (did distri bution of knowledge change in a five year period? How?); 3) innovation (how, where, who and why innovation is taking place?); and 4) degree of artistic knowledge ( What is the situation of different villages in relation to the degree


76 of knowledge and endang ered designs?). Below, I summarize the methods and models developed to test the hypotheses explored in this research: a) Univariate analysis Univariate analysis was used as a first step to examine variables in depth. This included coding, cleaning data, running measures of central tendency and visualizing distributions. b) Bivariate methods Chi square tests were used to verify an existing association between the variables. C orrelation tests were used to evaluate the strength of the relationship between two va riables. c) Multivariate methods A set of statistical procedures is used in multivariate analysis in order to test hypotheses about how independent and dependent variables are related, based on a theory of causation (Bernard, 2006: 649). Multivariate anal ysis was used to test hypotheses, studying the combined effect of two or more independent variables on the dependent variables, which in this case were language proficiency and weaving knowledge. Logistic regression model To better understand the intera ction of different socioeconomic variables with the dependent variable, language proficiency, I used a logistic regression model, which provides a calculation of the probability that a category (dependent variable) depends on the values of the explanatory (independent) variables. This analysis describes the structure of the association among a set of qualitative response variables (Agresti and Finlay, 1997). Multidimensional scaling (MDS) and cluster multivariate visual techniques were used to tease out underlying relationships among a set of observation. A nonmetric MDS analysis was carried out in order to identify similar groups among the participants, in relation to their ability to weave the basketry or textiles designs. Like MDS, cluster analysis is a descriptive and visual technique for exploring relations among items in a matrix of similarity. It comes from the consensus analysis, using UCINET Program. d) Consensus analysis Consensus analysis is a technique developed in cognitive anthropology for the analysis of structured interviews based in the theoretical and methodological premisse that culture can be studied and measured by the degree of shared knowledge, between members of a group, related to a given cultural domain (Romney et al., 1986). Accord ing to Caulkins and Hyatt (1999), consensus analysis produces three main results: a measure of the degree of agreement between informants about a domain of knowledge, belief or practice; the culturally correct information about a domain according to the pooled answers of the informants; a score for each informant representing that persons knowledge of the domain.


77 Consensus analysis was used to compare participants based on the names they give for the different designs verifying the extent to which Kaia bi men and women share knowledge on names given to designs and teasing out relationships amongst the participants in terms of how much they agree on the different names that a design might have. I adopted the working concept proposed by Weller (1987), of c ultural knowledge as a pool of information or elements. In this case, shared knowledge is represented by the proportion of those elements that are shared or held in common between an individual and the pool (Weller, op.cit:180). Shared knowledge on names for basketry designs can be inferred by the proportion of names for any given design that are shared or held in common between a man or a woman and the group. In this case, there is no correct answer and every individuals knowledge will be estimated by how much his or her knowledge of designs names fits into the groups overall knowledge. One problem faced here was that because this is a specialized knowledge domain, most people interviewed in the four villages didnt know the names for designed baskets or textiles. Therefore, to be able to run the consensus analysis, instead of assigning zero for dont know answers, I assigned random values to them, different than those assigned to the responses for the designs. I also had to reduce my sample to include people that knew the name for at least 10% of the 36 designs for men and 10% of the 9 designs for women (Weller, 1987). This data transformation resulted in the inclusion of 29 men with 14 basketry designs and 34 women with 3 textile designs in the conse nsus analysis. For the data presented in this dissertation, I considered Tatuy Post and Novo Horizonte village as one single village in Rio dos Peixes area. This merging was done because both places are adjacent and very similar in terms of social organization, family composition and economic activities and also to facilitate and improve data analysis.


78 I used a standard conversion rate from Brazilian currency (R$ Real) unit to the dollar (in which 1U$=2.00 R$).


79 CHAPTER 3 THE KAIABI IN TAPAJS AND THE TRANSFER TO XINGU PARK Introduction The history of the Kaiabi people is interlinked with the history of Amazonian conquest, development and conservation. Mobility, territoriality and cosmography are key concepts to be considered in the analysis of Amazonia n indigenous peoples history and identity construction prior to and after contact with westerners. Little (2001 : 4) describes territoriality as the collective effort of a social group to identify with, occupy, use and establish control over the specific parcel of their biophysical environment that serves as their homeland or territory . Before contact, indigenous Amazonian groups were accustomed to different kinds of movement from nomadic to hunting and gathering expeditions, or group migrations to fle eing or fight ing other enemies, procurement of sacred sites, mobility up and down the river, or simply traveling around (Viveiros de Castro, 1992; Grnberg, 2004; Alexiades, 2008). Clastres (1995), analyzing prophet ism in Tupi G uarani migrations studied how myth, oratory, music and shamanism interacted in the Tupi restless ness for identity construction, and in search of the land without evil (Fernandes, 1963; Clastres, 1995). These multiple migrations were followed by processes of reterritorialization ( Little, 2001). In the process of establishing and maintaining human territories, a mutual influence occurs between the earth and its inhabitants. The study of these mutual relationships, encompassing collective and historically contingent identities and e nvironmental knowledge systems developed by a social group is what Little (2001 : 5), after Boas and other scholars, defined as cosmography. It also includes the symbolic and affective relationships with land and nature. Therefore, cosmography and cosmolo gy interplay and express the ways by which a group relates to its territory and reproduces its social order through time and space.


80 In this chapter, based on archive research and testimonies, I present a chronological description of the Kaiabi social an d geographical organization in the Tapajs region, as well as the process of encounter and involvement with the rubber tappers in the first half of the 20th century. Next, I describe the encounter with the Villas Bas brother and the process of transfer of the majority of the group to the Xingu Park. The Kaiabi in the Tapajs R egion The Kaiabi are a Tupi Guarani speaking people who originally occupied several tributaries of the Tapajs River in the southern Brazilian Amazon. Oral and written accounts on th e Kaiabi suggest that by the beginning of the nineteenth century, they were divided into two main and interconnected groups, linked to tributaries of the Tapajs, the Teles Pires, the Arinos and the Rio dos Peixes, a tributary of Arinos (Steinen 1940; Villas Bas and Villas Bas, 1989). According to Joo Dornstauder, a catholic priest who worked almost 30 years among the Kaiabi, they reported that: the area occupied by our ancestors was the entire extension of Rio dos Peixes, between the Juruena and the Ar inos, going up until the headwaters of the Rio dos Peixes and from there joining with the upper Teles Pires, along whose riverbanks and tributaries there were villages, going down as far as the Peixoto de Azevedo river, from where there was communication w ith the Rio dos Peixes, up to the Jawary stream, from where they cross to the Coat stream headwaters ( Figure 3 1, Dornstauder, 1985: 5) In this region, they had contact with the Mu nduruku and Apiak to the north; with the Rikbaktsa at Arinos; with the Tapayuna who inhabited the Arinos and the Rio do Sangue; with the Panar in the Peixoto de Azevedo River ; and with the Bakairy to the south, at the headwaters of the Teles Pires ( Steinen 1940; Dornstauder 1985; Dal Poz 1996; Grnberg, 2004 ). Mobility, exte nsive within and between the Rio dos Peixes and Teles Pires Rivers, was linked to extended foraging expeditions, as well as war and trade with neighbours (Grnberg


81 2004). Individual settlements, consisting of an extended family group organised around a mal e patriarch or chief, called wyryat were located between four to seven kilometres from the near est grouping (Dornstauder 1955; Steinen 1 940). The Kaiabi similarly to many other TupiGuarani groups, have a uxorilocal1 post marital residential system, whic h reinforces the affinity between fathers in law and sons in law (Senra, 1999). T he extended uxorilocal family has constituted the basic unit of the social, economic and political Kaiabi structure (Grnberg 2004; Senra et al., 2004). According to Mairaw K aiabi (1981), there were various Kaiabi villages along the upper, middle and lower Teles Pires and its tributaries, as well as along the Arinos and Rio dos Peixes. This was a strategy to hide from the ir enemies, mainly the Munduruku. In fact, warfare betwe en the Kaiabi and neighbouring groups such as the Bakairi, the Munduruku and the Apiak, was reportedly the main factor leading to depopulation and village relocation at that time (Grnberg 2004; Villas Bas and Villas Bas 1989). During war times, the Kai abi used to capture women and children from enemy villages. Subsistence was based on a sophisticated swiddenfallow agricultural system, which included root crops such as manioc, taro, yams and sweet potatoes, as well as other crops such as maize, peanuts and bananas (Grnberg 2004). The Kaiabi had used, and still continue to use a criterion for establishment of their villages based on soil fertility and on the occurrence of black earth2 terra preta anthropogenic soil (Villas Bas and Villas Bas, 1989; Rodrigues, 1993; 1 Uxorilocal residential system is common to many Amazonian and Tupi indigenous societies and refers to the husband moving to live i n his wifes group after marriage (Viveiros de Castro, 1992). 2 Named Terra Preta de ndio in Portuguese, these anthropogenic soils (anthrosols) have been formed by the deposition of ashes and debris of past human occupation, representing the most important vestige of pre historic Amerindian populations (Petersen et al ., 2001). They are an inheritance left by these ancient indigenous cultures, since they have high fertility for agriculture, and have been used in shifting agriculture by contemporaneous i ndigenous peoples for centuries (Denevan, 2001).


82 Silva and Athayde, 1999). According to them, there are many plants which are terra preta indicators, which thrive on these special soils as a result of the management done by ancient indigenous populations (Silva and Athayde, 1999; Schmidt, 2001). The exchange of knowledge, information, people, plants and objects among Amazonian indigenous peoples has played an important role in the construction of identity, both prior to and after contact with westerners (Alexiades, 2007; Alexiades an d Peluso, 2007; Zent, 2007). According to Kupeap (a knowledgeable elder born at Rio dos Peixes, son of the great Temeioni chief), Kaiabi men learned how to weave some basketry designs from the Apiaka, one of their fiercest enemies. Likewise, the main Kaiab i festival, Jo wosi, is related to war. In the past, Jowosi festivals usually lasted for many months, with families and other kin exchanging visits, labour, knowledge and history encoded in Jowosi chants (Travassos, 1984; Oakdale, 1996). Jowosi lyrics are improvised by the men and great warriors and repeated many times by the women, men singing and dancing in front and a group of women following behind. In ancient times, enemy skulls were used in Jowosi as trophies by men to celebrate war victories (Trava ssos, 1984). According to Senra (1999:15) the Kaiabi conceive the cosmos as divided in different superposed layers, inhabited by supernatural beings or spirits . There are the lords or owners of the animals, the dangerous ajng and mamae, who can cause diseases and steal peoples souls and the mait, the shamans who live in the heaven. There are also the ancestral mythical heroes, who taught the Kaiabi everything they know. Amongst these, Tuiarar is considered the creator of Kaiabi people. He was both a great warrior and a shaman Shamanism is a fundamental aspect of Kaiabi culture. T he shamans are the intermediaries between the natural


83 and the supernatural world. The Kaiabi shamans can be men or women, but the most powerful are men. By the late nineteenth century, when the first encounters occurred between Kaiabi and Brazilian (government officials and explorers looking for minerals ) and European expeditions, the Kaiabi were living in several dispersed settlements. Between 1884 and 1887, Karl Von den Steinen the well known German explorer coordinated the two first German expeditions in Xingu. His field reports are the first written registers about the Kaiabi, which he called Kayabi (Steinen, 1940). He encountered two Kaiabi women prisoners of the Bakairi in the upper Teles Pires (also known as Paranatinga in Tupi G uarani, white river). Steinen3 reported that the Kaiabi had the monopoly of stone axes in the upper Paranatinga region. According to what some Bakairi told Steinen at that time, the Kaiabi used as self designation Paru and spoke a language similar to the Kamayur from the Kulisehu River in the upper Xingu region. Nevertheless, it was impossible to confirm if this self designation was correct, because none of the Kaiabi remember about this nowadays. In 1889, the Brazilian officials Loureno Telles Pires and Oscar Miranda de Oliveira Miranda carried out an expedition to the Paranatinga to take measures of the river. Unfortunately, their boat sank in a rapids near the parallel 10o S. Only six people survived. The famous Brazilian official Marechal Cndido Rondon suggested that the name of the river be changed to Teles Pires in honour of Loureno Telles Pires (Rondon, 1916, cited in Grnberg, 2004). 3 Many of the artifacts colleted by Steinen at that time are deposited in the collections of the Museum of Ethnology in Berlin, Germany. Recently, the museum sent copies of photos of all Kaiabi objects back to the Kaia b i, via their local association ATIX.


84 After the short and inter mitten t encounters with the nonindigenous Brazilians and Europeans during the nineteen century, Kaiabi in the Teles Pires and Rio dos Peixes rivers established permanent contact with Brazilian national society in the late nineteenth century and mid twentieth ce ntury, respectively (Villas Bas and Villas Bas 1989). At that time, mobility was also related to the possibility of getting industrialized goods and even to establish contact with the nonindigenous, who would provide the Kaiabi with unknown goods and valuable tools, such as machetes and fire arms Xup, an elder in the Tuiarar village, still remembers that everybody was crazy about tools and axes, people were going after the whites to get these tools . In 1861, rubber tappers were seen at the mouth of the Teles Pires, in the Juruena River (Chandless, 1861, cited in Grnberg, 2004). Between 1877 and 1907, large numbers of tapayin (white people or Brazilian nationals) many from the drought stricken northeastern region of Brazil poured into the Teles Pires to work rubber ( Hevea brasiliens is) There wer e two fronts of penetration: in the Arinos Juruena region, in the lower Teles Pires, and in the upper Teles Pires (Grnberg 2004). Enemies of the Kaiabi, such as the Bakairi and the Apiak, were pacifie d at this time and began to work in several of the seringais (rubber ta pping estates). The Teles Pires Kaiabi began to acquire steel axes, machetes and firearms through exchanges and wars with these groups, which they in turn subsequently exchanged with t he Rio dos Peixes Kaiabi. Increased conflicts with the rubber tappers and the effect of epidemics led to population decline and to increased mobility among the Kaiabi. The Apiak, also a Tupi Guarani group with whom the Kaiabi share territorial rights in Rio dos Peixes and Teles Pires nowadays, were almost totally exterminated by rubber tappers at the beginning of the 20th century. In 1912, there was a


85 register of a total population of only twenty Apiak survivors (Campos, 1936, cited in Grnberg, 2004). Aiming to pacify the Kaiabi, the Indian Protection Service (SPI), the first governmental institution created to pacify and protect the Brazilian indians, established the Pedro Dantas post on the Teles Pires river in 1922. Two years later, this post was totally destroyed by a massive attack by the Kaiabi, in which two SPI officers died. In 1929 the post was re established 10 Km to the south. Kaiabi military resistance to SPI actions and to rubber tappers finally ceased around 1936, at which point they bec ame one of the last groups in the upper Tapajs basin to become engaged in rubber tapping (Grnberg 2004). One of the first ethnologists to study the Kaiabi was the German Max Schmidt. He spent only two months with the Kaiabi in the Pedro Dantas Post, due to the difficult relationship with the Kaiabi and sickness (he got malaria several times). However, his publications turned out to be very relevant to determine Kaiabi ling uistic affiliation in the TupiG uarani family, in addition to the ethnological information, photos and artefacts collected4 (Schmidt, 1929; 1942). The renewed international demand for rubber during the Second World War coincided with the establishment of a second SPI post in the Teles Pires in 1941. Encouraged, sometimes forced, by SPI officers, many Kaiabi men from upper Teles Pires villages began to work in the seringais with some families settling in the post in 1942. By 1953, most Teles Pires Kaiabi were thus actively engaged in tapping rubber (Grnberg 2004). Even though the Rio dos Peixes region was colonised later than the Teles Pires the first rubber estate was established around 1951by 1955, many Kaiabi from Rio dos Peixes were also working with rubber tappers (Grnberg 2004). The Kaiabi worked through the aviamento system, r eceiving the necessary credit, food and 4 These artifacts, similarly to the ones collected by Von den Steinen, are also part of the collection of The Museum of Ethnology in Berlin, Germany. I repatriated p hotos of this collection to the Kaiabi in 2004.


86 equipment in advance, and paying back later through the harvested rubber. In the seringais men learned Portuguese, and developed links with the nonindigenous market economy. Some people began to travel to nearby c ities, bringing manufactured goods back to the villages. Women began to abandon the manufacture of traditional pottery, relying instead on metal pots (Villas Bas and Villas Bas 1989). The government agency SPI was set up to contact, provide certain ki nds of assistance to and, if necessary, assist the relocation of indigenous peoples. Indigenous groups were generally and initially hostile to the SPI, sometimes destroying their posts and killing their officials, as the Kaiabi did at Pedro Dantas Post in 1929 (Grnberg 2004). The FUNAI or National Indian Foundation replaced the SPI in 19671968 following serious accusations of misconduct and corruption. Nevertheless, a paternalistic approach to the protection of indigenous peoples is still maintained to this day (Ramos 1998). According to accounts by Gr nberg (2004), the situation of SPI Posts servicing the Kaiabi population between 1940 and 1960 was precarious. Many Indians would die at these posts because of lack of proper medical treatment and remedies. Also, SPI officers contributed to attract labor force to the seringais and m any time s were abusive with the Indians. The occupation and colonization of the Arinos river in the Rio dos Peixes region inside Kaiabi territory beg a n in 1955, with clearing and measurements of the right bank of the middle Arinos by the CONOMALI colonizer enterprise (Companhia Colonizadora Noroeste MatoGrossense Ltda). Dozens of families of agriculturalists, mostly German descendents, migrated from Rio Grande do Sul to the ne wly created locality of Porto dos Gachos, which still exists (Grnberg 2004).


87 By the middle twentieth century, the Kaiabi were facing an increased encroachment of their territory and simultaneous closer contact with n onindigenous rubber tappers, settler s, miners and animal poachers. They became increasingly dependent on the goods provided by the patres (owners of the rubber tapping estates) and also on medical relief provided by missionaries and, to a lesser extent by the SPI. However, after the decl ine of rubber extraction due to a new cheaper Asian supply, there was no place for indigenous workers in the boom burst Amazonian frontier. At that time, the Kaiabi were living in scattered villages throughout the upper and middle courses of the Teles Pire s River. Some of them would go searching for safer places to live, running away from rubber tappers and miners. Some Kaiabi men worked for cat hunters, or fur trappers (named gateiros in Portuguese) which appeared in the region right after rubber produc tion collapsed. C ontact with the Villas Bas B rothers In June of 1943, the Roncador Xingu Expedition (Expedio Roncador Xingu) was officially created by the Brazilian government to prepare the occupation of a large empty region located in the central w estern region of Brazil, comprising part of Gois, Mato Grosso and Par states, including the area located at the Xingu river headwaters (Menezes, 2000). The expeditions objectives were to explore the territory; discover natural richness, mainly minerals; open roads; build landing stripes for airplanes; prepare the land to be occupied by several groups of migrants coming from many places in Brazil and from Europe; and establish points of radiotelegraphic communication (Menezes, 2000). The expedition was pa rt of a greater government plan, named March to the West (Marcha para Oeste). According to Villas Bas and Villas Bas (1994), since the beginning of the twentieth century, the Brazilian government had the idea to transfer the capital of Brazil from th e coast (at that time, Rio de Janeiro) to the interior of the country. After the First World War, land contractors began to sell plots of land in


88 the central region of Brazil, w here the capital would be built. However, only during the Second World War was the idea taken up again. The government wanted to take a step further, not only transferring the capital, but also promoting the occupation and development of the interior or serto (countryside, backwoods, bush). At that time, most of the near ly 43 million Brazilian s lived in the countrys costal region. Months later, in October of 1943, the government established the Fundao Brasil Central (FBC, Central Brazilian Foundation) with the specific function of colonizing or establishing small population s ettlements in strategic sites designated by the Roncador Xingu Expedition ( Villas Bas and Villas Bas, 1994). Various cities, villages and landing fields were established by FBC during more than two decades of its existence. The Roncador Xingu expedition founded the town of Xavantina in 1944, reaching the headwaters of Xingu river and constructing the Jacar landing field for the Brazilian Air Force (Fora Area Brasileira, FAB) in 1947, inside the current boundaries of the Xingu Indigenous Park (Menezes, 2000; Grnberg, 2004). The FBC had the power to acquire lands given through state concessions, to contract enterprises, to share profits with them, and even to decide on indigenous peoples relocations. Everything was legalized and officialised by the Bra zilian government, through legal instruments such as decrees. FBC actions on land occupation and destination generated n umerous conflicts and confusion that persist to this day (Menezes, 2000). Regarding indigenous lands, many times the FBC and SPI territorial interests would overlap. Often, the FBC would impose its interests over SPI or over indigenous peoples claims, acting against land interdiction for the establishment of indigenous reservations or lands (Menezes, 2000).


89 Working as sertanistas for the FBC, the Villas Bas brothers5 had the mission of pacify ing and relocat ing indigenous peoples living in the region to be colonized by southern Brazilian migrants. They contacted thousands of indians, belonging to different groups, who lived in the presumed emptiness of central Brazil: the Xavante, the Kalapalo, the Ikpeng (Txico), the Kamayur and other upper Xingu peoples, the Kayap, the Panar, and the Kaiabi, among others. The FBC and the Roncador Xingu Expedition were extinct in 1967, with the FBC s ubstituted by the SUDECO (Superintendncia do Desenvolvimento do Centro Oeste). According to Souza (1994:18), the ex pedition and the FBC produced 1,500 km of opened trails, 1,000 km of navigated rivers, 43 towns and villages, 19 landing fields, and contact ed five thousand indigenous. Orlando and CludioVillas Bas spent forty years of their lives working for the expedition and then in the administration of the Xingu Indigenous Park (Souza, 1994). In 1949, during the first years of the Roncador Xingu expedi tion, the Villas Bas brothers and their team arrived in the Teles Pires River by foot and by boat, opening a trail from the Diauarum Post in Xingu to the Teles Pires river, in almost three months opening up the serto (Villas Bas and Villas Bas, 1994) They had the mission to build a landing field (Cachimbo) in the Teles Pires region, w here they established a campsite some 12 km from the river. Cludio and Orlando were bringing provisions from the river to the camp, when they began to listen to many animal sounds: jaguars, monkeys, birds and even wild pigs. They found it strange to hear the sound of so many animals together, and, they were immediately wary of some unknown Indians who might be playing with them. They already knew that the Kaiabi lived in villages near the place where the campsite was located Cludio and Orlando began to 5 Sertanistas were government agents responsible for contacting and pacifying indigenous groups during the development of the Amazonian frontier, or the interio r, also called serto. The Villas Bas brothers Leonardo, Cludio and Orlandobe came nationally famous for the pacification of various indigenous groups, and for the creation of the Xingu Indigenous Park. Orlando Villas Bas was the last brother to die, in 2002.


90 call: Kaiabi, Kaiabi! and the answer came immediately from the opposite bank in the form of a strident scream. Then, two Kaiabi men in a bark canoe came to the middle of the river, observing the white foreigners. The two Villas Bas got their canoe and paddled in their direction to meet them. But the Kaiabi became wary and went back to the riverbank, hiding i n the bushes. The Villas Bas went after them, pronouncing some words in the kamayur language (which they knew was in the same linguistic family as the Kaiabi language), showing and offering their machetes to them (Villas Bas and Villas Bas, 1989; 1994). The indians agreed to accompany the Villas Bas to the campsite, where they w ere offered other gifts. O ne month after this first contact, there were around fifty Kaiabi visiting the campsite ( ibid) The Villas Bas enlisted three Kaiabi as guides for their expedition to the northwest of Mato Grosso State: Prepori, Cuiabano or Jurumuk and Ip6 (Villas Bas and Villas Bas 1989; 1994). At that time, the Kaiabi in the upper Teles Pires had a closer contact with rubber tappers being considered tamed, as opposed to the Rio dos Peixes Kaiabi who were more isolated, th e so called wild or untamed Tatuy Kaiabi (Simes, 1963; Villas Bas and Villas Bas, 1989). The Indigenous Noble Savage and the C reation of the Xingu Park The establishment of landing fields in different areas of the central Brazilian region by the Roncador Xingu Expedition and the FBC had a strategic and military objective since these fields were to be used in the military route linking Rio de Janeiro to Miami by the FAB as well as by the US Air F orce (Menezes, 2000). In the Xingu Tapajs region, the main landing fields were located inside territories occupied by indigenous peoples: the Jacar Post in the upper Xingu region and the Serra do Cachimbo landing field, near the Teles Pires river ( ibid.). The 6 Prepori was a great political leader and shaman. Before him, his father was also a great Kaiabi chief (Mairaw Kaiabi, 1981). He was the last great Kaiabi shaman to die in 2002. Jurumuk or Cuiabano was a knowledgeable elder and also a shaman, who passed away in 2005. Ip is a re tired FUNAI officer who now lives in Diauarum Post with his family.


91 existence of an airport in the upper Xingu, a llied with the sympathy of the Villas Bas to journalists, scientists, film makers and politicians, opened up access by the academy and media to the previously poorly known and ignored Xingu indigenous groups: the state of virginity of the land and the m ens primitivism cannot be ignored by scientific curiosity (Menezes, 2000:73). The public image of Xingu as a natural and cultural sanctuary and paradise was constructed and publicized by the media, being highly influential in the creation of the Park as a postal card of Brazilian natural and cultural purity. The xinguanos were portrayed as good and happy human beings, not (yet) spoiled by western societys greed, vicious ness and diseases (Menezes, 2000; 2001) This image was so strongly constructed and reinforced in the last half century, that it has persisted until now in political discourse, in scientific discourse, and even in indigenous discourse, as indigenous peoples appropriate the image constructed for them to defend their own interests ( Conklin, 1997; Fisher, 1994; Jackson, 1995). The indigenist practice of the Villas Bas had a marked influence on the territorial and cultural re organization of what is known today as the Xingu Park. A partnership and agreement was established between the FBC and the Museu Nacional (National Museum) of Rio de Janeiro. At that time, various naturalists, anthropologists, and other scientists, Brazilians and foreigners, carried out research about the upper Xingu region and the i ndians. The amount of scientific info rmation produced, combined with media publicity and with pressure from indigenists, scientists and the Villas Bas, created the basis for the first indigenous territory of large proportions to be officially recognized by Brazilian law (Menezes, 2000). The objective of the government during the developmentalist post World War II period was the assimilation of the remaining indigenous population into the larger national society (Ribei ro, 1995; Little 2001). The idea of assimilation was clearly expressed (and at the same


92 time contradicted by the idea of cultural preservation) in the first paragraph of the first Indian Statute from 19737: This law regulates the ju dicial status of the i ndians and of indigenous communities, with the goal of preserving thei r culture and progress ively and harmoniously integrating them into national society (ISA, 2005). The Brazilian government used the classification proposed by Ribeiro (1970) to determine if indigenous peoples were considered isolated, in process of integra tion or fully integrated with the national society. Before the proposal of the creation of the Xingu Indigenous Park, the SPI policy towards indigenous lands or reserves as they were called was to establish fixed areas of small proportions to ensure the sedentarization of indigenous groups until their complete assimilation by Brazilian society, as national workers (Menezes, 2000). Therefore, it was congruent for the government to establish small indigenous reserves which would enable only the physical not cultural reproduction of indigenous peoples, as they were considered human be ings in transition towards full cultural assimilation. This strategy would make possible the liberation of lands to be occupied by Brazilian society, with the indigenous r eserves serving as a source of cheap labor for the economic exp ansion of the country (Oliveira Filho, 1983). In the beginning of the 1950s the SPI was under pressure to regulate the Federal Constitution of 1934, in regard to indigenous lands and reserve s. According to Lima (1989), cited in Menezes (2000), the governor of Paran state at that time, presented a Law project (Bill no 245) to regulate A rticle 216 of the constitution, concerning indigenous peoples ownership rights over land. The project fores aw the titling of indigenous reserves, with private ownership titles given to families instead of to the indigenous groups in a common property regime. This project was adapted from the U .S law of 1887. Fortunately, the president of the SPI did not 7 I will discuss this law in more detail in Chapter 6, when describing indigenous grassroots movements in the Brazilian Amazon.


93 accept the project, and an SPI ethnologist, the wellknown anthropologist Darcy Ribeiro ( now de c eased ) formulated a substitu te for the Bill 245 of 1950 (Ribeiro, 1951; Menezes, 2000). The formulation of this substitute by Darcy Ribeiro coincided with the time wh en the proposal for creation of the Xingu Park was being formulated. The elaboration and presentation of this bill to the government, with the subsequent presentation of the proposal for creation of the Xingu Park, were instrumental in the history of devel opment of indigenous territorial rights in Brazil. The main innovation concerning indigenous rights was the idea of cultural, social and physical reproduction, in contrast with the idea of assimilation. Also, indigenous lands would guarantee eternal usufru ct rights to the indigenous communities under a common property regime, as a collective patrimony of the group (Ribeiro, 1951). The creation of the Xingu Park was a source of conflict and debates, given its ambiguous legal characteristics. Until 1952, th e date of the first presentation to the Brazilian Congress of the bill or decree which would create the Park (Anteprojeto de Lei de 1952), there was no legal category in Brazilian law that would have characteristics of both a protected area (national par k) and an indigenous reserve. The president of the SPI at that time, Jos Maria da Gama Malcher, based hi s argument for the category of indigenous area s of large proportions on the north American Whee ller Howard law (1934), which fores aw the creation of indigenous forestry reserves that would preserve indigenous habitat and the environment as a whole (Menezes, 2000). Therefore, the SPI wanted to install the first experience of creation of an indigenous park in Brazil. This would provide for the preservat ion of Indians and nature in a virgin or primary state, in contrast to the mentality of assimilation of the Indians by the surrounding society in development.


94 In reality, the approval of the project for the creation of the Xingu National Park would onl y happen eleven years later in 1961 Official Decree 50.455 of 14 of Apri l of 1961 after many reviews and conflicts, and with a significant reduction of the original area proposed to be encompassed by the Park. Its are a at that time was of nearly 22,000 square kilometers or 2,200,000 hectares (Menezes, 2000). In the original project, most of the region encompassing the Xingu headwaters tributaries was inside the area of the Park, which was subsequently left out of the official Parks limits. This fact h as had numerous cultural and environmental consequences for the sustainability of the Park, which we will discuss in the next sections. In contrast to the creation of the Xingu Park, the Law Project of Darcy Ribeiro was never implemented as such. The forma l regulation of the category indigenous land in Brazilian law advanced only in 1973 with the first Indian Statute , which was reviewed and modified by the Constitution of 1988 (ISA, 2007 a ). Xingu has Everything an Indian Could Wish: the T ransfer to t he Xingu Park The Villas Bas had the mission of building a landing strip in the Rio dos Peixes region, allowing for the removal of two Kaiabi from Rio dos Peixes who had a rare skin disease (Jorge Lobo mycosis), in order to be studied by Noel Nutels, the medical doctor of the Roncador Xingu Expedition (Villas Bas and Villas Bas, 1989). Prepori and the others spent many days travelling on foot, guiding the Villas Bas from their campsite at Teles Pires to the region where the Tatuy Kaiabi lived. They esta blished another campsite to attract the Tatuy Kaiabi, wh o were very wary of the visitors, but got less nervous with the presence of their Teles Pires relatives. According to Mairaw Kaiabis testimony (1981), after the contact with the Tatuy Kaiabi at Rio dos Peixes, Prepori and others went back to the Xingu with Cludio and Orlando on foot and by river through the recently opened trail, spending one or two years in the Xingu. The upper


95 Xingu groups such as Kamayur, Kalapalo, Kuikuro and others had alread y been contacted and pacified by the Villas Bas at that time. The situation of the Kaiabi at the moment of their encounter with the Villas Bas was precarious: lack of assistance by the SPI ; several deaths provoked by epidemics (mainly measles) ; confli cts with rubber tappers and gold miners ; and plans for colonisation of the territory by agricultural migrants ( Grnberg 2004). There were at least four big measles epidemics in the Teles Pires region: 1927, 1932, 1943 and 1965. Aturi reported the death o f nearly 130 people in one of these epidemics (Ferreira, 1992; Lea, 1997). The Villas Bas brothers strongly encouraged the relocation of both Teles Pires and Tatuy Kaiabi groups to the upper Xingu region, where there were abundant land and fish, providing in the words of Cludio Villas Bas everything that an Indian could wish for (Menezes 2000:288). The leadership of Prepori Kaiabi8 on one hand and the strong personality of Cludio Villas Bas on the other, established the organizational bases for the transfer of the group. In the lower Teles Pires region, Piuni ( now deceased ) acted as an intermediary between the Villas Bas and the Teles Pires group, encouraging them to move to the new land (Rodrigues, 1994). The majority of the Kaiabi accepted to move to the new area, but some refused to go and remained in the ancestral territory (Grnberg, 2004). Some went following their relatives ; others, such as Xup, went because they liked to move around and travel. Most Kaiabi families relocated to Xingu bet ween 1950 and 1966 (Grnberg 2004). After travelling by canoe and on foot for over two months and covering almost 500 km (Silva et al., 2002), the first and largest group coming from Teles Pires (nearly forty people) established a campsite in the Arraias river 8 The last great Kaiabi shaman to die in 2002.


96 in 1955, in what is now the northwestern portion of the Park ( see Figure 3 2; Grnberg 2004; Menezes 2000). During these travels, they would suffer from hunger and physical exhaustion. They would take a supply of cassava flour and live basically from hunting, collecting fruits, and extracting wild honey. From 1961 to 1962, the majority of Kaiabi from the upper and middle Teles Pires was already living in the Xingu (Grnberg, 2004). The last group, consisting of thirteen people from the lower Teles Pi res and thirty one from Rio dos Peixes, arrived by plane in 1966 in the socalled Kaiabi Operation , accompanied by Georg Grnberg, an Austrian anthropologist who worked with the Kaiabi at the Rio dos Peixes village from 1965 to 1966. Xup told me that w hen the plane arrived, people told him: You can board (his son Aturi, nowadays chief of Tuiarar village, was around ten years old) He thought: Oh, no, this time Im going to fall. Mairaw Kaiabi, a prominent Kaiabi political leader, was five years ol d when he came to Xingu on foot with his parents, along with the group that established the campsite at the Arraias River According to him, in the beginning they had precious help from the Yudja people (also called Juruna), who provided them shelter and f ood until they were able to produce crops and construct the village. He told the story: a fter the village was built, my f ather told my older brother: g o get your uncle [ Sirawes father ] and y our cousin [ Jurumuk, deceased] to move here with us. There was an 80 Km road near Marcelndia municipality, linking the upper Teles Pires to the Manitsau miu river, which was opened by the Villas Bas. After three months, they arrived [ Myauapan Sirawes father, Jururmuk, Piu and others ] They came in a better situat ion because the things were already there, the village was ready. They also brought seeds, peanuts and other things, so it was easier. We lived there for five to six years at the mouth of the Arraias. Then, in 1961 Cludio and Orlando came to the village t o visit us. They told us that they already


97 had a project to delimit the Xingu Park area and that it would not encompass all of our villages area. T he limit would cut the Arraias R iver. Part of the a rea in which we used to get materials such as taquari, honey and uruyp (arum) w as going to be left out of the Parks limits. There were also some fruits there such as akusikanafu, akusityrywa, ywapiruru, kwanuywa Brazil nut. Today, that area is part of the big Ibicaba ranch. We used to go as far as Marcelndi a to collect Brazil nuts; those Brazil nut stands were all named by the Kaiabi. Then, the Villas Bas asked us to leave the place; they did not want people living close to the border In 1962, we left there to live here in Diauarum Post. There were already some whites living here since 1945. The view of Xingu as a land of fortune was not only portrayed in terms of natural richness, but also, and no less important, in relation to access to industrialised goods. According to different testimonies, Prepori and other Indians who went to Xingu beforehand in order to check out the place told the Kaiabi in Rio dos Peixes and Teles Pires that in Xingu they would get all they needed as gifts . T hey would not even need to work to get clothes, pans, hooks, gunpowde r, machetes and other highly appreciated industrializ ed products. Masia, one of the eldest Kaiabi still alive, who is the chief of one of the bigger families in Tuiarar village, told me that before the transfer, he used to work for the rubber tapp ers an d also collect Brazil nuts for sale. He was not thinking about moving to another place. But Prepori was always inviting people to come to the Xingu, saying that it was a good place for them. He was not suffering there in Teles Pires, but Prepori and Cludi o invited him to come. He told me a somewhat sad but funny anecdote about his travel to the Xingu : before the tr ip Prepori told them to throw their shoes away, because there were a lot of shoes in the Xingu; they would get shoes for free. Therefore, they threw their shoes away before travelling on foot to the Xingu, during which they sorely missed their shoes, arriving with wounded feet.


98 Jywatu (also known as chief Atu) is the current chief of Kururuzinho village at Kayabi Indigenous Land in Teles Pires R iver. His father, Kum, was one of few Kaiabi who refused to be transferred to the Xingu, staying at Teles Pires until his death. According to Jywatus testimony, his father did not believe that the whites would give everything to the Kaiabi at Xingu. Jywat u told me that the tapayin (non indigenous in Kaiabi language) arrived there cheating them: Man, there [ at Xingu ] things are given to us for free: fire arms clothes, aluminium pans etc. You are working here because you want to Better you go there, the re things are given away . My father knew that the tapayin lie d; he said: No, this is only to tame us such as they used to do in SPI times.D o you know why they (the Villas Bas) want to take the Indians out of here? Because they are giving this land to their relatives. Thats why they are taking us out. But Im not leaving here. I prefer to die here, I prefer that the white kills me right here. I know how the whites cheat us. They are telling the whites to take us o ff of our land in order to pass this a rea on to their relatives . Jywatu said that at the time of the transfer, everything was fine with them. The rubber tapp ers used to abuse their women, but this happened only in the beginning ; later they stopped with these abuses. When they found out about the transfer to the Xingu, they had everything. Regat es [ merchants who travelled in boats and used to sell or trade goods with the i ndians and rubber ta ppers] used to pass by here by boat. They exchanged goods for balls of rubber My father used to have things; nowadays we dont have anything Jywatu told me about Fernandes, an Apiak married to a Kaiabi who lives with his family in a village close to Kururuzinho in Teles Pires: Fernandes left all of his belongings to move to the Xingu: stereo system, s ewing machine, pans. B ecause there, things were given away. When he returned here, he did not have anything


99 Xup, an elder in Tuiarar village, lost his parents early and was partly raised by the chief of a rubber tapping e state ( seringal ) in Teles Pires He told me how he liked the seringal s chief, who used to give gifts to him and treated him well. He used to work ta pping rubber and exchanging it in the rubber e state store, which according to him had plenty of goods. When he arrived in Xingu, he found it weird: there was nothing (to buy); there was nothing . there were only gifts, and the people got used to not working I did not work anymore . This idea of not having to work any more to get nonindigenous industrializ ed merchandise can be curiousl y compared to a traditional Kaiabi myth, which talks about how work was done in the mythical past: according to the myth (told by Tym Kaiabi in Ferreira, 1994), in the past the Kaiabi did not need to work to get most things done. The machete would work al one to prepare the garden plots for planting, the tucum (black palm fruit) would be prepared by itself to produce necklaces, and so on. Tuiarar, the creator of the Kaiabi people, had two sons at that time. One was good and diligent; the other, named the Moon ( Jay in Kaiabi, masculine) was curious and stubborn, a bungler. The stubborn son always wanted to perform the work that the objects would do by themselves. After his many mistakes, finally the objects (or their spirits) would not perform the work of t he humans anymore, who since that time have had to work hard to get things done. According to Mairaw Kaiabi, one of the main difficulties in Xingu Park after the transfer was transportation of goods, and the amount, which wasnt enough for everybody : everything was in small amounts : salt, fishing line, soap. We had to share that small portion. A fishing line of 100 meters had to be divided in four pieces. Soap bars had to be cut in the middle. It was very hard. Salt for example, was kg for each. The chiefs would get a little bit more, but

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100 the ordinary people would get almost nothing. T he first time they gave more things; they said there would be plenty. Conclusion The Kaiabi occupied a large portion of land in the northwestern portion of Mato Gros so State. However, it is impossible to draw a line marking the exact limits of their homeland, because those limits are very fluid and subject to change. First, natural resources needed for their cultural and physical reproduction were scattered in a lands cape in which, sometimes, they would travel days to collect. Second, warfare and contacts with other indigenous peoples had caused changes in the establishment of villages and temporary campsites. The contact with Brazilians, initially explorers, then ru bber tap p ers, followed by SPI officers and finally culminating with the Villas Bas brothers who took them to the Xingu, also caused various processes of geographical change and reterritorialisation (Albert, 2000; Little, 2001). These contacts affected th e Kaiabi in different ways, from the procuremen t and dependence on industrializ ed tools to the work in rubber ta pping, in which they gradually learned that they could not trust the whites , in spite of enjoying what they had to offer. Brazilian governme nt polices towards indigenous peoples in the 1950s and 1960s were contradictory and based on the idea of their assimilation by the Brazilian society. This had consequences in the history of creation of indigenous lands in the country, which in the beginni ng were small pieces of land capable of providing the minimum conditions for the physical reproduction of the groups. In this context, the creation of the Xingu as a park where Indians and nature would be protected was an exception, and a relative victory due to the effort of Villas Bas brothers and other collaborators. This happened in the middle of a march to the west , where government plans were to provide the occupation of the imagined big emptiness of Amazonian region as fast as possible. The ideali zation of indigenous peoples living a pure life in

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101 harmony with nature has survived in Brazilian and international collective imaginary until nowadays (Menezes, 2000) and has had political and cultural consequences. The transfer of the Kaiabi to Xingu park was not consensual nor an easy step to take by the Kaiabi. Deluded with the promise of a land without evil , where everything was given as a gift, many Kaiabi regretted having abandoned their traditional land in Rio dos Peixes and Teles Pires, but the return was not easy or recommended by the Villas Bas. Therefore, the only option was to construct a new life in the new land, which belonged to other indigenous peoples. For the ones who refused to go, the episode of the transfer also represented the beg inning of another stage in their lives, in which encounters with treasure hunters attracted by Amazonian natural richness would continue in a faster and permanent way.

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102 Figure 3 1. Map showing the location of Kaiabi ancestral territory and the demographic situation of the group between 1955 and 1966. Source: Dornstauder (1985), reprinted in Grnberg (2004).

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103 Figure 3 2. Map of Xingu Park and location of Arraias River close to the Tywape Vigilance Post (PIV) in the northwestern region. Source: ISA ( 2008 a)

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104 CHAPTER 4 THE KAIABI AFTER THE DIASPORA: ADAPTATION AND LAND STRUGGLES IN NEW TERRITORIAL CONFIGUR ATIONS Introduction The history of the process of securing rights over land among Amazonian indigenous peoples has had a direct effect on the adaptation of these societies to highly politicized and contested landscapes (Hierro and Surra ls, 2005; Albert, 2005). These were formally turned into indigenous lands through the complex and sometimes exhausting process of land demarcation i n Brazil. To under stand how indigenous peoples became empowered to secure their land rights and at the same time provide for the conservation of such a significant portion of the Brazilian Amazon, we have to go back to the 1970s, when indigenous social movements began to mobilize and get organized in Brazil (Albert, 2000) Since the Indian Statute was approved in 1973, the formal recognition of indigenous lands has had to follow certain administrat ive procedures, in accordance with Article 19 of the Statute These procedures stipulate the stages of the long demarcation process. They are regulated by an Executive Decree and, over the years, have gone thro ugh many alterations (ISA, 2008 c). It was through indigenous peoples struggles, supported by indigenists activists, NGOs and the Catholic Church, that the indigenous movement grew, got stronger and was able to influ ence the Constitution of 1988 in their favor, which r ecognized their rights over land and to their cultural identity (Ramos, 1998). In the Const itution of 1988, indigenous peoples were given both the right to be culturally diff erent, as well as the right to their lands: The indigenous peoples are the first and natural owners of the land. Indigenous lands are those perman ently inhabited by them, used for their productive activities, and indispensable for the preservation of natural resources needed for their welfare and for their physical and social reproduction in accordance to their uses, habits and traditions . (ISA, 2008 c) The Brazilian Consti tution of 1988

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105 is considered a benchmark and an example for other Latin American countries in terms of recognition of indigenous peoples rights over their lands. Today, the Brazilian Amazon is home to the greatest cultural and environmental diversity of t he Americas, where 222 indigenous groups live in 430 indigenous lands, totaling almost 21% of the region (see Figure 41; ISA, 2008 c). According to Nepstad et al (2006), indigenous lands are currently the main barrier against deforestation and environmental fragmentation. The three Kaiabi groups have been subjected to all types of political conflicts related to land struggles, which have influenced their contemporary territoriality, the environmental degradation or conservation of their lands and their re lationships with the State and between each other. In this chapter, I present an account of what happened to the three Kaiabi groups after the displacement in terms of demography, socioeconomic configurations and processes of encounter with new agents and adaptation to new places. I also present a description of the process of land demarcation among the Rio dos Peixes and Teles Pires groups, as well as of land claims and struggles in which the three groups are currently involved. Despite the apparent isola tion, we should not underestimate the capacity of recover y and of forging alliances among the three groups. As we are going to discuss in this chapter, kinship and alliances to advance land claim struggles have reuni ted Kaiabi groups in new social, political and territorial contexts. The Ones who Left: The A daptation to Xingu Park after the T ransfer The different social and environmental conditions in Xingu Park presented many challenges to the Kaiabi in the years after their transfer. Conscious of livin g in the land of other people and missing the access to natural resources and to manufactured goods previously enjoyed through their contact with rubber tappers, some Kaiabi initially expressed the wish to return to their homeland. According to Mairaw, a lot of people wanted to return to Tatuy and Teles Pires ; many of them tried. Bu t the others would warn them: If you go, you are going to

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106 suffer, there will be no food, and something might happen to you. Kupeap1 wanted to go, but his family did not let h im. Cludio said that the land was already taken by the whites in the Tatuy region. He knew what the government wanted with the land. How would we know how to impede this, create a r eservation? For them, the more i ndians at Xingu P ark, the better . Fernand o Apiak, married to Rosinha Kaiabi (Morefw) currently resident of Teles Pires close to Kururuzinho village, was one of the few people who went to Xingu Park and later returned to the original area. He told of his adventures in trying to get back to Teles Pires, in a traumatic tr ip which la sted eight months. He, his wife, and her father, mother and brother in law went to Xingu by plane with the others from the So Benedito landing strip They stayed there from May to August, then returned on foot and arri ved back to the Teles Pires area in January of the following year. He mentions that he was used to buy ing things, and in Xingu he couldnt. He went to the BR 080 highway which crosses the northern portion of the Park, to exchange things with the whites, b ut the Villas Bas met him there and argued with him, telling him that he should not do this and that he was teaching the others bad habits He did not like this, and decided to come back to Teles Pires. O n the way back, their food and clothing ran out Rubber tap pers and cat hunters helped them with food. His mother in law was sick; he had to carry her on his shoulders part of the way. Mairaw acknowledges both the good and bad aspects of the Villas Bas work, the creation of Xingu Park and the transfer of the Kaiabi to Xingu : There are things that we, indi ans, are learning with you, nonin dians. The world is not perfect; things are just like this, all twisted . the Villas Bas got the indians, took them out of their land, but they did a good job. Wha t is good about this? This land (Xingu) is big and there are 14 t o 17 tribes which get along 1 Son of the chief Temeioni who came to Xingu from Rio dos Peixes by plane. Kupeap is o ne of the most knowledgeable Kaiabi elders one of the most experienced basketry weavers still alive. He lives in Capivara village.

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107 wel l ; there is no more warfare. The whites do not understand each other, but here the indigenous peoples did it. It was a good thing also because the Kaiabi popula tion is increasing here, instead of diminishing. On the other hand, what went wrong? Taking indigenous groups from one land and bringing them to another . like I say, you killed the truth; you killed the root s of the people For me, this is a crime, taking you out of your land; your history is there . When the Kaiabi arrived at Xingu, they met the truly xinguano groups, which still used (until now) to walk around naked, painted and adorned, in contrast with the cabloclized2 lifestyle of the Kaiab i, after many years of intense contact with the rubber tappers and other nonindige nous individuals The Kaiabi and the other groups who were transferred to Xingu are considered outsiders by the upper Xingu tribes (see section on Parks description for a m ore detailed account of upper Xingu groups), which have lived in the region for thousands of years (Franchetto and Heckenberger, 2001). At the time of the transfer and until the movement of the Kaiabi towards the permanent occupation of the north portion of the Park, the relationship between them and upper Xingu groups was less conflictive than it is nowadays. In the Park, we can observe a clear tendency to narrow the separation between north and south, not only in geographical but in political, educational and health service aspects (see Chapter 6). Not only the Kaiabi, but all the outsider tribes newcomers to the Xingu, are afraid of witchcraft and of the power of the upper Xingu shamans. The Kaiabi avoid attending the well known upper xinguano cultural c eremonies such as the jawari (a mock battle) or the kwarup (a mortary ritual), and rarely play soccer with upper X ingu teams, even if they are invited (Oakdale, 1996). 2 Caboclized here means more acculturated, in the sense that the Kaiabi were already dressing in non indigenous clothing; men were able to speak Portuguese; and they used manufactured products due to their closer contact with rubber tappers.

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108 Despite the resistance, interact ions and cultural, economic and political exchanges bet ween newcomers and xinguanos we re unavoidable and happened in different domains. For instance, t he Kaiabi brought to the Xingu many crop varieties that were unknown to the upper Xingu tribes (Silva, 2004), learning with them how to prepare a different type of cassava pancake (from cassava starch) and other cassavabased beverages and dishes. Upper Xingu representatives have participated in Kaiabi political meetings and in the creation and functioning of ATIX (Associao Terra Indgena Xingu, see next chapter for a detailed d escription), a political organiz ation run by the Kaiabi since 1995. The Kaiabi have also exchanged handicrafts for industrialised goods with upper X ingu representatives during meetings and visits to posts and villages. As Suzanne Oakdale noted in the 1990s and still happens in the present, in spite of being con sidered more acculturated in contrast with the more culturall y pure upper X ingu groups, the Kaiabi exchange coconut shell necklaces, baskets and feathers with the upper xinguanos for industrialised products such as beads, dresses, blankets, towels and other goods. In the Xingu, K aiabi traditional settlement pattern s involving a number of dispersed and relatively fixed small family units, each grouped around a chief ( wyriat ), ev entually gave way to larger villages located along the main waterways (Oakdale 1996). Some of these villages were, and still are, located on old Suy3 villages, which used to occupy the northern portion of the Park before the Kaiabi. The construction of bigger villages, in which several families with no close kinship links would live together, was encouraged by the Parks administration in order to improve access and services. This has, in some cases, resulted in social friction and conflicts, as well as in the villages becoming increasingly fixed in space, and the people increasingly 3 The Suy ar e a G speaking group which has inhabited the Xingu and Sui Miu rivers region for mor e than 1, 000 years (Seeger, 1981). They have interacted with the upper Xingu groups, from which they have assimilated many cultural traditions.

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109 sedentary (Senra et al. 2004). The access to better health assistance, provided by the EPM/UNIFESP (Escola Paulista de Medicina/Universidade Federal de So Paulo), combined w ith social changes faced after the transfer, have caused significant demographic growth among the Kaiabi (Villas Bas, 2005; Pagliaro, 2005, see section on demography on Chapter 6). Coupled with population growth, the process of village sedentarization ha s contributed to the over exploitation of fertile soils and to growing pressure on natural resources of cultural and economic importance (Athayde et al 2002; Senra et al 2004). Since I began to work in the Park in 1997, I have noticed that some elderly chiefs have been moving away from the bigger villages to small villages they call ranches , in which they live with their nuclear and sometimes extended families. Nevertheless some of them still keep strong social and economic relationships with their r elatives in the bigger villages. Kaiabi pattern s of occupation of space are dynamic, as they used to be in the past, before their transfer to the new land. The difference is that they are now circumscribed to the Parks area, which limits their mobility an d trekking activities, as before the transfer they were used to often changing village location s and perform ing long excursions to gather natural resources and explore new territories (Lea, 1997; Grnberg, 2004). E ven being geographically circumscribed to the northern area of the Xingu Park, the Kaiabi still show a notable capacity to move nowadays The social landscape is quite dynamic, and can change significantly from one year to the other. The opening of new smaller villages or ranches as they are cal led is also related to social friction and conflicts between different families. In bigger villages, gossip, jealousy, small thefts, adultery, rape, alcohol consumption and other social misbehaviours are more prone to happen and more difficult to control t han in smaller villages, where social control is greater.

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110 Some elders mention that in Xingu they have lost their freedom: isolation and the difficulty of travel ing to nearby cities have meant the development of a dependency on chiefs and relatives who possess greater mobility and flexibility. This situation has twisted social order and hierarchic relations among the Xingu Kaiabi in different ways (Oakdale, 1996). For instance, the power of the elders who used to be chiefs or wyryat (male patriarchs) has somehow been transferred to younger leaders, most of them paid officers, who travel to towns and bring industrializ ed goods back to the community. This re orientation of social organiz ation and power as a function of the poss ibility of access ing and dis tributing industrialised goods has also been observed among upper Xingu groups and other Amazonian peoples (Fisher, 2000; Heckenberger, 2005). The Ones who Remained: The Adaptation of Rio dos Peixes and Teles Pires Groups and Processes of Land Demarcation There are few published accounts of the situation of the other two Kaiabi groups who remained in Rio dos Peixes and Teles Pires areas after the successive transfer episodes to Xingu, which lasted nearly twenty years (see Figure 4 2 for the current geograp hical location of the three Kaiabi groups) Among those, it is worth mention ing that anthropological reports done for FUNAI as a result of official land claim processes are important documents which serve as sources of historical information. For the Rio dos Peixes Kaiabi, the most relevant sources of information describing their situation after the transfer are Wenzel (1983), Meli (1993) and Senra (2002), who wrote an anthropological report for the process of claiming the Batelo land. More recently, Silv a et al (2000) prepared a report about a tr ip by me and some colleagues to the Rio dos Peixes village in 1999. For the Teles Pires Kaiabi the most comprehensive document describing their situation after the transfer is the anthropological report that Patrcia de Mendona Rodrigues (1994) organized for the FUNAI working group (GT) created for the

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111 enlargement of the Kayabi land in Par. The following description is partly based on those documents and partly derived from interviews and testimonies collected during my fieldwork in both areas. Rio dos Peixes At Rio dos Peixes, on the occasion of the transfer to the Xingu, the community organized a meeting and some seven families decided to stay behind. According to the testimony of Simo Kaiabi, one of the el ders at Rio dos Peixes and the most experienced basketry weaver, people who refused to go were the families of Tafut (elder, alive), Lus Pedro (elder, alive), Chico (passed away, the first cacique or chief after the transfer), Joaquim (Tevit, elder, alive living at Xingu now), Gilberto (passed away), Kwasiari (passed away) and him. In the first years after the last official transfer of the Rio dos Peixes Kaiabi to Xingu, there was no contact with Xingu relatives. Mairaw told me that after the administra tion of Xingu Park changed from the Villas Bas brothers to Olympio Serra around 1974, the Xingu Kaiabi communicated with Olympio about their lack of contact with their relatives in Rio dos Peixes and their will to visit them. Finally, in 1978 (twelve year s after the last transfer), the first expedition to visit the Rio dos Peixes village was organized by the Xingu Kaiabi. A group of five men from Xingu, including Mairaw, left Diauarum Post by plane and arrived at Juara. After flying many hours trying to f ind the Rio dos Peixes villages landing strip they landed at a ranch and asked the ranchers if they knew the Indians who supposedly lived nearby. They told them that it was close, they could land there and the landing strip was good. They took off again but did not find the village and ended up landing at an other ranchers strip. They were told that they could go by boat and that 30 minutes from there they would find a lot of Indians. They did not have a boat so they had to use an old canoe. It took them the whole day and part of the night to go up the river until they reached the village.

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112 At that time, F ather Joo Dornstauder4 was still alive and he was in the village. The n ext day they had a big meeting with the community: it was very emotional, the e lderly meeting each other, crying. The community told the group of visitors what happened after they left, that F ather Joo was helping them to write documents to claim Batelo land s back (see next sections) and that they wanted to move back to the Batel o area, where the main villages were located in the past, before the transfer. Community members told the visiting group that there was a process initiated with FUNAI to regain control over the traditional land and that t hey did not want to stay in Rio dos P eixes P ost, because it was Munduruku5 territory. They wanted to go back to Batelo region, and asked the group from Xingu to help them. But at that time, there was no possibility to communicate by radio, phone or internet. After the group left, they los t contact again until the 1980s, when they began to sparsely communicate with each other via radio. During the 1980s and 1990s, with the improvement of existing roads and construction of new ones, linking Juara with Marcelndia and Sinop, the transit of people between Xingu and Rio dos Peixes increased. Capivara villagers were the most frequent travellers, and some families wh o were living in Xingu moved back to Rio dos Peixes. Cansio Kaiabi is a good example of this movement between the two areas: he was born in a village in Batelo, went to Xingu with his uncle Temeioni by plane in 1966, and was the chief of Capivara village until 1998, when he formally asket to be transferred back to Rio dos Peixes. He told me that he did not adapt to Xingu. Before his permanent move back, he used to travel from Xingu to Rio dos Peixes almost every year, to visit relatives and collect natural resources (especially Braz il nut, arum used to 4 Missionary that worked with the Kaiabi in the 1960s, see Chapter 1. 5 The Munduruku people speak an isolated langua ge in the Tupi stock. They live in different territories and regions in the states of Par, Amazon River and Mato Grosso. They were one of the fiercest enemies of the Kaiabi, who mention war battles against them in their ceremonial chants performed in Jowo si festivals. They share the land with the Kaiabi in the Apiak Kaiabi land in Rio dos Peixes, numbering nearly 64 people. They also share the land with Kaiabi and Apiak peoples in the Kayabi land at Teles Pires, Par, numbering 244 (Travassos, 1984; Ramos, 2003).

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113 make baskets and wood for bows) to bring back to Xingu. In some of these travels, he would bring his sons and daughters, who eventually ended up getting married at Rio dos Peixes and staying there. The Anchieta Mission (which later became OPAN, Operao Anchieta), is a Catholic Church group which has worked with indigenous peoples in Mato Grosso since 1938. It was the main institution to provide support for education, health and political assistance to the Rio dos Peixes Kaiabi for many years after the transfer, until FUNAIs post was created and FUNASA (Fundao Nacional de Sade) began to provide health service s to indigenous peoples in Brazil. Some village residents lived several years in the Utiariti mission in Cuiab, eventually returning to the village (Meli, 1993; Grnberg, 2004). Lourdes, the widow of chief Chico, told me that it was difficult to survive after the transfer: at that time there was no contact with any body; we did not know how they were doing. We survived here because of the Misso Anchieta F ather Joo and then other priests and nuns. We had Portuguese classes, school. My daughters understand our language but they dont speak; maybe they are ashamed to speak their own language. There were always some priests and nuns in the village, who were also responsible for running the school and teaching Portuguese to the residents. A s Meli (1993) emphasizes, the C atholic presence in the village was (and still is) very strong and marked by the efforts to promote socioeconomic development in the community, such as handicraft workshops for the women, and mechanics and car pentry for the men. The CIMI (Conselho Indigenista Missionrio) assum ed the missionary work of OPAN in the village, and keeps a priest and a nun living there until the present Catarina Katumait Kaiabi is one of the older women in Tatuy, who also still kn ows how to weave hammocks and conserve crop plants in her home garden. She was born in a small

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114 tributary of the Batelo River. She said that in the past they used to live in the interior of the forest, not along the course of the main rivers. She mentioned that the first outsiders who came to exploit resources in the area after the rubber tappers left were fur hunters or trappers (in Portuguese, gateiros) who used to hunt and trade wild feline pelts, including ocelots and jaguars. A lot of Kaiabi men wo rked for the gateiros during the time of the transfer to Xingu, both in Rio dos Peixes and in Teles Pires area. They would travel far accompanying the gatei ros who would pay them in goods and food. Sometimes, deadly conflicts occur red o n these hunting expeditions. Catarina told me that the gateiros used to give alcoholic beverages to Kaiabi men, also bringing liquor to the village. Fisher (2000) mentions the involvement of the Bakaj Xikrin (a Kayap group) with fur trappers after the decline of rubbe r tap ping in the Amazonian region. According to him, SPI officers were also involved in the trapping activity, as they used to work with rubber patrons. According to Tafut Kaiabi, the eldest man and last shaman still alive in the village, born in a villag e in Batelo region, after the transfer there was a lot of mahogany in the Rio dos Peixes area, with great pressure from nonindigenous loggers to exploit it. They were lacking financial resources to buy tools, gasoline, food, and clothing. Therefore, the chief Chico decided to sell timber to get money for the community. This began some three years after the transfer to Xingu and lasted nearly four years, until chief Chico died. The next chief, named Kutap (Gilberto) continued selling timber to the whites until there was not one mahogany tree standing. He mentioned that the Apiak also used to sell timber in the area they controlled The loggers would bring nonindigenous food from the city to the villagers, who got used to it and began to use the money f rom the timber to buy more industrializ ed goods and food from the cities nearby.

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115 With the installation of ranches and towns close to the indigenous reservation (such as the city of Juara, founded in 1973), the contact between the Kaiabi from Rio dos Peixe s and Brazilian nonindigenous society (in this case represented largely by ranchers, hunters, loggers and migrants) increased exponentially. The commerce of produc ts and exchange for industrializ ed goods also increased, as well as the temporary work of Kaiabi men in the ranches. After F ather Joo Dornstauder died, in the beginning of the 1980s, Rio dos Peixes villagers faced difficulties to control their land and resources. He used to be the main interlocutor between the Kaiabi and the outside society, gat hering resources, medication, gasoline and other types of support to the area. He also helped them to control problems and to carry out land demarcation and land claim processes. During the 1970s, due to the increased occupation of the surroundings of th e area shared by the Kaiabi, the Apiak6 and the Munduruku by settlers, migrants and ranchers, it was necessary to promote the official demarcation of the reserve (Meli, 1993). As I understand it, the Kaiabi had little influence in the decision on the bor ders of the area and on other details concerning the planning and demarcation process es which w ere conducted by the Diamantino mission (catholic mission) and FUNAI, respectively. Several interventions and changes in the extension and borders of the area f ollowed the first proposal approved by FUNAI in 1968 (Decree 63.368 of 10/08/1968, redefined by Decree 74.477 of 08/20/1974). The first demarcation occurred in 1975, with 25,160 ha destined to the Apiak and 47,450 ha to the Kaiabi (FUNAI, 6 The Apiak are a Tupi Guarani speaking group which originally was one of the Kaiabi enemy tribes. Numbering around 2.700 people in the midnineteenth century, they were almost exterminated on the occasion of the contact with the whites by sla ughter, epidemics and also fights with other tribes. By 1912, their population was reduced to some 32 people. Nowadays, they live in the northern part of Mato Grosso state, scattered along the Arinos, Juruena and Teles Pires rivers. However, the majority o f the population (nearly 92 in 1999) shares the Kaiabi Apiac land with the Kaiabi and Munduruku in Rio dos Peixes area (Wenzel, 1999).

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116 1983). This firs t delimitation was not preceded by an official FUNAI anthropological study as is nowadays required by law. In 1978, the Kaiabi and Apiak initiated another process for the revision of the boundaries of the land, which, acc ording to them, did not include t he sacred land in the region of the Rio dos Peixes water falls, rubber and Brazil nut stands ( seringais and castanhais in Portuguese) bamboo stands (used for their arrows), and special areas for agriculture, hunting and fishing (FUNAI, 1983). Years later, the state government gave to CEMAT (Centrais Eltricas Matogrossenses) the right to explore the hydroelectric potential in the region of the Rio dos Peixes Falls, overlapping with the area already claimed by the Kaiabi and Apiak as their sacred site s In 1982, a conflict arose between the Kaiabi and CEMAT, with the Indians interrupting the construction of a road through Porto dos Gachos municipality, which would cut their ancestral lands to reach the CEMAT construction area (FUNAI, 1987). FUNAIs response was faster after this incident, with the creation, in the same year, of a study group (GT 88.118/83) to carry out the study of the land requested by the Indians. In 1984, after many negotiations between indigenous leaders, CEMAT, FUNAI and the Anchieta Mi ssion, a consensus was reached, in which the Kaiabi would agree to the construction of the hydroelectric plant above the falls, which would not destroy the sacred falls, and FUNAI agreed to the demarcation of 42,000 ha in addition to the 67,610 ha already legalized (FUNAI, 1987). Finally, the Apiak Kaiabi area was demarcated and officially registered by the Decree 394 of 21/06/1991 with 109,245 ha. T he hydroelectric plan t was n ever built (for political and economic reasons) The demarcation process and t he subsequent changes in the Apiak Kaiabi land limits has entailed (until now, see section on land claiming for an update of this conflict and legal struggles) a lot of conflict with neighbour ranchers, mainly with ranchers residing at Porto dos

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117 Gachos7 and Tabapor municipalities, which are located some 100 km from the reserve. Big ranchers sometimes are al so part of or very influential i n local government, augmenting the pressure on indigenous lands and impeding advancement of land claim Even though t he Kaiabi were successful in the first land claim process related to the inclusion of the falls in the ir land, today they occupy only a minimal portion of what used to be the heart of their land. Teles Pires The Teles Pires or Par Kaiabi are a group of people descended from the Kaiabi who used to occupy the middle Teles Pires valley and the Rio dos Peixes. With the pressure of rubber tappers settlers and later on of miners, they progressively dislocated their villages to the north or lower Teles Pires, eventually reaching the border between Mato Grosso and P ar states, where they settled at the beginning of the twentieth century (Rodrigues, 1994). Base d on testimonies of elders such as Coron8 who nowadays lives in Kururuzinho village, we can imagine a lot of movement in Teles Pires by the Kaiabi before and after the transfer to Xingu. For instance, Coron was born in a Rio dos Peixes tributary, moved with his family to a little mountain chain in Rio dos Peixes region (Serra dos Caiabis), then moved again to the banks of the Rio dos Peixes building a village there. When he was close to age 18, he went to work for CONOMALI opening land for colonization. There he met the gateiros (trappers), who offered him and his relatives mu nition s in exchange for work hunting wild animals. He traveled for months with his father, brother and two nonindigenous (wh ites) hunting wild cats and giant otters Eventually, they had conflicts with the whites and abandoned them, establishing a village in the lower Teles 7 Porto dos Gachos municipality was founded in 1955, by migrants coming from the state of Rio Grande do Sul in the sou th of Brazil (commonly called gachos), who founded CONOMALI, a governmental enterprise destined to support the colonization of the northwestern region of Mato Grosso State (Grnberg, 2004). 8 Masia is his indigenous name, but I will use Coron to dist inguish from the Masia from Tuiarar village in Xingu.

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118 Pires a lready in Par. According to Ryp, Corons wife, her family came to Par heading down the Teles Pires River. She said that the whites wanted to tame the Indians, hiring them first to work in the rubber ta pping activity, and th en in pelt hunting. Jywatu ( nickname Atu), current chief of the Kururuzinho village, is the son of a former great chief (Manoel, Kaiabi named Kum) who was influential in the choice of not moving to Xingu. He used to move a lot from village to village. He told me that they used to tra vel looking for fruits and other natural resources. When the rubber tappers arrived, they scattered along the Teles Pires. Some established villages and began to give names to placesin his words, they began to make history At the time of the transfe r to Xingu, there were many Kaiabi villages scattered in the middle and lower Teles Pires sectors .9 Coron said that he was traveling with some whites, hunting in Santa Rosa River, when he found out that Cludio Villas Bas had already t aken some of his re latives to Xingu. His brother Tamanauu had already left, and nowadays is a leader and wyryat (see C hapter 3) in Ilha Grande village at Xingu Park Coron said: Im not going, what am I going to do there? Like him, five other families who lived close to the current Kururuzinho Post and village refused to leave: Chico (Kupeuwu, shaman, lives between Teles Pires and Xingu nowadays), Andr (Pyreai, Valdirs father), Jywatus father (Kum), Wyrakatu (Selmas father, passed away) and Teme (elder, deceased ). In the beginning of the 1970s, the So Benedito mining company coming from So Paulo installed its mining field in the So Benedito River, right on the site of an old Kaiabi village. The company, besides the mining operations, also exploited a Brazil nut s tand ( castanhal ) in the 9 Here, I adopted the geographical division proposed by Rodrigues (1994:5): the upper Teles Pires ranges from its headwaters until the Rio Verde delta; the middle Teles Pires goes from Rio Verde delt a to the Sete Quedas Falls in Par, natural divison between Mato Grosso and Par states; and the lower Teles Pires ranges from the Sete Quedas falls until its delta, in which it merges with the Juruena to form the great Tapajs.

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119 region and employed indigenous as a labor force, also buying cassava flour from them. Many Kaiabi, Munduruk and Apiak Indians worked in the mining operations at that time. Also in 1970, after the last group (close to 73 people) w as transferred to Xingu by plane, the few families remaining, totaling around 15 people, were scar ed of being forced to move to Xingu and also afraid of the threats from So Benedito company officers. They hid in the woods for approximately two months (Rodrigues, 1994). It seems that So Benedito officers wanted all the Kaiabi to move to Xingu. The remaining group, commanded by Manoel Kaiabi, decided to settle in one of their old villages, on the right Teles Pires riverbank, a little further down from wher e the Kururuzinho Post and village is located nowadays. In the place where the Post was created, there was only one old man living at that time, named Teme. After Fernando Apiak returned from Xingu, he also settled nearby with his family. In 1973, a FUNAI officer registered 31 people living around Manoels village (Rodrigues, 1994). This group suffered with the lack of assistance from the government, and with invasion of their territory by trappers, miners and then loggers. The boat traders (regates) also used to exploit the Indians through a system of exchange of indigenous products (flour, fish, Brazil nut, rubber) for industrialized goods. In 1976, the linguist Rose Dobson visited the Teles Pires Kaiabi at their new location, reporting that they were back in their old village sites, such as the Kururu River. She said that the situation of the group was good, and that they were planting manioc to produce flour to sell to the So Benedito mining company and also to the new ranch called Santa Rosa recen tly installed on the Santa Rosa River. According to her, there was plenty of fish and game (Dobson, 1976 cited by Rodrigues, 1994). The Kururuzinho Post and village w ere created in 1987 by FUNAI, in response to old demands of the Kaiabi who had moved to this location after the last transfer of their relatives to Xingu. The old Kaiabi Post, located down the Teles Pires close to

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120 the confluence with the Juruena, was transformed into the Teles Pires Post, coming to serve the Munduruku, who live d in that regio n. In the 1980s, the Teles Pires valley was invaded by thousands of gold prospectors (garimpeiros) coming from different parts of Brazil (Rodrigues, 1994) Hundreds of rafts and dredge s were installed along the Teles Pires and other Tapajs tributaries such as Peixoto de Azevedo, occupying Kaiabis old villages and sacred sites such as the Morro do Jabuti, a rock formation rich in limestone. Remains of these rafts can still be seen until now when one travels along the Teles Pires going to the Kururuzinho Post and village. Various little towns appeared with the gold at that time. The gold hunters were responsible for great environmental degradation in the Teles Pires River. The dredges caused damages to the river such as silting pollution and the death of fish and other animals t hrough contamination with mercury used in gold mining operations. The Kaiabi told me that the river was as white as milk and that they could not drink the river water anymore; they had to get water to drink from small streams and from other Teles Pires tributaries. At the time of the gold prospecting fever in the region, some Kaiabi worked for gold mining patrons and others used to sell fish, cassava flour, banana and other agricultural products to the gold miners. The massive gol d mining operations in the middle and lower Teles Pires valley lasted almost twenty years. In the beginning of the 1990s, with the decrease in gold prices most mining operations stagnated in the center western region of Brazil, causing population reduction and the return to agriculture and logging activities (Azevedo and Delgado, 2002). In 2000, researchers conducted studies on mercury contamination in fish in the Teles Pires and Kururuzinho rivers, and also among the Kaiabi, finding a high concentration of the metal in the fish, the base of Kaiabi diet (CIMI, 2001).

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121 The fight by the Kaiabi to secure rights to land in the lower Teles Pires began in the early 1940s, when a n SPI offic er solicited the concession, for the Kaiabi, of an area between the Prata stream and the So Benedito River, both tributaries of the Teles Pires, totaling around 1,790,000 ha according to updated calculations presented by Rodrigues (1994:107). As expected, taking in to account the governments land demarcation polices in force a t that time the government agreed to give to the indians a small er area of lesser economic value, extending only 166,500 ha (Decree n 251, 03/11/1945) In 1975, FUNAI authorized the demarcation of the land conceded in 1945, but the company responsible f or the demarcation, in a hidden agreement with some corrupt FUNAI officers, left out side of the borders the area occupied by the mining company. The area demarcated in 1975 had only 117,246 ha, not 166 ,500 ha as it should have been according to the Decree of 1945 (Rodrigues, 1994). The area was officially registered in 1982 (Decree 87.842 of 11/22/1982), but FUNAI officers immediately recognized that anthropological studies were needed for a clearer and more adequate definition of its limits. In 1987, a FUN AI anthropologist proposed t he interdiction of the land (52,500 ha) left out side the borders during the demarcation process, which happened in 1990 (Rodrigues, 1994). In 1993, FUNAI constituted a new GT (GT 1137, 11/12/1993) coordinated by anthropologist P atrcia M. Rodrigues, to review and identify new borders for the Kayabi land. In 1994, she proposed a new demarcation of the Kayabi land, exten ding its area to nearl y 1,400,000 ha, recognized as area of traditional occupation by the Kaiabi, in accordance with the Brazilian Constituti on of 1988. However, almost 400,000 ha of those proposed 1,400,000 ha overlapped with an area that belonged to the Brazilian Ministry of Defense, which contested the report (ISA, 2002). The solution found by FUNAI and the Mini stry of Justice was to remove this area from the boundary of the indigenous land. Therefore, in 2002,

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122 the Kayabi Indigenous land finally was declared by the Brazilian government through De cree 1.149 of 10/03/2002 with 1,053,000 ha, giving permanent possess ion to the Kayabi, Apiak and Munduruk Indians (ISA, 2002). However, since then, the demarcation process has been delayed by various contestations and interventions, as we are going to discuss in the next section on current land claims. Indigenous Land D emarcation in Brazil and Kaiabi Land Claims In this section, I will present a description of the history of the process of establishing indigenous lands in Brazil, followed by an account of the situation of three current Kaiabi land claim struggles: 1) T I Batelo in Rio dos Peixes (TI Terra Indgena or Indigenous Land); 2) enlargement of TI Kayabi in Teles Pires; and 3) creation of a new indigenous land adjacent to the Xingu Park area, in the Arraias river, for the Xingu Kaiabi. According to ISA (2008 c ), the process of legal recognition of indigenous lands by the Brazilian government includes various stages or phases: 1) S tudies of identification of the land, in which FUNAI chooses an anthropologist to organize a working group (GT G rupo de T rabalho) which will carry out studies about the land in question and produce a report identifying the indigenous land, within a given time limit. 2) Approval, in which the report produced by the GT has to be formally approved by the president of FUNAI, who will authorize its publication in the DOU (Dirio Oficial da Unio the Federal Governments official publication) and in the Dirio Oficial of the s tate where the future TI will be located. The publication must also be displayed in the local municipality. 3) Resolution of disputes: f rom the beginning of the procedures up to 90 days after the publication of the report in the DOU any interested parties including s tates and municipalities, may manifest themself by presenting FUNAI their arguments, along with all pert inent evidence with the aim of demanding indemnification or to demonstrate inconsistencies, gaps or errors in the report. F UNAI then has

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123 60 days, in addition to th e 90, to elaborate opinions on the arguments of all interested parties and hand over the process to the Ministry of Justice. 4) Declaration of boundaries of the indigenous land: the M inister of Justice will have 30 days to: (a) emit a directive declaring the boundaries of the area and determining the beginning of its physical demarcation; or (b) prescribe judicial proceedings to be carried out for 90 additional days or (c) disapprove the identification, publishing a decision substantiated upon paragraph one of Article 231 of the Constitution. 5) Physical demarcation: once the boundaries of the ar ea are declared, FUNAI promotes its physical demarcation. At this stage, INCRA (Instituto Nacional de Colonizao e Reforma Agrria National Institute for Colonization and Agrarian Reform) will give priority to the resettlement of any non Indian occupant s of the TI 6) Ratification : finally, the demarcation procedure must be submitted to the President of the Republic for homologation by decree. 7) Registration: the indigenous l and will then be registered, within a maximum of 30 days after the ratification with the notary of the correspondent judicial district and in the SPU (Servio de Patrimnio da Unio, Service of Union Patrimony). Decree 1775 of Jan uary 8 1996, by the President of Brazil has caused a large impact in the process of creation of indige nous lands. Also known as the Jobim Decree it was written by then Minister of Justice Nelson Jobim the main transformation in the process of creation of indigenous lands brought about by this decree was that any person or entity has the right to conte st the report produced by the GT and previously approved by FUNAI: presenting to the Federal agency for indigenous affairs (FUNAI) reasons instructed with all pertinent proofs, such as land titles, expert reports, witnesses testimonies, photographs and ma ps, aiming to claim compensation or to demonstrate corruptions or errors, total or partial, in the report produced by the GT (Bras il, 1996). This legal instrument has caused a great deal of conflict and delay in the

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124 creation of indigenous lands, since aft er any contestation, FUNAI has to send another expert to the area to carry out more anthropological and technical studies in order for the Ministry of Justice to approve or disapprove the creation of the land and the terms under which it would occur. There fore, some indigenous lands in Brazil, such as the Kayabi Land on Teles Pires River might wait more than ten years to be created, in an endless cycle of contestation and response, in which the victims of a slow bureaucratic process often are the indigenous peoples and the environment. Despite the successful intervention in the 1970s and 1980s, of the indigenous grassroots movements in official public polices recognizing their rights over lands the process of indigenous lands recognition and demarcation i n Brazil nowadays is still a very contested and difficult one. We can think about indigenous lands in the Amazon as a mosaic quilt in which every piece is in a different stage concerning: 1) the formal phases of demarcation and 2) the post registration dilemma of territorial management and governance. Lands in both situations suffer various types of pressures over nat ural resources and mineral riches that occur inside or in their surroundings, pressures which are clearly greater over lands not yet demarcated and registered The list of threats and conflicts is not short: invasions by miners, fishers, hunters, loggers and settlers; environmental degradation or pollution; deforestation; territorial overlapping with other conservation units; conflicts over land with the Brazilian army; construction of roads or hydroelectric dams; etc (ISA, 2008 c). The three Kaiabi groups have suffered, to a greater or lesser extent, many o f these threats and impacts on the resources of both their already recognized lands and t heir claimed ones. Shortly after the process of transfer of the Kaiabi to Xingu Park, the remaining groups began to worry about securing their rights to land. At that time, in the beginning of the 1970s, the

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125 Brazilian government polices towards indigenous peoples w ere still aimed towards their assimilation to the national society (see C hapter 3 ). The occupation and development of the empty Amazon was the governments main development objective. There was an obvious clash between settlers, ranchers and ind igenous peoples interests, and little doubt of whose interests the government would prioritize (Menezes, 2000). As I mentioned before, the trend at that time was the establishment of small indigenous lands to enable only the physical reproduction of indig enous peoples, since they were considered human beings in the process of cultural assimilation. The creation of the two existing legally recognized Kaiabi lands (TI Apiak Kaiabi and TI Kayabi), with the exception of Xingu P ark which is a sui generis cas e was influenced by the polices and constraints of that time. Sacred places, sites of occurrence of important natural resources and the graveyards of Kaiabi ancestors, which for them were the most obvious proof of immemorial occupation, were left outsid e the boundaries of current lands. Various other indigenous groups in Brazilian Amazon have faced the same challenges as the Kaiabi, and followed comparable paths in terms of adaptation, resistance and attempts to return to ancestral territories after dis placement events related to Brazilian governmental development policies. Displacement events due mainly to road construction (such as the Panar case) and colonization projects (Kaiabi, Rikbatsa, Xavante) happened mostly around the 1970s, with attempts, so metimes successful, to return to or assert rights over ancestral lands, mostly in the 1990s (Pasca, 2002). The Panar suffered with the construction of the Cuiab Santarm road, which cut across their traditional territory. The violence of the contact re sulted in the extermination of two thirds of their population from epidemics and massacres. In 1975, they were transferred by the Funai to Xingu Indigenous Park. However, in contrast with the Kaiabi, they never really adapted to the new cultural and enviro nmental landscape of the Park. Around

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126 1995, after twenty years exiled, with support of indigenists and NGOs, the Panar won back part of their ancestral land, where they built a new village. Besides this victory, of regaining rights over a portion of their traditional land, in 2000 they were the first indigenous group in Brazilian history to win a lawsuit against the Brazilian government and FUNAI, including monetary compensation for material and moral damages caused by the contact (ISA, 2004). The case of the Panar and other indigenous cases in the Amazon support the argument that indigenous peoples may be more innovative and resilient than previously thought, challenging deterministic ideas of their assimilation into the bigger national society. Batelo Indigenous Land In Rio dos Peixes, on the occasion of the creation of the Tatuy Post by priest Joo Dornstauder in 1960, some families relocated there (initially 30 people) from their ancestral occupation sites located in the region of the Batelo River ( named Yaruu by the Kaiabi, which means big boat), a Rio dos Peixes tributary. The families which remained in the Batelo river, approximately 130 km upriver, lived under the leadership of Chief Temeoni10, and were part of the group which was transferred to Xingu Park in 1966 (Senra, 2002). Shortly after the families left, the Batelo region began to be occupied by migrants ranchers and settlers coming from the south of Brazil. The group which remained, suffering with the impact of the transfer, did not have the power to fight against the occupation of their ancestral land. Senra (2002) compared the actions of missionaries with th ose of the Villas Bas brothers: both encouraged the relocation of the Kaiabi to other sites, provoking a neither consensua l nor voluntary abandonment of the land where, as they say, their relatives were buried. Besides the dislocation to the Tatuy Post, the practice of taking children and youth to study in the Utiariti mission was another action of the 10 Temeoni was a great patr iarc h in the Batelo area. Most members of his family live today in Capivara village in Xingu Park. He died shortly after the transfer to Xingu Park.

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127 missionaries that contr ibuted to the groups disaggregation, cultural loss and territory abandonment (Senra, op. cit.). T he proposal of the missionaries for the creation of the existing Apiak Kayabi land did not include Kaiabis old villages and sites of occurrence of importa nt natural resources. Later on, in the beginning of the 1980s, with the threat of the Rio dos Peixes hydroelectric plant the Kaiabi restarted the struggle to get back at least part of their nuclear territory in Batelo River, w here the main villages were located until the 1960s (Wenzel, 1983). The fight for this land has had the important support of some Xingu Kaiabi who relocated from Xingu Park back to Rio dos Peixes, including Cansios family and Yurumuks family, which relocated at the end of the 1990s. After our travel with a group of Kaiabi from Xingu in 1999, including part of Yurumuks family, in which we visited several villages and sites in the Batelo area, the wish to have that land back was strongly regained amongst both the Xingu and the Rio dos Peixes Kaiabi. Yurumuk decided to abandon Marak village in Xingu Park and went back to Rio dos Peixes with his family with the main objective of fighting for the land w h ere his father was buried. The expeditions and visits of the Kaiabi to the area we re always reason for worries and conflicts with ranchers of Tabapor municipality. The climax of these conflicts happened with the permanent disappearance and possible assassination of Owit Kaiabi, Yurumuks eldest son, in January of 2003 (Barreto, 2003). Owit was very active in the fight for the land, and participated in the GT instituted in 2001 to study the area under claim In 1996, before the event described above, FUNAI carried out a preliminary study of the region, in response to a request made by a big rancher (Fazenda Tapena, from the Macisa company) installed on the left bank of the Batelo river. The anthropologist responsible for this study emphasized the ur gent need for the creation of an official GT to deal specifically with the

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128 Kaiabi claims to the Batelo region (Dal Poz, 1996). At that time, the process of environmental degradation of that area was already occuring at a fast pace, with the intrusion of loggers and the opening of new areas for cattle ranching. FUNAI did not respond to that suggestion. Therefore, in 1998, the Xingu Kaiabi, supported by other indigenous leaders from Xingu Park, had a personal meeting with Sullivan Silvestre (president of FUNAI at that time) at Diauarum Post. O n the occasion, they handed in a document asking f or a response from FUNAI concerning their old request of promoting official studies of the Batelo land as well as the creation of a new indigenous land adjacent to the Xingu P ark. Part of this document is transcribed below, translated from Senra (2002: 8) : We Kaiabi were transferred some 40 years ago from the land where we used to live and where our relatives are buried. At the tim e of the transfer, many of us did not want to abandon the land and still today, the elder s think about going back to the r egion of Teles Pires and Tatuy [Rio dos Peixes] w here we used to live. Since the transfer, the nonindigenous who occupied our lands are destroying the forest and dirtying the rivers. Today, that region, in the Rio dos Peixes and Teles Pires rivers, is almost completely spoiled and occupied by the whites. The Kaiabi, with the support of Xingu leaders, handed in a document to FUNAI presidency on 03/10/97, proposing actions to repair the loss of our territory. However, FUNAIs president did not give us any answer. After that, in a meeting at PI Diauarum in July of 1998, the President promised to sign a decree creating a working group [GT] to study the situation and analyze the creation of a n area for the Kaiabi neighboring Xingu Park and also to recover areas close to TI Apiak Kayabi in Rio dos Peixes. Until now the working group was not created and we did not receive any answer .

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129 On that o ccasion FUNAIs president promised to the Kaiabi that both GTs would be immediately created. Unfortunately, shortly after that FUNAI President Silvestre died in a plane crash The next President, Mrcio Lacerda, also promised to create the GT but left FU NAI shortly thereafter without making good on his promises. Finally, under the presidency of Carlos Mars, the GT for ident ification of Batelo land was created in 2001, and coordinated by anthropologist Klinton Senra. The st udies were carried out under pressure due to conflicts with ranchers and residen ts of the area, who tried to prevent the anthropologist accompanied by so me Kaiabi an d other technicians, from entering the area. In the identification report, Se nra (2002) indicated the need to demarcate a piece of land in the Batelo river for the Kaiabi, recognizing the immemorial occupation of the place and the location of sacred sites and strategic natural resource clusters. Senra (2002), accompanied by Kaiabi representatives, carried out a brief zoning of the land in question, reaching an agreement upon the extension and location of the proposed area, based both on current occupation and the status of degradation, and also on the presence of sacred sites and ecosystems which would enable the physical and cultural reproduction of the group, as required by law (Figure 43). Therefore, the area proposed includes three ecological zones: 1) rivers, lagoons and their margins; 2) upland forested areas (named kaa rete by the Kaiabi) and 3) mountain and savanna fragments (Senra, 2002). Many people I intervie wed in Rio dos Peixes in 2007, especially the elders, mentioned the importa nce of securing that piece of land for t he Kaiabi. First of all, there wa s the traditional land of the Kaiabi, where old villages, sacred sites and cemeteries of ancestors were located. Second, because of the existence of natural resources (plants and anim als) which were vital for Kaiabi social reproduction and occured only in that region, such as clusters of taquari (kamaiyp, Guadua sp), the prized bamboo used for arrows which occur in little mounds in the

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130 savanna ecosystem; the clay used by the women t o make pottery in the past; different types of honey produced by stingless bees which only occur there; various fruits; and more abundance of game, especially monkeys and wild pigs. Also, some Kaiabi mentioned that in Batelo there is more variety and abundance of fish in comparison to the Rio dos Peixes village area, because of the presence of lagoons. Some fish species do not pass over the Rio dos Peixes falls and are therefore concentrated in the upper river and its tributaries. These include certain sp ecies of amuat, acar, trara, and pac . Finally, the soil there is very fertile, with big patches of black earth ant hr opogenic soils ( kofet capoeira), which are highly appreciated for agriculture. Raimundo (Jewi Kwasiari) told me that Batelo is the true Kaiabi land, and where they are living now is other peoples land. In the past, they used to come to this region to get siriva for their bows and collect Brazil nut s Cansio compared the Batelo area with Xingu: The f irst thing is that in Ba telo there is good soil, which produces our crops well, very different than in Xingu. Because we say that there the soil is not good. But in Batelo, you can plant in any place and it will yield good production. And also there are plants which still grow from the past, such as papaya, potato, urucum; I saw a lot. The only thing we did not have there was Brazil nut s So in the past we usually came down here to get Brazil nut s and bow s . The identification report for the creat ion of the TI Batelo, with 117,050 ha (Figure 4 3), was approved by FUNAI only in 2008 (Decree 787 of 04/25/2008), and it is currently open for contestations. Contestations came even before the approval of this report. I personally witnessed the legal contestation process opened by Ta bapor and Porto dos Gachos ranchers against the creation of TI Batelo, which was opened in 1999 and is still in course. In the document, the ranchers accused the Kaiabi of having abandoned their own land and exchanged their territory for the area they o ccupy i n Xingu Park. Among other inconsistencies, the ranchers deny that the

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131 area is the site of immemorial Kaiabi occupation, and ask the judiciary authority to impede or prohibit the entrance of Kaiabi residents to the area under contestation. In June of 2007 there was a big meeting in the Diauarum Post, w here Kaiabi indigenous leaders along with ISA lawyers FUNAI representatives and other practitioners and authorities discussed the content of the lawsuit produced by Tabapor and Porto dos Gachos ran chers against the creation of the TI Batelo. Since then ISAs lawyers h ave supported FUNAIs lawyers responding to this process, which is still under FUNAIs and the Brazilian judicial systems analysis. Another anthropologist was sent to the area to car ry out further studies, but the process continued to stagnate It appears that it will be a challenge for the Kaiabi to win this struggle and get at least a small piece of their traditional territory back. TI Kayabi in Teles Pires The situation of TI Kaya bi in Teles Pires is also problematic, though it has gone one step further in comparison to the TI Batelo. However, since the approval of the report resulting from the GT carried out by Patrcia Rodrigues in 1994 and the declaration of the extens ion of the existing land with 1,053,000 ha by the federal government in 2002, different judicial processes which have been fil ed by local ranchers and logging companies owning lands inside the area in contestation have realy delayed its demarcation. The existing la nd is located in the Par state, on the right bank of the Teles Pires River, which is the natural border of the demarcated land. The claimed land is adjacent to the existing one, located in Mato Grosso state, on the left bank of the Teles Pires (Figure 4 4 ). The whole land in question is part of a mosaic of different indigenous lands and protected areas such as ecological stations, state parks, federal parks and national forests.

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132 In August of 2004, I was at Kururuzinho Post and village along with a group of Xingu Kaiabi .11 One day after we arrived, an officer from PPTAL/FUNAI (Projeto Integrado de Proteo s Populaes e Terras Indgen as da Amaznia Legal) got there and organized a meeting to set up the details of the demarcation process, which supposedly w ould begin shortly, with the subsequent arrival of officers from FUNAI and the Federal Police. The Kaiabi would actively participate in the demarcation process, and part of the funds destined to this work had already been transferred to the Kawaip associat ion .12 During the meeting, the officer received a phone call through the radio: somebody told him that the demarcation was suspended because ranchers had opened a judicial process contesting the report approved by FUNAI and asking for additional studies to prove that the area in question was traditional ly occupied by the Kaiabi. The anthropologist and priest Eugnio Wenzel was hired to carry out subsequent anthropological studies in order to respond to this process. In his report, Wenzel (2005) concluded tha t the area in question can be considered to be of traditional use and occupancy by the Kaiabi, taking into account that they have been circulating in that region of the lower Teles Pires for more than fifty years. Moreover, the area is needed for the phys ical and cultural r eproduction of the Kaiabi, as is stated in the Federal Constitution of 1988, because there are strategic natu ral resources which only occur on the Mato Grosso side . In addition to strategic natural resources, it is in the Mato Grosso portion that the Morro do Jaboti (Tortoise Mound) is located,13 considered a sacred site by the Kaiabi and a valuable site for miners interests, since it is a big limestone reservoir. It is also the place of an old Kaiabi 11 We went there as part of a project for revitalization of basketry and textiles among the Xingu and the Teles Pires groups (Kaiabi Araa project, mentioned in the Introduction). 12 The local political association of the Teles Pires Kaiabi; see Chapter 6 for more details. 13 The geographical location of this mound is S085810.2 and W570945.7 I personally visited the site in 2004, accompanied by some Kaiabi. On its top, there is a beautiful limestone cave, considered to be sacred by the Kaiabi.

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133 village, where some residents wh o went to Xingu used to live, such as Xup (father of Aturi or Jowosipep), nowadays resident at Tuiarar village. The main Teles Pires tributaries existing in the region are the Ximari, the Santa Rosa and the Piranha Preta rivers, all located in the contest ed area. In the Ximari, during the dry season, it is possible to colle ct tortoise and tortoise eggs, foods very appreciated by the Kaiabi (Wenzel, 2005). In the Santa Rosa River, there is more fish abundance in comparison to the Teles Pires, especially the fish named matrinch ( Brycon lundii ) highly appreciated by the Kaiabi and by sport fishing tourists who frequently come to fish in the region. Concerning forest resources, the Kaiabi affirm that there are more fruits and materials fo r handicrafts and c onstruction on the Mato Grosso side. For instance, there are bigger stands of Brazil nut s and copaba (in Kaiabi Kupaiyp, Copaifera sp, from which is extracted medicinal oil) trees in Mato Grosso, and the siriva palm used for bows (see next chapter on natural resources) occurs only there. Also, stands of babau palm (in Kaiabi Inatauu, Orbygnia phalerata), highly appreciated for its fruits and for roof thatching only occur in Mato Grosso. Shortly after Wenzel presented his report to FUNAI, the group of ranchers did not accept his findings and asked again for further investigation. They re opened the lawsuit of contestation in 2005, hiring another anthropologist from a consultancy company, who carried out some additional studies and presented a count er report in which he affirmed that the area under dispute was never occupied by the Kaiabi. Therefore, this time FUNAI sent another anthropologist, Dr. Marcos Paulo Schettino, from the federal Minsitry of Justice to carry out further investigations and r espond to the counter report produced by the anthropologist hired by the ranchers .14 Schettino (2005) organized a comprehensive report about the area and its situation, corroborating 14 I did not have a ccess to this report, but its content was explained to me by personal communication from Frede rico Oliveira and by Kaiabi representatives.

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134 the two previous studies carried out by Rodrigues (1994) and Wenzel (2005) According to him, the area under dispute is of traditional occupancy by the Kaiabi, Apiak and Munduruk Indians since the beginning of the 20th century. The area is also needed for the physical and cultural reproduction of the Kaiabi according to their habits and traditions, as is stated in the Federal Constitution of 1988. Moreover, Schettino (2005) highlights that most of the land titles he ld by ranchers and other nonindigenous occupants authors of the lawsuit are relatively recent, dating from 1984, and that the effective possession of land, as well as logging and cattle raising activities, began to occur during or after the conclusion of the studies done by Rodrigues (1994) for FUNAI. He emphasized that in many cases the deforestation had occurred illegally and that the process of land demarcation had caused an enormous increase in deforestation (most of ten practiced illegally) in recent years, between 200 2 and 2005. He affirmed that: the authors of the lawsuit, under the threat of losing the land due to its demarcation as an indigenous land, were driven more by the possibility of fast profit than properly of spontaneous use and occupation, as a result of a natural interest in enjoying their propertiesthis type of occupation, many times carried ou t disrespecting the law, has caused deep environmental impacts. It occurred initially in forested areas considered intact until 1994 with primary vegetation and high biodiversity when the land was studied by FUNAI, as well as, in consequence, in headwa ters of micro watersheds and their tributaries, c onstituting an environmental crime, unfortunately harming the integrity of the indigenous territory still in the demarcation process . (Schettino, 2005:27) The Kaiabi have n ot been passive in this dispute, having organized in the past ten years innumerous meetings, protests, documents and visits to Braslia to speak about the problem with representatives from FUNAI and Ministry of Justice. The Kaiabi from Xingu invited by Teles Pires relatives, have also participated in the struggle over this land in different ways. Some of the

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135 Xingu residents interviewed said that if the area w ere demarcated and registered for the Kaiabi, they would move back there to ensure the protection of the land. The current President o f Kawaip Association is Tarawi K aiabi, who moved to Teles Pires motivated by the wish to gain back the area which had been occupied by his grandfather. In June of 2007, when I was at Diauarum Post participating in Kaiabi meetings about land struggles, a FUNAI lawyer who was also there announced that the area finally would be demarcated, and that the lawsuits had been struck down. Just like a replay of the same sad movie, in June of 2008, when everything was ready for the demarcation, another lawsuit proc ess was triggered and the demarcation suspended again. The inconstancy of FUNAI administration, with changes in Presidency every other month or year do es not help to accelerate this already complex land demarcation process The Kaiabi are very unhappy wit h this situation and are not going to remain quiet. Arraias River in Xingu Region When the first groups of Kaiabi arrived in Xingu Park coming on foot from Rio dos Peixes and Teles Pires, such as the family of Mairaw, they established villages in the nor thwestern portion of the Park, along the Arraias and the Manitsau rivers. These groups lived in and used that area for approximately ten years before moving closer to Diauarum Post to have easier access to health services and other types of support. Later on, some Kaiabi families moved to that region and established new villages, such as the Aipor (old Kururu), Joos15 ranch and the Sobradinho village The northwestern border of Xingu Park is one of the most threatened due to the action of loggers and illegal fishing and hunting. Since ATIX began to develop activities of patrolling the Parks borders various vigilance or monitoring posts (PIV Posto 15 Joo Kaiabi is a shaman who used to live in the town of Marcelndia but moved back to the Park and opened a new village, where he threat en s people. We will talk more about his village and his curing ceremonie s in Chapter 8 when we discuss the Marak healing festival where basketry and cotton are used.

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136 Indgena de Vigilncia) have been established in strategic points around the Parks borders. One of thos e is located o n the Arraias River, the PI Tywape. From the beginning of the 1990s until now, the Kaiabi have often had problems with invaders and loggers in that region. In 1998, a group of fishermen was arrested by the Kaiabi close to the PIV Tywape and brought to Diauarum post, where they were kept in captivity for a couple of days until the authorities such as FUNAI and IBAMA came to Diauarum Post to have a meeting with Kaiabi and other groups leaders. As a result of negotiations deriving from this inc ident, ATIX and the indians began to run the project for monitoring t he parks borders, previously run by FUNAI. It was o n that occasion, during exhausting meeti ngs he ld by the Kaiabi with other indigenous groups representatives, that the indians had the idea to claim a piece of land adjacent to the Park in its northwestern portion. The creation of this land was justified by them for various reasons: first, it wo uld guar antee to the Kaiabi and to other peoples that live in the north portion of the Park a r eservoir of land and resources for their immediate and future use, taking into account that the environment of that region is more similar to that of Kaiabi ancestral territory, in terms of forest physiognomy and composition, compared to the area towards t he south of the Park, where most Kaiabi villages are located today. For instance, some species which do not occur or occur sparsely in other park areas can be found in the forests of that region, such as the arum used in basketry and the aa palm fru it, both of great economic and cultural value for the Kaiabi. Also, the good soi ls for agriculture (black earth or terras pretas) are being exhausted inside the Park, which poses a threat to the future food security of the Kaiabi. Second, the creation of a reserve there would reinforce the protection of that region which is more vulnerable to invasions and environmental impacts than others. It would basically work as a buffer zone for the Park. T hird, the region is still relatively well conserved from th e environmental standpoint, which

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137 would also justify its special protection, given the alarming deforestation rates around Xingu Park in particular and in Mato Grosso in general. In 1998, the Kaiabi handed a document to FUNAIs President in which they la id out the reasons for the establishment of a reserve o n the Arraias river, together with other land claim processes such as TI Batelo Rio dos Peixes and TI Kayabi Teles Pires. In 2000, the new FUNAI President Carlos Mars authorized a preliminary study o f the area, which would inform the decision on the creation or not of an official GT to identify the a rea in question. The studies w ere carried out by the anthropologist Klinton Senra, accompanied by a group of Kaiabi, and a report was delivered to FUNAI in 2001 (Senra, 2001) The main conclusion reached by this preliminary study refer s to the need to conduct a real GT to identify the area, which would be justified by compliance with the principles established in the Federal Constitution of 1988 (mainly ar ticle 231) for the creation of indigenous lands. Primarily, there has been traditional use of the land and natural resources by indigenous peoples such as the Kaiabi and Yudja at least in the last fifty years. The law requires a traditional use of the land, which does not necessarily mean an immemorial occupation, but the way that the resources and land are used such as fishing, hunting, collecting and practicing agriculture (Senra, 2001). This area is relevant to ensure the cultural and physical rep roduction of indigenous peoples who were not originally in habitants of Xingu Park taking in to account the occurrence of important forest resources, game and fish. Another point brought up by Senra (2001) is that in the original project for the creation o f Xingu Park, the area to be destined for the Indians, was significantly bigger than the land officially approved and demarcated. As indigenous peoples populations grow, the pressure over land and resources is increased. With the sedentarization of villag es, the pressure over plant and animal resources is augmented, as well as the environmental impacts and deforestation

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138 carried out by ranchers, loggers and other resource users living and working in the surroundings of the Park. Therefore, the extension of the Parks area through the creation of satellite smaller areas in strategic sites around its borders would ultimately mean insurance, in medium and long terms, for the maintenance of a balance between residents and resources (Senra, 2001). Today, ten ye ars after the first request and seven after the report, there is still no action taken by FUNAI in response to this request. This request has also been used against the Kaiabi by ranchers from the Tabapor region near the TI Batelo: they accuse the Kaiabi of having proposed to trade or bargain their ancestral land in Batelo for this one claimed in the Arraias River, which is not true. Conclusion While the Kaiabi who were transferred to Xingu Park were struggling to adapt to the new socio cultural and e nvironmental conditions, the two other groups which remained in Tapajs watershed the Rio dos Peixes or Tatuy Kaiabi and the Teles Pires or Par Kaiabi were struggling to survive and resist the occupation of their lands by nonindigenous invaders such as loggers, miners, ranchers and hunters The three groups began a new chapter in their history with the transfer. The Xingu Kaiabi became more isolated from contact with nonindigenous society than the other two groups. This was the policy implemented by the Villas Bas brothers at that time, and one which is followed still: the more isolated the Indians remain, the better for the preservation of their culture . The Rio dos Peixes group suffered from lack of support, especially after the death of priest Joo Dornstauder. The Teles Pires group was the one that suffered most after they refused to relocate, especially after the So Benedito mining c ompany established itself in the region they use d to occupy. Both groups that remained continued to work as as sistants for nonindigenous agents who came to the Amazon to exploit its natural richness: trappers, miners,

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139 loggers. The arrangements for work were similar to those of rubber tapper patrons; therefore the Kaiabi did not feel a big difference between the r ubber boom and the new opportunities for making money or goods in exchange for labour. In contrast, the relocated people in the Xingu initially suffered from the lack of choice and paid work, which would enable them to buy industrializ ed goods as they wer e used to previously. The Xingu Kaiabi began to live under a highly paternalist ic regime, getting goods as gifts or exchanging handicrafts for goods with other indigenous groups or with nonindigenous individuals. This has profound consequences in the way that the Xingu Kaiabi relate to work and labor nowadays, and their eagerness for gifts. A preliminary conclusion possible to be envisioned at this time (still to be deepened as we progress in this dissertation) is that one of the reasons which led the Ka iabi to keep and innovate their knowledge on handicrafts was the lack of option in getting money or goods through labor, which they used to get when involved in tap ping rubber. We can consider that none of the Kaiabi groups currently live in what was once their traditional territory before the contact with nonindigenous Brazilians The closest group are the Rio dos Peixes Kaiabi, since the actual land includes a little portion of the traditional land, which is located further up the river, beyond the Rio dos Peixes waterfall. The Teles Pires Kaiabi are also living in an area to which they were pushed by the rubber tappers settlers and ranchers, located further down the Teles Pires river from the areas they occupied in the upper Teles Pires on the occasio n of contact with whites. Nevertheless, Kaiabi groups have constructed their destinies and inscribed history in the new landscapes they occupied before and after the displacement (Santos Granero, 2005). In this regard, Schama (1995) considers that landscap es are the result of human agency applied to natural settings over time. This idea has practical

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140 implications in the demarcation of indigenous lands in Brazil, since the writing of history for indigenous peoples might mean traditional use in the 1988 Constitution. To clarify this metaphor different interviewees mentioned the fact that after living in a specific place, they would begin to give name s to places and to groupings of resources (e.g. castanhais Brazil nut stands). Jywatu and Mairawe referred t o the making of history in a given place over a given amount of time. This writing of history in the landscape (Santos Granero, 2005:186) or place making can be compared with the idea of traditional use, not necessarily immemorial, but one that is alive in memory and oral tradition. In the Kaiabi case, m obility and sedentarism seem to interplay through history before and after contact with westerners, where t he concept of territoriality itself may be interpreted as in constant movement (Athayde et al. 2009) The Kaiabi have configured new territories, embedded in highly politicized, institutionalized and contested spaces such as Xingu Park (Oakdale, 1996; Menezes, 2000). Land claiming processes have been very traumatic, longterm and frustrating exper iences among the Kaiabi. Ancestral cemeteries and sacred places are now inside ranches and towns On the other hand, these struggles have enabled new alliances, strengthened local institutions and helped build leadership among the three groups.

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141 Fig ure 4 1. Location of indigenous lands in Brazil. In the red polygon, location of Xingu Park (PIX), Apiak Kaiabi Land, TI Kayabi in Teles Pires and TI Batelo (claimed). PIX TI Apiaka Kaiabi TI Kayabi Teles Pires

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142 Figure 4 2. Detail of the location of the three areas occupied by the Kaiabi in Mato Grosso: PI Xingu, TI Apiak Kayabi and TI Kayabi, marked with red triangles. Source: Adapted from ISA (2008a ).

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143 Figure 4 3. Map of delimitation of TI Batelo in Rio dos Peixes region, showing the location of old Kaiabi villages.

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144 Fi gure 4 4. Map of delimitation of TI Kayabi in Teles Pires region.

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145 CHAPTER 5 ENVIRONMENTAL CONTRASTS, ADAPTATION AFTE R DISPLACEMENT AND NATURAL RESOURCE MANAGEMENT AC ROSS THREE KAIABI LA NDS Introduction Indigenous lands in Brazil show the lowest levels of deforestation in comparison with other legally protected areas (COIAB and TNC, 2006). A recent study done by COIAB (Coordination of Indigenous Organizations of Brazilian Amazon) and the NGO TNC (The Nature Conservancy) reports that inside the Indigenous lands the deforestation rate is around 1.1% in comparison with 1.52% in federal wildlife protected areas (COIAB and TNC, 2006). These data are important to ground the biocultural resilience concept, which states that biological and cultural diversity are i ntrinsically correlated and co evolve in history (Pretty et al ., 2009). Along with extractive reserves and other protected areas, indigenous lands constitute green corridors that enable cons ervation at species, community, ecosystem and landscape levels. Ad ditionally, indigenous lands provide numerous environmental services to the broader Brazilian society, such as clean water, climate stabilization and biodiversity protection. The richness of natural resources present in indigenous land is coveted by many social actors who participate in Amazonian occupation and development. Therefore, indigenous lands are also viewed as a reserve of resources, that might be exploited as opportunities appear. The exploitation of resources inside indigenous lands with a comm ercial purpose is prohibited by law, but this has not prevented indigenous peoples from reaching agreements with non indigenous individuals for logging, mining, fishing and hunting in their lands. After the struggle over land rights is solved, indigenous peoples need to be able to manage and protect that territory and its resources. In theory, t his should be supported by the s tate, through FUNAIs actions and projects In practice, government and FUNAI structures are insufficient to carry out this difficu lt task. The sustainable management of indigenous lands in

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146 A mazonia is a critical subject on the environmental conservation agenda (and lately, of the climate change issue). Among the Kaiabi, geographical displacement caused a disruption in the traditional systems of managing natural resources, and also meant a loss in access to resources of cultural and economical importance. From the environmental standpoint, the Xingu is significantly different from the other two areas originally occupied by the Kaiabi While in the Xingu the Kaiabi were adapting to the different environment and to the lack of choice in terms of resource availability, the two other groups in the traditional lands were subjected to different pressures and exploitation of resources by ext ernal agents. This chapter presents an overview of the environmental landscape of each land occupied by the Kaiabi, including a description of their particular status and threats in terms of environmental conservation. The main question I aim to answer here relates to the mechanisms developed by the Xingu Kaiabi to adapt to the environmental constraints faced after the transfer. I also present the results of a free listing exercise carried out with men and women across the three groups, on selected plants of cultural and economic importance which occur in their ancestral territories. Environmental C ontrasts between the Three A reas The process of adaptation to Xingu has been constrained by the climatic, geomorphic and ecological differences between Xingu P ark and the areas traditionally occupied by the Kaiabi in the Tapajs watershed. Both Xingu and Tapajs rivers flow from south to north into the Amazon The dos Peixes river has the totality of its course within Mato Grosso state. Its delta is located in the Arinos river, a Juruena affluent, which is a Tapajs tributary. The relief is flatter in the Xingu, a tertiary plain, in contrast with the older, hilly and rocky landscape of the ancestral region.

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147 According to Kppens classification, the climate in the Xingu is tropical, including two types: Am tropical monsoon climate with monsoon rains and Aw tropical or savanna climate, with wet summer s and dry winter s. It shows a transition between the domains of the Amazon rain forest and the Brazilian centr al plateau, which is covered with savannas, and has two delimited seasons (Radam Brasil, 1981). The total annual pre cipitation oscillates between 2,000 and 2,750 mm ( increasing from southe ast to northwest) and the mediuan annual temperatures vary between 2 4o and 26oC. In spite of the high relative humidity, from 80 to 85%, there are two periods with distin ct pluvial precipitation indices : the rainy season, which occurs during spring/summer, concentrating more than 80% of the total rainfall, and the dry peri od, between April and September, with low pluvial indexes, where one may register two consecutive months without any rain (Radam Brasil, op. cit.). This seasonal variation has great influence over indigenous peoples who live in the Xingu and whose agricultural, fishing, hunting and collecting calendars as well as cultural festivals depend on the dry wet binomial seasonality. In the region comprised by Rio dos Peixes and Teles Pires areas in the Tapajs watershed, the climate is classified as Am, hot a nd humid, with monsoon rains and a small dry period observed during the winter. The annual pluvial rate is high, close to 25002750 mm annually, with less intensity of rainfall between May and August. The relative air humidity is around 85% and the medium temperature is 24oC (Radam Brasil, 1980). Xingu Park is l ocated in a n ecological transitional zone between savannas semi deciduous forests a nd lowland tropical forests, in which a mosaic of various types of ecosystems make up the landscape (Radam Brasil, 1981). Towards the south, there are the rive rs which form the Xingu, which make up a sub basin including rivers such as the Von den Stein, Jatob, Ronuro, Batovi, Kurisevo and Kuluene, this last one being the main Xingu tributary, when it

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148 meets the Batovi Ronuro. To the south, in the upper Xingu area, savannas predominate whereas to the north, forest patches are bigger in extension, with the majority of the trees l osing their leaves during the dry season (Silva and Athayde, 2004). Plant species typical to the Amazonian region do not occur or occur sparsely within the Parks limits, such as the rubber tree ( Hevea brasiliensis ), mahogany ( Swietenia macrophylla) and the Brazil nut tree ( Bertholletia excelsa ). T he extension of flooded riparian forests is gre ater in Xingu, while the river landscape lacks the rocks and rapids of the Tapajs River. In contrast to the Xingu, t he forest appearance, structure and composition in the Tapajs are typically Amazonian. Xingu is poorer in resources of economic importance for both extractivism and commercial timber exploitation (Radam Brasil 1980; 1981; Silva and Athayde 2004). At Rio dos Peixes and Teles Pires, savannas and semi deciduous forests occur in the form of contact with other forest formations, especially with t he Amazonian rainforest. The savannas have always been used by the Kaiabi for hunting and for collection of a variety of fruits and specific resources such as the taquari , a bamboo used to make arrows ( Guadua sp, which does not occur in Xingu Park), found only in rocky areas within the small mountain range area denominated Serra dos Caiabis in the Rio dos Peixes region (Silva and Athayde, 1999). In both Rio dos Peixes and Teles Pires areas we can find Amazonian species of economic importance, such as Br azil nut, rubber, valuable wood species such as mahogany ( Swietenia macrophylla), fruits such as cocoa ( Theobroma cacao ) and a variety of palms such as aa ( Euterpe precatoria), pupunha brava ( Bactris macana), patau ( Oenocarpus bataua) and others. The environmental contrasts between the areas are also reflected in the faunal composition. According to the Kaiabi, in the ancestral area there is more quantity and diversity of mammals and birds than in the Xingu, which means greater game availability. Some animal

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149 species which do not occur in the Park are the araracanga or little red macaw ( Ara macao ), as well as other parrot and macaw species, used for the confection of feather head bands and arrows; some stingless bee species, wh ose honey is highly appreciated by the Kaiabi; and mollusk s wh ose shells were used in the past to make necklaces and other adornments (Silva and Athayde, 2004). Regarding fish species, in the Xingu and in Teles Pires there is more availability and diversity of fish than in Ri o dos Peixes. The tambaqui fish ( Colossoma macropomum ) for example, occurs in Teles Pires but does not occur in Xingu or Rio dos Peixes. The Kaiabi mention that in Rio dos Peixes there is great availability of wild pigs ( Tayassu tajacu) whereas in Teles P ires, it is apparently easier to hunt a tapir ( Tapirus terrestris), a highly appreciated game. Monkeys, present in all three areas, especially the capuchin monkey ( Cebus apella) and the spider monkey ( Ateles paniscus ), are also very important in the Kaiabi diet, representing a good source of protein during the rainy season, when it becomes more difficult to fish because of the higher level of river waters. Jaguars ( Panthera onca) used to attack Kaiabi camps in the past and kill people, mainly children and w ome n. The Kaiabi still use jaguar teeth and claws to produce ceremonial necklaces, which can be used on ly by a great shaman or chief. Jaguars can still be found at Xingu and Teles Pires, but are very scarce in Rio dos Peixes. Environmental Conservation St atus and Threats The Apiak Kaiabi land in Rio dos Peixes (109,245 ha) is significantly smaller than the Kayabi land in Teles Pires (declared 1,053.000 ha, see C hapter 6) and the environment has been subject to greater pressure, disturba nce and deforestat ion. The differences between the two areas are magnified by management practices and pressure over specific resources. Furthermore, the heart of Kaiabi territory in Rio dos Peixes, in the Batelo river, was left out of the borders of Apiak Kaiabi land in the process of its demarcation. Resources present only in the Batelo area,

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150 which have symbolic and cultural importance for the Kaiabi are the special clay1 used by the women to make pot tery in the past and the mollusks used in necklace and ritual adornme nts (Silva et al., 1999). The Kaiabi also share this small portion of land with the Munduruk and Apiak groups, making the pressure on important economic resources, such as Brazil nut and fish, even greater. Therefore, plant and animal resources once abundant in that area are nowadays scarce, and some are located outside the borders of the area. Kayabi land in Teles Pires shows a similar situation in terms of access to strategic resources : the area located in the Mato Grosso portion of the Teles Pires riv er was also left out in the demarcation process. It is in this area that the most important cultural and economic natural resources occur, such as big stands of Brazil nut trees, fruits and other materials used for handicrafts and house construction. Nowadays, the Apiak Kaiabi area is a little refug e of great ecosystem patchiness in the middle of a cattle ranching landscape. Travelling to the area, one can observe large cattle ranches over the land that was once visited by Kaiabi and other groups to gather resources such as the Brazil nut. The only trees standing are palms and isolated Brazil nut trees in the middle of the pastures. In the expedition carried out by a group of Xingu Kaiabi to the Rio dos Peixes river in 1999 in which I participated, we wer e able to verify that many ranches and properties established along the Rio dos Peixes and Batelo rivers do not comply with the Brazilian environmenta l law regarding the protection of riparian forests covering the riverbanks (Law 4.771, of 09/15/1965; Silva et al., 2000). The deforestation and occ upation of areas close to riverbanks causes major 1 In 1999, I participated in a historical tr ip to the Rio dos Peixes with a group of Kaiabi from Xingu and some nonindigenous researchers. We visited histori cal sites in the Batelo region, and we tried to find the place from which they used to extract the clay used to make pottery in the past, in an excursion which lasted many hours (Silva et al., 1999; Senra et al., 2000). An elder wh o lived in Rio dos Peixe s and had moved to Capivara village in Xingu was the one who presumably knew where the clay spot was located, but we could not find it and we ended up giving up the mission.

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151 environmental impacts such as river silting, pollution, erosion and loss of habitat for plant and animal species. The main environmental pressures faced by the Ri o dos Peixes Kaiabi today are invasion and encroachment of their land by ranchers; exhaustion of fish resources (taking into account the natural low fish availability and the fact that some people sell them in towns); river pollution and siltation by cattl e ranching operations on the banks of the Rio dos Peixes and its tributaries; the act ions of logging companies in the area claimed o n the Batelo river; and the planned construction of the Rio dos Peixes hydroelectric plant (see C hapter 4). The establishme nt of sm all groupings of families near the Rio dos Peixes waterfall is a strategy adopted by the group to have greater control over that area, which is more prone to invasions. The situation of the Kayabi land in Teles Pires is critical from a conservatio n standpoint. While the process of extension or revision of land borders has dragged on for more than ten years, loggers, ranchers and big companies who have their land lots in the area to de demarcated for the Kayabi are chopping down what is left of the once exuberant forest. Teles Pires river is still contaminated with mercury from gold mining operations, posing an extra threat to the Kaiabi, Apiak and Munduruk groups who depend on fishing as the main protein source of their diet. Logging, agriculture and cattle ranching are the main economic activities of Alta Floresta, Apiacs and Paranata municipalities in Mato Grosso and Jacareacanga municipality in Par, which have direct and indirect effects on the Teles Pires Kaiabi and their contested territory Illegal commercial logging is the economic activity which has caused by far the strongest impacts inside the already demarcated land as well as on the land in process of demarcation. According to data collected by SEMA MT (Secretaria do Meio Ambiente Mato Grosso, 2008) for a period of two years, between 2006 and 2008, the volume of timber legally exploited

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152 in Alta Floresta municipality was 123,318 m3 and of 279,026 for Apiacs municipality, whose area is adjacent to the Kayabi land, worth close to $US 2,508,631 and $US 6,987,344 respectively. There are about 90 species commercially exploited for timber in the region, of which the main ones in terms of volume exploited are amescla (Protium heptaphyllum); angelim pedra ( Hymenolobium excelsum); cam bar ( Vochysia sp); cedrinho ( Erisma uncinatum ); garapeira ( Apuleia sp); champagne ( Dypterix sp); jatob ( Hymenaea courbaril ); itaba ( Mezilaurus itauba); maaranduba ( Manilkara huberi ); and sumama ( Ceiba pentandra), among others (SEMA, 2008). Another economic activity which brings some environmental impacts, but also economic benefits for the Kaiabi, is the sport fishing practiced along the indigenous land borders in the Teles Pires River. As I am going to discuss in the next chapter, the main current source of income of the se Kaiabi is the money that they receive from the fishing resorts. Conflicts and contested properties are abundant on one of the last continuous fragments of forest over 1,000,000 ha to be demarcated for indigenous peopl es in the Amazon. For instance, the multinational company BRASCAN acquired an area of 136,000 ha (former Santa Rosa ranch) in the Santa Rosa river, inside the land to be demarcated. BRASCAN officers and representatives tried to reach agreements with the Kaiabi concerning the use of that area by them until the demarcation battle is over (Rodrigues, 2004; Wenzel, 2005). The Kaiabi have received different monetary proposals from companies, loggers and miners concerning the possibility of use and exploitation of the resources contained in their area. These proposals are sometimes very attractive and have caused social conflicts and divergence of opinions among the members of the Kururuzinho post and village. Joo Kaiabi, in an interview given to some IBAMA (Ins tituto Brasileiro do Meio Ambiente e dos Recursos Naturais

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153 Renovveis) representatives, ga ve vent to his feelings about the complicated situation of the Teles Pires Kaiabi: we are cloistered, ranches there, settlers, loggers, miners, everybody surrounding us, therefore we are like in an island. We are fighting to secure the land for ourselves so we dont mix with the white men . w e are fighting to impede invaders inside the area, we dont want conflicts with them. We are fighting to have the land dema rcated . (IBAMA, 2004: 2) In the last few years, IBAMA and Brazilian Federal Pol ice have carried out patrol ing operations to identify and arrest illegal loggers in the area, but the lack of a better structure for carrying out this complicated work by the g overnment agency makes the patroling work very inefficient In 2006, IBAMA and the Federal Police carried out what was know n as the Kai abi operation, fining ranchers, loggers settler s and even government officers operating illegally inside the indigenous land, in the municipalities of Apiacs, Paranata and Jacareacanga. IBAMA fined 27 people, totaling R$ 34,217,500 (close to $US 17,000,000), apprehended two tractors and two chainsaws, and seized close to 30,000 ha of de forestation (Midianews, 2006). As part of the same operation, the Brazilian Federal Police arrested 43 people accused of being involved in environmental crimes in Mato Grosso indigenous lands, including IBAMAs ex superintendent in Mato Grosso, one SEMA MT officer, along with illegal land grabbers, ranchers and logging company owners (ISA, 2006). Similar to the problems and pressures faced by the Kaiabi living in Rio dos Peixes and Teles Pires lands, the Xingu Kaiabi are locked in an immense island of green in the middle of various types of environmentally degrading economic activities. In the south, towards the dominance of savannas and drier climate, soy cultivation and cattle ranching are the main economic activities performed by small, m edium and large farmers and land owners. In many

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154 areas, there is a combination of cattle raising, soy and millet plantations. Beyond the Parks northern borders the main economic activity is logging combined with big cattle ranch es (Sanches and Villas Bas, 2005). Other activities practiced around the Xingu Park are sport fishing (in fishing resorts) and rice cultivation. These activities have caused different types of pressure for the peoples living inside the Parks limits, such as river pollution, overfishing, invasions and social conflicts. Similar ly to what happened in the other two areas the most important areas from the environmental standpoint were left out of the borders of the Xingu p ark when it was created through the Villas Bas pres sure in 1961: t hese comprise no less than the headwaters of Xingu river, with its various tributaries and constituents (Menezes, 2000). In the 1970s and 1980s, the surroundings of Xingu Park began to be occupied by large agriculture an d cattle ranches established by migrants coming from the south of Brazil, encouraged by economic incentives provided by the Brazilian government at that time (Sanches and Villas Bas, 2005). The rapid occupation of the region contributed to the founding of villages, towns and regional capitals, such as the city of Sinop, located in the heart of the Kaiabi ancestral territory. The discovery of the timber potential in the region also contributed to its urban development, especially with the simultaneous construction of big highways such as the Cuiab Santarm (BR 163). Therefore, most municipalities located in the surroundings of the Xingu Park were recently established, in the last 3040 years (Figure 5 2). The first settlements were located in the current towns of So Jos do Xingu and So Flix do Araguaia, followed by Canarana and gua Boa. Sinop Vera, Santa Carmem and Marcelndia were founded after the opening of the BR 163 road (Sanches and Villas Bas, 2005). Soy expansion in the region of the Xingu river headwaters has meant reason for worries among indigenous peoples inside t he Parks borders together with environmentalists This

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155 expansion began in the 1990s, as a result of both government economic incentives and the strong international markets for soy Many rural producers migrated from the south to the north of the country attracted by settlement projects and economic subsidies. Still in the 1990s, big multinational companies such as Bunge (1996) and Cargill (1997) arrived in the region surrounding the Xingu park to buy grain and construct storage facilities in municipalities neighbori ng the P ark (ISA, 2003). I ts obvious that to a certain extent, soy expansion happened at the cost of cutting down forests. This does not mean that all soy expansion happens illegally and should be avoided or prohibited, but t hat there is a real tradeoff between increasing production and decreasing forests. Mato Grosso occupies the first place in soy production in Brazil, and s oy production is also being expanded to the West region of the Park, in municipalities in which logging is still the main economic activity, such as Sinop, Vera, Cludia, Marcelndia and Nova Ubirat (ISA, 2003). In the 19942000 period, deforestation rates in the region of the Xingu watershed increased by 40%, except in the Xingu Park and other indigenous lands, which hold the lowest deforestation levels (ISA, 2003; TNC, 2006). Indigenous peoples living inside the Park havent been passive in relation to the soy and deforestation advance close to the parks borders. ATIX (Associao Terra Indgena Xingu, see next chapter section about its creation and development) has carried out a program for patrolling the Xingu park borders since 1997. ATIX officers and community representatives have carried out various expeditions to the surroundings of the Park in the last ten years. Through the support of ISA, IBAMA, FUNAI and other institutions, the Indians have tried to establish a dialogue with cattle ranchers and soy producers that occupy the surroundings of the Park, intending to minimize the impact of these activities inside th e Parks borders.

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156 Once I witnessed Mairawes speech during a meeting, struck by his cunning when showing the map of the Xingu Park inside Mato Grosso upside down This makes sense to the i ndians, because for them what matters is the direction in which t he river flows: therefore, the upper Xingu would be up in the map (south for us) and the lower Xingu would be down in the map (north for us). Turning the map upside down makes sense because one can see all the deforestation concentrated around the Xingu he adwaters in the southern parks border region magnified or highlighted with potential harm for the indigenous peoples who live inside the green island. The forests which occur mostly in the southern region of Xingu Park are are currently considered one of the most endangered Amazonian ecosystems. The climate regime, with marked seasonal droughts, makes this type of forest more prone to burn through successive fire events every year (IPAM, 2008). Wor ries about the situation of the Xingu headwaters regio n have increased the attention given to the region by NGOs and by Brazilian government state and federal environmental agencies. NGOS such as ISA and IPAM (Instituto de Pesquisa Ambiental da Amaznia) have developed initiatives to diagnose problems and to foster dialogue among the stakeholders involved in occupation, development, degradation and conservation of the watershed For instance, IPAM has a project called Projeto Savanizao (which means savanization or desertification) in which a series of experiments using controlled fire have been developed to deepen scientific understanding on the probability of conversion of Amazonian transition forests into savanna vegetation, through the continuous vegetation burning for cattle ranching and/or soy production (IPAM, 2008). In 2004, the NGO Ins tituto Socioambiental (ISA) promoted the first meeting about the Xingu headwaters in the city of Canarana, to encourage the development of dialogues, polic i es and actions, involving different actors (Indians, ranchers, soy producers,

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157 settlers, loggers) and institutions (NGOs, government, civil society organizations and movements, etc), to discuss the environmental conservation and sustainable development of the region. From this first meeting, ISA created the Ykatu X ingu Campaign (in the kamaiur language, Y=river, water; katu=good, pretty, healthy). The lines of action of this campaign (which has already carried out various projects and initiatives in the region) are the protection of indigenous lands rights; the pr omotion of the economic viability of rural settlements; the reduction of the cost and the amount of time needed to recover riparian forests (through reforestation and natural resource management); and the provision of basic sanitation services to the citie s of the region (ISA, 2008). The coordinated effort s of these and other institutions working in the Xingu region have meant an opportunity to carry out governance experiments and establish a more fluid and qualified relationship between those inside and outside of indigenous lands in the Brazilian Amazon. The resources mobilized through these initiatives have also directly and indirectly affected indigenous organizations and Kaiabi communities living in the Xingu Park, in contrast to the other two Kaiabi lands, where such a strong institutional force to contend with environmental degradation is not present Environmental Adaptation, Natural Resource Use and Management among the Xingu Kaiabi Given the environmental contrasts and differences in climatic char acteristics and floristic and faunal composition between Kaiabi ancestral territory in Tapajs and the new territory in the Xingu, displacement has meant dramatic changes in access to and management of natural resources by the Xingu Kaiabi. A wide range of foods, materials for technology and commercially valuable forest products of both plant and animal orig in are m issing in the

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158 Xingu. As the elders say, referring to the lower diversity and amounts of birds and mammals, in the Xingu, the forest is poor. Adaptation to the new environmental conditions has happened, in the last fifty years, through diverse mechanisms and strategies, some consciously developed, some institutionally induced, some community coordinated, some unstructured or unconscious response s to the lack of choice. I identified seven mechanisms of environmental adaptation among the Xingu Kaiabi: 1) k nowledge innovation in development of nomenclature for ec ological zones and species; 2) i ncrease in diversity of resources used for different purposes (e.g. to build canoes) due to village sedentarization and scarcity of important forest resources; 3) a grobiodiversity conservation and recu peration of crop diversity; 4) t ravel to ancestral land to collect resources; 5) s ubstitution by other local species; 6) e xchange of varieties and seeds among families, villag es and other ethnic groups; 7) s emi domestication or intentional management through experiments for planting and protecting key resources. One mechanism is the development of names and te rms for new ecological zones, plant and animal species which do not exist in the ancestral lands (Schmidt, 2001; Silva and Athayde, 2004) The naming process seems to happen always in reference to a known similar ecosystem or plant T he presence of water i s one of the criteria adopted by the Kaiabi to name ecological zones Therefore, kaa rete (kaa=forest; ete=true, meaning literally true or real forest) is the forest that is never flooded whereas yapopep is the riparian forest which floods in the rai ny season (y=river, water). Forest appearance or dominance of one plant species is another criterion: j Portuguese), j tree savannas or cerrado in Portuguese. The Kaiabi differentiate secon dary forests which suffered past human manipulation through agricultural

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159 practices, and which are suitable for agriculture in the present because of their fertile soils (Silva and Athayde, 2004). The difficulty to find fertile soils for agriculture in the Xingu Park has meant the development of a system of classification and management of black earth anthropogenic soils (Petersen et al ., 2001), which are the best soils for agriculture in general and for more demanding crops (such as peanuts and maize) in particular. The Kaiabi distinguish mature forests over these soils by looking at species composition and variety of animals. According to them, these patches of forest, which they call kofet rarete are richer in useful species2. Historically, the main r eason for Kaiabi establishment of villages in a geographic region was the presence of forests over black earth soils (Rodrigues, 1993; Schmidt, 2001; Silva, 2002 a ; 2004). Heckenberger et al (2003) argued that the forests that grow over the black earth s oils might have a different floristic composition when compared to other types of forests, resulting from the co evolution of indigenous management and ecological dynamics These authors presented recent results of archaeological research carried out with the Kuikuro people in upper Xingu river, identifying the occurrence of complex indigenous settlements in the last thousand years, suggesting that the Kuikuro might have produced deep alterations in the forests and other local ecosystems. More recently, in the last forty years, the Kaiabi have also contributed to shape forest ecology and composition around the villages through shifting agriculture and management of secondary succession (Silva, 2002; 2004). 2 Here, I translated a paragraph of a text written by four Kaiabi teachers during a training course in ecology at Xingu Park. Capoeira (Portuguese name) and Kofet (Kaiabi name, Ko=agricultural plot, fet=something that occurred in the past) mean patches of forest over black earth soils. The capoeira is very important for our society. In the kofet there are a lot of jatob, barriguda, inaj and other trees that like to live in the places where the soil is black. These forests were made by the ancient indigenous peoples and are good places to plant our crops. The kofet is a place use d for agriculture in the past, where there are many fruits that are food for the animals and for the people. You find many animals a nd game there. This is why the capoeira is so precious for us, the Kaiabi Matari, Jamanary, Takapejui and Jemy Kaiabi i ndigenous teachers, second training course for indigenous environmental managers, Xingu Indigenous Park. Translated from Silva (2002 b :18).

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160 According to the Kaiabi, in their ancestral land at Rio dos Peixes and Batelo rivers, there was more availability of black earth and good soils for agriculture. They recognize plant species that are indicators of black earth forests, and they say that normally they find black earth spots when they are hunting, because there is also greater animal diversity in these sites, theoretically associated with greater fruit availability. However, due to the sedentarization of indigenous villages and to the impossibility of practicing agriculture in more remote pla ces far from the villages, the areas of black earth near villages have been overexploited through increased pressure of shifting cultivation, with reduced time between swiddenfallow cycles, thus causing retardation of the successional process and conseque nt los s of soil fertility (Silva, 2002 a ). This situation poses a challenge to both agrodiversity and biodiversity conservation, since more demanding crop plant varieties do not grow well on overexploited, less fertile soils Thus, the process of recovery following swidden fallow agriculture might be threatened, compromising the dynamic cycles of disturbance and recovery that characterize tropical forests under indigenous management (Gunderson and Holling, 2002). Even with the constraints regarding drier c limate, limited black earth availability, village sedentarization and changes in social organisation for agricultural production (Silva, 2009) the Xingu Kaiabi have managed to keep and even increase the diversity of crop plants that they have cultivated i n the last centuries (Silva, 1992; 2004; 2009). Crop species and varieties were taken to the Xingu by Kaiabi families at the time of the transfer, but the movement of varieties between Xingu and ancestral lands has not stagnated. K nown for their sophistica ted a gricultural system and culinary traditions, the Kaiabi have developed new varieties of peanuts i n the last 4 0 years after the transfer to the Xingu through a combination of shamanism and community based

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161 projects3 (Silva, 2002; 2004; 2009). By contrast people living in the Rio dos Peixes and Teles Pires areas have lost the knowledge and use of traditional peanut varieties to different degrees especially amongst the younger generations Curiously, what has happened at Rio dos Peixes is that families wh o were living in the Xingu and m oved back there took crop plant varieties wi th them and spread those among some kin residents. For example, Jurumuks ( deceased also named Cuiabano) family decided to move back to Rio dos Peixes after we visited the area in 1999. Jurumuks widow named Jerua, brought cotton seeds and some peanut varieties from the Xingu back to Rio dos Peixes. After they returned to the Xingu, pe ople in Rio dos Peixes still ke pt these new varieties. Another case is Canisios family, which moved back to Rio dos Peixes after living many years in Xingu around 1998. There is a constant movement of people and crop varieties back and forth between Xingu and Rio dos Peixes, which happens to a lesser extent between the Xingu and Teles Pires. We c an actually infer that when whole families move to another territory, including older people, the transfer of knowledge (comprising different indigenous knowledge domains such as environmental, artistic, or agricultural) and materials or resources ( be they material culture objects and or crop plants for instance) is greater the n when only young or middle aged men move, which is the case in Teles Pires. Interestingly enough, Xingu now functions as a reserve of crop varieties, as in the other two areas the diversity of traditional crops is smaller. Concerning forest resources, the most important plants used for crafting material culture objects and also appreciated as edible fruits are ab sent or occur sparsely throughout the Xingu parks drier ecologi c zones. A free list exercise of the most used plant species present in the 3 It is estimated that they have around 40 varieties of peanuts now. Peanut seeds were initially brought by the fam ilies who came on foot to the Xingu Park (Silva, 2004). The Kaiabi developed a community based project, called Monowi (which means peanut) from 2004 to 2006. In this project, supported by the PDPI program and carried out through ATIX with ISA personnel support, the Kaiabi aimed to promote the multiplication and distribution of peanut varieties among different Kaiabi villages in the Xingu Park (see next chapter).

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162 ancestral lands was carried out with a total of 224 people (110 men and 114 women) interviewed in four villages among the three Kaiabi groups. The results include a list of 92 ethnospeci es used as fruits or materials for handicrafts, such as fibres, dyes, wood and resins (Table 5 1). The results differ ed for men and women, reflecting the economic and cultural importance that each gender gives to plant resources based on their uses. Figure 53 shows the differences between genders concerning the species of fruits and materials most used for crafts and construction. Amongst the women, the first most used species was the tucum palm ( tukumayp, Astrocaryum aculeatum ), cited in 45 % of the ca ses. Women use the rigid black nut of this palm to manufacture beautiful necklaces, bracelets and rings which are sold or exchanged. For the men, the most cited species was the pupunha brava or siriva ( yryp Bactris macana), cited in 59% of the cases. This palm also does not occur in Xingu Park: it is typical of forests located over rock formations, such as in Teles Pires area. The black wood extracted from its spiny trunk is the most appreci ated for bow making besides its use also for cr afting clubs a nd spindles. The X ingu Kaiabi have substituted this resource by other palms such as the tucum ( Astrocaryum aculeatum ) and the bacaba ( Oenocarpus bacaba), but they say that they are of inferior quality, especially for bows, because of the high elasticity of siriva wood. The third most cited resource for women a nd men alike, mentioned in 44% of the total cases, was the Castanha doPar or Brazil nut (ywaete ywa=fruit; ete=true, real; Berthole tia excelsa ), which doe s not occur at all in the park region. The loss of access to this resource meant a big economic and cultural impact for the Xingu Kaiabi after the displacement. Brazil nut is highly appreciated by the Kaiabi since immemorial times, and the seeds oil is used in tr aditional culinary. It is worth mention ing here (more details will follow in the next chapter)

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163 that Brazil nut extraction is the most important cash economic activity practiced in Rio dos Peixes today. In Teles Pires, the bigger stands of Brazil nut are located in the Mato Gross o state, in the area currently under contestation. More than once I have witnessed people coming from Rio dos Peixes to Xingu bringing bags of Brazil nut s as gifts for their relatives. The interviewees mentioned a total of fourteen palm species, the most important family of plants producing fruits, fibre, oil and thatching materials among Amazonian indigenous peoples in general (Balick and Beck, 1990). The aa berry ( Euterpe oleraceae ) was the second in the overall resources list, mentioned by 69 peop le, in 43% of the cases. It scored second for the wom en and fourth for the men (42.5% and 44 % respectively). The fruits of this palm are highly appreciated in the preparation of juice and porridges, and have a high nutritional value. In Xingu Park, very few r epresentatives of aa palm occur in some forest formations towards the northwestern region, where the climate is more humid. A particularly important plant species missed in Xingu is uruyp ( Ischnosiphon gracilis Marantaceae, arum in Portuguese) the main fibre used in Kaiabi basketry. This herb forms clumps in swampy and periodically flooded areas throughout lowland Amazonia (Andersson 1977). The fibre from various Ischnosiphon species is removed from the external surface of the stems and used for ba sketry weaving by many South American indigenous and traditional peoples (Bale, 1994; FOIRN/ISA, 2000; Guss, 1989; Milliken et al., 1992; Nakazono, 2000; Ribeiro, 1985; Van Velthem, 2001). The main objects produced both for subsistenc e and for commerciali z ation are baskets, mats, war club adornments, sieves, bracelets, and headdresses. The importance of arum for the Kaiabi is demonstrated by its high score in the free list assessment, appearing second on the mens list (w ith a relative frequency of 5 2% ) and in thirteenth on the womens l ist (relative frequency of 16 % ). More details on arum occurren ce

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164 and management are found in C hapter 8, in the section about natural resources used in baske try and textiles. Ano ther important species absent in the Xing u is the bamboo used by the Kaiabi to make hunting and ceremonial arrows ( Guadua spp). It scored fifth in the mens resources list (39 % ). This resource occurs only in very specific sites of Rio dos Peixes and Teles Pires areas: in Rio dos Peixes, it occurs outside the borders of the indigenous reserve, close to the Batelo river. In Teles Pires, it occurs inside the area designated for the army, which they can visit and collect the resource with official permission. Among other species mentioned are wild fr uits which do not occur or occur sparsely in Xingu. During the interviews, people mentioned that one of the things they missed mo st in the Xingu was the quantity and diversity of fruits available, especially at Teles Pires. Among th e se, we can mention api varieties ( Naucleopsis sp), cocoa tree ( Theobroma cacao), uxi ( Endopleura uchi ), pajura ( Couepia bracteosa) and others. From the results, we can infer that while for men the most used resources are materials for handicrafts, specifically those plant s used for making bows, arrows and baskets, for women, that the most used and prized resources are fruits (with the exception of the tucum palm, cited in first place). Fruits were also mentioned by men, but the relevance given to materials used for handic rafts was greater. Th ese results reflect both the dependence on those objects for subsistence activities, such as hunting and fishing (bow and arrow) and also the value given to basketry in both cultural and economic terms, since these items (especially th e painted baskets with graphic designs) have been extensively commercializ ed and traded by the Xingu Kaiabi after the transfer. On the other hand, women cited tucum palm in first place, which also reflects the economic value both exchange and market values of objects produced from this palm.

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165 The Xingu K aiabi have compensated for the environmental shortcomings faced after the transfer in a number of ways. First, people mostly men, occasionally travel to Rio dos Peixes and Teles Pires to visit their relatives and collect plants such as arum, taquari and siriva On their return from these trips, they sometimes also bring back seeds and cuttings to plant in the Xingu Given the drier climate, however, some of these attempts notably Brazil nut, cocoa and the siriva palm have not been very successful. Another alternative is the use of substitutes, as they have been experimenting for arum, siriva and wild fruits. In fact, there is a twoway process going on between Xingu and the other two lands. Xi ngu residents or people visiting from Rio dos Peixes and/or Teles Pires have taken seeds and seedlings of crop plants back to those areas. Similarly Xingu residents have also collected materials and brought seeds of forest resources from ancestral areas t o the Xingu. The role of institutions in shaping natural resource practices among indigenous peoples might be illustrated with the Kaiabi example. Instituto Socioambiental has carried out a project (in which I used to work) for development of economic al ternatives and managem ent of natural resources among Xingu indigenous peoples since 1996. Through this project, the Kaiabi have participated in a formal ecological research project ( focusing on the arum plant, see Athayde et al., 2006) and in the conduc t of different management practices with problematic or desired resources, mostly plant species. The idea is that once you live in a delimited land, the resources available inside it are also finite and might be subject to increased pressure, especially th ose used to make products oriented to the market, such as arum, tucum and inaj (Athayde, 2000). In addition, the stock of resources used in subsistence activities might also be compromised by their continued use in a scenario of population growth and village sedentarization (COICA, 1996; Athayde et al., 2002). Therefore, applying traditional

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166 management techniques would not suffice to ensure the sustained use of the resource, which would demand adaptations in livelihood strategies (Castellanet and J ordan, 2002). It is in this context that ecological science might be useful, sometimes necessary, to support territorial management amongst indigenous peoples in circumscribed territories. However, every research project or participatory management activit y requires institutional and monetary arrangements, which also influence local forms of social and political organisation. My reflection is that these projects contribute to the formalisation of management techniques and that often the results of combined western and traditional natural resource management practices are only effective over the long term; therefore they might not be perceived as tangible results by local communities. Nevertheless, these projects might also contribute to raise awareness within the community about the status of strategic resources and prospects for their adaptive management. The possibilities brought by the adaptive management concept and practices (Stankey et al., 2005) might be good platforms or starting points to be combined with participatory research in the achievement of sustainable use of resources by indigenous communities living in a circumscribed, politicized, institutionali zed and market oriented context. Participatory projects for natural resource management among i ndigenous peoples may function, at the same time, as agents of social change, adaptation of traditional practices and sources of empowerment of local communities (Klooster, 2002; Athayde et al., 2006). Conclusion Geographical displacement has presented c hallenges for the three Kaiabi groups alike in terms of environmental conservation and natural resource management. The climatic conditions, the appearance and structure of vegetation differ greatly between the Tapajs watershed w here the Kaiabi used to l ive and the Xingu watershed. In the Xingu, climate is drier and forests lack many Amazonian elements important for Kaiabi physical and cultural reproduction.

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167 Environmental conservation is a concern for the three areas, but it is more critical in Rio dos Peixes and Teles Pires, since the area is smaller and the institutional support for territory monitoring and patrol ing is basically inexistent in Rio dos Peixes and still very weak in Teles Pires. In the Xingu, the coordinated effort of institutions and Indians have resulted in successful partnerships for territorial control and monitoring, w here actions span from inside to beyond the Parks borders. The main conservation threats faced by Kaiabi groups today are logging, cattle ranching, soy e xpansion and h ydroelectric plant construction. The Kaiabi have developed at least s even different adaptation mechanisms to deal with the environmental constraints faced at Xingu after the transfer: 1) knowledge innovation or creation ; 2) increase in diversity of resour ces used for different purposes due to scarcity and village sedentarization; 3) conscious protection, multiplication and development of new crop varieties, enhanced by communit y based projects ; 4) s ubstitution of strategic resource s by others of similar qu ality; 5) t ravelling to ancestral land or to other areas to collect strategic resources ; 6) e xchange of crop varieties between the three groups; and 7) d evelopment of management practices for specific resources, through institutional support and collaborat ion between western and traditional knowledge. All of these mechanisms combined have conferred ecological resilience to the Xingu Kaiabi. Also, the isolation and the distance to industrialised products and to nonindigenous agents have probably reinforced the dependence on natural resources among the Xingu group, in contrast to the other two gr oups. This is particularly true in relation to crop plants: the Xingu Kaiabi have not only conserved the traditional peanut varieties, but also developed new ones. In the other areas, the two groups have experienced loss of traditional crop varieties since they became more oriented and dependent on industrializ ed food bought in nearby towns.

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168 The results of a free list exercise carried out with men and women in the three areas show a difference in species mentioned by the two genders. The common result is that resources used for the manufacture of products oriented to the market scored higher than resour ces used solely for subsistence, especially in the mens case. Howev er, many times market and use value overlap. Some resources which scored high for both genders were Brazil nut, aa palm, siriva palm, arum and fruits such as wild cocoa and api. I n the past, Amazonian indige nous societies were very mobile; now adays they are becoming increasingly sedentary (Alexiades, 1999; Senra, 2004; Milliken, 2006; Zent, 1999). The problem of sedentarization of indigenous peoples brings new challenges to anthropologists and human ecologists who try to understand social cultu ral responses to ecological c haracteristics and viceversa. Regarding the Kaiabi, their ecological adaptation to Xingu Park is also an example of knowledge innovation and adapt ation in spite of ecological constraints augmented by the sedentarization of vi llages. Among the Xingu K aiabi, adaptive management of natural resources has occurred through conscious development and monitoring of new management practices t h rough collaboration with western science oriented research, such as the Monowi project for r ecovery of peanut varieties and the arum project.

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169 Figure 5 1. Indigenous lands (green), federal and state protected areas (blue and brown) and deforestation in the Bra zilian Amazon. Source: EDF (2001).

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170 Figure 5 2. Map showing the municipal ities that surround Xingu Indigenous Park. Source: ISA (2008 b).

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171 Table 5 1. Plant resources of cultural and economic importance mentioned in free listings conducted with men and women in four Kaiabi villages *. Name in Kaiabi Name in Portuguese/ English Scientific name Type of resource N of citations Freq. citations (%) Ywaete Castanha do Par /Brazil nut Bertholetia excelsa FR 71 44.10 Jujywa Aa Euterpe oleraceae FR 69 42.86 Yryp/Wyrapat Pupunha brava Bactris macana HA,WO 61 37.89 Aku sikanaf Mo de cachorro, m o de cutia FR 58 36.02 Uruyp ete Arum verdadeiro Ischnosiphon sp HA,FI 57 35.40 Api Api, c himico Naucleopsis sp FR 53 32.92 Ka'au wywa Cacau/Wild cocoa Theobroma cacao FR 50 31.06 Tukuma'yp Tucum Astrocaryum aculeatum HA,FR,W O 50 31.06 Patau Patau Jessenia bataua FR 43 26.71 Ywapiruru FR 37 22.98 Kamai'yp Flecha, Taquari Guadua sp HA 36 22.36 Nga Ing Inga spp FR 34 21.12 Pinowayp Bacaba Oenocarpus bacaba HA, WO,FR 33 20.50 Inata yp Inaj Maximiliana maripa HA,TH 32 19 .88 Akusityrywa M o de jaboti FR 28 17.39 Simuku'a HA 23 14.29 Myrysy'wa Buriti Mauritia flexuosa HA, FI, PA 22 13.66 Uruyp kuruk Arum rugoso Ischnosiphon gracilis HA, FI 21 13.04 Uxi Uxi Endopleura uchi FR 20 12.42 Ka a si a Abuta Abuta gra ndiflora FR 15 9.32 Ywapirang Caf de macaco FR 15 9.32 Pajura Pajura Couepia bracteosa FR 14 8.70 Pinowauu Bacabo Oenocarpus sp HA, WO 12 7.45 Jub Jub FR 11 6.83 Kwae'ma HA 11 6.83 Uruyp piremi Arum Ischnosiphon spp HA, FI 11 6.83 Ta memuri FR 10 6.21 Kwanu'ywa Fruta de gavio FR 9 5.59 Awai Pequi Caryocar brasiliense FR 9 5.59 Pinnowa'i Bacabinha Oenocarpus sp FR, HA 9 5.59 Wyrawuru'a HA 9 5.59 Apiuu Api grande Cf Naucleopsis sp FR 8 4.97 Araityranauu Bacuri grande P latonia insignis FR 8 4.97

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172 Table 5 1. Continued Name in Kaiabi Name in Portuguese/ English Scientific name Type of resource N of citations Freq. citations (%) Ywy taga FR 7 4.35 Juta'yp Jatob Hymenaea spp FR 6 3.73 Inatauu Baba u Attalea speci osa FR,TH 6 3.73 Apiawijup Api FR 4 2.48 Araityrana Bacuri Platonia sp FR 4 2.48 Jakarana FR 4 2.48 Kaja'ywa Caj Spondias sp FR 4 2.48 Kaju'u Caju do mato Anacardium giganteum FR 4 2.48 Kyryma FR 4 2.48 Pariri Pariri Pouteria pair i r y FR 4 2.48 Taipawa Cip HA, FI 4 2.48 Ywasi'asi'u FR 4 2.48 Apinan Api FR 3 1.86 Capim navalha HA 3 1.86 Jutaiwa'i Jatobazinho FR 3 1.86 Kyrymauu FR 3 1.86 Marakuja Maracuj do mato Passiflora nitida FR 3 1.86 Panakuwa HA, FI 3 1.86 Uruywuu Arum grande HA, FI 3 1.86 Ywa'yp pirang/ngua'yp Falso pau Brazil WO 3 1.86 Kupajyp Copa ba Copaifera sp RE 3 1.86 O lho de boi Olho de boi Ormosia arborea HA 2 1.24 Ang'ram Pororoca HA 2 1.24 Tangrerewa Murici Byrsonima sp F R 2 1.24 Yrem Mogno Swietenia macrophylla WO 2 1.24 Ywasi'asi'i FR 2 1.24 Abiu Abiu Pouteria caimito FR 1 0.62 Ameiwyt Cip imb Philodendron imbe HA,FI 1 0.62 Asianguauu FR 1 0.62 Asi'a ywa FR 1 0.62 Ata FR 1 0.62 Iang'yp Ita ba Mezilaurus itauba WO 1 0.62 I rupirangi FR 1 0.62 I rupiwat FR 1 0.62 Jakurupe'yp HA, WO 1 0.62 Jasimuku'a FR 1 0.62

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173 Table 5 1. Continued Name in Kaiabi Name in Portuguese/ English Scientific name Type of resource N of citations Freq. citations (%) Jowosiupy FR 1 0.62 Jujywa'i Aa pequeno Euterpe sp FR 1 0.62 Kamaiynan Falso taquari HA 1 0.62 Kawiang'yp WO 1 0.62 Kwarykyta'ywa FR 1 0.62 Mukai'yp Carau, caro Neoglaziovia variegata HA, FI 1 0.62 Muri'i Mu ricizinho Byrsonima sp FR 1 0.62 Panakupe'yp WO 1 0.62 Parajuba'a FR 1 0.62 Pasi'yp Paxi ba Socratea exorrhiza WO 1 0.62 Pokowy'a Banana brava Pacova Heliconia sp HA,FI 1 0.62 Takamu Salacia cf spectabilis FR 1 0.62 Takwarete Taquara HA 1 0.62 Tamakrea HA 1 0.62 Tamemuriuu FR 1 0.62 Tapi'u ywa FR 1 0.62 Tukuma'i Tucunzinho Astrocaryum sp HA,FR 1 0.62 Wyrapat pytang WO 1 0.62 Ywauni FR 1 0.62 Ywyjupe RE, HA 1 0.62 Ywy mu'a FR 1 0.62 Ywy wuu FR 1 0.62 *Organized by order of most cited (for both men and women). FR fruits; HA used for handicrafts; WO wood; FI fiber; RE resin; TH leaf used for thatching. Sources: fieldwork; Silva and Athayde (1999); INBRAPI (2008).

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174 0.00 5.00 10.00 15.00 20.00 25.00 30.00 35.00 40.00 45.00 50.00 55.00 60.00 65.00 Tukuma'yp Jujywa Ywaete Akusikanafu Api Inata Pataua Ka'au wywa Nga Simuku'a Pinowa Ywapiruru Uruyp wete Kwae'ma Y'ryp Myrysy'wa Akusityrywa Uxi Wyrawuru'a Kamai'yp Uruyp piremi Plant resources frequency of citations (%) men women Figure 5 3. Selected plant resources most cited by women and by men interviewed in four Kaiabi villages.

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175 CHAPTER 6 CURRENT TERRITORIAL ORGANIZATION AND POLITICAL CONFIGURATION A CROSS THREE KAIABI LANDS Introduction This chapter presents an overview of current terr itorial organization of the three areas occupied by the Kaiabi in the present Rio dos Peixes, Xingu and Teles Pires including general information on demography, infra structure and socioeconomic aspects, with a focus on institutional and political conf igurations. The information provided in this chapter is a chronological continuation of C hapters 3 and 4, setting the stage for the specific comparisons on socioeconomic and weaving knowledge aspects which follow i n C hapters 7 and 8. The main questions ex plored in this chapter relate to the factors which led to the demographic expansion and to the political empowerment of the Xingu Kaiabi in contrast with the other two groups. More broadly, I s eek to contribute to the current debate of how Amazonian indige nous peoples have responded to and appropriated institutions, resources, systems of norms (regulations, laws, polices) and values (symbols, such as the Amazon in the view of conservationists) in the construction of their identities and management of territ ories (Gray, 1997; Ramos, 1998; Albert, 2005; Hierro, 2005; Hierro and Surrals, 2005; Oakdale, 2005). I also explore peoples perceptions about the work developed by the three Kaiabi organizations. I present the results of interviews done in four Kaiabi c ommunities (men and women) living in the three areas considered in this study, exploring their understanding, participation, and expectations related to the role and work of the indigenous organisations ATIX (Xingu), Itaok (Rio dos Peixes) and Kawaip (Tele s Pires). I briefly describe the development of the indigenous grassroots movement in Brazil, as it is tied to prospects for Amazonian environmental conservation and the empowerment of the Xingu Kaiabi, through the formation of salient political leaders. T he legalization of

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176 indigenous organizations after the Constitution of 1988 brought several changes in the process of dialogue and interaction between indigenous peoples, the State and other institutions. In this context, the creation and development of ATI X (Associao Terra Indgena Xingu) brought not only empowerment to the Xingu Kaiabi, but also changed the way in which other ethnic groups living in Xingu began to relate with the outside and to manage and patrol their own territory. However, there might be tradeoffs and pitfalls in the assimilation of western institutions by indigenous peoples, which are discussed in this chapter, based on the Kaiabi experience. T he process of creation and implementation of indigenous organisations in Rio dos Peixes and Teles Pires is described and co mpared to ATIX and obstacles faced by the Kaiabi in the administration of these institutions are identified Finally, I present information on the development of community based projects among the Kaiabi (including the Kaia bi Araa project for revitalisation of basketry and textiles knowledge), enabled by funding opportunities coming from national and international politicalenvironmental agendas for the Amazon. This information is accompanied by a brief critique of opportuni ties and constraints involved in the adoption of the projects culture by the Kaiabi. I hope that the information provided in this chapter serves to improve the relationships of Kaiabi indigenous organisations among themselves and between them and their c onstituencies (communities). I also hope that this information is useful for donors, practitioners, policy makers and researchers working with development and conservation among Amazonian indigenous peoples. Overview of the Areas Currently Occupied by the Kaiabi Currently, t he Kaiabi live in three indigenous lands: the Xingu Indigenous Park, the Apiak Kaiabi indigenous land in Rio dos Peixes, and the Kayabi indigenous land in Teles Pires

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177 River (Figure 6 1). In all areas, the territory is shared to greater or lesser extent with other indigenous groups: in Xingu, with thirteen other groups; in Rio dos Peixes and Teles Pires mainly with Apiak and Munduruku residents. In the next sections, I present an overall description of each land occupied by the Kaiabi. Xingu Indigenous Park Xingu Park has a current area of 2,642,003 million ha (26,420 square kilometers ) where nearly 4, 700 indians live (ISA, 2008 a ; Figure 6 2). The Kaiabi are the most numerous of the fourteen indigenous groups sharing the Parks territo ry, totaling nearly 1,000 individuals in 2007. The Park is located in the northeastern region of Mato Grosso State, surrounded by 11 municipalities, with which the Indians relate in diffe rent intensities. Two main dirt roads provide terrestrial access to the Park, both accessible through Canarana town. The road by the Culuene river is more used by the upper Xingu groups, while the road by the Suy Miu river is used by the groups which live in the middle and north sections of the Park, including the Kaiabi There are also two other access points to the Park used by the Kaiabi: through the BR 080, a road which crosses the Xingu river at the Parks northernmost limit, and through the municipality of Marcelndia, also to the north, located close to ManitsauM iu river s margins A typical travel route would com e from Braslia (DF) by bus in a 1617 hour tr ip to Canarana, then take a 5 8 hour truck ride to the Suy Miu port at Ngosoko or Beira Rio villages (where some Suy live), followed by a 34 hour boat tr ip on the Suy Miu until reaching the Xingu and finally the Diauarum Post. The Park can be divided in three main sectors: the upper Xingu region or south portion, the middle section and the lower or north portion of the Park. In each sector, there is a FUNAI administrative unit or post, where the health and administrative services and offices are centralized: the Leonardo Post in the upper Xingu portion, the Pavuru Post in the middl e sector,

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178 and the Diauarum Post in the north portion (see Figure 6 2) wh ich serves the Kaiabi and where ATIX s headquarters is located. The park is administered by FUNAI regional office (ADR Xingu Administrao Regional do Xingu) located in Braslia, where the Parks director and his assistants work. The Park has been adminis tered by Indians since the Guerra da Balsa incident (described in the following sections about Mairaws political trajectory), in 1985. The current administrator is Tamalui Mehinaku. The fourteen groups which share Xingu Parks territory are divided am ong the three sectors. N ext to each group s name, I give the estimated population for 2002 in parentheses (ISA, 2008 a ; Menezes, 2008). In the upper portion we can find the upper Xingu cultural complex, which includes those peoples that have occupied that region for hundreds of years, and speak different languages: Aweti (138), Kalapalo (417), Kamaiur (355), Kuikuro (415), Matipu (119), Mehinaku (199), Nafukw (105), Trumai (120), Waur (321) and Yawalapiti (208). Bruna Franchetto and Michael Heckenberger (2001) have organized a volume which includes detailed information on upper Xingu groups history and culture. According to Heckenberger (2001), Xi ngu rivers upper region, encompassing all the tributaries which will merge to form the Xingu, was once inhabited by thousands of Indians from different linguistic affiliations. The concentration (by migration and geographical dislocations) of some groups in the same geographical region for hundreds of years, and the relative isolation from other tribes or from t he Brazilian nonindigenous society, in addition to more complex ethnological factors led to the formation of what is known as the upper Xingu cultural pluralism or the upper Xingu cultural complex (Galvo, 1953; Heckenberger, 2001; 2005). Upper Xingu gro ups have in common some social organization structures and cultural traits such as festivals (e.g. Kwarup, the festiva l to render homage to the dead), shaman practices, adornment practices and body paintings, and

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179 some material culture objects (Galvo, 1953 ). It is estimated that at the time of the first contacts with the nonindigenous such as when the expedition of Karl Von den Steinen reached the upper Xingu in 1884, there were some 3,000 people living in that re gion. Later on, with closer contact with B razilian nationals and the outbreak of epidemics (mainly measles), the population dropped to 574 people in 1954. In spite of efforts to improve the health situation, conditions continued to be precarious, and the upper Xingu population reached its lowest l evel in 1965, with only 542 people (Heckenberger, 2001; ISA, 2008a ). Since then, improvements in access to health and sanitation services and to financial and technical resources have enabled demographic recuperation and growth among upper Xingu groups. T he middle portion of the Park is inhabited by the Ikpeng (319) and by some Trumai and Kaiabi communities The Ikpeng speak a language i n the Karib family, and came to live in the upper Xingu region (outside the actual Parks borders and before the Park was created) at the beginning of the 20th c entury, living in a state of war with their upper xinguano neighbors (Menget, 2003). Contact with the nonindigenous society happened in the beginning of the 1960s, and had disastrous consequences for their population, which was reduced to less than half as a result of diseases and killings. At that time, they were pacified by the Villas Bas brothers and transferred to the Xingu Park similarly to what happened to the Kaiabi (Menget, 2003). The Suy or K (self designation, 334) are the only G speaking group in Xingu Park. Since 2001, mos t of the population lives in the southeastern section of the Park, in the Wawi Indigenous Land, which was annexed to the Parks area in 1998 (Seeger, 2003). Since their arrival in the Xingu region (probably in the second half of the 19th century), as a consequence of contact with other Xingu groups and, primarily, with those of the socalled

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180 Upper Xingu cultural complex, they have adopted many new cultural features and technologies (Seeger, 1981; 2003) Finally, the northern portion is occupied mostly by Kaiabi ( around 1,000) villages, but also by a few Yudja (or Juruna, 248) villages and by some mixed Kaiabi Yudja villages. The Yudja (commonly called Juruna), speak an isolat ed language in the Tupi stock. Their ancestral area was located in Par State, from where they f led in the beginning of the 20th century, due to conflicts with settlers and rubber tappers They first settled around the upper Xingu region, but later on move d towards the north of the Park in consequence of conflicts with upper Xingu tribes (Lima, 2001). C ommunication between villages is commonly by radio and transportation is by river, mostly through the use of motor boats run by gasoline. Big ferrys run by diesel engines transport heavy loads and gasoline to the villages and indigenous posts. Usually, villages have solar panel s for the functioning of the radios. Posts and some villages have diesel generators which provide electricity for the houses at nig ht and for the functioning of health units as needed. Gasoline is the single mo st valued and difficult to control commodity in the whole Xingu Park. Internet access is available at ATIX headquarters in Diauarum Post. A f ew villages (such as Ngojwre Kisdj and Tuiarar Kaiabi) have public phones installed through the support of local municipalities. The l ocal economy in the Park is a mix of different activities practiced to lesser or greater extent by different groups: a) subsistence oriented activities such as agriculture, fishing, hunting and forest extraction ; b) NTFP (nontimber forest products) production for use and/or market commercialization, such as handicrafts, honey, fruits and oils; c) labor employment (such as FUNAI and ATIX officers, teachers or health professionals); d) temporary paid work done in the

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181 villages or posts (such as workers for house construction, cooks and fishermen who work for tr ai ning courses or meetings) and; e ) temporary work done outside the Parks limits (such as in towns out side the Park or in ranches etc). H ealth services for Xingu Park inhabitants are provided by the UNIFESP/EPM (Universidade Federal de So Pa ulo/Escola Paulista de Medicina ), through an agreement between them and FUNAI and later FUNASA (Fundao Nacional d e Sade), which was first signed in 1966 (Villas Bas, 2005). The DSEI Xingu (Distrito Sanitrio Especial Indgena do Xingu) was created in 1999, by a contract established between FUNASA and UNIFESP, where many Indians occupy administrative posts (Rodrigue s, 2005). UNIFESP has carried out a process of training indigenous health agents since the 1980s, formalized in the 1990s, culminating with the graduation of the first group of Indigenous Nurse Assistants in Brazil in 2001 (Mendona, 2005, Rodrigues, 2005) These AIS (agentes indgenas de sade, indigenous health agents) have been hired as health professionals to work in their communities at Xingu Park by different institutions, mainly by FUNASA (totaling 45 AIS working in Xingu Park in 2005), but also by U NIFESP/EPM, by FUNAI and by some municipalities. In 2005, there were close to 80 indians working as AIS or in administrative positions related to health services in Xingu Park (Oliveira, 2005). The NGO Instituto Socioambiental1 (ISA), has been working wit h indigenous peoples at Xingu Park since its creation in 1995. Counting on different sources of funding, from which the Norwegian Rainforest Foundation (NRF) has been the most solid and continuous, ISA has 1 The creation of ISA in 1995 resulted from a fusion between the extinct CEDI (Centro Ecumnico de Documentao e Informao) the educational NGO Ao Educativa and some people coming from the environmental NGO SOS Mata Atlntica. ISAs mission is to coordinate research, action and public policy actions to protect Brazilians cultural and biological diversity. Currently, ISA develops programs and projects in different Brazilian regions, and also works with public polices and documentation through its two main offices located in So Paulo and Braslia. More information can be found at www.socioambiental.org

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182 carried out projects for capacity building of local indigenous organizations; training of indigenous teachers and supporting local schools ; pa tro ling of parks borders ; developing economic alternatives ( especially honey and handic rafts production) ; natural resource management activities; and lately promoting dialogue between indigenous peoples and their neighbors outside the Park through the Y Ikatu Xingu Campaign.2 ISA has worked in the south and in the north portions of the Park, but it has concentrated most of its projects and activities with peoples w ho occupy the middle and north sectors, such as the Ikpeng, the Kaiabi, the Yudja (Juruna) and the Kisdj (Suy) peoples. I will comment more on ISAs actions in the Park in the following sections and chapters. Besides FUNAI, UNIFESP/EPM, and ISA, other nonindigenous institutions working in the Park are IBAMA (Instituto Nacional do Meio Ambiente e dos Recursos Naturais Renovveis Brazilian environmental agency), which has promoted training for indigenous environmental agents to patrol the Parks limits ; SEDUC MT (Secretaria Estadual de Educao do Estado do Mato Grosso, Mato Grossos educational board), which has assumed the administration of the Parks educational program for teachers and schools; and some universit y researchers, lin guists and anthropologists who have worked on different subjects involving the Parks peoples. Apiak Kaiabi Indigenous Land in Rio dos Peixes Apiak Kaiabi indigenous land is located in Rio dos Peixes, northwest ern Mato Grosso State with 109,245 ha (ISA, 2008a ). It takes ap proximately three hours by taxi or truck to travel from Juara to the Tatuy village/post, and the distance is nearly 100 km. There is a small town midway named guas Claras, where there is a public school, restaurant, bar and people who sell fuel. 2 www. yikatuxingu.org.br

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183 In 2007, t he re were six Kaiabi villages in the area: the Tatuy Post and village and Novo Horizonte village adjacent to the Post; Figueirinha village; and Itu, Vale Verde and Nova Esperana close to the Rio dos Peixes waterfall, which were created to protect the borders of the area, after it was enlarged. There are around two to five families living in each of these small groupings surrounding the waterfall. They have some infra structure (radio, school, health officer) assistance from FUNAI and the health distric t, as well as a road which connects them with Juara municipality. The Apiak village named Mairob is located on the left margin of Rio dos Peixes, around 30 minutes by boat from the Tatuy Post, going downriver. There is also a road connecting the Tatuy Po st with the Mairob village. There are some Kaiabi married to Apiak living in that village. The Munduruku village is located upstream, before Tatuy Post and village. The area is linked to FUNAI s regional administration (ADR) in Juna MT, which sporadica lly sends a diesel allowance to support activities of land patrolling. According to Raimundo Kaiabi, local resident in Rio dos Peixes patrolling activities are carried out by a group of indians who patrol different sectors of the land three times a month, by car and by boat. The health service is provided by FUNASA (Fundao Nacional de Sade), which keeps a house in Juara to accommodate people who need treatment in the town. Various persons in the village work as FUNASA health assistants and car drivers. There are two trucks to take sick people to Juara. C atholic pri ests and nuns regularly visit the village. Priests and nuns from CIMI (Conselho Missionrio Indigenista) provide further assistance in the villages, continuing a tradition which began with prie st Joo Dornstauder in the 1950s and 1960s. Often, the priest in charge celebrates a mass on S unday s

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184 The Tatuy Posts school is linked to Juara municipality, and covers the first grades of the elementary level (1st to 4th grades). After the completion of the elementary level, the students have to leave the village to study in guas Claras or Juara. The Kaiabi already requested the installation of facilities and hiring of teachers to provide education from 5th to 8th grades in the village, and are a waiting a response from Juaras educational council. In 2007, there were 78 students registered in Tatuys school. Esmeraldo and Cesarina, married, are the teachers who run the school, but neither is fluent in the Kaiabi language. They told me that every Friday th ere is a class for literacy in the Kaiabi language. Esmeraldo has participated in training courses in Xingu Park twice, but after that he was not invited anymore. Cesarina has never participated in such courses. Every day before class the students pray according to C atholic habits. Students who finish the first four grades of the elementary level at the villages school normally continue studying in guas Claras. There is a school bus from Juaras municipality (in very bad conditions) which tra ns ports the students to and from guas Claras every day. In the Rio dos Peixes area, there is also a mix of subsistence (agriculture, fishing and hunting) and market economic activities, but in comparison to Xingu, there is a preponderance of market activities. The m ain economic act ivity is the sale of Brazil nut to middle men (named castanheiros ) who come to the village to buy the commodity at very low prices. November is the month when the Brazil nut production is higher and the price better. The castanheiros p ay R$ 1.50 (around U S $ 0.75) per kg in the high season. After the harvest, the price begins to drop, and according to local informants reached R$ 0.80/kg in M ay of 2006. Nobody wants to sell Brazil nut for such a low price; therefore they get involved in other activities for income generation out of Brazil nut harvest season. The Kaiabi already have an order of 40,000 kg of Brazil nuts for the next harvest. Other economic activities are the sale of crop plants (such as

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185 maize, bananas, sweet potatoes and manioc) in Juara and the commercialization of handicrafts mostly clubs (men) and seed jewelry (women) to middle men or to nonindigenous who visit the village (see C hapter 7) Some of the village dwellers sell fish to others or in the market, and others w ork in temporary jobs in neighbor ing ranches or in house construction in the villages. There is also production of artisanal brooms made for sale in the town. They sell each broom in Juaras market for about R$ 5,00 to 7,00 (around U S $ 2.503.50). Kayabi Indigenous Land in Teles Pires Kayabi Indigenous Land is located on the border of Par and Mato Grosso ( Jacareacanga and Apiacs municipalities, respectively ) states, with a declared extension of 1,053,000 ha. The total population, including Munduruku and Apiak groups was around 640 people in 2006 (WWF, 2006) The location in which most Kaiabi live, in and around Kururuzinho Post and village, is located in Par state, but the area under demarcation is located on the opposite bank of the Teles Pires, in Mato Grosso state ( see C hapter 4). In spite of physically residing in Par, the Kaiabi maintain economic and political relationships with Mato Grosso state, specifically with the town of Alta Floresta, in which the headquarters of their local organization Ka waip is located. It takes some five to six hours by truck to travel from Alta Floresta, passing by Apiacs municipality, to the margin of So Benedito River after crossing the Teles Pires by ferry. From there, it is necessary to take a boat and travel for three to five hours more before arriving in Kururuzinho Post and village. There are two indigenous posts in the area: PI Kururuzinho Kaiabi and the PI Tel es Pires, the old Kaiabi post, nowadays occupied mainly by Munduruku. There are around ten villages split between Kaiabi, Apiak and Munduruku residents. According to data provided by FUNAI (2007) and a recent report from WWF (2006), in 20062007 there were around 155 Kaiabi (FUNAI, 2007), 90 Apiaka and 420 Munduruku residents in the area. Some village s are

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186 mixed MundurukuKaiabi or Apiak Kaiabi, in which the most common form of intermarriage is an Apiak or Munduruku male married to a Kaiabi woman. Remanso do Coelho and Siqueirinha villages were established by Munduruku men (Vitorino and Albertino, re spectively) both married to Kaiabi women (Regina and Ins Kujir). They also have houses in the Kururuzinho Post and village, and divide their time between the two locations. Minhocuu village is run by Fernando Apiak, married to Rosinha Kaiabi. W ith the problem of land claims and demarcation, so me Kaiabi established villages in the area to be demarcated, as a strategy to show that the land is being occupied and in order to avoid more invasions and land grabbing. For instance, Kurun Kaiabi recently es tablished the So Benedito village on the So Benedito river, Valdir (Kuami) created the Cachoeirinha village on the Ximari river and Z (Ywyrup) ha s built a house in the Dinossauro old village, where some agricultural fields from other families are place d. Par Kaiabi came from Xingu to live in Teles Pires with his family in 2007 and also established a new village close to Kururuzinho Post, named Tucum. There is also Mairowi village, whose residents are mostly Apiak and Sapezal, which is Munduruku. In spite of the land being shared by Kaiabi, Apiak and Munduruku peoples, the residents have established boundaries for the piece of land and rivers that should be used and respected by each group. As in Xingu and in Rio dos P eixes, t he agreement regarding e ach groups territorial limits is verbal and not represented in maps. However, sometimes there are conflicts among the Kaiabi and other groups because of trespassing or not respecting the verbal agreements. The area is linked to FUNAI s regional administra tion (ADR) in Colder MT. Clvis Nunes is FUNAIs officer and chief of the Post (for more than 20 years), keeping residency in Alta Floresta. According to Iracildo Munduruku, FUNAIs support in the form of resources or

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187 gasoline is practically inexistent n owadays. According to Kaiabi residents testimonies, the l ast time their motor boat broke, a gold miner helped them to fix it, instead of FUNAI. The health service is provided by FUNASA (Fundao Nacional de Sade), which keeps a house in Colder to accom modate people who need treatment in the town. There is always a non indigenous nurse in Kururuzinho village, and once in a while dentists also visit the villages. Joo Kaiabi and Iracildo Munduruku are indigenous health agents (AI S) in the village, both e mployed by FUNASA The villages school belongs to the municipality of Jacareacanga in Par, which makes its administration difficult for the Kaiabi, since they interact much more with Alta Floresta municipality in Mato Grosso. The school has stopped func tioning for four years, and only in October of 2007 was the school finally transferred to Mato Grosso states administration. The community was planning to have classes restarting in 2008. Meanwhile, the few waged workers in the village usually have sent t heir kids to study and live in Alta Floresta. Since 1999, the Kaiabi in Kururuzinho receive financial support from three fishing resorts located in Teles Pires tributaries: Thaimau ( www.thaimacu.com.br ), Man tega and Santa Rosa, this last one placed inside the land to be demarcated and owned by the ex mayor of Alta Floresta town. They have contracts with these fishing resorts, which use part of the river that is located inside the indigenous land for transpor tation of tourists. The resorts pay a monthly stipend to the Kawaip Association (a percentage of their profit in each month), plus a quota of gasoline and diesel. This money (according to Iracildo Munduruku, around R$ 4.000,00/month US $ 2,000) is adminis tered by the Kawaip Association, and has been used to maintain the house of the association in the city, their truck, and also to help out families in need. Some villagers get involved in temporary work for the fishing resorts, working as boat drivers or i n cleaning.

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188 According to Ywyrup (Jos), they get around R$ 50,00 (U S $ 25) for one day of work driving boats for the fishing resorts. Miners have also offered money and fuel (diesel and gasoline) to the Kaiabi so they can mine for gold in the river surrounding the village (in spite of it being an illegal activity). There was a big discussion going on in the village about the proposal brought up by one gold miner. The village was divided about the question of whether they would authorize the miner to carry out mining operations inside the area. In fact, this should, by law, be controlled by FUNAI and IBAMA, and not by the Indians themselves. Besides subsistence oriented activities such as agriculture, fishing, hunting and forest extraction, other economic activities practiced by the Teles Pires Kaiabi are the sale of tucum and seed jewelry manufactured by the women in neighboring towns (mainly Alta Floresta) and to tourists (especially fishermen who stay in fishing resorts) who occasionally visit the village A f ew men also sell clubs, baskets, bows, arrows and other handicrafts in the towns or to visitors. Some residents collect Brazil nut to sell in the town of Alta Floresta. Fernando Apiak, resident of Minhocuu village, told me that he still sells cassav a flour and Brazil nut in Alta Floresta. Brazil nuts price is around R$ 9.00 a can, which yields around 15 kg, giving a unit price of around R$ 1.50/kg (U S $ 0.75) roughly the same as practiced in Rio dos Peixes. The constant changes in land occupation w hich have happened to a greater or lesser extent in the three areas occupied by the Kaiabi, accompanied by the movement between villages, establishment of new villages and posts and interethnic marriages give us an idea of the continued mobility of the Kai abi people, even inside restricted areas, which is the case now, post transfer and post state regulations. In C hapter 7, I will come back to this topic when talking about exchanges and travels between the three areas.

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189 Notes on the Demography of the Kaiab i The demographic situation of the Kaiabi, in steep decline before and after the transfer to Xingu showed a strong reversal from the 1970s onwards (see Figure 6 3 and Table 61; Pagliaro, 2005) The first census of Kaiabi population was done by priest J oo Dornstauder in 1955 (Grnberg, 2004). At that time, he estimated the population at 341 people, distributed in several villages in Teles Pires (103 people), Rio dos Peixes (108 people) and some who had already moved to Xingu (40 people), in addition to the residents of SPI posts such as Jos Bezerra (45 people) and Kaiabi post (45 people). There were still other Kaiabi dispersed in the rubber tapp er landholdings in both regions and some at the indigenous post Fraternidade (Catholic Church) in Barra dos Bugres (Meli, 1993). During the 1960s, before the transfer to Xingu, many Kaiabi died of measles epidemics especially in the Teles Pires region, where access to health services was very precarious in comparison to the Rio dos Peixes, where they had the support of Misso Anchieta and priest Joo Dornstauder. At that time, the decadence of SPI posts in Teles Pires caused the Kaiabi to travel to the Cururu Mission in the Cururu River to exchange products. There, some of them got infected with the measle s virus and brought the epidemics to the villages (Rodrigues, 1994). According to Joo and Jywatu, residents of Kururuzinho post and village, after the measles epidemics, only four small villages remained in the Teles Pires area. With the transfer of the m ajority of the group to Xingu, around thirty people remained in Teles Pires (Rodrigues, 1994). In Rio dos Peixes, there were around 53 people remaining in 1966, after the main transfer events to Xingu (Meli, 1993). Between 1970 and 1999, Kaiabi populati on in Xingu increased from 204 to 758 inhabitants, mean ing an absolute growth of 4.5% a year ( Pagliaro, 2005). This rate is very high when compared to the demographic rate of Brazilian population in general, which for the year

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190 2000 was 1.64% (IBGE, 2000). This rate can also be considered high for indigenous populations and it is higher than the demographic growth of other Xingu indigenous groups, w hich show an average growth rate of 3.5% a year (Rodrigues, 2001). The Kaiabi are currently the most numerous group in Xingu, with a population totaling around 1226 in 2006 (ISA, 2007). After the 1990s, the mortality levels stabilized at a lower plateau in comparison to previous decades. The fecundity rate also increased in the 1990s, with each woman in reproductiv e life having an average of 9.5 children A ccording to Helosa Pagliaro who studied the demography of the Xingu Kaiabi (2002; 2005), the main factors causing this population growth are related to: better health assistance service3; the shelte red situation and relative isolation found in Xingu; and the desire to recover their socio cultural structure after the transfer. Among the other two Kaiabi groups, a more modest tendency of population growth can be observed, with the Rio dos Peixes Kaiabi totaling ar ound 266 and the Teles Pires 155 in 2006. It is worth mention ing that in Rio dos Peixes there are more interethnic marriages between the Kaiabi and other groups in com parison to Teles Pires or Xingu. This, allied with other factors such as access to better health services, as well as the migration back of some Kaiabi (especially men) who were living in Xingu but returned to the ancestral areas, caused a n increase in both Rio dos Peixes and Teles Pires population, which is more significant in Rio dos Peixes According to the last estimate summing the three Kaiabi areas, they total 1647 in 2006, in comparison to 341 in 1955. In 51 years, the population grew significantly I t is worth mentioning that the sum of 1647 individuals does not include the Kaiabi li ving in the cities such as Canarana, Juara or Alta Floresta, which is not insignificant, taking in to account that many Kaiabi are now working as health agents, FUNAI officers or officers of indigenous associations (mainly ATIX in 3 Which has been provided by the Escola Paulista de Medicina (EPM) and Universidade Federal de So Paulo (UNIFESP) to the peop les of Xingu Indigenous Park since 1966 (see previous section on Xingu Park for details).

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191 Xingu and Kawaip in Teles Pires), that have established offices in towns nearby the indigenous lands. The Political Empowerment of the Xingu Kaiabi The socioeconomic and political changes brought by the transfer of the Kaiabi to Xingu have had important implications not only for t he Kaiabi, but also for other indigenous peoples living in Xin gu Park and, more broadly, for s trategies for management and protection of indigenous lands in the Amazon. In the last fifty years or so, there has been interplay between the dynamics of creatio n and change in broader national political structures and opportunities, with the development of indigenous grassroots movements and of strategic alliances with conservation institutions. The Kaiabi have been both objects and subjects in this process, espe cially through the formation of political leaders and the establishment of local organizations. This section is devoted to the exploration of agents, events and processes which contributed to the political empowerment of the Kaiabi, especially the Xingu g roup, in contrast to the other two areas (Rio dos Peixes and Teles Pires). Through the personal testimony of Mairaw Kaiabi, an important political leader, we can understand how he and the Xingu Kaiabi have been affected by external agents (such as other i ndigenous leaders, NGO practitioners, and government officers), connected to contexts and structures such as legal frameworks, the projects market and other financial opportunities for Amazonian indigenous lands deriving from the conservation agenda. In digenous Grassroots Movements and Environmental Conservation in Brazil After the military took over the Brazilian government in 1964, prospects for the development of the Amazon were based on programs for geopolitical integration, demographic migration fo r land occupation, and economic growth (Albert, 2005). Accord ing to Schmink and Wood (1992) the model of development at that time (mostly between 1964 and 1985) relied on political repression and on the centralization of power in the federal governments hands. The

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192 wealth of untapped resources in the Amazon associated with sparsely populated areas made the region a suitable place to attract investment capital and absorb surplus labor from other parts of Brazil (Schmink and Woods, 1992). Struggles and compet ition over land and resources were magnified and included (until today in some regions) diverse actors such as the State itself; ranchers; land grabbers; corporate enterprises (private sector); banks; logging and mining companies; gold panners; small farm ers; rubber tap pers; landless peasants and, of course, indigenous peoples ( Schmink and Wood, op. cit.; Albert, op. cit.). Brazilian military government instituted legal instruments to at the same time, curb the problem of indigenous identities and territ ories, and respond to media, civil society and international donors den unciations and requests. For instance, in 1966 the government signed Convention 107 of the International Labor Organization (ILO) regarding indigenous peoples rights. One year later, the former SPI (Servio de Proteo ao ndio) was substituted by the current FUNAI (National Indian Foundation) responding to international denunciations and condemnation of SPIs actions towards indigenous peoples (Albert, 2005). In 1973, the military gov ernment approved the Indian Statute , a law concerning the rights of indigenous peoples over land and based on the intent of assimilation of indigenous peoples in the Brazilian national society or labor force (see C hapter 3; Ribeiro, 1970). According to A lbert (2005), this law has been under revision by the Brazilian government with participation of indigenous leaders since 1991, in order to address current concerns (such as intellectual property rights, policies for natural resource use and environmental protection) and also to bring some provisions and regulations into conformity with the Constitution of 1988 (see below). It was in this context that the formation of the indigenous grassroots movement occurred beginning in the 1970s, initially as a response to the Indian Statutes and governments policies

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193 towards indigenous struggle s for land and citizenship r ights (Ramos, 1988; Albert, 2000). In the beginning of the 1980s, the first panBrazilian indigenous organization was founded (UNI Unio das Naes Indgenas ). Indigenous representatives and leadership, especially the Kayap people, played an important role in the process of writing and approval of the Brazilian Constitution of 1988, which is considered a benchmark in the Latin American indigenous ri ghts movement (Ramos, 1994; ISA, 2009 a). I n the Constitution of 1988, indigenous peoples were given both the right to be culturally different, as well as the right over their lands The struggle of indigenous peoples to influence the text of the Constitut ion had the strategic support of institutions and people such as the Catholic Church (through CIMI), NGOs, anthropologists, environmentalists and indigenists (Ramos, 1998). While indigenous leaders were getting involved and familiarised with formal Brazilian politics though the participation in the planning and writing of the new constitution, the recently resettled Kaiabi were adapting and getting acquainted with the novelty of living in Xingu Park. The ability of some Kaiabi to relate with the nonindige nous and to speak Portuguese made them important allies of the Villas Bas brothers in Xingu Parks administration tasks. During the 1970s and 1980s, some of the men began to work for the Villas Bas brothers, assisting in the administration of the Park and helping to contact isolated indigenous groups, such as the Kayap, the Txico, the Panar and the Arara (Oakdale 1996 ; Menezes, 2000). Through their previous contact with rubber tappers and their work with the Villas Bas brothers, the Kaiabi acquired valuable social skills. In addition to learning Portuguese, some men received formal education in the FUNAI school at Diauarum Post. Working as boat drivers, assistants and, eventually, as chiefs of villages and Posts, the Kaiabi began to gain increased con trol and influence over the northern portion of Xingu Park (Lea, 1997). Some Kaiabi men became FUNAI officers (see next

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194 section on Mairaws testimony), living and working between Braslia and Xingu Park (Oakdale 1996), or working with NGOs outside the Par k. This contributed to the formation of several important political leaders. In parallel with the development of the indigenous grassroots movement in Brazil and the formation of indigenous leaders, b eginning in the 1960s and 1970s the world witnessed the rise of what was called the environmentalist movement, which gained real political force in the late 1980s (Little, 2001). For indigenous and other traditional peoples, it was an opportunity to link human rights to environmental protection. As Kearney ( 1996: 107) highlighted, sustainability is viewed as a movement to the political aspirations of indigenous peoples to defend their cultural and political autonomy against the designs of the modern nationstate to make them disappear from history whether b y assimilation or some other form of ethnocide. The global environmental movement has thus become linked to the defense of human rights and the self determination of indigenous peoples in ways that perhaps no one foresaw before 1970. The end of the 1980s and beginning of the 1990s was a moment of particular importance for indigenous peoples in Brazil. The fortunate combination between indigenous grassroots movements with the environmental movement during and after the approval of the Constitution has had m any social, economic and political impacts in indigenous lands in the Amazon. Inspired by indigenous peoples struggles, the rubber tappers political movement reinforced the importance to integrate human rights and social welfare with sound natural resourc e use in alternatives for sustainable development of the region (Cunha and Almeida, 2000). The Convention on Biological Diversity and the A genda 21 approved in the 1992 Earth Summit in Rio de Janeiro explicitly recognized the important role played by indig enous and traditional communities in environmental conservation (Cunha and Almeida, 2000). A unique political

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195 opportunity emerged including participation in international political networks, for indigenous peoples to access all kinds of resources to support their struggles, building and strengthening transcommunity networks nationally and internationally (Yashar, 2005). It was in this scenario that many international NGOs and governmental institutions began to consider working with indigenous peoples to s ecure the world s largest tropical forest area. As indigenous leaders became prominent in the international arena of environmental and human rights activism, new forms of transnational and transcultural encounters and alliances emerged (Conklin and Graham, 1995). However, along with the opportunities, resources and support that came to indigenous hands through the new pact with environmentalism, indigenous peoples have also gained a continued dependence on funding provided by these international organizations for the development of local projects (Fisher, 1997; Albert, 2005). One partnership that had a great effect o n the Kaiabi and other peoples living in Xingu Park began with the singer Sting teaming with Trudie Styler in response to a direct request for help from chief Raoni, a Kayap Indian leader in Brazil, seeking help in the fight to protect his peoples land and culture . (Rainfo rest Foundation US, 2009) This movement had international repercussion and massive media coverage, triggering the creation of the Rainforest Foundation in 1989, which today ha s branches in US, UK and Norway At that time, the Mektyktire Kayapo (group commanded by Raoni) were still living in Xingu Park. In Rainforest Foundations mission statement, they refer to the intrinsic link between indigenous peoples and rainforest conservation: Our mission is to support Indigenous and traditional populations of the rainforest in their efforts to protect their environment and fulfill their rights by assisting them. (Rainforest Foundati on US, 2009) Since 1995, the Norwegian Rainforest Foundation (NRF) has been one of the main agencies giving financial support to the Kaiabi and other peoples in Xingu Park.

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196 The Formation of an I ndige nous Political L eader Mairaw Kaiabi has been an important political leader among the Kaiabi. He was president of ATIX (Associao Terra Indgena Xingu) for three consecutive mandates, he has coordinated the project for monitoring Xingu Parks borders and at present he is ATIX vice president. I interviewed Ma iraw on June 28 of 2007, and asked him to tell me how he became a political leader. His history is intertwined with Xingu Parks history, and helps us to understand the process of empowerment of the Xingu Kaiabi. Anthropologist Berta Ribeiro met Mairaw in 1977, when he was 28 years old. She described him as a self made man (Ribeir o, 1979:103) in contrast to Aritana Yawalapiti, a prominent chief and political leader in the upper Xingu region: both hold dialogue with the nonindigenous and also with their own people; they circulate well in and between the two worlds W hile Aritana is an aristocrat, coming from an important family of chiefs, Mairaw is an ordinary man who conquered the place he holds by his own effort and means. According to Mairaws testimony, when he moved from the village in which he used to live with his parents in Arraias River to the Diauarum Post, he was around eight years old. He became friends with a white boy and began to help the Villas Bas brothers with the work in the kit chen. He would carry water for them, and take care of their bird. The younger Villas Bas brother, lvaro, began to teach him to read and write in Portuguese. His father had already died and his mother always asked him not to travel away from the Post, awa y from her. O nce he was invited to go on a boat trip to Leonardo Post (around nine hours by boat from the Diauarum Post) and the driver told him he could come back with him the next day, but this was not true, and he ended up staying there for a couple of months. His mother was sick and died before he was able to see her again.

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197 He came to Diauarum but went back to Leonardo Post to continue working with lvaro. He would participate in every meeting that the Villas Bas he ld with the nonindigenous: I was i n every meeting that Orlando and Cludio had with the whites, listening, participating. They talked a lot about land titling around the Park; I did not know what that meant . . Then, in 1962, a group left, commanded by Prepori, to bring another group o f Kaiabi coming from Teles Pires . here in Diauarum it was full of Kaiabi. The first Kaiabi village was opened by Prepori in the site where Capivara village is located today. Then, they began to build other villages, they began to spread out. The Villa s Bas wanted the Kaiabi close to Diauarum. They were worried about people leaving to visit the cities ; they di d not like it. I wanted to work . then they called me to work with transportation at Leonardo again. I led an expedition from Leonardo to Gar apu, about 30 days of travel A fter that I would already know how to run and fix boat engines. I stayed there for 3 4 years When it was 1966, another group of Kaiabi arrived from Tatuy: Temeioni, Tap, Domingos, Takaperun, Tewit, bringing the kids. Then I came to Diauaru m to help to take care of them. I ended up staying here and getting married to a Suy woman. Cludio was organizing the expedition to contact the Panar people, and he asked me to take care of the Post (Diauarum) while he was gone. Then i t started, everything was on me. A lot of responsibility, even applying injections in people. I did not get paid to work. Only in 1973 was I hired by FUNAI. There was way more fish in the river at that time compared with nowadays . then I stayed here, ri ght? Then the political part began, I had to do everything: health, visitors, politics. It was easier to talk to my people, the Indians. I had more difficulty with the whites. It was good, because today I can see that I did a good job for the Indians and w hites alike . At the time that Mairaw was working as the chief of Diauarum Post, FUNAI had begun to hire i ndians as officers, but there was no indian hired as a Post chief Mairaw was probably

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198 the first in Brazil. There were many Indians being hired to w ork in the construction of the Transamazon road. A FUNAI airplane pilot became Mairaws friend and helped him with the formal hiring process and contract. From 1973 to 1985 he worked as the chief of Diauarum Post: I stayed here commanding the post.then I thought that I needed people to help me, Tapai, Atu, Tangue, Pai, Tuim, Ip. I helped them to get hired as officers also. I already had my experience, so for them it was easier . According to Mairaws accountings, in 1984 a conflict between some indig eno us peoples from Xingu Park and the Brazilian government over the control of the crossing of the Xingu river by ferry on the route of the road BR 080 (which was working since 1970) had important consequences for th e Kayap people and for political leader s who participated in this process alike The so called Guerra da Balsa ( Ferry war) lasted about two months. The Kayap seized and held the big boat which was used to cross cars and trucks from one bank of the Xingu Ri ver to the other With the delimitation of the Xingu Park, areas inhabited by the Mekty ktire Kayap, known as Jarin and Pururi (where the important Kayap chief Raoni used to live with his group), located to the north of the BR 080, were left out of the Parks area. The Villas Bas brot hers wanted the Mektutyre Kayap to leave those areas and move inside the Park. Raoni agreed and moved to the village called Kretire, nowadays a Kaiabi village named Caiara. But two other important Kayap leaders refused to leave their lands and init iated a movement for the demarcation of their territories and to gain control over the crossing of the BR 080 road. At that time, there were a lot of conflicts in th e crossing of the BR 080, with frequent assassinations of Indians and non Indians alike. Th e Kayap kept the boat and FUNAI officers captiv e including Cludio Villas Bas. The Kayap asked for help from other indigenous groups.

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199 Ip Kaiabi (deceased) who was a FUN AI officer in Xingu, gave his testimony about this incident to Mariana Ferreira i n 1984: I t was hard, but beautiful to see all the Xingu tribes fighting together, everybody united. Everybody helped: the Suy the Kaiabi, the Txucarrame [Kayap], the Txico [Ikpeng] and the Krenakore [Panar] Now, the Parks director is our relative. The Parks director is Megaron. He understands the life of the Indians, because he is also an Indian. This is good for us. In this way, Xingu Park, which has been full of carabas ( nonindigenous ), is slowly becoming a place where the Indians can solve their own problems . (Ferreira, 1992:210) Th e refore, the i ndians had a proposal to present to the government in Braslia Brazils Federal District. A group of political leaders, Mairaw among them, went to talk to the Minister of the Interior, Mrio Andre azza. It was Mairaws first experience of negotiating with the government. They eventually reached a middle ground in the negotiations, which involved the resignation of FUNAIs president (at that time, Otvio Ferreira Lima) and the placement of Megaron M ekty ktire as the first indigenous administrator of Xingu Park in 1985 (Lea, 1997). In 1991, the Kayap gained official recognition of part of their traditional territory, with the homologation of the CapotoJarina indigenous land (adjacent to Xingu Park), with 634.915 ha ( ISA, 2008 a ). Mairaw revealed how this incident definitively influenced his political life, as a process of learning from other leaders experiences as he says, with his i ndian professors . He told me that during these stories, these meetings, these hard moments, many stories, memories come alive, what happened with each people, not only Kayap, but also Kaiabi, Suy, we reveal everything that happened with our people, what happened, how they s uffered. Then, Cludio

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200 told us: You have capacity; you conducted the war without anybodys influence. Maybe I would not have done what you did. So now, I want an Indian as the Parks administrator . Megaron Kayap, the new Xingu Park administrator, asked Mairaw to work as his assistant in Bra slia, where he lived for about five years, returning to Xingu to work as chief of Diauarum Post, for five years more. It was then around 1995, when a group of Xingu leaders, assisted by indigenists and by nonindigenous organizations, decided to create the indigenous organization ATIX (Associao Terra Indgena Xingu). Mairaw w as president of ATIX during three consecutive mandates, from 1995 until 2004, nine years. Nowadays, he still works as a political leader and is ATIX vice president. The social, cu ltural and political roles played by Kaiabi leaders in the present may be compared to those of, in a not so distant past, warriors, and in a mythical past, to those of Kaiabi mythical heroes. The warrior figure has had a very important place in Kaiabi cult ure, for it was during warfare that the warriors learned things from the enemies and used to bring goods, women and children to the villages (Travassos, 1984; Grnberg, 2004). It seems that, at least partially, the role of the warrior is being replaced wit h that of the political leader. The leaders travel and build bridges between worlds fight for their security, bring goods and knowledge, are brave, strong and restless. Their main weapon is the word, spoken and written. The process of identity construction among the X ingu Kaiabi has followed paths connected to their specific history and cosmology and with the cosmology of the Tupi Guarani in a broader sense. As Viveiros de Castro (1992:3) wrote about the Arawete and Oakdale (1996:14) emphasized for the Ka iabi, it seems that in TupiGuarani societies: the center is outside, its identity is elsewhere and the other is not a mirror for man, but his destiny In the myth of creation of Kaiabi people, the ancestral hero Tuiarar, who taught the Kaiabi everythi ng

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201 they know, travelled all the time, interacting with other peoples, marrying a woman from another tribe and ending up killing their enemies commanded by his brother in law (ATIX, 2006 a). He was a great warrior and shaman and at the same time a great bas ket maker. Interestingly enough, in coming to the Xingu river in mythical times, Tuiarar discovered some natural resources that are used by Kaiabi people today. The enemies are often celebrated and portrayed as a source of knowledge to be learned, adapted and incorporated as their own. The process of learning from the enemy identified by Viveiros de Castro (1986; 1992) for other Tupi guarani societies, happens historically in many spheres of Kaiabi culture and social life, and can be interpreted through the long trajectory of the Kaiabi from the ancestral land to Xi ngu Park. The Kaiabi have shown a special ability to learn and adapt knowledge, skills, concepts and even institutions of the western society according to their own interests (Senra, 2004). I c oncur with Gray (1997:198), referring to the Arakmbut people from Peru, when he says that: any future development work with the Arakmbut therefore has to combine a re strengthening of the old ways with the introduction of the new. In this way they will be able to blend their own cultural identity with the outside power of the Amiko (whites). Mairaw is a leader who shows the capacity to adapt and translate nonindigenous knowledge and political systems to Kaiabi reality. In the next section, I will expla in the process of creation of ATIX, and the role that Mairaw along with other indigenous leaders ha s had in managing and sustaining this new institution, as the y say, borrowed from the non i ndians. The C reation and Sustaining of ATIX After the Constitu tion of 1988, indigenous organizations flourished in Brazil due to the possibility of constituting legally recognized civil society organi zations This means that they

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202 could now be legal representatives and defenders of their own r ights. According to Alber t (2000), other factors that were responsible for the boom of indigenous organizations after the Constitution were the decentralization of international funding for human rights and conservation; the alliances between indigenous peoples and environmental ists; the multiplication of social environmental national and international NGOs; and the opening of the projects market after the 1992 Rio Earth Summit with the concept of sustainable development through local action. Brazilian indigenous organisations have proved to be critical as agents for dialogue and negotiation between indigenous peoples and governmental and non governmental institutions in mobilizing forces against construction of dams and other large scale development projects, in gaining autonomy for territorial management, and in accessing financial and political support for their projects (Albert, 2005). In 2000, there were around 300 indigenous organizations in the Brazilian Amazon (Albert, 2000). In 1994, the Fundao Mata Virgem a Brazili an branch of the international environmental NGO Rainforest Foundation, began to work directly with the Kaiabi, Yudja, Suy and Ikpeng peoples in Xingu Park, developing a series of educational and development projects which were subsequently adopted by the Brazilian NGO Instituto Socioambiental (ISA). In 1995, with the support of ISA, UNIFESP and other institutions, a group of Kaiabi, Yudja and Suy created the indigenous organization ATIX ( Associao Terra Indgena Xingu Xingu Indigenous Land Associatio n), whose purpose is to represent and organize the indigenous communities in the northern portion of the park, advancing human rights and developing projects of common interest. In spite of its multiethnic composition its council includes representatives from all indigenous peoples in the ParkATIX has been historically dominated by the Kaiabi, with Mairaws family playing a prominent role in the organizations growth and administration.

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203 Through ATIX, the Xingu Kaiabi have been actively involved in the Parks territorial management, including a diverse range of activities such as: running their health and education services; coordinating th e patro ling of the Parks borders; organizing land rights claims; and implementing development projects, including cultural revitalisation, natural resource management and conservation activities These projects have been carried out in partnership with ISA and other NGOs, as well as with governmental institutions, and have been funded by national and international ins titutions. Through ATIX and these processes, indigenous people in the park have acquired a degree of political autonomy from FUNAI and the state. The task of assimilating a new institution which would serve the Indians interests, but at the same time wou ld bring another type of social political organization to Kaiabi communities in Xingu has not been an easy one. N or has it been easy to carry out so many activities and projects. ATIX was the first indigenous organisation in Xingu Park to be formally crea ted, which has endured more than ten years in activity and growth. This is in great part the consequence of first, the continuous financial support from NRF (Norwegian Rainforest Foundation) during ATIXs fourteen years of existence, and second, the close assistance and training provided by ISA during all these years (enabled by continued funding provided by NRF and ISAs commitment). In other words, continued access to technical and financial support is an important factor in ATIXs successful trajectory. However, access to resources per se would not suffice to guarantee the sustaining of the organization through time. The leadership and dedication of Mairaw Kaiabi and his family have been crucial in the organizations performance and endurance. A multicultural environment also provides a stronger social control of the territory. ATIXs political council composed of representatives of the 14 groups that live in the Park has had an important role in promoting discussions and negotiations about any operation or proposal

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204 that can influence peoples or natural resources inside the Park. Related to this Langer (2003) observes that in almost all cases the strength of the indigenous movement has come from the alliance of separate ethnic groups . In my view, anothe r factor that has contributed to the organizations empowerment (and by extension, to the empowerment of the Xingu Kaiabi) vis a vis the other ethnic groups living in the Park is the fact that ATIX undertook the hard mission to coordinate the monitoring of the Parks borders, which was its first autonomous project. I was in Diauarum Post when the deceased former FUNAI president Sullivan Silvestre signed the first official agreement between FUNAI and an indigenous organisation, delegating to ATIX powers to carry out work which was previously (and officially) coordinated by FUNAI and the Brazilian Federal Police. Mairaw was coordinator of this project for many years, having promoted innumerous meeting s and expeditions involving all the fourteen indigenous groups living in the Park. This coordination of activities to protect a common territory or patrimony has contributed to confer visibility and power to ATIX (Revista Veja, 30/06/1999). Mairaw and his team have also been successful in establishing partnersh ips with other organizations, besides ISA, in the development of this project, such as the national e nvironmental agency IBAMA (see C hapter 5). ATIXs Borders Monitoring Project has been used as a model for territorial protection of other indigenous lands in the Amazon. Nevertheless, it is worth mention ing that the project has undergone many difficulties and obstacles, such as bureaucratic problems in renewing FUNAIs contract, lack of organization of chiefs of monitoring posts, pressures for exploration of resources from lo ggers, ranchers and other park neighbors, among other difficulties. I have had the opportunity to accompany the development of the association since 1997, only two years after its creation until 2007, the last time I visited the Park. In the beginning, a

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205 great part of the efforts were destined to promote capacity building activities for ATIXs personnel. Controlling ATIXs many accounts and spreadsheets has been a challenge for the few Kaiabi trained in those skills (only two people), who tend to alternate the function of financial director between each other through successive mandates. In the beginning, many youth wanted to be part of ATIXs team. However, after some years, people realized that the small salary or gratitude received for their work in ATIX does not compensate for the dedication and effort expected from them in the associations work. This problem which also happens among unwaged teachers, beekeepers and other community workers has been the reason few people are willing to work for the organisation. Who is going to fish, hunt and plant for their families? Do they have to rely on industrialized food now that they are ATIXs of ficers? Also, becoming an ATIX officer means establishing residence in Diauarum Post, w here the s oil is overexploited and fish are (compared to other villages) more scarce. Therefore, people who get involved in ATIXs work are mostly sons of FUNAI officers who already reside in Diauarum Post, or, more rarely, young Kaiabi full of ideology and willingn ess to become a political leader. Today, ATIX has its headquarters in the Diauarum post and keeps an office in the nearby town of Canarana MT, both equipped with computers, printers, GPS, office supplies, maps, publications and other materials. ATIX annual agenda is overwhelming with activities, meetings and travels. Frequently, political leaders such as Mairaw are invited to participate in political meetings at national and international levels ATIX is a member of broader indigenous organizations and networks, such as COIAB at the national level (Coordenao das Organizaes Indgenas da Amaznia Brasileira, Coordination of Indigenous Organizations of the Brazilian Amazon) and COICA at the international level (Coordinadora de las Organizaciones Indige nas de la Cuenca Amaznica, Coordination of Indigenous Organizations

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206 of the Amazon Basin). This overflow of activities brings a trade off between being a political leader and an ordinary Kaiabi person. In other words, sometimes the leader is regarded as a guardian of a culture that he cannot pursue For instance, many (with exceptions) political leaders dont know how to weave baskets, which is Mairaws case. The type of lifestyle demanded by their activity prevents them from spending more time with their family, doing, a s Mairaw is used to say ing indian things ( coisas de ndio) such as fishing, hunting, planting, weaving and o thers. The Norwegian Rainforest Foundation ( RFN ) has a program for building up networks between the projects funded by them. T hr ough this program, ATIX s representatives have had the opportunity to interact with other indigenous peoples and organizations in the Amazon, strengthening their transcommunity networks and their capacity to understand the Brazilian political scenario towards indigenous peoples and how their distant relatives have responded to it (Yashar, 2005). ISA and RFN have worked with the premise of a gradual transfer of power to ATIX through time. ATIX s personnel now administrater part of the funds that were ori ginally managed by ISA, and have also taken on the responsibility of coordinating, executing and accounting for projects, such a s Borders Monitoring and Honeybee P roduction. In the last years, ATIX has been fully responsible for other projects such as infr a structure (construction of we l l s in villages), in partnership with FUNASA, and community based cultural revitalization projects, such as the Munuwi and the Kaiabi Araa (see next sections). It is worth mention ing that in spite of the Kaiabi peoples wish to achieve full autonomy to run projects and activities, there has been continued technical assistance ( to a greater or lesser extent) from ISAs personnel to ATIX in the administration of these projects.

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207 ATIXs ascendance and success, along with interethnic conflicts, have encouraged other Xingu groups to create their own associations. Despite ATIXs multiethnic composition since its creation, counting on a political council represented by other Xingu groups, the management of such a multi ethnic institution is very hard on the ground, taking into account the image of peace, timelessness, purity and lack of conflict created for Xingu Park (Menezes, 2000; Oakdale, 2005) exists only in TV series and postal cards. In reality, ATIX has been viewed by other X ingu peoples as a pan indian association, but whose ethnic essence is Kaiabi. Furthermore, ATIX has been viewed as dealing with problems and projects at a broader scale, and therefore incapable of giving to the villages local communities the attention and response to demands they would like. This boom of creation of local associations is at the same time good for ATIX, because it decentralizes and takes pressure off the associations shoulders, but on the other hand it can get out of control, since every s ingle village and people in Xingu might want (and of course has the right to) have their own organization, not knowing what exactly this means and how to manage it. For instance, the Yudja created their own association in 2001 (Yarikayu), which is basicall y dealing with cultural projects, and the K sdj created their association in 2005 (Associao Indgena K Aturi (Jowosipep) also decided to create their own Association (As sociao Tapawi), in 2005. The Kaiabi have shown a great capacity to frame their identity through the appropriation of concepts and discourses produced by western science in their social organization, self determination and political struggle (Sahlins, 1997; Hornborg, 1998; Kurkiala, 1998; Oakdale, 2004; 2005; Senra, 2004). Many authors have referred to t he capacity of indigenous peoples to construct self representations based on externally constructed notions and concepts such as culture, Indian identit y, and the noble savage debate as one mean s through which they can access

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208 the resources they need to maintain their own reproduction ( Colchester, 1994; Fisher, 1994; Jackson, 1991, 1995; Conklin, 1997, 2002; Conklin and Graham 1995; Turner, 1991, 2000; Lan ger, 2003; Albert, 2005; Oakdale, 2004; 2005). Albert (2005:200) refers to the process of adaptive resistance in which indigenous peoples identities and mechanisms for social and cultural reproduction come to depend as much on repertoires of legitimation imposed by developing states and advocacy organizations as on their own political symbolic resources This adaptive resistance process might bring both innovations and resources but also contradictions and conflicts to indigenous peoples, as is the c ase with the Kaiabi. The territorial confinement and the cultural changes and paradoxes which they have had to face with the transfer to Xingu have produced shifts in the way they present themselves to other peoples and external agents (Oakdale, 1996; 2005). Suzanne Oakdale (1996), in her dissertation about the Xingu Kaiabi explores the conformity of the discourse (and practices) of some Kaiabi men to the pre conceived and established view of Xingu Park as an untouched paradise where Indians and nature w ill live forever in harmony. According to her accountings (Oakdale, 1996:31), once one Kaiabi man and political leader told his community that they should not mention that they kill animals or eat meat when representatives of an international NGO came to visi t. He was concerned that animal kill ing, meat eating Indians would not fit the image of original purity that has been mapped on to the Park, and that the Kaiabi would be seen as already too impure, too fully inserted into the process of history to mer it foreign capital. At the same time, the Kaiabi have engaged in several processes of cultural revitalization which might be partially related to the fact that they are regarded as acculturated and caboclized by their upper Xingu neighbours. In fact, the Kaiabi have appropriated the notion of culture as an instrument, or as an object as Senra (2004) pointed out. They have re worked the concept of culture as an ideal(ized) set of

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209 knowledge and traits which should be pursued by any ordinary person, so the person would have culture (Senra, 2004). Under such conceptions, there has been a clash between older and younger generations and between what is and what is not the authentic Kaiabi culture. is (Oa kdale, 1996; 2004) If on one side the assimilatio n of western institutions cause s local conflict, on the other the political power and economic benefits of long term international funding can provide the structural basis for social strengthening through cultural revival initiatives. Amongst the Kayap, Turner (1991) highlighted the culturally revitalising effects of political activism and increased power in strength ening self awareness and pride i n their traditions. The Kaiabi have not only dealt with assimilation and appropriation of discourses and ins titutions in the configuration of their Xingu identity and empowerment, but also with western modes of knowledge transmission such as schools and projects, which is the topic of the next section. Community based Projects and Initiatives The dramatic incre ase of indigenous organizations in the Brazilian Amazon region after the Constitution of 1988 was accompanied by the need for financial, technical and political resources to sustain these new local institutions. According to Albert (2004 ), the majority of these organizations have relied on external resources allocated in specific projects designed for local development such as territorial management; institutional maintenance; organization of politic al events and assemblies; health and education programs; i nitiatives for commercialization of products; and initiatives for cultural revitalization and publicity. This boom of indigenous organizations and the opening of what Bruce Albert named the projects market has happened in association with favorable nati onal and international policies and facts In the international arena, the main factors which contributed to the establishment of the projects market through local initiatives were the globalization of issues related to the

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210 environment and human rights, allied to the expansion of NGOs willing to work with local peoples in the implementation of conserv ation and development projects, also known as ICDP s Integrated Conservation and Development Proj ects (Wells, Brandon et al., 1992) The de centralization of international cooperation and the political movement around the conservation of the Amazon provided a flow of information, financial resources and institutions willing to w ork locally with traditional communities and indigenous peoples with the aim of promoting sustainable development attempting to reconcile community development with sound natural resource management (Albert, 2000). Nationally, in spite of the capability given to the organizations of becoming official civil society entities, the State h as, in many circumstances, distanced itself from the responsibilities linked to the management of indigenous lands in the country. This deccurs in part of budget cuts in the indigenist administration initiated by the military government. In Xingu, development and conservation initiatives have also been filtered through the access and appropriation of resources coming through projects. This is true not only for ATIX, but also for other indigenous organizations. The Indians have had to learn the project lang uage, get trained in computer programs and accounting, keep good communication with partners and donors and prepare various types of documents as required by their funding institutions. They have had to learn that working with projects means more than pre paring lists of items with a budget. This process has been a gr eat challenge for the few ATIX officers trained to work with computers. In the next sections, I describe some of the first community based projects developed by or through ATIX4 for cultural re vitalization, including the Kaiabi Araa project related to basketry and t extiles weaving knowledge, whose results are further explored in Chapter 8. In the 4 Currently there are other projects for cultural revitalization in development though ATIX, but with which I have no familiarity.

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211 end, I present a brief discussion on the benefits and disadvantages faced by ATIX through its enga gement in the projects market in the last ten years. The Kuman Project Since its creation in 1995, ATIX has implemented several projects, funded by governmental and non governmental, national and international institutions. According to Mairaw Kaiabi, o ne of the main objectives of the organization has been to promote cultural awareness/revital ization activities for Xingu peoples. In other words, they were creating an institution borrowed from the nonindigenous to preserve their indigenousness. The first project envisioned by the Kaiabi, initiated in 1997, was named Kuman Project ( kuman=type of bean), and had the aim of promoting cultural revitalization activities related to hadicraft production. The goal was to implement a series of Culture Schools in several villages, to constitute spaces through which the elders would teach the youth to make traditional handicrafts. The objects produced in e ach school of culture would then be evaluated and sold in order to generate cash to sustain the functioning of the schools and the visits of experienced artisans to each village to conduct handicraft workshops and evaluation of the schools work. The idea was good, but the resources werent sufficient to finance all the activities proposed in the project, which to complicate things further included three different peoples, the Kaiabi, the Yudja and the Kisdj. However, it lasted one year, and in some villages it had a significant effect. For instance, in 1998, in a period of four months, the families of Kururu (Kaiabi) vi llage (nowadays named Aipor), produced various handic raft items worth around R$ 5.000,00 (U S $ 2,500) in the school of culture named Panak hapter 8). Part of this product ion was sold directly to middle men who used to come to the village to buy, and the rest was sold through ATIX in its first experience of selling handicrafts directly to stores in So Paulo (Ath ayde, 1998; 1999).

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212 I was able to observe that the Kuman project had an impact in the cultural revitalization of some items of Kaiabi material culture which were not being produced regularly, such as necklaces of inaj (palm, Maximiliana maripa) produced by women among others. On the other hand, it also enabled creativity and innovations, such as the carved wooden benches traditionally produced by the men, which came to be painted with graphic designs adapted from their rich repertoire of basketry designs. Besides this, the possibility to exchange art for cash was a good incentive for the youth to learn how to produce traditional handicrafts with the elders. The Kaiabi Araa Project In 2004, two local communities began to develop cultural revitalisation c ommunity based projects through ATIX. They both had their projects approved by the PDPI program (Projetos Demonstrativos dos Povos Indgenas/PPG7), which is concerned with indigenous capacity building to plan, write and run their own projects with minimal external assistance. In Tuiarar village, Aturi (Jowosipep) conceptualised and coordinated the Kaiabi Araa5 project, mentioned previously in the introduction. In Kwaruja village, Aturis brother in law named Tuiarajup conceptualized and coordinated the M unuwi project (next section). This w a s a project for the revitalization of basketry and textile weaving knowledge that also included the Kaiabi from Par (Teles Pires) The project, which lasted seven years from its conception until its conclusion, was financed by PDPI and executed through ATIX. The total cost of the project was R$ 108.523,90 (around U S $ 50,000). The main activities carried out t hrough the execution of the project from 2004 to 2006 were: 1) workshops to teach basketry and textiles weaving t o men and women in Teles Pires ( Kururuzinho village ) and at Xingu Park (Tuiarar village); 2) activities for management of the arum plant, including transplanting of saplings from Teles 5 The word Araa means graphic desi gn in the Kaiabi language.

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213 Pires area to Xingu park6; 3) visit to two ethnographic museums loc ated in Goinia (GO), with a survey of Kaiabi objects, as part of an initiative of surveying Kaiabi ethnographic collections in national and international museums; 4) workshops in the Tuiarar village school to produce educational books and materials, such as the book on Kaiabi basketry and the book on Kaiabi textiles (ATIX, 2006 a ; 2006 b); 5) production of a vi deo document ary project7; and 6) construction of a traditional house named the Culture School in Tuiarar village (ATIX, 2006 c; Kaiabi and Kaiab i, 2006). The Kaiabi Araa project included four weaving workshops, with the participation of 12 basketry teachers, 15 textiles teachers, 63 basketry students (males) and 48 textile students (females) and the production of 76 designed baskets, besides other items (ATIX, 2006 c, Table 62). The project was one of the winners of the Indigenous Cultures Award 2007 Ministry of Culture/Brazil ( Prmio Culturas Indgenas Edio ngelo Cret Ministrio da Cultura MINC ), and the Tuiarar community received around US $ 7,500 to be used in cultural revitalization initiatives. It is worth mention ing that the practical workshops which happened in the villages were entirely organized by the communities and had no previous structural arrangements, when compared to the workshops normally organized by ISA or EPM in the villages. Each person would arrive and begin to work with his or her teacher, surrounded by children, women breastfeeding while weaving and young men listening to music in their headphones. In addition to the twillplaited baskets with graphic designs, men and youth participating in the project also learned to make different types of baskets, such as the cylindrical basket named Tamakari and the clubs with woven handles (see C hapter 8). During one 6 Ischnosiphon gracilis (Marantaceae), main fiber used for production of baskets with graphic designs whose populations are scarce in Xingu Park. See chapters 5 and 8 for more information. 7 See excerpt of Kaiabi Araa documentar y on: http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=LRPbH4IvwZA

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214 wor kshop at Tuiarar village, an experienced elder (named Karauu) produced another type of cylindrical basket ( Yr okoteem ) which according to the participants, nobody ha d seen or done before. An analysis of the effects of this project in knowledge transmission and cultural revitalization among the Tuiarar and Kur uruzinho villages is presented i n C hapter 8. The pr oject was considered to be very successful by the participant communities and by the Kaiabi in general, taking in to account that it was one of the first village projects developed through ATIX. However, there were many obstacles and dif ficulties to be over co me in the process of its development. One of them relates to the difficulty of communication between the coordinators (Aturi in Xingu and Eroit in Teles Pires) and ATIXs team in Canarana. ATIX was supposed to send monthly accounting reports to PDPI, in order to be able to receive the next deposit in the projects bank account. They had difficulties in communicating to each other, preparing the account reports, keepi ng the receipts of all expenses, and sending the reports to PDPI on time. ATIXs financial director at that time (Tariajup Kaiabi) was overloaded with all the other ATIX activities. ISAs personnel and I helped ATIXs team and villagers in many situations in order to keep the project going in good shape. Another difficulty encountered was the l ack of raw material ( arum) to be used in the workshops, which was addressed through the use of other plants as substitutes. Participants also mentioned in the evaluation that they needed more time to really learn how to make the baskets and textiles objec ts taught through the project. However, the cost of each workshop was very high, considering that the project paid for industrialized food bought in the cities (there werent enough fish and agricultural products to sustain nearly 40 visitors in a village for 10 days) and also for each persons work in the workshop (such as fishermen, cooks, and boat drivers). See the following section with a brief

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215 critique on the projects culture for further analysis on the constraints of relying on them for achieving cultural resilience among the Kaiabi. The Munuwi Project Another community based project developed with PDPI funds and executed through ATIX was conceived by the chief of Kwaruja village, Tuiarajup Kaiabi (nicknamed Tuiat). He is the son of Prepori (see C ha pter 3), the charismatic leader and shaman who played a decisive role in the transfer of the group to Xingu Park. He was also responsible, along with other elders, for the transport of most of the Kaiabi crop varieties from Rio dos Peixes to Xingu Park, on foot (Silva and Athayde, 2002). After that, he turned out to be a great shaman, being able to communicate with the Mait (spirits from heaven), curing diseases and making predictions. Tuiajarup, today nearly 45 years old, followed the steps of his father a lso becoming a shaman Since the death of his father in 2000, Tuiat along with his wife Wici, his brother Arupajup and his nephew Sirawan (teacher) began to carry out activities for the recuperation, multiplication and exchange of cr op plant varieties bet ween the Kaiabi at Xingu Park, with a focus on peanut varieties. These efforts ended up in the PDPI project named Munuwi (in Kaiabi, peanut), with in situ management of more than 30 peanut varieties that constitute one of the most important element of Kaiabi cultural and sacred patrimony (Silva, 2002 a). Women from other villages come to plant and harvest peanut seeds planted in special fertile land plots. The seeds are then stored and distributed to other villages. Geraldo Silva an agronomist who also worked for ISA several years, has accompanied and advised the Kaiabi in the planning and execution of this project since its inception. His PhD research includes an analysis of peanut management and conservation among the Kaiabi (Silva, 2009). Tuiat has t ravelled to different places in an d out of Brazil to publicize his project. He became nationally known for his efforts in agrobiodiversity conservation through a documentary exhibited by the television network Rede Globo in 2003.

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216 Benefits and Disadvantages of Community based Projects in Xingu In the Amazon, community based initiatives for conservation and development among traditional and indigenous peoples mostly have been carried out through the so called projects market or Integrated Conservation a nd Development Projects ICDPs (Wells, Brandon et al., 1992; Albert, 2000; 2005). In fact, this market sustains not only communities and their local institutions, but contributes substantially to the budget of NGOs (for many of them it is the main source of funding) and governmental agencies alike. This entails a complex system of formal and informal social and institutional interactions, or social networks, which range from local to regional, national and global scales (Agrawal and Gibson, 1999; Mitraud, 2001). Among indigenous peoples, access to and dependence on the projects market might bring both benefits and disadvantages. Analyses of the constraints that indigenous peoples face when entering in this type of socialpoliticaleconomical framework, especially coming from their own perspective, are critical in efforts to adjust and improve public polices directed towards Amazonian development. According to Brown and Wychoff Baird (1994), conservation organizations and donor institutions have a lot to l e arn and adjust based on project evaluations and analyses. In the case of the Xingu and the Kaiabi, the access to resources (financial, technical, institutional) coming from projects has been essential for ATIXs existence and activities since it was created in 1995. Not only ATIX, but all other indigenous associations in Xingu have bec ome dependent on the projects market For the indians, working through projects facilitate s the distribution of functions and resources needed to carry out sustained work. I t makes it easier for them to control highly disputed and problematic resources such as gasoline for motor boats and food for workshops and meetings. Thus, from the organizational perspective, projects might be a useful tool or instrument for indigenous pe oples. Therefore, projects should be viewed as a

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217 means to achieve a needed goal through specific work, not as lists of items to be purchased and brought to t he villages This simple distinction has been discussed a lot with ATIXs team and other political leaders in Xingu, since they got used to Villas Bas and FUNAIs paternalist ic approach of bringing gifts and responding to lists of demand s prepared by villagers (Oakdale, 1996). The projects culture has produced changes in the way Xingu Indians relate to external actors and institutions. Nowadays, they (or some of them) are required to be creative, trained, literate and legally represented by an institution to access funding t o work with their communities. For the Kaiabi, running work through projects has also brought changes in social organization structures and in power relations, sometimes entailing disputes and conflicts within the communities. Oakdale (1996), carrying out research with the Kaiabi in the beginning of the 1990s, perceived changes in the social organization of villages, with a shift of power from elders to younger leaders. She explains that elders have delegated authority to younger men, because they speak fluent Portuguese, have greater facility in communicating with the outside world, a nd therefore are better prepared to access goods and services for the villages. At present, many bigger villages such as Capivara and Tuiarar, are commanded by young er chiefs (caciques) Normally, these chiefs have kinship ties with elderly, reflecting an attempt to maintain traditional social order but in new social organization structures. Therefore, what was regarded in the past as a needed quality or ability in a chief or leader, of providing traditional food, objects and goods for the village, has shi ft ed in the present to the ability of younger leaders to attract resources (monetary, objects, projects) and agents/services (NGOs practitioners, F UNAI officers, health agents etc) The entry and relative dependence on the projects market beginning in t he 1990s, has magnified these shi fts in the perception and pursuit of power amongst generations (Oakdale,

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218 1996; 2005). For example, the perceived success of the Kaiabi Araa project brought status and power to the young chief Aturi (Jowosipep) in Tuiarar village. Charged with the obligation to adjust to the project framework, indigenous peoples are becoming increasingly dependent on technology and bureaucracy. Indigenous officers responsible for writing and organizing documents, using computers and communicating with outside actors have become distanced from the indigenous way of life, to become indigenous bureaucrats. Working under the premise that indigenous peoples have the right to self determination and thus of conquering a viable level of independen ce from nonindigenous agents, we might have to accept these shifts in indigenous ways of life as part of the empowering process. The establishment of frameworks, networks and funding to promote sustainable development through the projects market has ent ailed an increased dependence of local peoples on external funding and sometimes on external agendas (Albert, 2000; 2005). According to Fisher (1997), indigenous peoples might have to compete among themselves to access resources that are not available for everyone, and many times to accept agendas and demands that are not constructed with them or do not reflect their needs and interests Rosengren (2003) states that the new political organization brought by indigenous organizations might cause power confli cts amongst indigenous communities and increased vulnerability through dependence on external demands and lack of power for ma king decisions Some roles played by indigenous peoples, many times with the support of national NGOs, tend to substitute State r oles, which many times do not have the technical or financial resources needed to perform that work. Specifically in the case of ATIX, there has been a generalized lack of understanding about ATIXs role, functions and work among the Kaiabi themselves and among other

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219 indigenous peoples resident in Xingu. They tend to confound roles and duties related to each institution which works with them, including FUNAI, ISA, EPM and others. It has been a challenge for the Kaiabi to appropriate and assimilate ATIX as an institution of their own, especially in the villages. We will come b ack to this question i n the following section on communities perceptions of Kaiabi associations work and role. Another problem or constraint in project development is the lack of cl ear definition and examination of the concept of community by external institutions and agents. According to Agrawal and Gibson (1999:640), some common assumptions about communities he ld both by the scientific community and development agents include the idealization of a social group that has: small size, territorial fixity, group homogeneity and shared understandings and identities . The idealized view of community as a black box or as a homogenous social arrangement has also been appropriated by indi genous communities at Xingu Park, causing social frictions and compromising the results of the socalled community based projects. Among the Kaiabi, the kin group represented by an extended family traditionally was the basic social unit before the transfer of the group to Xingu (Grnberg, 2004). After the transfer, as discussed above, the organization of different kin groups in the same village has produced different social strains (Oakdale, 1996). Thus, it was easy for the Indians to appropriate the concep t of community to refer to a congregated multi family village. However, this concept might be used both for good and for bad. For instance, power imbalances and misappropriations may be legitimized through the use of community as benefiting from resources that in reality are being channeled to a specific family or household. Or, leaders may speak in the name of the community without really reflecting peoples opinions and needs. Another problem relates to money or objects which

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220 belong to the community causing wariness and conflicts related to who control s or use s these resources. Agrawal and Gibson (1999:629), in their analysis of the use of the concept of community in projects and actions for natural resource management and conservation, suggest that actors involved in community based conservation and development should adopt a political approach, focusing on institutions rather than on community : identifying and working with multiple interests and actors within communities, on how these actors influ ence decision making and on the internal and external institutions that shape the decisionmaking process . Among the Indians, a good leader should also be able to deal with internal differences within the community, reconciling interests and trying to rea ch an acceptable level of agreement (or consensus) about a determined question. Therefore, a young chief might have to promote numerous meetings in his community before taking any decision about a specific project. These meetings should be included in proj e ct planning and development. Indigenous organizations, political leaders and NGOs alike should be careful in being accountable to their constituents and keeping transparency in their activities, especially regarding mone tar y expenditures. Practitioners a nd donors should learn to recognize and work with the intrinsic differences, power structures and possible emerging conflicts resulting when planning and executing conservation and development projects amongst indigenous peoples. The perceived dependency on external resources to develop indigenous traditional activities might be another pitfall which comes with the projects market In addition, if viewed as new institutions entering in the villages organization, projects may reinforce current trends towar ds formalization and institutionalization of indigenous knowledge and practices (see C hapter 8 for a more indepth discussion on this). For instance, regarding both Munuwi and

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221 Kaiabi Araa projects, the Indians may think that the only way to recuperate traditional crops or to revitalize traditional knowledge is through projects and therefore access to external technical and financial resources. I participated in a meeting in Tuiarar village where the villagers and participants were discussing this topic. Ac cording to them, traditional ways of knowledge transmission and traditional cultural practices should continue to occur independently of the projects, which should be viewed as a tool to improve existing initiatives or traditional practice s, not as their s ubstitute Whereas the list of contradictions and pitfalls related to the assimilation of the projects culture among indigenous peoples is long, this is the framework in place and thus the one with which stakeholders involved in community based develo pment have to learn to work, adapt and adjust. More than once I have heard leaders affirming the need to keep both cultural systems working together: that of the whites and the indigenous one, even if the distinction between those has become blurred and nuanc ed. Positive outcomes of these community based projects and initiatives are not always instantly visible, perceived or quantifiable by practitioners, researchers and donors involved. In the case of the Kaiabi, positive outcomes of these projects include im provements in the communication inside and between different villages, with the coordination of efforts and work towards the valorization of Kaiabi knowledge and culture. This brings pride and interest to the people involved, including to the youth, who we re usually not interested enough in learning aspects of their own cultural inheritance (Turner, 1991). Besides this, through these initiatives, the Indians are able to advance their own agendas and become gradually more independent from nonindigenous agen ts. T hese initiatives are empowering to indigenous peoples, since they allow more freedom of choice, relative independence from the State to access and use resources and also bring cultural pride to the communities involved.

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222 Itaok and Kawaip Associations in Rio dos Peixes and Teles Pires The Itaok Association (meaning rock or stone house; Ita=rock; ok=house) was created in 1999. At that time, it congregated the Apiak, the Munduruku and the Kaiabi groups. However, after some years, people realized that it wasnt possible to have all three groups involved in the association; it was not working well. Therefore, in 2002 Itaok came to be composed solely of the Kaiabi people living in Apiak Kaiabi land. The president in 2007 was Jewi Kwasiari (Raimundo), and t he vice President was Faustino Tukum Kaiabi, son of Catarina. The association has run only two projects, both of them with accounting problems The first one was a project for Brazil nut processing and commercialization (R$ 30.000; US$ 15,000) which involved all the three groups (Kaiabi, Apiak and Munduruku), supported by the Brazilian Ministry of Environment (MMA, Ministrio do Meio Ambiente) The only tangible result of this project was the construction of a house (nowadays in very bad condition) for drying the harvested Brazil nut. The Brazil nut project was receiving support from the GTME (Grupo de Trabalho Missionrio Evanglico), but the person who used to help them with the project disappeared, never contacting the indians again. T he second projec t was about improving agriculture in the areas where wood has been extracted in the past, planting maize, rice, beans and other crops. It received support from the Dutch government (R$ 6.000; U S $ 3,000), but the results were very modest President Raimundo said that they have had many difficulties running the association. First, because the community does not want to contribute to the association, so he had to pay for things with his personal funds when needed. Second, because they do not understand the w hites politics. He was once inv ited to participate in an ATIX assembly at Xingu Park. Faustino, the vice president, affirmed that the association has problems because people dont

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223 know how to work in the organization. Both agreed that they need capacity building and technical assistance in order to be able to run the association. Wilson, the health agent in the village and Tafuts (the older man and last shaman in the village) grandson said that there is lack of dialogue between the associations personnel and the community: the community needs to understand what their role in the association is . Sebastio said that the president of the association has to be together with the community, talking, promoting meetings every day, otherwise it does not work. El ections for changing the directors of the association were planned for 2007. Kawaip association (AIKK Associao Indgena Kawaip Kaiabi) was created in 1999, to legally represent the Teles Pires Kaiabi and to make it easier for them to raise and manage resources and also to run their own projects. The first president was Ywyrup (Jos Kaiabi) from 1999 to 2002, and then Iracildo Munduruku from 2002 to 2006. Tarawi assumed the presidency in 2007. He was born at Ilha Grande village in Xingu Park and got mar ried in Kururuzinho. He is living and studying in Alta Floresta, and has actively participated in the fight for the expansion of the land to the Mato Grosso side. He has also been successful in mobilizing his relatives from Xingu, especially from Ilha Gran de village, to join them in political articulation concerning Teles Pires land struggles. Tangeui (Arlindo), one of the villages teachers, commented that they could be trained by the Xingu people on how to work with an indigenous association. According to Iracildo Munduruku, former president, Clvis Nunes, FUNAIs officer and chief of Kururuzinho Post, always encouraged the creation of the association. What FUNAI could not do, the association could, says Iracildo. A great example is the process of land demarcation. In 2004, the PPTAL program for indigenous lands demarcation in Brazil was about to begin the process of land

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224 demarcation for the extension of Kayabi land in Teles Pires. Part of the money for the demarcation project was deposited in Kawaips bank account, but the project never started because of the legal contestation process which is still in course (see Chapter 4). Eroit, teacher and vice President of the association said that Kawaips biggest difficulty was not having run any project, even small. He thinks that they need a person who can help them to write a funding proposal Some IBAMA representatives have helped them to review the associations statute (IBAMA, 2004). He thinks that now it is going to be easier for them to organize the ass ociations work since the association represents only the Kaiabi, leaving aside the Munduruk and the Apiak peoples. We have many plansthe first project we want is beekeeping, the second will be about indigenous pepper. After the Xingu and the Teles P ires Kaiabi groups got reconnected following the transfer to Xingu, there has been an informal, kinshipbased process of social and political exchange between the two groups. This process happens between the Xingu Kaiabi and the two other groups Rio dos Peixes and Teles Pires, but not between the last two. Makupa Kaiabi, former ATIXs president and Eroits brother (both sons of Masia elder from Tuiarar), has visited Kururuzinho vi llage to help in land struggles actions and also to explain to them about what might be the work of an indigenous associati on. In the other direction Eroit has traveled to Xingu on many opportunities and for many different reasons, such as to visit his father Masia, to participate in courses for training of indigenous teachers to conduct health treatment with shamans or to participate in political meetings. While in Xingu the Kaiabi have had access to technical and financi al resources, in the other two areas they have struggled to create and maint ain their local organizations It is hard to access and manage resources without a combination of proper assistance, support and internal

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225 leadership. Land struggl es have contributed to develop political cooperation and flow of resources, information, people and knowledge between the t hree Kaiabi groups. Through their accumulation of political power, the Xingu Kaiabi have subsequently been able to help the other Kaiabi groups in territorial rights claims. However, ATIX representatives in Xingu have felt overwhelmed by the amount of work related to ATIXs management and projects, therefore not having much availability to help their relatives from other areas. Peoples Perceptions on the Work of Kaiabi Indigenous Associations In this section, I present data on the understanding, participation and expectations of people (men and women over 15 years old) interviewed in Kaiabi communities in Xingu ( Capivara and Tuiarar ), Rio dos Peixes (Tatuy and Novo Horizonte) and Kururuzinho (Teles Pires), regarding the role, current work and possible future projects of Kaiabi associations (ATIX, Itaok and Kawaip respectively) These interviews were carried out as part of my research on socioeconomic factors and w eaving knowledge, presented in C hapters 7 and 8 respectively, and included a total of 224 pe opl e in the four villages, divided in 110 men and 114 women (see chaper 7 and Table 7 1). I plan to return these results to the communities and leaders of Kaiabi associations, so they can better understand communities perceptions about their work and take them into account in their future actions. The results of the interviews carried out among Capivara and Tuiarar villages residents show that women know much less about the function and work performed by ATIX when compared to men (Table 6 3). They also participate less in political meetings and as members of political councils. For instance, in Capivara only 17% of women interviewed have participated in ATIXs political meetings, versus 60% of men. In Capivara, men and women participate m ore in

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226 ATIXs me etings (total 39 %) than in Tuiarar (total 24%). T his is probably related to the closer proximity of Capivara village to the Diauarum Post. In Rio dos Peix es and Teles Pires peoples participation and perceptions concerning the local organisations Itaok and Kawaip differ from those observed in Xingu For instance, women participate more in political meetings at Rio dos Peixes (35%) and Kururuzinho (36%) in comparison to Capivara (17%) and Tuia rar (9 %). In Rio dos Peixes, this can be attributed to the fact that the majority of women ha ve some level of literacy (see C hapter 7) in comparison to the other areas, besides the fact that in Rio dos Peixes they are also struggling for land demarcation having frequent community meetings to debate problems related to land being claimed The participation of men in political meetings at Teles Pires is greater (81%) than in Rio dos Peixes (47 %). This is probably related to the land struggle process in Teles Pires, which has been more intense than in Rio dos Peixes, be sides the fact that Kururuzinhos population is smaller than Rio dos Peixes. Overall, political participation is greater in Teles Pires (57 %) in comparison to the three other villages (Figure 6 4). T he interviews identified six categories of work or functi ons that are developed through the local indigenous ass ociations : 1) Patrolling of land borders; 2) Development of projects; 3) Cultural revitalisation; 4) Political articulation; 5) Commercialisation of products; 6) Land struggles. Some respondents said t hat they did not know what work was carried out by local organisations. There is a common trend registered for all four villages, in which the great majority of women dont know what the associations work or functions are. The dont know answer was given by 87% of women in Capivara, 86% in Tuiarar 85% in Rio dos Peixes and 89% in Teles Pires For men, not knowing what the work of associations is also scored high, especially in Rio dos Peixes (61%), but less than for the women (see Figure 65). Accor ding to

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227 the interviewees in Xingu villages, the main work carried out by ATIX in the Park is that of patr olling Xingu Parks borders (16 % in Capivara and 20% in Tuiarar), which was initiated by Mairaw through ATIX in 1998. Another function that scored hi gh for both villages is the comm ercialisation of products (18% in Capivara and 15% in Tuiarar). In Capivara, 20% of people mentioned that ATIXs main work is the development of projects. In Rio dos Peixes and Teles Pires, where the work of patrolling lands borders is not so significant in comparison to Xingu, the main work or role for the associations is th e development of projects: 19% in Rio dos Peixes and 35% in Teles Pires. The second main work of associations mentioned in Rio dos Peixes and Teles Pi res was that of commercialisation of products in Rio dos Peixes (9%), and land struggles in Teles Pires (1 7%). The greater link to markets and the dependence on sale of handicrafts, agricultural products and Brazil nuts to consolidate the family income in Rio dos Peixes (Chapter 7) is reflected in their expectations that the association will undertake more control and thus improve the organization of commercial activities among them. It is easier to visualize the differences between men and women and among villages by looking at Figure 6 5. In general, men know more and in more detail about the work of organizations. Womens perception about the work of organizations is more diversified in Xingu (Capivara and Tuiarar villages). In Rio dos Peixes and Teles Pires, women basically refer to projects and commercialisation of products (only in Rio dos Peixes) or they dont know about it. This makes us infer that in Xingu the association works more closely with the community and also that women have more access to information about ATIXs work, while in the other areas, the associations work is either incipient (such as in the case of Rio dos Peixes) or is performed with little involvement of women (communication and participation). Therefore, in all three

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228 areas, political leaders and associations teams need to direct more attention to women, creating mechanisms through which they can have better access to information and more opportunities for participation. Peoples preferences for future projects to be developed through the local organizations also differ among villages, but less between genders than the perceptions of associations work. T hirteen different ideas were identified for projects to be developed by the associations in the four villages studied (Table 6 3), but four of them were the most cited by both men and women alike: 1) handicrafts; 2) traditional crops; 3) Brazil nut; and 4) beekeeping. Projects for handicrafts production and commercialisation scored 3 7% in Capivara; 2 9 % in Tuiarar; 50% in Rio dos Peixes and 35% in Teles Pires (Figure 66). In fact, handicrafts trade is one of the most important sources of family income in all four villages, with the exception of Brazil nut commercialisation in Rio dos Peixes. This might also be related, in th e case of Capivara and Tuiarar, to the previous experiences they have had with cultural revitalisation projects regarding handicrafts, such as the Kuman and the Kaiabi Araa projects. Management and revitalisation of tr aditional agriculture and crops vari eties also scored high for all villages, especially among men. There is a current generalised worry among the Kaiabi, related to the perceived los s of their agrobiodiversity (Silva, 2009). In Rio dos Peixes, 10% of the women and 44% of men, totalling 26%, expressed the expectation that the Itaok association should develop a project for the organisation of Brazil nut collection and commercialisation. In Teles Pires people already had mentioned the interest in a project for honey production and commercialisa tion, similar to that developed by ATIX and ISA in Xingu. The number of people who dont know which project(s) they would like to see being developed in their villages is greater among the women, and it is also overall greater in Xingu

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229 (Capivara 30%, Tuia rar 40%) in comparison to the other villages (Rio dos Peixes 16%, Teles Pires 7%). Overall, the same people who dont know about indigenous organisations work also responded that they did not know which project they would like to participate in. I belie ve that there are both needs and opportunities for greater interaction between the three Kaiabi organisations, which could learn from and collaborate with each other in different ways For instance, ATIX could provide information and technical assistance t o the Kawaip association in the development of a beekeeping project. ATIXs personnel could provide information and training to both Itaok and Kawaip associations in project planning and development, as already indicated by people who work in these organis ations. Maybe Kaiabi organisations need a project to be able to understand and ex perience working through projects .8 In Xingu, where I have more experience observing peoples reactions to the establishment of a new indigenous institution, I have perceived that communities in the villages frequently misunderstand the role and function of ATIX as representing their own needs. They often say that ATIX is now their father , and being so, it is expected to provide the financial support and the goods that they need. People tend to confuse the role of ATIX with that of FUNAI, known by its paternalistic posture towards Xingu people, especially during the Villas Bas administration. They also criticize ATIX as portraying ISAs goals and agenda, not theirs. ATIX rep resentatives are aware of this problem and have directed efforts to make more visits to the villages to talk with the communities The role and work of different institutions present in a n indigenous land should be constantly reaffirmed to the communities Related to this, Rosengren (2003) mentions that t he 8 It is worth mentioning here that the decision of what to do with the information generated by this research in relation to Kaiabi organisations will be put in their hands through the process of returning results to the communities.

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230 assimilation of a westernized model of institution can cause increased local conflict and vulnerability among indigenous peoples. He identified two parallel models for constructing identity amongst th e Matsigenka people in Peru: one comes from Matsigenka cosmogony, by which they conceptualize the world. The other is the way that Matsigenka represent themselves in the political arena, through local organizations. He affirms that local organizations bas ed on ethnic belonging emerge, expand and then start to experience problems in the relationship between leaders and their constituencies Rosengren (2003:237). T he political ascendancy of the Kaiabi in Xingu and especially of some individuals, has straine d social relations both among the Kaiabi and with other groups in the upper and middle sectors of the Park. The relationship between the Kaiabi newcomers in Xinguand the upper Xingu groups whose ancestors have occupied the Xingu headwaters for at leas t one thousand years (Oakdale 1996; 2005; Heckenberger 2001; 2005) is complex. Due to the unique conditions of Xingu P ark and to the status of these x inguano tribes as authentic Brazilian Indians , the upper Xingu groups have received great er attention fr om the media, anthropologists and politicians (Menezes 2000; Oakdale 1996). Some of their rituals, such as the kwaryp (celebration of the dead), are nationally famous and receive important visitors every year. The Kaiabi have in the past felt powerless a nd marginalised by these more traditional and emplaced upper Xingu groups, who generally view the Kaiabi as caboclised newcomers (Oakdale 1996). These dynamics have probably contributed to driving the Kaiabi into the process of political empowerment and cultural revitalization in which they are currently engaged Conclusion The relocation of the Kaiabi to Xingu Park has enabled them to access knowledge, technical and financial resources otherwise unavailable, which provided a platform for the renewal of their identity and for their political empowerment. The Kaiabi, through leadership and

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231 persistence, have been relatively successful in the appropriation of Western institutions and in taking advantage of opportunities provided by the concomitant developmen t of indigenous grassroots movements and the environmentalist movement in Brazil (Little, 2001; Albert, 2000; 2005; Oakdale, 1996; 2005). In other words, some Kaiabi leaders have had the previous historical experience, the knowledge and the leadership nee ded to better take advantage of the opportunities offered to them. The previous experience with rubber tapp ers made some Kaiabi men instrumental in assisting the Villas Bas brothers in the administration of Xingu Park. At the same time, the growing contact with the outside world, facilitated by the emblematic reputation of Xingu Park, as well as the experiences resultant from involvement with other indigenous groups (especially the Kayap) in political struggles at national levels, contributed to the capacity building of Kaiabi leaders, such as Mairaw. The demographic growth of the Xingu Kaiabi a few decades after the transfer, helps to explain the differences between the three Kaiabi groups. Sheltered and assisted by a good health service, maybe one of the best available to indigenous peoples in the country, the Kaiabi are the biggest population in Xingu Park. This has implications also for the cultural persistence of the group, since in Xingu there is a reserve of people who still speak the native lang uage and stick to cultural traditions. The creation of ATIX is an internal historical landmark for the Kaiabi as a socio political experiment in which new roles, identities and actors take action. It was made possible through the favorable political momen t and opportunity provided by the multiplication of Amazonian indigenous organizations after the Constitution of 1988 and the alliance of indigenous peoples with the environmentalist movement (Conklin and Graham, 1995; Kearney, 1996; Ramos, 1998; Albert, 2000). ATIX has counted on technical support from ISA and financial support from the

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232 Norwegian Rainforest Foundation since its creation. This long term relat ionship with partners and donor institutions was critical in providing the financial resources and t he capacity building needed to sustain and power up ATIX since its creation fourteen years ago. However, the assimilation of western social structures and institutions has potential for both the good and bad. At the same time that the Kaiabi are better pr epared to deal with external circumstances, they are exposed to internal conflicts due to clashes between the traditional and the new forms of power through social and political organization, and between old and new generations (Oakdale, 1996; Rosengren, 2003). ATIX Itaok and Kwaip associations are also dependent on international funds to survive and very few donors are willing to provide institutional support instead of applying resources in specific projects In a way, the partnership between indigenous peoples and conservation has meant both freedom (from the state) and dependence (on international political conjunctures). As Albert (2005:205) stated, Amerindian strategies regarding identity and territory are inscribed within international political co njectures that set out their conditions of possibility, sustained their emergence, and delineated the range of their implementation . Peoples perceptions about the role of Kaiabi indigenous organizations in four villages differ among genders and villages One common feature among all villages analyzed is the lack of womens participation and access to information related to the work of indigenous organizations, as well as about preference for future projects to be developed in their villages. In Xingu, the work of patrolling Parks borders is recognized in both Capivara and Tuiarar villages, besides devel opment of projects and product commercialization. In Rio dos Peixes, Itaoks work is too incipient to be recognized by the community, and in Teles Pires, Kawaips work is regarded as linked mostly to projects and land struggles.

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233 Whereas ATIX has had access to different types of resources during its fourteen years of existence, the other two associations at Rio dos Peixes (Itaok) and Teles Pires (Kawaip) have struggled to continue existing in spite of lack of access to funding opportunities, training, technical advice and qualified personnel. However, ATIXs empowerment has trickled down to the other two Kaiabi associations, through kinship ties and related to the processes of land claims in which Rio dos Peixes and Teles Pires groups have been involved. In the case of ATIX, Mairaws leadership was key in ensuring good political relationships with neighbouring groups in Xingu in spite of conflicts and jea lousy that might accompany any escalade to power. Therefore, access to resources per se might not ensure political empowerment of grassroots cultural minorities. Leadership, training, persistence, transparency and long term funding are important ingredient s in the formation, strengthening and endurance of indigenous organisations in the Brazilian Amazon.

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234 Figure 6 1. Location of the indigenous lands currently occupied by the Kaiabi: Xingu Indigenous Park, TI Apiak Kaiabi (Rio dos Peixes) and TI Kayabi (Teles Pires). Adapted from Grnberg (2004) and Athayde et al. (2009).

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235 Figure 6 2. Map of Xingu Indigenous Park. It is possible to distinguish the upper Xingu region and PI Leonardo, the middle section and PI Pavuru and the northern portion or lower section of the Park where PI Diauarum is located. Source: ISA (2009 b). PI Leonardo PI Pavuru PI Diauarum

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236 341 308 1102 1647 0 200 400 600 800 1000 1200 1400 1600 1800 1955 1966 1970 1979 1985 1989 1995 1999 2002 2003/2004 2006/2007 Year/range Number of people Xingu Park Rio dos Peixes Teles Pires Others Total Figure 6 3. Evolution of Kaiabi population in the three areas occupied by the group, from 1955 to 2007. Sources of information: Dornstauder, 1955; Rangel, 1987; Meli, 1993; UNI FESP, 2004; FUNAI, 2004; Baruzzi, 2005; Pagliaro, 2005; FUNAI, 2007; ISA, 2007.

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237 Table 6 1. Evolution of Kaiabi population through time. Year/range Number of people Xingu Park Rio dos Peixes Teles Pires Others Total 1955 40 108 148 45 341 1966 179 5 3 56 20 308 1970 213 70 1979 330 95 1985 435 1989 526 130 1995 656 1999 767 265 70 1102 2002 958 2003/2004 1000 121 2006/2007* 1226 266 155 1647 *Total number of Kaiabi for 2006/2007 is estimated and might not include Kaiabi living in cities outside the indigenous lands. Data sources: Dornstauder ( 1955); Rangel ( 1987); Meli (1993); UNIFESP ( 2004; 2007); Baruzzi ( 2005); Pagliaro ( 2005); FUNAI (2004; 2007); FUNASA (2007); ISA (2007).

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238 Table 6 2. S ynthesis of the results of the Kaiabi Araa project, in terms of objects produced and people who have participated in the four workshops developed in Kururuzinho and Tuiarar villages between 2004 and 2006. Products and participants Villages and workshop s TOTAL Kururuzinho 2004 Tuiarar 2004 Tuiarar 2005 Tuiarar 2006 Twill plaited baskets with graphic designs 20 31 25 0 76 Fans 0 0 0 56 56 Cylindrical basket 0 0 0 03 03 Adorned clubs (woven handles) 0 0 0 09 09 Hammock with graphis designs 2 1 1 0 04 Simple hammock 0 0 1 0 01 Strap for carrying babies 3 5 6 0 14 Bags 0 0 9 18 27 Basketry teachers (male) 2 5 9 5 12 Textiles teachers (female) 2 2 7 5 15 Basketry students (male) 12 24 27 27 63 Textiles students (female) 13 10 22 20 48 Source: Adapted from ATIX (2006 c).

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239 Table 6 3. Comparison between political participation, perception of indigenous organisations work and preference for future projects between four Kaiabi villages. F=female; M=male; T=total. Villages Capivara Tui arar Rio dos Peixes Teles Pires Gender /Total F M T F M T F M T F M T N/% N % N % N % N % N % N % N % N % N % N % N % N % Political participation Participation in political meetings 4 16.67 15 60.00 19 38.78 2 9.09 9 39.13 11 24.44 14 35.00 17 47.22 31 40.79 10 35.71 21 80.77 31 57.41 Participation in political councils 2 8.33 1 4.00 3 6.12 1 4.55 7 30.43 8 17.78 3 7.50 8 22.22 11 14.47 1 3.57 10 38.46 11 20.37 Role of indigenous organizations Patrolling of land borders 1 4.17 7 28.00 8 16.33 0 0.00 9 39.13 9 20.00 0 0.00 0 0.00 0 0.00 0 0.00 1 3.85 1 1.85 Projects 1 4.17 9 36.00 10 20.41 0 0.00 2 8.70 2 4.44 4 10.00 11 30.56 15 19.74 3 10.71 16 61.54 19 35.19 Cultural revitalization 0 0.00 6 24.00 6 12.24 1 4.55 4 17.39 5 11.11 0 0.00 1 2.78 1 1.32 0 0.00 3 11.54 3 5.56 Political articulation 1 4.17 5 20.00 6 12.24 0 0.00 5 21.74 5 11.11 0 0.00 2 5.56 2 2.63 0 0.00 4 15.38 4 7.41 Commercialisation of products 2 8.3 3 7 28.00 9 18.37 3 13.64 4 17.39 7 15.56 1 2.50 6 16.67 7 9.21 0 0.00 1 3.85 1 1.85 Land Struggles 1 4.17 3 12.00 4 8.16 0 0.00 1 4.35 1 2.22 0 0.00 0 0.00 0 0.00 0 0.00 9 34.62 9 16.67 Don't know 21 87.50 10 40.00 31 63.27 19 86.36 13 56.52 32 71.11 3 4 85.00 22 61.11 56 73.68 25 89.29 10 38.46 35 64.81

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240 Table 6 3. Continued Villages Capivara Tuiarar Rio dos Peixes Teles Pires Gender F M T F M T F M T F M T N/% N % N % N % N % N % N % N % N % N % N % N % N % Preference for future proj ects Agriculture/ traditional crop 1 4.17 11 44.00 12 24.49 2 9.09 8 34.78 10 22.22 3 7.50 10 27.78 13 17.11 6 21.43 5 19.23 11 20.37 Natural resource management 0 0.00 6 24.00 6 12.24 0 0.00 6 26.09 6 13.33 0 0.00 1 2.78 1 1 .32 1 3.57 3 11.54 4 7.41 Handicrafts 1 1 45.83 7 28.00 18 36.73 7 31.82 6 26.09 13 28.89 22 55.00 16 44.44 38 50.00 13 46.43 6 23.08 19 35.19 Musical revitalization 0 0.00 1 4.00 1 2.04 0 0.00 1 4.35 1 2.22 0 0.00 1 2.78 1 1.32 0 0.00 0 0.00 0 0.00 Be ekeping 0 0.00 1 4.00 1 2.04 1 4.55 4 17.39 5 11.11 2 5.00 6 16.67 8 10.53 3 10.71 15 57.69 18 33.33 Brazil nut 0 0.00 0 0.00 0 0 0 0.00 0 0.00 0 0.00 4 10.00 16 44.44 20 26.32 2 7.14 2 7.69 4 7.41 Cattle raising 0 0.00 0 0.00 0 0 0 0.00 0 0.00 0 0.00 1 2.50 1 2.78 2 2.63 0 0.00 0 0.00 0 0.00 Festivals 0 0.00 1 4.00 1 2.04 0 0.00 1 4.35 1 2.22 0 0.00 1 2.78 1 1.32 0 0.00 0 0.00 0 0.00 Political 1 4.17 1 4.00 2 4.08 0 0.00 1 4.35 1 2.22 0 0.00 0 0.00 0 0.00 0 0.00 2 7.69 2 3.70 S alt production 0 0 .00 0 0.00 0 0.00 0 0.00 1 4.35 1 2.22 0 0.00 0 0.00 0 0.00 0 0.00 0 0.00 0 0.00

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241 Table 6 3. Continued Villages Capivara Tuiarar Rio dos Peixes Teles Pires Gender F M T F M T F M T F M T N/% N % N % N % N % N % N % N % N % N % N % N % N % Preference for future projects P epper production 0 0.00 0 0.00 0 0.00 0 0.00 0 0.00 0 0.00 0 0.00 0 0.00 0 0.00 0 0.00 2 7.69 2 3.70 Education 0 0.00 0 0.00 0 0.00 0 0.00 0 0.00 0 0.00 1 2.50 0 0.00 1 1.32 0 0.00 0 0.00 0 0. 00 Fish 0 0.00 0 0.00 0 0.00 0 0.00 0 0.00 0 0.00 0 0.00 1 2.78 1 1.32 0 0.00 0 0.00 0 0.00 Don't know 11 45.83 4 16.00 15 30.61 14 63.64 4 17.39 18 40.00 11 27.50 1 2.78 12 15.79 2 7.14 2 7.69 4 7.41

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242 0.00 10.00 20.00 30.00 40.00 50.00 60.00 70.00 80.00 90.00 F M F M F M F M CA TU RP TP Village/ gender % of participation in political meetings Figure 6 4. Degree of participation in political meetings amongst men (M male) and women (F female) in four Kaiabi villages. CA=Capivara; TU=Tuiarar; RP=Rio dos Peixes; TP= Teles Pires.

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243 0 20 40 60 80 100 120 140 160 180 200 F M F M F M F M CA TU RP TP Villages/gender % of people interviewed Patrolling of land borders Projects Cultural revitalisation Political articulation Commercialisation of products Land Struggles Don't know Figure 6 5. Perceptions of people ( M male and F female) about the work carried out by local organizations in Capivara (CA), Tuiarar (TU), Rio dos Peixes (RP) and Teles Pires (TP) villages.

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244 0.00 10.00 20.00 30.00 40.00 50.00 60.00 Handicrafts Don't know Agriculture/traditional crop Natural resource management Political Beekeping Musical revitalisation Festivals Brazil nut Cattle raising Education Fish Indigenous pepper production Indigenous salt production Preference for projects Percentage of people interviewed in each village (%) TP RP TU CA Figure 6 6. Preference of communities for future projects to be developed by indigenous organizations in four Kaiabi villages. CA Capivara; TU Tuiarar; RP Rio dos Peixe s; TP Teles Pires.

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245 CHAPTER 7 COMPARATIVE SOCIO ECONOMIC ANALYSIS OF FOUR KAI ABI VILLAGES Introduction In the previous chapter, I presented information on the infra structure, institutional and political configuration of eac h land occupied by the Kaiabi on a broader scale, without considering villages and individuals specificities. This chapter goes one step down in scale, containing socio economic descripti ons and analyses at the village and individual levels, and providing a comparison among the fou r Kaiabi villages included in this research. The exploration of the socioeconomic variables considered in thi s chapter will enable a more in depth understanding of the factors and processes which underlie the different trajectories followed by the three K aiabi groups, in terms of cultural resilience and change. The main socio economic data collected and analysed were place of birth; interethnic mixing; function in the village; stability and sources of income; proficiency in the native language; schooling ; and degree of contact and interacti ons between the four villages. Multiple questions might be formulated concerning the complex relationships between socioeconomic factors and cultural resilience. In this chapter, I take language proficiency as an indicat or of cultural vitality or robustness (dependent variable) and analyse the effect or relationship of other socioeconomic variables on it (independent or explanatory variables). I carry out an exploratory analiz ys of the effects formal schooling, gender, s tability of income and age might have o n language proficiency across the four villages. Then, in Chapter 8, I carry out the same analyses and hypotheses testing using weaving knowledge as the dependent variable. For the analyses, I considered language prof iciency as a proxy for indigenous knowledge (Maffi, 2001), conducting a preliminary test of the fol lowing hypotheses (detailed in C hapter 2):

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246 H1: Elders retain deeper and different knowledge when compared to younger people. Therefore, it would be expected that elders are more proficient in the language than youth. H3: Greater levels of market integration erodes indigenous knowledge. It is expected that greater income stability will result in lower language proficiency. H4:Formal schooling erodes IK. Here, higher levels of formal schooling would be correlated to lower language proficiency. Some specific questions to be asked are: a) What is the effect of formal schooling on language vitality? b) Is language proficiency correlated with age? c) Which Kaiabi g roup retains greater language vitality? Why? Specific questions are stated in each sub section of this chapter, which is divided by socioeconomic variables. Then, in the next chapter, I will compare these socioeconomic variables with weaving knowledge, whi ch I treat as another indicator of cultural vitality. To better understand the multiple interactions among socioeconomic and cultural processes, I used a set of quantitative statistical methods, including chi square and correlation tests, bivariate and mul tivariate linear and logistical regression1. The topics explored in this and in the next chapter have been studied by authors who have worked with different domains of knowledge and cultural change amongst indigenous and other traditional peoples, using both qualitative and quantitative approaches (Boster, 1986; Garro, 1986; Nabhan and St Antoine, 1993; Alexiades, 1999; Zent, 1999; 2001; Godoy et al., 1998; Godoy, 2001; Reyes Garca, 2001; Reyes Garca et al., 2005; Hill, 2001; Hunn, 2001; Ross, 2002; Zarge r and Stepp, 2004; and others). Concurring with Maffi (2001:13), m y broader objective here is to advance the understanding of socioeconomic factors which underlie processes of culture shift among indigenous peoples, and through which mechanisms they 1 See Chapter 2 for detailed description on methods for data analysis used in this research.

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247 opera te. For instance, Victoria Reyes Garca (2001; 2005) studied the effects of market integration on environmental knowledge systems among the Tsimane in lowland Bolivia. Gary Nabhan and Sara St. Antoine (1993) compared the effects of lack of contact with na ture and changes in oral transmission of knowledge among indigenous and non indigenous children in the Sonoran desert in the US. Stanford Zent (1999; 2001) studied the relationships between social variables (age, schooling and bilingual ability) and ethnobotanical knowledge amongst the Piaroa indigenous people of Venezuela. All of these studies have shown that knowledge loss or change is never a linear process evenly distributed throughout an indigenous population. Therefore, the main theoretical contribution of this and those studies is not just proving that market integration or formal schooling changes and or erodes language proficiency and indigenous knowledge, but how these processes happen, interact and affect the social political configuration and sel f determination of indigenous peoples ( Reyes Garca, 2001). The socioeconomic factors or, as I am treating them, variables are intertwined and interactively shape and are shaped by history and by internal and external forms of social, political and institutional organization. Therefore, it is often difficult to isolate socioeconomic factors and distinguish which ones are more influential (and why) in processes of cultural change. For instance, the access to fixed monthly wages by a person may permit t hat this individual provides formal schooling for his or her children, which in turn will affect their capacity to retain or lose traditional knowledge. The closer proximity to cities, such as in the case of the Rio dos Peixes group, enables closer contact with the market economy and also with the nonindigenous lifestyle, including substitution of the native language by Brazilian Portuguese, the national language.

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248 This chapter is organized in two main parts: the first part contains a description of locat ion, infra structure and general socioeconomic organisation of each of the four villages considered in the research: Capivara and Tuiarar villages at Xingu Park, Tatuy post and village in Rio dos Peixes (including Novo Horizonte village as part of Tatuy) and Kururuzinho post and village in Teles Pires river. In C hapter 6, I described each of the three lands in which the villages are located. In this and in the next chapter, I refer to the villages and subsequently, household and individuals. The second par t of this chapter contains comparative socioeconomic analyses of the four villages, and thus is divided by the main independent and dependent socioeconomic variables explored in this research. Overview of Villages Organization Capivara and Tuiarar Villages at Xingu Park Both Capivara and Tuiarar villages are located in the northern portion of Xingu Indigenous Park (Figure 71). Capivara village is placed o n the right riverbank of Xingu River, about 20 minutes by boat to the north of Diauarum Post. It was created around 1977, comprising the extended family linked to the great chief Temeioni (deceased), who lived at Rio dos Peixes and died at Xingu Park. His older son, Kupeap (around 77 years old) is one of the oldest Kaiabi me n still alive and is very knowledgeable about Kaiabi culture. When Temeionis family first arrived in the Park, they lived some years in and around Diauarum Post. Then, they established a village in front of the place where Capivara is located today. Cansio (who lived in Xingu but mo ved back to Rio dos Peixes around 1997) and Kupeianim (another of Temeioni s son s and Kupeaps brother) decided to open Capivara village, inviting other people who came from Rio dos Peixes to join them. It is one of the biggest Kaiabi villages in Xingu Par k, where nearly 145 people live nowadays Currently, t he head of the village is J ywapan (Temeionis nephew).

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249 T he village has one motorboat, a radio and health unit building s a school, public toilets and a b eekeepers office. There are three teachers, Awat at, Jemy and Sirakup, working in the elementary school. After nearly 30 years living in the same area, in 2006 Capivara residents decided to transfer their houses to an adjacent area in the back of the village, leaving in the village the services and insti tutional buildings such as radio, school, honey house and meeting plaza (see Figures 7 2 and 73 drawn by Capivaras students, which show a map with the houses spatial disposition in the old and in the new village). When I visited the new village in June of 2007, they were in the process of building the new houses, and they were planning to promote a Jowosi (traditional Kaiabi festival) to celebrate the inauguration of the new village. In the new village, they were finishing the construction of a tradit io nal Kaiabi festival house. There is a significant two way movement of people between Capivara and Rio dos Peixes/Novo Horizonte villages. For instance, there are people from Capivara who moved to Rio dos Peixes, such as Cansio and part of his family (some of his many sons still live in Capivara); and also people who used to live in Capivara, moved to Rio dos Peixes and decided to come back to Capivara in Xingu. This is the case of Tewit (78 years old), an elder also very knowledgeable in basketry weaving, who moved to Rio dos Peixes with his wife but did not want to stay there apart from his family, coming back to Xingu after a couple of years of residing in Rio dos Peixes. Another example is Pofat and Rosilda. Pofat is one of Kupeianins children who is m arried to Rosilda from Rio dos Peixes and ha s travelled more than seven times between there and Xingu. Often, longer or extended travels and exchanges between the two places happen as a consequence of marriages or kinship ties2. 2 See following section on travels and dislocations between the villages.

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250 Capivara residents are con sidering creating a village association to manage community projects and to facilitate access to technical and financial resources, but this did not happen yet. One of the biggest problems confronted by residents is the lack of fertile soils for agricultur e. The sedentary lifestyle and the fact that they have been living in the same area for nearly 30 years have caused the depletion of good soils and other resources used in house construction (such as the inaj palm used for thatching) and in handicrafts pr oduction. The residents say that some more demanding crops such as maize, peanut varieties and bananas do not grow well in the over exploited red soils still available around the village. As a result, they have had to search for capoeiras (black earth sp ot s of fertile soil, see C hapter 5) in areas distant from the village, which demands a lot of hard work and sometimes creates conflicts and competition between some families. The first community based project chosen by Capivara villagers to be presented to the PDPI program was related to the recovery of exhausted capoeiras or of areas suitable for agriculture. Tuiarar village is located on the right riverbank of the Xingu, southwards of Diauarum P ost, nearly one and a half hour s by boat. In the beginni ng, Tuiarar was a small village comprising Masias (one of the elders) family, who came from the Teles Pires River to Xingu. Masia (around 82 years old) is the father of Eroit Kaiabi, teacher and political leader in Kururuzinho village in Teles Pires. Aft erwards, other families decided to join them and to build a bigger village. This happened around 1987. The current chief is Aturi Kaiabi (now named Jowosipep, 46 years old) who accumulates the functions of chief, teacher, political leader and president of the villages association, named Tapawi. Aturi is a very active and entrepreneur ial person. He was responsible for the conceptualization and coordination of the Kaiabi Araa project. Aturis father, named Xup (75 years old), also came from Teles Pires.

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251 The village has a school, a combined radio and health unit building, two motorboats, public toilets and a beekeepers office. There is also a public phone in the village, installed with the support of the mayor of Querncia municipality, to which the villa ge officially belongs. There are two indigenous teachers, Aturi and Pikuruk. Currently, there are close to 165 people living in the village. In Tuiarar, similarly with what has happened in Capivara, the residents are also relocating the houses to the are a in the back of the village. When I visited the village in June of 2007, some of the residents, such as Masias family, w ere already living in their new houses in the back of the village. Figure 74 shows the configuration of the village in 2002 and Figur es 7 5 and 76 present the current and the planned village in 2007. In the new village, a traditional Kaiabi house was also built, with resources from the PDPI project Kaiabi Araa. This house has been used as a cultural school, in which activities such a s crafts workshops, festivals and community meetings have been promoted. In comparison to Capivara and Rio dos Peixes, the movement between Tuiarar and Teles Pires is less intense. Chico (Moyt, 62 years old), is a shaman who has been living between Tuiar ar and Kururuzinho in Teles Pires in the last couple of years. Travels between the two areas happen more often in Masias family, with visits by Eroit and his family to Xingu and also by Makup (Eroits brother) to Kururuzinho. Comparable to what is happening in Capivara, in Tuiarars region there has been a growing scarcity of good soils for agricultural production, and of some key resources used for house construction and for handicraft production. This is also a consequence of the villages sedentari zation and concern has been expressed by the residents.

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252 In both villages, the main economic activities are fishing and hunting, almost exclusively done by men, and agriculture, carried out by men and women, with familiy and some communal agricultural pl ots. Handicrafts production and sale plays a n important role in the family economy. Tuiarars women are very active in producing palm fruit jewelry for exchange and sale. As we are going to detail later, waged work has increasingly played an important rol e in the villages economy and in the access to industrialized food and goods. Tatuy Post and Novo Horizonte Village in Rio dos Peixes3 In Rio dos Peixes, Novo Horizonte village is adjacent to Tatuy Post and uses the posts services and facilities. There are around 266 people living in the Tatuy Post and in the Novo Horizonte village altogether (FUNASA, 2006), but not all of them are Kaiabi. There are interethnic marriages, especially between Kaiabi, Apiak and Munduruku, which share the land. There is al so a non indigenous woman married to a K aiabi man living in the village. Novo Horizonte village was recently constructed, around 2006. The health district approved a project for construction of sanitary units so the residents decided to build a new villag e adjacent to the Tatuy post. In Figures 7 7 and 78, I present maps with the spatial distribution of houses and facilities in these villages in 2007. The villages chief is the young Murua Capivara village in Xingu, son of the dec eased Takaperun and Juweai. His mother Juweai still lives in Capivara village, but she was in Rio dos Peixes on the occasion of my visit, undertaking medical treatment in Juara and visiting her son. Murua Rio dos Peix es to visit relatives, got married and did not return to Xingu anymore. 3 For the data presented in this dissertation, I considered Tatuy Post and Novo Horizonte village to be one unique village in Rio dos Peixes area. This merging was done to facilitate and improve data analysis, taking into account that both places are adjacent and very similar in terms of social organization, family composition and economic activities (see Chapter 2 for details).

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253 The post s infrastructure is composed of an energy generator operated by diesel water we ls, radio, health unit and school. There is also a house used for meetings, festivities and occasionally for celebration of mass by priests who live in or visit the village. People still plant garden farming plots (roa), cultivating cassava, peanuts, bananas, sweet potatoes, taro and other crops, but the diversity of crop plants cultivated by Rio dos Peixes residents is smaller than that of Xingu villages. Some families do not pursue a specific garden plot away from the village, therefore cultivating cassava and few other crops and fruit trees in their homegardens. This trend, of substituting a n agricultural family plot (named roa in Portuguese or ko in Kaiabi) by a homegarden, was observed in Xingu only at Diauarum Post, but not in the villages. It is also absent in Kururuzinho village in Teles Pires. The village differs from those of Xin gu in many aspects, but at a first glance, one can perceive that there is a clear tendency of atomization of the domestic units around nuclear families (Senra, 2002). This does not necessarily mean that the extended family has lost its social role at Rio d os Peixes. The contact with Brazilian society and the influence of the missionaries probably contributed to the abandonment of the tradition of living in big collective houses where an extended family co habit as still can be observed in Xingus villages However, even residing in a small nuclear family, the role of the extended family in social organization has still prevailed within most families, as Senra (2002) noted. The village economy is dependent on seasonal products and market opportunities. It comprises a mix of Brazil nu t commercialization, waged work (temporary and permanent) sales of handicrafts (especially by women), and sales of fish and agricultural products at Juaras markets.

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254 In the Rio dos Peixes region there is still game availability, mainly wild pigs. Almost all the families receive bolsa famlia4 from the health district. Amongst the elders, some re ceive re tirement pension s from the Brazilian government There are few elders in the village, and they are the ones who still r etai n traditional knowledge: they still speak Kaiabi language and know how to produce traditional crafts. Tafut (around 89 years old) is the oldest person interviewed in all four Kaiabi villages and the last shaman alive in Rio dos Peixes. He has several relat ives in Xingu Park, but he said he is too old to travel. Unfortunately, he has a problem in his eyes and does not weave baskets or do other types of handicrafts. Simo (around 65 years old; his Kaiabi name was Kwapn when he was a child ), is one of the few men in Rio dos Peixes who still weave s designed baskets. He was born at Wyrapatyp5 village in the Batelo river region, the same village where Kupeap from Capivara village was born. Most of Simos relatives in Xingu live in Capivara village. Luiz Pedro ( his Kaiabi name is Matariowy and he is around 79 years old), another elder, lived several years in the Utiariti C atholic mission. He does not do handicrafts, but he still speaks Kaiabi language and cultivates traditional crops. His relatives in Xingu also live in Capivara village. Among the women, Catarina (Katumait, 77 years old) is one of the oldest in the village. She knows how to weave hammocks and keeps a homegarden where she plants cotton and other crops, including peanuts. Paulina (Morekatu, 69 years old), Luiz Pedros wife, is fluent in Kaibi language and knows how to weave baskets and hammocks. Katu (68 years old) is the sister of Coron (an elder who lives in Kururuzinho, Teles Pires), Tamanauu (elder and political leader in Ilha Grande 4 Brazilian government sponsored program for low income families 5 Wyrapatyp means place where there is a lot of siriva, the p alm wood used by Kaiabi men to make bows. Wyrapat=bow; typ=resource concentration.

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255 village, Xingu Park) and Jerua (mother of the man who was assassinated in Rio dos Peixes see page 82, C hapter 4). She is also fluent in the language and knows how to weave textiles. Kururuzinho Post and Village in Teles Pires Kururuzinho Post is located some five hours down Teles Pires river from the Port of So Benedito River. There were around 155 people living in the village in 2007, belonging to nine main families (see Figure 7 9 for a map of the village in 2007, drawn by Tangeui, one of the teachers). The b asic infrastructure comprises a diesel energy generator, a school (needing renovation) a system for water supply from a nearby stream, a health unit, a radio room, public bathrooms, two motor boats and a big house for lodging and meetings. The villages s chool is still linked to the municipality of Jacar eacanga in Par, which has posed many difficulties in its administration by the Kaiabi. Similarly to what happens in Rio dos Peixes, there are interethnic marriages between the Kaiabi, Apiak and Munduruk peoples. In all cases, these marriages occur between a Kaiabi woman and an Apiak or Munduruk man. The children would normally speak the mothers language, but in this case and also in Rio dos Peixes, interethnic marriages would increase the erosion of knowledge of native languages, taking into account that it is easier for the child to communicate with his parents in Portuguese (I will go back to this issue in the next section, related to language proficiency comparing the three Kaiabi groups). The chief of the village is Jywatu (61 years old), son of Kun, a very important leader who refused to go to Xingu. Jywatu or Atu (nickname) is the older brother of Joo (41 years old, kaiabi name Mairawi), indigenous health agent in the village. Households differ in composition and social organisation. There are more traditional families, in which Kaiabi language is still spoken and extended family social ties and obligations observed, which is the case of Corons family (Eroits father in law). In contrast, the re are

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256 families, especially in the case of interethnic marriages, in which an atomization of households around a nuclear family also happens, comparable to the Rio dos Peixes situation. However, this is not as widespread as it is in Rio dos Peixes, where t he majority of nuclear families live in separated houses. In Kururuzinho, the Kaiabi maintain a system of family agricultural plots located in different sites around and away from the village In comparison to Rio dos Peixes, families still consume more t raditional than industrialised food bought in the city. However, there are some families, especially of waged officers, that depend more on industrialised food and therefore do not pursue big agricultural plots for traditional crop cultivation. Similar to Rio dos Peixes, the local economy is a mixture of subsistence and cash oriented activities. Most men fish and hunt, and some get involved in temporary work, mostly in nearby fishing resorts. Waged workers are mainly employed by the health service (FUNASA) or as school teachers. Some men also sell Brazil nut in the town of Alta Floresta. A f ew families are involved in handicraft production for commercialization to tourists who visit the village or for sales in nearby towns such as Alta Floresta, especially Corons family and Joos family. In Corons family, most women make palm fruit (tucum) jewelry and other seed jewelry for sale. Joos family specialty is the clubs with woven handles and baskets. Joo is a great artisan in Kururuzinho, and he is also teaching and encouraging his children to learn basketry. Some families prepare cassava flour and other agricultural products for occasional commercialization in the towns. Many families have applied for and are receiving retirement pension s from the Brazil ian government. There are fewer elders in Kururuzinho in comparison to Capivara, Tuiarar and Rio dos Peixes villages. Amongst them, Coron (74 years old) and his wife Ryp (67 years old) are the

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257 eldest, followed by Andr (Pyreai, 69 years old), the chief Jywatu (61), Maria (61) and Albertino Munduruku (60). There is no shaman in the village, so when people need shaman treatment, they have to travel to Xingu Park. This has happened several times with Eroit and his family ; Chico used to live in Kururuzinho, but his shamans powers are limited and he has been living in Tuiarar (Xingu) in the last couple of years. Comparative Socioeconomic Analyses of Four Villages People interviewed and Age Classes For this research, I interviewed a total of 224 people, divided between 110 men and 114 women (Table 7 1). I visited 78 households, 13 in Capivara, 14 in Tuiarar, 37 in Rio dos Peixes and 14 in Teles Pires (Kururuzinho). A similar number of men and women were interviewed in each village: between 22 and 28 in Ca pivara, Tuiarar and Kururuzinho, and 36 men and 40 women interviewed in Rio dos Peixes, where the population is bigger. An estimat e of the total number of residents for all villages in 2007 would sum 728 people. A rough estimative of the people interviewe d in relation to the total of residents, including those under 15 years of age, gives us 31% If we subtracted the number of residents under 15 for all villages, this percentage would certainly be much higher. Six age classes were defined for people interviewed in the four Kaiabi villages, adapted from Athayde (2003). Taking in account that the criterion for inclusion in the interviews was men and women over 15 years of age (see Chapter 2), the age classes below 15 years were not represented in the age py ramids constructed for this study (Figure 710). In all villages, the number of people interviewed in each age class reflects the current population structure of the Xingu Kaiabi, previously studied by Pagliaro (2005). She found that after thirty years, f rom 1970 to 1999, there was a reversion from a demographic regime of high levels of mortality and birth rates characterizing stability or even population decrease to one in which the mortality declines

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258 and birth rates increase and are maintained high, le ading to a phase of population growth and rejuvenation (Pagliaro, 2005:218, see Figure 711 for age pyramids for the Xingu Kaiabi over a thirty year period ). Pagliaro affirms that demographic studies carried out with other Brazilian indigenous peoples (suc h as the Mucajai Yanomami, the Xavante, the Waur and the Tenetehara) show a growth in the proportion of the population under 15 years of age, which is a sign of increase in population growth rates and population recover y The age pyramids found in this st udy are also consistent with the distribution of the indigenous popula tion in rural areas in the cent e r western region of Brazil (IBGE, 2005). From the age pyramids for the people interviewed (Figure 7 10), we can possibly infer t he same tendency of popul ation growth as documented in Xingu also occurring in Rio dos Peixes and Teles Pires areas: more people in the lower age classes, gradually decreasing to the top. In Xingu, there are fewer elder women in the age class of 66 years old or older in comparison to the other two areas. Looking to the age pyramids presented by Pagliaro (2005, Figure 7 11), it is possible to verify that this tendency of fewer women in the age class over 60 years old was very significant in 1970 and 1979, gradually reversing towards 1999. This might be related to the higher mortality of women after the transfer to Xingu, due to health complications, stress and adaptation problems faced with the transfer. It seems that in the case of the Kaiabi, men have greater than women, as there are very few elderly females, especially in Xingu Park. Concerning gender and age, in first world countries (and also in some third world countries such as Brazil) women show greater longevity in comparison to men, the opposite of what happens with the Kai abi. This might be related to several factors such as the high mortality of Kaiabi people before the transfer to Xingu due to measles epidemics; problems of high

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259 fecundity of indigenous women (making them more succe ptible to labor problems or gyn ecological diseases); previous conflicts with rubber tappers; and maybe more susceptibility to some nonindigenous diseases. However, there is not enough data or information available to support these inferences. The pyramid format, in which the base is bigger, gra dually decreasing towards the top containing older individuals, is also a characteristic of the Brazilian population as a whole and of third world countries in general. In first world or industrialised countries, the population pyramids do not show such a pyramidal distribution. For instance, in European countries in general, the population distribution graph shows an enlargement in the middle sections with smaller sizes in lower and upper portions (US/IDB, 2008). This means lower birth rates and also death rates, so the population is relatively stable or even declining. Places of Birth From the results reporting places of birth for the interviewed people, it is possible to confirm the close relationship of Capivara residents with Rio dos Peixes and that of Tuiarar residents with Teles Pires (see Figure 7 12 ). However, in Capivara this relationship is grea ter than in Tuiarar, with 57% of p eople born in Capivara and 39 % born in Rio dos Peixes. In fact, a great part of the population over 35 years of age in Capivara was born in Rio dos Peixes, belonging to the nuclear and extended family of the great chief Temeioni. In Tuiarar, this proportion is smaller: 60% of people were born in Tuiarar compared to 29% born in Teles Pires. In Capivara, only one pers on w as born in Teles Pires (2 %) whereas in Tuiarar, 3 people were born in Rio dos Peixes ( 6%). There is a similar trend observed in Rio dos Peixes and Teles Pires, concerning people who were born in Xingu Park and later on moved to these areas. In Rio dos P eixes, 14 % of interviewed people were born in Xingu, whereas in Teles Pires this percentage is 13 %. The great

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260 majority of people born in Xingu who later moved back to the ancestral areas are men. This aspect will be discussed in the following sections, but shows us important differences between genders that have influence on social economic organization and on the dynamics of knowledge systems among the three areas. Interethnic Mixing Interethnic marriages between the Kaiabi and other indigenous groups or nonindigenous persons have happened in greater intensity in villages in Rio dos Peixes and Teles Pires in comparison to Xingu villages. In Xingu, the only descendant of an interethnic mar riage is Tapi, representing 2 % of the people interviewed, who lives in Tuiarar village and is an indigenous health agent. In Capivara, there is no interethnic mixing among the interviewed people. I know one couple there in which the woman is Yudja, but they were absent from the village at the time I was conducting interviews. In Rio dos Peixes, 13 people (17%) are from an other ethnicity or descendants from interethnic marriages. This total comprises people of Munduruk, Sater Mau and nonindigenous origins. There are three people descendants from unrelated Munduruk parents who got married to Kaiabi women or men, such as Otvio, born in Teles Pires, son of Maria with a deceased Munduruk man, who travelled to Rio dos Peixes and ended up getting married and staying there. The other two are descendants of Munduruk famil ies who live in Rio dos Peixes area. There are four people of Sater Mau origin, related to Adelaide, a SaterMau woman married to Atade Kaiabi (son of the deceased chief Chico). The other six people are relatives of Jocelina Frana, a nonindigenous w oman married to Joo Frana Kaiabi. In Kururuzinho, the mixing between Kaiabi with other ethnicities is surprisingly greater than in Rio dos Peixes: 20 people (37%) there are of Munduruk, Apiak or of nonindigenous origin. These people often belong to a family in which the head is a Munduruk or Apiak man

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261 married to a Kaiabi woman. This is the case of Vitorino and Albertino Munduruk and their families, both of them pursuing their own villages or ranches apart from Kururuzinho Post and village, but a lso keeping a house in Kururuzinho, spending time there for health treatment, participating in meetings or for any other reason. Apiak people in Kururuzinho are related to the family of Fernando (five people), married to a Kaiabi woman, who also keep a ra nch or village apart from the post. In Kururuzinho, there are only two people descendant of nonindigenous mixed with Kaiabi. It is curious to note that in Rio dos Peixes the trend is the opposite of Kururuzinho, with mixing occurring through marriage be tween a non Kaiabi woman with a Kaiabi man. This might have, among other consequences, a particular effect o n the language proficiency of the children, because amongst most Amazonian indigenous peoples, the children generally speak the language of the mother (Rodrigues, 1986). In Teles Pires, the effects of epidemics, mobility, transfer to Xingu and involvement with the So Benedito mining company have all combined to result in greater interethnic mixing. It is important to mention that in spite of belonging to other groups, when it comes to political choices and decisions, the Apiak and Munduruk married to Kaiabi women often agree with the community in which they are living. Interethnic mixing might affect cultural resilience in different ways. It might reinforce tendencies towards the loss of proficiency in the native language, through the predominance of use of Portuguese to communicate, since the parents would speak different languages. In addition, it may also interfere and weaken processes of indigenous knowledge transmission, since the parents would belong to two different cultural systems. When the extended family does not accept the marriage, mixing would also lead to segregation and nuclearization of extended families. It is worth mentioning that, in the process of cultural change, the greater the interethinic

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262 mixing and the greater the sociocultural distance from the extended family, the closer indigenous peoples get to the nonindigenous caboclo or mestizo way of life (Adams et al., 2008). M ontenegro and Stephens (2006), talking about the effects of interethnic mixing on indigenous peoples health in Latin America, use the term relative isolation to refer not only to geographic barriers, but also to cultural and language barriers which might impede inter ethnic exchanges and enable mixings among indigenous peoples. Therefore, we can think of geographic and cultural barriers present in Xingu which have prevented inter ethnic mixing there in comparison to the other lands occupied by the Kaiabi This cultural barrier that Im talking about may be an inner natural defense of Kaiabi ethnicity against mixing and thus losing their group identity (Oakdale, 1996; 2005; Menezes, 2000). Functions in the Village, Sources and Stability of Income This s ection presents data on occupations and income in the four villages. Sources and stability of income are variables used as prox ies for degree of market integration. E leven functions or occupations were identified for people resident in Capivara, Tuiarar, Rio dos Peixes and Kururuzinho villages/posts (Table 7 2). In Capivara there are seven types of occupation, in Tuiarar nine and in Rio dos Peixes and Kururuzinho six each. The majority of people (78.68%) in the four villages do not have a specific function or profession, especially among the women. For Tuiarar and Kururuzinho, no women interviewed have a special occupation. In Capivara, there are two women who partici pate in political meetings (8 %), as political representatives and in Rio dos Peixes, four women (10%) are involved in waged work, two as teachers and two as health agents. Whereas in Xingu women have increasingly claimed and achieved more political power than in the other areas, in Rio dos Peixes women have come to work as waged officers in e ducation and health services, in positions normally occupied by men in Xingu.

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263 Men have been engaged in different functions in the villages, from more traditional and informal ones such as shaman, represented by only one man in Tuiarar (Chico) and one in Rio dos Peixes (Tafut) to formal waged positions such as indigenous teacher or indigenous health agent. Currently waged work in all sites is mostly related to health and education services. Other occupations held by men in Xingu are beekeeper6 and other assigned informal functions such as boat driver and radio operator. The sources of income or money oriented economic activities for the people interviewed reflect the situation of occupations and professions. The majority of people (78%) in the four vil lages do not pursue a regular source of income, thus depending on a combination of different activities to earn money used for basic needs such as clothing, industrialised food (especially in Rio dos Peixes and Kururuzinho), fishing materials (hooks and li nes) and tools (machete, axes, needles for sewing etc). Among the four levels of stability of income defined for this research (Table 7 3), in Xingu there are only two levels: waged officers or irregular income, with the exception of Tewit, who has retire ment pension from the time he lived in Rio dos Peixes (see below). In Capivara, the six people who have income stability (12%) rec eive from R$ 288 to R$ 1.152 (U $144 to U$576) monthly This villages total monthly income is R$ 3.450 (U$1 ,725). In Tuiarar, three men are waged officers and receive from R$ 380 to R$ 990 (U$190 to U$495) monthly, with a total village monthly income of R$2.280 (U$1 ,140). In Rio dos Peixes, the amount of people on wages or any other type of regular inc ome is greater: 31 people ( 41%), receiv e from R$ 45 to R$ 1080 (U$22 to U$540), totalling R$ 7 .879 monthly (U$3,939). In Kururuzinho, there are 10 people (18.5%) with regular income, receiving from R$351 6 Related to the beekeeping project which ATIX and ISA have been carrying out since 1997 (see chapter 6).

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264 (U$175) to R$390 (U$195), totalling R$ 3 .629 monthly (U$1,814). Therefore, mont hly income in Rio dos Peixes is at least double the amount of all the other villages (Figure 713). All women in Xingu present irregular or no stability of income, whereas in Rio dos Peixes the majority of women (60%) have access to wages (10%), retiremen t pension (15%) and family pension (35%). Thus, only 16 women out of 40 have no income stability (40%). In Teles Pires, three women receive retirement pension (10.71%), whereas all others present irregular income stability (89.29%). Whereas in Xingu only 11 people in both Capivara and Tuiarar villages have income stability (11.70%), outside Xingu in Rio dos Peixes and Kururuzinho villages altogether, 41 people have income stability through wages, retirement pension and/or family pension (31.54%). Related to this, t he Pearson Chi 2) correlating residence in side and out side of Xingu with irregular versus regular (stable) income was significant (p<0.001) and the Pearsons correlation was r=0.232 (p< 0.001). This means that the distribution of regular or irregul ar income stability is not a chance event, but depends on whet her or not somebody lives in Xingu. The estimate d odds ratio for the relationship between living inside or outside Xingu and having income stability or not for both genders was 3.76, which means that people living outside Xingu have 3.76 more chances of having income stability than people living in one of the two Xingu villages analysed (Capivara or Tuiarar). N ine types of sources of income were identified among the Kaiabi in the four villages included in this research (Figure 7 14). The main source of family income in all villages is production and sale of handic rafts: it was mentioned by 67 % of the people in Capivara, 71% in Tuiarar, 75% in Rio dos Peixes and 59% in Teles Pires. People often rely on more than one source of income and therefore combine sales of handicrafts, family pension and other types of

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265 activities, such as temporary work, to compose the household monthly income, which can fluctuate significantly throughout the year. Most women rely on sales of handicrafts as their unique source of income or for exchange with other women. In all villages, women produce fruit and seed jewellery for sale to tourists, researchers, health agents and occasionally middle men that come to the village s. Sometimes, they also send their production along with some relative, generally a man, who travels to the cities and supposedly brings the money or products back to them. In Rio dos Peixes and Kururuzinho villages it is easier for the women to travel to nearby cities and personally sell their production. In Xingu, given the greater distance to nearby cities, it is more difficult for women to travel, especially if it is not for health related reasons. Another economic activity generally performed by men which is growing in all areas in recent years is involvement in temporar y work. It was mentioned by 18% to 24% of men in all villages. This type of work may involve being hired by relatives or villagers to help build their houses or work for nonindigenous neighbours such as in fishing resorts (Teles Pires) or ranches (Rio dos Peixes). Family support was also considered part of the sources of income, because members of nuclear families of waged officers benefit from their monthly wages. This is currently a n important source of income for people in Capivara (37%), Tuiarar (33%) and Teles Pires (29 %) but not so sig nificant in Rio dos Peixes (6%). The fact that in R io dos Peixes people rely less o n family support might be related to two aspects: first of all, as mentioned before, in that village there has been an ongoing process of nuclearization of extended families and households, with each household becoming physically, socially and economically bounded by a nuclear family: wife, husband and children Some social and economic consequences of this process may be exemplified by the Xingu Kaiabi referring to

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266 the Tatuy as they name the Rio dos Peixes group: there, they even sell fish to their own relatives . The closer contact with and reliance on the market economy by the Rio dos Peixes group has brought changes in the social organisation and in the role of the extended family in providing support for its members. Nevertheless, this process of nuclearization and social change derived from greater contact wi th the market econom y and by extension with the nonindigenous lifestyle cannot be defined as linear and is not widespread and homogenous among all families. Among more traditional families in Rio dos Peixes which often are composed of people who have l ived in Xingu for a variable amount of time the nuclearization process is not as visible as it is with families that have always lived in Rio dos Peixes, or with families with mixed ethnicities. For instance, Canisio and Moreai, who moved from Xingu to R io dos Peixes in 1998 and have most of their sons and daughters around them, still keep a more traditional extended family system, even with most of their married children living in separate houses. From what I could observe while I was living in their house, there is still substantial sharing of agricultural production, fish and game amongst family members. While there are indications that this process of family nuclear ization is happening, a more indepth understanding would require further investigation of Rio dos Peixes social organisation. The second f actor related to less reliance o n family support in Rio dos Peixes might be linked to the greater access to fami ly pension there, cited by 20% of people. The Bolsa Famlia (family pension), a Brazilian g overnment program destined to support low income families is still absent in the other Kaiabi lands. In spite of the low monthly support provided b y this program (around R$ 100 or U$ 50 per month per household), it makes a difference for the families in R io dos Peixes, who use the money generally for buying clothes and industrialised

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267 food in Juara. The same happens with retirement pe nsions. In Rio dos Peixes, 10% of people receive retirement pension from the Brazilian government whereas in Kuru ruzinho this percentage is 13 %. In Xingu, normally the elders do not receive retirement pensions In Capivara, the only person who receives retirement pension is Tewit, who was living in Rio dos Peixes and got his paperwork done there. Getting retirement benefits by a ge is a right of every Brazilian citizen (65 years of age for men and 60 for women). However, the paperwork involved in the process of ac quiring the benefit is mountainous and dependent on the municipality to which the village is officially linked. In Rio dos Peixes, the number of sources of income is greater compared to all the other villages. Despite being a seasonal activity, Brazil nut extraction and commercialisation is an important source of income there, practiced by 35 % of men. In 2006, they harves ted around 50 tons of Brazil nut whereas in 2007, the harvest was around 70 tons, according to Sebastio Kaiabi. On average, each family collects around 40 kg/month during the main season, which ranges from October through January. The sale of agricultural products is also greater in Ri o dos Peixes, practiced by 22 % of the people interviewed. This is related to the closest proximity of the village to the market, in comparison to the other villages. In Kururuzinho, sale of agricultura l products was mentione d by 7% of people, and it is mostly related to sale of manioc flour in Alta Floresta. In Kururuzinho, the lower investment or opportunities in market oriented activities might be related to the greater distance to the closest town (Alta Floresta), but also to the fact that the village receives financial support from fishing resorts, which sometimes is used to buy industrialised food, clothing and other basic needs for the families. Finally, it is curious to note that honey production and commercialisation a ppears as a source of income in Capivara and Tuiarar villages at Xingu

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268 Park. The honey production project began around 12 years ago with ISAs support, and its administration hs been gradually transf erred to the Kaiabi, through a honey c ooperative. They have sold the product to diff erent buyers (including Pode Acar, a big s upermarket in So Paulo), and part of the money from the sales goes back to the villages to be reinvested in materials and sometimes to pay the work of the beekeepers. Therefore, thi s is a relatively new source of income that already appears in the data collected, along with the other established ones. Travel and Dislocations B etween the Villages This section presents information on travel and dislocations between Kaiabi villages accor ding to interviewees estimate of the number of trips taken to the other locations and the main reasons for these travels. When people move or travel, they often bring new information and knowledge, which is transmitted to others in the new location. Exploring the ways in which movement of people, knowledge and sometimes natural resources (such as crop seeds for instance) occur is important to understand the mechanisms through which indigenous knowledge is transmitted and distributed, and other cultural a nd political interactions among Kaiabi groups. Some specific questions which could be asked here are: How do the villages in and outside of Xingu interact? What is the frequency of travel between these villages? What are the main reasons for these trips ? W hich factors have enabled more contact between the three Kaiabi groups? One of the unexpected results of this research was the realization that there is a lot of interaction and contact between the three Kaiabi groups, more than I expected or was aware of. The increased contact between Xingu Park and the other areas, especially since the 1990s, can be tied to factors such as: a) improvement in infra structure for travel in the region, through the construction of roads and opening of new bus lines; b) the increased access to financial resources by Kaiabi communities coming from wages, funding for political meetings, training

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269 opportunities, projects, land demarcation struggles, etc; and c) the greater access to funding opportunities provided mainly by health a nd environmental organizations (in Teles Pires, also through the funds provided by fishing resources). Kaiabi communities have been able to acquire trucks and boats, as well as the expensive fue l needed for the distant travel Similarly to what we have f ound out concerning political participation, functions in the village and stability of income, there is a significant difference between genders regarding freq uency of and reasons for travel between the four Kaiabi villages analyzed (Figures 7 15 and 716). As expected, men travel much more than women, and for different reasons. In Xingu, there is more travelling between Capivara and Rio dos Peixes villages than between Tuiarar and Rio dos Peixes or Teles Pires. In Capivara, 42 % of women and 72% of men me ntioned that they have travelled to Rio dos Peixes, totalling 57% of people interviewed. In Tuiarar, men have travell ed both to Rio dos Peixes (39%) and Teles Pires (30%), but fewer wome n have travelled, totalling 4% to Rio dos Peixes and 13% to Teles Pir es. The increased number of travels between Tuiarar and Tele Pires is related both to kinship ties and also to the process of land demarcation in which the Teles Pires Kaiabi have been involved and have asked their Xingu relatives to take part In Rio dos Peixes, the majority of people who have travelled to Xingu went to Capivara village (47 %), and the difference between women and men travelling is smaller in compari son to all other villages: 37% of women and 58% of men. Few tr ips were taken by Rio dos P eixes residents to Kururuzinho village (5 % of interviewees), which shows that the ties between Rio dos Peixes and Teles Pires areas are weaker than between these areas and Xingu. Kururuzinho is the place with greatest number of intervi ewees travelling: 65 % of people travelled to Xingu and a surprising percentage of 52 % of people have travelled to Rio dos Peixes. Also, in Kururuzinho,

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270 the difference between men and women travelling is not so big in comparison to Tuiarar, for instanc e. There, 50% of women and 81% of men interviewed had travelled to Xingu. It seems that it is easier for people in Teles Pires to travel to visit their relatives in Rio dos Peixes than viceversa. This might be linked to the acquisition of the community truck in Kururuzinho, as we ll as to opportunities and demands for travel, such as relatives sicknesses or politica l events. Also, it is worth clarify ing that the travels from Teles Pires to Xingu have targeted mainly Ilha Grande village, where the majority of Kururuzinhos relative s live. However, a significant number of tr ips have been tak e n to Tuiarar village. Some families travel more than the others, especially when there is a couple married with split relatives between the two areas, such as the case of Pofat and Rosilda. Pofa ts parents (Kupeianim and Rea) live in Xingu, and Rosildas mother live s in Rio dos Peixes (her dad is deceased and her mom is Maria, not interviewed). S even main reasons were identified for people to dislocate between the areas In addition to travell ing with more frequency, men also travel for a more varied set of reasons, as we can observe in Figure 716. The main reason for travelling in all four vil lages is to visit relatives: 77% of people in Capivara, 79% in Tuiarar, 93% in Rio dos Peixes and 82% in Kururuzinho. Ano ther important reason for travels between Xingu and the other two areas is to collect and bring natural resources unavailable in the Park, needed for the sociocultural r eproduction of the Kaiabi (see C hapter 5). It is worth highlight in g that these reaso ns for travel often happen together, especially in the case of Capivara village: you go visit your relative and take advantage of the travel to bring some natural resources back to Xingu. Travel for political reasons w as also mentioned by a significant number of people, mainly in Tuiarar and Teles Pires areas, related to land demarcation struggles. Other reasons given for travel were to work, due to marriage with people from other villages, and to participate in courses and projects.

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271 Ba sed on peoples testimonies, it is curious to note that these travels may last from a few weeks to months and even years. Sometimes, people travel to visit a relative and end up getting married in the other place, returning to their orig inal villages to ga ther belongings and permanently moving to the new village. This happened with many of Canisios sons, who used to live in Xingu, but ended up getting married in Rio dos Peixes, permanently moving there. People may use money coming from wages to travel, or they might save money from temporary work or sale of products. Sometimes, they travel with support from a relative, and other times people are sponsored by projects (such as training of indigenous teachers and Kaiabi Araa project) or by funding available f or political struggles (such as land demarcation struggles in Teles Pires). The results show that kinship is the single most important tie linking the three Kaiabi areas. Even with the isolation and lack of contact that happened in the years immediately following the displacement, existing kinship ties have been re strengthened and new one s have been constructed, mainly through marriages between people from Xingu and the other two areas. Also, political and land demarcation struggles as well as training e vents, have created new opportunities for interaction and exchange of information between the areas. During these visits and movements between the three areas, a great deal of exchange of information, knowledge, resources and skills occur, which might have affected the distribution of knowledge of different cultural domains among the three areas. This idea will be revisited in Chapter 8, in the discussion on acquisition and distribution of weaving knowledge among the Kaiabi. Formal Schooling School is a wes tern sci encebased institution with which indigenous peoples around the world have interacted since the establishment of regular contact with westerners. In Brazilian Amazon, as well as in other Amazonian countries such as Peru, schooling and literacy among

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272 indigenous peoples often began through the C atholic church and the work of national and international missionaries (Aikman, 2003; Grupioni, 2006). In that context, the school was one of the main instruments used for assimilation of indigenous peoples int o the Brazilian society, in consonance with the national policy towards indigenous peoples in place until the constitutional re form of 1988 (Ramos, 1998, see C hapter 6 for details). Therefore, at that time, formal education available to indigenous peoples was (and still is in some places) an instrument of cultural homogenization in which indigenous groups would abandon their native languages, lifestyles, knowledge systems and differentiated identities in favour of the predominant national system (Grupioni, 2006). According to Grupioni (2006), one of the strategies used to impose the supremacy of western knowledge and of the national language (Brazilian Portuguese) over indigenous languages and knowledge systems was to create indigenous camps (internatos) w here indigenous children would remain for various years, being educated in Portuguese and in which the use of native languages was forbidden. This happened with t he Kaiabi through the Utiariti C atholic mission (Grnberg, 2004). Many men and women, especial ly at Rio dos Peixes, studied at the Utiariti mission in Cuiab. Some missionaries of the Summer Institute of Linguistics (SIL) have also remained in Rio dos Peixes for different periods of time studying the Kaiabi language and producing materials for the study of the language, as well as a translation of parts of the B ible in Tupi Guarani. Starting in the 1970s, the process of national re democratization triggered by the rise of Brazilian civil grassroots movements, and among them, indigenous grassroots m ovements brought awareness of the need for a reform of Brazilian policies regarding formal educations objectives, contents and methods directed to indigenous peoples. For Grupioni (2006), the main

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273 idea which has been advanced since that time is that the school as a western institution could be appropriated and adapted by indigenous peoples, who would bring new meanings and objectives to it, transforming the school into an instrument in their favour. Through the Brazilian constitution of 1988, indigenous peoples were granted the right to remain Indians by holding rights over their lands, identities, social organisation, lifestyles, languages and knowledge systems (Ramos, 1998). The constitution also advanced the recognition that indigenous peoples could us e their native languages and learning mechanisms in the process of formal schooling. Since then, other policy instruments have been developed, through the Ministry of Education, towards the implementation of an indigenous educational system in which the In dians could be trained to work as teachers in their communities, and, which could ultimately contribute to the maintenance of indigenous cultural diversity rather than to the outdated idea of cultural homogenization. However, in spite of the development of a national system for indigenous education, there are still many challen ges and constraints to be overco me in the implementation of such a system in Brazil (Grupioni, 2006). According to Aikman (1999:19), intercultural and bi cultural education are terms that have been used throughout Latin America to refer to indigenous educational programs whose main aim is to use education as a means of strengthening indigenous language and culture and of providing the skills and competence needed for fuller participa tion in the wider society . Aikman states that intercultural education in Latin American countries has been predominantly conceived for primary schooling, in which the foundation of the learning process is literacy, from which the concept of curriculum der ives. Since indigenous traditions and knowledge are based on mostly oral and experiential learning, indigenous formal schooling, even under the intercultural premise, is founded on nonindigenous structures thus bringing challenges to the

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274 full appropriati on of this western institution among indigenous peoples, comparable to the appropriation of indigenous associations (Chapter 6). The Kaiabi case is a good example of the enormous contrasts still in place regarding indigenous education in Brazil, ranging f rom the assimilation to the intercultural education paradigms. School has been appropriated differently by communities residing in each Kaiabi area, affecting local knowledge systems including language proficiency in the native language in different wa ys. Schooling began with the work of C atholic missionaries (Anchieta Mission or Misso Anchieta) in Rio dos Peixes in the 1960s. Father Dornstauder used to send children and youth to undertake health treatments and also to study in the Utiariti mission in Cuiab. In December of 1965, Georg Grnberg (2004) registered 23 people (children, youth and two families) living in Utiariti. After the transfer to Xingu Park, people who remained in Rio dos Peixes continued to have access to education, until nowadays, but no bi lingual intercultural education process was ever implemented. Therefore, the educational system still available for the Rio dos Peixes community probably hasnt changed much since the missionaries, with the extensive use of Portuguese language and the curricu lum reflecting western science concepts. Formal schooling at Xingu Park started in the 1970s through the creation of the first school at Leonardo Post, administered by FUNAI and with a nonindigenous teacher. In Diauarum Post, the school was im plemented in the 1980s, also under FUNAIs auspices, but working in an intermitte nt way, always depending on nonindigenous teachers hired by FUNAI (ISA, 2009 d). At the end of the 1980s, most schools in PIX posts were inactive, due to the lack of teachers Therefore, some young men who had studied in these schools began to informally t each Portuguese language classes in their villages. At that time, they did not have any institutional support. In 1994, the Fundao Mata Virgem (NGO administered by the Norwegian

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275 Rainforest FoundationNRF, see C hapter 6) started to conduct the first course or process of training indigenous teachers in Xingu Park. This project was then taken over by Instituto Socioambiental in 1996, with support from NRF, SEDUC MT (State Secre tary of Education from Mato Grosso), MEC (Ministry of Education) and FUNAI. The projects main mission was to develop a multi lingual intercultural education process, valuing the diverse indigenous cultures represented in the Park, combining western and indigenous knowledge and providing literacy in both indigenous and Portuguese language (ISA, 2009 d). Between 1999 and 2003, 38 teachers were trained by the projects. Among them, 19 began to attend the first Brazilian Indigenous University program implemente d in 2001 by the UNEMAT ( Univer sidade Estadual do Mato Grosso, State Univer sity of Mato Grosso) (UNEMAT, 2008). ISAs project for training of indigenous teachers at Xingu Park became a national model for indigenous education in Brazil, training 81 teacher s of 40 schools and nearly 1,358 students, wining various awards and prizes. Through the project, alphabets for some of the 14 languages spoken in the Park were created, writing skills of teachers in languages with existing alphabets such as the Kaiabi were developed, and 25 educational books were organised (ISA, 2009 d). Kaiabi teachers from Kururuzinho village (Eroit and ArlindoTangeui) at Teles Pires have als o participated in some courses through this project. Some indigenous teachers trained through this process have also become salient political leaders in their communities, such as Aturi (Jowosipep) Kaiabi, the protagonist of the educational process of weaving revitalisation through the Project Kaiabi Araa. Formal schooling is a powerful institution that might affect the maintenance, change and/or erosion of indigenous knowledge systems (Nabhan and St. Antoine, 1993). Therefore, a comparison of the level of schooling in each of the four Kaiabi villages provides crucial

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276 information for understanding the processes and mechanisms through which indigenous knowledge is perpetuated or eroded. Beyond the exploration of the differences in formal schooling in terms of gender, age and level in each village, Im interested in understanding how the level and type of schooling might affect and be affected by other socio economic variables, such as income stability and language proficiency. These multiple comparisons are developed in the last section of this chapter. For this research, four categories were ass igned to estimate the level of formal schooling among the interviewees: 1) no instruction; 2) elementary (corresponding to Brazilian 1o. grau); 3) secondary (correspond ing to Brazilian 2o. grau); and 4) university (corresponding to Brazilian grau unive rsitrio). For some statistical analyses such as chi square, correlations and logistic regression, I transformed the schooling variable in to two levels: 1) no instruction; 2) any level of formal instruction. I did this because in some of the four categori es established initially there were very few people, making it difficult and even impossible to run some analyses. People were assigned to the levels in which they had at least one year of instruction but this does not mean that they had completed that le vel. Again, the results show similar patterns between Capivara and Tuiarar villages in Xingu, with Teles Pires and Rio dos Peixes showing greater differences in terms of the number of people in each level and gender contrasts (Table 7 4). The big differ ence between Capivara and Tuiarar villages is that in Capivara there are many more women having elementary schooling (42 %), whereas in Tuia rar there is only one (5%); therefore 95 % of women have no instruction in that village. This is probably due to the fact that some girls have attended school at Diauarum Post, which is closer to the village. Amongst the men, the results are similar for both Xingu villages, and balanced between no instruction and elementary: 48% of men in Capivara have no

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277 instruction, a gainst 44% in Tuiarar, and 44% of men in C apivara and 39 % in Tuiarar have attended elementary school. Nobody attended secondary school in Capivara, and only three men did in Tuiarar. These are sons of waged officers who were sent to study in nearby citi es, in this case, So Jos do Xingu. The only three people attending university in all villages are two teachers from Capivara village (Jemy and Sirakup) and Aturi (Jowosipep), teacher and chief of Tuiarar village, who were initially trained by ISAs educ ation project in Xingu Park. In Rio dos Peixes, there is a balance between genders in terms of formal schooling: 75% of men and 72% of women interviewed have attended elementary school. Very few people (roughly 5% of both men and women) have had secondary education, and none have attended university. M ost people who finish the fourth grade of e lementary school in the village attend subsequent grades at guas Claras a nearby town. The schools curriculum follows the guidelines for public school education se t up by MEC in Brazil. According to the teachers Esmeraldo and Casarina, they have tried to include some aspects of Kaiabi culture in the curriculum, but the general approach is to replicate the same education systems present in public schools outside indi genous lands. They also have religion classes, inherited from the strong presence of the church in the village since the 1970s. There is no literacy training in the Kaiabi language, apart from one time slot in which they teach aspects of the Kaiabi languag e to substitute for an English class, since neither teacher speak s English. In Kururuzinho, there is also a balance between genders concerning attendance at the elem entary level of schooling: 61% of men and 75% of women belong to this group. Only four men have had access to secondary education and nobody has had university training. When the school was still working, approximately five years ago, the teachers Eroit and Tangeui tried to replicate the same model of differential indigenous education develope d in Xingu, from the

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278 experiences they had of participating in some training courses there. However, they ha d no support or monitoring of their work, which makes it difficult to evaluate the quality of education for people in the village. They have adapted the curriculum and used the books developed in Xingu Park, and have provided literacy training in the Kaiabi language for the students. The community has been fighting for four years to transfer the schools administration from Jacareacanga municipality in Par to the State Secretary of Education of Mato Grosso (SEDUC MT). Meanwhile, the schools activities have been suspended, and only in October of 2007 did the school finally pass to Mato Grosso State administration ; it was going to resume class es in 2008. The few waged workers in the village often send their kids to study and live in Alta Floresta. The Chi 2=36.493) using two levels f or schooling was significant (p<0.001 ). This means that level of schooling is statistically different by village. We can group the Xingu villages together, where people have less f ormal instruction, especially women, and then cluster Rio dos Peixes and Teles Pires showing more people with formal schooling, especially at the elementary level. Formal schooling is negatively correlated with age (r= 0.573, p< 0.001): the older people are the less formal schooling they have. For Rio dos Peixes and Teles Pires villages, where there are people with no proficiency in the Kaiabi language, the Pearsons correlation is also negative (r= 0.298, p< 0.001), meaning that the more formal schooling pe ople have, the less proficient in the native language they are. The test for correlation between schooling and stability of income was not significant. Taking into account the differences in curriculum and type of education between Xingu Park and mainly i n Rio dos Peixes (in Kururuzinho they have tried to replicate the Xingu experience), it is hard to compare even the elementary levels of schooling between the two areas.

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279 In Xingu, besides the educational program, there have been various other training and capacity building activities and opportunities. ATIX has also participated in the administration of indigenous schools at the Park, making the connection between indigenous education and indigenous politics stronger. The presence of an intercultural educat ion program in Xingu has also certainly contributed to the valorisation and perpetuation of different aspects of Kaiabi traditional knowledge, within various cultural domains. This suggests that we should not underestimate the effects of institutional arra ngements on the cultural resilience of Amazonian peoples. Language Proficiency Brazil is a country of great linguis tic diversity, with an estimated 190 indigenous languages, the majority of these represented in the Amazonian region (ISA, 2009 c). Accordi ng to Rodrigues (1986), there are two main linguistic stocks in Brazil, the Tupi and the MacroG. Besides these, there are another 19 linguistic families which are not grouped in stocks. The Tupi stock is divided in ten families, which are subsequently di vided in languages and dialects (Rodrigues, op cit). The Kaiabi speak a language of the Tupi stock, in the Tupi G uarani family, the biggest family of this stock, with nearly 20 languages. According to the recently released Interactive Atlas of the World s Languages in Danger organized by UNESCO (UNESCO, 2009), all indigenous languages in Brazil are considered to be in danger of disappearing, fitting in one of the five levels of endangerment defined by the organization: 1) unsafe, 2) definitely endangered; 3) severely endangered; 4) critically endangered; 5) extinct. The Kaiabi language is considered unsafe in this class ification, with approximately 1, 000 speakers. Language is a crucial component of indigenous knowledge, and has been used as a proxy for estimating cultural diversity at different scales (Hunn, 2001: Maffi, 2001; 2005). As Maffi

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280 (2001:6) points out, while not all knowledge may be linguistically encoded, language does represent the main tool for humans to elaborate, maintain, develop and t ransmit knowledge . When a language is moribund or extinct, there is a n irreplaceable (and many times irrecoverable) loss of knowledge such as historical, spiritual and ecological knowledge that ha s been embodied in the language for centuries (Hill, 2001; UNESCO, 2009). The loss of this patrimony represents not only a loss or shift of a specific groups identity, but also diminishes the adaptational strength of humans, since it lowers the pool of knowledge and information from which we can draw (Bernard, 1992). In other words, it means a reduction in the worlds human capital. Some of the questions that I want to answer with this research relate to the extent to which knowledge is being maintained or lost among the four Kaiabi villages, and broadly between Xingu residents and nonXingu residents. Is the native language being lost outside Xingu? If the answer is positive, to what extent and what are the possible causes? What is the relationship between language proficiency and the other socioeconomic aspect s that characterize each of the areas considered in this study? The measure of language proficiency for people interviewed in four Kaiabi villages included a scale of four levels: 1) no proficiency (does not understand nor speak); 2) low proficiency (unde rstands but doesnt speak); 3) moderate (understands and speaks, but not fluent); and 4) fluent. For some of the statistical analyses (similarly to what was done for schooling), I reduced the variable language proficiency in to two levels, joining levels 1 and 2 in no or low proficiency and 3 and 4 in proficient. In spite of the relative arbitrariness of this method, it does give us an estimative of how much the native indigenous language has been maintained or lost among the three Kaiabi lands. However, since in Xingu villages (Capivara and Tuiarar) all the residents show from moderate to fluent levels of proficiency, some of the

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281 statistical analyses, including the logistic regression, were run only for Rio dos Peixes and Kururuzinho villages, leaving X ingu out. From the results, we conclude that Kaiabi language in Rio dos Peixes has been eroded at a faster pace in comparison to Teles Pires and Xingu (Table 7 5). In Rio dos Peixes, the majority of people interviewed show low profi ciency in Kaiabi langu age (66 %). Only 30% of women and 39% of men are proficient. According to Lourdes, one of the oldest women in the village and mother of twelve kids, the nuns and priests from the Misso Anchieta (catholic church, CIMI) taught Portuguese classes to the com munity since the time when Father Joo D ornstauder left, in the 1970s: there were Portuguese classes, there was a school, the nuns giving classesmy daughters understand the language but they dont speak, I dont know if they are ashamed to speak . Esmeral do and Cesar ina, teachers at Rio dos Peixes school, are also not fluent in the Kaiabi language. The situation in Kururuzinho ( Teles Pires ) in spite of being better than in Rio dos Peixes, is also reason for concern regarding language erosion: only 50% of the men and 39% of women are proficient I ra n a chi square test to verify if there was a statistic al correlation between gender and language proficiency, but it was not significant. In both places, the most frequent level of proficiency among the nonpro ficient people is the low level, which indicates that it is easier to understand than to speak the language. In fact, from my experience working with the Kaiabi and with indigenous peoples in general, a person will only be consider ed fluent in the language if he or she has learned it since childhood. It is very shameful and reason for mockery among them to speak the language or pronounce words in the wrong way. Even if the person can speak relatively well, he or she will refrain from speak ing especially in public or in the presence of elders.

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282 In Xingu, it seems that the physical (geographical isolation) and cultural barriers are preventing people from losing proficiency in Kaiabi language. In both Xingu villages, the number of people who present a moderat e level of fluency is really low: only three people in Capivara and one person in Tuiarar. Therefore, in Capivara 94% of people are fluent and in Tuiarar, 98 %. The few cases of people who are not fluent in both villages relate to people coming from Rio dos Peixes (even in Tuiarar, there is a woman who came from Rio dos Peixes and married a Kaiabi man) and getting married to Xingu men or women. It is also worth mention ing that these few cases in Xingu all fall in the moderate level of proficiency, which means that they can speak and understand the language fairly well There are no cases in the low and/or no levels of proficiency. In fact, there is a huge difference between language proficiency inside and outside Xingu, shown in Table 7.5 and in F igu re 7 17. According to Hill (2001), we can consider that in Rio dos Peixes, the Kaiabi language is moribund, because the children do not speak it anymore. During the time I spent in Rio dos Peixes, I was able to observe that the children communicate among t hemselves and with their parents in Portuguese. The same trend is happening in Kururuzinho, where the youth and the children tend to communicate in Portuguese, whereas among the adults some use the language and some dont. The fact that there is more inter ethnic mixing at Teles Pires also contributes to the widespread use of Portuguese. Correlation and logistic regression statistical tests were used to study the relationship between language proficiency and other variables (see next section) outside Xingu, taking language proficiency as the dependent variable. Language proficiency in Rio dos Peixes and Kururuzinho villages is positively correlated with age (r=0.398, p< 0.001 ), meaning that proficiency in the native language increases with age, and also that there are more elders than

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283 youth who are proficient, especially outside Xingu, where the intergenerational transmission of language seems to be compromised or interrupted. The estimated odds of language proficiency for people over 50 years old outside Xingu are very high, compared to youth between 1525 years old: people over 50 years of age have a 91.9% greater chance of be ing proficient than those in the age class of 15 25 years. Similar results related to age and knowledge were registered by Phillips and Gentry (1993) for Peruvian peasants and by Zent (1999; 2001) for a group of Piaroa indigenous people in Venezuela. Whereas these studies specifically targeted ethnobotanical knowledge, both authors found that there is a positive correlation between age and knowledge. My point here is that it is reasonable to take language proficiency as an indicator of knowledge, or as a proxy for knowledge (whatever domain it might be), which will show comparable statistical behaviour as other knowledge variables (such a s ethnobotanical, crop knowledge or artistic weaving). This argument and these studies are going to be revisited in the next chapter, in the analysis of weaving knowledge in relation to other variables, including age. Xingu Park is a place of multilingualism, where fourteen different indigenous languages are spoken .7 The different ethnic groups who live in Xingu use the Portuguese language to communicate with each other and also with the nonindigenous Also, there is an increased need for learning and becoming fluent in Portuguese, spoken and written, coming from the historical insertion and participation of Xingu in the indigenous national political agenda. Whereas this might lead to more and more Portuguese speakers, in the villages the official language s used are 7 The only language affiliated with the Kaiabi language in Xingu P ark is spoken by the Kamayur people from the upper Xingu region, which is also classified in the Tupi stock, Tupi Guarani family. However, due to differences in meaning and pronunciation, both groups use the Portuguese language to speak to each other.

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284 still the indigenous ones. The isolation, the low interethnic mixing and the ethnic pride are all factors that have contributed to keep the native languages alive. Comparisons and Relationships between Socioeconomic Variables Through the various statistical analyses carried out for better understanding the relationships between selected socioeconomic variables, it was possible to test some of the hypotheses designed for this research, as well as to identify variables which are more influent ial i n explaining cultural change among the Kaiabi. The differences between the Xingu group and the other two Rio dos Peixes and Teles Pires are significant for the three main variables analysed here: stability of income, schooling and language proficiency. Figure 717 shows a comparison between various socioeconomic variables for the four villages included in the research. First of all, gender was a variable that did not show statistic al significance when co rrelated to other socioeconomic variables conside red here. The only statistical correlation we found for gender, explained in Chapter 6, was that women participate less in political meetings when compared to men. Therefore, in spite of the apparent differences in, for instance, stability of income and sc hooling for women and men living in and out of Xingu Park, these are not statistically significant. Stability of income, a variable used as a proxy to measure linkage to market economy and also level of access to waged income, showed statistical interacti on with age class, location and language proficiency. As expected, the older the person, the less stable their income, and also people living outside Xingu have more stable incomes than people living in Xingu in which there are fewer waged officers. This is related to greater employment opportunities in the health and education sectors in Rio dos Peixes, and also to access to government programs such as

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285 family and retirement pensions besides the closest proximity to markets In the logistic regression ru n for comparing language proficiency (dependent variable) outside Xingu with the other variables stability of income was the second most important independent variable after age, showing a negative relationship with proficienc y (p<0.01, see table 76). Th e odds ratio transformed into percentage indicates that a person with a more stable income has a 71% less chance to be proficient in the Kaiabi language in comparison with people with no income stability. This indicates that even when taking Xingu village s out, people who have greater access to wages and thus closer contact with market economy, tend to present lower levels of language proficiency. If I test H3 considering that language proficiency as a proxy for indigenous knowledge, I accept this hypothes is here, since greater income stability leads to less language proficiency. Several factors interact to produce these results, which can be roughly exemplified taking Rio dos Peixes as a model of cultural erosion compared to Xingu as a model of cultural resilience. Integration to market economy and thus increased access to wages and to income stability is a process that might come along with historical determinants, greater proximity to towns, interethnic mixing, schooling, adoption of nonindigenous life styles, lack of strong leadership, among other factors. This multi variable interaction makes it challenging to objectively understand the link between socioeconomic variables and a persons traditional knowledge, as Reyes Garca and her collaborators (20 05) have also found for the Tsimane people in the Bolivian Amazon. As it is not really possible to isolate the combined effects of socioeconomic variables, it is probably more useful to treat them as clusters leading to more or less cultural resilience.

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286 Age is the variable that showed more interactions and significant statistical correlations in comparison with all the others. Age was negatively correlated to stability of income and schooling and positively correlated with proficiency in Kaiabi language. Results of the logistic regression taking language proficiency as the dependent variable against gender, schooling, stability of income and age show that age class is the variable that most affects language proficiency, followed by stability of income (T able 7 6) Schooling and gender were not important in this model. A ge and income stability were the variables that showed more influence in language proficiency in the logistic regression model considering all the variables. As expected, the older the per son, the less formal schooling and the less stable the income, the greater their native language proficiency. This means that there is a significant difference between the elders and the younger generations in terms of socioeconomic profile, and indicates that the gap between these generations might be a strong factor affecting cultural change and loss of cultural resilience. This is especially important taking in to account that people over 50 years old are the le ast represented in terms of population, being at the top of the age pyramid. Additionally, when comparing the generation gap among the Kaiabi, we have to take in to account the displacement event to which they were subject ed especially in the ancestral areas, where fewer older people remained and ar e still alive. Conclusion The villages considered in this study present some interesting commonalities and differences, in terms of social organisation and socioeconomic profile. In Xingu, Capivara and Tuiarar show similarities regarding the socioeconomic variables analysed here, such as schooling, stability of income and language proficiency. However, they also present differences based on kinship ties, leadership, gender participation and access to resources. Within each of the four villages, there is a great heterogeneity in terms of access to wages, schooling and political

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287 opportunities. Therefore, when conducting work or research with any community we had better be aware of the heterogeneity we are dealing with. Gender as a variable did not show s tatistic al significance in the bi and multivariate analyses carried out for this chapter. However, through the interviews and results, it is possible to visualize differences between men and women and among women, for the different variables and villages considered. Women in Xingu do not work as waged officers and also dont have access to income such as bolsafamlia and retirement pension s as happens in Rio dos Peixes and in Kururuzinho. Also, women travel less than men, and in the case of Xingu, do not have formal schooling, except for a few cases in Capivara. Women in Rio dos Peixes show less proficiency in the native language when compared to men, and also higher attendance to formal schooling. The socioeconomic drivers of cultural change and loss of resilience interact at different scales and intensities among the villages. Age is the most important and influential variable. The elders are the ones who present more fluency in the language, but in contrast have no income stability and generally no sch ooling. The generation gap seems to be greater in Rio dos Peixes and Kururuzinho in comparison to Xingu. In this model, stability of income was best variable to predict cultural erosion, measured by proficiency in the native language. Schooling was not sta tistically significant in the logistical regression model developed for this data, but looking at Figure 7 17 we can see that greater stability of income, schooling and interethnic mixing, associated with lower proficiency in native language. From the vill ages socioeconomic profiles and analyses its possible to confirm that the greater the socioeconomic heterogeneity within a social group, the more integrated to the market economy (Reyes Garca et al, 2005). This is especially true when comparing the two extremes: Rio dos Peixes and Xingu. In Rio dos Peixes,

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288 the mix of economic activities and varied ethnic and cultural background of residents indicate a transition from the Kaiabi traditional lifestyle, to the adoption of that of nonindigenous peoples (caboclos) inhabiting forest river ecosystems in the Amazon (Adams et al., 2008). Among some features that indicate a process of cultural shift or loss of traditional cultural resilience for the Rio dos Peixes group, we could mention the nuclearization of fa milies; the loss of traditional language; the substitution of garden plots by homegardens; the loss of agrobiodiversity; the greater integration to market economy; and the selling of products or services to relatives. Taking the case of Rio dos Peixes as an extreme does not mean that in Teles Pires or Xingu the process of cultural shift is not occurring. It is just occurring under other circumstances and at a different pace. It is inevitable that indigenous peoples get integrated in the market economy, as (almost) the whole world needs cash to buy products needed for day by day living. Nevertheless, the institutional, political and geographic filters, as well as the cultural p ride present in Xingu, prevent integration impeding deeper shifts and thus loss of resilience. In Teles Pires, the situation is intermedia te between Rio dos Peixes and Xingu. Kinship ties are stronger because of village size and family composition, in spite of some interethnic mixing. Also, Xingu and Teles Pires ties have been greatly strengthened with the participation of Xingu rel atives i n the process of claiming land in Teles Pires, as well as marriages between Ilha Grande and Kururuzinho villagers, which does not happen at the same intensity among Rio dos Peixes and Capivara. The tr ansition or caboclization process that is happening in Rio dos Peixes should not be regarded as linear and predictable, though. Changes in political and institutional configurations, as well as contacts and exchanges within a cultural group can affect an d in some cases change the course of hi story The Xingu Kaiabi are living proof of this.

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289 In spite of these results being interesting, the fact that in Xingu villages nearly all the residents are proficient in the language makes our comparisons limited. A lso, the way language proficiency was measured and analysed in two categories is very broad and vague. To better estimate language proficiency, we would have to develop an instrument to test and apply among the various participants. Despite our data and analyses limitations, this socioeconomic analysis is val uable because, first of all, it provides a socioeconomic panorama of all villages, establishing ground for further research and comparisons. Secondly, it gives us information on the factors that under lie processes of culture shift and associated mechanisms. Weaving knowledge, the topic of the next chapter and the cultural domain chosen for deepening our analyses and comparisons among the three Kaiabi groups, will cover some of the gaps and clarify doubts related to the choice of language proficiency as a proxy for cultural vitality and resilience

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290 Figure 7 1. Location of Capivara and Tuiarar villages on the northern portion of Xingu Park. Source: Instituto Socioambiental, 2008. Capivara Tuiara r

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291 Figure 7 2. Ma p of houses of Capivara village in 2002, around the soccer field.

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292 Figure 7 3. Map of Capivara village in 2007, showing the old village (front) with the school (yellow building) and the new village (back). Drawing by Sirakup Kaiabi.

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293 Figure 74. Map of Tuiarar village in 2002 showing houses, health unit and school. Drawing by Tamakari Kaiabi.

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294 Figure 7 5. Map of Tuiarar village in 2007. Drawing by Apurin and Piraju.

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295 Figure 76. Map of the planned new Tuiarar village (2007) located on the back area of the old village, with the house of culture or school of culture in the center, surrounded by residents houses. Drawing by Apurin and Piraju.

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296 Figure 7 7. Map of Rio dos Peixes Post (Tatuy) showing the river, the road which leads to Juara and the path to Novo Horizonte village, located adjacent to the post. Drawing by Simone Athayde, 2007.

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297 Figure 7 8. Map of the houses in Novo Horizonte vi llage at Rio dos Peixes. Drawing by Simone Athayde, 2007.

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298 Figure 7 9. Map of Kururuzinho Post and village at Kayabi Indigenous Land in Teles Pires river. The airplane landing strip is located at the back of the village. Drawing by Tangeui Kaiabi, 2007.

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299 Table 7 1. Number and gender of people interviewed in four Kaiabi villages. People interviewed Capivara Tuiarare Rio dos Peixes Teles Pires Total Number of residents* 144 163 266 155 728 Number of households 13 14 37 14 78 Number of people interviewed 49 45 76 54 224 Number of men interviewed 25 23 36 26 110 Number of women interviewed 24 22 40 28 114 % of interviewees in the research 21.90 20.10 33.90 24.10 100 % of interviewees in relation to the total of residents 34.03 27.61 28.57 34.84 30.76 Total of interviewees was 224. Sampling included men and women over 15 years old. *A ctual number of residents based on data collected by ISAs personnel in Xingu, FUNASA in Rio dos Peixes and FUNAI in Teles Pires for the year of 2007.

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300 28.0 28.0 12.0 12.0 12.0 8.0 41.7 20.8 20.8 4.2 4.2 8.3 15-25 26-35 36-45 46-55 56-65 >66 Female Male CA 27.8 33.3 16.7 5.6 8.3 8.3 37.5 25.0 5.0 2.5 10.0 20.0 15-25 26-35 36-45 46-55 56-65 >66 Female Male RP Figure 7 10. Age pyramids for people interviewed in each age class by gender in four Kaiabi villages. Age classes based on Athayde (2003). 34.8 21.7 4.3 17.4 8.7 13.0 27.3 27.3 13.6 27.3 0.0 4.5 15-25 26-35 36-45 46-55 56-65 >66 Female Male 50.0 11.5 15.4 0.0 11.5 11.5 42.9 21.4 3.6 10.7 3.6 17.9 15-25 26-35 36-45 46-55 56-65 >66 Female Male TP TU

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301 Figure 7 11. Age pyramids for the Xingu Kaiabi population, from 1970 to 1999. Source: Pagliaro (2005).

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302 0% 10% 20% 30% 40% 50% 60% 70% 80% 90% 100% Capivara Tuiarare Rio dos Peixes Teles Pires Villages of residents Places of birth (%) Other Teles Pires Rio dos Peixes Xingu Park Figure 7 12. Places of birth for people interviewed in four Kaiabi villages.

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303 Table 7 2. Functions and occupations in the villages. CA= Capivara; TU=Tuiarar; RP= Rio dos Peixes; TP = Teles Pires Villages Gender N/% 1.Indigenous teacher 2. Health agent 3. Dentist 4. Beekeeper 5. Natural resources manager 6. Political leader 7. Villages chief 8. Villages vice chief 9. Shaman 10. No specific Function 11. Boat driver 12. Radio operator 13. FUNASA Agent Total CA F n 0 0 0 0 0 2 0 0 0 22 0 0 0 24 % 0 0 0 0 0 8.33 0 0 0 91.67 0 0 0 100 M n 4 1 1 2 0 0 1 0 0 14 1 1 0 25 % 16 4 4 8 0 0 4 0 0 56 4 4 0 100 T n 4 1 1 2 0 2 1 0 0 36 1 1 0 49 % 8.16 2.04 2.04 4.08 0 4.08 2.04 0 0 73.47 2.04 2.04 0 100 TU F n 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 22 0 0 0 22 % 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 100 0 0 0 100 M N 1 3 0 1 0 1 1 1 1 12 1 1 0 23 % 4.35 13.04 0 4.35 0 4.35 4.35 4.35 4.35 52.17 4.35 4.35 0 100 T n 1 3 0 1 0 1 1 1 1 34 1 1 0 45 % 2.22 6.67 0 2.22 0 2.22 2.22 2.22 2.22 75.56 2.22 2.22 0 100 RP F n 2 2 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 36 0 0 0 40 % 5 5 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 90 0 0 0 100 M n 1 1 0 0 0 2 1 0 1 28 0 0 2 36 % 2.78 2.78 0 0 0 5.56 2.78 0 2.78 77.78 0 0 5.56 100 T n 3 3 0 0 0 2 1 0 1 64 0 0 2 76 % 3.95 3.95 0 0 0 2.63 1.32 0 1.32 84.21 0 0 2.63 100 TP F n 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 28 0 0 28 % 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 100 0 0 1 00 M n 3 2 0 0 0 3 1 0 0 16 0 0 1 26 % 11.54 7.69 0 0 0 11.54 3.85 0 0 61.54 0 0 3.85 100 T n 3 2 0 0 0 3 1 0 0 16 28 0 1 54 % 5.56 3.7 0 0 0 5.56 1.85 0 0 29.63 51.85 0 1.85 100 .

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304 1725.16 1140.25 3939.82 1814.65 0 500 1000 1500 2000 2500 3000 3500 4000 4500 CA TU RP TP Village Monthly income (U$) Figure 7 13. Total monthly income by village, in dollars, fr om waged officers, retirement pensions and family pensions. CA=Capivara; TU=Tuiarar; RP=Rio dos Peixes; TP= Teles Pires.

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305 0.00 20.00 40.00 60.00 80.00 Handicrafts Wages Agriculture Family pension Retirement pension Temporary work Family support Honey production Brazil nut Sources of income % of people/village TP RP TU CA Figure 714. Sources of income for people interviewed in four Kaiabi villages. CA=Capivara; TU=Tuiarar; RP=Rio dos Peixes; TP=Tel es Pires.

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306 Table 7 3. Levels of s tability of income for men and women in four Kaiabi villages. Village Waged officer Retirement pension Family pension Irregular F % F % F % F % Capivara Male 5 20.00 1 4.00 0 0.00 19 76.00 Female 0 0. 00 0 0.00 0 0.00 24 100.00 Total 5 10.20 1 2.04 0 0.00 43 87.76 Tuiarar Male 3 13.04 0 0.00 0 0.00 20 86.96 Female 0 0.00 0 0.00 0 0.00 22 100.00 Total 3 6.67 0 0.00 0 0.00 42 93.33 Rio dos Peixes Male 4 11.11 3 8.33 0 0.00 2 9 80.56 Female 4 10.00 6 15.00 14 35.00 16 40.00 Total 8 10.53 9 11.84 14 18.42 45 59.21 Teles Pires Male 3 11.54 4 15.38 0 0 19 73.08 Female 0 0.00 3 10.71 0 0.00 25 89.29 Total 3 5.56 7 12.96 0 0.00 44 81.48

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307 0.00 20.00 40.00 60.00 80.00 100.00 120.00 F M F M F M F M CA TU RP TP Village/gender % of people Xingu-RP Xingu-TP RP-TP Figure 715. Perc entage of women and men interviewed in four villages, travelling between the three Kaiabi areas. CA=Capivara; TU=Tuiarar; RP=Rio dos Peixes; TP=Teles Pires. F=female; M=male.

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308 0% 20% 40% 60% 80% 100% Reasons for travels (%) F M F M F M F M CA TU RP TP village/gender 1. Visit relatives 2. Fetch natural resources 3. Political 4. Work 5. Marriage 6. Participation in training courses 7. Participation in projects 8. Other Figure 716. Reasons for travels between the three Kaiabi areas among women and men interviewed in four villages. CA=Capivara; TU=Tuiarar; RP=Rio dos Peixes; TP=Teles Pires. F=female; M=male.

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309 Table 7 4. Level of formal schooling for people interviewed in four Kaiabi villages. Village Gender No instruction Elementary Secondary University F req % F req % F req % F req % Capivara Male 12 48.00 11 44.00 0 0 2 8.00 Female 14 58.33 10 41.67 0 0 0 0.00 Total 26 53.06 21 42.86 0 0 2 4.08 Tuiarar Male 10 43.48 9 39.13 3 13.04 1 4.35 Female 21 95.4 5 1 4.545 0 0 0 0.00 Total 31 68.89 10 22.22 3 6.67 1 2.22 Rio dos Peixes Male 7 19.44 27 75.00 2 5.56 0 0 Female 9 22.50 29 72.50 2 5.00 0 0 Total 16 21.05 56 73.68 4 5.26 0 0 Teles Pires Male 6 23.08 16 61.54 4 15.38 0 0 F emale 7 25.00 21 75.00 0 0 0 0 Total 13 24.07 37 68.52 4 7.41 0 0

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310 Table 7 5. Proficiency in native (Kaiabi) language for people interviewed in four Kaiabi villages. Village Gender None (0) Low (1) Moderate (2) Fluent (3) Freq % Freq % Freq % Fr eq % Capivara Male 0 0 0 0 1 4.00 24 96.00 Female 0 0 0 0 2 8.33 22 91.67 Total 0 0 0 0 3 12.33 46 93.88 Tuiarare Male 0 0 0 0 0 0 23 100.00 Female 0 0 0 0 1 4.55 21 95.45 Total 0 0 0 0 1 2.22 44 97.78 Rio dos Peixes Male 1 2.78 18 50.00 3 8.33 14 38.89 Female 7 17.50 16 40.00 5 12.50 12 30.00 Total 8 10.53 34 44.74 8 10.53 26 34.21 Teles Pires Male 1 3.85 10 38.46 2 7.69 13 50.00 Female 1 3.57 9 32.14 7 25.00 11 39.29 Total 2 3.70 19 35.19 9 16.67 24 44 .44

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311 0.00 20.00 40.00 60.00 80.00 100.00 CA TU RP TP Villages % of people Participation in political meetings Interethnic mixing Formal Schooling (elementary) Language proficiency (proficient) Stability of income (stable) Figure 7 17. A comparison of selected socioeconomic variables between four Kaiabi villages. CA Capivara; TU Tuiarar; RP Rio dos Peixes; TP Teles Pires.

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312 Table 76. Results of l ogistical regression analysis for selected socio economic variables, having language proficiency as the dependent variable. Variables/parameters B S.E. Wald df Sig. Exp(B) Step 1 Gender (1) .309 .409 .570 1 .450 .734 Schooling(1) .257 .748 .118 1 .731 .773 Stability of income(1) 1.211 .515 5.527 1 .019 298 Age class (over 50 years)(1) 2.513 1.045 5.784 1 .016 .081 Age class (25 50) (2) 3.647 1.124 10.522 1 .001 .026 Constant 3.420 .919 13.853 1 .001 30.561

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313 CHAPTER 8 THE DYNAMICS OF WEAV ING KNOWLEDGE ACROSS FOUR KAIABI VILLAGES Intr oduction This chapter contains complementary analyses of questions and findings presented throughout this document, on the multiple and systemic interactions between indigenous knowledge, cultural resilience and socioeconomic, poli tical and territorial p ro cesses among indigenous peoples. As I postulate in the general introduction, cultural resilience reflects the capacity of adaptation and persistence of a given cultural group in response to changes (Holling and Gunderson, 2002; Gunderson, 2003, my interpre tation). One can explain mechanisms involved in cultural resilience qualitatively and quantitatively, and here I intend to do both, in a complementary fashion. To do this, I study a cultural domain which, integrated with other domains and topics, provides a perspective on the mechanisms involved in the perpetuation and change of indigenous knowledge systems across three Kaiabi groups. Weaving knowledge on basketry and textiles is anal yzed and compared at various spatial and temporal scales, among genders, i ndividuals, households, kin groups, villages and finally between the three groups included in this study. Among the Kaiabi, w eaving is an i deal knowledge domain to investigate mechanisms of knowledge transmission and change given the central importance th at basketry and textiles have in their history and in their social, symbolic and economic life. Taking into account the previous background of this research and some of the questions presented in the general introduction, I will be working under two main scientific inquisitive and theoretical fields in this chapter: the first, related to processual studies in IK, focusing on which mechanisms are involved in knowledge distribution, transmission and change (Ross, 2002; 2004; Zent, 2009a); and the second, investigating the effects of the growing participation in and appropriation of western institutions (including schools, markets, indigenous organizations,

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314 development projects) by indigenous peoples on their knowledge systems (Turner, 1991; Posey, 1994; Jackson, 1994; 1995; Gray, 1997; Oakdale, 1996; 2004; Maffi, 2001; Zent, 2009b). As Ross (2002) states the study of intracultural differences within a given ethnic group can trigger insights on how processes of knowledge formation and transmission might be changing in new contexts such as globalization. In this chapter, I will be testing the five hypotheses postulated in the general introduction, as follows: H1: Indigenous knowledge and age: e lders retain deeper and different knowledge when compared to younger people; H2: In digenous knowledge and gender: m en and women use different mechanisms in knowl edge creation and transmission; H3: Indigenous knowledge and markets: greater levels of market integration (proxied by income stability) lead to erosion of weaving knowledge across three Kaiabi groups H4: Indigenous knowledge and formal schooling: formal schooling erodes indigenous knowledge: higher levels of formal schooling leads to lower levels of weaving knowledge among men and women. H5: Role of community based projects: t he Kaiabi Araa project is responsible for an increased number of basketry and textiles weavers among the younger generations. In villages which are participating in the project, there are more youth who know how to weave now in comparison to 2002 and to other villages which are not participating in the project. A processual perspective (Zent, 2009 a, see general introduction) on Kaiabi weaving knowledge is presented through a five year longitudinal analysis on the distribution of knowledge amon g male residents of Capivara and Tuiarar villages in Xingu. This research builds on results found in previous studies (Athayde, 2003; Athayde et al., 2009) in which I detected trends and changes in knowledge transmission, distribution and on the social me aning of weaving among the Kaiabi. In each section of this chapter, I intend to review and deepen those findings, as well as expand these analy s es to weaving knowledge held by women and among distinct Kaiabi groups (Xingu, Rio dos Peixes and Teles Pires). I compare knowledge of

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315 names for design motifs among more knowledgeable individuals using consensus statistical analysis. I review models of cultural transmission presented by other authors (Cavalli Sforza and Feldman, 1981; Hewlett and Cavalli Sforza, 1 986; Ohmagari and Berkes, 1997). I also looked at mechanisms which allow or constrain the retention of weaving knowledge. To understand and organize the domain of weaving knowledge, I adapted the classification proposed by Ellen (2009). He suggested that t o study knowledge transmission within a cognitive domain, a scholar needs to take into account other domains that might affect knowledge in the domain you are considering. I agree with that author in that the classification of culture in domains is a weste rn science artifact that many times does no t correspond to local ways of organizing knowledge. Ellen (2009:245) proposes for the study of Nuaulu basket weaving knowledge, the integration of overlapping domains or modules of knowledge, which I adopted and modified for this research in basketry and textiles knowledge, as follows (see Figure 81): 1. Form knowledge of different types of baskets (or textiles) items ability to weave the different types and domain of techniques, including preparation of mater ials; 2. Function knowledge of different basketry and textiles uses; 3. Materials ethnoecological knowledge related to identification, management, extraction and preparation of plant resources used in weaving; 4. Meanings knowledge of symbolic elements rel ated to basketry and textiles weaving, such as mythic and spiritual meanings; 5. Motifs knowledge of graphic designs (patterns), ability to weave and name the designs. Each of th ese subdomains or modules will be explored throughout the sections of this ch apter. Weaving Culture into Material Objects Studies on the systems of objects produced by human societies, generally named material culture, may approach them from different theoretical perspectives and can take diverse

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316 exploratory directions. Material culture studies among indigenous societies may involve, for instance, archeological research on remnants of objects at archeological sites; anthropological research on various aspects related to form (techniques of production and decoration); function (uses meanings); social organization of production, re production, appropriation and commercialization of these objects; and ecological research on natural resources used in the production of objects (Ribeiro, 1987 a). According to Chernela (2008), material culture objects may work as signifiers of history, or as agents in the construction of history, having consequences in the social and political life of indigenous peoples. The objects bring with them a web of meanings, reflecting aspects of the e cology, eco nomy and the life style of indigenous peoples (Ribeiro, 1987 a). They can work as stimuli upon which human soci eties reflect and restate their culture through material and symbolic representations ( Ribeiro, 1987 a; Ross, 2004). Van Velthem (2004) states th at the multiplicity of representations, techniques and meanings encoded in indigenous peoples artistic material manifestations should lead us to talk about indigenous arts in the plural, commonly referred to as indigenous art in the singular. In her st udy about the system of material culture of the Wayana people from the Brazilian Amazon, she considers that the elements form, function and decoration are intertwined with present and primeval times and with the individual and his social group, having real and symbolic transformative capacities. T he object has the power to transform animals and plants into food (e.g. baskets, graters, and squeezers), youth into adults (e.g. earrings, tattoos, and piercings), and ordinary men in supernatural beings (e.g. mas ks, adornments and other ritual objects). Being directly connected to the social dimensions, indigenous arts bring up messages about the social position of their producers and users (Vidal, 1992; Van Velthem, 2004).

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317 Mastership in basketry and textile weav ing among the Kaiabi is valued by the social group, who confer special status to expert weavers. Its interesting to note that many times a basket or a textile object are made not to be used by the producer, but to be integrated in the social and kinship s ystems in which that person lives. Just as with the meanings, the use of objects is determined by the social and economic systems which characterize each indigenous society. The object might be kept by the producer, given away, exchanged or, more recently, commercialised. According to Ribeiro (1983), the increased contact of indigenous peoples with western society and the market economy have caused profound transformations in their material culture systems: objects that traditionally constituted production for the inside, including exchanges with other groups, came to be produced for the outside, for exchange with money At this point, we should make a distinction between material culture, indigenous art and handicraft. Any indigenous object which integrate s the larger material culture system might be considered a work of art for its aesthetic and technical qualities (Van Velthem, 2004). Ribeiro (1983) distinguishes handicraft as the objects from the material culture system that are intentionally produced fo r the market. If you look at a Kaiabi basket or hammock with a naive eye, you might not perceive the historic al ethnic al mythic al, technical and ecological meanings and values attached to that apparently simple object. Guss (1989:162), describing ba sketry weaving among the Yekuana people in Venezuelan Amazon talks about a mutual reflexivity, where meaning is continually being created in the baskets designs, from a shared context of forms. Each aspect of a basket or textile object such as design, material, technique and function reviews and incorporates the messages of the other members of a given ethnic group.

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318 When a Yekuana, a Wayana or a Kaiabi weaves or uses a basket, the range of meanings evoked go far beyond the choice of design, the preparation of the materials or its routine and/or ritual use (Guss, 1989). They are reproducing their history, ethnicity and social organization in the process, such as in a mirror. Likewise, changes that might happen in a society in consequence of external agents and institutions (e.g. markets, missionaries, schools, cultural projects) are also reflected in the production of objects in different ways: prioritizing production of some objects over others; causing revitalization of objects threatened with disapp earing; valuing certain graphic designs and adornment styles; and, very importantly, enabling innovation in the creation of new designs, new objects or new ways to express a traditional technique and/or design, for instance. These aspects are going to be d iscussed and explored for the Kaiabi case in the sub sections that follow. Objects that compose Kaiabi material culture have been accompanying the historical trajectory of the group, especially after the transfer to Xingu. I n this process, gender roles sw itched in the production of objects; some objects disappear ed ; new ones were incorporated in to the system; and others have changed as a result of new techniques learned, interethnic contact or market integration (Athayde, 1998) This is in fact a very dynamic process, influenced by internal and external forces, which nobody control s or can predict the direction of One thing we know for sure is that there will be knowledge erosion, change and innovation or creation. If we compare the list of items produced by the Kaiabi in 1966, documented by the anthropologist Georg Grnberg1 (Grnberg and Grnberg, 1967; Grnberg, 2004) with recent surveys of Kaiabi material culture (Athayde, 1998), the panorama is quite different. 1 In 1966, while working at Rio dos Peixes, Grnberg organized a fairly complete collection of Kaiabi objects, which is deposited at the Museum of Cultures in Basel, Switzerland.

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319 Kaiabi material culture is composed of obje cts used in body ornamentation ( elaborated necklaces made of palm fruit, bracelets, rings, earrings, belts and feathered headdresses ) ; hunting and fishing artefacts (bows and arrows, clubs, fishing traps); and objects produced for domestic use (wooden benches, gourds and calabashes, baskets, textiles). Production of jewellery items has gone through changes due to interethnic contact, market integration and of course, in consequenc e of the displacement to Xingu P ark. Necklaces, bracelets and rings origin ally made by men, came to be produced almost solely by women. The sale and exchange of these objects is an important source of family income and access to industrialized products by the women. The production of bows, arrows and clubs has been limited by the lack or scarcity of natural resources traditionally used in the confection of these items (see C hapter 5). Therefore, substitute resources have been used, as well as traditional materials gathered in trips from Xingu to the ancestral areas in Rio dos Pei xes and/or Teles Pires. Pottery production can be considered extinct among the Kaiab i, in spite of recent efforts to try to revitalize it. When Grunberg visited the Kaiabi in 1966, he already observed the rarity of Kaiabi pottery pans, being substituted by industrialised pans. In Xingu Park, the Kaiabi have developed innovations in textile production and i n painting of woodencarved benches, mainly through the contact with the Yudja peoples te chniques (description of innovations on textile production at X ingu Park follows in the next sections ). Most of the items that have gone through innovation processes are destined for market commercialisation. In the next sections, I will be focusing on basketry and textile items, as an example of the dynamics of artef act production reflecting social economic changes among the three Kaiabi groups.

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320 Types and Uses of Basketry and Textile Items According to Ellen (2009), technical definitions of basketry might vary depending on the field of a specialist. Here I adopt his simplified definition of basketry as a container created by weaving semi rigid vegetable fibres (Ellen, 2009:248). For Wendrich (1991), the category of basketry comprises: baskets, bags and mats; brushes and brooms; hurdles; wattle and daub constructions sandals, hats and belts. Basketry is the most elaborate group of items of Kaiabi material culture (Grnberg and Grnberg 1967; Grnberg 2004). Indigenous systems of classification of material culture items often differ from those of the western science, in terms of covert categories and its ramifications. For instance, Ellen (2009) found that among the Nuaulu people from Indonesia there is a category that covers a group of objects we would designate as baskets. For the Kaiabi, the criteria used to classif y objects refer mainly t o the type of use of the object, and also to the material used in its confection. Sometimes, they might even name a plant by the name of the object produced from it. This is the case, from example, of arrow cane species used in arro w production that may be called just arrow. A Kaiabi covert category that encompasses many types of baskets is defined by the presence of the prefix yr , which means container Therefore, yr pem is used for basketry strainers, while yr fuku (yr =container; fuku=long) is a long basket and yr pejuap (yr =container, basket; juap=grass, young leaf) is a basketry container made of tucum ( Astrocaryum aculeat um ) palm leaf. In Figure 8 2, I present a diagram grouping Kaiabi baskets by covert category, by use and gender of use During workshops of the Kaiabi Araa project, 21 different items that compose the rich Kaiabi basketry repertoire were identified (Table 81). Some of these objects are used solely by men (5 or 24%), others are mostly used by women (6 or 29%), but the majority may be used by both (10 or 48%). Some are also used by the shamans and in rituals. The most basic type of basket, and the easie st t o learn, is the myayta made of vine fiber, used by everyone to transport

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321 food from the garden plot to the village. Every married man should be able to make a myayta Another basket of relatively easy manufacture is the simple fan (tapekwap) made of young tucum palm leaf. It is used mainly to cover food and to make fire. There is a more complex fan (named tapekwajowai) with two handles, which only a few men know how to make. Men also produce beautiful woven handles for wooden clubs, which are nowadays used by them in political events and during festivals. In all villages studied, men produce clubs for sale. They even make little ones which can be used as keychain s In Rio dos Peixes, I saw a lot of clubs in the houses, but the majority had no woven ornament because few men there still know how to weave (see next sections). There is a diversity of baskets made of tucum and inaj palm ( Maximilliana maripa) leaves and used as containers. One of them, named yr okoteem , was done in a project workshop after many years of relative disappearance by Karauu, the only elder who still remembers how to weave it. The different types of basketry strainers, used mainly by women to prepare food, reflect the sophisticatio n of Kaiabi agriculture and culinary. There is a small sieve strainer for fine grain flour (yr pemeaii ), as well as a large sieve strainer ( yr pemeauu). There is also an interesting type of basket, made of inaj palm leaf petiole, used exclusively to store peanuts ( juyp munuwi yr ) I ts name reflects both the material used in its confection ( juyp =grass or fiber) and its use ( munuwi =peanut). As I mentioned, the Kaiabi cherish an astonishing diversity of peanuts, maybe one of the greatest in the world (Silva, 2009). Fans and strainers can also be used by the shamans to preach (see following section on shamanism) The twillplaited painted baskets in which the men weave different graphic designs, might be generally named yr pem , or might be called a raa, which means design. Other items that compose the basketry repertoire are woven supports for headfeathers, and woven adornments for arrows and fish traps, both used by men.

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322 The different types of baskets are made according to different weaving techniques, whi ch are also classified differently by different authors. For this dissertation, I adopt the classification proposed by Adovasio (1977) and adapted by Ribeiro (1985). Adovasio (1977) divides basketry techniques into three main groups: twined, coiled and twi lled. According to Ribeiro (1985), in Brazilian indigenous basketry the most important technique is twilling, which is subsequently classified into four groups by the author: checker; wicker; twill plaiting; and lattice work or open work. Subtypes of the t willing technique are represented in Kaiabi basketry, such as checker work (fans, mats); wicker ( panak awet, jesia ); lattice or open work ( paneyr ) and twillplaiting (strainers, s imple and painted, such as the twill plaited a raa baskets ). Textile weaving is primarily done by women, with men playing a role in manufacturing some accessories used by them i n weaving, such as the spindle ( eym ), produced from palm wood and turtle shell; the textile comb ( taity pypykap ), made from wood; and the wooden loom ( taity retykap ). In contrast to basketry, the Kaiabi textiles group comprise s only six items, three of th em developed after the transfer of the group to Xingu (Table 82): strap for carrying babies; three types of hammocks; woven bags and belts. Bags and belts are innovations developed in Xingu for use in festivals, trade and sale. Before the transfer to Xin gu Park, Kaiabi women use d to weave hammocks ( taity ) and straps for carrying babies ( tupai ) using a twined technique and a ground loom commonly employed by other Tupi groups, and whic h included no designs (Ribeiro 1984/85). Through contact and inter marr iage with Yudja people in Xingu, Kaiabi women learned the twilled technique, which allows weaving of complex geometric designs (ibid). They also began to use the frame loom and the comb to weave, almost abandoning the simpler ground loom, in which no com b was used.

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323 In addition to learning a new weaving technique, women have also begun to incorporate designs previously used only in baskets. Initially, men taught the women to copy the basketry designs into textile pieces. Some women subsequently began to c opy other designs from baskets or, more recently, from printed photographs. At least five new different graphic motifs have been incorporated through this way into womens textiles. The Kaiabi have been copying their basketry designs into other objects as well, including bags, clubs and benches, all of which are made for sale (Athayde, 1998). Comparing basketry and textile weaving among men and women, we can conclude that while less innovation was developed in basketry, where no new technique was develope d, in textile there was a significant development of techniques and incorporation of items to the traditional repertoire. It is also interesting to note that, in spite of learning a new technique from another indigenous group (the Yudja), Kaiabi women lear ned the designs represented in the twillplaited baskets from the men and have represented them in the new items they came to produce, such as straps for babies, hammocks, bags and belts. The innovation developed by the men was the application of graphic d esigns in other objects and in body painting. Twill plaited Designed Baskets Kaiabi basketry encounters its greatest expression i n the twilled plaited baskets and woven club handles, both made by men. Through a symbolic language woven into nearly thirty different named graphic designs, the making of baskets reflects diverse aspects of Kaiabi cosmology and social organization (Ribeiro 1987 a; 1987 b; Athayde 2003; Athayde et al., 2009). Specific names are used for each kind of basket: iparupit are simple s trainers used by women to sieve cassava flour and some beverages (yr pemeaii, yr pemeauu), araa are painted baskets with different woven designs, while the panak is a kind of decorated backpack traditionally used to carry hammocks during travels. Designed baskets are traditionally used by

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324 women to store cotton while spi nning as well as to store small objects. However, baskets are also used as an ornament and symbol of prestige, placed hanging from ceilings of artisans houses. Gr nberg (2004) mentions that painted baskets used to be the most important item of the dowry, given to the bride. Due to the beauty and artistic value of these baskets, the Kaiabi have traded them with other indigenous peoples, as well as increasingly destined their production to the market. Stages of Basketry Weaving It takes five to ten days to make a decorated araa basket, depending on the size and design. In a previous work (Athayde, 2003) I identified six main stages involved in the process of weaving a painted basket (Figure 83): 1. Harvesting the natural resources The natural resources used to make baskets occur in different ecological zones. It can take time to collect the main fiber arum, or its substitutes, the dye used for painting and the vine used for the rim of the baskets. The way s through which the Kaiabi harvest and manage these resources are described in the section on natural resources. 2. Preparation of fiber strands After arriving home, it is important to separate the stems and pith (removing the inner soft part) as soon as possible. With a knife, men prepare the stems and put them to dry in the sun. They leave them to dry for one day. Then it is time to measure the strands and divide them. They do it with the help of hands and mouth, trying to keep all the strands the same width. Then they prepare a bunch of strands in order to begin to weave. The rest, the strands of worst quality, mainly the thicker ones, are used to make other kinds of baskets, such as yrupemeauu (a basket used to sieve cassava flour). 3. Weaving Before beginning to weave, a person needs to decide which desig n is going to be created, to initiate the counting. The beginning of the basket, or initial point is called iypyrungap or iyp , which means a way or a path to follow. Iyp is also the name for a basket design woven in the simple unpainted baskets. The weft is arranged, composed by a group of strands with the rough side up and an other with the smooth side up. When the square is done, some pieces have different lenght So, they measure and cut off the tips. Then they can begin to weave the rim. The Kaiabi counting system is based on grouping numbers. They count up to five, then they group the numbers they know. For example, 8=4+4; 10=5+5. Mendes (2001), in a study on

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325 the ethnomathematics of the Xingu indigenous peoples, referred to the practice of counting by grouping elements in the process of weaving a design in a basket. Through conversations with Aturi Kaiabi, she realized that in basketry weaving, the counting follows a group order, coming from a symmetric division. This way of counting, which ca n encompass a huge amount of different combinations, producing different designs, is what we can call Kaiabi mathematics (Mendes, 2001). The designs also represent numbers for the Kaiabi. For example, to weave the design Iyp, one of the first designs they learn, they use 17 strands in the vertical position. From the centre of the design, or first point, they weave two groups of three and one group of two strands for each side of the weaving square, as shown in Figure 84. 4. Tying up the rims Basket mak ers need to seek good vines in order to prepare the rim. They use a double rim. The upper part must be s horter and the lower part longer These two parts are tied with arum. One part of the basket enters into the rim to make the concavity. Then the four corners of the basket are tied with the rest of the rim. After everything is ready, they tie it with cotton. It takes about two days to tie a big basket. 5. Painting the basket A reddish dye is applied to the surface of the basket using the hands. Four or five layers of dye are applied, so that it fully adheres to the basket. Baskets are then put out to dry, preferably in the hot sun, for one entire day. The dye does not adhere on the outer or rough side of the strands, but to the inner or smooth side. 6. Scr aping and finishing To remove the dye, men use a wooden stick or a brush and scra pe the basket, getting it off the rough stems, to which it does not stick, revealing the finished design. Ribeiro (1980), researching a collection of 960 baskets from differ ent Brazilian indigenous groups, found that the painting technique used by the Kaiabi is shared only by two other indigenous groups: the Tapirape and the Paresi. This technique is called posterior painting or scraped painting. The more common technique i s to paint the strands before weaving. She suggests that the sharing of these technical styles and of some designs is an indication of historical contact between the groups, as well as of the possibility that they could have learned

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326 some techniques from ea ch other. Some Kaiabi design patterns are also present in Bakairi indian baskets. The different designs reproduced in these baskets represent a symbolic language that is unique to the Kaiabi people, materializing and transporting history, mythology and et hnicity through time (Ribeiro, 1987b; Athayde, 2003). Grnberg (1970/2004) identified 12 graphic designs for the Kaiabi baskets during his stay with the group in the 1960s. As I mentioned in the methods chapter, some of the photos taken by Georg Grnberg a nd the material organized by Berta Ribeiro (1987b) were recuperated and incorporated in the photographic catalogue of basketry designs I have been organizing for the Kaiabi in the last ten years. So far I have documented 29 designs used for the twill plai ted baskets, including variations and 7 designs applied to the panak 6 designs The process of learning the designs, as well mythical aspects and knowledge distribution related to them, will be explored in further sections. N atural Resources Used in Basketry and Textile Production The Kaiabi use ten main species in basketry and textiles weaving, without taking into account arum substitutes, which are presented in a separate table (see Tables 82 and 83). The activity of co llecting and preparing the plants for use can take many days, taking into account that sometimes men need to go to distant places, far from the village, to get the materials they need. The process of harvesting these plant species can be combined with othe r forest activities, mainly hunting and collecting fruits. Therefore, a man may go to the swiddenfallow plots or to the forest with the specific intent of collecting resources to weave a basket or he might be hunting and find a vine or fiber that he would use later and bring it home. In Chapter 5, I mentioned the environmental contrasts between the ancestral territory and the Xingu Park, to which the majority of the Kaiabi population was transferred around fifty years

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327 ago. As a result of their relocation to Xingu Park, they lost access to many important plant and crop species, including those used for weaving baskets and cotton varieties used in textile production. A particularly important plant resource missed in Xingu is uruyp ( Ischnosiphon gracilis Ma rantaceae, arum in Portuguese) the main fibre used in Kaiabi designed baskets. This herb forms clumps in swampy and periodically flooded areas throughout lowland Amazonia (Andersson 1977, 1984), but occurs only in very scattered and small populations in the northwest, more humid, region of the Park. Moreover, the most prized variety of arum, uruyp ete (truly arum), does not grow at all in Xingu and can only be found in the ancestral territory in the Tapajs (Athayde et al. 2006). The Kaiabi say that uruyp ete is of best quality for the baskets, and the uruyp kuruk is classified a a a second class resource. According to them, in the ancestral area, there are large arum clusters, that are not so restricted to special types of habitats as in Xingu, and which, as they affirm, can be found virtually anywhere To gather the arum stems, the men have to decide which plants are ready to be harvested. They can tell by the thickness, height and color of the stems. If the plant is not mature, the stems get soft and br eak Most of the time they collect the stems above the first node to allow the plant to re sprout. They cut the stems with a machete, the leaves are removed and the stalks are bundled and fastened. Due to the scarcity of arum in Xingu, the Ka iabi started to search for substitutes for weaving the body of the baskets, currently using at least six substitutes for arum (Table 8 3). The use of substitutes is interesting in this case because it helps to prevent the erosion of basketry knowledge due to the lack of arum. Most, such as wywa (arrow cane, Gynerium sagittatum ) are weaker and cannot be properly dyed. Arum s superior quality and unique cosmological importance means that weavers are reluctant to use substitutes. Kaiabi creation

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328 narratives tell how the ancestral hero and shaman Tuiarare used to spend hours weaving baskets in his hammock. Under a pile of discarded arum behind his hammock lived a larva, which during the night transformed itself into a beautiful woman, who became his wife. Som e elders said that this larva is the owner of arum, and that it has taken care of the plant until now. There is also a graphic design called worm or larva ( yok ), which is probably related to this narrative (Athayde et al. 2006). According to shamans and elders, the arum plant has an owner, a spirit who takes care of the plant. Kupeap told me that the name of this spirit is akwaap or akwaawi The symbolic meaning attached to weaving and arum is traced back to the epic travels of the Kaiabi cultura l hero Tuiarar, who ran away with a piece of the skin from an ancestral supernatural snake, subsequently learning how to weave baskets using arum by copying the designs represented on its skin (see following section on shamanism) The unique social and symbolic importance of arum is shared by many other Amazonian indigenous groups, including the Wayana, Baniwa, Y ekuana, Desana, Warao and Apara (Guss 1989; Van Velthem 2001; Wilbert, 1975). The link bestowed by these groups between arum and the skins , of primordial humans or of supernatural beings, also endows the baskets made with this plant with a unique meaning and power (Van Velthem 2001) Concerned about the scarcity of arum in Xingu, Kaiabi representatives have been developing activities for cultural revitalization and management of natural resources used in basketry production in partnership with the Brazilian NGO Instituto Socioambiental and the local organization Associao Terra Indgena Xingu. From 1999 to 2006, these groups conducted parti cipatory and collaborative research on use and management of arum with Kaiabi communities in the northern region of Xingu Park This work included ethnobotanical research

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329 on harvesting techniques, the documentation of plant characteristics, and investigat ion of mythical aspects related to the plant and baskets. The research activities were developed with Kaiabi communities and young men who have been trai ned to work as natural resource managers in their villages and who were participating in the coordination of the activities (Athayde et al., 2006). In 2004, saplings of uruyp kuruk, uruy wete and uruyp piremi (another variety) were brought by truck from Teles Pires area to Tuiarar village in Xingu, as part of the activities developed under the Kaiabi Ara a project. The saplings grew very well in the place that Tuiarar villagers assigned to plant t hem, close to a little stream. However, there we re few saplings, which were not enough to support basketry weaving activity in the village, especially if part of the production is destined for the external market. In spite of efforts made with ISAs support to bring this wild plant into sustainable management and cultivation, the se are experimental activities that wont support the continuous product ion of basketr y by the Kaiabi. Every non timber forest product (NTFPs) has its own ecology, limitations and constraints when it comes to sustainable management. In the case of arum, management is constrained by ecological characteristics of the plant such as slow growt h, special h abitat requirements, and reproduction that probably is constrained by the lack of water in Xingu (extended dry season) (Athayde et al., 2006). Palm species are also important in basketry weaving among the Kaiabi, especially the tucum ( Astrocar yum aculeatum ) and the inaj (M aximilliana maripa). These species are normally associated with swidden fallow practices and might be present on old fallow plots or secondary forests around the villages. They are also used for many other purposes, such as f or house thatch, jewelry, food and oil and as substitutes for the siriva ( Bactris macana) wood, which does not occur in Xingu, in the confe ction of spindles and clubs.

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330 Ano ther important species that is rare within the Park is jemoreyp (jequitib, Cari niana sp, Lecythidaceae). This tree occurs sparsely in the forests along small streams mainly in Capivara and Kururu villages. Kaiabi extract the thick red resin present in the bark of this tree to dye the baskets, first by hitting the tree many times with an axe to loosen the bark. Then they remove it with the help of a machete and axe until the amount of bark needed is released from the tree. They cut the fiber and squeeze it into rolls in a container. The dye is then stored and ready to use. The Kaiabi need a large amount of dye in order to decorate baskets, since they require four to five layers of application for each basket. To obtain two liters of dye, they have to extract at least three meters of bark. When the bark is removed from the entire circum ference of the tree, it may die. Even when it does not, it can take almost five years for the tree to recover the bark. The Kaiabi use a substitute for jemoreyp , named ujupe ( Myrcia deflexa Myrtaceae) which is the same dye that the women use to make calabashes impermeable. This tree is commonly found in old swiddenfallow plots and young secondary fore s ts close to the villages. Again, they say that the quality is not so good as the jequitib dye, but it is an option for villages where it does not oc cur. To make the rim of the baskets, the Kaiabi use two species of vine, both called yrupepepoyta (which literally means rim of the basket). The extracted part of the vine is brought to the village and the outer part removed using a knife. It is dried in the sun for one day, and is then ready for use. According to Silva (2002 a), there are two traditional varieties of cotton Gossipium barbadens ( Malvaceae), cultivated by the Kaiabi: amyneju owising white cotton, and amyneju pytang = owiwytang brown cotton. The third type found in some Xingu villages is a variety of G. hirsutum the most common and commercial cotton, that the Kaiabi got from the non-

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331 indigenous They name it amyneju piamuku, because of its long fibers. Kaiabi women still cultivate traditional cotton varieties to weave textiles in Xingu and in Rio dos Peixes Seeds of the traditional cotton varieties were brought from the Tapajs at the time of the transfer to Xingu. People in Rio dos Peixes told me that the brown cotton variety no longer exists there. Catarina, the most traditional elder in Rio dos Peixes, said that she brought a cotton variety from the Bakairi and planted in her homegarden, but a pparently it is darker tha n the white variety normally cultivated by the Kaiabi. In Kur uruzinho (Teles Pires), only one woman has the white variety planted in her family farm garden plot. In the interviews, I asked women whether they had cotton planted in their farm plots, and which variety of cotton they had. The results provide an estima te of the situation of cotton varieties in all four villages taking in to account that many times a woman has her farming plot together with a relative, and also that cotton production may vary from one year to the other. In Capivara, 7 1% (17) of the women r eported that they have cotton planted in their farming plot. All of them have the white variety ( amynejusing), and five of them have both the white and the brown variety planted. In Tuiarar, only 27% (6) of women interviewed have cotton in their farming p lots, and of those, only one has brown cotton. In Rio dos Peixes, 22% of women still have cotton planted, all of the white variety. In Kururuzinho village at Teles Pires, only one woman has cotton planted (3.5%). Her name is Sara, young daughter of the art isan Joo, who participated in the workshops of Kaiabi Araa project and got cotton seeds from Xingu relatives to plant in her plot. The majority of women who have cotton in their plots are older, mostly over 30 and 40 years, since younger women share the p lot with their mothers. From these results, it seems that the brown cotton variety ( amyneju pytang) is really threatened with disappearing among the Kaiabi We dont know about the situation of this variety in other Xingu villages, but

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332 it looks like women tend to substitute its use by the colored industrialized cotton bought in cities. Xingu works as a reserve of cotton varieties, as in the other two areas cotton cultivation is almost lost. According to Jurufet from Capivara village, women take care of the cotton and keep the cotton seeds. Men and women can participate in the planting time, which occurs during the rainy season, mainly in September and October, when the Api tree is producing fruits. Taangap from Capivara told me that when it rains for the fir st time after the dry season is over, they plant corn. When the corn is growing (around 8 inches) they start to plant the cotton, putting two seeds in each hole. The harvest occurs during the dry season (between May and August). Juwete said that other wome n (relatives) help each other during the harvest period. They have to harvest it soon, before the rain starts, otherwise there is a certain type of larvae that eats the leaves. If you plant too much, there is not time enough to harvest and you might end up l osing production and effort. Also, when you gin the cotton, ta king the seeds out, if you keep them until the next season, they get rotten. Therefore, you have to harvest a little to have seeds right before planting again. Women told me that the cotton pl ant produces only once in the old fallow plot, after which the plant dies, because the trees grow and p roduce shade and larvae eat the leaves and also the seeds. Many women prefer to buy industrialised cotton to weave big hammocks, given the amount of ti me and work that manual spinning requires. Thus, I could say that dependence on industrialised cotton is gr eater in Teles Pires, then in Rio dos Peixes and lastly in Xingu. Moreover, in order to weave the cotton straps, hammocks, bags and belts with colour ful contrasting designs borrowed from basketry, women need to use industrialised colourful cotton bought in cities, which ha s become an important exchange item.

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333 Weaving Knowledge : Social Meaning, Transmission Distribution and Change In this section, I w ill present results related to weaving knowledge from the interviews conducted with all men and women over 15 years of age in four Kaiabi villages, two in Xingu, one Rio dos Peixes and one in Teles Pires. The longitudinal analysis involving data gathered f or this research (2007) with data collected in 2002 for my previous Masters thesis is going to be focused on mens knowledge, specifically of the designed baskets, since I dont have baseline data for the women. Also, in my previous research, I did not include knowledge on the other types of baskets, or ability to weave them, whi ch was included in this study. I will explore mechanisms, processes and trends involved in Kaiabi weaving knowledge distribution, transmission and change between genders and across villages. Social Meaning and Traditional Learning Mechanisms According to Silva (2000), processes of production and reproduction of material culture objects by indigenous peoples reinforce principles of their social organization; of the construction of the individual as a person; of the knowledge of using and managing natural resources; and in the consolidation and maintenance of kinship ties Among the Kaiabi, as well as with other Amazonian indigenous peoples, mastering skills in weaving baskets and te xtiles is considered necessary in the preparation of a young adult to be ready to get married (Rivire, 1992; Crickmay, 2002). Husbands produced baskets for their parents in law as part o f their bridal service (Athayde, 2003). Comparably, a young woman rea dy for marriage is expected to know how to weave hammocks and straps for carrying babies. Traditional mechanisms for learning to weave among men and women involve observation, copying, doing, undoing, and repeating (Silva, 2000; Crickmay, 2002; Zarger, 2002). In the Andean regions for instance, the concept of learning is related to experience (Crickmay, 2002). Learning starts early in life with observation of parents or of other members of the social group performing a given skill. As

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334 learning to weave happ ens mostly in the household for girls and includes bush skills and weaving skills for boys, we can expect differences in the teaching learning experience among genders. Pelissier (1991) mentions that skills such as building a canoe or weaving a hammock ar e comparable to norms and roles, and are learned in daily experience. For the designs, it also entails mastering a particular system of counting (Mendes 2001). C ounting is important in the beginning of the learning process, but after a man or woman master s the skill of weaving, they dont need to count anymore. Prochaska (1990:113) mentions about Andean weavers that numbers are important to the beginning we a ver, but as they become recognized as expert weavers they dont know how to count, because they alre ady know how to weave. In spite of the similarities that c an be found regarding the social meaning and traditional le arning of basketry and textile items, there are some differences between genders that I will highlight during this and subsequent sections T he description of traditional modes of learning and knowledge transmission initially presented here refers to an ideal situation, which has changed significantly in the real world. I will contrast the traditional modes of learning and transmission with the actual distribution of knowledge and changes in learning and transmission that have been taking place among the Kaiabi since the diaspora. Hewlett and Cavalli Sforza (1986:922) define cultural transmission as a process of social reproduction in which the cultures technological knowledge, behaviour, patter ns, cosmological beliefs, etc. are communicated and acquired. Traditionally, in the past, young men acquired basketry related skills and knowledge while accompanying their male kin notably father, brothers, brothers in law, uncles and cousins in thei r daily tasks. Starting around 10 years of age, boys would start learning by

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335 accompanying their male kin on forest excursions, thus getting exposure and familiarity with the natural resources used in th e production of the different types of baskets. While in the forest, they would observe and learn how to extract and prepare the natural resources, beginning with the simpler disposable baskets such as the vine basket for cassava transportation ( myayta ). S ilva (2000) also noted this mechanism of learning basketry among the KayapXikrin in the Amazon. Apart from the myatyta considered the easiest basket to be made, the young Kaiabi would also start to learn to weave fans ( tapekwap). Young men were expected to learn at least basic types of baskets to provide for their families Concerning twillplaited baskets, a twelve year old would know how to harvest arum, prepare the strands for weaving, and weave simpler unpainted baskets containing designs such as iyp ipirien or jarukang, and inimo eta (Athayde 2003; Athayde et al., 2009). After mastering weaving of simple baskets for his wife and mother in law, he would then l earn the more complex designs according to his own will and ability. There is a certain sequence in which basketry designs should be learned, from the simpler to more complex designs. According to the interviews, Kaiabi girls used to begin to learn to weave cotton by the age of seven or eight, before many boys learned basket weaving. In cont rast with boys, who would start learning from other kin during visits to the forest, girls would often learn to spin cotton in their households from their mothers, grandmothers, aunts or other female relative s (Crickmay, 2002). I n the beginning, learning happens naturally as play or a game, in which little girls imitate the adults and weave little toy pieces for their imaginary babies. Fabola Silva (2000), describing pottery making and learning among the Assurin women (also Tupi guarani as the Kaiabi) registered the same process of miniature construction among young girls learning to make their first pottery pans. Among the Kaiabi, a fter her first menstruation, a girl would learn to

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336 weave hammocks as part of her preparation to get married. While in the beginning of the weaving apprenticeship the girl would be learning more directly from closer kin women such as her mother and grandmother, in later stages of learning to weave hammocks, including mastering of different designs, the young woman could learn from other kin and even unrelated women. This is also tru e for men and basketry apprenticeship. As with men and baskets, being a skilled weaver was a requirement for marriage, and is still a source of pride and prestige. In contrast, not knowing to weave t he basic items required to provide for his or her family is reason for shame and mockery among the Kaiabi. During my fieldwork and interviewing process, many times I witnessed people making fun of others by saying: she doesnt even know to spin cotton; o r my husband does not weave for me. When I need a basket, I have to ask my uncle or other men . In spite of the perceived importance of knowing how to weave until present times, changes have happened in the motivations for learning and social meaning and value of knowing. This can be observed especially with the more elaborate items pr oduced for sale. If in the past a skilled basketry weaver was admired for his capacity to provide for his family, nowadays he is still admired, but increasingly for his acce ss and capacity to participate in the market. Many men interviewed in the three Kaiabi lands mentioned that they want to learn to weave baskets because they can sell them, instead of providing them for their female kin. Knowledge D istribution of Woven Ite ms Weaving knowledge is unevenly distributed within and between the four villages considered in this study. Distribution differences are mostly related to age, gender, kinship and village. As expected, in Xingu villages, both men and women weave more basketry and textiles items (Tables 8 4 and 8 6; Figures 8 5 to 87), and more people have the ability to weave designed baskets and textiles. C onsidering basketry as a whole, including all the 21 items assigned for the category, Rio dos Peixes is better off t han Teles Pires in terms of number of men

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337 who are able to weave any of those objects. This was in part a surprise for me, because I expected weaving knowledge to be almost lost there, given the situation of the village in terms of socioeconomic factors such as language loss, proximity to town, ethnic mixture and market influence, explored in the last chapter. O bserving Figure 8 5 it is possible to see that Tuiarar is the place where more villagers know the most items, followed by Capivara, Rio dos Peixes a nd lastly Teles Pires. Older men weave more types of baskets. The elder Tewit from Capivara (who moved back to the village in 2007 after living with his family in Rio dos Peixes for approximately 5 years) knows how to weave 19 of the 21 items (90 %) that c ompose Kaiabi basketry repertoire. In Capivara, another knowledgeable men is Kupeap, who can weave 12 (57%) of the 21 items. In Tuiarar, there are six men who can be considered specialists in basketry, all of th em weaving more than 12 objects. Aturi is the one that knows how to weave the most objects in the village (17 or 81%), followed by the middle aged Miaui (76%), the shaman Chico (71% ), elders Masia and Xup (both with 66 % of the ite ms) and the younger Tarei (62 %). In Rio dos Peixes, men who know t o weave more basketry items are the middle aged Raimundo (86%); t he elder and shaman Tafut (86 %); Simo, another elder and speci alist in basketry designs (71 %) and Moacir, who lived in X ingu for a long time, with 66%. In Teles Pires, there are only two experts in basketry; the most knowledgeable is the elde r Coron (knowing to weave 66% of the basketr y items), followed by Joo (52%). Regarding the different items of basketry, the simple vine basket ( myayta ) is the item most men weave in all villag es, total ling 55 % of all men interviewed. In second place comes the woven club ( muap ), with 51%. In Rio dos Peixes 72% of men know how to produce the club, but the majority wove the handle in a very simple way. The baskets used as strainers by women

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338 are also popul ar among the men, being produced by nearly 35% of them. M astering the ability to weave these strainers was a required skill to get married in past times. Other popular objects produced by men are the palm leaf fan, the basket used for storing peanuts and, in sixth place, the twill plaited designed baskets or araa, known by only 25% of all men interviewed (see Figure 8 8). It is interesting to note that, apart from the club, the most popular items are the baskets done by men and used by women for food transportation and processing. The club is an exception in this case, because nowadays it is produced mostly for the market. More elaborated baskets such as the backpack basket ( panak ) and the little palm leaf bag ( yr ) are in danger of disappearing among the Kaiabi. There is only one person or 0.9 % among the interviewees who can produce the panak (Tewit, from Capivara). Raimundo, 41 years old and living in Rio dos Peixes (son of the dece ased Kwasiari, a great basket maker in Rio dos Peixes) told me he knows how to make the yr Related to this, Ohmagari and Berkes (1997) observed among the Cree indigenous peoples of Canada that skills which are more essential for livelihoods were the ones which still prevailed and were being actively transmitted within the population. Among the Kaiabi, baskets that are more commonly used and which dont have a comparable industrial substitute are still being produced by the men for women to use. We have to consider the dynamic process of knowledge transmission between the villages and kin groups. Many men that live in Rio dos Peixes today spent variable amounts of time in Xingu, and this also happens in Teles Pires. The simple fact of the existence in the village of a master in such and such an object may trigger the will to learn in other men. If the person is constantly weaving, some young men may get interested in learning by observing the producing process and the object ready to be used or commercialised. For instance, I know that Cansio, the

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339 ex chief of Cap ivara village, when he moved to Rio dos Peixes, brought knowledge on artifacts and baskets and started to spread it to his sons and other kin groups. Among the women, there are only six items that compose the textile repertoire in comparison to 21 for bas ketry. What we have here is a more kin oriented process of knowledge distribution and transmission in comparison to basketry among the men. Also, Capivara is the village where overall knowledge on textiles is greater, apart from the woven bag, which was a new invention promoted in workshops among Tuiarar women (Figure 86). In Capivara, five women know how to produce five of the six textile items. Four of these women are mother and daughter. For instance, the wife of the health agent in Capivara ( who does not weave designed baskets ) is a very knowledgeable weaver, who knows how to make different items and designs and teaches her daughters. Capivara is the village where there is more cotton being planted, and where the brown variety is still cultivated. In T uiarar, only one woman knows how to weave all the six items (Moreru). Zulmira, an older woman married to Xup, knows how to make five of the six items and was teacher at the workshops of the Kaiabi Araa project that happened in the village. In Rio dos Pei xes, four women have the skills to make four of the six textile items. Three of them lived in Xingu for varied periods of time, therefore they know how to make plain and designed hammocks. Suzana, daughter of the knowledgeable elder Catarina, is among the few women who are still able to make the traditional hammock, in which a ground loom was used. Again, Teles Pires is the place where the majority of women did not know how to weave before the classes given by Xingu women at the workshops of the Project Kai abi Araa. Therefore, the women who learned in those workshops do not know how to spin cotton. There are two girls in Teles Pires who can weave four textile items. Looking at figure 86, we can observe that all the

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340 items are produced in all the villages, di fferently for men, in which some items were mastered by only one individual. The item that more women in all villages know how to make is the strap for carrying babies or tupai with 5 2% of all women interviewed being able to weave it (Table 8 6; Figure 89). This makes sense, taking into account that the tupai is a common item, used daily by mothers to carry their babies. Also, many times the young women learn to make the tupai first, including some simpler designs, coming to learn to weave hammocks aft erwards. More women know to m ake simple plain hammocks (41%) compared to the designed hammocks, which 31% of women know. The other three items are the tradit ional hammock (know n by 19%), of which knowledge is in process of disappearing among Kaiabi women, since it has been substituted by the simple and designed hammocks ; the woven belt (18%), a novelty developed in Capivara village, made by women for men to use in festivals ; and lastly the woven bag with graphic designs, developed by Tuiarar wom en and made mostly for sale (17 %). We can s peculate that while knowledge of the traditional hammock is going to be lost, knowledge of belts and bags will increase, since these items also can be produced for the market. At this point, we can conclude that knowledge on textiles in more evenly distributed within the Kaiabi people than knowledge on baskets; more kinoriented and dependent; and more resilient or less prone to disappear since it is more embedded in kinship and social structure and includes less sophistica ted items. Also, the fact that women can use industrialised cotton to produce textiles is an advantage in comparison to men who need to harvest and process natural resources to produce different baskets, especially the twill plaited painted baskets for whi ch they prefer to use the scarce arum as the raw fiber. In Rio dos Peixes, weaving knowledge still persists among some women, who are proud of their work. What also helped to conserve

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341 knowledge there was the work of Catholic missionary n uns, who, accordin g to some interviewees, used to promote w eaving workshops for the women. In both cases, weaving knowledge still persists in Rio dos Peixes, contrary to expectations that knowledge would be largely lost. In Teles Pires, it seems that external incentive and access to market may be the most important factors in improving weaving abilit y among men and women who are still in learning ages. Knowledge Distribution and Transmission of Designed Basketry and Textiles This section explores knowledge distribution and transmission of selected items of basketry and textile repertoires. I chose to carry out more in depth research on knowledge associated with designed baskets and hammocks because of the following factors: a) request from the Kaiabi for me to advise them in a cultural revitalization project involving designed basketry and textiles; b) existing data from previous research done in 2002 and 2004; and c ) social, cultural and economic importance of these artifacts. In this research, I repeated interviews done wi th men in 2002 at Tuiarar and Capivara villages, added Rio dos Peixes and Kururuzinho villages, and als o added womens knowledge. I will be presenting the results and, to the extent possible, comparing with my previous findings. In 2002, I interviewed 20 men in Capivara village and 25 in Tuiarar (Athayde, 2003). From these, 12 were interviewed again in Capivara in 2007 and 15 in Tuiarar, which gives us more than half of the same people interviewed in a 5 year interval. However, when looking specifically to weavers that master designed baskets, there were only 7 men in Capivara and 6 in Tuiarar who were interviewed twice. This is a limiting factor to consider for quantitative data comparisons between the two years. Nevertheless, qualitative data available and previous findings can be explored in more detail and the process of observing changes that have occurred in the communities during this time interval provided fertile material that was explored in this research.

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342 According to Boster (1987), patt erns of intracultural knowledge distribution may depend on domain specificities, social contexts and learning opportunities. For men, knowing to weave designed baskets can be considered specialized knowledge, that is, knowledge which is not shared among al l individuals in an ethnic group, or that is not absolutely required to get married. For women, given the importance of designed hammocks nowadays, especially in Xingu villages, knowing to weave designed hammocks is increasingly a symbol of status and readiness to support a family. However, because of the availability of industrialized hammocks everywhere, weaving hammocks would not be indispensable for living. Whatever the practical value of these items, we cannot underestimate the power of beauty and identity which they bring to the Kaiabi. Therefore, besides being beautiful, useful and appreciated artifacts, designed baskets and hammocks also carry a symbolic iconographic language that is unique to the Kaiabi people (Ribeiro, 1986; Athayde et al., 2009). If we consider knowledge in the weaving domain as encompassing form, function, materials, meaning and designs (Ellen, 2009, my adaptation), evaluating whether people are transmitting and capturing all these components may be a challenge, especially regardi ng the social and spiritual meanings attached to the object. Mairaw Kaiabi once called attention to this fact, men tioning that nowadays a young ma n might be learning to weave a basket, but might not be capturing the deeper meaning that is embedded in that object. Its good to have that in mind. Differently to what we observed when considering the whole group of items that constitute basketry and textiles, knowledge on special items such as designed baskets and hammocks is much lower in Rio dos Peixes (F igure 8 9). While the majority of people know how to weave these items in Capivara and Tuiarar villages, in Rio dos Peixes only 7.5% of women and 14% of men master this skill. Results for Capivara and Tuiarar are comparable and

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343 very close: while in Tuiar ar there are more women who weave designed hammocks (8 2%), in Capivara more men know designed baskets (68%). The results also show that more women weave hammocks than men weave baskets. This is probably related to what was discussed above, on specialized knowledge and on the way knowledge is transmitted, as part of household dynamics and more embedded in social organization in the case of the women and hammocks. In Teles Pires, the percentage of women and men who weave designed items is close (32% for wome n and 34.6% for men). These percentages increased significantly from 2004 to 2007, since before the workshops of the Kaiabi Araa project, no women in the village. knew to weave textiles I will come back to this point in the next sections, exploring mechanis ms of cultural transmission. Age of l earning This section details when people start to learn to weave designed basket s and textiles. Even if the lea r ning process starts early in childhood with observation and copy of simple woven items, there is a time whe n men and women actually learn to weave graphic designs into objects. This should happen, as previous stated, in the stages preceding marriage, so that the person has an asset to offer to his or her partner. To better capture the variation in the ability to learn to weave designed baskets and textiles, I assigned five age classes to classify people according to the age with which they learn to weave: 1) From 1015 years of age; 2) From 1621 years; 3) 2230 years; 4) 3139 years and 5) 40 years old and up. Learning to weave twillplaited baskets and designed hammocks starts at an early age, with boys and girls accompanying their parents and relatives in daily tasks and excursions to the forest (in the case of boys). According to the weavers interviewed in e ach village, most people learn between 10 and 15 years of age, and the great majority learn before they are 21 years old (Figure 810). This is especially tru e for the women in all villages except

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344 Tuiarar, where the ages of learning are more distributed b etween age classes and where there is a woman who learned to weave designed hammocks at the age of 40 during a workshop of the Kaiabi Araa project. It is curious to note in Figure 810 that the villages in which the project Kaiabi Araa happened (Tuiarar and KururuzinhoTeles Pires) are the ones with more people learning at later ages. Results found here are corroborated by Silva (2009) studying knowledge related to agrobiodiversity, specifically knowledge related to peanut varieties among the Kaiabi in Xi ngu. He found that 91% of men and women interviewed reported that they learn about peanut varieties between 8 15 years of age. Zent (2009b) presents data comparing TEK transmission among four Jot communities in Venezuela, f i nding that in three of them the re is an increase of competence by age among younger people up until 20 years of age, with no further significant acquisition after that. Ohmagari and Berkes (1997) also found that the age range between 13 and 15 years is the most important period for the mastery of most of the bush skills, before the age of marriage. Compared to data collected in 2002, age classes mentioned by men from Capivara in 2002 differ from those of 2007, in which four age classes are represented instead of two registered for 2007. Discrepancies in mens answers about the age of learning to weave baskets are found for both Capivara and Tuiarar villages, including discrepancies for the same interviewee. This shows that data related to age of learning can be very changeable among indigenous peoples. However, in spite of discrepancies, we can conclude that learning to weave happens at early stages of transitioning from childhood to teenager for both men and women, and that for women this apprenticeship happens even earlier than for men. Also, there are changes in age of learning in villages where strategies other than traditional mechanisms have been used for

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345 encouraging learning, such as the workshops promoted by the Kaiabi Araa project in Tuiarar and Kururuzinho. Reviewing models an d mechanisms of knowledge t ransmission As previously described, mechanisms for learning in indigenous societies are mainly based on socialization into a group, observation, copying, trial and error and learning by doing (Crickmay, 2002; Bowser and Patton, 2008; Athayde et al., 2009). Transmission can occur within the household, between parents and child; among peers; between an older teacher and a younger apprentice; between a teacher and his/her students (such as in indigenous or nonindigenous formal schools); between various elders and one student ; and also, as Im going to propose, between many teachers and many apprentices. I contrast the results of this research with existing models of cultural transmission and propose a new approach that better captu re s the specificities and innovations that indigenous peoples have developed to transmit technological and artistic knowledge In the cultural evolution model developed by Cavalli Sforza and Feldman (1981), there are two stages in the transmission process namely awareness, requiring the existence of a signal (e.g. through observation), and acceptance or learning itself. The authors developed models of cultural transmission (between transmitter and transmittee) in human societies, later reviewed by Hewlett and Cavalli Sforza (1986), grouped in five main modes of cultural transmission (Figure 811): 1. Vertical or parent to child closest to biological transmission, it occurs between generations and can include one or both genitors in the transmission of a gi ven skill or knowledge. According to the authors, acceptance of innovation in this mode is of intermediate difficulty and cultural evolution is slow. 2. Horizontal or contagious transmission happens between any two individuals independently of their relati onship. It can happen between same age peers, related or unrelated. The acceptance of innovation is easy and cultural evolution can be rapid.

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346 3. Oblique transmission occurs between generations other t han parents, such as between a related or unrelated old er person (of similar age range as the persons parents) to a younger person. 4. One to many one main transmitter passes knowledge to many transmittees. This relates to teacher leader or media (TV, internet, books) type of transmission and it is dominant nowadays, with advances in technology such as internet. Acceptance of innovation is easy and cultural evolution might be rapid. 5. Concerted or many to one This type happens between older members to a younger member of the same social group. It is assumed t hat all transmitters act in concert, so that the influence is reciprocally reinforced. According to Hewlett and Cavalli Sforza (1986), this mode, involving a high level of social control, would lead to very difficult acceptance of innovation and thus would be considered the most conservative in terms of cultural evolution. In 2002, 30% of the male basketry weavers interviewed in Capivara and Tuiarar village told me that they learned to weave designed baskets from their fathers (see Figure 8 12). Vertical transmission by parents was also reported by Silva (2009) as the main mechanism for transmission of knowledge about peanut varieties among the Xingu Kaiabi, reported by 52% of his informants. Ohmagari and Berkes (1997) also found that parents, especially t he mothers, were the main teachers among Cree women, and that grandmothers were also important. The importance of vertical transmission (parentchild) has also been registered in other studies (Ruddle and Chesterfield, 1977; Hewlett and Cavalli Sforza, 1986). Interestingly, the same percentage (30%) said that they had learned alone, nobody taught them (Athayde 2003). In fact, much of the work a weaver does is copying and counting on a ready or discarded basket; therefore a lot of the learning comes from the apprentices own interest and ability. Sometimes, men learn by copying from a basket or a piece of basket discarded in the villages garbage. Other ways of learning mentioned in that research were from friends (20%), brother (10%), uncle (5%) and grandfather (5%). In 2007, a similar tendency is maintained, with father and mother appearing as the main transmitters of weaving knowledge for the women (30.77%) and men (28.89) interviewed in all villages. Alone is again the second

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347 category of learning by c opying and trial error. Oakdale (1996:112), working with men in Tuiarar village, registered that there is a tendency, mainly amongst younger generations and young leaders, to state that nobody taught them how to do things in general, that they understood and were able to do things by themselves. In 2007, a new category named learning in the workshop appears in third place for learning designed baskets and textiles among the Kaiabi, with a relatively high score (20.04% for women and 26.67% for men, see Figure 8 13) considering that it was mentioned in only two villages This category relates to the weaving workshops promoted by the Kaiabi Araa community based project (see Chapter 6) in Tuiarar and Kururuzinho villages from 2004 to 2006. In these workshops, organized by the villagers under the supervision of the coordinator Aturi Kaiabi (Jowosipep), the learning process occurred in a very innovative and interesting way, which does not fit in the typology presented by Cavalli Sforza and his contributors. I am naming it as a many to many mode of transmission, in which many teachers, elders or not, independently of age, teach many students and also might learn from each other. Teachers and students may come from different villages, increasing their sense o f ethnicity and creating closer ties between villages. This mode of learning can be also named collaborative learning, since it happens in a community of practice, whose members are consciously participating in a learning activity with a shared sense of group identity (Bowser and Patton, 2008; Ellen, 2009). It is intriguing to think that first of all, this model of collaborative learning was developed by the Indians themselves, not copied from an existing western model. Second, in this type of workshop t here is more freedom to innovate and also to learn from anybody; it is even possible for an older person to learn from a younger teacher who may be more experienced in one technique or on certain basketry types or designs. Finally, it provides social learning

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348 opportunities otherwise unavailable in the traditional system of knowledge transmission which used to generally occur in the household, between parents and children within kinship groups or among unrelated kin but never within a bigger group of specia lists and apprentices united for sharing knowledge of a specific domain. In a workshop carried out at Tuiarar village in 2006, an elder from another village named Karauu made a basket for which only he still remembers the technique ( yr ), and which is in danger of disappearing. Its confection was observed by many workshop participants, coming from various villages. Among the women, through the workshops, new designs were copied from baskets, learned from the book and from othe r women and new items were learnt and started to be made by more women, such as bags and belts. Innovation in this type of transmission may be even quicker than in the one to many mode, because knowledge is exchanged within the community of practice. T akako (2004) presents a model of generational cultural transmission adapted from Boyd and Richerson (1985) named the recursion model , in which there are mature and immature populations. The immature individual learns within a determined knowledge domain, and comes to constitute the mature population. When there is insufficient transmission/learning, individuals from the mature population die and there is less ingress from the immature population into the mature pool, causing knowledge erosion or loss. In 2002, using the typology of cultural transmission from Cavalli Sforza and Feldman (1981), I noted that the direction of knowledge transmission among the Xingu Kaiabi is changing from vertical (parent child) to more oblique (between generations but outside of the parent child relationship) and horizontal (within the same generation, and often across different kin groups ). In a previous paper, we discussed the need to review and refine Cavalli Sforza and Feldmans

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349 typology of cultural transmission, taking into account qualitative changes that accompany learning and transmission amidst social change (Athayde et al, 2009) We should also distinguish between direct modes of transmission taking place through observation or learning from others, and indirect transmission which occurs from such virtual intermediate sources as books or films Moreover, we suggested that the category of horizontal transmission would need to be more carefully unpacked among the Kaiabi, given the intensity and diversity of exchanges that occur between different kinds of nonkin (Athayde et al 2009). Another innovative mechanism used by the Kaiabi to learn different basketry designs is copying from photographs, drawings and books. When I first arrived in Xingu Park in 1997, I noted that some men in the villages had copies of an article published by Berta Ribeiro in 1986, which contains drawings of basketry designs further developed from Georg Gr nbergs previous work (Grnberg, and Gr nberg, 1967; Gr nberg, 1994). They were usi ng those drawings to learn new graphic designs. At that time, I started to take photographs and document every basket in the village that contained a different graphic design. Complementarily, I started to collect photographs archived in national and inter national museums and libraries. As stated previously, I have organiz ed a book on basketry with the Kaiabi that includes these photos, and also texts, stories and myths produced by them about basketry and natural resources used in their production. This book has been used in the villages for learning new designs both by men and women. Surprisingly, when I visited Rio dos Peixes in 2007, I found one of those books I organized in the house of one of the elders. Somebody from Xingu Park took the book there and gave it to Simo, the most knowledgeable basket maker. He told me that he learned thirteen new designs from the book. Its amazing to realize how fast knowledge and information can move between Xingu and other Kaiabi lands. In Kururuzinho, people already have copies of the book,

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350 taken there during the workshop of the Kaiabi Araa project. Thus, this book in another example of using new media to transmit traditional knowledge. It would be inserted in the one to many type of transmission. I quantified how ma ny designs people have learned from the book, and will present this in the next section. It is worth remember ing that apprenticeship of a given technique or design might also happen through intercultural contact and interaction. For instance, Ribeiro (1980) discusses the exchange of basketry graphic motifs, techniques and technology between the Kaiabi and the Tapirape, Bakairi, and Paresi in the Tapajs, before their relocation to Xingu. These exchanges may have increased the number of designs and their intricateness. Some Kaiabi men, for example, affirm that the taagap design, considered one of the core designs in Kaiabi basket ry, was acquired from the Apiak (Athayde 2003; Grnberg and Grnberg 1967; Ribeiro 1987b). We can conclude that the Kaiabi today are using seven mechanisms for knowledge transmission, synthesized in the model presented in Figure 814. I suggest that this model best captures the changes and innovations that indigenous peoples have achieved through increased exposure to, integration with and assimilation of nonindigenous knowledge, institutions and politics. The seven mechanisms may be further classified according to their occurrence in or outside kinship groups and also if they occur within the same cultural group (intracultural) or between ethnic groups (intercultural, including nonindigenous). Suzanne Oakdale (1996:110) presents an interpretation of intergenerational change among the Kaiabi, in whic h, according to the author, alternate views on capability and knowledge interact i n a single cosmological process. She named them progres sive and degenerative trajectories In the progressive trajectory, each generation knows more and understands the world better than the last . People may be using this discourse when referring to

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351 the fact that nobody taught them basketry or textiles, that they have learnt by their own effort and ability. In the contrasting degenerative trajectory, human capability and understanding are diminishing with each passing generation. In other words, there w ould be an ideal primeval time, where pure Kaiabi knowledge existed, which cannot be rescued anymore. These two views may be also interpreted as the traditional and the new in any ethnic group where there are old and new values interacting in the continuous re production of a human society. For instance, the fact that the Kaiabi are using and adapting new institutions and mechanisms to transmit traditional (with innovations) knowledge on basketry and textiles can illustrate this apparent antagonism. The a bility to adapt, assimilate and create conditions for intertwining traditional knowledge in contemporary contexts is an asset that provides resilience and endurance of indigenous knowledge systems. Distribution of knowledge on graphic designs The Kaiabi have a repertoire of basketry designs traditionally depicted in twill plaited baskets, the special backpack basket, club handles and gourd engravings. Some Kaiabi tattoos using basketry designs have been made since ancient times (Schmidt, 1942; Ribeiro, 1987b; Grnberg, 1994). They started to innovate and use the basketry motifs in other objects after the transfer to Xingu Park. Observing Yudja textiles, and during workshops promoted in Xingu Park by FUNAI in the 1970s, women started to weave basketry desig ns in hammocks, belts straps for carrying babies and later on in bags for sale (Ribeiro, 1984/85). In this case, many times the husband would start to teach his wife to count and weave the design, and then she would learn other designs with her female peer s or by herself. Some women have also used the book (photograph catalogue of basketry designs from Kaiabi Araa project) to learn new designs. This section explores mens knowledge on designs in more depth than womens, taking into account that the origin of designs comes from basketry; that there are a greater number and complexity of

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352 designs; and that only recently did women develop knowledge on designs. Furthermore, the study carried out in 2002 included only men. The designs used in basketry have become powerful symbols of ethnic identity, and are used by the Kaiabi as a way of reinforcing their identity and indigenousness in relation both to other indigenous groups and to the nonindigenous society at large (Athayde et al., 2009). During festivals and p olitical events, for example, men now paint their bodies with basketry designs, and political leaders carry the large wooden clubs with woven handles, which are also decorated with these designs. Chernela (2008) suggests that the symbols contained in indig enous basketry (in the case of the Desana) may be compared to the heraldic symbols that identified sociopolitical entities in Europe. Men started to copy the technique of painting wooden carved benches from the Yudja people. Painted benches started to be made around 1998 by men in some villages, mostly for sale. The innovation of producing painted benches was developed in the context of the Kuman project, the first community based project run by ATIX (see C hapter 6). In 2002, I analyzed knowledge on 27 basketry and 6 panak (backpack basket) designs (33 total) among 25 men in Tuiarar village and 20 men in Capivara, totaling 45 participants. Amongst them, 44% knew how to weave baskets, either simple or designed baskets. In that research, I used consensu s analysis to evaluate the distribution and level of knowledge on designs among the participants, as well as to compare people in the two villages, a ccording to the designs they kne w how to weave. At that time, I called the ability to weave the design use of the design , and I also measured the ability to name the designs (Athayde, 2003). I classified men in four groups of expertise based on their knowledge of designs. I found out that there was a significant difference between the two villages, in which C apivara had a greater proportion of

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353 weavers in comparison to Tuiarar, but most people knew simpler designs, w i th exception of Kupeap, an elder expert in basketry weaving. In Tuiarar, there were fewer weavers but the diversity of designs used was greater. For this research, I expanded the number of designs in the catalogue to 29 basketry and 7 panak or the men and 9 textile designs for the women. A total of 43 men and 46 women in all villages who testified the y can weave at least one design participated in this analysis. In Appendix es B and C I present table s with the codes, names (with respective ratings) and translation of meanings for the different designs. In Appendix D and E I include a translated copy of the photographic catalogue of basketry and textile designs used in this research with their respective codes, which is part of the Kaiabi Araa educational book. I interviewed men and women on their ability to use or weave the designs and also on their knowledge of the nam e(s) given to the design I want to clarify that my analysis on knowledge of basketry and textile designs has as a basic assumption the fact that knowledge on designs is specialized knowledge, and thus it should not be shared by all individuals of the same group (in this case, Kaiabi) As in any knowledge domain, it is obvious that there will be intracultural variation (Boster, 1987; Weller, 1987). Intracultural variation or informant variation has been studied for a multitude of cultural domains (Boster, 1987). What is different about knowledge on designs in contrast to some other cultural domains, such as TEK for instance, is that you cannot ex pect that a young 18 year old ma n will have domain of many basketry designs, whereas you expect that he holds knowl edge on preparing a field for planting or on some important plant resources, such as those used for house construction.

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354 Romney, Weller and Batchelder (1986:313) suggested that we might define culture as shared knowledge, since culture would consist of wha t people have to learn as distinct from their biological heritage The level of agreement on any given knowledge domain, between a group of the same cultural background, would ultimately indicate level of knowledge on that domain. This h ypothesi s was test ed by Boster (1986) studying the distribution of knowledge related to manioc classification among Aguaruna men and women. Some i mportant conclusions from that study were that women know more about manioc than men, and that women in the same kin and residen tial groups were more similar in knowledge in comparison to nonrelated women. The author also concluded that the more a participant agreed with the others, the more knowledge or competence he or she had about manioc. Adopting the model of culture as conse nsus, I wish to analyze here the extent to which Kaiabi men and women share knowledge on names given to designs, teasing out relationships amongst the participants in terms of how much they agree on the different names that a design might have. In 2002, I found out that there was a tendency for generalization of names and perpetuation of simpler basketry designs among the youth, while few er elders retain ed the knowledge of more complex designs. I registered that a design can have many names, and that the mo re complex designs are the ones for which that there is less agreement on names. At that time, only one elder (Kupeap, from Capivara) was able to name all the thirty designs registered in a fairly complete photographic catalogue. According to Weller (1987), in a given cultural system, an individuals knowledge may be considered a sample from the larger pool of cultural knowledge. Agreement among individuals can be interpreted as a function of the extent to which they share similar information. The author f urther developed the cultural consensus model and methods, presenting two models

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355 for analyzing data o n knowledge domains: one related to questions that produce dichotomous choices or yes no responses. The second, adopted in this research, conceptualizes cultural knowledge as a pool of information or elements. Shared knowledge is represented by the proportion of those elements that are shared or held in common bet ween an individual and the pool (Weller, op.cit:180). In other words, shared knowledge on na mes for basketry designs can be inferred by the proportion of names for any given design that are shared or held in common between a man or a woman and the group. In this case, there is no correct answer; every individuals knowledge will be estimated by how much his or her knowledge of designs names fits into the groups overall knowledge. For this analysis, as described in Chapter 2, I took only men and women who knew designs, and from those I took those who knew to weave at least 10% or more of the 36 d esigns. I did the same proce dure for the women. Thus, 29 men and 14 basketry designs and 34 women with three textile designs were included in the consensus analysis. Mens knowledge on usi ng and naming designs Knowledge on basketry designs is unevenly dis tributed among men. Some people learn just the basic designs and techniques, enough to provide for their family, while others get specialized in the diversity of designs. I remember what chief Aturi (Jowosipep) told me once, that knowledge on designs is li ke studying in western society: some people only finish elementary school while others complete a PhD. During the last workshop of the Kaiabi Araa project in Tuiarar village, another friend from Muitar village said that a master in basketry weaving has t o be appreciated for his skill, and that the domain of different designs is not for everybody. In other words, mastery in the different and more complicated designs should and cannot be achieved by every Kaiabi men, and maybe this

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356 is also tru e for the wome n. Some people are more knowledgeable in one cultural domain, such as crop management, others are good hunters, others are great basketry weavers. Normally a man would learn to weave simpler designs, gradually mastering more complex designs according to his interest. Often the first design learned is the design coded PE26 iyp (meaning i, mine, yp tree; my tree or my trunk, a path to follow) applied to nonpainted baskets. This design was the only one mastered by all men interviewed in Capivara and T uiarar villages in 2002. In the present research, only four men did not weave the iyp design. Three of them are young men (15 to 26 years old) who learned to weave during workshops or from the book. The other is Eroit from Kururzinho village, who started to weave painted baskets using the awasiayj (maize grain ) design. Some people start to learn designs using the simpler designs awasiayj (PE17 and PE18), awarapypot (PE23, meaning fox footprint) or another design mostly used in nonpainted baskets named ipirien or jarukang (PE24, path or rib bones). Ano ther very popular design is the kururui or little frog (PE16). Some men told me that if they learn some difficult designs first they will never master the simpler designs. For instance, if they learn the d esign PE10 (named jowiterian inimo eta or yok) when they are still young, before learning other designs they wont be able to learn new designs anymore. According to them, only older men should learn and weave this design. The distribution of knowledge on the use (ability to weave) of different designs is shown in Figure 8 15, contrasting all men interviewed with the weavers. In 2007, there were 14 design weavers in Capivara, 15 in Tuiarar, 9 in Kururuzinho and 5 in Rio dos Peixes. In Kururuzinho, there were four design weavers in 2004, previously to the Kaiabi Araa workshops; therefore, five men learned during the workshops. From the current distribution (2007), it is possible to confirm that the simpler designs, which people normally learn first, are the ones that more people master.

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357 The design that most people know is the PE 26 or iyp (35% of total men and 85% of weavers), followed by the PE 18, awasiayj and PE 23, awarapypot (both known by 21% of men and 50% of weavers). Another type of awasiayj (PE9) and the kururui (PE16) are known by 14.5% of men and 35% of weavers. The designs that are most in danger of disappearing are the same registered in 2002. All panak Some men are able to weave panak kwasiaruu, for an example). Among these, the design PA4 or kwasiarapat (variation of basketry design meaning opened arms), PA5 or panak (applied on the back part of panak kwasiaruu (big image) ar e the ones that fewer people know how to weave. This is expected, taking into account that only one man in Xingu still retains the technique of weaving this basket. For the basketry designs, the ones that fewer people know how to weave are mainly derived f rom the general form named taagap (which means image or person), from PE1 to PE15. Among these, PE4 (t angajopep, image of person divided in two or twins) is the most endangered, mastered by only 8.70% of basketry weavers and 3.65% of all Its interesting to note that the majority of designs which are threatened of being forgotten are from bas kets that are placed in museum collections, many of them co llected by Georg Grnberg in 1966. If these baskets had not been collected, stored and preserved in museums we would probably never know about the diversity of graphic designs mastered by the Kaiabi. The work of surveying, documenting and returning these collections to the Kaiabi is known as visual repatriation. There are many ethnographic collections of indig enous peoples placed in museums around the world that are unknown by the group to which they belong. Comparing the knowledge on use of designs from the exact same men interviewed in 2002 and in 2007 in Capivara and Tuiarar villages, it is possible to regi ster an increase of

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358 knowledge on designs (see Figure 816), despite some inconsistencies derived from participants who stated that they knew the design in 2002 and then report ed that they didnt know to weave the design in 2007. For the 33 designs consider ed in 2002, 25 men had knowledge increased from 2002 to 2007 (76% of the desi gns); 8 remained the same (24 %) and 7 had knowledge decrease (21 %). Thus, there was a significant increase i n knowledge on designs after the development of Kaiabi Araa project. Tw o men from Capivara and two from Tuiarar learned from three to ten designs in a five year period. Towajui ( 28 years old) learned three designs; he was the only man from Capivara village who participated in workshops of Kaiabi Araa project. Tare (32 years old) was already an interested basketry weaver in 2002, and learned four new designs in five years, two of those from the book. Men from Tuiarar are the ones who learned the most designs in the period. For instance, Myaui (55 years old) is an experienced basketry weaver who participated in all workshops of Kaiabi Araa project as a teacher. He learned nine new designs in five years, four of those from the book. Tarei (29 years old) was the winner in terms of new designs learned, with 10 new designs, se ven of those copied from the book. Thus, while in Tuiarar there was greater increase of knowledge, in Capivara there was a more discrete increase. A big difference in Capivara was the return to the village of Tewit Kaiabi, who was living in Rio dos Peixes for around five years and decided to return to Xingu to stay closer to his family. He is the weaver who knows the most designs in this research, reporting being able to weave 31 of the 36 designs presented to him in the photographic catalogue. No one knew all of the 36 designs. In 2002, Kupeap was the most knowledgeable weaver in the village, knowing 24 designs. It is worth remember ing that knowledge on designs does not reflect knowledge on basketry in a broader sense.

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359 Men who may be considered specialist s, being able to weave ten or more designs are older in Capivara than in other villages. Also, it is interesting to note that some of the specialists in designed baskets also know how to weave more types of baskets. In Capivara, there are three experts m entioned above, namely Tewit (78 years old, 31 designs); Kupeap (77 years old, 24 designs) and Tare (32 years old, 11 designs). In Tuiarar, experts are younger and include Tarei (29 years old, 29 designs); Myaui (55 years old, 24 designs); Aturi (46 y ears old, 12 designs); and Makup (47 years old, 10 designs). In Rio dos Peixes, there are currently three experts, namely Simo (65 years of age, 22 designs); Raimundo (41 years old, 16 designs); and Moacir (56 years old, 12 designs). In Kururuzinho, only Coron (74 years old, 11 designs) knows more than 10 designs. To better visualize the distribution of knowledge on designs among the villages, I divided the number of designs in six classes: 1 to 5 designs; 6 10; 1115; 1620; 2125 and more than 25 desig ns (see Figure 8 17). The distribution of knowledge on designs shows that Capivara and Tuiarar are close on the percentage of weavers that fit in each class of knowledge of designs, with men in Tuiarar knowing slightly more designs than men in Capivara. Also, it seems that whereas in Teles Pires (Kururuzinho) knowledge is still starting, with more men knowing fewer designs, in Rio dos Peixes men know more designs, but there is no new knowledge being generated. A f ew men there that already knew how to weav e are keeping their knowledge and learning some new designs from the book, but no new apprentices are being generated in the community. B oth young and older men have had the ir knowledge increased in the five year period between the two researches, and the majority of men who have increased their knowledg e used the book to learn one or more designs. Thus, learning from the book is another mechanism that has increased knowledge of designs among the Kaiabi. The increase of available photocopies of

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360 the Kaiabi Araa book containing photos and names of the various designs has promoted an increase in the knowledge of different designs among young and older men alike. Simo learned 13 designs from the book that was brought from Xingu to Rio dos Peixes. Sirejup, a young man from Capivara village (21 years of age), told me that he actually learned to weave from the beginning using the book, weaving two designs nowadays. A total of 16 people, representing 7.14% of all the men and women interviewed, mentioned that they h ave learned some desi gns from the book. Among them, three are women and thirteen are men. They mentioned twenty basketr y designs learned from the book, four panak M ost men who mentioned learning from the book are from Capivara (5 men), Rio dos Peixes (4 men), Kururuzinho (2) and Tuiarar (2). Therefore, despite not participating in the workshops of Kaiabi Araa project, men i n Capivara and Rio dos Peixes villages have used the book to learn new designs. Men from other villages in Xingu have also learned from the book, which was distributed to all villages. The designs that were copied from the book are mainly the most difficul t ones, the taagap based designs. The design PE5, named Taagafua or Taagafua jakunaap (person in shape of cross), is the one more people mentioned to have learned from the book (4 people). It was taken from the collection of the Archeology and Ethnology Museum of So Paulo University (MAE/USP). The book is an instrument for knowledge transmission on basketry designs that has contributed to the revitalization of lost knowledge on more complex designs. The different basketry designs can h ave a great v ariation of possible names. Araa is the general name for design . For the 36 designs, there are a total of 139 names mentioned, with a medium number of 3.86 names for each design. All designs have two or more names, the majority of them between two and fo ur (see Appendix I I ). The design with the most names is

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361 PE10 with nine names, named as inimoeta (many threads) by 8.16% of men or as yok (larvae) by 4.08% and so on. Other designs with great variation belong to the general shape taagap meaning mythica l figure wh ose variations encompass the most complex designs. Some taagap types with a greater number of names include PE14, with seven names; PE 5 also with seven names; and PE6 and PE 2 with two names each. The tendency observed in 2002, of having less ag reement and more possible names for the taagap type of designs, has been also registered in 2007. When a man does not know the detailed name for a taagap design (for instance, taagap tayt mythical figure with children ), they only mention taagap. Sometimes, the taagap design is also referred to by the general name for design, araa. This causes simplification and loss of diversity of names, and thus loss of knowledge. Some designs, such as PA4 used in the panak have all the possible names mentioned in the same percentage (2.04%). In such a case, its hard and even impossible to determine which name is the correct one. In contrast, there are some designs which have a specific name mentioned by a lot of people. The designs considered easier to weave are also the ones with more agreement about the names. Among them, the most consistent is PE 26 or iyp wh ose same name is used by 69.39% of respondents; followed by variations of awasiayj or corn seed PE9, PE17 and PE 18wh ose same name was mentioned by 46.94%, 44.90% and 38.78% respectively. Other designs with a higher level of agreement between names are PE 16 or kururui (little frog, als o popular) with 40.82%; PE 25 or jowosiape (tortoise shell) with 32.65%; PE 23 or awarapypot (fox footprint) with 30.61%; and PE 21 or moiafua (rolled up snake) with 20.41%. Variation in naming may be due to place of birth and residence, kinship and/or e xposure to different weavers. Elders are mentioned as the ones who know the names, and when somebody is in doubt about a name, they suggest v perguntar ao velho go talk to the old

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362 man. In the Kaiabi Araa book, we included all the names mentioned by di fferent weavers for each design, since we did not want to favor one specific name, as if there should be only one correct name. Silva (2009) registered the same pattern of variation in names for peanut varieties among the Kaiabi in Xingu Park. He obtaine d a list of 133 names given to 17 traditional varieties of peanuts by 286 informants, including men and women. There was more agreement on names for more common and widespread varieties, as opposed to newer or rare varieties, comparable to the concordance on simpler basketry designs and disagreement on the taagap group of designs. He also registered that older women were more knowledgeable in naming peanut varieties when compared to men. The consensus analysis for 14 designs among 29 men revealed that, as expected, experts in weaving designs were also knowledgeable in naming them as shown in Figure 8.18. In general, men that were expert weavers also appeared as being more in agreement with each other in the consensus analysis on naming designs. The large eigenratio (9.906) indicates a good fit to the consensus model. Tewit from Capivara village was the first in the competence score list with 0.886. Following him, five men from Tuiarar show higher competence scores in the consensus analysis (see the color s for different villages represented in Figure 8 18). They are experts who have also scored high in the number of designs that they can weave. It is possible to infer that these men who show greater agreement with Tewit concerning names for the designs have learned some names from the book. The nine higher competence scores are shared between Tuiarar and Capivara villages. Tewit is the only older m a n, followed by middle aged and younger men, such as Tarea (Capivara, 32 years old) and Tarei (Tuiarar, 29 years old). Kupeap is another elder from Capivara who was the first in the competence score in 2002. However, this time he had a

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363 lower competence score due to the different names he gave to the designs, which were not in high agreement with Tewit and the o thers. Older men from Capivara and Tuiarar who did not score high on the competence test were the ones who weave d few designs and gave very general names for the taagap designs, such as Chico (lowest score) from Tuiarar, who responded araa for the des igns for which he did not know the name. Valdir, from Kururuzinho village, scored 10th in the competence list, which indicates that he has a fairly good knowledge of basketry designs; even greater than Coron, who is older and knows how to weave more desi gns. I n general, men from Teles Pires scored higher and are in more agreement with the Xingu experts than men from Rio dos Peixes. This might reflect the impacts of Kaiabi Araa project on knowledge of uses and names of basketry designs in Teles Pires, and, again, the use of the book to learn, especially among the youth. Among men from Teles Pires participating in the consensus analysis there are also youth, such as Elenildo (18 years of age) and Arlindo ( 29 years old). This does not happen in Rio dos Peixes where the few expert weavers are mostly middle aged or older men. Men from Rio dos Peixes who scored relatively high in the competence list are Moacir and Simo. In spite of the fact that Simo named 26 designs and Moacir named only thirteen, the names g iven by Moacir were in more concordance to the majority than the names given by Simo. Moacir lived in Xingu for a long time before coming to Rio dos P eixes, and also learned to weave (and name) baskets there, whereas Simo always lived in Rio dos Peixes. Other men from Rio dos Peixes included in the consensus analysis were Tafut (elder and shaman); Cansio (lived in Xingu); and Raimundo (son of an expert basket maker). Figures 8 19 and 820 show a spatial representation of the similarity between men from different villages regarding naming of basketry designs, from the non metric multidimensional

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364 scaling analysis of similarity (MDS). It is possible to verify in Figure 8 21 for Capivara (red) and Tuiarar villages (blue dots) that the experts are clustered around the point 0 of the axes, whereas men who dont know much or do not agree on the names informed by the majority are sparsely placed around it. We can also visualize that expertise exists in both Capivara and Tuiarar villages ; thus the difference between them is not gr eat In Figure 822, representing Rio dos Peixes (orange) and Kururuzinho (green) villages, there is more disagreement among the weavers, with a little cluster formed around Elenildo, Valdir (Elenildos father) and Joo from Kururuzinho. Coron, in spite of knowing to weave many designs and having named 15 of them is probably confused about their names, given his disaggregated position in the graph. Cansio and Tafut know few designs, and probably did not know the names for many of the m. These results are interesting because they reveal that in spite of the fact that older men are more knowledgeable in many domains, including proficiency in the native language, names of designs are also mastered by younger and middle aged men. T here is also more agreement and coherence between Xingu weavers in comparison to the other groups. This is true for both Capivara and Tuiarar villages, independently of the fact that Kaiabi Araa happened in Tuiarar and not in Capivara. Actually, it is very posi tive that there are men in Capivara keeping and transmitting weaving knowledge which increases the resilience of basketry knowledge instead of having it concentrated in only one village. It is also very positive that knowledge in Kururuzinho has increa sed after the Kaiabi Araa project, with younger men learning to weave and name the designs. This also increases cultural resilience, since knowledge is being transmitted between generations. On the other hand, the lack of younger men learning and knowing how to weave and name baskets in Rio dos Peixes is a sign of knowledge erosion, thus loss of resilience. I accept hypothesis H5 (see introduction) that the Kaiabi Araa project is

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365 responsible for an increased number of basketry weavers among the younger gene rations and also for an increased knowledge on the designs, enhanced by the book. Womens knowledge on using and naming designs Regarding womens knowledge on textile designs, there were 18 design weavers in Capivara and Tuiarar, 8 in Kururuzinho and only 2 in Rio dos Peixes. It seems that when women first started to copy the designs from baskets into textiles, they learned the easy design named awasiayj (corn or maize seed or grain, TE1, PE17), which is known by 89.6 % of weavers and 38.6% of all women i nterviewed (Figure 821). This design also has some variations, for the grain might be small or large, inside or out side a frame (see Appendix IV ). Jarukang or ipirien (TE2, PE24) is the second most known design wi th 63% of weavers and 27% of interviewe d women. This design is preferably used in hammocks, while the awasiayj is applied to hammocks, straps for carrying children, bags, and other objects I personally witnessed the learning of a new basketry design by the women in Tuiarar in 2004. I saw a ba g woven with the kururui or little frog pattern and really wanted to purchase it; I wanted to know who was the artisan who had made it. Morer (nicknamed More) is the weaver from Tuiarar who copied this design from the book, and then various other women were avid to learn the new design, which started to spread to other women and other villages in the workshops of the Kaiabi Araa project. I was able to observe that women, especially in the same kin group, exchange knowledge on textiles more easily than men, for in the household there is a lot of time spent talking, chatting, making jewelry and other handicrafts and also weaving textiles. Furthermore, the strap for carrying babies is an extremely useful and important item that almost every woman who is or is going to become pregnant has I carried my son on those straps for many months, and they are really convenient, besides the esthetic and symbolic value. Being of a later age does not

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366 necessarily mean increased knowledge on textiles designs for this is a technique developed more or less recently. From the consensus analysis results, six women from Tuaiarar are in 100% agree ment on the names given to the three textile designs, presenting the same competence score (0.953; Figure 8 22). They are from Tuia rar village, but not necessarily from the same kinship group. If we had done the same interviews in 2002, before the workshops of the Kaiabi Araa project happened, maybe these scores would be different, with more mixing between Capivara and Tuiarar villa ges, since the project encouraged learning of new designs by Tuiarar women. Also, women from Kururuzinho village would not appear in the competence scores list, since they also learned in 2004 during the Kaiabi Araa workshop with participants and textile teachers from Xingu. Three women from Kururuzinho are represented in the competence list, Diana, Cunhaete and Josiane. All of them learned during the workshops of Kaiabi Araa project and are nowadays producing woven bags and belts for sale. Only two women from Rio dos Peixes appear in the competence score list: Moreai and Katuryp. Both came from Xingu to Rio dos Peixes thus bringing knowledge on designs with them. Similarly to what is happening for basketry knowledge, the lack of younger women in Rio dos Peixes knowing how to use and name the designs is also a sign of knowledge erosion or lack of transmission, thus leading to a possible permanent loss of weaving knowledge in that village. These results let us conclude that knowledge on designs is not nece ssarily linked to kinship, but to a persons interest and to the amount and availability of objects and people who make them in the village where you live. Since the main way of learning is by observation, the more baskets and textile items available in th e village for copy, the more stimulus and opportunities to copy and learn a person will have. Kinship as a mechanism of transmission

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367 seems to be more significant among women than for men and more important in other cultural domains in contrast to specializ ed weaving knowledge I argue that the availability of designs in the village as well as opportunities to learn will have a greater effect on the pool of designs known than will kinship relations. This reflects what is going on now, but does not mean that it has been like this in the past. It is worth remember ing that the main transmission mechanism for starting to learn basketry and textile weaving is still through kinship, mainly vertically by mother and father. However, after learning the basics, the dev elopment of knowledge on designs may happen through different mechanisms, inside or out side the kinship system, including innovative ways to learn through institutions and instruments coming from the nonindigenous society such as projects and books. Weaving Cosmology, Shamanism and Symbol2 Shamanism plays a crucial role in the production and reproduction of Kaiabi social and cultural organization, as happens with many other indigenous groups in the Amazon (Seeger, 1981; Travassos, 1984; Viveiros de Castro, 1992; Wright, 1998). Nowadays, there are fewer shamans among the Kaiabi than in the past and according to informants they are not as powerful as they used to be. There are few men and women shamans in Xingu, only one shaman in Rio dos Peixes, and no shaman in Teles Pires (Kururuzinho) Therefore, when people from Teles Pires or Rio dos Peixes need to consult or be treated by a shaman, they have to go to Xingu. Sometimes, they can consult with shamans from other ethnic groups. Learning and creating in Ka iabi s ociety is related to shamanism. Designed baskets and now many other objects adorned with distinctive Kaiabi graphic designs carry the memory of 2 Parts of this section were adapted from Athayde et al (2009).

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368 ancestors, mythical times and mythical others. A Kaiabi ancestral hero named Tuiarare3 was a great shaman and basketry weaver. A ccording to a myth, he learned to weave painted baskets by stealing a piece of snake skin from the house of a dangerous snake when visiting the Xingu River in ancestral times. He took that piece home, copied the design and learned b y himself, then t aught the Kaiabi people (Athayde, 2006). Many knowledgeable men interviewed mentioned that the Kaiabi people first learned to weave baskets from Tuiarar. Therefore, Tuiarar first learned indirectly from the snake skin, which has the desi gn imprinted. Snakes are powerful supernatural entities among many Amazonian groups, mainly related to acts of discovery and creation (Van Velthem, 1998; 2001). Curiously enough, the mechanism that Tuiarar used to learn is rep roduced in Kaiabi everyday li fe. E very time a man gets an old basket or a piece of basket from the trash to observe and copy learning alone he is reproducing the myth. Guss (1989:93) stated that myths of origin serve as the perfect paradigm of transformation, symbolically depicting the daily operation of culture. Even learning from the book is linked to an ancestral mechanism of learning, by copy. The photographs of the book can be thought of as new snake skins from which people can learn. Besides highlighting the relationship betw een travel, mobility and the acquisition of knowledge and power, the stor y of Tuiarar underscore the relationship between basketry and shamanism. The relationship between basketry and shamanism has been shown by ethnographers such as David Guss (1989) and Johannes Wilbert (1975), the form er among the Yekuana and the la t ter among the Warao, both Venezuelan groups. In the Yekuana myth of origin of painted 3 The great ancestral hero, creator of Kaiabi people. There is a myth in which Tuiarare went on an expedition to Xingu river (Wyway) to collect a kind of bamboo (cana brava, Gynerium sagitatum ) in order to make arrows. He walked around a lot, and he discovered many n atural resources important for the Kaiabi people during this travel. On the way back to hi s home, he arrived in a village; it was the snake village. After discussing with the snake for one entire night, he spoke the name of a great hawk known as a snake eater, and then he left the house carrying a piece of pain ted basket, from which he learned how to weave baskets and transmitted it to the Kaiabi people (Athayde, 2006).

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369 baskets ( waja), the twillplaited baskets are discovered in a shamans (the master of the spider monkeys ) big woven pouch and the symbols woven into them assure a means to the supernatural. By weaving the supernatural world into designs applied to material objects, the Yekuana symbolically gain control over supernatural, mortal forces, without whose integra tion society cannot be maintained (Guss, 1989:105). Wilbert (1975) describes the process by which a master basket maker is transformed into a shaman through the practice of his art. In this case, the craftsman acquired shamanic powers strictly for personal advancement rather than for practicing shamanism. Ribeiro (1986), in her article on the symbolism of Kaiabi basketry designs, shows how the set of graphic motifs represented in the painted baskets works as an iconography and thus as a symbolic language w hich helps to construct and to reinforce the groups identity. She affirme d that some motifs such as the taa gap and the kururu might represent supernatural beings present in Kaiabi mythology and cosmology, sometimes with human and/or animal at tributes at the same time. Thus, in representing supernatural beings in the baskets, the Kaiabi are, at the same time, gaining control over supernatural forces (such as showing supremacy over the snake) while transmitting and reaffirming their mythology and ancestral knowledge in the present. For the Kaiabi, cotton was born from a woman through the work of a shaman. According to a myth, an ancestral woman gave birth to cotton seeds, which came out of her vagina while a shaman was praying. This myth, with variati ons, was told to me by various people including the elder Kupeap from Capivara Catarina from Rio dos Peixes remembered that her mom told her about the story of the origin of cotton. A woman gave birth to a child, and also to the cotton seeds at the same time. They took the seeds, washed and put them to dry in the sun, and then they planted them She told me that the name of a white variety of cotton called

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370 kwaramyneju ( meaning cotton of the sun), comes from this myth. Another myth tells the story of Kupeirup, the ancestral female shaman who originated all Kaiabi crop plants, including cotton. Thus, cotton origins were already linked to female power and agency, which are maintained today by female work in planting, harvesting, keeping and weaving cotton i nto textiles. The incorporation of the other often an enemy either literally, as in the consumption of flesh, or metaphorically, as in the appropriation of particular skills, is a theme widely shared among Tup Guarani speakers in Amazonia (Van Velthen 2001; Viveiros de Castro 1992). Kaiabi mechanisms of learning and transmitting weaving knowledge on techniques, designs and meanings illustrate very well the capacity of appropriating of and learning from others transforming others knowledge, skills a nd even skins into their own. In the myth told above, in ancestral times, the shaman Tuiarar first learned to weave baskets by copying the design from the snakes skin, a mythical s upernatural enemy Then, he taught the Kaiabi people how to weave designed baskets. In other myths, the Kaiabi got designs from supernatural beings such as frogs and forest spirits (Ribeiro, 1986). In the myth of creation of the Kaiabi, the uruyp (arum), fiber used in basketry, had supernatural powers, hiding a larvae (cor) wh o at night transformed itself in Tuiarars wife. There is a design, named Cor, (PE27, yok, yogajurat ) which depicts this larvae. More recently, the Kaiabi got some designs, especially the taagap types from the Apiak, another Tupi Guarani group and fierce enem y of the Kaiabi in the past. The Kaiabi women knew to weave simple cotton hammocks before they went to Xingu. At Xingu Park, they learned to weave designed hammocks with the Yudja women in the 1970s. Then, Kaiabi men taught the women how to wea ve the designs of baskets in the hammocks. Kaiabi men also borrowed the technique of painting wooden carved benches from Yudja men, starting to depict

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371 basketry symbols on the benches. In 2004, a group of men and women from Xingu went to the Kayabi Land i n Par to teach their relatives to weave baskets and hammocks. Lately, the Kaiabi have used a book with photographs of designs to keep their knowledge on designs. It is thus in the mythical and social relations with others that knowledge, symbol and identity are created, taught, transformed, and transmitted within Kaiabi society. Shaman s dreams are intimately linked to creation, discovery and symbol development such as creation of new design s or painting patterns and naming beings. People mentioned that the shaman learned many designs by dreaming and also that names for the designs were given to the shaman by spirits during dreams. Kupeap told me that the design named jowosiape ( PE 25, tortoise shell) came to the Kaiabi from a dream that some person (p robably a shaman, he did not know) had about the body of a spirit from the water ( karauat ), with a painting similar to a turtle shell. They then began to weave this pattern and somebody named it. This is also very true for the discovery and naming of new peanut varieties among the Kaiabi. According to testimony given to Geraldo Silva by the shaman Tuiarajup Kaiabi from Kwaruja village4, he learned about new peanut ( Arachis hypogea) varieties during his dreams from the female ancestral hero Kureirup, who ac cording to a myth, gave origin to the Kaiabi crop plants by being burnt in a farming field (Silva, 2002 b; 2009). Tuiarajup mentioned that Kupeirups spirit also taught him the correct names for the peanut varieties that he was developing in his village. H e said that, in general, the names for crop varieties are learned from the elders, who learned from the ancestors, who learned directly with the spirits owner of plants or animals (Silva, 2009) For the Kaiabi, as for other Amazonia n peoples shamanism st ill seems to play a crucial role in the generation and maintenance of biological and cultural diversity (Salick et al., 1997). 4 Tuiarajup is shaman and chief of Kwaruja village, and coordinated the communitybase d project Munuwi for the revitalization of peanut varieties among the Kaiabi (see chapter 6 and also Silva, 2009).

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372 The social valuation placed by some Kaiabi on diversity and complexity is not restricted to baskets, and extends to other domains notably crops. Just as basket makers derive considerable prestige from their mastery over a diversity of designs, some Kaiabi men and women have accumulated a surprising diversity of crops. As with basketry, the ability to generate new forms whether weaving designs or crop varieties is linked to shamanistic power and agency (Athayde, 2006; Silva, 2009). I concur with other authors that the ability to generate and keep diversity, both cultural and biological, is an asset that confers capacity to adapt and resist to s hocks Therefore, we can think of diversity (biological, cultural, linguistic) as a pool of genetic and cultural information that increases the resilience of a system, conferring greater capacity to resist or recover from crisis (Maffi, 2007 ; Pretty et al, 2009). Shamans, baskets, cotton and textiles The Kaiabi believe that baskets and textiles have their spiritual master or owner, and that they are liv ing beings, rather than ordinary objects. They also may carry characteristics of their ow ner. Once, somebody told me that I should not let my baby sleep in other peoples hammocks because babies are very susceptible and could get inflicted with the hammocks owner s energies and even illnesses. When a person dies, she or he is wrapped in her or his hammock and is buried with all the ir personal belongings. Kupeap told me that sometimes, when a man dies, their relatives might place a painted basket in his tomb, to prevent their relatives from dream ing of him. For this purpose, they would only us e big painted baskets with the taagap motif. Baskets and textiles are used in shamanic practices or might be given as a gift or payment for shaman s services. From the interviews, 24 people (14 women and 10 men, 10.7% of the total) reported that they ha ve used basket s or textiles to pay for shaman services. According to Jurufet (Kupeaps wife), elder from the Capivara village when the shaman asks for a hammock, something bad might happen if the person does not give it to him Jemy, teacher

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373 in Capivara village, mentioned that s hamans use the squared big sieve type of basket ( yr ) to collect the patients illness and send it away. They use the small sieve strainer ( yr ) to collect the soul of the person, and the fan ( tapekwap) to preach to the patient and send the bad spirits or illness away. Kupeap affirmed that t here is a type of basket that only shaman s can use. It is named yr , and it is stretched with a handle. Only old men can make this basket. When spirit s of the water ( named as k ar auat ) are harming the person, the shaman leaves this basket for him, by the river. Nobody can say the name of this basket in the river or even in a dream ; otherwise the kar a uat can be harmful. The shamans use this basket to preach and to keep their belongings. In 2007, while doing fieldwork, I had the opportunity to vis it the village of a Kaiabi shaman who was living in a nearby town and had recently moved bac k to the Park. His Portuguese name was Joo and his Kaiabi name was Jawamiu which means literally jaguars food Jawamiu became a shaman after an encounter with a jaguar in the jungle, in which he was almost eaten by the animal, but resisted, fought and survived. After that incident, he started to develop dreaming and shamanic powers. While living in the town of Marcelndia, he started to practice shaman herbalis m and cure. He married a Kaiabi woman and moved back to Xingu Park, establis hing his village named Fazenda do Joo (Joos ranch ) in the Manitsau miu River, a Xingu tributary. In his village he continued his work and has become a respected Kaiabi sha man, maybe one of the more powerful ones relating to curing people5. During my visit to the village, I was very lucky given that, for the first time after working with the Kaiabi for ten years, I was able to witness a curing ritual named Marak, in which the shaman, accompanied by 5 Kaiabi shamans can be specialized in different aspects, such as curing, harnessing crop plants, protecting against snake bites, spirits of the river, etc. (Silva, 2009). According to Travassos (1984), each Kaiabi shaman might have his/her own repertory associated with a set of spirits.

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374 other men and family relatives of the ill person, sings and preaches for long hours and even days in a circle. In this special event, Joo was performing the Marak ritual to help cure all the patients present in his village. What str uck me was the special use of cotton and baskets in this ritual. Carefully woven c otton yarns were arranged in the form of a web hanging from the ceiling of the big house, the two ends of which fell inside two big baskets placed o n two painted benche s in the middle of the preaching salon. The cotton web was used to capture the soul of the patient, while the baskets functioned as receptacles for the soul so that the shaman could direct them back to the ill person who had lost or had his or her soul st olen by a spirit. During the ritual, Joo would teach the participants about the dangers of the forest and how people should behave in order to avoid getting sick or harmed by bad spirits. I found interesting the association between cotton and baskets, thi nking that they could represent female and male forces in action, as well as the antagonistic forces of life and death, health and illness. In a way, baskets and cotton in this context were used to bridge the communication between the mundane and the super natural world. Taboos related to weaving basketry and textiles Among Kaiabi men and women, taboos related to weaving are mostly linked to pregnancy or early stages of childrens development. When the woman is pregnant, the husband cannot weave baskets, b ecause that could cause her to have difficulties during the labour process. They believe that the act of weaving causes blocking of the passage for the baby. If the husband is weaving a basket and she is having difficulties giving birth, they have to untie the whole basket to help the baby pass . The same thing applies to pregnant women ; they shoul d not weave or roll cotton yarn otherwise the baby might have difficulties coming out of the vagina. They believe the vagina closes , metaphorically referring to closing the weft in weaving. If the woman is rolling yarns, the umbilical cord might get around the babys neck, suffocating the

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375 child. People said that women can only spin cotton during pregnancy, and other relatives can roll up the yarns or weave text iles. Basketry, Textiles and Markets My approach to the study of a cultural domain has been the development of a systems framework, including the identification and exploration of the different factors that might affect the creation, distribution and tra nsmission of knowledge related to that given domain. In previous chapters and sections, I have analyzed historical, environmental, political, socioeconomical and cultural (including spiritual, described in the last section on shamanism) aspects that affec t weaving knowledge among three Kaiabi groups. In this section, I want to explore how access to markets has influenced weaving knowledge among the Kaiabi. This is different than market integration, which was treated as a socio economic variable proxied by stability of income and discussed in C hapter 7 and in the next section. Here, I will describe how and why the destination of baskets and textiles to market has contributed to the retention or erosion of weaving knowledge among the Kaiabi. S tudies of indige nous material culture and of how they have became commodities in the market economy open up an avenue to understand the intricate relationships between indigenous and capitalist economic systems. Artifacts have been the principal goods exchanged by Brazili an indigenous societies within themselves as well as with the westerners during initial contacts. The commoditization of indigenous handicrafts and the variation in their market value and demand over time have produced changes in indigenous peoples social organization, in the mechanisms of artistic knowledg e transmission and distribution, and in systems of use and management of natural resources used as raw materials (Ribeiro, 1983; 1987a; Newton, 1987). During the 1970s, FUNAI created the Artndia Progra m, a system for marketing indigenous handicrafts in Brazil through the establishment of a network of shops in the principal

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376 urban centers. FUNAI employees began to buy indigenous artifacts directly in the villages and take them to be sold in the cities. Be sides this market opportunity, indigenous peoples have sold handicrafts to middle men who come to the villages to buy their production and sell in big cities such as So Paulo and Rio de Janeiro. On the one hand, these initiatives have contributed to shape and orient the production of handicrafts to the market. On the other, they have provided a source of income at the family level among different indigenous communities. Some limitations and problems of marketing of handicraf ts by indigenous peoples relate to the dependence on middle men and brokers; the under valuation of the objects; and the production of more marketable items at the expense of other objects with use but no market value. T he possibility to sell their artistic production contributed to bot h the perpetuation and change of social traditions and artistic knowledge among many indigenous groups, inside and beyond Brazils borders (Ribeiro, 1983; Newton, 1987; Nash, 1993; Krokvin, 1998; Duncan, 2000; Athayde, 2004). While market integration may c ause disruptions and conflicts regarding traditional social organization structures among indigenous societies, in the case of handicrafts production this integration might lead to conservation and innovation of artistic knowledge (Ribeiro, 1983;1985; Korokvin, 1998; Athayde, 2004). Godoy (2001), referring to indigenous environmental knowledge, argues that markets may erode knowledge of some plants but they are likely to provide greater retention of others. According to him, indigenous peoples will engage i n markets and thus improve their knowledge in producing goods for which they enjoy a comparative advantage, or in other words, people specialize in activities at which they are best. The determinants of value in a market economy are supply and demand, soc ial status and value. The market value of symbolic goods is established not only by social status, but also by the symbolic value of the commodity in addition to the cost of materials, labor and transportation

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377 (Duncan, 2000:220). Among Native American indi genous peoples, traditional arts and crafts also became commodities for the market during the 20th century, but rather than becoming functional, they are more symbolic of the survival and continuity of indigenous cultures (Duncan, 2000). Given Kaiabi mast ery in basketry weaving, as well as the symbolic meaning of the graphic designs as icons of their ethnic identity, these objects have been historically the ir most valued exchange items. They had exchanged the baskets between themselves, with other indigenous groups and with nonindigenous since the first contacts. After the Kaiabi were transferred to Xingu Park, they began to sell handicrafts to nonindigenous peoples who used to work in or visit the Park such as anthropologists, biologists, medical profes sionals and FUNAI officers. The Xingu Kaiabi have sold a lot of baskets and clubs for the Artndia Program, as well as to middle men who come to the Park, e specially to buy handicrafts. Since 19986, they have also sold handicrafts through their local association ATIX, which has a little store in their office in Canarana, the nearest town. ATIX has also sold handicrafts to regular buyers who have shops in So Paulo. It is more advantageous for the individuals to sell through the local organization, because they receive a higher value for the baskets. However, there are still many people in Xingu who individually take baskets and textiles to sell in nearby or big cities. Women travel less than men, and generally give their handicraft production to husbands or relatives to sell and bring back money or products for them. In Rio dos Peixes, people sell handicrafts in the village or in the nearby town Juara. Men sell mainly clubs (sometimes with woven handles) and women sell seed necklaces. In Kururuzinho, they s ell handicrafts to people who come to the village, or in 6 I helped to develop a program for training and commercialization of handicrafts through ATIX among Xingu indigenous peoples. Some of the challenges and achievements of this program were described in Athayde (1998).

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378 the nearby town of Alta Floresta. After the Kaiabi Araa project, with the increase of production of basketry and textiles in the village, people have also sold baskets and textiles in the headquarter s of Kawaip association in Alta Floresta. Currently, the main paths for basket and textiles exchange or commercialization amongst the Kaiabi are (Athayde, 2003; 2004): Baskets are given as gifts to women in the family (wife, mother in law, aunt, mother, g randmother, sister); Textiles are made to be used by nuclear or extended family members; Baskets and textiles are given as payment for a shamans healing services; Baskets and textiles are exchanged for industrial products and indigenous products, among Kaiabi people, with other indigenous peoples from Xingu Park and with nonindigenous persons who work or visit the park; Baskets and textiles are sold commercially to non indians who live and/or work at Xingu Park; to middle men who come to the park to buy handicrafts, to the local organisation s ATIX and Kawaip, and to shops placed in the cities. Due to their beauty and scarcity, Kaiabi baskets can fetch good prices in the Brazilian crafts market. A medium sized goodquality painted basket can be sold for up to U $ 20.00 to U$ 30.00 in speciali z ed shops in So Paulo. The market demand for painted baskets has profoundly impacted the social and ecological aspects of basketry. For one thing, over harvesting of the already limited stocks of arum in Xingu meant th at by the 1980s production of painted baskets was again in decline. In addition, because baskets provided a unique and highly valued source of income, weavers prioriti z ed production for sale over local consumption. Even today, women complain that the men are not producing even the simpler undecorated baskets for them to use in daily tasks. Rather men prefer to use whatever arum they can find to produce higher value painted baskets for sale. While some weavers have adapted to scarcity of arum by using poorer quality substitutes, others notably elders have refused. The commercialization and

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379 increasing demand for baskets in the context of spatial dislocation then, has undermined the viability of basketry by contributing to resource over exploitation (At hayde et al., 2006) Being very time consuming to make, hammocks a re too expensive around US$200 for a sizeable market, while the demand for textiles is also quite limited. The recently developed woven bags using basketry designs have been sold by women from Tuiarar and Kururzinho villages for US$ 15 to 20, depending on the size and quality of work. Bags are an interesting product for the market, since they are much less time consuming than hammocks, are easy to weave, have a practical use, and are appr eciated by non indigenous women. In addition, they dont cause over exploitation of the raw materials as in the case of the baskets. While market demand and participation is leading to the perpetuation of Kaiabi graphic design repertoire among the Xingu K aiabi, there is a constant tension between traditional and new. It seems that the younger generation tend to innovate for the market, as is happening with the wooden painted benches and woven bags, while the elder s are more attached to the older and traditional weaving techniques and design repertoire. It is also interesting to note that what is done for the market can be adapted, while what is done for use has to follow traditions. This contrast and tension between the old and the new or tradition and innovation in relation to the market economy, ha s also been observed by Duncan (2000) among mestizo women in Colombia. While major changes are not encouraged, there is a tendency for younger generations to innovate for the market. Among the Hopi women from Arizona, while major changes in basketry making did not occur because of the strong social meaning and traditions this art has ha d historically, p roduction for the market has le d to the development of more complicated and intricate designs in plaques and deep baskets (Teiwes, 1996).

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380 The commoditisation of Kaiabi baskets has clearly transformed their social value in a number of ways. Men used to learn to weave between the ages of twelve and fifteen, and baskets were used in the process of social reproduction, notably by assisting in the processing and transformation of locally available natural resources. The fact that men today are learning later, usually at about eighteen, suggests that the prestige and economic importance attached to baskets is no longer linked to local circuits of production and consumption, but rather, to their circulation within larger, external, networks of exchange, and linked to new patterns of production and consumption, in which money and industrialised goods provide a benchmark of value and social prestige (see also, COICA 1996; Fisher 2000). Consequently, for example, wage earning professionals such as health agents or teachers, now get married more easily than expert basket makers. The commercialization of basketry and textiles among the Kaiabi have enabled changes in the social economic structure of production, availability and circulation of raw materials, and in the value associated with these objects, which are now mostly destined for the market. At the same time, it has trig gered innovation of weaving knowledge, with use of basketry designs in new objects that were not traditionally produced for use. Thus, link to the market in this case has an ambiguous effect on Kaiabi society, causing at the same time changes in social org anization and innovation and perpetuation of weaving knowledge. Relationship between Weaving Knowledge Language Proficiency and Socio economic Aspects This section is closely related to the elements, arguments and statistical procedures used in Chapter 7, in which I presented, compared and discussed the inter relationships between socio economic variables and language proficiency in the four villages studied. Here, I extend questions and discussions to the domain of weaving knowledge. Weaving knowledge in this case

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381 is comparable to language proficiency as a dependent variable that indicates knowledge or cultural vitality, and that might be used as a proxy to understand how indigenous knowledge is created, transmitted and changed in face of displacement and interaction with western institutions (Maffi, 2001; Zent, 1999; 2001; Athayde et al., 2009). For instance, Benz et al. (2000) used loss of language proficiency and literacy level as proxy for modernization. As stated before, even with the methodological li mitations in measuring language proficiency, I want to compare the statistical behavior of these two variables when in interaction with others, and also to understand the interactions between weaving knowledge and the main independent socioeconomic variab les considered in this study, namely age, sex or gender, formal schooling, and market integration (proxied by income stability). I describe d these variables in detail in C hapter 7, so I recommend that the reader refer to it for any doubt or clarification a bout the variables and their interaction. I want to revisit the methodological question stated in the general introduction and in C hapter 7, whether variables measured to indicate any given cultural domain (crop knowledge, weaving knowledge, ethnobotanica l knowledge) are comparable to language proficiency as a measure of overall cultural vitality. While age, gender and language proficiency are variables that tell us about the dynamics and functioning of knowledge systems in the population being studied, formal schooling, market integration, poli tical empowerment (explored in C hapter 6) and participation in community based projects indicate how indigenous knowledge systems are interacting, influencing and being changed by growing participation in and assimilation of western institutions by indigenous peoples (see Boster, 1986; Nabhan and St Antoine, 1993; Zent, 1999; Godoy, 2001; Reyes Garca, 2001; Hill, 2001; Ross, 2002).

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382 I will be testing five hypotheses (described in detail in C hapter 2): H1, regarding t he relationship between weaving knowledge and age. I have discussed this topic in previous sections of this chapter, and here I present results of statistical analyses such as linear and logistic regression s to further explore and thus synthesize the inter action of these variables; H2, H3 and H4, related to effects of gender, market integration and schooling in weaving knowledge; H5, related to the effect of community based project in weaving knowledge. My hypotheses are that first, older people are more knowledgeable in weaving designed baskets and textiles; second, that there are marked differences between genders in relation to mechanisms of knowledge creation, transmission and change; third and fourth, that greater levels of market integration and formal schooling lead to erosion of weaving knowledge ; and fifth, that the Kaiabi Araa project enebled the revitalization of weaving knowledge among the participants. I have explored several dimensions and interactions between these aspects throughout this docum ent. Thus, here I included them as independent variables in my logistic regression model, to test how they relate specifically with weaving knowledge or the capacity to weave designed baskets and textiles. I used the same statistical procedur es applied to the variables in C hapter 7: a) chi square and correlation tests to explore interactions between the dependent variable ( weaving knowledge ) and the independent socioeconomic variables; b) bivariate linear regression, relating age and knowledge on woven ite ms, names and uses for basketry designs; and c) multivariate logistical regression, testing the interaction of the multiple variables (see C hapter 2, methods). The variables that showed significant statistical correlation with weaving knowledge were villag e, age, schooling and language proficiency. Stability of income and gender scores were not significant in the chi square and correlations tests run against weaving knowledge. Stability of income, used as a proxy for market integration, showed significant i nteraction with

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383 age class and language profici ency (C hapter 7), but no significant relationship with weaving knowledge here. Gender or sex is the variable that has shown less effect on the dependent variables, and was also not significant in relation to la nguage proficiency. Thus, the ability to weave is not strongly affected by gender analyzing all villages together. As shown in previous sections, the number of men and women who weave designed baskets and textiles is consistent among the villages ; thus whereas mechanisms for sharing and transmitting knowledge may differ among genders, these differences are rather subtle and could not be tested s tatistically. Therefore, I re ject hypothesis H2, but I believe that there is important qualitative information to let us understand gender differences, summarized in the conclusion of this chapter and also in the general conclusion. I have also to re ject H3, relating market integration to erosion of weaving knowledge, since they did not show a statistical correlation in the logistic regression model. I expect ed that the existence of a significant number of people especially in Rio dos Peixes and Teles Pires villages who are not proficient in the Kaiabi language and also have greater integration with market economy through access to wages or other source of stable income (such as retirement pension and other government programs) would result in a significant negative correlation with weaving knowledge, just as happened with income and language proficiency. Yet resu lts showed important difference s between weaving knowledge and language proficiency, since they did not show the same behaviour regarding this specific variable. As I have stated in the previous section about the complex relationships between markets and i ndigenous knowledge, authors have shown the ambiguity of effects that the type and the intensity of market integration might produce within indigenous societies and knowledge systems ( Reyes Garca, 2001; Godoy et al., 1998; Godoy, 2001). For instance, Reye s Garca (2001) found no statistical significance between market integration and erosion of ethnobotanica l

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384 knowledge among the Tsimane i ndians of Bolivia. However she reported that market integration erodes community agreement on ethnobotanical knowledge because of greater specialization in economic activities and les s use of plants. Godoy et al. (1998), working with the Tawahka i ndians of Honduras found that the effects of integration into market on folk knowledge depended on the economic activity performed: greater integration though waged labour and agricultural activities might erode ethnobotanical knowledge, whereas a forest based economy might enable the continuity of traditional ecological knowledge, especially of those resources under commercializ ation. I suggest, concurring with the authors cited above, that t he different ways in which market exposure might affect indigenous social organization, knowledge systems and thus cultural and environmental resilience should be understood in a multiple cause effect relationship, and not in a linear way. Thus, while in Xingu there are waged officers with greater income stability, such as some teachers and health agents in Capivara and Tuiarar villages, they do not necessarily show lower levels of competency in weaving knowledge. Good examples are Aturi and Tare in Tuiarar village, who in spite of being waged officers, are among the experts in basketry weaving. Furthermore, informal linkages to the market through the sale of handicrafts in Xingu and elsewh ere might enable innovation and persistence of weaving knowledge, as discussed in the last section. While I did not include geographical distance to markets in my analyses, it is an important factor to consider, since proximity to the market might greatly affect the nature and degree of market integration by indigenous peoples. When markets are closer, it is easier to commercialize all sorts of products (even fish, in the case of Rio dos Peixes) and to get involved in off village temporary jobs. Therefore, it is useful to consider type, degree and distance to markets in any research attempting to understand the effects of markets on indigenous knowledge.

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385 Regarding the other variables, weaving knowledge showed a positive correlation with language proficiency and age, and a negative correlation with schooling. It also showed correlation with village, meaning that there is more probability to find weavers in some villages (Capivara or Tuiarar) in contrast to others (Rio dos Peixes and Kururuzinho). The greate s t correlation was between weaving knowledge and language proficiency (r=0.436, p< 0.001), in which the more proficient a person is in the native language, the greater the probability that he or she will know how to weave designed baskets and textiles. The c orrelation between weaving knowledge and age classified in thre e age classes (same as used in C hapter 7: 1525; 2550; >50 years of age) was also positive and relatively strong (r=0.245, p< 0.001). Age was also correlated with language proficiency in Ri o dos Peixes and Kururuzinho villages (from C hapter 7, r=0.398, p< 0.001). As expected, the older the person, the greater their probability of being proficient in the language and of having weaving knowledge. As I mentioned in C hapter 7, other studies have already shown this relationship, including Silva (2009), working with Kaiabi crop knowledge on peanuts. Zent (1999), working with the Piaroa people from Venezuela, found that age showed the strongest positive relationship with ethnobotanical knowledge (r2= 0.539) when compared to formal education and bilingual ability. In order to better understand the relationship between age and weaving knowledge, I r a n linear regression analyses including the following correlations : a) age with number of items that a m a n can weave; b) age with ability to name basketry designs (number of names given); and c) age with the ability to weave or use the different basketry designs (number of designs woven). This type of analysis informs us about which aspects of weaving knowledge are influenced by t he independent variable (age). Results of the linear regression s are presented in Figure 8 23. It is interesting to note that the only strong and significant relationship was between age and number

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386 of bas ketry items woven by men (Rsq=0 .352). While the distribution between age and knowledge of basketry items is more consistent through age classes, the other two measures present ed a lot of young people knowing fewer designs and few older people knowing more designs. The relationship betwe en age and uses (Rsq=0.086) or names (Rsq=0.068) for designs was not coherent with the linear model thus not significant In 2002, I found no significant linear relationship between age and use or ability to weave di fferent designs (Athayde, 2003), but I did find a significant relationship between age and ability to name basketry designs (Rsq=0.5446). This inconsistency between 2002 and 2007 might be explained by methodological aspects and also by changes in the knowledge of the population sampled. In term s of methodological aspects, there were more people interviewed in 2007, in a slightly different sample than that of 2002. Also, there is the problem of inconsistent testimonies regarding names for basketry designs. Related to changes in the population, it seems that in 2007, younger people knew more names for basketry designs than in 2002. Again, this might be a consequence of their participation in the Kaiabi Araa project and from their learning names from the book. There is an important conclusion relate d to general (weaving baskets and textiles in general) and specialized knowledge (weaving designed baskets and textiles) Weaving any type of baskets might be considered general knowledge in contrast to weaving designed baskets. F or specialized knowledge, the relationship between variables might present variations in patterns that are overall accepted for representing a given interaction. It seems that age is more important in that general domain of basketry weaving than in that of expertise in designed bas kets in which younger people might develop expertise in comparison to older people. In addition, it is now impossible to isolate the effects of western institutions and cultural revitalisation projects on the dynamics of weaving knowledge among the Kaiabi I did not run this analysis for women,

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387 given the fact that there are few designs and items woven by them to produce significant and comparable results in this case. Formal schooling showed a negative and relatively strong correlation with weaving knowl edge (r=0.381, p< 0.001). Interestingly, it was also negatively correlated with age (r=0.573, p< 0.001) and language proficiency (r= 0.298, p< 0.001). Therefore, the younger a person is the more formal schooling they are likely to have and the greater the probability that he or she wont be proficient in the language nor know how to weave designed baskets and textiles. This type of interaction between schooling and indigenous knowledge has been shown by other researchers working with native American and Am azonian indigenous peoples. Nabhan and St. Antoine (1993:244) worked with Oodham and Yaqui indigenous communities in the Sonoran desert, f ound that higher schooling levels among children led to loss of proficiency in native language and its encoded biological knowledge. Zent (1999) also found a negative correlation (r2=0.220) between level of education or formal schooling and ethnobotanical competence among the Piaroa indigenous people from Venezuela. Here, I validate my hypothesis H4, concluding that formal schooling has the tendency to erode indigenous or weaving knowledge. I have already discussed relevant aspects of formal education among indigenous peoples in general and among the Kaiabi in particular. I just want to bring back the idea that, as happ ens with markets and other western institutions, schooling might not always have perverse effects on indigenous knowledge systems. Again, it depends on the type of school present in indigenous villages, which might enable or constrain the transmission of native language and other knowledge domains. In the case of the Xingu Kaiabi, the educational system present there has attempted to combine the teaching of western and indigenous knowledge in a more integrated way In contrast, in Rio dos Peixes school the main language used and taught is Brazilian

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388 Portuguese and the main knowledge transmitted is that of westernized Brazilian formal education. The results of the logistic regression contrasting weaving knowledge with the other independent variables are prese nted in Table 87. Considering weaving knowledge as the dependent variable, the differences between Xingu villages and Rio dos Peixes and Kururuzinho or Teles Pires were significant for two variables: language proficiency with a positive correlation and schooling with a negative correlation. In the first analysis, with all variables included, only language proficiency was significant (p< 0.001, see table 8 7). This happened because of the high levels of proficiency in Capivara and Tuiarar, which are posi tively correlated with a greater amount of weavers among men and women in comparison to the other two villages. The odds ratio for language proficiency was 7.116, indicating that a person which is proficient in the Kaiabi language has 7 times more chan c e o f being a weaver. The second variable in that model was schooling, which was significant at a 95% level of confidence (p<0.009). Controlling for language proficiency, or taking this variable out of the analysis, the second most important variable is school ing (p< 0.001), in a negative correlation and not so strong association. People with no schooling have 2.5 times more chance of weav ing designs in comparison with those who have some level of formal education. I also took Xingu out of the model and r a n the logistic regression with only Rio dos Peixes and Kururuzinho village, because of the fact that everybody is proficient in Xingu. C onsidering only Rio dos Peixes and Kururuzinho, language proficiency is by far the most important variable explaining weaving knowle dge (p<0.001), with 5 times more chance for people who are proficient also being able to weave designed hammocks and textiles. C onsidering only women, language proficiency was still the most important variable.

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389 I r an the analysi s including particip ation in the Kaiabi Araa project as one of the independent variables, and it appeared in first place along with language proficiency, in a positive relation with high significance (B=1.612, p< 0.001). The odds ratio for participation in the project was 5.013, meaning that there is 5 times more chance for a person who participated in the project of being a weaver of designs. Based on this and on previous results related to the project Kaiabi Araa, I validate H5, in which I state that there was an increase of weaving knowledge in villages which participated in the project. Taking men out of the model, only language proficiency was significant in explaining weaving knowledge among Kaiabi women. This may be related to the fact that more men participated in the pr oject or that more women who weave designs did not participate (such as Capivara women for instance). According to the results presented in C hapter 7, in which we had language proficiency as the dependent variable, age was the most important variable expl aining language proficiency among people from Rio dos Peixes and Teles Pires. The second variable in that model was stability of income, showing a negative relationship with proficiency. In that analysis, we did not have weaving ability in the model, because we were trying to understand the effect of the other socio economic variables on language proficiency. I r a n the analysis again, only for Rio dos Peixes and Teles Pires villages, choosing language proficiency as the dependent variable and including weaving ability together with the other independent variables. This time, weaving ability was matched with age class as the most important variable explaining language proficiency, at the same level of significance (B=1.593, p<0.001). Stability of income still comes in second place, but with a lower level of significance (p<0.020). The chance of someone who weaves also being proficient in the language is 49.17%, similar to what we had above, in which weaving ability was the dependent variable.

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390 The results of t he logistic regression model show that proficiency in the native language and weaving knowledge are strongly related. However, their statistical behaviors differ such that for language proficiency, age and stability of income are more influential, whereas for weaving knowledge, level of formal schooling is more influential. Therefore, I conclude that in the multivariate logistic regression model, the weaving knowledge domain presented different statistical behavior when compared with proficiency in indigenous language, and thus language proficiency should be used cautiously as a proxy for indigenous knowledge, since it might not capture the nuances and specificities of different cultural domains. There is still a strong correlation between the two, in that i t is expected that greater language proficiency also means greater retention of indigenous knowledge. However, in the case of weaving knowledge, age is not so relevant in explaining its distribution, since this is a specialized knowledge domain which might be mastered by younger and older people in a comparable way. E ven if older people are more knowledgeable, the relationship is not that strong. However, for other knowledge domains, such as crop knowledge or ethnobotanical knowledge, age m ay still be the most influential variable and therefore more closely comparable to language proficiency than a specialized knowledge domain (see for example Zent, 1999 and Silva, 2009, among others). Observing Figure 824 which shows the score of each village relating t o the different variables it is visible that language proficiency and weaving ability relate to each other whereas stability of income and schooling also go together, especially in Rio dos Peixes. Thus, less stability of income and less formal schooling mean greater language proficiency and weaving knowledge and vice versa. The behavior of these different variables can also be visualized in Figure 8 25, in which I present some models for the interaction of variables explored in this study. In the model, I include the panarchy curve from Gunderson and Holling

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391 (2002) presented in C hapter 1, which I consider a better way to depict the effect of ambiguous variables such as market integration on indigenous knowledge systems: while integration with market might lead to disruptions in social organization, it may also lead to innovation and resilience of knowledge systems. Disruption occurs when knowledge is not being renovated, and thus cultural resilience is lost, such as in the case of Rio dos Peixes. Linear re presentations are somehow too mechanical and bi polar to capture the nuanced and systemic character of real world dynamics of indigenous knowledge in the face of change and of integration with nonindigenous societys knowledge systems, economic structure and development paradigms. Conclusion Results presented in different sections of this chapter support the argument that weaving knowledge has been simultaneously innovated and eroded among the Kaiabi as a group. I nnovations have been developed with the possibility to commercialize baskets, textiles and other objects carrying Kaiabi insignias or symbols, and t hrough new institutions such as indigenous organizations and projects. The complex and nuanced mechanisms through which knowledge might be gained, tra nsformed, transmitted, eroded and even regained among indigenous societies were illustrated by exploring similarities and differences among villages and genders on different weaving knowledge subdomains or modules (form, function, materials, meaning and m otifs). Whereas in Xingu villages basketry knowledge has been constrained by lack of arum and lack of interest to learn by the youth, in Rio dos Peixes the situation is more critical, since there is no incentive for learning and younger men and women are not learning from their relatives. Both Kaiabi language and weaving knowledge are seriously threatened with disappearance in Rio dos Peixes.

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392 In Xingu and in Teles Pires there are some younger people still learning, especially after the development of the Kaiabi Araa project. This would be one major condition for knowledge or cultural resilience. Any given indigenous society might be able to keep their knowledge patrimony as long as there are new and young people learning, even with all the innovations. I consider innovations as asset s and as a capacity to adapt and survive, thus another ingredient for achieving cultural resilience. In Xingu, even with the lack of arum, the capacity to innovate in basketry and textiles knowledge or production has been deve loped by applying multiple strategies such as using substitutes, applying basketry designs in other objects, developing a textile industry using basketry designs and even being able to carry out a community based project for knowledge revitalization. T hrough this study, I confirm hypothesis H1, that older people r etain more detailed knowledge on basketry than youth. However, I have shown that cultural domains might differ in their patterns of knowledge distribution and interaction with other variables. Thus, age is less i mportant as a determinant of weaving knowledge of designs among the Kaiabi in comparison to language proficiency or schooling. Language proficiency and weaving knowledge, as expected, are strongly correlated. Schooling also affects weavi ng knowledge in a negative way, taking into account that in Rio dos Peixes schooling has also encouraged the dis use of the native language, which erodes along with weaving knowledge and probably with other cultural domains. I confirm H4, that schooling er odes weaving knowledge. However, the effects of variables are never linear or one way, as exemplified by market integration, which might have positive and negative impacts on indigenous knowledge. Since I found no statistic al evidence linking markets to er osion of weaving knowledge, I reject H3. However, the relationship between language profic iency and income stability (prox y for market integration) was strong.

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393 I found that men and women do present different mechanisms in knowledge creation and transmissi on: whereas womens knowledge transmission is more embedded in the household and in kinship dynamics, among men the learning process is more scattered and individualistic Thus, womens knowledge might be more resilient or less prone to disappearing, since it is more embedded in kinship and social structure and includes less sophisticated items. Also, the fact that women can use industrialised cotton to produce textiles is an advantage in comparison to men who need to harvest and process natural resources to produce different baskets. As I found no statistical evidence to ground my findings on gender differences, I reject H2 that men and women use different mechanisms in knowledge creation and transmission. One of the interesting results of this research w as that mechanisms of knowledge transmission seem to have changed among the Xingu and Teles Pires Kaiabi after the development of the Kaiabi Araa project, in which another mechanism for learningthat of a community of practice in a workshop was invented by them. For the specialized domain of weaving knowledge, there are seven mechanisms for transmission in place among the Xingu Kaiabi today. In Rio dos Peixes, the only mechanism used by men to learn new designs was the book Kaiabi Araa that somebody from Xingu brought to them. Thus, Xingu is at the same time a laboratory for innovative cultural experiments, and a repos itory and source of knowledge for the other villages. In Kururuzinho, the project produced good results, since there are some younger and ol der men and women who learned and are actively weaving baskets and textiles for sale to tourists. I therefore accept hypothesis H5 that the Kaiabi Araa project was responsible for an increased number of basketry and textiles weavers in the villages that p articipated in the project. Finally, shamanism has played an important role in knowledge creation and transmission related to basketry and textiles among the Kaiabi. The fact that there are fewer and not so

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394 powerful shamans nowadays in comparison to past times might interfere in the resilience of the deeper spiritual meanings and artistic innovations that are dependent on shamans and dreams.

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395 Figure 8 1. Graphic representation of domains or modules of knowledge involved in weaving knowledge, considered in this research. Broad categories considered: 1) Form; 2) Function; 3) Materials; 4) Meanings; 5) Designs. Modified from Ellen (2009).

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396 Figure 8 2. Types of Kaiabi baskets grouped according to semantic categor ies and uses, with distinction of use by men, women or both. Based on Ellen (2009). Muap Jesi aKangytaretaKangytat Arapi Myayta Tamakari Pinosing Tapekwap Tapekwajowai Panak awetYr Yr pem Yr pemeauu Yr pemeaii Yr pewai Yr pejuap Yr pefuku Juyp munuwi Yr Paneyr Yr pem Araa Yr okote em Yr fuku Panak Fans Weapons/Traps Baskets SieversHeadfeathersMatt Baskets Men Both Women Use:Muap Jesi aKangytaretaKangytat Arapi Myayta Tamakari Pinosing Tapekwap Tapekwajowai Panak awetYr Yr pem Yr pemeauu Yr pemeaii Yr pewai Yr pejuap Yr pefuku Juyp munuwi Yr Paneyr Yr pem Araa Yr okote em Yr fuku Panak Fans Weapons/Traps Baskets SieversHeadfeathersMatt Baskets Muap Jesi aKangytaretaKangytat Arapi Myayta Tamakari Pinosing Tapekwap Tapekwajowai Panak awetYr Yr pem Yr pemeauu Yr pemeaii Yr pewai Yr pejuap Yr pefuku Juyp munuwi Yr Paneyr Yr pem Araa Yr okote em Yr fuku Panak Fans Weapons/Traps Baskets SieversHeadfeathersMatt Baskets Muap Jesi aKangytaretaKangytat Arapi Myayta Tamakari Pinosing Tapekwap Tapekwajowai Panak awetYr Yr pem Yr pemeauu Yr pemeaii Yr pewai Yr pejuap Yr pefuku Juyp munuwi Yr Paneyr Yr pem Araa Yr okote em Yr fuku Panak Fans Weapons/Traps Baskets SieversHeadfeathersMatt Baskets Men Both Women Use:

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397 T able 81. Basketry items and textile related items produced by Kaiabi men. Basketry items name in Kaiabi Name in Portuguese Name in English Raw materials used in manu facture Uses Used by man (M), woman (W), both (B) Produced for sale? Y/N 1 Tapekwap Abanador Fan Young leaf of tucum palm, vine for rim, cotton to tie To fan household fire, to cover food, to preach (shaman) B Y 2 Tamakari Cesto Cilndrico Cylindrica l basket Young leaf of tucum palm, vine for rim, cotton to tie To store tools and other objects B Y 3 Muap Borduna Wooden Club w woven handle Palm wood, woven handle made from arum fiber, died with tree bark red resin, adorned with woven cotton In the past, used as a weapon, nowadays, as symbol of identity in meetings and festivals M Y 4 Myayta Maiaco Tied vine basket Vines fiber To transport food from forest or garden plot, to transport objects B N 5 Paneyr Cesto paneiro Lattice work basket Aerial roots of imb plant To store objects and food B N

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398 T able 81. Continued Basketry items name in Kaiabi Name in Portuguese Name in English Raw materials used in manufacture Uses Use by man (M), woman (W ), both (B) Produced for sale? Y/N 6 Y r Bolsinha de Palha de Tucum Palm leaf little bag Young leaf of tucum palm, vine for rim, cotton to tie To store small objects B N 7 Panak Cesto Basket Inaj palm leaf, vine for the rim, cotton to tie To store objects and food B N 8 Yr Peneira com cabo Basket with handle Arum fiber, vine for the rim, cotton to tie Used by the shaman to store food and objects M N 9 Tapekwajowai Abanador de Dois Cabos Two handle fan Young leaf of tucum palm, vine for rim, cotton to tie To fan household fire, to cover food, to preach (shaman) B Y 10 Kangytaryta Armao para Cocar Headfeather support Arum fiber, vine for the rim, cotton to tie To hold feathers string, headfeather is used in meetings a nd festivals M Y

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399 T able 81. Continued Basketry items name in Kaiabi Name in Portuguese Name in English Raw materials used in manufacture Uses Used by man (M), woman (W), both (B) Produced for sale? Y/N 11 Arapi Enfeite da Flecha Arrow ornament Leaf petiole of inaj palm, cotton to tie Ornament for arrows, used for hunting or in festivals M Y 12 Pinosing Esteira Woven mat Inaj palm leaf To cover objects, to seat B N 13 Yr Peneira de Malha Grossa Strainer big sieve Arum fiber, vine for t he rim, cotton to tie To pr epare beverages and porridges, to sieve flour W N 14 Yr Peneira de Malha Fina Strainer small sieve Arum fiber, vine for the rim, cotton to tie To prepare beverages and porridges, to sieve flour W N 15 Panak Ces to cargueiro, jamaxim Backpack twillplaited basket Arum fiber, vine for the rim, cotton to tie To transport hammocks and clothing (in the past) B Y 16 Yr Peneira de Tucum Palm leaf basket Young leaf of tucum palm, vine for rim, cotton to tie To store objects, to spin cotton W Y

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40 0 Table 8 1. Continued Basketry items name in Kaiabi Name in Portuguese Name in English Raw materials used in manufacture Uses Used by man (M), woman (W), both (B) Produced for sale? Y/N 17 Araa Peneira Desenhada Tw ill plaited designed basket Arum fiber, vine for the rim, cotton to tie, red resin from tree bark To store objects, to spin cotton, to adorn the house, to preach (shaman), in the Maraka festival W Y 18 Yr Cesto Comprido Long basket Young leaf of tucum palm, vine for rim, cotton to tie To store objects W N 19 Juyp Munuwi Yr Cesto para guardar amendoim Peanut storing basket Leaf petiole of inaj palm, cotton to tie To store peanuts B N 20 Yr pefuku Peneira oblonga desenhada Twill plaited oblong designed basket Arum fiber, vine for the rim, cotton to tie, red resin from tree bark To store objects, to spin cotton, to adorn the house, to preach (shaman), in the Maraka festival W Y 21 Jesi'a Armadilha para Peixes Fish trap Leaf petiole of inaj palm, vine, cotton To catch fish M N

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401 Table 81. Continued Textile related items made by men Textile items name in Kaiabi Name in Portuguese Name in English Raw materials used in manufacture Uses Used by man (M), woman (W), both (B) Produced for sale? Y/N 1 E'ym Fuso para tecelagem Spindle Palm wood ( pupunhabrava ), turtle shell disc Used by women to spin cotton W N 2 Taity Pypykap Pente para Tecelagem Textile comb Wood Used by women to weav e textiles W N 3 Tupaam Corda Fiber rope Fiber from a bromeliad cultivated in garden plot ( Amayp ) To tie objects or hammock B N 4 Awanifu'am Touca de penas Cotton woven feather wig Cotton, bird feathers Used by men in festivals and political me etings M Y 5 Taity Retykap Tear de madeira Wooden loom Wood, vine for tie Used by women to weave textiles W N Sources of information: Ribeiro (1985); Athayde (1998); ATIX (2006 a). Names of plants are in Portuguese, scientific names for most common plants can be found in Table 51 (Chapter 5).

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402 Fig ure 8 3. Stages of basket weaving. A and B Collecting and transporting arum canes Pirap, Coron and Pop) C. Osmar depithing arum fiber. D Arum strands drying in the sun. E At uri preparing the dye. F. Eroit w eaving the body of the basket. G. Piu preparing the rhym. H. Tuim and his grandson painting baskets during workshop. I. Basket ready, collected by Georg Grnberg in Rio dos Peixes in 1966. Photographs A H by Simone Athayde photograph I by Georg Grnberg B A C D E G H I F

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403 Figure 8 4. Kaiabi ethno mathemathics: counting, grouping and design structure. The design woven in the center of the basket square is the Iyp pattern (Mendes, 2001).

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404 Table 8 2. Main natural resources used in Kaiabi basketry and textiles. Kaiabi name Portuguese name Species (Family) Part used Uses /Items Amayp Carau Neoglaziovia variegate (Bromeliaceae) Fiber Hand made ropes Amyneju Algodo Gossipium barbadense (Malvaceae) Fiber Hammocks, strap s for carrying babies, bags, belts, various baskets Ambewyt Imb Heteropsis sp (Araceae) Aerial roots Paneir Inatayp Inaj Maximilliana maripa (Arecaceae) Leaf and leaf petiole Fish trap, arrow ornament, mats, basket for storing peanuts, wicker basket Jemoreyp Jequitib Cariniana sp (Lecythidaceae) Resin from bark (dye) Painted baskets, clubs Yryp Siriva Bactris macana (Arecaceae) Wood Spindles, clubs Ywy ujupe Mirtcea Myrcia deflexa (Myrtaceae) Resin from bark Painted baskets, clubs (substitute for jemoreyp) Yr Cip NI Stem Rim of various baskets Tukumayp Tucum Astrocaryum aculeatum (Arecaceae) Young leaf Fans, various baskets Uruyp Arum Ischnosiphon s pp (Marantaceae) Stems Strainers, twill plaited designed baskets

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405 Table 8 3. Plants currently used as arum substitutes by the Kaiabi people. Kaiabi name Portuguese na me Species (Family) Habitat Availability Uses Kwasingewi Taquarinha NI (Poaceae) Non flooded forests, in the headings of small river courses. Medium to low. Stems used for smaller baskets. Myricipeyp Buriti Mauritia flexuosa (Arecaceae) In dense populations called buritizais along small river courses. High, the species is well represented within the Parks boundary. Petiole used for some baskets, not usually painted. Panak Marajai Jacitara Desmoncus sp. (Arecaceae) Riverside forests. Medium to low. Stems used for panak for baskets. Pokop Banana brava Heliconia sp. (Heliconiaceae) Swampy forests, nonflooded forests and riverside forests. High, ; found in patchy, high density distributions. Leaves used for the body of the baskets an d the panak (define). Takwasing Taquara NI (Poaceae) Non flooded forests and riverside forests. Medium to low. Stems used for body of baskets Wywa Cana brava Gynerium sagittatum (Poaceae) Planted in agricultural plots. High. Stems used for baskets, (quality generally low). Adapted from Athayde et al. (2006). NI = not identified.

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406 Table 8 4. Basketry items and textile related items produced by Kaiabi men with respective frequencies in each village by weavers and by total of men included in the sampling. CA Capivara; TU Tuiarar; RP Rio dos Peixes; TP Teles Pires. Basketry items name in Kaiabi Name in English % of weavers CA % total men CA % of weavers TU % total men TU % of weavers RP % total men RP % of weavers TP % total men TP % total weavers % total men 1 Tapekwap Fan 30.43 28.00 66.67 60.87 13.79 11.11 53.33 30.77 37.50 30.00 2 Tamakari Cylindric al basket 17.39 16.00 42.86 39.13 10.34 8.33 6.67 3.85 19.32 15.45 3 Muap Wooden Club 56.52 52.00 47.62 43 .48 89.66 72.22 46.67 26.92 63.64 50.91 4 Myayta Vine baske t 82.61 76.00 76.19 69.57 62.07 50.00 53.33 30.77 69.32 55.45 5 Paneyr Basket 4.35 4.00 28.57 26.09 6.90 5.56 40.00 23.08 17.05 13.64 6 Y r Palm leaf little bag 0.00 0.00 0.00 0.00 3.45 2.78 0.00 0.00 1.14 0.91 7 Panak Basket 21.74 20.00 33.33 30.43 31.03 25.00 13.33 7.69 26.14 20.91 8 Yr Basket with handle 4.35 4.00 14.29 13.04 10.34 8.33 13.33 7.69 10.23 8.18 9 Tapekwajowai Two handle fan 4.35 4.00 19.05 17.39 10.34 8.33 6.67 3.85 10.23 8.18 10 Kangytaryta Headfeat her support 8.70 8.00 19.05 17.39 17.24 13.89 0.00 0.00 12.50 10.00

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407 Table 8 4. Continued Basketry items name in Kaiabi Name in English % of weavers CA % total men CA % of weavers TU % total men TU % of weavers RP % total men RP % of weavers TP % total men TP % total weavers % total men 11 A rapi Arrow ornament 21.74 20.00 23.81 21.74 27.59 22.22 6.67 3.85 21.59 17.27 12 Pinosing Woven mat 8.70 8.00 33.33 30.43 20.69 16.67 26.67 15.38 21.59 17.27 13Y r Twill plaited basket big sieve 52.17 48.00 47.62 43.48 34.48 27.78 26.67 15.38 40.91 32.73 14 Yr Twill plaited basket small sieve 43.48 40.00 71.43 65.22 27.59 22.22 46.67 26.92 45.45 36.36 15 Panak Backpack basket 4.35 4.00 0.00 0.00 0.00 0.00 0.00 0.00 1.14 0.91 16Yr Palm leaf twill plaited basket 26.09 24.00 38.10 34.78 20.69 16.67 13.33 7.69 25.00 20.00 17 Yr Araa Tw ill plaited basket with graphic designs 26.09 24.00 42.86 39.13 17.24 13.89 53.33 30.77 31.82 25.45

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408 Table 8 4. Continued Basketry items name in Kaiabi Name in English % of weavers CA % total men CA % of weavers TU % total men TU % of weavers RP % total men RP % of weavers TP % total men TP % total weavers % total men 18 Yr Long basket 4.35 4.00 9.52 8.70 10.34 8.33 0.00 0.00 6.82 5.45 19 J uyp Munuwi Yr Peanut storing basket 47.83 44.00 42.86 39.13 34.48 27.78 6.67 3.85 35.23 28.18 20 Y r Twill plaited oblong basket with graphic designs 8.70 8.00 14.29 13.04 6.90 5.56 6.67 3.85 9.09 7.27 21 Jesi'a Fish trap 34.78 32.00 23.81 21.74 37.93 30.56 13.33 7.69 29.55 23.64 Textile Item s Manufactured by Men 22 E'ym Spindle 69.57 64.00 61.90 56.52 27.59 22.22 6.67 3.85 43.18 34.55 23 Tait y Pypykap Textile comb 52.17 48.00 28.57 26.09 27.59 22.22 0.00 0.00 29.55 23.64 24 Tupaam Fiber rope 39.13 36.00 33.33 30.43 34.48 27.78 20.00 11.54 32.95 26.36 25 Awanifu'am Cotton woven feather wig 21.74 20.00 9.52 8.70 13.79 11.11 6.67 3.85 1 3.64 10.91 26 Taity Retykap Wooden loom 69.57 64.00 66.67 60.87 24.14 19.44 13.33 7.69 44.32 35.45

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409 Table 8 5. Textile items produced by Kaiabi women Textile items name in Kaiabi Name in Portuguese Name in English Materials used Uses Used by man (M), woman (W), both (B) Produced for sale? Y/N 1 Tupai Tipia Strap for carrying baby Cotton To carry babies W Y 2 Tepyr Bolsa padro entretecido sarjado desenhado Woven bag, twilled technique Cotton To carry objects, for sale B Y 3 Taity jepe/ Taity tare'a Rede padro entretorcido Hammock twined technique Cotton To sleep, traditional Kaiabi hammock B N 4 Taity pypyk Rede tecida padro simples xadrezado Plain woven hammock without designs Cotton To sleep B N 5 Taity jewak Redes padro entretecido sarjado desenhado Hammock, twilled technique with graphic designs Cotton To sleep B Y 6 Ku'afaap Cint o, padro entretecido sarjado desenhado Woven belt, twilled technique Cotton, seeds, beads, feathers, tapir claws, etc Used by men in festivals, political meetings and ceremonies M Y

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410 Table 8 6. Textile items produced by Kaiabi women with respective fre quencies in each village by weavers and by total of women included in the sampling. CA Capivara; TU Tuiarar; RP Rio dos Peixes; TP Teles Pires. Textile items name in Kaiabi 1 Tupai 2 Tepyr 3 Taity jepe/ Taity tare'a 4 Taity pypyk 5 Taityjewak 6 K u'afaap Name in English Strap for carrying baby Woven bag, twilled technique Hammock twined technique Plain woven hammock without designs Hammock, twilled technique with graphic designs Woven belt, twilled technique % of weavers CA 90.91 4.55 45.45 90.9 1 77.27 54.55 % total women CA 83.33 4.17 41.67 83.33 70.83 50 % of weavers TU 95 65 25 65 65 5 % total women TU 86.36 59.09 22.73 59.09 59.09 4.55 % of weavers RP 81.25 6.25 43.75 87.5 18.75 18.75 % total women RP 32.5 2.5 17.5 35 7.5 7.5 % of weave rs TP 100 62.5 0 0 37.5 62.5 % total women TP 28.57 17.86 0 0 10.71 17.86 % total weavers 90.91 30.3 33.33 71.21 54.55 31.82 % total women 52.63 17.54 19.3 41.23 31.58 18.42

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411 0% 20% 40% 60% 80% 100% Tapekwap / fan Tamakari / Cylindrical basket Muap / Club Myayta / Vine tied basket Paneyru / Lattice work basket Yruokote'em / Palm leaf little bag Panakuawet / Wicker basket Yrupewai / Strainer Tapekwajowai / Two-handle fan Kangytaryta / Headfeather support Arapi / Arrow ornament Pinosing / Woven mat Yrupemeauu / Strainer big sieve Yrupemeai'i / Strainer small sieve Panaku/Backpack basket Yrupe Juap / Palm leaf strainer Araa / Twill-plaited designed basket Yrufuku / Long basket Juyp Munuwi Yru / Peanut storing basket Yrupefuku / Oblong designed baslket Jesi'a / Fish trap Types of Baskets % of men each village CA TU RP TP Figure 8 5. Distribution of men who weave each type of basketry item by village. CA Capivara; TU Tuiarar; RP Rio dos Peixes; TP Teles Pires.

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412 0% 10% 20% 30% 40% 50% 60% 70% 80% 90% 100% 1 Tupai / Strap for baby 2 Tepyru / Bag 3 Taity Jepe/Hammock (traditional) 4 Taity pypyk/Hammock (Plain) 5 Taityjewak / Designed Hammock 6 Ku'afaap/Belt Textile types % of women each village CA TU RP TP Figure 8 6. Distribution of women who weave each type of textile item by village. CA Capivara; TU Tuiarar; RP Rio dos Peixes; TP Teles Pires.

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413 0.91 0.91 5.45 7.27 8.18 8.18 10.00 13.64 15.45 17.27 17.27 20.00 20.91 23.64 25.45 28.18 30.00 32.73 36.36 50.91 55.45 0 10 20 30 40 50 60 Panaku/Backpack basket Yruokote'em / Palm leaf little bag Yrufuku / Long basket Yrupefuku / Oblong designed baslket Tapekwajowai / Two-handle fan Yrupewai / Strainer Kangytaryta / Headfeather support Paneyru / Lattice work basket Tamakari / Cylindrical basket Arapi / Arrow ornament Pinosing / Woven mat Yrupe Juap / Palm leaf strainer Panakuawet / Wicker basket Jesi'a / Fish trap Araa / Twill-plaited designed basket Juyp Munuwi Yru / Peanut storing basket Tapekwap / fan Yrupemeauu / Strainer big sieve Yrupemeai'i / Strainer small sieve Muap / Club Myayta / Vine tied basket Types of baskets % of men all villages Figure 8 7. Perce ntage of men in all villages, who weave each type of basketry item.

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414 17.54 18.42 19.30 31.58 41.23 52.63 0.00 10.00 20.00 30.00 40.00 50.00 60.00 Tepyru / Bag Ku'afaap/Belt Taity Jepe/Hammock (traditional) Taityjewak / Designed Hammock Taity pypyk/Hammock (Plain) Tupai / Strap for baby Textile Types % of women all villages Figure 8 8. Percentage of women in all villages, who weave each type of textile item.

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415 79.17 81.82 7.50 32.14 68.00 65.22 13.89 34.62 0.00 10.00 20.00 30.00 40.00 50.00 60.00 70.00 80.00 90.00 Capivara Tuiarare Rio dos Peixes Teles Pires Villages % of design weavers Women Men Figure 8 9. Percentage of women and men who weave designed baskets and textiles in four K aiabi villages. CA Capivara; TU Tuiarar; RP Rio dos Peixes; TP Teles Pires.

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416 0 10 20 30 40 50 60 70 80 F M F M F M F M CA TU RP TP Villages/gender % of weavers/age classes 10-15 16-21 22-30 31-39 Figure 8 10. Age of learning designed baskets and textiles among female (F) and male (M) weavers in four Kaiabi villages. CA Capivara; TU Tuiarar; RP Rio dos Pe ixes; TP Teles Pires.

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417 Figure 8 11. Typology of modes of cultural transmission developed by Cavalli Sforza and Feldman (1981) and Hewlett and Cavalli Sforza (1986).

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418 30 30 20 10 5 5 0 5 10 15 20 25 30 35 Father Alone Friend Brother Uncle Grandfather % of basket weavers Figure 8 12. Ways of learning to weave desi gned baskets among Kaiabi men in two villages in Xingu in 2002.

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419 30.77 26.15 20.00 15.38 12.31 4.62 3.08 3.08 3.08 0.00 28.89 22.22 26.67 22.22 13.33 0 8.89 4.44 2.22 4.44 0.00 5.00 10.00 15.00 20.00 25.00 30.00 35.00 Mother/Father Alone Workshop Unrelated person Aunt/Uncle Husband/Wife Grandparents Mom/Dad in law Sister/Brother Cousin Ways of learning % of weavers Women Men Figure 8 13. Ways of learning to weave designed baskets and textiles among Kaiabi women and man in all villages in 2007.

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420 Figure 8 14. A model for the study of indigenous knowledge domains and mechanisms of transmission based on the Kaiabi case. Adapted and expanded from Cavalli Sforza and Feldman (1981) and Hewlett and Cavalli Sforza (1986).

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421 0.00 10.00 20.00 30.00 40.00 50.00 60.00 70.00 80.00 90.00 PA1 PA2 PA3 PA4 PA5 PA6 PA7 PE1 PE2 PE3 PE4 PE5 PE6 PE7 PE8 PE9 PE10 PE11 PE12 PE13 PE14 PE15 PE16 PE17 PE18 PE19 PE20 PE21 PE22 PE23 PE24 PE25 PE26 PE27 PE28 PE29 Design codes % of men % total men % weavers Figure 8 15. Distribution of knowledge on different basketry designs among Kaiabi men, comparing total men interviewed and only basketry weavers.

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422 0.00 10.00 20.00 30.00 40.00 50.00 60.00 70.00 80.00 PA1 PA2 PA3 PA4 PA5 PA6 PE1 PE2 PE3 PE4 PE5 PE6 PE7 PE8 PE9 PE10 PE11 PE12 PE13 PE14 PE15 PE16 PE17 PE18 PE19 PE20 PE21 PE22 PE23 PE24 PE25 PE26 PE27 Basketry design codes Percentage of men who weave the design CA/TU, same informants 2007 2002 Figure 8 16. Distribution of knowledge on designs among men from Capivara and Tuiarar villages interviewed in 2002 and 2007.

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423 0.00 5.00 10.00 15.00 20.00 25.00 CA TU RP TP villages % of design weavers >25 21 to 25 16 to 20 11 to 15 6 to 10 1 to 5 Figure 8 17. Percentage of men who weave different designs in each village grouped by classes.

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424 0.046 0.09 0.14 0.147 0.222 0.262 0.273 0.319 0.344 0.371 0.376 0.381 0.381 0.464 0.541 0.556 0.556 0.572 0.578 0.625 0.655 0.657 0.728 0.775 0.807 0.827 0.847 0.879 0.886 0 0.1 0.2 0.3 0.4 0.5 0.6 0.7 0.8 0.9 1 Chico Raimund Xupe Canisio Masi'a Tafut Corone Perun Eroit Jemy Juru Arlindo Tamakari Simao Sirawejup Elenildo Joao Moacir Kupeap Valdir Towaju'i Jywapan Aturi Jepyk Tare'a Tare'i Myau'i Makupa Tewit Male Weavers Competence scores basketry designs names Figure 8 18. Competence scores on consensus analysis regarding agreement on naming the different basketry designs among men in four Kaiabi villages. CA Capivara (red); TU Tuiarar (blue) ; RP Rio dos Peixes (orange) ; and KU Kururuzinho ( green Teles Pires). Rio dos Peixes Tuiarar Teles Pires Capivara

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425 Myau'i Makupa Jepyk Jywapan Perun Tamakari Sirawejup Jemy Xupe Masi'a Juru Aturi Towaju'wi Kupeap Tare'a Tewit Tare'i Chico -2 -1.5 -1 -0.5 0 0.5 1 1.5 -3 -2.5 -2 -1.5 -1 -0.5 0 0.5 1 Figure 8 19. Similarity between men from Capivara (red) and Tuiarar (blue) villages regarding names given to basketry designs. Non metric multidimensional scaling (MDS) analysis of similar ity.

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426 Raimundo Tafut Arlindo Eroit Canisio Corone Simao Elenildo Joao Moacir Valdir -1 -0.5 0 0.5 1 1.5 2 2.5 -1.5 -1 -0.5 0 0.5 1 1.5 Figure 8 20. Similarity between men from Rio dos Peixes (orange) and Kururuzinho (green) villages regarding names given to basketry designs. Non metric multidimensional scaling (MDS) analysis of similarity.

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427 0.00 20.00 40.00 60.00 80.00 100.00 TE1 TE2 TE3 TE4 TE5 TE6 TE7 TE8 TE9 Textile designs % of women % of weavers % of women interviewed Figure 8 21. Distribution of knowledge on textile designs among Kaiabi women in four villages.

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428 0.024 0.267 0.415 0.478 0.478 0.478 0.478 0.647 0.647 0.647 0.647 0.647 0.647 0.647 0.661 0.661 0.715 0.715 0.715 0.715 0.715 0.715 0.715 0.72 0.73 0.73 0.774 0.774 0.953 0.953 0.953 0.953 0.953 0.953 0 0.2 0.4 0.6 0.8 1 Kujareajup Josiane Katuryp Iru Juwytang Jemo Reaju Pefuku Kwasi Rywetejup Katu Rywyru'i Kyryma Poit Morea'i Na'i Mytangijup Rywujan Cunhaete Kunha'em Moete Rywapo Mytang Diana Juwi Jacira Katue'i Zulmira Jakap Moreru Jaupi Reaju'i Aruti Kunharop Female weavers Competence scores names textile designs Figure 8 22. Competence scores on consensus analysis regarding agreement on naming the different textile designs among women in four Kaiabi villages. CA Capivara (red); TU Tuiarar (b lue); RP Rio dos Peixes (orange); and KU Kururuzinho (greenTeles Pires). Rio dos Peixes Tuiarar Teles Pires Capivara

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429 Rsq=0.352 A Rsq=0.086 B Rsq=0.068 C Figure 8 23. Linear regressions showing relationship between age and basketry knowledge among Kaiabi men: A) R elationship between age and number of basketry items woven by Kaiabi men; B) Knowledge of names for basketry designs; C) Ability to weave (or use) of basketry designs.

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430 Table 87. Results of l ogistical regression analysis for selected socio economic variables, having weavin g knowledge as the dependent variable. Variables/parameters B S.E. Wald df Sig. Exp(B) Step 1 Schooling 0 .964 0 .372 6.735 1 0.009 0 .381 Language Proficiency 1.962 0 .427 21.092 1 0.00 1 7.116 Stability of income 0 .193 0 .400 0 .233 1 0.629 0.824 A ge class 0.236 0.265 0.793 1 0.373 0.790 Gender 0.766 0.322 5.664 1 0.017 0.465 Constant 0.977 0.836 1.365 1 0.243 2.656

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431 0.00 20.00 40.00 60.00 80.00 100.00 120.00 CA TU RP TP Participation in political meetings Interethnic mixing Formal Schooling (elementary) Ability to weave (yes) Language proficiency (proficient) Stability of income (stable) Figure 8 24. A comparison of selected socioeconomic variables, including language proficiency and weaving knowledge (ability to weave) between four Kaiabi villages. CA Capivara; TU Tuiarar; RP Rio dos Peixes; TP Teles Pires.

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432 Figure 8 25. A model for understanding interactions among variables related to Kaiabi language proficiency and weaving knowledge.

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433 C HAPTER 9 CONCLUSIONS: A SYSTEMS APPROACH T O THE STUDY OF CULTURAL CHANGE This research represents a testimony to the incredible capacity that indigenous peoples have of recovering from shock and adapting to novel and unexpected situations. It brings contr ibutions to the interdisciplinary theoretical fields of socio ecological systems, displacement and place making, political ecology, development studies and cognitive anthropology (dynamics of indigenous knowledge systems). It also contributes to the development of public policies and frameworks for implementation of development and conservation programs in indigenous lands in the Amazon. I start this chapter with a general comment on the systems approach applied in this research, describing factors that mi ght enhance or constrain cultural and environmental resilience among the three Kaiabi groups and which might be applied to other indigenous societies. Then, I summarize main conclusions, theoretical contributions, answer s to specific research questions, an d testing of hypotheses in selected subsections. Following, I include a section on policy recommendations, finalizing with suggesting future steps that might be taken as continuity or deepening of this research. Collapse and Renewal: Displacement, Socio E c ologic al Systems and the Kaiabi A systems approach to the study of the dynamics of indigenous knowledge systems provide s elements that allow a better understanding of mechanisms involved in knowledge creation, transmission, erosion and change. Indigenous knowledge exist s within a socio ecological system which may be a negative force, but also may provide opportunities for its simultaneous innovation and continuity. Resilience is thus an appropriate concept to refer to the capacity of indigenous peoples to adapt to change, innovate and re create their identity, territory and knowledge without losing their essence as a group. It has been like this since the world came

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434 to be, since our human ancestors started to inhabit the land. The most adaptable organism s have a better chance to survive. However, favorable environmental conditions might enhance the adaptation process. On the contrary, harsh external conditions might lead to the extinction even of the most resilient species. In the introductory chapter of this document, I presented a systems approach to the study of indigenous knowledge systems, considering historic, ethnographic, environmental, political, socio economic and cultural aspects. I presented some graphic representations showing components of the system, including an example of an adaptive cycle (Figure 13). After analyzing each of the selected components of the system and some of their numerous possible interactions, I developed a model of adaptive cycles applied to the Kaiabi history (Figure 9 1). The displacement event triggered a big collapse in the adaptive cycle curve, leading to different reorganization, exploitation and conservation phases that each Kaiabi group ha s gone through in their adaptation aft er the crisis or collapse event Accor ding to socioecological systems theory (Gunderson and Holling, 2002), in moments of crises or collapse uncertainty and unpredictability are high, and control is weak and confused, but space is created for reorganization and innovation. Oliver Smith (2002) comments that resistance after displacement might give the resisting local community valuable experience in dealing with political structures, enabling them to acquire useful allies. Resistance might generate a sense of cohesion and identity among the society, enabling leadership and formation of new institutions which might be used for social mobilization and future action. Each of the three Kaiabi groups followed different reorganization and exploitation phases, in a constant interaction between structural context and agency or decision making processes which led to various outcomes. One important conclusion based on the Kaiabi case,

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435 but which can be extended to other indigenous peoples, is that changes in knowledge and broadly in culture are not unidire ctional or permanent or irreversible, as long as the loss of cultural resilience is not severe enough to change the system permanently. For example the initiative taken by the Kaiabi of teaching weaving to the Teles Pires relatives rever s ed the trend of knowledge erosion among the m transforming a tendency of collapse and loss of resilience into a phase of reorganization and exploitation, since new knowledge and innovation is being generated, opening possibilities for this knowledge to be spread within the population, reaching a conservation stage. Making a parallel with ecological systems, as I mentioned in the introduction, when any ecosystem faces a change or a collapse event (induced or not), such as a fire, a flood or a deforestation, if it is given the opportunity and stimulus to recuperate, it might recover its appearance and function, but it would never be exactly the way it was before, just as even the before was already in a dynamic process of change. A social system presents a comparable behavio r in which knowledge that is being lost might be recovered, but under new circumstances thus never reaching an optimal stage because there is no such thing. It prevails, but it changes. There is a Kaiabi expression which I loved to hear when asking about plant species during fieldwork that is perfect to express this apparent contradiction: igual, mas diferente. Its the same, but its different. Indigenous knowledge systems are immersed in dynamic adaptive cycles interacting with several other fact ors that might lead to their innovation, transformation and prevalence or to their nonrenewal and erosion. T he process of erosion or loss can be slow enough to allow for reversion and transformation by an interaction of internal and external factors befor e the resilience is lost and the system is transformed. Under this perspective, the Rio dos Peixes group is i n a conservation phase where the native language and traditional knowledge are being lost.

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436 This trend could be changed, but the extent to which lan guage has been lost among them makes its recovery a difficult task, that would require a lot of effort. It would be even more difficult to reverse the trend of weaving knowledge erosion in Rio dos Peixes, where few youth are willing to learn their parents culture, than in Teles Pires, where there is more capacity installed and interest for it. Just like an ecosystem that suffers a severe impact would need a lot of work and incentives (labor, technological, financial) to be recovered, the extent to which knowledge is lost, and the lack of will or interest can turn prospects for its renovation into a complicated mission. How long it might take for the knowledge to be permanently lost is unknown. P olicies and development projects might contribute to change s ocial systems adaptive cycles reversing trends leading to loss of knowledge, power and territorial control. T he environmental movement (allied with other factors described below) came to affect the Xingu Kaiabi during an exploitative phase of their cycle bringing incentives and opportunities for their empowerment and achievement of self determination in a new pluricultural, highly politicized and contested territory. In Teles Pires, struggles over land and alliances with the Xingu relatives and other age ncies (such as the PPTAL program, see C hapter 4) have led to greater empowerment and cultural resilience in comparison to Rio dos Peixes. Below, I summarize the main factors that have enabled or constrained cultural resilience among the three Kaiabi groups More than forty years after the collapse and relocation to Xingu, Kaiabi society there has flourished demographically, culturally and politically. The social skills learned by Kaiabi men in the extractive frontier of Tapajs subsequently proved to be a good political asset in the social environment of Xingu, allowing them to position themselves as key mediators with the outside and as agents for indigenous governance (Athayde et al, 2009). The conditions found by the displaced Kaiabi at Xingu Indigenous Park were in many ways exceptional: indigenous groups

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437 there enjoy a privileged combination of a large and secure territory, an unusual degree of relief from the pressures of colonization and modernization and, on the other hand sizeable interventions in t he form of health services, financial and institutional assistance from state and nonstate agents. In effect, the modernization process in Xingu is filtered through the institutions and social dynamics of indigenous and environmental politics (Menezes 2000; Senra et al. 2004; Athayde et al., 2009). The condition of the Kaiabi as outsiders in a social and political environment where tradition and indigeneity have come to constitute valued social and political assets, has encouraged a process of cultural revitalization and affirmation of ethnic identity through social institutions such as basketry and crop stewardship. The funding opportunities and support coming from NGOs and governmental environmental agencies contributed to the cultural revitalization processes, projects and initiatives in which they have been engaged in the last ten years. As a result, the social outcomes faced by Xingu Kaiabi contrast markedly with those who remained in the Tapajs, who have not been as successful in rebuilding indige nous institutions amidst the more intense and disruptive intrusions from the state and the extractive frontier. At the same time the agency and capacity of the Xingu Kaiabi t o access and use the resources i n their favour has been another important asset in the process of their empowerment and capacity of self determination. Looking at the Xingu Kaiabi as an example of successful adaptation even with all the threats and contradictions that have accompanied their trajectory I conclude that geographical isolation, adequate health assistance and availability of financial and technical support, combined with leadership development as well as with the capacity of innovation and of assimilating western institutions, are the factors that led to greater cultura l resilience in Xingu in contrast with the other two areas. I consider that the capacity to successfully intertwine indigenous and

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438 western knowledge and institutions is crucial to ensure the continuity of indigenous societies nowadays (Gray, 1997) The pr ocess of weaving together both indigenous and western cultures requires innovation, but does not happen without conflict and contradictions. The isolation of the displaced group in Xingu Park did not happen by choice, but by the policies implemented by the Brazilian government regarding the creation of Xingu Park as a perceived vision of a paradise where Indians and nature should coexist in a timeless and unchanged manner. Thus the Xingu Kaibi became trapped i n a romanticized view of what indigenous peoples should be and, more critically, i n a paternalistic relationship with the state. This isolation has been both beneficial and constraining to the Xingu group. On one hand it has allowed the resilience of knowledge systems and natural resource management pra ctices ; on the other it has caused increased dependence on western (national and international) institutions and politics. The creation and development of political organizations such as ATIX enabled freedom from the State, becoming instruments for governa nce, territorial control, cultural resilience and self determination. However, these organizations have also brought internal conflicts, social change and financial dependence on international funding (Albert, 2000, see Chapter 6). To wh at extent governmen t institutions and NGOs represent the needs and aspirations of Amazonian indigenous peoples is a question that bears further examination (Gallois, 1998; Nugent, 2006). In Teles Pires and Rio dos Peixes, the initial shock caused by the displacement was agg ravated in subsequent stages by the lack of access to qualified financial and technical support and by the easier access to both labor opportunities and industrialized food and products. Interestingly enough, it is in Rio dos Peixes which is closer to a city in comparison to Xingu or Teles Pires that the process of loss of cultural resilience is moving at a faster pace. The

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439 proximity to urban centers means both geographical and cultural proximity to markets, schools, churches, non indigenous values, lan guage, and lifestyle. Thus, geographical and cultural proximity to urban centers is a factor that causes loss of cultural resilience and thus erosion of indigenous knowledge systems. The initial lack of options caused the Rio dos Peixes group to sell valua ble natural resources (mahogany wood, see C hapter 5) compromising the environmental resilience of their territory. The amalgamation with western institutions such as church, school and markets meant a replacement of cultural values and traditions among the Rio dos Peixes group, instead of a coexistence or intertwining of both indigenous and western cultures such as in Xingu. Therefore, in Rio dos Peixes, the Kaiabi culture has been replaced by the cultural system of the nonindigenous Brazilian society. Na tive language and weaving knowledge are seriously compromised in Rio dos Peixes, even with the current and constant exchanges between Xingu (mainly Capivara village) and Rio dos Peixes residents through kinship. In Teles Pires, the relative geographical i solation from Alta Floresta and Jacareacanga (closest municipalities) has helped to keep Kaiabi traditions alive, as well as the absen se of a western school in the village and less er interaction with the market in comparison to Rio dos Peixes. Considering that this group was severely impacted by the displacement event, even more than the Rio dos Peixes group, it is curious to observe how resilient they have become Other factors that have helped to prevent higher degrees of knowledge loss during the exploit ation and current conservation phases were land struggles and the closer and constant interaction with the Xingu group through kinship alliances. On the other hand, i nterethnic mixing has led to cultural change and loss of proficiency in the Kaiabi language both in Teles Pires and Rio dos Peixes, but more so in Teles Pires, due to frequent marriages of Kaiabi women with Apiak and Munduruku

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440 men. This contributes to the use of Portuguese as the main language to the detriment of the Kaiabi language, and to we aken cultural traditions. Nevertheless, t he possibility to show their traditions and sell handicrafts to visitors and tourists that come to visit the village has helped to conserve artistic knowledge among the Teles Pires group. In the next sections, I br iefly summarize the main contributions of this research to specific theoretical fields, as well as review arguments explored and hypotheses tested. Indigenous Knowledge, Displacement and Place Comparable to other Amazonian indigenous peoples the Kai a bi used to be very mobile before and after the contact with western er s (Alexiades, 2009) They have gone through several processes of re territorialization thr ough contact with diverse agents from warfare with other indigenous groups, conflicts with rubber ta ppers, trappers, loggers, miners, and ranchers to interaction with governmental agents and policies (Oakdale, 1996) These contacts affected the Kai a bi in different ways through conflicts and exchange of knowledge skills and labor. The process of sedenta rization of villages that is occurring in the three Kaiabi lands as well as in many other indigenous lands in the Amazon brings important questions and challenges related to the sustainability of natural resources and consequently to the resilience of indigenous lifestyle and management practices (Athayde et al, 2009). None of the Kaiabi groups live today in what was their traditional territory in Tapajs watershed, wh ose boundaries were already fluid and contested by friction between them and other indigenous groups even before the contact with rubber tappers and other westerners. The Rio dos Peixes group is the one that lives closer to the heart of Kaiabi territory in Batelo River, currently under claim and contestation by ranchers (see C hapter 4). Unfortunately, roads, ranches and towns were placed in what used to be traditional Kaiabi land s and w here, as they say, nossos avs esto enterrados our grandparents are buried.

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441 The displacement meant the loss of access to important resources for the Kaiabi, such as the CastanhadoPar (Brazil nut), aa palm, arum used in weaving, siriva (palm which wood is used for bows) and others. These resources are still used and procured by the Kaiabi, who frequently travel to their ancestral territory to gath er them and bring to Xingu. In this respect, the loss of access to strategic resources due to displacement, land demarcation or deforestation is another factor that might interfere in the resilience of indigenous knowledge and management practices. The los s of access to arum, the main fiber used in basketry weaving, is one important constraint in the continuity of weaving designed baskets among the Kaiabi men, even with the use of substitutes. In Xingu, the resettled Kaiabi have developed at least s even di fferent adaptation mechanisms to cope with the environmental constraints face d at Xingu after the transfer (C hapter 5): 1) knowledge innovation or creation, through new names given to ecolog ical zones and/or resources; 2) i ncrease in diversity of resources used for different purposes (e.g. to build canoes) due to village sedentarization and scarcity of important forest resources; 3) conscious protection, multiplication and development of new crop varieties, enhanced by community based initiatives s uch as th e Munuwi project (see C hapter 6); 4 ) substitution of strategic resources by others of similar quality, such as what happens with the arum plant us ed in basketry (C hapter 8); 5) travelling to ancestral land or to other areas to collect strategic resources; 6) exchange of crop varieties or saplings of strategic resources among the three groups; and 7 ) development of management practices for specific resources, through institutional support and collaboration between western and traditional knowledge (such a s the arum and some fruit species present in the ancestral land). Interestingly, two of these practices include intertwining and/or collaboration between indigenous and western science ecological knowledge.

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442 The process of adaptation and re adaptation of the different Kaiabi groups after the displacement can be compared to the writing of a new chapter in the history of the group, which resulted in the concomitant making of new territories, identities and places, but not without conflict and resistance (Gu pta and Fergusson, 1992). For instance, the Kaiabi inhabited and used for many years an area close to the Arraias River, located in the North western portion of Xingu Park, in the process of being claimed (see C hapter 4) In spite of not being considered a n ancestral land, it is a land where the Kaiabi inscribed history (Santos Granero, 2005), and which has many resources of strategic importance for the group, such as the Brazil nut and the arum. Thus, the traditional use of the three areas being claimed b y the Kaiabi, as well as the need for strategic resources in them would provide reason enough for their recognition as indigenous lands according to the Brazilian Constitu tion of 1988 (Ramos, 1998, see C hapter 4). The study of movements of resistance, ada ptation, innovation and empowerment of indigenous peoples towards regaining rights over their lands might be a fertile field for exploring theories behind the responses of people to development forced displacement and resettlement ( Oliver Smith, 2009). The study of the Kaiabi case brings some implications for DFRD theory. First of all, it illustrates the innovative responses people might develop after a displacement event, such as in terms of resistance to assimilation, development of social movements, rene wed identities, and innovations in indigenous knowledge systems. The Kaiabi after displacement history fit well in the four stage model presented by Scudder (1981, 2009): the Kaiabi experienced the collapse event, coped with the initial impact, reorganized socially, politically and economically and were able to hand over a sustainable resettlement process to the second generation of resettlers. Scudder (2009:31) stated that he developed his theory based on the hypothesis that regardless of cultural or environmental

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443 setting, the majority of resettlers will take advantage of appropriate opportunities for improving their livelihoods, provided that appropriate assistance is available to enable them to benefit from the opportunities. Thats exactly what happened with the displaced Xingu Kaiabi, whose second generation already embraces the xinguano identity. The other two groups can also be considered displaced, since they were pushed to settle in areas that are not located in the heart of their traditional te rritory, both in the case of Rio dos Peixes and Kururuzinho. In Rio dos Peixes, the lack of support and options led them to embark on an assimilation process. In Kururuzinho, the struggle for land rights has helped to keep their culture and identity alive. As discussed in the introduction, the Kaiabi case shows the relativity of the rootedness of indigenous knowledge, also named local knowledge by some authors (Hunn, 1999; Ellen and Harris, 2000). Adaptive mechanisms entailed the genesis of new knowledge and management practices, in the domains of both ecological and weaving knowledge. In consonance with previous authors, this analysis calls for the need to expand the conceptualisation of indigenous knowledge as adaptive and fluid (Berkes et al., 2000; Ellen and Harris, 2000). Place and identity making are thus intertwined and in constant movement. I conclude that indigenous knowledge might be mobile if resilient and more rooted in ethnicity than in land. Empowerment, Western Institutions and Territoria l Control In the Amazon, the concomitant development, around the 1970s, of the indigenous grassroots movement, the environmentalist movement and the writing of the new Brazilian constitution of 1988 provided an array of opportunities for indigenous peoples to access financial and technical resources available for conservation and development projects (Conklin and Graham, 1995; Little, 2001; Albert, 2000; 2005). However, these opportunities were not available to everyone, but restricted to groups who have showed the ability to, first, frame their

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444 discourses according to expectations of national and international political instances, institutions and funding agencies; and second, provide social capital and leadership needed to access and appropriate of these r esources (Turner, 1991; Fisher, 1994; Jackson, 1994; Sahlins, 1997; Oakdale, 2004). In the case of the Kaiabi, leadership formation occurred mostly through previous experience with rubber tappers, involvement in Xingu Parks administration, interaction wit h other Xingu groups, and through participation in political struggles at national levels, in which they interacted with other political leaders, notably with the Kayap. Interestingly enough, leadership formation among the other two Kaiabi groups has been inspired by interaction with Xingu political leaders such as Mairaw and others. The formation of national and international networks constituted by indigenous and forest peoples has been an important outcome of reconciling social and environmental moveme nts in the Amazon and elsewhere. The three Kaiabi groups have created political associations to represent communities interests, develop projects, and manage their territories. With the retraction of the paternalistic role played by the State, indigenous organizations have played an increasingly important role in managing indigenous lands in the Amazon (Albert, 2005). It was through the leadership of the Xingu Kaiabi, with support from international (Norwegian Rainforest Foundation) and national (Instituto Socioambiental) environmental agencies, that the first program for patrolling indigenous lands in the Amazon was developed and administered by a local indigenous organization, in this case, ATIX. The role of controlling their own territory conferred visi bility to ATIX among Kaiabi communities and other ethnic groups that inhabit Xingu Park, as well as enabled the development of a sense of responsibility and agency among the Indians, who used to depend on the paternalistic hand of the State.

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445 This research showed that women have had poor participation and access to information regarding the work and role performed by indigenous associations across three Kaiabi lands. Overall, political participation by women is greater in Teles Pires in comparison to Xingu and Rio dos Peixes. This is the result of tighter involvement with land struggles in Kururuzinho village. In Rio dos Peixes people are less aware of the role of the local association due to its precarious condition and lack of both community and outside support. In general, people mentioned the role of indigenous associations in developing projects. This relates to the projects market that has sustained indigenous territorial control and management in the Amazon since the 1980s (Albert, 2000). In Xingu, people mentioned the role of territorial patrolling that ATIX plays in Xingu Park. People cited four main projects that they would like to be developed in their villages: 1) handicrafts; 2) traditional crops; 3) organization of Brazil nut commercializ atio n (Rio dos Peixes); and 4) beekeeping (Teles Pires and Rio dos Peixes). I will comment on these aspects in the following section on policy recommendations. I hereby reiterate my argument that political empowerment, agency and self determination in a multicultural environment have led to a better territorial control among the Xingu Kaiabi. In contrast, the lack of access to opportunities and resources, combined with external pressures, weak leadership and control, have led to environmental degradation in the two other areas. As much as this is an inspiring case, we should be aware that empowerment and assimilation of new institutions among indigenous peoples often result in conflict, vulnerability and mis representation of communities interests. Internal conflicts arise from clashes between tra ditional and new forms of power: among leaders, chiefs and communities; among different groups that share a common territory (such as in Xingu); and between old and new generations (Oakdale, 1996; 2005; Rosengren, 2003; Keckenberger, 2005). The new forms of representation,

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446 governance and political empowerment that indigenous peoples have developed within the context of social movements and national and international politics for conservation and development provide a fertile ground for further research. Processual Studies on Indigenous Knowledge Systems This research involved two main interrelated fields of inquiry: a study of the dynamics of indigenous knowledge among women and men in four villages (mechanisms of distribution, transmission, erosion and innovation of IK); and an exploratory analysis of the relationships and interactions between socio economic factors and indigenous knowledge. Quantitative and qualitative data collection and analysis were used in the development of a processual study of weaving knowledge among men and women in a time interval of five years in Xingu Park and three years in Kururuzinho village in Teles Pires. The main contributions of this research to theoretical fields of inquiry rega rding indigenous knowledge systems are: 1. Review and adaptation of models exploring mechanisms of knowledge transmission in indigenous societies; 2. Evaluation of the role and effects of western institutions and community based projects on indigenous knowledge systems; 3. Better understanding of patterns of knowledge transmission, retention and erosion when considering specialized knowledge domains; 4. Exploration of gender relationships in mechanisms of knowledge transmission and distribution; 5. Adoption of a syst ems approach to the study of indigenous knowledge as embedded in a bigger complex socioecological system. Weaving knowledge of designed basketry and textiles can be considered specialized knowledge, one which is not necessarily shared by all individuals in a population. This domain was approached as a sub system embedded in a broader socio ecological system in which

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447 historic, territorial, environmental and political factors interact at different scales and speeds. Weaving knowledge was divided into five s ubdomains or modules, namely form (techniques), function (uses, including production for the market), materials (natural resources used in basketry and textile weaving), meaning (social meaning, spiritual meaning) and designs (knowledge of different grap hic designs woven in baskets and textiles (Ellen, 2009, my adaptation). Complementarily, I collected socio economic data used to build a profile of each of the four villages and to explore relationships and test hypotheses involving selected socioeconomi c variables and weaving knowledge. The variables were selected in order to study variations in the distribution and transmission of weaving knowledge among the villages according to factors such as age, gender, proficiency in the Kaiabi language, schooling and market integration. Language proficiency has been often used as a proxy for cultural diversity and vitality of indigenous knowledge systems (Maffi, 2001, Zent and Maffi, 2007). In this study, I also wanted to compare the statistical behaviour of langu age proficiency to that of weaving knowledge in relation to the other variables, to verify to what extent one could be used as proxy or as an indicator about the status of the other. Through this processual study, it was possible to register the changes t hat have occurred in a cultural domain as a result of political empowerment and thus greater access to financial and technical resources by the Xingu Kaiabi. The development of a community based project (Kaiabi Araa) for cultural revitalization of basketry and textiles weaving among men and women in Xingu and in Kururuzinho village in Teles Pires has triggered changes in knowledge distribution and transmission among the communities involved.

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448 For this research, I established five hypotheses related to the patterned intracultural distribution of IK and to the effect of western instit utions (school, market) on IK (C hapter 2), as follows: H1: Elders retain deeper and different knowledge when compared to younger people; H2: M en and women use different mechanis ms in knowledge creation and transmission; H3: Greater levels of market integration lead to erosion of weaving knowledge across three Kaiabi groups ; H4: Formal schooling erodes indigenous knowledge: higher levels of formal schooling leads to lower levels o f weaving knowledge among men and women; H5: Role of community based projects: the Kaiabi Araa project is responsible for an increased number of basketry and textiles weavers among the younger generations. I registered that weaving knowledge has been both innovated and eroded among the Kaiabi as a group. While in Xingu and in Teles Pires knowledge has been at the same time maintained and re created, in Rio dos Peixes it has been eroded and can be considered threatened with extinction, along with Kaiabi native language. Interestingly enough, communication and interactions between the villages, mostly through kinship, have enabled the transfer of knowledge between residents in the three areas in unexpected ways. For instance, some men in Rio dos Peixes have l earned from the book Kaiabi Araa (which contains a photographic catalogue of designs) brought there by a Xingu relative. The testing of hypotheses resulted to acceptance of H1, H4 and H5 and rejection of H2 and H3. I accepted H1, that older men and women are more proficient in Kaiabi language and do hold greater knowledge on weaving designs when compared to youth. However, there seem to be important differences between general and specialized knowledge domains among the Kaiabi. Age is more important as a d eterminant of language proficiency than as influencing degree of knowledge on designed baskets and textiles. Furthermore, general knowledge on different types

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449 of baskets is more influenced by age than specialized knowledge on uses or names for designs. Thi s result is also indicative of changes in mechanisms of learning and transmitting brought by the Kaiabi Araa project and the renewed notion of cultural pride and status attached to basketry weaving in Xingu and Teles Pires. Nowadays, younger men might also become knowledgeable in the art of weaving, in contrast with the decades immediately following the diaspora The statistical tests run for language proficiency and weaving knowledge revealed no significant influence of gender on the variables that indicate robustness of indigenous knowledge. In spite of rejecting H2 due to lack of statistic al significance, I found important differences among men and women in different villages, regarding socioeconomic profile and mechanisms of knowledge transmission. Wom en in Rio dos Peixes show less proficiency in Kaiabi language and higher attendance at formal schooling in comparison to men. Weaving knowledge among Rio dos Peixes women is kept in the hands of few elders and among women who have lived and learned in Xing u. The lack of young people learning in Rio dos Peixes is another indicator of knowledge erosion and loss of cultural resilience in contrast to both Xingu and Teles Pires. Qualitative data indicate that weaving knowledge among women is more embedded in the household and kinship dynamics in comparison to basketry knowledge among men. In addition, the development of new marketable objects such as woven bags by the women, along with the use of industrialized cotton and the transfer of new designs from basketry to textiles confer greater resilience to womens weaving knowledge in contrast to mens. Industrialized cotton is easily bought in towns, in contrast to the scarce arum preferred by men for weaving designed baskets. Thus, I conclude that womens weaving knowledge may be more resilient than

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450 mens, and that women play an important (and sometimes over looked) role in keeping and innovating knowledge in indigenous societies. I expected that greater levels of market integration would lead to erosion of IK amon g the Kaiabi. Related to this, I found, comparable to what other authors have found, that market integration can produce ambiguous outcomes on IK among indigenous peoples (Godoy, 2001; Godoy et al, 2005; Reyes Garca, 2001; 2005). M arket integration (measu red through level of income stability among the interviewees) showed statistical significance in the logistic regression model in which I had language proficiency as the dependent variable. Thus, greater levels of income stability lead to less proficiency in the native language among the Kaiabi. This explicitly refers to the situation in Rio dos Peixes, where there is more socioeconomic heterogeneity through different access to waged income or to governmental programs for low income rural families. Despite showing significant influence in language proficiency, I found no significance for market integration related to weaving knowledge, an thus I rejected H3 that greater levels of market integration lead to erosion of weaving knowledge. The attempt to quanti tatively measure market integration and transform the diversity of possibilities of interaction with various market instances among indigenous peoples in one single variable may also be a methodological constraint I found for the Kaiabi case that interact ion with markets might bring both innovation and erosion of indigenous knowledge, depending on the type of relationship and geographic proximity to market opportunities. In predominantly subsistence oriented economies such as in Xingu, market interaction m ay lead to innovation of IK and, at the same time, to deepening of knowledge related to marketable items (or plants) in detriment of others, just like it happens with basketry and textiles (Godoy, 2001).

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451 Level of formal schooling showed an opposite statis tical behaviour to that of income stability in the logistic regression models developed to explore the interactions between distinct variables on language proficiency and weaving knowledge, considered dependent variables indicative of cultural resilience. There was no significance for schooling in relation to language proficiency. However, it was statistically correlated with weaving knowledge, in which greater levels of formal schooling are linked to lower levels of weaving knowledge. I accepted H4, that f ormal schooling erodes indigenous knowledge. However, just like market integration, we should not consider the influence of western institutions as a one way directional process. The type of educational system developed in schools placed in indigenous lands might encourage or constrain the continuity of indigenous language and tradit ions among the communities. In C hapter 8, I presented some alternative models to represent the possible interactions between the variables considered in this research. The situa tion in all villages is that people who have greater access to formal schooling might also have other sources of income and thus less interest in weaving. Comparing the situation of weaving knowledge in Xingu and Teles Pires between 2002, 2004 and 2007, I found that there was a significant increase in designs among both men and women in Tuiarar (Xingu) and Kururuzinho (Teles Pires), the participant villages. The Kaiabi Araa project brought both revitalization and innovation of weaving knowledge among the participants. I thus accepted H5, that there are more young people knowing how to weave designed baskets and textiles after the development of the project in both villages. The outcomes of this project bring important theoretical questions for the study o f indigenous knowledge systems. First of all, the communities developed a new way of transmitting knowledge in the workshops of the project, through a mechanism which I named ma n y to many or collaborative

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452 learning. In this new mechanism, learning can hap pen between any two or more individuals independent of their age or kinship tie (see C hapter 8 and Figure 814). Additionally, the Kaiabi have copied and learned basketry designs from a book (Kaiabi Araa) containing photographs of baskets taken in Kaiabi v illages and national and international museums. The book serves as a mnemonic instrument for the Kaiabi, in which more complex designs threatened with disappearing have been produced again by more experienced weavers. Thus, the book is another innovation t hat came from my partnership with the Kaiabi, resultant from the political empowerment and alliances with the environmentalist movement, which enabled my long term work and commitment with the group. Its interesting to note that similarly to innovations produced solely for the market, transmission within western institutions (such as projects) may permit innovative forms of transmission that would be otherwise unacceptable within the traditional system of social organization. In C hapter 8, I reviewed model s of cultural transmission developed by Cavalli Sforza and Feldman (1981), and proposed a model for the study of knowledge transmission in a given cultural domain among indigenous peoples based on the Kaiabi case. Exploring the subdomain linked to the s piritual meaning of basketry weaving, I found that shamanism, indigenous knowledge and diversity of plants and objects (in this case basketry designs) are intrinsically related, and that many acts of creation, discovery and naming plants and objects among indigenous peoples are developed through shamanism and dreaming (Guss, 1989; Athayde et al, 2009; Silva, 2009). The main mechanism used for learning basketry designs that of observation of ready made baskets (and lately of photographs contained in a book) reproduces a myth in which the ancestral hero Tuiarar first copied a basketry design from a skin of a snake he had stolen from a snakes house. The mechanism of learning from others, often

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453 enemies, or transforming others knowledge and skills into som ething of their own is an important feature of Tupi societies that is very present in Kaiabi social organization and learning style until today (Viveiros de Castro, 1992). There are indicators that the most complex group of designs of Kaiabi basketry, thos e depicting a mythical figure named taagap, were learned with the Apiak people, fierce enemies of the Kaiabi in the past. Proficiency in the Kaiabi language and weaving knowledge are strongly correlated. Language proficiency was the most important varia ble influencing weaving knowledge in the logistic regression model including all the variables. A person who is proficient in the Kaiabi language has 71.16% more chanc e of knowing how to weave designed baskets and textiles in comparison to someone who is not proficient. I compared the statistical behaviour of these two variables, to verify to which extent they could be used as prox ies to indicate the status of IK among a given indigenous group. I found that there are some differences concerning the relation ship between these and the other selected variables. In this case, given the fact that weaving designs is specialized knowledge, I suggest that the differences found may not follow the same trend if we consider a different knowledge domain. This is especia lly true when considering the relationship between age and weaving knowledge in the linear regression analysis, which was only significant for the number of different basketry items known by men in all villages. I conclude that language proficiency may be used as a good indicator of cultural resilience, but it should not be applied as a proxy to every knowledge domain, since those may present their own specificities concerning interactions with other factors. The results support the argument that there may be differences in patterns of distribution and transmission of knowledge between specialized knowledge domains (e.g. designed baskets) in contrast to other more general domains, such as basketry weaving in general and crop

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454 knowledge, for instance. Regardi ng knowledge related to crop plants such as cassava and peanut, other authors have found that age, kinship and gender are important determinants and follow certain patterns: older women in the same kin group are the ones that show more agreement and deeper knowledge on cassava and peanut varieties (Boster, 1986; Silva, 2009). In this study, I found that gender and kinship are not expressively influential in the distribution of weaving knowledge, and that young and middle aged people m ight also r etain comprehensive knowledge of designs. I suggest that studies on indigenous knowledge systems cannot ignore the role that western institutions, including markets, schools, projects and associations might be playing in changing patterns of knowledge distribution and transmission. The main factors that have enabled innovation and resilience of weaving knowledge in Xingu are: 1) type of market integration existent there, in which handicrafts are still the main source of family income among Kaiabi communities; 2) the p rocess of political empowerment and consequent development of community based projects targeted to cultural revitalization; 3) the leadership and persistence of Aturi Kaiabi, who coordinated the project; and 4) the adoption of basketry designs as symbol of Kaiabi identity, including their transfer to other objects such as textiles, wooden benches, books and even body painting; and 5) the use of substitutes for the arum, main plant fibre used in basketry weaving. I argue that innovation is a key factor in e nabling the resilience of indigenous knowledge systems in times of globalization and increased participation in and assimilation of western institutions. B asketry and the complex and diverse designs associated with the Kaiabi, has been transformed in the context of twentieth century politics of identity from a symbol of individual prestige specifically attached to the weaver and his family in the context of community social dynamics to a collective one, attached to a larger collectivity and in the contex t of social, political and market dynamics (Athayde et al, 200 9).

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455 Applications and Policy Recommendations This research showed that the most relevant factors enabling adaptation, innovation and cultural resilience among the Kaiabi are leadership, agency and self determination combined with long term access to financial and technical resources brought by the alliance between indigenous peoples and environmentalism. Thus, an important role to be played by practitioners, researchers and policy makers would be to support and facilitate the process of training and political empowerment of indigenous peoples, so that they are able to run their own associations and projects according to their agenda and interests. A sense of ownership is critical in the success of any initiative among indigenous peoples: what comes from the outside is someone elses project; what is developed from within is their project. This does not mean that they wont depend on external support in the form of projects, financial and technical resources, but that we should work under the premise of transfer of power to the hands of indigenous peoples, as much as possible. The construction of platforms that enable indigenous peoples to learn from each other s experiences in programs of territoria l and project management should also be supported and enhanced by funding agencies and other institutions. This study presents practical implications for development and conservation programs to be implemented in the Amazon. I suggest that more flexibility could be given to community based initiatives, who might want to prioritize cultural revitalization processes over strict environmental management and conservation actions (Pilgrim et al, 2009). In the long term and at the end of the road, funds are bette r applied if they are relevant to indigenous peoples objectives, in which environmental conservation may be a consequence of empowerment, territorial control and cultural pride (Colchester, 2000). The process of empowerment that comes from planning, colab oration and execution of a community based project, often over looked, may be more valuable that its practical outcomes.

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456 This research has potential applications in processes of land claims and struggles in which the three Kaiabi groups are involved, as we ll as in the development of partnerships between the three groups in running their associations and projects and in the process of establishing control over their territories. Efforts could be directed to support a greater connection between Xingu leaders and the Rio dos Peixes community, maybe through the development of projects of common interest, such as the involvement of both Xingu and Teles Pires groups around the Kaiabi Araa project. The closer interaction between these groups could help the Rio dos Peixes group to improve the organization and capability of Itaok association to run projects of the communities interest, such as commercialization of Brazil nut, handicrafts or beekeeping. Partnerships between the Xingu group, ATIX and Kawaip should also be encouraged, and a project on beekeeping for the Teles Pires area could be developed in partnership or under the supervision of some Kaiabi leaders. Another recommendation is that more attention and opportunities should be given to women to access info rmation concerning the role of political organizations, as well as on decision mak ing processes regarding project development or territorial management. There should be more efforts to have women as leaders in political arenas. Efforts could be directed t o promote the revitalization of Kaiabi language and knowledge in indigenous schools, as is being done in Xingu. This is especially true for Rio dos Peixes, in which the school could play a role in valuing the Kaiabi language among the youth. Educational books produced for Xingu indigenous schools could be used in Rio dos Peixes, and the teachers could have the opportunity to interact more with Xingu teachers. Joint events such as handicraft workshops and fairs could be promoted linking the three groups, enhancing platforms for joint learning and action.

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457 Future S teps In this research, I developed some models and approaches to indigenous knowledge systems that could be applied to the study of other knowledge domains in order to compare similarities and differ ences that might exist among domains in relation to socio economic, political and environmental factors. This would provide a better understanding of contrasts and tendencies among more general or specialized knowledge domains within a given cultural group or among groups. I su ggest that a more in depth comparison between the domains of weaving knowledge to that of crop knowledge (Silva, 2009) should be conducted among the Kaiabi. I also suggest that research on crop knowledge could be extended to the Rio dos Peixes and Teles Pires groups. Besides providing the return of the results of this research to all three Kaiabi communities, I suggest that finalizing the Kaiabi Araa educational book, getting it published and distributing it to all the Kaiabi villages in the three areas will be a great contribution to the resilience of weaving knowledge across the three Kaiabi groups. As this research focused on a comparison among the three Kaiabi groups, i t raises the compell ing need for a more careful analysis on the effects of Kaiabi expansion in the new configuration of Xingu Park, for instance how they have occupied the space inside the Park and how their political alliances and actions have affected the Xingu landscape and other Xinguano groups in the last forty y ears (Oakdale, 1996). The same is tru e for Rio dos Peixes and Teles Pires areas, in which the territory is shared with Apiak and Munduruk groups. Understanding the relationships between the Kaiabi and other indigenous groups with which they share the ter ritory, as well as between them and nonindigenous social actors that inhabit the surrounding of t heir current or claimed lands is another important step to be taken to support processes of land claiming and prospects for an improved management and control of their territories. Even

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458 with all the challenges ahead, the Kaiabi history is an inspiring example of indigenous adaptiveness and innovation to forced displacement and concomitant social and environmental change.

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459 Figure 9 1. A model based on the ada ptive cycle from the socio ecological systems theory, showing collapse, reorganization, exploitation and conservation events applied to the history of Kaiabi people.

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460 APPENDIX A CODEBOOK USED IN THI S RESEARCH SOCIO ECONOMIC DATA QUESTIONNAIRE 1 1. Code s of interviewed people CA (1) Capivara village. Example: CA011 Capivara village, household 1, head of the household (person number 1). TU (2) Tuiarar village RP (3) Rio dos Peixes area (Tatuy Post and Novo Horizonte village) KU (4) Kururuzinho village and Post Teles Pires River 2. Gender: 0F female; 1 M male 3. Place of Birth: 1. PX Xingu Park 2. RP Rio dos Peixes 3. TP Teles Pires 4. OT Other 999 missing data 4. Interviewed in 2002? (Kururuzinho2004): 0 no 1 yes 5. Relationship with the head of the household: 1. CHF chief (the head) 2. FIO son 3. FIA daughter 4. ESP wife 5. SOB nephew 6. IRM brother 7. TIO uncle 8. TIA aunt 9. GEN son in law 10. PRO cousin (male) 11. PRA cousin (female) 12. I RA sister 13. Other 999 missing data 6. Level of p roficiency in Kaiabi language: 0 none (does not speak or understand); 1 low (understands but does not speak); 2 moderate (understands and speaks, but not fluent) 3 fluent 999 missing data

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461 7. Level of formal s chooling (c omplete or incomplete) 0 No instruction 1 Elementary 2 Secondary 3 University 8. Function s in the village : 1. Indigenous Teacher 2. Indigenous health agent 3. Indigenous dentist agent 4. Beekeeper 5. Agent for m anagement of natural resources 6. Political leader 7. V illages chief 8. Villages vice chief 9. Shaman 10. No specific function 11. Boat driver 12. Radio operator 13. FUNASA sanitation agent 999 missing data 9. Stability of income: 1. Waged officer 2. Retirement pension 3. Family pension 4. Irregular (no stability) 999 missinga data 10. Sources of income: 1. Wage 2. Retirement pension 3. Family pension 4. Handicrafts 5. Sale of agricultural products 6. Temporary work 7. Family support 8. Others 999 missing data 11. Political participation (in meetings of the local Association): 0. No 1. Yes

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462 12. Participation in political councils: 0. No 1. Yes 13. What is the work of the local indigenous association ( ATIX/ITAOK/KAWAIP ) ? 0=no 1=yes 1. Patroll ing/monitoring indigenous lands borders 2. Projects 3. Cultural revitalisation 4. Political articulation 5. Commercialisation of p roduct s 6. L and s truggles 7. Other 8. Dont know 999 missing data 14. Preference for p roject /activity to be developed in the future: 1. A gricultural production 2. Natural resource management 3. H andicrafts 4. M usic al revitalization 5. B eekeeping 6. Brazil nut 7. C attle raising 8. Festivals 9. Political 10. Indigenous salt production 11. Indigenous pepper production 12. Educa tion 13. Fish raising 555 dont know 999 Missing data 15. Travels between the three areas two way (number of trips) Capivara Rio dos Peixes Capivara Teles Pires TuiararRio dos Peixes TuiararTeles Pires Rio dos Peixes Teles Pires 15.1 Reason s for the travels: 1. V isit relatives 2. Fetch natural resources 3. Political (meetings, land claim processes) 4. Work

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463 5. Marriage 6. Participation in training courses 7. Participation in projects 8. Other 999 missing data BASKETRY KNOWLEDGE MEN QUE STIONNAIRE 2. 1. Do you weave baskets ? A) Do you weave simple baskets? B) Designed? 1 f or simple nonpainted ; 2 for designed baskets; 3 for both. 2. How did you learn ? 1. SO alone ; 2. PA father ; 3. TI uncle; 4. AV grandfather ; 5. IR brother ; 6. SG father in law ; 7. OT other men ; 8. OF workshop 999 missing data 3. Approximate age that you learn to weave designed baskets : number. 4. Have you sold ? Yes/no. 5. Have you gave or exchanged ? Yes/no to/with whom, qualitative. 6. Have you paid shaman services with baskets? Yes/no. 7. Did you learn any design from the book ? Code. 8. Interview showing catalogue of basketry designs A) Do you weave this design? Yes/no. b) Can you name this design? Code for name of design reported. TEXTILES KNOWLEDGE WOMEN QUESTIONNAIRE 3 1. Do you weave designed textiles ? 1 traditional hammocks ; 2 designed hammocks ; 3 both; 4other. 2. How did you learn ? 1. SO alone ; 2. MA m other ;

PAGE 464

464 3. TI aunt ; 4. AV grandmother; 5. IR sister; 6. SG mother in law ; 7. OT other women ; 8. OF workshop; 999 missing data 3. Approximate age that you learn to weave designed baskets: number. 4. Have you sold? Yes/no. 5. Have you gave or exchanged ? Yes/no to/with whom, qualitative. 6. Have you paid shaman services with baskets? Yes/no. 7. Did you learn any design from the book ? Code. 8. Do you have cotton planted in your farm plot? Yes/no. 9. T ypes : 1Sing, 2Pytan, etc. 10. A little or a lot ? 1little ; 2 lot 11. Did you learn any design from the book ? Code. 12. Interview showing ca talogue of textile designs A) Do you weave this design? Yes/no. b) Can you name this design? Code for name of design reported.

PAGE 465

465 APPENDIX B NAMES AND MEANINGS OF BASKETRY AND TEXTILE DESIGNS Table B 1. List of names for basketry and textile designs w ith respective tentative translations, organized by alphabetical order. Names of basketry designs Translation/Meaning of name Apiywo'ok Larvae from Api tree Araa Basketry design Araa tayt Basketry design with child Awara pypot Fox or wild dog footprin t Awara'i pypot fuku'i Little fox or wild dog long footprint Awasiayj Maize or corn seed, grain Awasiayj iru Corn seed inside a frame Awasiayj iru e'em Corn seed without a frame Inimo eta Many cotton threads Ipirien Path Irujerap Back of basket Ir upe'yp Tree or path of basket Iwirafu'a Rolling vine Iwirapyj Vine I'yp My tree, path to follow Janipap wuu Fruit of genipapo tree Jarukang Rib bones Jarukangi Small rib bones Jeywyu Straight drawing Jowiterian Drawing that changes direction Jowos iape Tortoise shell Jywa pekangerowat Twisted arms Kangytat pit Zig zag, design of headfeahter support Kupekang jyrowak Twisted back Kururu'i Little frog Kwasiarapare'a Drawing with arms and opened eyes

PAGE 466

466 Table B 1. Continued Names of basketry design s Translation/Meaning of name Kwasiaraparuu Big drawing with arms Kwasiarapat Drawing with arms Kwasiarapiayj Crooked design Kwasiarapi'wa Drawing with arms Kwasiari Small drawing Kwasiaruu Big drawing Kwasiat Drawing or writing Moiafu'a Rolling s nake Moiarangap Snake's head Panakukang Panaku bone Panakukupe Drawing of panaku back side Parasiesiewi Elbow Pirapeku Fish throat or fish tongue Pyapyain Zig zag Ta'aga fwa era jywyri Mythical person with a finger that goes around Ta'aga fwa iru e 'em Mythical person with fingers out of frame Ta'agafu'a Mythical person spinning or rollling Ta'agafu'a e'a e'em Mythical person spinning with eyes out of frame Ta'agafu'a fuku tayt Tall mythical person spinning with child Ta'agafu'a jarukang Mythical person spinning with ribs Ta'agafu'a tayre'em Mythical person spinning with child out of a frame Ta'agafu'a tayt Mythical person spinning with child Ta'agap fu'a fw eok Mythical person spinning with bent fingers Ta'agap fu'a iru Mythical person spin ning inside a frame Ta'agap fu'a jopep Mythical person spinning Ta'agap fw eok Mythical person with bent fingers Ta'agap jakunaap Mythical person in cross Ta'agap jopyy Mythical person Ta'agap tayt Mythical people with child

PAGE 467

467 Table B 1. Continued N ames of basketry designs Translation/Meaning of name Ta'agawoku Long or tall mythical person Ta'agawoku jakunaap Long or tall mythical person in cross Ta'agawoku jopep Long or tall mythical person divided in two (twins) Ta'agawoku tayt Long or tall my thical person with child Yogajurat Bent larvae Yogii Little larvae Yok Larvae Yok jopep Larvae divided in two parts (twins) Yowawat Larvae that lives on tree

PAGE 468

468 APPENDIX C CODES AND POSSIBLE NAMES FOR BASKETRY AND TEXTILE DESIGNS Table C 1. Codes, names and percentage of mentions for each basketry and textile design. Code of design Names % of mentions for the name Number of names c ited PA1_A Kwasiarapat 8.16 3 PA1_B Ta'aga fwa era jywyri 2.04 PA1_C Kwasiaruu 2.04 PA2_A Ipirien and or Jarukang 8.16 4 PA2_B Ta'agafu'a jarukang 2.04 PA2_C Jeywyu 2.04 PA2_D Pirapeku 2.04 PA3_A Kwasiarapat 6.12 4 PA3_B Ta'aga fwa era jywyri 2.04 PA3_C Kwasiaruu 2.04 PA3_D Kwasiarapi'wa 2.04 PA4_A Kwasiarapat 2.04 4 PA4_B Ta'agawoku 2.04 PA4_C Ta ngap fwa eok 2.04 PA4_D Iwirapyj 2.04 PA5_A Panakukupe 2.04 3 PA5_B Irujerap 2.04 PA5_C Jarukang 2.04 PA6_A Awara pypot 12.24 2 PA6_B Awara'i pypot fuku'i 6.12 PA7_A Kwasiaruu, kwasiarapat 2.04 1 PE1_A Ta'agap tayt 8.16 4 PE1_B Araa 2.04 PE 1_C Ta'agafu'a 4.08 PE1_D Ta'agawoku tayt 2.04 PE2_A Taangap fw eok 2.04 6 PE2_B Ta'agap fu'a fw eok 2.04 PE2_C Jywa pekangerowat 2.04 PE2_D Kupekang Jyrowak 2.04 PE2_E Ta'agap tayt 4.08 PE2_F Tangafu'a 2.04

PAGE 469

469 Table C 1. Continued Code N ames % of mentions for the name Number of names cited PE3_A Taangap fw eok 4.08 4 PE3_B Kwasiaruu jopep 2.04 PE3_C Ta'agap fu'a jopep 2.04 PE3_D Ta'agap jopep 2.04 PE4_A Taangap 4.08 3 PE4_B Ta'agawoku jopep 2.04 PE4_C Ta'agap jopep ifw fuku 2.04 PE5_A Taangap jakunaap 2.04 7 PE5_B Ta'agafu'a tayt 4.08 PE5_C Ta'agawoku jakunaap 2.04 PE5_D Ta'agafu'a fuku tayt 4.08 PE5_E Ta'agap fu'a 2.04 PE5_F Taangap tayt 2.04 PE5_G Kururu'i 2.04 PE6_A Ta'agafu'a 8.16 6 PE6_B Ta'agafu'a tay re'em 2.04 PE6_C Taangap e'a e'em 2.04 PE6_D Araa 4.08 PE6_E Kururu'i 4.08 PE7_A Kwasiat 2.04 5 PE7_B Ta'agafu'a ea'em 2.04 PE7_C Ta'agawoku 2.04 PE7_D Panakukang 2.04 PE7_E Ta'agap ajaupit 2.04 PE8_A Kwasiarapat 6.12 5 PE8_B Iwirapyj 2.0 4 PE8_C Kwasiaruu 2.04 PE8_D Kwasiarapiayj 2.04 PE8_E Kwasiari 2.04 PE9_A Awasiayj 46.94 2 PE9_B Awasiayj iru e'em 2.04 PE10_A Inimo eta 8.16 9 PE10_B Yok 4.08 PE10_C Jowiterian 2.04

PAGE 470

470 Table C 1. Continued Code Names % of mentions for t he name Number of names cited PE10_D Ta'agafu'a jarukang 2.04 PE10_E Yogii 2.04 PE10_F Apiywo'ok 2.04 PE10_G Ta'agap jopewi 2.04 PE10_H Yok jopep 2.04 PE10_I Ta'agap fu'a 2.04 PE11_A Iwirapyj 16.33 2 PE11_B Kwasiarapiayj 4.08 PE12_A Iwira pyj,Inimo eta 4.08 5 PE12_B Iwirapyj, yogajurat 4.08 PE12_C Iwirapyj e Yog'ii 4.08 PE12_D Yogii, iwirapyj 2.04 PE12_E Yok jopep 2.04 PE13_A Inimo eta 4.08 6 PE13_B kangytat pit 2.04 PE13_C Jowiterian 8.16 PE13_D Jowosiape 4.08 PE13_E Jaruka ng 2.04 PE13_F Ta'agap fu'a 2.04 PE14_A Taangap 2.04 7 PE14_B Ta'agawoku jakunaap 2.04 PE14_C Ta'agap fu'a iru 6.12 PE14_D Ta'agap tayt 6.12 PE14_E Ta'agafu'a 4.08 PE14_F Kururu'i 2.04 PE14_G Araa 2.04 PE15_A Taangap,iwirapyj,awasiayj 4.08 5 PE15_B Ta'agafu'a 8.16 PE15_C Ta'agap tayt 2.04 PE15_D Araa 2.04 PE15_E Tangawoku 2.04 PE16_A Kururu'i 40.82 2 PE16_B Ta'agafu'a 2.04 PE17_A Awasiayj 44.90 2

PAGE 471

471 Table C 1. Continued Code Names % of mentions for the name Number of names cited PE17_B Awarapypot 2.04 PE18_A Awasiayj 38.78 3 PE18_B Awasiayj iru 2.04 PE18_C Awarapypot 4.08 PE19_A Kwasiapiayj 20.41 3 PE19_B Iwirapyj 2.04 PE19_C Araa 2.04 PE19_D Jarukangi 2.04 PE20_A Kwasiarapat 6.12 3 PE20_B Iwirapyj 4.08 PE 20_C I'yp 2.04 PE21_A Moiafu'a 20.41 5 PE21_B Iwirafu'a 2.04 PE21_C Janipap wuu 4.08 PE21_D Jarukang 2.04 PE21_E Moiarangap 2.04 PE22_A Janipap wuu 10.20 5 PE22_B Kwasiaruu 2.04 PE22_C Jarukang 4.08 PE22_D Kwasiarapat 2.04 PE22_E Araa 2.0 4 PE23_A Awara pypot 30.61 4 PE23_B Awasiayj 6.12 PE23_C Kwasiarapat 2.04 PE24_A Ipiren 8.16 4 PE24_B Jarukang 18.37 PE24_C Ta'agafu'a jarukang 2.04 PE24_D Ipikatu 2.04 PE25_A Jowosiape 32.65 2 PE25_B E'a japorymo 2.04 PE26_A I'yp 69.39 2 PE26_B Uruwupep 2.04 PE27_A Yogajurat 18.37 2

PAGE 472

472 Table C 1. Continued Code Names % of mentions for the name Number of names cited PE27_B Yowawat 2.04 PE28_A Ipirien e Jarukang 2.04 3 PE28_B Irupe'yp 2.04 PE28_C Ta'agafu'a e'a e'em 2.04 PE 29_A Kwasiaruu 2.04 2 PE29_B Ta'aga fwa iru e'em 6.12 TE1 Awasiayj 75.00 1 TE2_A Jarukang 35.42 4 TE2_B Ipirien 20.83 TE2_C Kangytat pit 6.25 TE2_D I'yp 4.17 TE3_A Awarapypot 41.67 5 TE3_B Kururu'i 2.08 TE3_C Awasiayj 6.25 TE3_D Kwasiarapat 2.08 TE3_E Kwasiarapare'a 2.08 TE4_A Jowiterian 0.00 2 TE4_B Jowosiape 10.42 TE5_A Kwasiapiayj 20.83 3 TE5_B kangytat pit 4.17 TE5_C Kwasiaruu 2.08 TE6 Kururu'i 16.67 1 TE7_A Pirapeku 2.08 6 TE7_B Kangytat pit 12.50 TE7_C Ipiren 2.08 TE7 _D Parasiesiewi 2.08 TE7_E Pyapyain 2.08 TE7_F I'yp 2.08 TE8_A Kwasiarapat 6.25 3 TE8_B Kwasiaruu 2.08 TE8_C Kwasiat 4.17 TE9_A Yogajurat 10.42 4

PAGE 473

473 Table C 1. Continued Code Names % of mentions for the name Number of names cited TE9_B Aw asiayj 2.08 TE9_C Araa 2.08 TE9_D Kwasiarapyj 2.08

PAGE 474

474 APPENDIX D CATALOGUE OF KAIABI BASKETRY DESIGNS 1. Name: Iyp My tree, my way. First drawing learned by youn g men. It is woven in the simple baskets made for use, which are not painted. Code: PE 26. Drawing by Pirapy, Tamakari and Kwaywu Kaiabi, 2001. Basket made by Kupeianin, Capivara village, 2001. Photograph: Simone Athayde.

PAGE 475

475 2. Name: Awasia j, Awasia j ir Corn seed, corn seed inside a cage or recipient (ir Code: PE 17, PE 18. Basket made by Tymari Kaiabi, Kururu village, Xingu Indigenous Park, 1998. The raw material used was buriti leaf ( Mauritia flexuosa Arecaceae). Photograph: Patrcia Di Filippi.

PAGE 476

476 3. Name: Awasia j Corn seed or grain Code: PE 9. Basket from the collection of the Museum of Archaeology and Ethnology of the Univer sity of So Paulo MAE/ USP. Collected by Georg Grnberg at Rio dos Peixes, MT, 1966. Photograph: Patrcia Di Filippi.

PAGE 477

477 4. Name: Ipirien, Jarukang Path, ribs bones. Commonly used in non painted baskets. Code: PE 24. Basket made by Kawe Kaiabi Arraias village, 1998. Photograph: Patrcia Di Filippi.

PAGE 478

478 5. Name: Jarukang and Ipirien Composed design, variation of the former one. Never seen by the Kaiabi before. Code: PE 28 Basket from the collection of the Museum of Ethnology, Berlin, G ermany. Collected by Gnter Hartmann at Xingu Indigenous Park in 1984. Registry number: VB 18353. Photograph ceded by the museum.

PAGE 479

479 6. Name: Awarapypot Fox or wild dog footprint, or Awasia j Corn seed. Code: PE 23. Basket of the irupefuku type (long basket), unknown author. Photograph: Patrcia Di Filippi.

PAGE 480

480 7. Name: Kururui Little frog. Code: PE16. Basket made by Tari Kaiabi, Kururu village, Xingu Indigenous Park, 1998. The raw material used was buriti leafs ( Mauritia flexuosa A recaceae). Photograph: Patrcia Di Filippi.

PAGE 481

481 8. Name: Jowiterian, Inimoeta Threads. Code: PE 13. Basket from the collection of the National Museum at Rio de Janeiro, collected at Teles Pires river in 1957. Not painted. Registry: MN 6310. Photogra ph: Klinton Senra.

PAGE 482

482 9. Name: Moiafu'a, YwyrafuaRolled up snake, rolled up vine. Code: PE 21. Basket made by Kawe Kaiabi, Arraias village, Xingu Indigenous Park, 1998. Photograph: Patrcia Di Filippi.

PAGE 483

483 10. Name: Janipap wuu, Kwasiaruu jeni papo fruit, big drawing. Code: PE 22. Basket made by Kawe Kaiabi, Arraias village, Xingu Indigenous Park, 1998. Photograph: Patrcia Di Filippi.

PAGE 484

484 11. Name: Kwasiarapat Opened arms. Code: PE 8. Basket from the collection of the National Museum o f Rio de Janeiro, collected by Berta Ribeiro at Xingu Indigenous Park in 1977. Registry: MN 39642. Photograph: Klinton Senra.

PAGE 485

485 12. Name: Kwasiapia Twisted drawing. Code: PE 19. Basket made by Miaracaja Kaiabi, Tuiarar village, Xingu Park, 1997. Photograph: Patrcia Di Filippi.

PAGE 486

486 13. Name: Jowosiape tortoises shell. Code: PE 25. Up, basket made by Tymari Kaiabi, from Kururu village. On the left, basket made by Tanguejui (Careca), PI Diauarum. Photographs: Simone Athayde

PAGE 487

487 14. Name: Yogajurat or Yowawat insect larvae with bent body. Code: PE 27. Basket made by Tarea Kaiabi, Capivara Village, 2001. Photograph: Simone Athayde.

PAGE 488

488 15. Name: Jowiterian, Inimo eta, Yogajurat, Yok Yogii Threads, insect larvae, smal l insect larvae. Code: PE 10. Photograph taken by Georg Grnberg at Rio dos Peixes, 1966. Basket made by Kupeap, Capivara village, 2002. Photograph: Simone Athayde.

PAGE 489

489 16. Name: Iwirapyj and inimo eta, Iwirapyj, Iwirapyj and yogajurat, Iwirapyj and Yogii Composed design, twisted vine and threads or worms. Code: PE 12. Photograph taken by Georg Grnberg at Rio dos Peixes, 1966. Basket made by Owit Kaiabi ( deceased ) at Marak village, Xingu Indigenous Park, 1998. Photograph by: Simone Athayde

PAGE 490

490 17. Name: Iwirap j vine. Code: PE 11. Photograph taken by Georg Grnberg at Rio dos Peixes, 1966.

PAGE 491

491 18. Name: Iwirap Vine (variation of the number 17) Code: PE 11. Basket collected by Paulo Junqueira at Xingu Park, 2001. Unknown author. Phot ograph: Simone Athayde

PAGE 492

492 19. Name: Kwasiat, Ta'agafu'a, Taagafua ea eem, Ta'agawoku Image, image of person spinning, image or person spinning with no eyes, image of long person. Code: PE 7. Photograph taken by Georg Grnberg at Rio dos P eixes, 1966.

PAGE 493

493 20. Name: Taagafua Image of person spinning. Code: PE 6. Unknown author, Xingu P ark, 1998. Photograph: Patrcia Di Filippi.

PAGE 494

494 21. Name: Taagafua, Taagafua jakunaap, Taagafua tayt, Taagafua fuku, Taagafua jak Image of person that spins, image of person that spins in a cross, image of person that spins with children ). Code: PE5. Basket from the collection of the Museu de Arqueologia e Etnologia da Universidade de So Paulo MAE/ USP. Collected by Georg Grnberg at Rio dos Peixes, MT, 1966. Photograph by: Patrcia Di Filippi. On the right, basket made by Kawintaii Kaiabi, Kururu Village, 2002. Photograph by: Simone Athayde

PAGE 495

495 22. Name: Araa, Taagafua, Taagafua tayt, Taagap tayt, Taagawoku, Ta'agap tayt Ima ge of person spinning, image of long person spinning with children Code: PE 1. Basket collected by Georg Grnberg at Rio dos Peixes, 1966, nowadays in the collection of the Museum of Cultures, Basel, Switzerland. Registry: Ivc 12056. Photograph by Peter Horner, 2004, ceded by the museum.

PAGE 496

496 23. Name: Taagafua, Taagafua tayt, Jywa pekangerowat Image of persons with arms and claws or fingers bent Code: PE 2. Photograph taken by Georg Grnberg at Rio dos Peixes, 1966.

PAGE 497

497 24. Name: Taagap, Taagafua, Ta'agap jopep, Taagap fw eok Image of person spinning, divided in two (twins), with the fingers bent Code: PE 3. Basket made by Preajup Kaiabi, Kururu village, 1999. Photograph: Simone Athayde.

PAGE 498

498 25. Name: Taagap, Taagap jopep, Taagawo ku jopep, Taagap jopep ifw fuku Image of person divided in two (twin), image of long person divided in two, image of person divided in two with long fingers. Code: PE 4. Basket from the collection of the Museum of Archaeology and Ethnology of the University of So Paulo MAE/ USP. Collected by Georg Grnberg at Rio dos Peixes, MT, 1966. Photograph: Patrcia Di Filippi.

PAGE 499

499 26. Name: Ta'agafu'a, Ta'agafu'a tayt, Ta'agafu'a jakunap, Ta'agafu'a jak, Ta'agafu'a fuku Image of person spinning, with ch ildren in a cross format, with a long body. Code: PE 14. Photograph taken by Georg Grnberg at Rio dos Peixes, 1966.

PAGE 500

500 27. Name: Composed design, combination of taagafua, iwirapyj e awarapypot. Code: PE 15. Photograph taken by Georg Grnberg at Rio dos Peixes, 1966.

PAGE 501

501 28. Name: Kwasiaruu Big drawing or design. Code: PE29. Up, basket made by Owit Kaiabi ( deceased ), Marak village. Down, two baskets made by Jywafuku Kaiabi from PIV Manito, 2002. Photographs: Simone Athayde.

PAGE 502

502 Panak Backpack baskets 29. Name: Kwasiarapat Opened arms. Code: PA 1. Photograph taken by Georg Grnberg at Rio dos Peixes, 1966.

PAGE 503

503 30 Name: Ipirien and/or Jarukang Path or rib bones. Botton of the basket. Code: PA 2. Photograph taken by Georg Grnberg at Rio dos Peixes, 1966.

PAGE 504

504 31. Names : Kwasiarapat Opened arms. Botton of the basket. Code: PA 3. Photograph taken by Georg Grnberg at Rio dos Peixes, 1966.

PAGE 505

505 32. Name: Kwasiarapat Opened arms, variation. Code: PA 4. Basket from the collection of the National Museum of Rio de Janeiro. Regi stry MN 6307. Collected at Teles Pires River in 1955. Photograph: Klinton Senra.

PAGE 506

506 33. Name: Panak Back side of the Panak Code: PA 5. Back view of basket 32, on the previous page.

PAGE 507

507 34. Name: Awarapypot, Awarapypot fua Fox or wild dog footprint, variation with opened ends. Code: PA 6. Basket from the collection of the National Museum of Rio de Janeiro, registry MN 6307. Collected at Rio Teles Pires in 1955. Photograph: Klinton Senra. On the right, same design used in round basket, made by Owit Kaiabi ( deceased ), Marak village, Xingu Park, 2000. Photograph: Simone Athayde.

PAGE 508

508 35. Name: Kwasiaruu, Kwasiarapat Big drawing or image, image with opened arms. Code: PA 7. Basket collected by Georg Grnberg at Rio dos Peixes in 1966. Currently deposited at the collection of Museum of Cultures, Basel, Switzerla nd. Registry: Ivc 12001. Photograph: Peter Horner, 2004.

PAGE 509

509 36. Name: Jarukang and Ipirien variation. Bottom view of basket 35 in previous page. Photograph: Peter Horner, 2004.

PAGE 510

510 APPENDIX E CATALOGUE OF KAIABI TEXTILE DESIGNS Code 1 Awasia Corn seed. Hammock made by Jemoete Kaiabi, Capivara village, 2002. Basket made by Tymari Kaiabi, Kururu village, 1998.

PAGE 511

511 Code 2 Ipirien or Jarukang Path, ribs bones. Up, basket made by Kawe Kaiabi, Ar raias village, 1998. Hammock made at Capivara village, 2002. Strap for carrying baby made by Mytang Kaiabi, Tuiarar village, 2002. Hammock made by Katu, Ilha Grande village, 2002.

PAGE 512

512 Code 3 Awarapypot Fox or wild dog footprint. Hammock made by Kwaryp Kaiabi, Diauarum Post, 2002. Strap for carrying baby made at Tuiarar village, 2002. Hammock made by Juwy Kaiabi, Diauarum Post, 2002. Basket from unknown author, X ingu Park.

PAGE 513

513 Code 4 Jowiterian no translation. Basket collected by Berta Rib eiro, Xingu Park, 1977. Nowadays at the collection at National Museum of Rio de Janeiro, registry MN 39642. Hammock made by Reai, Ilha Grande village, 2002.

PAGE 514

514 Code 5 Kwasiapia Twisted design Basket made by Miaracaja Kaiabi, Tuiarar village, 1997. Hammock made by Jakawejat, PI Diauarum, 2002. Hammo ck made by Kujrop Kaiabi, Tuiarar village, 2004.

PAGE 515

515 Code 6 Kururui Little frog Basket made by Tari Kaiabi, Kururu village, 1998. Strap for carrying baby made by More Kaiabi, Tuiarar village, 2004.

PAGE 516

516 Code 7 Pirapek Fish throat Botton view of panak On the left, bag made by Mytang Kaiabi, Tuiarar village, 2002. On the right, strap for carrying baby ma de by Reai Kaiabi, Ilha Gande village, 2002.

PAGE 517

517 Code 8 Kwasiarapat Drawing with opened arms Photograph taken by Georg Grnberg at Rio dos Peixes, 1966. Strap for carrying baby made by Kujrop, Ilha Grande village, Xingu Park, 2005.

PAGE 518

518 Code 9 Yogajurat Insect larvae with bent body Basket made by Tarea, Capivara village, 2001. Strap for carrying baby made at I lha Grande village, 2002.

PAGE 519

519 LIST OF REFERENCES Adams, C., R. Murrieta, W. Neves, and M. Harris. 2008. Introduction. Pages 141 in C. Adams, R. Murrieta, W. Neves, and M. Harris, eds., Amazon Peasant Societies in a Changing Environment. Political Ecolog y, Invisibility and Modernity in the Rainforest. Springer, Berkeley. Adovasio, J. M. 1977. Basketry Technology. A guide to identification and analysis. Aldine Manuals on Archeology, Chicago. Agrawal, A., and C. Gibson. 1999. Enchantment and Disenchantment : The Role of Community in Natural Resource Conservation. World Development 27(4): 629649. Agresti, A., and B. Finley. 1997. Statistical Methods for the Social Sciences. 3rd ed. Prentice Hall, Upper Saddle River. Aikman, S. 1999. Intercultural education and literacy. An ethnographic study of indigenous knowledge and learning in the Peruvian Amazon. Studies in written language and literacy 7. John Benjamins Publishing Company, Amsterdam and Philadelphia. Aikman, S. 2003. La educacin indgena en Sudamric a. Interculturalidad y bilinguismo en Madre de Dios, Per. Instituto de Estudios Peruanos (IEP), Lima, Per. Albert, B. 2004. Organizaes Indgenas na Amaznia Brasileira. http://pib.socioambiental.org/pt/c/iniciativas indigenas/organizacoes indigenas/na amazoniabrasileira (02 March 2008). _____2005. Territoriality, Ethnopolitics, and Development: The Indian Movement in the Brazilian A mazon. Pages 200229 in P. G. Hierro, and A. Surrals, eds., The Land Within. Indigenous Territory and the Perception of the Environment. International Work Group for Indigenous Affairs (IWGIA), Copenhagen. Alexiades, M. N. 1999. Ethnobotany of the Ese Eja Plants, Health and Change in an Amazonian Society. Doctoral dissertation. The City University of New York/New York Botanical Gardens, New York. _____2009. Introduction. Pages 1 43 in M. Alexiades, ed., Mobility and migration in indigenous Amazonia: cont emporary ethnoecological perspectives. Berghan Books, London. _____, and D. M. Peluso. 2009. Plants of the ancestors, plants of the outsiders: history, migration and medicinal plants among the Ese Eja (Peru, Bolvia). Pages 220248 in M. Alexiades, ed. Mobility and migration in indigenous Amazonia: contemporary ethnoecological perspectives. Berghan Books, London. Andersson, L. 1977. The genus Ischnosiphon. Opera Botanica 43: 1113. Aspelin, P. and C.C. dos Santos. 1981. Indian areas threatened by hydro electric projects in Brazil. IWGIA, Copenhagen.

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BIOGRAPHICAL SKETCH Simone Athayde is a Biologist, Human Ecologist and Educator born in Curitiba, Paran, Brazil. She holds a MS in Bo tany from UFPR Brazil and a second MS in Ethnobotany from University of Kent, England. She also has certificates of specialization in environmental education and human ecology from UNILIVRE and Indiana University respectively. Currently, she is an Associat ed Researcher of Instituto Socioam biental ISA, a Brazilian NGO and advisor of the indigenous associations ATIX, Kawaip and Yarikayu. She has worked for more than 10 years with Amazonian indigenous peoples, as a practitioner educator and associated researcher in the Xingu Program from Instituto Socioambiental. Her research interests and abilities include the dynamics of traditional knowledge systems, ethnobotany and ethnoecology, commercial development of nontimber forest products, community based manage ment of natural resources, indigenous grassroots movements social learning in multistakeholder socio environmental programs, and the relationships between cultural and environmental resilience in the Amazon. During her professional carreer, she has earned fellowships from diverse institutions, including the American Association for University Women (AAUW). In the last couple of years, she had earned awards from the Center for Entrepreneurship and Innovation (CEI) at the University of Florida and from the Ministry of Culture in Brazil.