Front Cover
 Title Page
 Table of Contents
 The Negro orator and his missi...
 Research on personality factors...
 The technician: Past and prese...
 Identifying college students...
 Research news and notes
 Book review

Group Title: Research issue - Florida Agricultural and Mechanical University: Vol. 20, no. 1
Title: Research issue; v. 16, no.3, September 1963
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Permanent Link: http://ufdc.ufl.edu/AM00000206/00003
 Material Information
Title: Research issue; v. 16, no.3, September 1963
Series Title: Research issue - Florida Agricultural and Mechanical University
Physical Description: Serial
Creator: Florida Agricultural and Mechanical University.
Publisher: Florida Agricultural and Mechanical University
Publication Date: 1963
Subject: African American universities and colleges—Periodicals
Florida. Agricultural and Mechanical University, Tallahassee – Periodicals
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Volume ID: VID00003
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Resource Identifier: AAB9564

Table of Contents
    Front Cover
    Title Page
        Page 1
        Page 2
    Table of Contents
        Page 3
        Page 4
    The Negro orator and his mission
        Page 5
        Page 6
        Page 7
        Page 8
        Page 9
        Page 10
        Page 11
    Research on personality factors affecting the performance of Negro college students
        Page 12
        Page 13
        Page 14
        Page 15
        Page 16
        Page 17
    The technician: Past and present
        Page 18
        Page 19
        Page 20
        Page 21
        Page 22
        Page 23
        Page 24
        Page 25
        Page 26
        Page 27
    Identifying college students sociologically
        Page 28
        Page 29
        Page 30
        Page 31
        Page 32
        Page 33
    Research news and notes
        Page 34
        Page 35
    Book review
        Page 36
        Page 37
        Page 38
Full Text





Research Issue


Sallahassee ..... Florida








Issued Quarterly, March, June, September, and December of Each Year.
Second Class Postage Paid at Tallahassee, Florida.

Volume 16 SEPTEMBER 1963 Number 3






Charles U. Smith, Chairman
A. A Abraham W. H. Ellis

Emma Blake James Hudson

0. M. Bowman Herbert Jones

L. L. Boykin A. S. Parks
T. B. Cooper Bernice Reeves

C. J. Stanley

The Research Issue is the official medium for the publication of
research, scholarly criticism, and creative writing of the Faculty, Staff,
and Student Body of the Florida Agricultural and Mechanical Uni-
versity. It seeks to promote sound scholarship and contributions to
knowledge by publishing works which are developed by members of
the University.
All communications should be addressed to Dr. Charles U. Smith,
Chairman, Research Committee, Florida A. and M. University, Talla-
hassee, Florida.


In This Issue

The Negro Orator and His Mission 5
By Marcus H. Boulware

Research on Personality Factors Affecting the
Performance of Negro College Students ....... 12
By Edgar G. Epps

The Technician: Past and Present ... 18
By Thomas A. Jackson

Identifying College Students Sociologically .............. 28
By Charles U. Smith

Research News and Notes ..... ...34

Book R eview ............................ ........36
Anne Richardson Gayles


By Marcus H. Boulware
Professor of Speech
Oratory has been called an art, and this description lay in the
physical necessities of the pre-electronic age-before the loudspeaker,
radio, and television. Men like Patrick Henry and Daniel Webster, at
the time, were not able to speak with conversational and friendly
directness in a radio or public address system. Indeed, they were
compelled to hurl their words across vast outdoor sites and down the
length of ill-constructed auditoriums in order to be heard. Professor
William Muehl,1 in his Road to Persuasion, emphasized this point
when he said, "Their inflections and postures, as well as their ges-
tures, all reflected the demands of heroic projection. When a speaker
did not supplement his content with these devices, he was likely to
fail-even with as great a text as Lincoln's Gettysburg address."

Not only has oratory been called an art, it has been labelled a
lost art. The notion that oratory is a lost art is erroneous, because
oratory will be with us as long as there is a cause to advance. In
one form or another, it will live and influence mankind. An early
rhetorician, Henry Hardwicke,2 once said, "It is to the interest of
tyrants to cripple and debilitate every species of eloquence. It is,
then, the duty of free states to foster oratory."
In this article, oratory means effective public speaking. The term
is broad enough to include both the classical style of ancient orators
and the conversational manner of modern speakers. Oratory embraces
a number of fine arts. In music "tradition furnishes the ideas. The
poet clothes them in words. The composer sets these to music, and
the singer renders them into song."3 The orator must be able to do
all of these. He must furnish the ideas, he must clothe them in words,
he must give these rhythmic arrangement, and he must deliver them
with all the care with which a singer sings a song.


The early Negro orator made his appearance on the scene in
the image of the old-time rural preacher-noted more for the "rouse-
ment" of his sermons than for reason. At the time, the church which did
not measure the minister by the emotionalism of his sermons was rare
indeed. Helen Bernice Allen, then a Master's degree candidate at Fisk

1William Muehl, Road to Persuasion (New York: Oxford Uni-
versity Press, 1956), p. 162.
2See introduction of Henry Hardwicke, History of Oratory and
Orators (New York, 1896).
aJohn P. Altgeld, Oratory and the Public (Chicago, 1915), p. 3.


University, developed a study4 dealing with several types of early
Negro preachers, including (1) the sincere and religious preacher,
termed "the shepherd of his flock;" (2) the hypocritical Negro minis-
ter, or the minister who has been treated satirically as such by

During the slave period, eloquent slaves instigated uprisings
against bondage. The most important of these insurrections prior
to 1750 occurred in New York in 1741. The inhabitants of that city,
then a small town with a population of 12,000 were thrown into a
panic by rioting Negroes. Between 1750 and 1859, the hardships of
slavery forced the Negro to develop a strong desire for freedom.
During the last half of the eighteenth century, there arose from the
soil rustic slaves, most often preachers-orators, if you please-whose
natural-born eloquence developed a racial consciousness during the
slavery agitation. They were the "voices crying in the wilderness"
for liberty.
Negroes interested in the anti-slavery movement held conventions
in the North as early as 1831. These meetings continued annually in
such states as New York and Pennsylvania. Men like James Forten,
Samuel Cornish, Frederick Douglass, and Reverend Henry Highland
Garnet attended. At one of these meetings, the Reverend Garnet de-
livered an address which produced antagonism among certain members
who thought his position on slavery was too extreme. In fact, Garnet
implied that the slaves should use physical force to free themselves.
During the nineteenth century, several anti-slavery black orators
appeared, many of whom were educated. It was during this period
that the polished colored orator was first noticed.

After the Civil War, a few of the freedmen had an opportunity
to participate in legislative debate in many Southern States and in
the United States Congress. With the exception of Robert Brown
Elliott, the great Negro orators of the period were not in Congress.
The most conspicuous orators during this time were Frederick Douglass
and Joseph Charles Price, founder of Livingstone College in Salisbury,
N. C. Had not his oratorical career been cut short by death, Price
might have over-shadowed Booker T. Washington. At any rate, he
was known by many of his contemporaries as "the Silver-Tongued
Orator of the Nineteenth Century."

Twentieth century oratory began with the speech-making of
Booker T. Washington, heralded as the "Apostle of Racial Goodwill."

4Helen Bernice (Allen) Reeves, "The Minister of the Gospel in
Negro American Fiction." Unpublished Master's thesis, Department
of English, Fisk University, 1937.


After his death, there came on the scene a new group of colored
speakers who, regardless of their spheres of activity, had that com-
mon quality of radicalism. They felt impelled to right existing wrongs
and were driven by a Messianic urge to remake the American so-
ciety. They were prophets of a new democracy and advocates of radical
social reforms. There also existed another group of orators whose
conservatism helped smooth over the antagonism caused by the more
militant leaders.
The eloquent colored speaker has long been in existence, and
the late Benjamin Brawley5 painted this picture of him: "The Negro
is peculiarly gifted as an orator. To his magnificent gift of voice,
he adds a fervor of sentiment and an appreciation of the possibilities
of a great occasion that are indispensable in the work of one who
excels in this field. Greater than any of these things, however, is
the romantic and singularly figurative power of expression." The
Negro's natural gift of speaking was responsible for tremendous ef-
fects sometimes produced by untutored men and women. Time and
time again, this writer has observed in rural communities unlettered
speakers who have brought comfort and inspiration to struggling ag-
ricultural groups.
By and large today, however, most colored orators are educated.
Thus the quality of their speaking has evolved from the unlettered
and emotional variety to the logical, cultured and refined. Most orators
today combine exposition with argument and persuasion, and their
messages are sound and informative. Negro orators are journalists,
lawyers, social workers, teachers, labor leaders, and college adminis-
trators "whose speeches shed more light and less heat." They point
out the achievements and disabilities of the Negro in a way that
will likely get a hearing.

The tempo of Negro orators is varied, and no single term can
describe the variety, style, and manner of speaking. Professor Harold
F. Gosnell6 says, "One speaker is crude in his language, unpolished
in his style of delivery, but obviously sincere and forceful. Another is
gifted with words, skilled in voice inflection, but lacking in drive and
human understanding. A third is learned in history, entertaining, a
master of phrases, but too obviously an actor. A fourth is able to work
himself into an emotional frenzy, to stir the audience profoundly, to
recall vividly examples of race persecution. Still a fifth exhibits an
extraordinary smoothness, a mastery of Bible history, laws, and poli-
tics, and an ability to arouse his listeners as well." Orators employ

5Benjamin Brawley, The Negro in Literature and Art (New York:
Duffield & Company, 1918), p. 83.
6Harold F. Gosnell, Negro Politicians (Chicago: University of Chi-
cago Press, 1935), p. 48.


language that reflects the aspirations, hopes, interests and habits of
their audiences. Through this medium, they can establish with their
listeners a rapport which is often astounding.


Vernon Loggins7 once paid the colored orator, Frederick Douglass,
a very high compliment. He said, "Frederick Douglass, trained in
the traditions of the art when it was at its prime in America, re-
mained until his death, the unrivalled orator of his race. And his
successor has never arisen." Loggins further stated that oratory was
a field in which the Negro made no advancement after 1895.

This writer wishes to disagree with Professor Loggins. For in-
stance, at the time of Douglass' death in 1895, it was a well-known
fact that Booker T. Washington was in every way an able successor
to Douglass. While the two men carried different messages to the
people, they were alike in that they appeared before large audiences
of both races. Not only is this true, but Negro oratory has advanced
and kept pace with those modifying influences of new inventions, the
radio, television, and the press.


There is a sharp line of distinction between the leading black and
white orators of the present century. This difference cannot be readily
assessed in such matters as diction, education, vocal effectiveness,
religion, and the like, but rather on the basis of the far-reaching
influence of the orator's messages.
The lightest utterances of topflight white speakers often become
official statements of the United States government. Many daily news-
papers print their speeches in full text. Radio and television carry
their messages over large broadcasting systems. Movie newsreels give
significant excerpts from the most important addresses of the week.

On the other hand, the Negro orator is a special pleader. He is
an advocate for minority rights. Since he holds very few army and
governmental administrative positions, the colored orator talks chiefly
to small and more intimate groups. His speeches are seldom broadcast
by radio and television to the national audience. Even Negro news-
papers scarcely devote more than five paragraphs to a speech story,
and almost never print their speeches in full text-the speech of
Martin Luther King, Jr., on August 28, 1963, at the March on Wash-
ington occasion, being an exception.

7Vernon Loggins, The Negro Author (New York: Columbia Uni-
versity Press, 1931), p. 290,



Negroes know that more than stirring speeches will be needed
to raise colored citizens to first-class status. Their grievances are
expressed through many channels of publicity-speeches, sermons,
resolutions, petitions, news reports, stories and essays, poems, edi-
torials, movies, sit-ins, Freedom Rides, and non-violent demonstrations.
While there are many other channels for expressing the discontent
of Negro citizens, the Negro speaker has made oratory a purposeful
thing. His mission is manyfold: (1) to protest grievances, (2) to state
complaints, (3) to demand rights, (4) to mold racial consciousness,
(5) to advocate racial cooperation, (6) to stimulate racial pride, (7) to
be militant leaders, and (8) to be a New Negro.

1. Protesting Grievances.-The idea of protest is not a Negro
invention. Men have used this medium for many centuries. Colored
orators tell their audiences they are cowards if they submit in
silence and inaction to injustices and oppression. A typical grievance
speech has been admirably expressed by Richard Wrights in his book,
Twelve Million Voices:

Again we say, of the North as of the South, that life for
us is a daily warfare and that we are hard like soldiers. We
are set apart from the civilian population; our kitchenettes
comprise our barracks; the color of our skin constitutes our
uniforms; the streets of the cities (witness: Birmingham) are
our trenches; a job is a pillbox to be captured and held; and
the unions of white workers for a long time have formed
the first line of resistance which we encountered. We are
always in battle, but the tidings of victory are few.
Against various forms of discrimination, segregation, exclusion
on a racial basis, Negro orators are safety valves for boiling Negro
protest. In this capacity, they serve as agencies of group control. They
tell listeners how they should think and feel. While they urge minority
groups to discipline their resentment, there exist no overall planning
of protest techniques and strategy among Negro leaders and orators.

2. Stating Complaints.-The complaints uttered by Negro orators
have been characterized by white people as "swan songs." Negroes
are charged with placing too much blame for the shortcomings of
democracy upon white citizens. Taking cognizance of this sentiment,
Booker T. Washington praised colored and white people for their
worthwhile contributions to racial progress. This praise was followed
usually by his plea for eradication of the faults of both races.

Orators have generally complained of the denial of equal edu-
cational opportunities, injustices in the courts, discrimination in em-

SRichard Wright, Twelve Million Black Voices (New York: the
Viking Press, 1941), p. 123.


ployment, disfranchisement in the South, lack of participation in the
enactment of laws.
3. Demanding Rights.-During the first half of the present cen-
tury, Negro orators emphasized the denial of certain rights as U. S.
citizens. Today, however, they are saying that citizenship rights de-
mands of colored people certain enforceable and unrequired obligations.

4. Advocating Racial Cooperation.-Most Negro orators want in-
terracial cooperation. They urge all citizens to cooperate to the
end that the American ideal may be realized. Their messages em-
phasize that democracy operates, not only under written laws, but
it also depends to a great extent upon certain unwritten rules of
honor and human decency, and upon the consciences of all citizens.
There is, they plead, no legal punishment that can be inflicted on
men who violate these unwritten rules if they do not wish to observe

Noticing that the relations between the races were growing less
cordial and friendly, Booker T. Washington urged that friendship
between the races was essential to permanent progress in the South.
Today Negro speakers contend that the aim of a Christian social
order is the fullest possible development of the individual personality
in the widest and deepest friendships.
5. Molding Racial Consciousness.-Negroes are fiercely group con-
scious. Orators and the press have taught them the lesson that no
one can rise above the conditions of his race. The late Roi Ottley,9
author and journalist who has studied racial sentiments of Negroes,
said, "Negroes may quarrel among themselves about minor issues,
but on the question of their rights, they form a solid block." Racial
consciousness is usually intense among Negroes, because of the dis-
crimination they suffer.

6. Stimulating Racial Pride.-The Association for the Study of
Negro Life and History fosters racial pride by sponsoring an annual
"Negro History Week" in February. Orators trace for their audiences
the glorious and long past of the African race. They tell of achieve-
ments in art, drama, music, human relations, and science in vivid
and eloquent fashion. The narratives of these achievements evoke
loud applause from listeners who beam with pride under the spell
of effective oratory.

One Chicago political speaker in October, 1930, among other
things said: "The Negro has that everlasting spirit that rises, though
beaten down, and will not stay beaten. I can tell you that the spirit

9Roi Ottley, New World A-Coming (Boston: Houghton Miffin
Co., 1943), p. 3.


of the Negro is far from being broken. The Negro with indomitable
courage is still facing the rising sun. You aren't going to run from
other Negroes. ." When the orator said these words, the audience
gave forth with deafening applause.

7. Being Militant Leaders.-The audience has placed supreme value
upon the militant Negro leader and orator. Listeners think of their
leaders as militant individuals who can assume the posture of agi-
tation and protest, regardless of whether any "tangible results accrue
to such activity." The orator who speaks boldly is acting like "a race
man" which is very desirable by the audience.

Although a prophet of non-violence, the "Fisher of Men" Martin
Luther King, Jr., is the Negro's idea of a militant leader and orator.
Listeners will sit perfectly silent while he speaks. They don't whisper,
and yet many of them shed tears because they are deeply moved. Their
attitude at the moment borders on a heavenly reverence, for they
feel that they came to hear a great American who cares about them
and their problems, and who, if need be, is willing to go to jail for
8. Embodying the Spirit of the New Negro.-Any Negro who is
worth "a grain of salt" must be a New Negro these days; otherwise,
his words will fall upon deaf ears. The public is well aware of the
power of the New Negro who comes from all classes in the population,
who is aware of his power, and who is willing to make sacrifices in
order to win his rights. Most of all, he cannot be an "Uncle Tom."
The New Negro orator is a man of action, and his words and
action are one and the same thing. He can make a speech in a church
and immediately lead a congregation out into the streets to march
and demonstrate for freedom and justice. If the modern orator is
not a man of action, or has never been to jail, or has never demon-
strated, he cannot hope to command the respect of the audience.


Since 1900, various social movements have been underway among
Negro citizens in an effort to achieve their civil rights. In most of
the social protest movements, leaders with eloquence have arisen
and made articulate the aspirations, hopes, demands and dreams of
Negroes or they have given a new definition of the black man's place in
the American society.

The Negro orator must be dedicated to a mission and a righteous
cause, and he must be willing to carry his "social gospel" everywhere
to the utmost ends of the nation. To exercise any influence, he must
be a New Negro who speaks not only effectively but with some
measure of artistry.


By Edgar G. Epps
Professor of Sociology
The growing national interest in the problem of unused intel-
lectual talent has resulted in a considerable amount of research in
recent years on motivational determinants of scholastic success. Such
work as that of Sarason et al-1 on test anxiety, and McClelland et al.2
on the achievement motive, has important theoretical as well as
practical implications. However, these investigations have dealt almost
exclusively with white (usually middle class) samples, neglecting for
the most part Negroes and other ethnic groups of low socio-economic
status in which the problem of unrealized potential is acute. Thus, the
interpretation of the fact that Negroes tend to score lower than whites
on achievement tests has been debated for many years, yet the con-
troversy has produced virtually no adequately controlled studies of
nonintellectual factors that may influence Negro test-taking behavior
in particular, and Negro performances in general. Previous investi-
gations by myself and associates indicate that Negro male college
students tend to become anxious and underproductive when antici-
pating comparison with whites. This report will discuss the specific
experiments, their results and interpretations.
The present problem can best be viewed in the context of some
recent experiments on Negro male college students. Katz and Benjamin3
set up biracial work teams at a Northern university and observed that
Negroes made fewer suggestions in cooperative problem solving than
did white partners of equal ability, under-rated their own performance
relative to that of their white companions on a variety of intellectual
tasks, and expressed relatively low satisfaction with the group ex-
perience. Katz and Cohen4 found that Northern Negro students gave
fewer correct answers to problems when working in the presence of
white teammates than when working alone, while white efficiency did
not decline in the presence of a Negro. It seems reasonable to interpret
the relatively poor performance of the Negroes in the two experi-

1Sarason, E., et al. Anxiety in Elementary School Children. New
York: Wiley, 1960.
2McClelland, D. C., et al. The Achievement Motive. New York:
Appleton-Century-Crofts, 1953.
3Katz, I. & Benjamin, L. "Effects of White authoritarianism on
Biracial Work Groups." J. Abnormal Soc. Psychol., 1960, 61, 448-456.
4Katz, I. & Cohen, M. "The Effects of Training Negroes Upon
Cooperative Problem Solving in Biracial Teams." J. Abnorm. Soc.
Psychol., 1962, 64, 319-325.


ments as an effect of personal threat experienced in the biracial group.
But because the social situations were complex, involving face-to-face
interaction and task interdependence, decrements in Negro performance
cannot be attributed to anticipated comparison with whites per se.

Katz and Greenbaum5 investigated whether disruptive anxiety was
aroused in Southern Negro male students who worked in a white
setting, even when there was no social interaction, and the task
(digit-letter substitution) was described as nonevaluative. Negro sub-
jects were assigned either to a white condition, in which a task adminis-
trator and "another subject" were white, or to a Negro condition, in
which both were Negro. The arousal of greater anxiety in the white
condition than in the Negro condition was inferred from the fact that
Negro subjects' performance was more detrimentally affected in the
former condition by the introduction of a stressful stimulus (threat of
strong, randomly administered electric shocks). Relatively good per-
formance in the white environment when there was no threat of shock
was attributed to the neutral nature of the task instructions ("This is
not a test of any kind"). Presumably, these instructions kept subjects'
anxiety about being evaluated by the white tester at a level not high
enough by itself to impair performance, but able to sensitize him to
the detrimental effects of the shock threat that was later introduced

More recently, Katz, Epps and Axelson6 demonstrated unequivo-
cally that anticipated comparison with white norms may have detri-
mental effect on the intellectual performance of Southern Negro
college students, even when no whites are present in the testing
situation. Digit-symbol tasks were administered with three types of
instruction; no test, scholastic aptitude test with own-college norms,
and scholastic aptitude test with white college norms. Subjects scored
higher when told that they would be compared with other students at
their own college than they did when anticipating comparison with
whites, or when given no test instruction. At the same time, subjects'
responses on a post-experimental questionnaire indicated strongest con-
cern about their performance in the white norms conditions. Thus, when
white standards were imposed, many Negroes apparently were more
strongly aroused than was optimal for performance on the particular
tasks that were administered. However, it is not clear what specific
motives were aroused. According to various drive theorists, such as

5Katz, I & Greenbaum, C. "Effects of Anxiety, Threat and Racial
Environment on Task Performance of Negro College Students." J. Ab-
normal Psychol., 1963, 66, 562-567.
6Katz, I., Epps, E. G. & Axelson, L. J. "The Effect of Anticipated
Comparison with Whites and with Other Negroes Upon the Digit-symbol
Performance of Negro College Students," J. Abnor, Soc. Psychol., 1964
(in press).


Woodworth and Schlosberg,7 Hulls and Easterbrook," any intense motive
may be detrimental to performance on a serial learning task, such
as digit-symbol. Therefore, the prevailing motive of subjects in the white
norms condition could have been (a) a desire to achieve white stand-
ards of performance (achievement motive), (b) fear of not attaining
them (fear of failure), or (c) a combination of the two. All three
possibilities are consistent with the findings that subjects were most
concerned about performing well in the white norms condition.

Epps, Katz and Axelson'o found no relationship between instruc-
tions and race of tester on an easy task. More recently, however, Katz,
Roberts and Robinson11 conducted an experiment in Nashville in
which white and Negro experimenters administered digit-symbol tasks
of three levels of difficulty to Southern male Negro college students.
The task was described as a test of eye-hand coordination. On the
most difficult task subjects worked more efficiently when tested by a
white than when tested by a Negro. On the two easier codes the skin
color of the administrator had no effect. Next, two additional groups
of Negro subjects were tested by the same Negro and white experi-
menters on the most difficult task only, but now the task was described
as a test of intelligence, rather than as a test of motor coordination. The
effect of the I.Q. instructions was to elevate slightly performance with
a Negro tester and to lower scores markedly in the white-tester group.
There are alternative interpretations of these results which deal
with the significance to the subject of the various experimental con-
ditions. Of particular relevance is Atkinson's12 conception of motivation
as a joint function of the subjective probability and incentive value
of success. From a postulated inverse relationship between the latter
two variables, he derives an hypothesis that the strength of motivation
is at a maximum when the probability of success is .50, and diminishes
as this probability approaches zero or certainty. Assume that a white
experimenter has higher status for the Negro subject than does a
Negro experimenter, so that the white person's approval is more

7Woodworth, R. S., & Schlosberg, H. Experimental Psychology. New
York: Holt, 1954.
sHull, C. L. Principles of Behavior. New York: Appleton-Century-
Crofts, 1943.
9Easterbrook, J. A. "The Effect of Emotion on Cue Utilization and
The Organization of Behavior." Psychol. Rev., 1959, 66, 183-201.
o1Epps, Edgar G., Katz, Irwin, & Axelson, Leland J. "Relations of
Mother's Employment to Intellectual Performance of Negro College
Students." Social Problems, 1964 (in press).
"Katz, I., Roberts, S., & Robinson, J. "Effects of Task Difficulty,
Race of Administrator, and Instructions on Digit-symbol Performance
of Negroes." Office of Naval Research Technical Report No. 6, Sep-
tember, 1963. (Mimeographed).
12Atkinson, J. W. Motives in Fantasy, Action and Society. New
York: Van Nostrand, 1958.


attractive. It follows that when the likelihood of winning approval
by scoring well is equally high whether the tester is Negro or white,
the subject will work harder for the white person. Thus in the present
experiment, Negro students performed better with a white tester
than with a Negro tester when the task was supposed to assess an
ability which Negroes are not stereotyped as lacking (eye-hand cn-
ordination) and which did not involve potential ego-threatening failure.
Presenting the task as an intelligence test ought to have raised the
incentive value of achievement in both racial conditions, with perhaps
a greater increment occurring when the experimenter was white
(since intellectual approval by a white person might be uniquely
gratifying to the Negro student's self esteem).
But suppose that on an intellectual task the Negro subject sees
very little likelihood of meeting a white person's standard of excellence.
In that situation, Atkinson's theory would account for the observed
decrement in performance under a white tester by postulating a
marked reduction in the perceived probability of success--despite the
possibility of a relatively smaller simultaneous increase in the in-
centive strength of success.

The last experiment to be described here13 tested whether sup-
pression of hostile responses occurs when a white adult makes Negro
students take an intelligence test. Negro male students attending a
high school in Nashville were given a test of aggression disguised
as a concept formation test. Two equivalent forms of the test were
administered on successive days. On the first day it was given in-
formally to all subjects by a Negro teacher. The following day the
entire sample was divided into four groups, each of which was tested
by either a white or a Negro adult stranger, with instructions that
described the task as either an intelligence test or a research instru.

When neutral instructions were used on the second day, average
change scores in both the white-tester and Negro-tester groups were
about the same. But in the intelligence test condition, hostility scores
increased over the previous day when the experimenter was a Negro,
and they decreased when the experimenter was white. The interpre-
tation is that both administrators instigated hostile impulses when
they used test instructions. Students revealed their annoyance on the
hostility questionnaire when the experimenter was Negro, but with
a white tester the need to deny hostile feelings resulted in avoidance
of aggressive word meanings. These results suggest that inhibited
hostility may have contributed to the behavioral impairment observed

"sKatz, I., Robinson, J. M., Epps, E. G., & Waly, P. "Effects of
Race of Experimenter and Test vs. Neutral Instructions of Hostility
in Negro Boys." J. Soc. Issues, 1964 (in press).


in the preceding experiment when intelligence test instructions were
given by a white experimenter. Finally, the results provide a meth-
odological critique of various previous studies on Negro personality
which did not take into account possible effects of the race of the
investigator on subjects' responses.

From the above experiments and related research, the following
hypotheses were derived for testing in a series of experiments to
be conducted in 1963 and 1964. Hypotheses are proposed regarding
types of performance which are sensitive to motivation, such as digit-
symbol, anagrams and arithmetic.

1. Men who are high on need Achievement (as measured by the
French Test of insight) and low on test anxiety will show progressively
better performance when examined under three conditions-neutral
instructions, test instructions with Negro norms, and test instructions
with white norms.

2. Men who are low on n Achievement and high on test anxiety
will show progressively poorer performance.

3. Men who are high on both traits will show relatively little, if
any, change in performance.
4. With Negro norms instructions, the high n Achievement-low
anxiety group will perform best of all the groups, and the low n
Achievement-high anxiety group will be the worst group.
5. In unspeeded situations which require a "cautious" approach
rather than an "impulsive" approach, men in the high test anxiety
group will score higher than men with low anxiety.

6. Test anxiety will correlate inversely with Florida Statewide
Twelfth grade examination scores and with college grade point average,
while n Achievement will correlate positively with these measures.


A series of experiments on personality factors which affect the
performance of Negro students revealed the following findings: (all
findings for males only)
1. In biracial work teams at a Northern university, Negroes made
fewer suggestions in cooperative problem solving than did white part-
ners of equal ability, under-rated their own performance relative to
that of their white companions on a variety of intellectual tasks, and
expressed relatively low satisfaction in the group experience.
2. Northern Negro students gave fewer correct answers to prob-
lems when working in the presence of white teammates than when
working alone,


3. Southern Negro male students' performance was more detri-
mentally affected by a threat of strong, randomly administered electric
shocks when a white examiner and a white fellow examinee were
involved than when both examiner and examinee were Negro.

4. Negro students' performance at FAMU was better when they
were told they were being compared with other FAMU students than
when told they were being compared with a nationwide sample.
5. On a difficult task, Fisk students performed better for a Negro
tester than for a white tester when told they were taking an intel-
ligence test.

6. Nashville high school students expressed hostility when asked
by a Negro adult to take an intelligence test, but repressed the
hostile expressions when the experimenter was white.


The findings listed above suggest that teachers and administrators
should attempt to lessen the effects of anxiety, fear of failure, and
repressed hostility. Some tentative recommendations are as follows:

1. Place more emphasis on thought problems which require care-
ful analysis, and de-emphasize speed in evaluation. Make sure ample
time is allotted for examinations and quizes.

2. Place less emphasis on difficulty of material and examinations.
Avoid use of threats if possible.

3. When counseling students about the NTE and the GRE, avoid
as much as possible reminding students of past records of failure of
Negro students. If possible, de-emphasize the comparison with whites.

4. When possible, use examples of students who have successfully
competed on intellectual tasks in integrated situations.


By Thomas A. Jackson
Associate Professor of Industrial Education

In 1957 Florida A. and M. University, without fanfare, presented
for the educational service of individuals in the various communities
in the State, the Vocational-Technical Institute replacing the School
of Engineering and Mechanical Arts. This Institute, organizationally
and administratively, resided on the same level as the University's
other schools and colleges and provided in a two-year terminal pro-
gram those technical offerings which seem necessary to provide the
type of training necessary to assure a well-balanced technical edu-
cation program.

Four years later the total University culminated an intensive
two-year study commonly referred to as the Role and Scope Project.
The self-study made by the Technical Institute restates its basic pur-
pose as meeting the training needs of those persons in the occupations
which occupy 'a position between the skilled worker and the pro-
fessional engineer and scientist. The responding report from the
Board of Control affirms this position in the following recommenda-

That the Florida Agricultural and Mechanical University
further modify its Technical Institute for the purpose of pre-
paring persons in two-year terminal curricular to perform
at a sub-professional level of competency in such fields as data
processing technology, electronics technology. and the like.
Additional technical curricular should be established only after
a detailed technical manpower-need study of Florida industry
reveals priority of need.1
In view of the task which has been selected by the Technical
Institute and the sanctioning of this program by the Board of Control
it seems pertinent that some thought be given to this occupational
group generally referred to as the technician and to the cognitive-
manipulative knowledge needed by this group. It is, therefore, the
intent of this writer to present an initial orientation to these problems
in the research effort which follows:

Technology-a modern sounding term-has been with us since
the beginning of civilization. Only in recent years has it come to the
forefront of common usage. Its most common connection has been
with the changes which have occurred in our industrial society-changes
which are both quantitative and qualitative. Quantitatively speaking,
these changes have diminished; per unit of production, our working

'Board of Control, Role and Scope Project: Technical Institute.
Board of Control of Florida University System, 1962, p. 4.



force, shortened the work week, and upgraded our basic standard of
living. Qualitatively, the greatest concern was with how the time that
has become available will be used and with the influences of these
qualitative changes on the potential capabilities of our people.

This writer's dissertation2 was concerned with the technician, a
person conceived as the second part of a three part industrial pro-
duction team. More specifically, this team in descending order of
rank consists of an engineer or scientist who formulates ideas and
creates new products and services; a technician who helps develop,
test and apply ideas and creations; and a skilled worker who makes
the product and performs the routine services. This has not always
been the image held by those with whom the technician has had con-
tact and possibly shall not be what will finally be conceived as the
technician's rightful role.

The apparent problem in determining the role of the technician
takes on a different meaning if this question was asked, "Where does
the technician fit in the occupational structure of the manufacturing
industries in America?" One group of individuals would contend that
the technician is nothing more than an extra "pair of hands." Another
group would give the technician professional status, while the third
group would contend that the technician serves in a liason position
between the engineer and the skilled worker. Each of these three
positions is fundamentally concerned with the amount of or the com-
bination of cognitive-manipulative knowledge which the technician
should possess. Figure 1 presents a visual picture of this problem.
This rectangle has been divided into two equal parts by passing a line
AB diagonally through the rectangle from left to right. The areas
of these two equal divisions represent, respectively, cognitive and ma-
nipulative skills. The rectangle is then divided into three equal sections
by drawing two vertical lines. Section I possesses a greater amount
of manipulative than cognitive skill and is the position usually hold
the skilled craftsman. Section II possesses an equal amount of both
skills and is the position held by the technician, while Section III
possesses a greater amount of cognitive than manipulative skill and
is reserved for the professional engineer or scientist.

When the differing concepts of the technician are analyzed and
compared, the technician would be found to deviate from this middle
position, sometimes to the right but more often to the left, but never
so far as to fully coincide with either of the other positions. Possibly
this is an oversimplification of the situation. Further clarification will

2Jackson, Thomas A. "Technical Job Opportunities for Negroes
in the Atlanta Metropolitan Area." Unpublished Doctoral Dissertation,
University of Tennessee, Knoxville, 1962, 193 pp.


Manipulative Skills



Cognitive Skills

A Skilled worker Technician Engineer



be attempted as the discussion under the following headings proceeds:
1. The Technician in Retrospect
2. The Contemporary Technician


The derivation of a term should offer some clue to the meaning
originally associated therewith. Since the science of etymology is con-
cerned with pointing out the root or primitive upon which words are
based, it has been applied to the term in question-technician. The
findings indicate basically that the word technician is the noun form
of the adjective technic. Partridge in his Etymological Dictionary of
Modern English gives this analysis:
1. Technic, adjective (with extension technical, whence tech-
nicality and noun (compare technics) technician-technique.
2. Greek tekhne (stem and root tekhn-, extension of tekh-),
a working with the hands, a craft, manual skill, an art,
akin to Greek tekton, a carpenter, builder.
3. The adjective of Greek tekhne is tekhnikos, whence the
French technique and the English technic, with the -al
extension technical. The French adjective technique soon
became also noun, adopted-finally-by English: the deriva-
tion French technician produces English technician.3

3Eric Partridge, Origins: A Short Etymological Dictionary of Mod-
ern English. (London: Rutledge and Kegan Paul, 1959) pp. 697-698.


The conclusion to be drawn from these findings leads the writer
to contend that the technician's original status on the cognitive-
manipulative scale placed him in subdivision I (see Figure I), the po-
sition commonly held by the skilled craftsman.

In order to set the remainder of this discussion of the technician
in retrospect within some usable framework, the writer has chosen
to use the division of the development of the machine and machine
civilization demonstrated first by Patrick Geddes4 and later expanded
by Lewis Mumford.5 The three "overlapping and interpenetrating
phases,"6 to use the words of Mumford are: eotechnic, paleotechnic
and neotechnic.

Mumford further outlines these phases in this manner:
While each of these phases roughly represents a period of
human history, it is characterized even more significantly by
the fact that it forms a technological complex. Each phase,
that is, has its origin in certain definite regions and tends to
employ certain special resources and raw materials. Each
phase has its specific means of utilizing and generating energy,
and its special form of production. Finally, each phase brings
into existence particular types of workers, trains them in
particular ways, develops certain aptitudes and discourages
others, and draws upon and further develops certain aspects
of the social heritage.7

Eotechnic Phase

The eotechnic phase of the technological complex roughly stretches
from the year 1000 to 1750. During this period one fact stands out
above all others when one views the human side of the economy.
Human beings diminished as prime movers, while the production of
energy from its application and immediate control were separated.
Mumford states that:
While the tool dominated production, energy and human
skill were united within the craftsman himself; with the sepa-
ration of these two elements the productive process itself
tended toward a greater impersonality and the machine tool
and the machine developed along with the new engines of
This new source of power, water, was only one of a complex
which made up the eotechnic phase. The other was the universal
material, wood.

4Patrick Geddes, Cities in Evolution. (London: Williams and Nor-
gate, 1949).
5Lewis Mumford, Technics and Civilization. (New York: Har-
court, Brace and Company, 1934).
6Ibid., p. 109.
7Ibid., pp. 109-110.
sIbid., p. 112.


To this period wood was the foundation of its buildings; it was
the material of the tools and utensils of the home; it served as the
material in the principle machine of the period, the lathe. Not only
was it the base, but it formed the movable parts as well. As a raw
material, as a tool, as a machine, as an industrial resource of the
eotechnic phase, wood was dominant.

During the early years of this period the individuals responsible
for the use and manipulation of this complex were the apprentices,
journeymen, and masters associated with the guild and apprentice-
ship systems. These men held the positions and possessed the skills
of that day. If there were technicians during this phase, these were
the men. It was during this time that the tradesmen in the towns were
both artisan and merchant, each conducting his own operation and
offering his goods for sale. Then came the decline.

With this decline the craft operations were moved from the
home to "manufactories." In these manufactories the organized and
partitioned operations were carried on in large establishments with
or without power machines.

The final step involved the improvement in machinery, particu-
larly in the textiles industries, and a power system which was able
to transform the machines into active and powerful monsters. This
transformation witnessed the degradation of labor through the dis-
placement of skill. The results marked the end of the guild system
and the beginning of a period where men, women, and children worked
long hours and received low wages in the so-called "sweat-shops."
It marked the end of the internal workshop discipline, administered
by masters and journeymen through apprenticeship, traditional teach-
ing and the inspection of the final product. While external discipline
was imposed on the worker and manufacturer, the two members of
an industrial team, the system lent itself to the adulteration of pro-
duction standards and human dignity almost as much as it lent itself
to technical improvement and the division of labor.

Paleotechnic Phase
The transition from the eotechnic phase to the paleotechnic phase
during the middle of the eighteenth century was a movement prompted
by the discovery of a different source of power, different materials,
and different social values.

The new source of power was the steam engine and the new
material for which the wood technics of the eotechnic phase had to
be perfected was iron. Thus in a broader concept, the paleotechnic
industry rested upon the laurels of the mine, for the products of the
mine dominated the life and determined its improvements and in-


It was during the paleotechnic phase that the social interest shifted
from life values to pecuniary values. While these interests were
previously restricted to the bourgeois, they now pervaded every walk
of life. Mumford states that "it was no longer sufficient for industry
to provide a livelihood; it must create an independent fortune; work
no longer was a necessary part of living, it became an all-important

The degradation of the worker continued into the paleotechnic
phase, with human beings being considered chiefly as a means, a
means to cheaper mechanical production. Arthur Ure points out that
the primary difficulty did not lie in the invention of a new mechanical
device, but it did lie:
.in the distribution of the different members of the appa-
ratus into one cooperative body, in impelling each organ with
its appropriate delicacy and speed, and above all, in training
human beings to renounce the desultory habits of work and
to identify themselves with the unvarying regularity of the
complex automation.10
While this phase offered little in the way of human gains,
a multiple of technical gains were experienced. Though science had
not been applied to industrial porduction, advances were being made.
The technicians of this phase were the tool-makers and machine-
makers whose ability had finally caught up with the demand of the
inventor of this and the earlier phase. It was Maudslay's screw cutting
lathe and interior angles, Whitworth's perfected rifle and cannon,
Nasmyth's steam hammer, and Babbage's calculating machine which
made this phase important and served as a period of transition from
the eotechnic phase to the neotechnic phase. These men spared no
effort in the machine-work; they worked toward perfection, without
attempting to meet the cheaper competition of inferior craftsmen.
Neotechnic Phase
The neotecnic phase represents the third and final period of this
discussion of the technician in retrospect. This phase brings into focus
the source of power and the natural forces of wind and water of the
eotechnic phase. The handicrafts of the apprenticeship system gave
way to mechanical production and the unending stream and variety
of new and hitherto unobtainable goods began to flow.

This new period with its new driving force, electricity, and its
new materials, the alloys, marked the end of the older regimes. But
most of all, the neotechnic phase saw the beginning of the importance
of science. More specifically, the neotechnic phase witnessed the be-
ginning of the direct application of scientific knowledge to its technics

9Ibid., p. 153.
loArthur Ure, The Philosophy of Manufacturers. (London, Kegan
Paul, Trench, Trubner and Company, Ltd., 1835) p. 200.


and conduct of life. Mumford states that:
Other civilizations reached a certain stage of technical per-
fection and stopped there Technics in its traditional forms
provided no means of continuing its own growth. Science, by
joining on the technics, raised so to say the ceiling of tech-
nical achievement and widened its potential cruising area.11
The application of this new knowledge required the services of a
new breed of workers. This breed must be capable of coping with
the problems and challenges involved in the development of new
machines and utilities and in the application of this new energy
and these new materials. This breed must be an intermediary between
the industrialist, the common workman, and the scientific investigator.
Augusta Comte, in one of his essays, foresaw such a need when he
stated that:
.an immediate class is rising up, whose particular desti-
nation is to organize the relations of theory and practice;
such as the engineers, who do not labour in the advancement
of science, but who study it in its existing state, to apply it
to practical purposes.12
Mumford expanded this same idea when he indicated that:
As the methods of exact analysis and controlled observa-
tion began to penetrate every department of activity, the
concept of the engineer broadened to more general notion of
The neotechnic phase, therefore, saw this new engineer take
on the role of the technician.

Prior to the end of this period, Thomas H. Huxley redefined the
position of the technician in an address on behalf of the National
Association for the Promotion of Technical Education in this manner:
Everyone here is aware that at this present moment there
is hardly a branch of trade or of commerce which does not
depend more or less directly, upon some department or other
of physical science, which does not involve, for its successful
pursuit, reasoning from scientific data. Our machinery, our
chemical processes or dyeworks, and a thousand operations
which it is necessary to mention, are all directly and immedi-
ately connected with science. You have to look among your
workmen and foremen for persons who shall intelligently grasp
the modifications, based upon science, which are constantly
being introduced into these industrial processes. I do not mean
that you want professional chemists, or physicists, or mathe-
maticians, or the like, but you want people sufficiently familiar
with the broad principles which underlie industrial operations
to be able to adapt themselves to new conditions. Such qualifi-

11Ibid-, p. 219.
12Harriett Martineau (trans.), Positive Philosophy of Augusta
Comte. (London: Kegan Paul, Trench, Trubner and Co., Ltd., 1893),
p. 17.
13Mumford, op. cit., p. 220.


cations can only be secured by a sort of scientific instruction
which occupies a midway place between those primary notions
given in the elementary schools and those more advanced
studies which would be carried out in the technical schools."
Thus the neotechnic phase produced a technician, who instead of
being a source of work, became an observer or regulator of the per-
formance of the machines-a supervisor of production rather than
an active agent. Mumford's description of the technician are summed
up with these words: "the new worker needs are alertness, responsive-
ness, an intelligent grasp on the operative parts; in short, he must
be an all-around mechanic rather than a specialized hand."1'


Since World War II, technological advancement and technical
shortages have focused increasing attention on the technician. Because
of the concern for the technician and other scientific and professional
manpower that the National Manpower Council met and published
in 1953, A Policy for Scientific and Professional Manpower.1" Later
that same year the Conference on the Utilization of Scientific and
Professional Manpower met and the Council hoped that the Con-
Would provide the bases for a more comprehensive under-
standing of the problems involved in the use of highly trained
personnel, and that it would indicate the key approaches to
improve utilization practices.17
In discussing the utilization of the technician, primary emphasis
was placed on the formulation of basic concepts and a definition.
Several different criteria could have been used in this development
process, but emphasis was placed on the technician's functional re-
lationship to other components of the labor force. This criterion led
the Council to draft this statement:
We define the technician, therefore, as one who carries out
specific tasks, some comparatively elementary, others of great
complexity, but all of which are functional parts of the work
of the professional person. The range of his functions is de-
termined by the spectrum of functions of the professional
person. The technician's knowledge is of a professional or
quasi-professional order. He contributes to, but does not him-
self perform, what is perhaps the key function of the pro-
fessional-the ultimate diagnostic and prognostic analysis of

14Thomas H. Huxley, Collected Essays: Science and Education.
(London: Macmillan and Company, 1893), pp. 433-434.
15Ibid., p. 227.
10National Manpower Council, A Policy for Scientific and Pro-
fessional Manpower (New York: Columbia University Press, 1954).
17National Manpower Council, Conference on the Utilization of
Scientific and Professional Manpower (New York: Columbia University
Press, 1954), vii.


a problem and the execution -of its solution The technician
also possesses skills which the professional does not usually
have. The hallmark of the technician is his unique blend of
some professional knowledge and manual or instrumentation
This definition moves the technician into the middle sectoin of
the occupational spectrum presented in Figure I. This is a move
which has been gradual and hard fought, but a move which has not
been accepted totally by management, the professional, nor the tech-
nician himself. The most significant part of the definition lies in
these words, "The range of functions (of the technician) is deter-
mined by the spectrum of functions of the professional person." This
emphasis on relationship between function serves as a reminder that
all workers are supportive of each other and work as a team to
produce a given set of services and goods. And further, it suggests
that while it is useful to isolate and study a separate supportive group-
in this case technicians-the problem can be solved only within the
context of the whole labor force.

Using a variety of criteria, ranging from activities to be performed
to that of relationships with other personnel, Dr. Lynn A. Emerson
defines the technician in this manner, in part:
The technician is a person who works at a job which re-
quires technical knowledge and applied technical skill. His
work, in this respect, is somewhat akin to that of the engineer,
but usually somewhat narrower in scope.
The job of the technician is not easy to define. On the one
hand, it has many characteristics of engineering, on the other,
many of the qualities associated with the skilled trades.
We also find great differences in the "levels" of jobs of
technician type. A job may be definitely technical in character,
yet be extremely limited in scope and of a repetitive type.
The kinds of technical ability found in the various tech-
nicians jobs are of considerable variety. Some jobs emphasize
analysis and diagnosis. Some require visualization of drawings.
or a flair for creative design. Some demand a high degree of
applied mathematical ability. Some require a knowledge of
practices in the skilled trades, but not the ability to perform
the skilled tasks. Sometimes the jobs involve supervisory
responsibilities, and combines skill in handling people with
skill in dealing with technological matters.19
While this definition does not pinpoint the position of the tech-
nician conclusively, it is compatible with the definition presented by
the National Manpower Council. Especially is this true in the area of
relationships. The writer, therefore, restates that the position of the

1Ibid., pp. 49-50.
19Lynn A. Emerson, Employment Outlook for Technicians, Bul-
letin No. 1311 (Washington: U. S. Government Printing Office, 1953),
p. 2.


contemporary technician rests, occupationally speaking, in the middle
section of the cognitive-manipulative scale presented in Figure I of
this article.

Any final conclusions, therefore, which might be reached relative
to the position of the technician on this cognitive-manipulative scale
must be determined in terms of the demands of each job, each in-
dustry, and each group of tasks performed by the technician in rela-
tionship with the professional in the same job and industry.


By Charles U. Smith
Professor of Sociology

Once a college professor-not a social scientist-suggested that
if one wanted to "really see some sociology in action he should go
and stand on the corner of such and such a street on a Saturday
night." His impression was that sociology only dealt with social
pathology, or the bizarre behavior that is found in varying degrees
and patterns in all status levels; resulting from the shortened work
week, and thereby producing "weekend" recreational behavior patterns
too often compounded by the spurious anonymity that accompanies
the reckless consumption of alcoholic beverages.

Such a statement indicates a vague and limited conception of
the nature and scope of sociology that is all too widespread. For many
people, the layman in particular, the reality of sociology is, at best,
nebulous. Therefore, before attempting to identify college students
sociologically it becomes imperative to delineate the concept "soci-
ology" with greater specificity so that the "sociological identification"
of students will be meaningful. Such an attempt will be made here
despite the fact that students often spend 45 hours in a college course
in sociology and still fail to get an operational understanding.

Two concepts are elemental to the understanding of sociology:
(1) The basic unit of study-which is the group and (2) the basic
process involved-which is interaction. The whole discipline evolves
from this elemental base. In the case of the group, attention is
directed to the form, type, size, composition, distribution, duration,
location, function, status, and mobility. In the case of interaction
attention is directed to type, process, pattern, products, by-products,
effect, affect, variation, and degree. Since the prefix "inter" attached
to "action" suggests "action" between something, it takes no great
flash of brilliance to recognize that there would be no interaction
without the group. Further it would appear equally apparent that
no group could neither come into existence nor endure without in-

How, then, does group life and the processes of interaction
involved, contribute to the "self" characteristics of the college student?

Interaction may take place on at least three levels? (1) Inter-
action between individuals-as in the case of one person talking to
another (2) interaction between individuals and a group-a teacher
and a class (3) interaction between individuals and the culture-the
generalized habits, customs, modes of thought and action, and also



the material production of human group living.'

For our purposes in this presentation concern is directed to the
effect of interaction between the individual and the group in terms
of group expectations, and the interaction of the individual with the
culture in terms of variation in interpretation and application.

As we view the spectrum of the American culture pattern certain
generalized characteristics are outstanding. (1) The American cul-
ture pattern is casual, unplanned, and consequently includes contra-
dictions, paradoxes, conflicts and irrationalities. (2) The American
culture pattern is uneven-emphasizing certain aspects more than
others, i.e. making a living and the acquisition of wealth. (3) The
American culture pattern is unequal-extreme differences in indi-
vidual or corporate power. (4) The American culture pattern is mo-
bile-permits vertical and horizontal status movement. (5) The Ameri-
can culture pattern is urban-over 70% of the population lives in
urban places and nearly 100 million live in the 168 standard metro-
politan units in the U. S. (6) The American culture pattern is oriented
toward the future-sacrificing present satisfactions for future satis-
factions. (7) The American culture pattern is youth-centered-young
people play prominent roles. (8) The American culture is a mass
pattern-beliefs and behaviors that are held by people in almost
all walks of life.2

To these general characteristics we may add the traditional values
and concepts of democracy, free enterprise, laissez-faire, private prop-
erty, freedom of speech, freedom of assembly, sanctity of the home,
freedom of the press, and the other components of the "American
Creed." And at the present time and for the foreseeable future the
American culture requires that these values be achieved and pro-
mulgated in a society that is highly industrial, largely secular, in-
creasingly impersonal, specialized, utilitarian, automated, mobile, literate,
and segmental, with extreme individual differences in life-chances,
economic position, social status, ecological location and psycho-social

The groupings in American social structure affective in the in-
teractive process and responsible for the preservation and transmission
of this culture include the total population of the U. S., the various
class groupings (including caste elements), ecological groupings, racial
groupings, peer groupings as well as communities, neighborhoods, and
families. From the interactive processes of these groupings have

'Francis Merrill, Society and Culture. (Englewood Cliffs: Prentice-
Hall, 1961) pp. 28-30.
2Robert F. Lynd, Knowledge For What. (Princeton: Princeton Uni-
versity Press, 1939) quoted in Francis Merrill, Society and Culture
(Englewood Cliffs; Prentice-Hall, 1961) pp. 148-149.


emerged the five basic institutions: family, government, the economic
system, education, and religion-our principal agencies of social control
and the regulation of behavior.

From this sketchy outline we may begin to see the myriad of
forces and interactive process that impinge upon the student prior
to his entry into college. Somehow he must pick and choose from what
might properly be called a morass of selves, roles, statuses, and
conceptions and arrive at the college admissions office a "normal, well-
adjusted" personality possessing the required abilities and skills, and
uniformly equivalent to his fellow students.
At best, emergence from such a culture-interactive pattern with
reasonable adjustment is difficult, but the process of socialization and
development is further confounded by the fact that the national culture
pattern is neither uniformly available to all nor, is it uniformly in-
terpreted by all groups in all areas. The interpretation and emphasis
of the culture pattern by the region, local community, the neighborhood,
the family and the informal peer group are extremely varied.

Thus three factors are highly important in the individuals inter-
action with the culture: (1) the culture content itself; (2) the sub-
cultural or local interpretation of the national culture pattern as well
as the selective emphasis on specific patterns, complexes and traits
and (3) the way in which the culture is finally assimilated by the in-
dividual and becomes a part of his conscious and unconscious self.
Perhaps the most pivotal element in the process of individual assimi-
lation of a specific culture trait is the reference group which he has
at the time that the individual is able and ready to receive that
culture aspect.

Humans are not instinctive creatures. They must rely on knowledge
of the culture to solve their problems. The freshman presents himself
at college presumably capable of making intelligent and free choices.
But he is never free. The culture and his previous patterns of inter-
action have provided him with traditional and acceptable definitions
of situations, and solutions therefore, which restrict his imagination
and perception. Since the national culture pattern is more "ideal" than
"real" for the average student it is to be expected that the local
interpretation and application of the national culture by his immediate
reference group is more meaningful. The most important groups that
transmit the culture to the individual are his race, his region, his
community, and neighborhood, his class, his family and his informal
age-grade group. His attitudes and perceptions will be largely in
accord with the expectations and norms of this provincial exposure
and may in a very real sense, cause the student's counselor to regard
college freshmen as coming from several distinct populations.


What, then, are some of the personal characteristics that college
freshmen are likely to have because of his affiliation or association
with these groupings?

If the student is Caucasian he is likely to have a high level
of aspiration, be relatively easier to motivate, reflect considerable
exposure to the general culture, be sophisticated, perform better
than Negroes, have greater self-assurance, be middle or upper class,
be secular and utilitarian in outlook, have comparatively good skills
of communication. The Negro student, is more likely to be located
toward the opposite end of the continuum and therefore more sensitive,
more difficult to motivate, have a lower level of aspiration, come
from the lower or lower middle class, have limited exposure to the
culture, have inadequate communicational skills, perform poorly on
tests and in college, have more feelings of insecurity and inferiority
and tend to rationalize his deficiencies.

The student coming from the northern and eastern part of the
United States is likely to; have had better high school education; per-
form well on tests and in college, be sophisticated, have secular and
utilitarian views, have feelings of superiority, be more "other directed"
and less emotional. His southeastern counterpart will probably: per-
form more poorly on tests in college; have sacred as compared to utili-
tarian views, be less rational and more emotional; have some feelings
of inferiority; be more authoritarian in personality, and be tradition-

Great disparities can be observed generally in the characteristics of
middle and upper class students and those coming from the lower
status levels. Since higher education is essentially a middle class ac-
tivity, derived from middle class norms and expectations, it is to be
expected that the higher the status of the student, the more likely
it is that he will not only succeed as a scholar in college but will
also be better adjusted to the life, values, and activities, of the
college community. Research indicates that middle class children are
more often conditioned to schedules, rules, restrictions, and supervision
from early childhood. Lower class children often coming from the
slums and areas of blight in cities where living is precarious and
marginal, are more accustomed to parental and community permis-
siveness. In college, these latter students are likely to be resentful
of the restrictions on their natural impulses and rebellious against
traditional academic and administrative procedures.

Numerous other illustrations could be cited to demonstrate the
validity of the fact that interaction and group life are continuous and
permanent influences on the college student. Performance, achievement,
aspiration, motivation, and adjustment in college are closely cor-
related with these social elements. As the student's group affiliations


change, and consequently his patterns of interaction and exposure to
the culture change it is to be expected that the preceding qualities
will be altered, modified, developed, increased or decreased. Indeed,
perhaps it is not the least of the functions of the college to produce
desired modifications in these various characteristics.

In more general and comprehensive ways one can observe changes
in the behavior of potential college students largely as a result of
new processes of interaction and social participation. At the Golden
Anniversary White House Conference on Children and Youth, the
President of Brandeis University pointed out that the college students
of the 1950's were, in general, a lackaidaisical bunch. They demon-
strated no interest in the controversial issues of politics, economics,
religion, or education.3 For the most part they contented themselves
with rush parties, after dinner dances, football games, panty raids,
sick jokes and alcohol consumption. In the latter part of the 50's a
new and creative activity emerged among college students; namely
seeing how many students could be crammed into telephone booths.
Numerous other speakers and writers have commented on this period
in a more serious vein. But at the close of the 50's and at the beginning
of the 60's it became apparent that a fresh concept and self-image
was emerging in the ranks of the college and pre-college youth. It
manifested itself in the controversy of students over political ideologies.
Not only was there concern and disagreement about the relative
policies of the Democrat and Republican Parties, but also, there was
and is, much heated exchange as to the relative merits and demerits
of the Kennedy-Stevenson-Roosevelt Domocrats as opposed to the Russell-
Ellender-Byrd Democrats. Similar interest was demonstrated as stu-
dents sought to find their way along the faint continuum of difference
between Goldwater, Nixon and Rockefeller in the Republican Party.

Perhaps the best illustration of changing interaction and group
participation was the presidential campaign of 1959 and 1960. College
students and other youth were at least vociferous, if not effective,
in their support or action or one of the other of the two candidates.
And since the election, there has been continued interest in the
world of politics. One suspects that the image of JFK as a young
man who was more identifiable to college youth, as well as his pro-
grams such as the Peace Corps have contributed much to this reawaken-
ing of America's youth. Other forces and factors such as accelerated
transportation, the mass media of communication, and the increasing
literacy of the population have produced new and different kinds of
group affiliations and social interaction.
Among Negro college students (particularly those at the pre-

3Abram Sachar, "A Climate of Committment," 1960 White House
Conference. Washington, D. C. (Recorded Address).


dominantly Negro college) it appears that judicial-political-social de-
velopments have provided a new image and self conception. Judicial
decisions, political pronouncements, economic developments, and social
continuities have provided them with a role and status as militant
and aggressive emancipators of the Negro citizenry. Many white
youth have also joined in this pattern of activity.4

The point is, that as the group participation and social inter-
actions of youth change we may expect the characteristics of the
potential college student to change.

In conclusion, because of the built-in biases of modern higher
education in America, the ideal college freshman should be a native,
white, gentile, protestant, urban, big city, young, middleclass, northern,
eastern, male. American college education is designed for this proto-
type. Such a student will perform better on tests in class, be better
adjusted, have fewer problems, and be more likely to succeed after
college. On the other hand a foreign-born, dark-skinned, Negro, Jewish,
rural, farm, older, lower class, southern, female will usually have
trouble. Their group affiliations and interaction patterns will be limited
by these traits and college is likely to be more difficult for them.5

Fortunately, most of the freshmen who come to be admitted to
college are somewhere between these polar typologies. But personnel
and guidance workers must be constantly cognizant of the continuing
impact of the social forces on youth. With the ever-increasing re-
liance on college education as the chief vehicle for upward mobility
among lower-class and disprivileged people, one may anticipate that
larger numbers of those youth least adequately prepared, by background
and formal schooling, will be seeking admission to college. The head-
aches of the guidance counselor will be heightened by students and
their families who, because of group affiliations and previous inter-
action, are worried about the teaching of the theory of evolution, sa-
laciousness in the library, beatnick language and literature, constitutional
government, federal aid to education, racial desegregation, left-wingers
on the faculties, or impeaching the "nine old men."

If, however, these problems can be met forthrightly, with factual
knowledge, scientific objectivity, sympathetic understanding, and pro-
fessional competence; a giant step will have been made toward the
achievement of the goals of education in college.

4Charles U. Smith, "The Sit-In Demonstrations and The New
Negro Student" Journal of Intergroup Relations, Summer, 1961.
5It is recognized that exceptions to these typologies occur not


Thirty elementary school teachers from various locations in the
United States, will be hard at work, this summer, June 29-August 7,
relearning addition, subtraction, multiplication and division in terms
of sets and number systems at Florida A. and M. University through
a National Science Foundation grant of approximately $28,000 to
support a Summer Institute in Mathematics for Elementary School
Personnel. Of 37 such grants made for the summer of 1964, fifteen
were allocated to mathematics exclusively. Florida A. and M. Uni-
versity's grant is one of the fifteen designated for grades K.-6. Dr.
Israel E. Glover, Head, Department of Mathematics is director of
the Institute and is assisted by Mr. C. Toland Draper, Research As-
sociate in Mathematics, University of California, Berkeley.

The major objectives of the institute are:

1. To develop the ability to teach arithmetic both algebraically
and geometrically.
2. To develop the ability to teach arithmetic as meaningful
mathematics, rather than a process of mechanical learning.
3. To develop the ability to teach or reteach, as the case may
be, the howss," or skills, of the subject through its "whys,"
or meanings.
4. To develop the ability to instill in elementary school children
correct concepts of mathematical entities in harmony with
contemporary mathematical thinking.
In addition to the resident staff, a number of outstanding Mathe-
maticians and Scientists will serve as consultants. A partial list in-
cludes: Dr. James H. Zant, Oklahoma State University; Dr. Paul C.
Rosenbloom, University of Minnesota; Dr. William C. Guy, Jr., The
University of Texas, and Dr. Richard Dunn, Virginia State College.


Florida Agricultural and Mechanical University will conduct a
Summer Institute in Earth Science for junior and senior high school
science teachers at the University from June 15-August 14, 1964.

This institute will be sponsored by the Department of Agronomy
and supported by the National Science Foundation.

For further information write to:
Dr. Clarence B. Owens, Director
Earth Science Institute
Box 8
Florida A. and M. University
Tallahassee, Florida



Dr. Leedell W. Neyland, Professor of History at Florida A. and
M. University, is a recent recipient of a grant in aid of $300.00 for
his proposed project, "A History of the Negro in Florida from State-
hood to the Present." This grant was awarded by the American As-
sociation for State and Local History, with headquarters in Madison,
Wisconsin, upon the recommendation of its Research and Publication


Conant, James Bryant. The Education of American Teachers.
New York: McGraw-Hill Book Company, Inc. 1963
pp. 275. $5.00
For anyone who is interested in improving the quality of edu-
cational opportunity for future generations of America's children (and
everyone should be), the book, entitled The Education of American
Teachers is essential reading. This is not because it contains fresh
and novel interpretations of teacher education problems and solutions,
but because it provides much material from perhaps the closest sources
of the various facets of teacher education programs, and secondly
because it cites the sources from whence the problems arise and pos-
sibly solutions may be fruitfully considered.

Dr. Conant's book is based on two years of exhaustive studies
of teacher education programs in the sixteen (16) most populous states,
in which two-thirds of the population of the United States is con-
centrated, and wherein seventy-five per cent of the student population
resides. Information for the studies came from interviews with ad-
ministrators, faculties and students of seventy-seven (77) single and
multi-purpose, teacher-preparing institutions controlled by private, re-
ligious, city and state agencies; interviews with personnel of twenty-
two (22) state departments of education; official publications of the
institutions and state departments visited; and interviews with in-
terested and active laymen of the regions visited.

This highly controversial study of the education of teachers for
elementary and secondary schools cited many problems encountered
in the process of providing high quality learning experiences for
prospective teachers. A few of the major problems mentioned were:
1. The lack of complete freedom on the part of teacher education
institutions to develop their own programs.
2. The lack of understanding and cooperation between the liberal
arts and education faculties, which often produces opposing
and fruitless efforts toward constructing a proper curriculum
for teacher education.
3. The lack of a general education program which is consistent
with goals of teacher education.
4. The limited scope of experiences for subject matter speciali-
zation, especially as it relates to future teaching expectations
in the area.
5. The large number of shallow, repetitious, and extraneous edu-
cation courses which do not contribute to the process of helping
prospective teachers to develop the competencies needed to
provide creative guidance for young people.


6. The failure to secure and maintain competent professors of
education-professors who are themselves skilled in the methods
and techniques of teaching at the level of those being taught
and supervised.
7. The impractical policies of state departments of education which
do not serve the purposes of those concerned with achieving
quality teaching.
8. The failure of state departments of education to enforce those
policies which are sound. (Dr. Conant found that many states
allow teachers to teach in areas of subjects they have not
been prepared.)
9. The use of state certification standards, in terms of a num-
ber of prescribed courses and academic credits, as the prime
measure of whether a person is ready to perform effectively
the tasks of teaching.
10. Poorly organized student teaching programs which do not
involve the prospective teacher in experiences which would
enable him to develop a high level of teaching competence.

Dr. Conant's major recommendations are:

1. Curriculum for Teacher Education
a. Colleges and universities should be free to develop their
own curricula for the preparing of teachers.
b. Curricular experiences for teacher education should be spe-
cifically planned upon the knowledge, skills, and attitudes
needed by effective teachers in our society.
c. Programs for teacher education should include a broad pro-
gram of general education designed for future teachers;
stress experiences which involve deeper and broader under-
standing of the areas of specialization, especially as they
relate to teaching goals; and they should provide only for
those professional experiences which will enable the pro-
spective teacher to have a functional knowledge of the
dynamics of the teaching-learning process.
d. There must be an all-university approach to teacher edu-
cation. Liberal arts and education faculties should work to-
gether to achieve one goal, and that goal should be to
produce competent teachers.
2. Personnel for Teacher Education
a. Professors working in student teaching programs should
have had teaching experiences at the level of the grades
being supervised.
b. Programs for the training of secondary education teachers
should employ personnel who have developed competency in
the various subject matter areas, and who have had public
school teaching experience in the areas.


3. Certification for Teacher Education
a. Certification regulations should pertain only to (1) the
holding of a baccalaureate degree by the prospective teacher;
(2) evidences of the prospective teacher's active involvement
in a student teaching program approved by the state de-
partment of education; and (3) the candidate's holding of
a specially endorsed teaching certificate from a college.
b. Student teaching should become the basis for certification and
should represent the major criterion for judging whether
a person is qualified to teach.
c. Programs of student teaching should be developed and ad-
ministered by teacher education institutions, but supervised
by state authorities and approved according to regulations
set forth by state departments of education.
d. Effective programs of student teaching should be instituted
at teacher education institutions. These programs should be
based upon the needs and expectations of prospective teach-
ers, needs of students, and sound principles of learning and
e. Colleges and universities should take full responsibility for
those candidates it certifies as being qualified to teach.

One can readily discern that Dr. Conant favors a radical change
in teacher education programs and certification procedures. The essence
of his proposals relates to means of keeping state departments of
education from interfering with colleges and universities in the de-
veloping of sound and creative ways of training teachers for the
nation's public schools, and to measures which make performance in
the class-room the basic criterion for certifying public school teachers.
His recommendations are timely, thought provoking, realistic, practical
and highly controversial. They will be discussed by personnel from
all segments of the teacher education program. The writer ventures to
say that they will, in time, be acted upon in a positive manner. One
unique thing about Dr. Conant's approach is the forthright way in
which he identified the sources from whence his cited recommendations
should be considered and implemented. This in itself is a suggestive
step towards the eventual "operation" of teacher education.

Anne Richardson Gayles
Coordinator of Secondary Educa-
tion and Professor of Education

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