FOREIGN IN A DOMESTI C SENSE Puerto Rican T ransnational community social movement Collaboration after disaster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
1 Table of Contents: â€¢ ! Glossary of Terms & Abbreviations Page 2 â€¢ ! Biographical Note Page 5 â€¢ ! Introduction Page 6 â€¢ ! Host Organization Page 7 â€¢ ! Context Page 8 o ! Geographical Context Page 8 o ! Background Information Page 11 ! ! The Colonial Imperial Status: Sowing the Seeds of Government Mistrust ! ! The Creation of the National Identity Through the JÂ’baro , Economic Transitions, and Migration as an Economic Strategy ! ! Summary o ! Contextual Conceptual Framework Page 20 â€¢ ! Preliminary Discussion: Anticipated Facilitators and Hindrances Page 21 o ! Potential Facilitators to Collaboration Page 21 o ! Potential Challenges to Collaboration Page 22 â€¢ ! Objectives Pag e 25 â€¢ ! Method s Page 26 o ! Autoethnography Page 26 o ! Literature Review Page 27 o ! Social Network Analysis/Social Media Analysis Page 27 o ! Ethnographic Observation / Participant Observation Page 28 o ! Participatory Action Research (PAR) Page 29 o ! Interviews (Semi Structured/Informal Interviews) Page 29 o ! Surveys Page 30 o ! Who Did I Choose to Include? Page 30 â€¢ ! Analysis Page 31 â€¢ ! Results o ! Objective 1: Importance of Collaboration Page 35 o ! Objective 2: (Mis)Understandings of movements Page 41 o ! Objective 3: Ideal State of Collaboration Page 55 â€¢ ! Discussion Page 63 o ! Framework Page 63 o ! Cross Scale/Cross Discipline Considerations Page 66 o ! Summary Page 68 â€¢ ! Conclusions Page 68 â€¢ ! Acknowledgments Page 69 â€¢ ! Bibliography Page 70 â€¢ ! Appendix o ! Appendix 1: Figures & Tables Page 74 o ! Appendix 2 : Interview Questions Page 85 o ! Appendix 3 : Survey Questions Page 87 o ! Appendix 4 : PAR Ã Lesson Plans Created Page 107 o ! Appendix 5 : PAR Ã Historical Timeline Created Page 108
2 Glossary of Terms & Abbreviations : Terms â€¢ ! Puerto Rico Ã a colonial term used by the S panish colonizers to identify the archipelago of BorikÂŽn; it translates to Rich Port. Using that term diminishes the land to a capitalistic term that v iews colonies in terms of what capital they can offer colonial powers . â€¢ ! Puerto Rican Ã The corresponding name associated to those colonial subjects that come from the land now named Puerto Rico. What constitutes a Puerto Rican is up for constant debate and that debate will be explored in this paper. â€¢ ! Boricua A person or people descending from the archipelago of BorikÂŽn and diasporic Puerto Ricans who have been displaced. This term is used by some people of BorikÂŽn to push back on the colonial history tied to the term Puerto Ricans. This is not a term used to denote nativity as the native people of BorikÂŽn are the Taino people. â€¢ ! Boriken Ã The name the pre Columbus natives ( T a Â’ nos ) called the archipelago that now is c alled Puerto Rico. â€¢ ! The island or La Isla Ã A colloquial term used by Puerto Rican and Boricua identifying people to refer to the archipelago known as BorikÂŽn and now known as Puerto Rico. It excludes the other islands that make up the archipelago. â€¢ ! 100x35 Ã A colloquial term used by Puerto Rican and Boricua identifying people to refer to the archipelago known as BorikÂŽn and now known as Puerto Rico. It describes the dimensions of the main island that makes up the archipelago which is 100 miles east t o west by 35 miles north and south. It also excludes the other islands that make up the archipelago. â€¢ ! The Archipelago when the phrase "the archipelago" is used it will be referring to the island of Puerto Rico. â€¢ ! Diaspora /Diasporic Ã The dispersion of a gr oup of people with a shared identity from their perceived homeland. When used in this paper it refers exclusively to Puerto Rican people who have been dispersed through displacement or otherwise from Puerto Rico to the United States. â€¢ ! Diaspora Rican Ã A person of Puerto Rican ancestry primarily born and raised outside of Puerto Rico. Certain diaspora enclaves will have special name and sub Puerto Rican identities by which they associate with. Some examples are listed below. o ! Florida Ric ans o ! Nuyoricans o ! Chicago Ricans o ! Philly Ricans o ! Cali Rican o ! Etc. â€¢ ! Migration Ã movement from one place to another. Politically, it is usually seen as moving from one nation state to another. Some would say migrating within a country is simply "moving." â€¢ ! Nationalit y Ã An ethnic group identity forming part or all of one or more political nations. â€¢ ! Transnational Ã To extend or operate across national borders. â€¢ ! Colonial Transnationalism the unique Puerto Rico transnationalism as a cultural transnationalism even if pol itical boundaries are never crossed due to Puerto Rico's
3 unique relationship with the United States, Duany calls it "colonial transnationalism" (Duany 2002; MelÂŽndez 2015). â€¢ ! Race The categorization (often by a dominant group) of othered people based on id eas or myths of distinct physical and social differences. There is no biological or genetic basis for categorizing humans into discrete populations or sub species, but social processes of racialization serve to group individuals into defined categories. Ra cialization is socially constructed (can vary by context) and can reproduce defined powers. â€¢ ! Gender A sociocultural system that works to organize and give meaning to practices and relations through which human groups produce and reproduce people and commu nities, distribute and use resources, and develop institutions and environments, all with symbolic reference to sex and sexuality (Paulson 2014, 18). â€¢ ! Class Ã The position in accordance to someone's relationship to capital and the means of production. â€¢ ! Work ing Class Ã The class of wage workers involved in producing the material good s and resources our society depends on for survival. â€¢ ! Labor Class Ã The class of wage workers who are not involved in producing the material goods and resources that our society depends on for survival. â€¢ ! Status Issue Ã The main political cleavage in Puerto Rico that juxtaposes the three options of independence, statehoo d, and commonwealth status in relationship to the United States against one another. â€¢ ! Political Ide o logy Ã a set of guiding ideals and principles of a social movement, institution, class or large group that explains how society should work and offers some political and cultural blueprint for a certain social order. â€¢ ! Radical Advocating or based on thorough or complete political or social change; representing or supporting an extreme or progressive section of a political party. â€¢ ! Pro Independence For the purpose of this paper, the people in Puerto Rico who advocate for Puerto Rico to have its own political status as a nation state outside of relationship to any other nation states. â€¢ ! Pro Autonomy or Pro Commonwealth For the purpose of this paper, the people in Puerto Rico who advocate for Puerto Rico to maintain any variation of the current relationship they have with the United States where they are neither fully independent or fully a part of the United States but have a blend of "free associatio n" with the United States. â€¢ ! Pro Statehood Ã For the purpose of this paper, the people in Puerto Rico who advocate for Puerto Rico to be annexed as a state within the United States of America. â€¢ ! Sovereignty Ã The ability to self sustain or self govern. â€¢ ! Autonomy Ã Freedom from external control; the ability to act in accordance with the desired direction of a person, people, or groups of people. â€¢ ! Colonialism the policy or practice of acquiring full or partial political control over another country and us ing it to extract the needed resources for the colonizing nation state. The colonial relationship is usually codified through legal doctrine. â€¢ ! Capitalism an economic and political system in which a country's trade and industry are controlled by private ow ners (the capitalist class) for profit using the state mechanism to enforce their dictatorship over the other classes. Capitalism is defined by the antagonism between the capitalist class and the working class, in which the capitalist class extracts the su rplus value from the working class in order to build their wealth.
4 â€¢ ! Imperialism a policy of extending a country's power and influence through diplomacy, military force, or economic means. This can result in varying levels of political control over one cou ntry by another. (see Lenin, Imperialism, highest state of Capitalism for more) â€¢ ! Neoliberalism Neoliberalism itself is a political ideology and practices that proposes that human well being can be best advanced through liberal individualism within an inst itutional framework characterized by private property, markets, and free trade (Harvey 2007) â€¢ ! Governance Ã The way of governing. In Latin America it has often been used as a tool to â€¢ ! Invisible Asterisk Ã a term originally created by originally created by Po vinelli (2002) and used by Engle (2010: 7) and Anthias (2018), stating " in achieving land or development rights based on the protection of their traditional practices, indigenous peoples are often restricted in their ability to make autonomous decisions. " This concept is applied to Puerto Ricans understanding that they are not the native people to Boriken but the distance of groups of their population from whiteness and proximity to indigeneity and African ness has caused this concept to be applicable to th eir relationship to the United States. â€¢ ! The state the organization of a class, or a bloc of classes, as a dominant class... "an organization of the exploiting classÃ‰ for the maintenance of its external conditions of production. That is therefore for the force able holding down of the exploited class under the conditions of oppression (e.g. slavery, serfdom, wage labor, etc.) determined by the existing mode of production." Lenin o ! state apparatus Ã‘ comprised of the police, military and other armed forces, plus the government (all branches) at all levels (federal, state, local) and the judicial system â€¢ ! Government Ã a part of the state apparatus; a committee that manages the daily affairs of the power bloc, including its inner struggles. â€¢ ! Social Movement Ã a ne twork of diverse social actors who share a collective identity and consciously perform in a sustained manner cultural and/or political acts of resistance (Rosa 2016) â€¢ ! Solidarity Ã According to one person who participated in this study it is defined as " Unde r one umbrella, learn from each other and move together in a powerful way." Within this the group must define what that common umbrella it is to move together under. â€¢ ! Decolonization a ctively reclaiming the past traditions in order to heal and working on building a n anti capitalist future. It is a constant proceso of un learning, re learning , and educating one another through political education. It is understanding and addressing the +524 years capitalism, colonization, and systematic genocide of the peop le of Borinquen. The lat t er allows us to grow and doesn't create space for white and / or male feelings at the expense of our own. â€¢ ! Leftist anti capitalist with an understanding that we must destroy capitalism and create alternatives that center the working and the labor class. â€¢ ! Socialis m Ã The political ideology that advocates for the seizing of the means of production by the working class (proletariat) through the dictatorship of the proletariat. This is the first stage towards communism according to Leni n's interpretation of Marx.
5 â€¢ ! Communis m Is a political ideology that advocates for a classless society in which the means of production are communally owned and controlled. This is only achievable after the working class has seized the means of production and done away with the reactionary elements of capitalism through the dictatorship of the proletariat. â€¢ ! Anarchis m Ã The political ideology that advocates that all power and authority must justify itself in order to exist and if it cannot justify its power or authority it should be abolished. Abbreviations â€¢ ! UNSIF Ã Universidad Sin Fronteras, my host organization for this Field Practicum. â€¢ ! SDG Ã Sustainable Development Goal Biographical Note: One month into my master's p rogram Puerto Rico was hit with the most devastating hurricane in the last 80 years. My background as a community organizer and Diaspora Rican create d a feeling of increased urgency to focus my studies and practice around Puerto Rico. My background on the context, connections to various actors in Puerto Rico and stateside, experience organizing, and my desire to engage in organizing around the Puerto Rican identity made me feel I was in a great position to bring all that knowledge, skill, and passion to contribute to a critical moment in Puerto Rican history. Though I saw so many other Diaspora Ricans jump into action I still had my own self doubts ab out being Puerto Rican enough to be accepted doing work In Puerto Rico still lingered. Throughout the year leading up to my Field Practicum I felt the idea of my doing work in Puerto Rico challenged by professors and my peers. I heard the term "mesearch, " which I took at an insinuation that any research I was doing was selfish and inherently bias. I was told in peer discussions that I was too close to the situation to be able to look at it clearly and without bias. This coupled with the fetishization of Puerto Rican research and charity strongly contributed to my self doubts. At the same time my Puerto Rican network (family, friends, compas , etc.) continued to reaffirm their support for me an d my work. As my knowledge of this situation and decision as to how I would contribute gained clarity I shared with my network. The proj ect, me, my friends, my family, we all grew and learned together in this process. It wasn't till I got to Puerto Rico that I felt sure of my decision. I knew one member of UNSIF, Nicolle, for the past 3 years through community organizing. She really was key to connecting me with so many people in Puerto Rico and facilitating people's trust for me. My identity as a Diaspora Rican also opened the door to conversations that would not have happened had I not shared a variety of the Puerto Rican identity with them. Our connection became so close that when I would introduce myself to people, they would insist I know longer say I was from Florida but instead I am "A Puerto Rican who lives in Florida." I was part of the corillo (crew or group of friends) , as th ey would say. It wasn't till returning from my Field Practicum did I start to find the language to defend my choice to study something that is so personal to me. Thanks to Figure 1 : Picture of the Corillo of UNSIF at the going away party they through for me at the end of my Field Practicum.
6 professors and peers I was shared articles about Critical Race Theory, and writing s by Jorge Duaney, and Alessandra Rosa that demonstrated a writer and researcher recognizing their place in their research and embracing it. Rejecting notions of distant objective observer that much of western research has been based on and the tools some had used to question my research. With this I bring my background as a man identifying , leftist , Pro Independence, Diaspora Rican , community organizer influenced by a variety of Marxist, Anarchist, feminist, black, indigenous, Puerto Rican, and Latinx so cial movements, organizers, and theorists. My time spent living in New York and Florida make it so that the Diaspora Rican identities that are most salient to me are those two and the comparison of those two at times guide my research and practice. I have never lived in Puerto Rico. My father was born in Juana Diaz and my mother was born in Kings County Hospital in Brooklyn, New York. I don't have any "close" family members in Puerto Rico. Learning Spanish is a process I took up later in life and has bee n a key challenge for me in reconnecting with my Puerto Rican heritage. I hope this background serves to give the readers the appropriate lens to read my work through and encouragement for other researchers/practitioners to embrace field work in contexts from which they identify. Introduction: "Sustainable Development Goal [SDG] 16: Promote peaceful and inclusive societies for sustainable development, provide access to justice for all and build effective, accountable and inclusive institutions at all leve ls " (Gupta, and Vegelin 2016) In this paper I use g overnance defined as simply the action or manner of governing understanding that the word governance , particularly in Latin America, has developed a connotation associated with decentralization and privat ization. I attempt to reclaim this word for its root meaning to capture the unique way in which governing in Puerto Rico functions as a colony of the United States and the various actors who participate and not to advocate for or imply a need to decentral ize or privatize elements of the Puerto Rican or US governments. Puerto Rico 's colonia l /imperial status makes it so that Puerto Rico's governance is heavily influenced by decisions made by the United States government and corporations . This unique relationship between Puerto Rico and the United States creates just as unique of a relationship among the Puerto Rican transnational community, mainly the parts of it that are in Puerto Rico and residing in any one of the 50 states that make up the United States. Because the United States government and corporations exercise so much power over the political, material, and economic conditions of Puerto Rico through governance , there have been diaspora social movements aimed to influence the US government on policies relating to Puerto Rico. SDG 16 , quoted above, applied in the Puerto Rican context comes with these colonial complexities. In m y Field Practicum I worked with the host organization Universidad Sin Fronteras (UNISF). UNISF is a co nstructivist pedagogy group based in Santurce, Puerto Rico that focuses on community political education, sustaining ties to many different social movement groups in Puerto Rico . I w orked with them to uncover aspects of the relationship between various so cial movements of the Puerto Rican transnational community . Utilizing autoethnography, literature review, social network analysis/social media analysis, ethnographic/participatory observations, participatory action research, interviews, and surveys I will look for themes in the existing and produced research to shed light on various characteristics relevant to understanding the past, current, and ideal future state s of social movement collaboration among the Puerto Ric an transnational community . Collectivel y, UNISF's members and I hope that the results of this
7 study complemented with lessons learned from past work will provide insight on how to create , expand , and strengthen collaboration among the Puerto Rican transnational community . Th e utility of the field practicum has been guided by the following, simplified logical premise . â€¢ ! Major Premise: Promoting peaceful and inclusive societies, providing access to justice for all and the building of effective, accountable, and inclusive institution at all levels will lead to a more sustainable and just world. â€¢ ! Minor Premise: Social Movements are important to promote peaceful and inclusive societies, provide access to justice for all, and build effective, accountable, and inclusive institutions at all levels. â€¢ ! Mino r Premise: Collaboration is important to the effectiveness and sustainability of social movements. â€¢ ! Minor Premise: Social movement collaboration is important to guide us to a more sustainable and just world. â€¢ ! Conclusion: Puerto Rican social movement collabo ration is important to more sustainable and just conditions for Puerto Ricans. I seek for the results and suggestions in the discussion of this paper to be used to guide collaboration among the Puerto Rican transnational community in order to facilitate an improved capability to reach the outcomes they seek of sovereignty, autonomy, and improved living conditions while resolving the contradictions of capitalism of exploitation. In this field practicum report I will give a contextual background on my host organization and Puerto Rico in a way that gives clarity to the things that were revealed during the field work I completed. This includes biogeophysical factors, political, and economic factors that all collaborate together to create the conditions for social movements and their necessary collaboration throughout the Puerto Rican tra nsnational community. It is important to remember throughout this report that it is simply a snapshot that tries to capture many events and activities over various times and space over a constantly changing landscape. Despite this I hope that through const ant critique and feedback it can continue to serve its end as a reflective guide to help other fellow organizers build the movements, we need to overcome colonial and imperial challenges to the wellbeing of peoples and the environment. In this paper I b attle with the use of terms like d iaspora to describe the new enclaves of Puerto Rican communities outside of the geographic boundaries of Puerto Rico due to its relationship with the United States. Are Puerto Ricans moving to the United States or migratin g? Puerto Rico's in between status makes it so it is hard to adequately define these things as it is not fully a part of the Nation State that is the United States of America nor is it its own distinct nation state. Is it truly a diaspora if they are simpl y moving and not migrating? Is the Puerto Rican transnational community, suggested by one of the people I interviewed, a more appropriate descriptor? Host Organization Universidad Sin Fronteras (UNSIF) as a constructivist pedagogy group based in the capi tal city of Puerto Rico plays a special role in collaboration among many different social movement actors in Puerto Rico and in the 50 states. UNSIF's approach and connections in Puerto Rico complemented the connections I had made organizing stateside and the approaches for research and facilitation that I had developed over the past few years.
8 To support the work of UNSIF I was asked to expand USNIF's digital media reach and create improved awareness of their program among the d iaspora groups that I am c onnected to. I was also asked to facilitate conversations and workshops around the experience of diaspora Ricans to local Puerto Ricans and to ally groups who came that were not Puerto Rican or very familiar with the Puerto Rican experience in a political sense. I was also asked to tap into diaspora resources to do fundraising for the projects that UNSIF are attempting to expand. To support my work UNSIF facilitated connections with people throughout Puerto Rico for me to interview and survey. They als o reviewed my interview and survey questions before I administered them. Certain members of UNSIF would serve as a guide for me at protests and events to give me extra context that I may be missing or to answer questions I may have. Through my interactio ns with UNSIF, and without doing a thorough social network analysis, I view them as a central node facilitating collaboration throughout Puerto Rico and seeking to do so with the diaspora Rican community as well. Their connection to people like Lilliana C oto Morales, whose book I used in my literature review, and other influential organizers and academics is not fully captured by their digital media presence or name recognition. I am fortunate to have been connected with them and have all their support to complete this Field Practicum. Duany and others outline the uniqueness of Puerto Rico transnationalism as a cultural transnationalism even if political boundaries are never crossed due to Puerto Rico's unique relationship with the United States, Duany call s it "colonial transnationalism" (Duany 2002; MelÂŽndez 2015). These are all things that are still not fully resolved in this paper but this paper hopes to grapple with them and inspire ideas of how to appropriately handle these questions and answers in hop es of deriving tangible solutions for resolving the contradictory position Puerto Rico finds itself in. Context /Literature Review In this section I will highlight the bio geophysical characteristics (geography, geopolitics, weather systems, natural resources, etc) and the political and economic context that has fomented the Puerto Rican transnational community, their relationship wit h the governments that oversee their livelihoods, and how that has laid the foundation for the social movements that have continued to grow and develop since the United States has taken possession over Puerto Rico. Geographical Context Location was a key to Puerto Rico's attractiveness to the United States. It served as a strategic military site and inherited a unique colonial status beca use of it (Venator Santiago 2015; Ayala and Bernabe 2007). "Puerto Rico, centered at 180 15' north, 66' 30' west, is the smallest of the Greater Antilles, with an area of approximately 8900 km 2 . The rugged topography ranges from sea level to 1300 m (Grau et al. 2010). Puerto Rico is often colloquially referred to as "100 x 35" due to its dimensions: 100 miles east to west and 35 miles from north to south. Puerto Rico faces many small island and archipelago problems in coping with climate change, erosion of the shoreline, degradation of fisheries, water Figure 2 : Map of Greater Antilles Including Puerto Rico (Beautiful Holidays 2018)
9 management, waste management, etc. (Puerto Rico Climate Change Council (PRCCC) 2013). Uniquely, Puerto Rico forest coverage increased over the last 60 years due to high levels of rapid urbanization and the abandonment of land previously used for agricultural purposes, especially mountainous land which was used for coffee cultivation (Rudel, PÂŽrez Lugo, and Zichal 2000; Martinuzzi, Gould, and Ramos GonzÂ‡lez 2007). Puerto Rico's proximity to the Dominican Rep ublic plays a role in immigration as there has been significant historic migration back and forth between the Dominican Republic and Puerto Rico. Currently a predominance of Dominicans are migrating to Puerto Rico and settling in Santurce, a pueblo within the capital city, San Juan (Population Pyramid 2013; ACLU 2012). Lares is a western inland town famous for be ing the site of the "Grito de Lares." In 1868, this was the site of the most famous uprising against a colonial presence in the history of Puerto Rico. The town is so well known for its pro independence history that the town's flag is used to this day as an inspirational symbol by pro independence supporters. Lares is a mountainous town colloquially referred to as the "capital of the mountains." The initial economic industries that dominated Lares were coffee production and mining (Grupo Editorial EPRL 200 5). These coffee and mining practices slowed after the transition of Puerto Rico from a Spanish to a United States colony in 1898. At this point , sugar became the predominant crop of Puerto Rico shifting production away from the mountain to coastlines, where sugarcane cultivation and "I ndustrialization by I nvitation " were prioritized. This period in Puerto Rico is refe r red to as "OperaciÂ—n Manos a La Obra." This came after the new deal in the 1940's 1950's through the 1970's (Dietz 1986). Many of these mountain towns, like Lares, experienced a decline in population density and an abandonment of old coffee farms and mining areas resulting in the natural regeneration of secondary forests that has continued from the industrialization period till now (Rudel , PÂŽrez Lugo, and Zichal 2000). As part of the growing agroecology movement in Puerto Rico, UNISF participates in agroecological events in Lares to help redevelop the local agriculture in a way that is ecologically friendly to enhance future food sovereig nty for the people of the area and eventually Puerto Rico as a whole. LoÂ’za is a town to the east of San Juan, the capital city, and on the Northeast coast of the Puerto Rico . LoÂ’za has the reputation of being the town most closely tied to Puerto Rico's African roots due to its history as a sugar plantation town that used African slaves for labor. LoÂ’za has also been stigmatized for its high crime rates, high drug use, high poverty rates, high unemployment rates, witchcraft or brujer Â’ a (often viewed as b ackwards), and stagnation in development (Hiraldo HernÂ‡ ndez, 2006) . These stigmatizations are not without factual basis as LoÂ’za does often rank highest in Puerto Rico for crime, drug, poverty, and unemployment rates. Figure 3 : Topography map of Puerto Rico with Lares outlined in red and LoÂ’za in yellow (Freeworldmaps 2018).
10 There have been recent attempts to create a tourist section of LoÂ’za but that has been s lower to develop than in Santurce, which I will speak on next. Despite close proximity to San Juan, public transportation to San Juan from LoÂ’za is a difficult journey that often takes over two hours each way. Santurce is a small barrio or town within the San Juan capital. Santurce is one of the coastal areas that experienced high population growth during the "Industrialization by Invitation" period of the 1950's onward. Santurce is comprised of a high concentration of Dominican migrants , and unfortunately, high rates of crime (Associate d Press 2014 ; Duany, HernÂ‡ndez, Rey (1995) ; D uany, 2002: 236) Colloquially, much of the crime in th is area , and throughout Puerto Rico, has been scapegoated onto the Dominican community in this area and throughout Puerto Rico as highlighted in the ACLU report which documents over policing and target ing of the Dominican community by San Juan municipal police (ACLU 2012). Santurce is a community in transit. Formerly a slum, Santurce is now going through a gentrification process due to its proximity to the capital city and its proximity to Condado, th e main tourist area in Puerto Rico , while still having prices that make it attractive to small business entrepreneurs (Associate Press 2014). UNISF, along with other social movement organizations, work with this community to strive for better living condit ions for inhabitants experiencing directly this period of transition . Puerto Rico's beneficial military position led to the use of many tactics by the metropoles to keep Puerto Rico under their control, including citizen ship (GarcÂ’a MuÂ–iz, and Beruff 2006 ) . Though Puerto Ricans also had Spanish citizenship under the Spanish colonial rule no documentation of significant return migration from Puerto Rico to Spain , outside of Spanish elite exists (Dietz 1986). The passing of the Jones Act in 1917 that grant ed Puerto Rican ' s US citizenship , resulted in the increased relocation of Puerto Ricans from Puerto Rico to the states (Ayala and Bernabe 2007). Prior to Hurricane Maria, there were 3.4 million Puerto Ricans on in Puerto Rico and 5.1 million within the 50 US states (LÂ—pez and Patten 2015). The d iaspora Rican population currently growing the fastest is the I 4 Corridor . Linking Kissimmee, Orlando, Poinsettia, Tampa, F lorida along with other cities and towns t his area is now competing with New York City fo r the greatest concentration of Puerto Ricans outside of Puerto Rico (Cohn, Patten, and LÂ—pez 2014). Figure 4 : Map hig hlighting the location of the town of Santurce within the capital city of San Juan. (HernÂ‡ndez Acosta and ColÂ—n VÂ‡zquez 2015)
11 Figure 5 highlights the spat ial and temporal flows/dimensions of relocation from the Puerto Ric o to the 50 US states. Each large migration has its own history with its own political and class based implications. This is of note for this topic as it is i mportant to uncover how those spatial and temporal elements of class and relocation have influence d the social movement ideologies and strategies of the various Puerto Rican diaspora groups. This field practicum seeks to continue to help to uncover the growing complexity of diaspora Ricans and the ideological and strategic divisions and congruences within that diaspora, based on spatial and temporal elements of class and identity . Background Information: Towards a Contextual/Conceptual Framework The Colonial Imperial Status: Sowing the Seeds of Government Mistrust December 3 rd , 2016 I was sitting at a table in a restaurant in Old San Juan after day 2 of a weekend lo ng conference in Santurce, PR, where many local Puerto Rican activists express their frustrations with the current legal apparatus that Puerto Rico was subject to and the difficulties it caused to organize effectively for change within the state structure. I sat there thinking things through in frustration. Debating possible solutions with friends and newly met comrades. My mind began to wonder to a week earlier, the week of the US named Thanksgiving holiday, when I was at Standing Rock Reservation trying to support the local indigenous tribes organizing campaign to stop the building of the North Dakota Access Pipeline. I couldn't help but feel the similarities in the ways both spaces and both people were treated as "foreign... in a domestic sense," (Vena tor Santiago 2015: Page 59) as the well cited argument by Justice White in the Downes vs Tidwell case describes. In many ways this neither here nor their status of Puerto Rico serves as its "hidden asterisk" in its pursuit of autonomy and rights within the US and global legal frameworks. In 1898 the Treaty of Paris was signed after the Cuban Spanish American War which gave the United States three new colonies including, Puerto Rico. The United States forces that came to claim Puerto Rico met little resista nce (Ayala and Bernabe 2007; TrÂ’as Monge 1997) . Despite the lack of re sistance this moment extended the lasting colonial debate in Puerto Rico around the appropriate status of Puerto Rico in relation to their metropole (previously Spain, now the US). At the time many labor leaders and those seeking liberal reforms for increa sing women's rights saw greater relation to the United States as an avenue to bring those ideals to the !"#$%&''()*'!"#$%&' + ,'-.-/01'2'345'67'89&'%&:6;48"6<'5488&%<='67'89&'>"4=56%4'7%6?'@ABA' 86'CD@E' F1&<8%6'CDDAGH Figure 5 : Model of Diaspora migration between the United States and the Caribbean (Centro 2008)
12 Puerto Rican archipelago that had been largely neglected by Spain (Ayala and Bernabe 2007; TrÂ’as Monge 1997) . Simultaneously, those advocating for independence from the United States would use their desire to enforce gende r norms and keep women within their place in the household as part of their rhetoric. Though, not all independentistas advocated for traditional gender roles and not all in favor of maintaining a relationship with the US advocated for liberal reforms for w omen or labor reforms as part of their reasoning for their position, this is a common rhetoric of the time according to the literature (Ayala and Bernabe 2007; TrÂ’as Monge 1997) . Meanwhile, in the United States, US Congress and the Supreme Court were trying to figure out what to do with their new colonies. One of the domina nt positions within the political discourse was that the US had to carry the "white man's burden" and either annex Puerto Rico and move towards statehood or keep it as a colony (Ayala and Bernabe 2007; Venator Santiago 2015) . A second being the anti colonial position that feared the invasion of "inferior races" into the union as Puerto Ricans had been declared to be (Venator Santiago 2015; Ayala an d Bernabe 2007) . Whiteness and the US's relation to the white identity of their nation/state was a central component to their decisions on how to govern Puerto Rico. Through the Foraker and Jones Acts in Congress, and the Insular Cases in the Supreme Co urt the US created their governance policy with Puerto Rico as "Foreign in a domestic sense," a phrase made popular through the Supreme Court decision of Downes v Bidwell (Venator Santiago 2015) . Through the Jones act and the Insular Cases Pu erto Ricans living on the archipelago were now given US citizenship, but it was made clear that they were not entitled to all the same constitutional rights and protections that those living in the United States would receive (Venator Santiago 2015; TrÂ’as Monge 1997) . Puerto Rico would be under US control and US congress had final say over anything that would happen in Puerto Rico. US congress would decide what laws extended to Puerto Rico and which didn't. The Supreme Court upheld t hese ideas in their rulings. This is the same supreme court and legislative bodies that created and upheld "Separate but Equal," the legal framework that created second class citizenship for non whites in the US. Though the separate but equal legal framewo rk has since been repealed, "Foreign in a Domestic Sense" governance in Puerto Rico and its racist roots remain. This legal framework was created as a way to reconcile the contradictions that the US faced in viewing the military advantage, and potential c apitalist expansion of Puerto Rico, but they did not want to be seen globally as holding colonies, nor did they want to make this racially inferior other a part of the union. Though Puerto Ricans were looked at as racially different and racially inferior t here was still a relative proximity to whiteness that allowed the US to be more willing to be inclusive of Puerto Ricans than its other colonies (Ayala and Bernabe 2007) . Many Puerto Ricans would continue to strive to meet this standard of whiteness through reclassification of their racial identities in the US census carried out in 19 10 and 1920 (Loveman, Muniz, and Logan 2013) . With a reluctance towards inclusion of Puerto Rico and Puerto Ricans there has been much speculation on why the US decided to give Puerto Ricans US citizenship. There are likely many factors that played into this decision. Perceived Puerto Rican proximity to whiteness, as mentioned above, may be one factors. Some have argued that quelling nationalist uprisings and the ability to draft Puerto Ricans to fight in World War II were motivating factors behind citizenship more so than a benevolent extension of rights (Ayala and Bernabe 2007) . There is also the flow of labor. By the time citizenship was granted there was already thousands of Puerto Ricans in Hawaii who had been recruited there to work the sugar cane fields and act as "scabs" replacing local Hawaiian sugar cane workers on strike (Ayala and Berna be 2007; Centro 2008)
13 and by 1920 there were 45,000 Puerto Ricans already living in New York (Ayala and Bernabe 2007) . The Puerto Rican presence and their cooperation with the US in the removal of Spain from both Puerto Rico and Cuba could have been seen as earning the good graces of the metropole to be a more acceptable source of cheap labor to be moved around the nation as needed. The policies and decisions described above set the groundwork for US Puerto Rico interactions for the next 100 plus years. From 1898 through the 19 3 0s Puerto Rico was ruled by governors appointed by th e United States. A minority of these were military governments but the rest were appointed political figures from the US (TrÂ’as Monge 1997; Ayala and Bernabe 2007) . The first governor of Puerto Rico asserting that Puerto Ricans had too many poor laborers and not enough men of capital (Ayala and Bernabe 2007) . The head of policing in Puerto Rico was also appointed by the United States and usually a non P uerto Rican. In 1937 in Ponce there was a peaceful rally by nationalists in which the local police led by the US appointed head of policing killed 19 civilians, two officers, and injured over 200 civilians because the nationalists decided to continue their peaceful, and regularly scheduled, march despite their marching permit being revoked by the police department at the last minute. Afterwards the police department would stage photos to make it seem like it was a gun battle between the police and the natio nalists. No evidence was found of any of the civilian marchers being armed. Through these governors Puerto Rico would become a testing ground for US policies that they would try either in the US or in other Latin American localities. They were policies th e US government would impose and ensure that it would be continued out by the Puerto Rican government regimes in order to stay in the favor of the metropole. Puerto Rico became the place and the people were treated as foreign bodies ripe for experimentatio n, and still US governance was able to instill policies as if it was a domestic property. Working, domestic, and social relationships of Puerto Ricans were completely transformed to meet these impositions by the United States. With a decline in the infant mortality rate and a rise in life expectancy the body of the Puerto Rican women became a centerpiece for these policies (Ayala and Bernabe 2007) . The Puerto Rican women became "Foreign in a domestic sense." Fetishized for its labor and reproductive capacity. An entity to be controlled removed from their humanity. According to Venator Santiago (2015: page 62), the designation of "domestically dependent nations" in what is referred to as the Cherokee Cases created the groundwork for the insular cases' creation of the unincorporated territory status described above. In both cases there w as a described "tutelage" needed for the indigenous territories or domestically dependent nations and governments and the ethnic minorities of the unincorporated territories or borderland territories to live up to the freedoms and obligations ascribed by t he US constitution and bill of rights. It also allowed for the United States to extend this so called "tutelage" for an indefinite amount of time ( Venator Santiago 2015: Page 22). The insular cases created deviations from the domestic dependent nations, like native/tribal nations, in their creation of borderland territories/unincorporated states. Unlike domestic dependent nations, unincorporated territory's sovereignty was not viewed as inherent; it was deemed to be determined by the will of congress an d the United States. Also, the US constitution does not apply to domestic dependent nations, though unincorporated territories received "fundamental" constitutional rights in accordance to the ruling of the insular cases. Finally, domestic dependent nati ons were often subject to local and state law because they are still within the geographic boundaries of states within the United States.
14 The invention of the unincorporated territory ( Venator Santiago 2015: Page 58) through the insular cases was an impo rtant next step away from the domestically dependent nation designation to allow the United States to depart from the colonial and imperial traditions of annexation towards statehood with the extension of constitutional protections or occupation for milita ry and economic interests overseen by congress and the president to create a third route that allowed for annexation without a clear intent or vision for statehood or an extension of full constitutional protections combined with an occupation for military and economic interest overseen by congress and the president to determine which rights would be afforded to both the locale and the people who inhabit/are born in that locale. Justice Henry Brown authored Plessy v Ferguson, the "separate but equal" legal precedent alluded to earlier , also authored the majority opinion on Downes v Tidwell, the first of the insular cases and the case in which the designations of unincorporated territory, and "foreign Ã‰ in a domestic sense" were birthed. Though he himself di d not create those designations, they were created by Justice White, he used logic from the Fleming case to create a "separate but unequal" ( Venator Santiago 2015: Page 56) territorial designation for Puerto Rico by proclaiming that all territories, regard less of status, would adhere to an imperial application of constitutional protections; in other words, they were not entitled to receive them unless decided by Congress and/or the President. It was Justice White who used Fleming's logic to create the thir d view to allow for a legal explanation as to why Puerto Rico and other newly annexed territories should be treated differently than previously annexed territories who were on the path to statehood. As the 1940s came to a close a shift in Puerto Rican gov ernance came with it. In 1949 Luis MuÂ–oz Marin became the first elected governor of Puerto Rico and he would hold the governor's seat till 1964. As mentioned before all governors of Puerto Rico had been appointed by the US government. MuÂ–oz Marin and his a llies sought to create greater levels of autonomy for Puerto Ricans to govern themselves and felt the moment was perfect to do so with him being the first elected governor, the growing industrialization/economy of the archipelago, and the need for the US t o be viewed as the global leader in freedom and democracy. World War II and the battles against communism put the US in a position where they were under a global microscope as the new "leader of the free world" and holding a colony was something that was v iewed as unfavorable in the global political realm. MuÂ–oz Marin and his supporters used this opportunity to create the Puerto Rican constitution and the Estado Libre Asociado (Directly translated to Free Associated State) status for Puerto Rico. The consti tution drafted was heavily altered by US congress and was viewed by them as more of a formality and not altering their absolute power over the final say of the governance of Puerto Rico (TrÂ’as Monge 1997) . Despite these aesthetical changes t he Puerto Rican government still continued many of the same practices established by the appointed colonial governments before them. This included disruption of worker and nationalist movements through increased industrialization, migration, and sterilizat ion under the guise of "family planning." Highlights of this continuity of these programs are the continued facilitated migration by the Puerto Rican government that continues to this day, the selling of Puerto Rican land for USA interest, and a sterilizat ion rate of 35% of Puerto Rican women (200,000) with an average age of 26 years old by 1974 (GarcÂ’a 1982) . For the Puerto Rican government to challenge the colonial oversight, as they have been doing for decades but has been escalated recently, the only legal avenues they have are through US appellate courts and through the United Nations Committee on decolonization ( Ayala an d Bernabe 2007; TrÂ’as Monge 1997). US appellate courts are obviously controlled by the colonial
15 metropole and serve their interest through honoring the legal frameworks they have created to further their neo colonial exploitation. The United Nations and it s members are heavily influenced by the United States economic and military power and thus the same countries vote against Puerto Rican claims of colonization, allies of the US, and the same countries vote for it, Non allies of the US. Yet the practice is still done as an attempt for media attention to publicly shame the US into reconciling its neo colonial practices with claims of being "the land of the free." These practices were made abundantly clear in 1999 in Vieques where a local Puerto Rican man was accidentally killed during weapons testing at a US Naval base on the eastern Puerto Rican island . This incident exposed the practices by the US Navy to use Puerto Rican lands and surrounding water for military testing that puts its residents and ecological systems under constant threat. What ensued was, what some would argue, the largest mass movement of the Puerto Rican transnational community to this day. This movement helped put international pressure on the United States to close the naval bases. Despit e this big victory the movement lost steam after 9/11 and the United States would not follow through on its promises to clean the sites, which still remain hazardous at the writing of this paper ( Council on Hemispheric Affairs 2011 ). The Creation of the National Identity Through the JÂ’baro , Economic Transitions, and Migration as an Economic Strategy The Puerto Rican government and co actors in the arts began developing rural identity in Puerto Rico around the idea of the JÂ’baro after US colonization began in 1898 (Ayala, Bernabe 2007). By the 1920s the JÂ’baro label was being ascribed to the pre industrial rural population of Puerto Rico (Duany 2017). The JÂ’baros were mainly coffee and tobacco farmers, as well as other minor crops . According to Ayala & Bernabe (2007) JÂ’baro culture emerged from the racially mixed peasantry of the Puerto Rican rural mountainous region and was composed of "displaced small farmers, runaway slaves, stowaways, army deserters, and fugitives, united in th e desire to avoid subordination by an advancing state and plantation economy" (Ayala, Bernabe 2007: page 33). Due to this history of state resistance by the JÂ’baro, the Puerto Rican rural image became a symbol for resistance against US colonization and beg an to become a greater symbol for the "authentic" Puerto Rican identity (Ayala, Bernabe 2007; Dietz 1986; Duany 2017). In Puerto Rican pop culture and government propaganda the JÂ’baro is portrayed as a man, and as the JÂ’baro image became more ingrained int o Puerto Rican pop culture it coincided with the development of local criollo identity and culture. The JÂ’baro began to become both whitewashed, in the pictures representing him, and at the same time spoken of as still native. Pop culture references descri bed the JÂ’baro as adequately maintaining connections to the TaÂ’no past to be the true people of the
16 archipelago, while still being white enough to be connected to the criollo present and a future towards western modernity (Ayala, Bernabe 2007; Duany 2017). Through this process of the construction of the JÂ’baro identity the Puerto Rican activist state manufactured JÂ’baros as peoples needing to be saved and appointed themselves as the appropriate savior. They saw this as an opportunity to show the nation state can move from the backwards hillbilly esque JÂ’baro to modernity and earn their respect among the US and the west si gnaled by industrialization of their peasant class and a reduction in population (Ayala, Bernabe 2007; del Moral 2014; Dietz 1986; Garcia 1982; Martinson 1979; TrÂ’as Monge 1997). When the Partido Popular DemocrÂ‡tico (PPD), Popular Democratic Party, was fo unded in the late 40s they used the JÂ’baro silhouette image (see figure 1) as their party emblem with the slogan of Pan, Tierra, y Libertad (bread, land, and liberty) (Ayala, Bernabe 2007; del Moral 2014; TrÂ’as Monge 1997). This approach of saving the JÂ’ba ro was essential to the PPD strategy. They emphasized the JÂ’baro's ties to the land and symbolism of liberation through resistance from colonial practice and integrated it into their strategy of "industrialization by invitation" positioned as the only way to provide the material means, bread, for survival (Ayala, Bernabe 2007). By the l990s even the pro statehood party, Partido Nuevo Progreso (New Progressive Party), would use the imagery of the JÂ’baro in their discourse to combine their annexationist agend a with the protection of Puerto Rican culture (Duany 2017). From the 1940s to the 1970s the PPD, in conjunction with the US Government and US corporations, focused on marketing cheap labor to US corporations as an economic development strategy (Dietz 1986 ). The project has been concerned a precursor to much of the neoliberal policies that would be extended to Latin America starting in the late 1970s. Through this project Puerto Rico was being compared to four Asian tigers in terms of economic development. The resulted in using the JÂ’baro men as cheap labor sources to be moved, primarily, into US factory production and away from subsistence agriculture both in Puerto Rico and within the continental United States. Though this took off during the 1940s on it started as early as 1899, mentioned above, was the migration to Hawaii to break up a sugar cane worker strike in Honolulu. This migration was sparked by economic turmoil in Puerto Rico caused by the switching of their local currency from the Spanish monetary system to the US monetary system causing a drop in Puerto Rican wealth (Dietz 1986). These economic and political decisions were compounded by biogeophysical factors of Hurricane San Ciriaco, which caused sig nificant crop loss for local farmers in an economy, at the time, that was heavily reliant on agricultural production (Dietz 1986). Migration to the United States sky rocketed through the 1950s and 1960s and would start to decrease in the 1970s. In the 8 ye ars leading up to 1971 it was estimated that on average 35,000 Puerto Ricans per year, while before 1944 8,000 Puerto Ricans in a year was an all time high. This resulted in the marketing of JÂ’baro labor in places like Michigan to supplement local beet Figure 1 Figure 6 PPD Logo for 2020 election cycle
17 pro duction. Findlay (2017) outlines how this was done and how it involved a new image of traditional masculinity of JÂ’baro men as hard working family men leaving their homeland in search of work and set on returning back to their families once harvest is over . There were many shortcomings of this development model pointed out by PadÂ’n (2003), which serves as a cautionary tale for liberalization as a prescriptive strategy for development. The 1970s onward saw huge spikes in unemployment/underemployment and mass ive debt accumulation by the Puerto Rican state due to the downturn of the PPD economic model. The PPD also didn't account US corporate preference towards the labor of women, viewed to be cheaper and more docile. These political economic conditions set th e stage for a growing drug trade coupled with drug abuse and violence as a result of the relaxed customs on borders between PR and the US and high unemployment rates of Puerto Rican men (Hansen 2017). According to the CDC, Puerto Rican men's rate of inject ion drug use related to AIDS rose higher to that of New York by 2001 (CDC 2001), and has a drug related homicide rate higher than anywhere else in the United States. This is attributed to the growing drug trade. According to (del Moral 2014) Protestant chu rches in PR have sought to redefine masculinity through religion to be more in touch with emotion, reject the vulgarity of the drug trade, and instill a "hard working" mentality. The role of the protestant churches in drug rehabilitation and crime preventi on has grown because of a lack of employment and drug rehabilitation resources in Puerto Rico. Though instead of recognizing the material rationality behind the rampant crime and drug abuse, Puerto Rican men in Puerto Rico and in the states , have been bran ded as needing saving. As highlighted by the author of Ybarra (2018), "Foucault (2008) uses the analytic of a truth regime to explain how criminal justice systems can operate independently of empirical evidence. In truth regimes of social wars, policing is no longer about tracking and proving criminal acts but instead is about discerning the truth of who is a criminal person" (Ybarra 2018: Page 20). Puerto Rico, as a colony of the United States and even before as a Spanish colony, has been embattled with th eir "status issue." The political discourse in Puerto Rico is hyper concentrated on what political status they should take in relation to the United States be it Independence, Statehood, or "Free Association." Within this even your staunchest pro statehood advocate will be a cultural nationalist asserting the need to preserve the distinct "native" culture rooted in the formation of the JÂ’baro identity, described in this section, to Puerto Rico while still having access to the tools of modernity offered by a ssociation to the United States. This even includes Puerto Rico having its own Olympic team. Perreault, Bridge, and McCarthy called this a Faustian bargain: recognition of multicultural rights in return for endorsement, implicit or otherwise of the broader political project of neoliberalism' (Hale 2006: 108)" Under the first Puerto Rican governor Luis MuÂ–oz Marin (1948), and his elected successors, the practice and policy of coerced and facilitated migration continued. Migration continued to sky rocket thro ugh the 1950s and 1960s in the 8 years leading up to 1971 it was estimated that on average 35,000 Puerto Ricans per year, while before 1944 8,000 per year was an all time high. As stated in the last section discourses around Puerto Rican migration by the m edia and academia had framed this new migration as uneducated and unsuitable for US assimilation. This would be branded as the "Puerto Rican Problem" (Martinson 1979) . There was a romanticizing of previous Puerto Rican migrants as more skilled and educated labor coming to US to seek opportunity while the new migration was comprised of welfare dependent, oversexualized, and criminal Puerto Ricans that could not adequately escape thei r cultural conditioning to become "real Americans." Neglected in this discourse was the immense loss of human capital in Puerto Rico. Puerto Rico spent its resources educating and growing a
18 population that the US would receive the productivity from. During the 1950s 70% of those who left were between 15 39 (Dietz 1986) . These were people entering their prime productive years. Despite this discourse the Puerto Rican government was committed to migration as a strategy to handle the high poverty and unemployment rates in Puerto Rico. They were not only following the advice of the Chief of US Tarif Commission and aligning themselves with the needs of US corporate interests, but they we re also incentivized to reduce population to gain good favor from the US by inflating their economic progress statistics. As more of the "surplus" labor force left Puerto Rico, the poverty and unemployment rates would continue to decline. This would make t heir economic policies appear to be working even better than they were and gain them good favor from a US government that they were seeking more autonomy from to self govern. Due to this reliance and incentive to facilitate migration the Puerto Rican gov ernment began to work more directly with US corporations to financially incentivize people to migrate, while, simultaneously, attempting to rebrand the image of the Puerto Rican migrant in New York City (MelÂŽndez 2010) . By the 1940s the need to manage this image was felt by the Puerto Rican government. In 1947 the insular government created a migration office in New York City that would become the Migration Division of the Puerto Rico Department of La bor in 1951, making clear the connections between labor and migration (Melendez Velez 2005) . The New York City Mayors office also saw the opportunity to align itself with the Puerto Rican government and Puerto Ric an vote. In 1949 Mayor Odwyer of New York City created the Mayor's committee on Puerto Rican affairs (Melendez Velez 2005) . This can be seen as an attempt to undermine the Nuyorican support for mayoral candidate M arcantonio mentioned above. The Puerto Rican government used this as an opportunity to involve themselves in New York electoral politics supporting the liberal Odwyer in an attempt to distance the image of Puerto Ricans from Marcantonio, a leftist and accu sed communist. The Puerto Rican government had other reasons to oppose Marcantonio as he had openly criticized the Puerto Rican governments bootstrap economic model of industrialization as being anti worker as well as their growing need to distance themsel ves from communist associations to gain favor with the US government in their pursuit for greater autonomy. Through this lens the Puerto Rican government saw Marcantonio and his leftist politics as the source of the "Puerto Rican Problem" (MelÂŽndez 2010) . Mayor Odwyer was seen by Marcantonio as fanning the flames of the "Puerto Rican Problem" media and academic discourse by continuing to align Puerto Ricans with welfare overuse and communism (MelÂŽndez 2010) . Through this Odwyer and the Puerto Rican government found an alliance in a common enemy. During the late 1940s trough the 1960s the Puerto Rican government also ran their own propaganda cam paign through US media and academia. The focus of this campaign was to brand their men as a potential productive labor force to compliment the current labor dynamics of the US, particularly New York City, and their women as being content with a respectable domestic lifestyle (Melendez Velez 2005) . This campaign was relatively successful as Charles Grutzner of the New York Times wrote a piece in 1948 that was published by Duke University Press Radial History Review that stated, "Homes are kept clean" and "despite ugly surroundings, social workers say women instinctively tidy" when describing Puerto Rican women in New York (Melendez Velez 2005) . Also, in 1949 the New York Tim es described Puerto Rico as a shining example of "US help and encouragement for underdeveloped areas throughout the world" (MelÂŽndez 2015) . This further emphasizes the vision that would be articulated by USAID in the 1960s th at depicted Puerto Rico as an experimental location for future global policies. In Beyond
19 the Melting Pot (1963) by Nathan Glazer and Daniel P. Moynihan Puerto Ricans were first depicted as culturally disadvantaged and lacking organizing tendencies in New York, while later additions of the book now praised Puerto Ricans for their self help orientation. They highlighted this as the appropriate path to success in American Society, as opposed to the route of protest and activism that they attributed to African Americans (Melendez Velez 2005) . Summary: Towards an Contextual Conceptual Framework Puerto Rico has an extensive history of colonization. TrÂ’as Monge, a key contributor of the current Puerto Rican constitution and well respected legal scholar, describes Puerto Rico as the oldest colony in the world (TrÂ’as Monge 1997). Puerto Rican scholars document many implications of the unique relationship with the United States regardless of whether they define the relatio nship as colonial , imperial, or somewhere in between . The importance of this relationship in the context of this field practicum is the power of the United States government to influence governance in Puerto Rico and the impact of this relationship on the creation of the Puerto Rican diaspora through the combination of human/social influences and ecological events. Economic and political decisions have been coupled with biogeophysical conditions on in Puerto Rico to drive Puerto Rican relocation from Puerto Rico to the 50 US states and other places . As figure 5 (above) shows there have been many relocations to various stateside localities concentrated during different periods of time. The first one of note , mentioned above, was the migration to Hawaii to break up a sugar cane worker strike in Honolulu created by economic, political, and biogeophysical factors . Though I will not focus on this Hawaiian migration for this study, it sets a tone of strong economic and environmental forces pushing Puerto Ric ans out of Puerto Rico to relocate to the 50 United States. Well handled. The migration to the Midwest and the Northeast in the 1950s was also driven by economic, political, and biogeophyisical factors. The two main catalyst s being Hurricane San Felipe II of 1928 , biogeophysical, and the great depression of the 1930s , economic and political . These events marked the industrialization and outward migration outlined in the sections above; fueled by a nation building effort by the Puerto Rican government to cr eate a common national identity to create the mass movement needed to shift economic and political relationships. The contemporary relocation to Florida's I 4 corridor follows the same trends of social, political, and biogeophysical drivers. IN 1996 Cong ress and President Clinton began to phase out IRS 936. The tax code provided tax credits for US corporations to do business in Puerto Rico (VÂŽlez and Silver 2017). The plan fully phased out in 2006 and with the phase out came the beginning of a large mig ration by Puerto Ricans to the I 4 corridor. In 2016 the United States congress passed PROMESA and was signed by President Obama ("14TH CONGRESS 2D SESSION" 2017). This bill is meant to allow Puerto Rico access to a means in which to alleviate the curren t , burgeoning, $73 billion debt crisis that Puerto Rico has been experiencing since the phase out of IRS 936 though no such process of bankruptcy or restructuring of the debt has happened since it has passed. The bill outlines the need for a financial ov ersight board that has final say over any monetary decision made by the Puerto Rican government ("14TH CONGRESS 2D SESSION" 2017). Some have claimed that the oversight board is clear evidence of the existing colonial relationship between Puerto Rico and th e USA (Caban 2017). In 2017 Hurricane Maria struck Puerto Rico , causing massive damage (FEMA 2017; Shankar 2017). Variability exists in the estimated number of Puerto Ricans that have migrated stateside Post
20 Hurricane Maria , but it is agreed that the re location is substantial (S. HernÂ‡ndez and Sutter 2018). There are threads of similarities in the forces pushing displacement of Puerto Ricans from Puerto Rico stateside have been similar from the perspective of the underlying drivers . At the same time ea ch mass relocation was distinctly different primarily due to soci o economic dynamics encompassed by the localities and the time periods in which the displacement occurred . What it means to be working and labor class spatially and temporally has varied with each diasporic relocation. For example, what it meant to be working and labor class in Chicago in the 1950s is distinctly different from what that means in 2016 in the I 4 corridor , not to mention many who have migrated to the I 4 corridor . Additionally, those moving to the I 4 corridor are also those same Puerto Ricans who have grown up in New York or Chicago their whole lives blurring the perceived lines between the diaspora enclaves. To further complicate things , there has been a pattern of return migra tion and thus a development of the cultural concept of transnationalism. The practice of return migration and the idea of transnationalism and the development of a transnational community adds to the complexity of the identity of the Puerto Rican diaspora as highlighted by Aranda and others who have studied the return migration patterns and ideas of the Puerto Rican diaspora (Aranda 2007). Puerto Rico has a history of social movements ranging from the Nacionalistas , historic and continued workers movements, to the more contemporary Se Acabaron Las Promesas , and Hurricane Maria rebuilding efforts. Similarly, there is a history of social movements in the Puerto Rican diaspora as well ranging from the Young Lords to t he more contemporary Vamos4PR, DefendPR, and MisiÂ—n Boricua. There have been overlaps between the social movements of the Puerto Rican transnational community . This includes the Macheteros, social movements like the demilitarization of Vieques, the movem ent around the current debt crisis, and the current Hurricane Maria relief efforts. Many other organizations and movements tried to engage the whole Puerto Rican transnational community with mixed results (Torres and Velazquez 1998). There exists literat ure outlining the general complexities of inclusion and collaboration among the Puerto Rican transnational community (RolÂ—n Dow 2015) but not specific to social movements. My Field Practicum attempts to fill this gap in the literature. Anecdotally, the r elationship between the social movements of the Puerto Rican transnational community continues to have inclusion and collaboration challenges. This is the reason UNISF has sought to contribute to finding ways to strengthen the bridges between the social m ovements of the Puerto Rican transnational community . Contextual/Conceptual Framework This Framework shows how the complexities of ecological patterns and processes and social patterns and processes are impacted by biogeophysical, political, and economic conditions on various scales . This is especially relevant for Puerto Rico being a colony of the United States. The political and economic conditions on larger scales include, but are not limited to, the governance and economic policies that the United St ates pass that Puerto Rico has no vote o n. T he biogeophysical conditions on larger scales includes, but is not limited to, climate change and the impact it has on US production modes. Now all of these together impact the system that I am working on obser ving which all leads to the development of Puerto Rican social movement collaboration (highlighted box). The contextual framework shows that sociological/ecological/environmental stressors impact social movement development in Puerto Rico and create a nee d for outward migration. This in turn leads to the formation of Puerto
21 Rican enclaves and the revolving door of migration between these enclaves and Puerto Rico while simultaneously Puerto Rican social movements are develo ping as they see them to be neces sary due t o the drivers at various scales . These created Puerto Rican enclaves also facilitate the creation of Puerto Rican social movements that strengthen the footing of the Puerto Rican enclave. These identity based movements, combined with return mig ration, and social movement collaboration with the archipelago contribute to the evolution of the Puerto Rican identity beyond spatial dimensions, hence the "Nation on The Move" title used by Jorge Duany for his articled and borrowed for this Field Practic um Report. Puerto Rico and the Puerto Rican identity are consistently evolving. This is why I use Puerto Rican identities at times to describe it. Nuyorican, Chicago Rican, Diaspora Rican, Florida Rican, and Puerto Rico born and raised Puerto Rican are just some of those various identities. Not to mention the ways these identities change over time and can be blended in so many nuanced ways. Figure 7 : Contextual/Conceptual Framework of Field Practicum Through these social movements both on the archipelago and in diaspora enclaves of the United States , the evolution of the Puerto Rican transnational identity, the revolving door of migration, and the evolution of Puerto Rican identity based social movemen ts , social movement collaboration among Puerto Ricans is being fomented. Preliminary Discussion : Anticipated Facilitators and Hindrances Anticipated Facilitators With the burgeoning debt crisis in Puerto Rico and the passing of PROMESA , it became more ap parent to that a fundamental source o f power to change the political and economic landscape of Puerto Rico , through diplomatic means, lies within the United States Congress. This recognition sparked the birth and revitalization among Puerto Rican social mo vement organizations focused on governance failures on the debt issue in Puerto Rico (Vamos4PR 2018; DefendPR 2018). There exist varying levels of conflict among these organizations. Lin Manuel Miranda, a diaspora Rican performance artist and activist, w as recently booed by the radical left in Puerto Rico during a talk at the University of Puerto Rico due to his support of the PROMESA bill (Primera Hora 2017). El Centro at Hunter College held a workshop on collaboration
22 between social movements of the Pu erto Rican transnational community in the context of the debt crisis just last year at their diaspora Rican conference in New York (Centro 2017). Now post Hurricane Maria these types of events have become more frequent with one hosted in Princeton in March, one set to be hosted in New York in May, and another in San Juan in June of this year (El Centro 2018; P rinceton University 2018). Also, with Hurricane Maria and Puerto Rico's dependency on the United States for aid and relief due to the Jones Act many have found solidarity in rallying against the Jones Act . The Jones Act prevents foreign nations from send ing items to Puerto Rico without first docking at a US port and unloading onto a US ship (Carey 2017). The Jones Act limitation coupled with perceived inadequate relief efforts by FEMA and the US government (Dampier 2017; Hagedorn, Elizabeth; Hall 2017) c ontinues to forge greater collaboration among Puerto Rican social movement groups on relief efforts and long term development to compensate for the documented and perceived inadequacies of relief as well as to influence long term policy arrangements (OpenS ource 2017; Moya 2017). Current governor, Ricardo RossellÂ—, has been on a tour of diaspora enclaves himself seeking to unify the diaspora for his pro statehood agenda as well as seeking mobilization of diaspora Ricans for improved aide from the US governm ent (Woellert 2017). According to RossellÂ—'s instagram page, he even participated in a march held in solidarity with the popular stateside "March for Our Lives" movement. These factors show that the time is ripe for the development of greater collaboratio n among the social movements of the Puerto Rican transnational community . The idea of "colonial transnationalism," suggested by Duany, in the Puerto Rican diaspora creates an identity still connected to Puerto Rico despite no longer belonging to its geog raphic boundaries . It seems t his identity tie d to Puerto Rico by diaspora Ricans coupled with Puerto Rico's colonial relationship with the USA compels diaspora Ricans to include Puerto Rico issues in their social movements. The colonial relationship betwe en Puerto Rico and the United States gives some diasporic Rican organizers the perception that they have the power to change the political and economic landscape of Puerto Rico through social and political engagement in the United States. Through my exper ience and review of the literature I have observed a perceived obligation and a desire of diaspora Ricans to return to Puerto Rico . Conversations around the obligatory aspect of return migration come in recent times with the contemporary relocation off Pu erto Rico due to the debt crisis and Hurricane Maria. The contemporary relocation provokes fears of a US corporate takeover of Puerto Rico articulated in opinion pieces emphasizing the perceived obligation, calling it "The radical concept missing from dia spora relief efforts" (Y. HernÂ‡ndez 2018). There also seems to be a desire for Puerto Ricans to eventually move back to Puerto Rico and I question whether the desire to improve the conditions of Puerto Rico is also one of self interest to ensure favorable conditions in Puerto Rico for the nostalgic anticipated return of diaspora Ricans (Aranda 2007). Though this question is not in the scope of the field practicum to answer it is something important to keep in mind . Predicted Challenges Complexities within the Puerto Rican transnational community make creating an overarching framework a challenge. Finding something that can be broadly applied but still sensitive to situational nuances will always pose difficulties. Specifically, in this context, spatial heterogeneity of Puerto Rico causes complexities . There exists different challenges and social movement ideologies and practices based on localities . These spatial components can be delineated in various ways: east vs west, shoreline vs mountainous, urban vs suburban vs rural.
23 An example of this is the idea that mountainous regions, historically used for coffee plantations, were the first to be abandoned with US annexation of Puerto Rico and thus are the most rural (Rudel, PÂŽrez Lugo, a nd Zichal 2000). Also, because of the lack of support the coffee plantation workers and owners received from the state in transitioning from Spanish to US control coffee, plantation workers and owners tended to be pro independence supporters (Ayala and Be rnabe 2007). The political line drawn between people who are pro independence, pro statehood, and pro autonomy is often referred to as the Status Issue and is regarded as the main political cleavage in Puerto Rico. The status issue is also how the curren t major political parties are broken up (Lecours and VÂŽzina 2017). The feuding and divisiveness of this issue alone will pose challenges to creating a framework that unifies rather than accentuate divisions . There has been recent note of a decline in vot er turnout in Puerto Rico (Chico CortÂŽs 2016). Not much research has been done on this topic but political exhaustion in Puerto Rico after so many heavy political events may be a challenge to face as well. With the debt crisis and the passing of Hurrican e Maria people in Puerto Rico cite scarcity and difficult conditions (Perez 2018). These constraints may hinder a desire for collaboration as people may be more focused on day to day survival than long term social movement development. Also due to the sa me forces there is a "brain drain" occurring in Puerto Rico in which the doctors, nurses, teachers, and students in Puerto Rico are relocating out of Puerto Rico due to the difficult conditions faced (Perez 2018; Patron 2017; RullÂ‡n 2017). This brain drai n can be a challenge as those with the greatest amount of intellectual resources may no longer be present in Puerto Rico to help contribute to the social movements in Puerto Rico . This also may help facilitate social movement collaboration as well as thos e professionals who have left Puerto Rico may feel the transnational pull force mentioned above to contribute to the political and material development of Puerto Rico now that they have greater individual political power as residents of the metropole. Reg arding diaspora Ricans there are challenges faced based on the spatial temporal conditions for the relocation of the various diaspora groups. As mentioned above they all have similar drivers; a strong economic downturn and a catastrophic natural disaster with sociological and political components that further contribute to the disaster (de OnÂ’s 2018). Though drivers are somewhat similar there are nuanced differences based on how the Puerto Rican government may have also facilitated the relocation. In the case of the relocation of the 1950s , they very much encouraged it as part of their overall economic plan (Ayala and Bernabe 2007). Those who stayed in Puerto Rico and did not relocate to the states during the 1950s saw a period of substantial economic gro wth that placed Puerto Rico in the conversation of being a fifth tiger and a bastion for the success of neoliberal policies through "I ndustrialization by I nvitation " (PadÂ’n 2003). Another important factor to consider is what working , and labor class mean at the times and places of relocation. Those who moved to New York, Philadelphia, and Chicago in the 1950s sought primarily industrial work at a time of high levels of unionization in more left or democrat leaning cities. During the 50s 70s there was the civil rights movement and the black power movement that contributed to the growth of Puerto Rico social movements like the Young Lords who contributed to that ideological framework (Morales 2016). Also, many of the social movement participants during this period were the children of those who chose to relocate. Many of which had never lived in Puerto Rico or had little memory of Puerto Rico and were disconnected from Puerto Rico , its language, and its politics until they joined a social movement to re connect them selves with it (Morales 2016).
24 The I 4 corridor, on the other hand, did not have state support for their migration and there is some disparity of views on how to appropriately characterize the class status of those relocating, though there are arguments that the I 4 corridor migration is that of people of different class status than that of the 1950s (Duany and Matos RodrÂ’guez 2018 ; Levin and Smialek 2017) . Where before you had industrial workers with high rates of unionization now you have a l abor class working in the service industry, and more professional jobs such as teachers, nurses, police officers, etc. This is attributed to the deceleration of the Puerto Rican economy after 1974 and the growing interest of Central Florida's economic inte rest to attract a bilingual professional labor force (LÂ—pez and Patten 2015). Florida is a right to work state with weak unionization and a swing state politically. The interest of both the Democratic Party and the Republican Party of the United States in Puerto Ricans is new and specific to the Florida diaspora because of it s a swing state status . The common belief is Puerto Ricans typically vote democrat, but that idea is now being challenged as groups like the Koch brothers seek to politicize the Florid a diaspora in their direction while the Northeast and Midwest diaspora seem to be firmly aligned with the democratic party (Duany and Matos RodrÂ’guez 2018). Political party interest and support of social movements of the Puerto Rican diaspora could add cha llenges to creating collaboration among diasporic enclaves as well as with Puerto Rico because it often comes with material support for these groups that are, in ways, could be contingent on continued party alignment and support. The I 4 diaspora experienc es a very different political climate associated with their relocation. Though they are relocating at a time of great social and political transition their context within that framework is different. 21 st century Florida, and specifically the I 4 corridor , does not have the radical tradition or social movement momentum that places like Chicago, New York, and Philadelphia did during the 1950s. Though this radical history exists in the Northeast and Midwest it did take time to develop. The I 4 diaspora bei ng a much more recent relocation may still need time to foment their social movements. Also, much of the diaspora Ricans relocating to the I 4 corridor may be still experiencing much of the political exhaustion faced in Puerto Rico that can lead to a decr ease in political engagement. This dynamic in the I 4 corridor is further muddied by the reality that many of the Puerto Ricans living in the I 4 corridor have relocated there from the Midwest and the Northeast, often for the lower cost of living, weather, and retirement. It is worth noting that anecdotally feuding has been reported among diaspora groups, specifically among the Northeast diaspora and that of the I 4 corridor. Though these groups are not monolithic in themselves and happen to have some over lap between them through relocation, they have been juxtaposed against one another often. Much of this feuding center around the status issue and a view by the Northeast diaspora that the I 4 corridor favors statehood and is less inclined to act " radically " on behalf of the needs of Puerto Rico . This has been observed through social media and I have not established that it is not tied to specific organizations. Language and cultural barriers also exist among diaspora Ricans and between diaspora Ricans and Puerto Rico . Some diaspora social movement members only speak English , while some members of social movements in Puerto Rico only speak Spanish. These language barriers can be a challenge, but also paired with cultural barriers, and the idea of transnational identity, and who "qualifies" as Puerto Rican add greater complexity to the issue. The advent of the concept Nuyorican , a Puerto Rican born and raised within the cultural context of New York's Puerto Rican diaspora, is evidence of this cultural divide. Finally, there is collaboration versus cooptation of social movements. Not always discrete a s mentioned already , diaspora Ricans often have greater political power to influence the
25 Metropole to act with their interests in mind . This allows them to advocate for their own interest as well as the interests in Puerto Rico . Yet, there exists the question as to whether diaspora Ricans properly represents the interests of Puerto RIco , is projecting their own interests on the people of Puerto Rico , or some mixture of the two . Instead of collaborating with the social movements of Puerto Rico to advocate for change they create their own organizations, their own demands, and their own models for change in their vision s to "improve" conditions in Puerto Rico . This can be an inadvertent cooptation of the social movements of Puerto Rico by diaspora Ricans and result in greater division a s seen by the reaction of Puerto Rico 's critical left to Lin Manuel Miranda, who the protestors felt had advocated for the PROMESA bill against the Puerto Rico 's best interest. I also seek to uncover if Puerto Rico also coopts diaspora movements for their own interest. GonzÂ‡lez argues , in Harvest of Empire , that the Puerto Rican diaspora has not to establish its political power for its own immediate local and material needs within the US political apparatus because of an over concentration on issues of the archipelago (GonzÂ‡lez 2011). Could the Puerto Rican colonial transnational identity drive a type of cooptation? Would diaspora Rican communities be better served working on issues that are more immediate to their local and material environment? This is a question the Young Lords and other diaspora social movements have struggled with for generations (Morales 2016). Chicago Boricua Resistance released an article nearly a year after Hurricane Maria describing the ways that d iaspora Ricans can stand in solidarity with Puerto Rico . That document listed many great ideas and approaches. The limitation is that the narrative is focused on supporting the social movement initiatives of Puerto Rico but not ways in which social movements in Puerto Rico can act in solidarity to support the work of Puerto Rican social movements outside of Puerto Rico. Objectives: After many conversations with organizers, family, friends, professors, host organization, and reviewing the literature I came to the conclusion that t he best way that I can contribute with this Field Practicum is to create a framework for collaboration among Puerto Rican social movements . With the creation of this framework I seek to also provide practical ways in which the framework can be applied. I ncluding aspects of the framework that have been expressed as high need and/or lacking in the necessary resources. In order to create the framework, I find it necessary to uncover and articulate the importance placed by Puerto Rican social movements on c ollaboration, their understandings of each other's social movements, what are visions of ideal states of collaboration, and the impact of spatial, temporal, and demographic markers on these ideas to ensure that there aren't people who may be left out of th e conversation. Below is a table that outlines these objectives and the methods used to meet them. Table 1 : Objectives of the Field Practicum Objectives Problems/Questions to Address Method(s) to Use General Objective: Provide a reflective guide to support community organizing across different positioned Boricuas from the â€¢ ! In what ways can this framework be applied? Autoethongraphy, Literature Review, Ethnographic/Participant Observations /informal conversations, Participatory
26 Methods: Autoethnography: Personal Knowledge, Anecdotes, & Positionality " Autoethnography is an approach to research and writing that seeks to describe and systematically analyze personal experience in o rder to understand cultural experience. This approach challenges canonical ways of doing research and representing others and treats research as a political, socially just and socially conscious act. A researcher uses tenets of autobiography and ethnograph y to do and write autoethnography. Thus, as a method, autoethnography is both process and product. " (Ellis, Adams, and Bochner 2003) The seeds for this field practicum were sown before arriving at the University of Florida through the connections I have i n Puerto Rico and the social movements there as well as here in the US d iaspora enclaves . Autoethongraphy was the basis for all the other methods that would follow. It drove the selection of the literature I would review, the host organization I would choose , the events I would choose to observe, the questions I would ask , and the ways I connected with Puerto Rican people in social movements. Throughout this report I include perspective of the Boricua left. Action Research, Social Media Analysis, Interviews, and Surveys Specific Objective 1: Enhance understanding of perceptions of Puerto Ricans regarding the importance of collaboration within social movements. â€¢ ! In what situations? â€¢ ! Why? â€¢ ! How do the spatial/temporal elements of migration, and demographics impact this ? Autoethongraphy, Literature Review, Ethnographic/Participant Observations/informal conversations, Participatory Action Research, Social Media Analysis, Interviews, and Surveys Specific Objective 2: Document the degree to which representatives of social movements of the Puerto Rican transnational community have a shared or divergent understanding of each other's social movements. â€¢ ! Contributors to misunders tandings? â€¢ ! How to rectify? â€¢ ! How do the spatial/temporal elements of migration, and demographics impact this ? Autoethongraphy, Literature Review, Ethnographic/Participant Observations/informal conversations, Social Media Analysis, Interviews, and Surveys Specific Objective 3: Use Appreciative Inquiry approach to identify what social movement participants view as the ideal state of Puerto Rican social movement collaboration . â€¢ ! Common threads? â€¢ ! Unique ideas? Autoethongraphy, Ethnographic/Participant Observation s/informal conversations, Interviews, and Surveys
27 anecdotal and personal knowledge to enrich the literature and the data . I also recognize my positionality in the research and the ways in which it contributed to the outcomes. Literature Review Thanks to my Puerto Rican and organizing background I had a handle on much of the context before starting the Field Practicum . The review of the appropriate literature intensified once arriving at the University of Florida. I focused my literature review on two m ain areas at first . The first was understanding the political reality of Puerto Rico through Professor Suarez's course, Puerto Rican Politics, which included policy, social movements, governance, etc. and was mostly focused on Puerto Rico. The second was through an understanding of the impacts of Hurricane Maria and putting the storm into a broader social, material, and political context based on geopolitics, social movements, governance, infrastructure, climate change, policy, etc. This was more inclusiv e of diaspora movements and literature. Next, reviewed Dr. Gravlee's works on race in Puerto Rico as a guide to construct how I would discuss race in the interviews and surveys I conducted. This would go through revisions after talking with people in Puer to Rico but provided the basis to initiate the race conversation without using the US Census categories as a standard, which are not very applicable to the conceptions of race for people in Puerto Rico. Finally, I reviewed the literature about social move ments and their role in governance accountability and SDG 16. The weakness in my literature reviews is that most of the literature I have read has been in English questioning what perspectives have been left out due to my inclination towards English texts. Social Network Analysis/Social Media Analysis Upon arriving to Puerto Rico , I created multiple social network models using Facebook data pulled using an application called Netvizz and visualized using Gephi . These social network visualizations were used as a talking point with members of UNSIF to find out more about the organizations being displayed in the analysis and the nature of the connections between the organizations. These network visualizations pu lled from Facebook were not telling an accurate story of the connections based on the conversations with people from UNSIF. It included many organizations that had since gone defunct or were not truly connected to these other groups beyond social media (t he celebrity Eminem's Facebook page showed up in the analysis as a testament to the inclusion of actors that may not be truly involved). It also excluded many organizations who did not prioritize social media in general or Facebook specifically. I was ad vised that Instagram may be a more fruitful place to see connections more accurately, Figure 8 : Depiction of the way the Methods for the Field Practicum flowed into one another
28 reflecting more active use by social movement participants and groups. Valuable learning process about value of triangulation with mixed methods. I was ill equipped to pe rform a network analysis using Instagram. Instead I used the posts from social media to allow me to find different events that may be happening as well as different groups that are involved in social movement work within the Puerto Rican transnational com munity as well as see connections between the two of them. I did collect data based on those connections and saved over a thousand posts that I found significant to portraying the nature of social movement collaboration among the Puerto Rican transnational community . I also created a spreadsheet that details organizational collaboration based on social media connections (Facebook and Instagram), collaboration on events (mostly discovered through flyers and events found on social media but also through conv ersations, interviews, and surveys), at the same event together (discovered through participant observation), people who connect the groups (discovered through social media, participant observation, surveys, and interviews), and groups who are a part of a coalition together (discovered through social media, participant observation, surveys, and interviews). Due to limitations of time and resource for this field practicum the social network analysis will not be included in the final report , but the analysis of social media posts will be included. The reason this is included in the methods section is to articulate how an attempt at this method did allow for me to gain a unique understanding of things, to show that there is opportunity for further data analy sis to create new perspectives, and to show how this method did serve to influence other methods that I did include in the final analysis. Ethnographic Observation / Participant Observation/Informal Conversations Much of the research I collected was throug h participant observation. Though many times I intended for the observation to be more ethnographic the nature of the events/meetings and the nature of the participants I was observing forced me into a more participatory role. For example, as I attended a rally people came up to me as soon as I arrived and handed me a sign to hold and a list of the chants that they would be reciting at the rally. To gain acceptance into their space I decided that participation would be the best option. Also acting as a participant allowed me to ask for clarity on things that I observed that I may have not understood had I not asked and sparked conversation about some assumptions made by the group hosting the event/meeting. At these events/meetings some of the things I p aid particular attention to was demographics of people in the room, topics covered, what words people used, settings chosen, imagery used by attendees, and the different groups that were/were not represented. Below is a list of all the events/meetings that I observed. There were 30 in total. â€¢ ! Centro conference in New York, New York â€¢ ! Post Maria Rally in NYC â€¢ ! Centro conference in San Juan, Puerto Rico â€¢ ! Shoe Vigil for Uncounted Lost Puerto Ricans o ! 3 day event â€¢ ! Southern People's Initiative Intensive (San Juan, LoÂ’za , and Lares) o ! 3 day's worth of activities throughout the three localities involving many different groups from Puerto Rico and from the US south. o ! I facilitated one workshop in this intensive â€¢ ! March for Independence of Puerto Rico â€¢ ! March for Pensions of Retirees
29 â€¢ ! Picket for Teachers and School Closures â€¢ ! Brigade to Proyecto Agroecologia Campesino â€¢ ! Rutgers New Jersey Workshop â€¢ ! Participatory Discussions ( 6 ) â€¢ ! UTIER Training â€¢ ! UNSIF meetings (9) o ! Some of these UNSIF meetings also would include people from Alto del Cabro and El Hormiguero, two groups that UNSIF works closely with. One of the shortcomings of the participant observation portion of the research is that oftentimes when too many conversations in Spanish were happening around me at the same time it was m uch harder for me to keep up than when it would be multiple conversations in English. These things were aided by guide s who helped point things out I may have missed , but having a guide was infrequent. Also due to the set up at the Centro conference in Pu erto Rico and my weaker Spanish in compared to English I did not perform a thorough word analysis at the Centro conference in Puerto Rico as I did with the one in New York. Another key shortcoming was that most of my observations were concentrated in the greater San Juan area. Through interviews and conversations people have told me that the realities of San Juan are very different from the rest of the archipelago and often times when people say "Puerto Rico," what they really mean is the "San Juan metro area. " Participatory Action Research Through UNSIF I was asked to create two course curriculums and contribute to the creation of a third. I was also asked to create two informational guides for organizations that were coming to visit Puerto Rico in so lidarity efforts. Through these lesson plans unique knowledge was produced and collected through communal discussions and exercises. I will analyze this data as well looking for key themes that are produced, shortcomings in the lesson plans to meet objec tives, and how these methods can serve to produced improved communal knowledge between social movements in Puerto Rico and solidarity efforts abroad. ** Note : These lesson plans were created for people who are not Puerto Rican but interested in solidarity efforts. This may help to glean some pathways of collaboration for people who are unaware of the situations in Puerto Rico as, anecdotally, many Diaspora Ricans may be . Interviews (Semi Structured/Informal Interviews) I conducted 15 interviews using a set of questions that I used as a guide for our conversations Puerto Rico that included two people who do not currently live in Puerto Rico but are a part of a Puerto Rican solidarity group in Los Angeles, CA. Of the people living in Puerto Rico I was ab le to interview three people who were not currently living in the San Juan area and a fourth who lived most of her life outside of San Juan. The other eight were all living in the greater San Juan area. Many of the people I interviewed had lived in the U nited States at some point or another with the exception of three. This definitely colored my responses a bit towards people who may be a bit more understanding of the Puerto Rican diaspora than your typical Puerto Rican involved in social movements in Pu erto Rico. I chose these people to interview because they all came from different "front lines" (sectors) of Puerto Rico social movements and
30 had a unique perspective based on the work that they do and their relation to the Puerto Rican diaspora. I was r ecommended to most of them through UNSIF but others I also knew of from social media reviews. With limited mobility and high levels of activity in Puerto Rico during the summer it was difficult to get people to schedule over an hour to sit with me to have these interviews. I had anticipated the interviews to be my primary method of data collection but as my time there progressed , I realized that in order to have the reach that I would like to have in order to collect enough unique opinions a survey may be suitable to complement the rich data I acquired through the interviews. Much of the conversations had in the interviews and through participatory observation served to create the framework for the surveys that I would use towards the end of the field pra cticum. Surveys I created an online survey based off the interview questions that I was using to conduct the semi structured interviews and adjustments/recommendations suggested by people I interviewed as well as people from UNSIF. The survey consists of 42 questions wit h different pathways on the survey for people who may identify as being of the Puerto Rican diaspora and people who identify as being from Puerto Rico, or both. Due to these multiple pathways no one will answer 44 questions in total. The norm is 31 quest ions to be answered in the survey. The online survey uses Qualtrics as the online platform to host the survey and as a tool to analyze the data. I sent the survey to people that I was unable to interview while in Puerto Rico and Puerto Rican groups of the archipelago and Puerto Rican diaspora that I have come across through various social media platforms. Each group also received a copy of the letter of consent detailing the study. There were 2 6 responses to the survey. I did receive feedback from two s urvey participants. The first mentioned a missing racial category of mestizo. The second mentioning that they felt the survey was too long. Reflecting back those are two things that I would improve next time I use surveys. Who Did I Choose to Include? Without being aware my field practicum has been an ongoing process in my life that came to fruition Summer 2018. My connection to Puerto Rican social movements in parts of the archipelago and the Rican diaspora made it easier for me to reach out to people for interviews (if possible), connections, and surveys. I relied on this to create the sample of people that would participate in my data collection. With only 10 weeks in country and less than a year to prepare it was not possible to create a random sam ple of social movement groups and/or participants across these spatial dimensions and account for the response rates to this "cold" solicitation. Instead I used snowball sampling started with groups I already was connected to and from there having them con nect me to other groups they are connected to. This method of choosing participants made it so that many of the participants were people who had similar political ideologies to me and UNSIF. Some of the salient ideologies mentioned by the participants we re being Pro Independence, socialism, anarchism, and leftist. These are not the only ideologies held by participants of the study, but these ideologies are likely over represented compared to had I taken a random sample of people involved in Puerto Rican S ocial Movements. Two very obvious movements in Puerto Rico that are missing the Pro
31 Statehood movement and the Crypto currency movement. Some would argue the latter is not a "Puerto Rican" movement but a US movement that is driving US actors into Puerto Rico. Despite that it is a movement where Puerto Ricans are involved that will have impact on the future of Puerto Rico. I also chose to include labor unions as part of my studying and including them under what I conceive of as a social movement organiz ation. In Puerto Rico, New York, and Florida labor unions like UTIER, and SEIU are heavily involved in the social movements of Puerto Ricans in those localities, reaching far beyond advocating directly for the rights as workers but also delving into social and environmental issues as well. Analysis To analyze my data, I transcribed the recorded speeches that I had and combined all the notes from the interviews I did record, ethnographic observations, participant observations, and informal conversations. I then used Grounded Theory to code the documents by hand. I analyzed the survey data, interviews, and ethnographic/participant observations separately. I used the three methods to look for both divergence and triangulation. In the spirit of Nightingale 's ( 2003) analysis I looked for triangulation while also seeking out " Ã‰ the silences and incompatibilities that become evident when data sets produced by diverse methodologies are brought together ." Results Demographics Table 2 Demographics (part 1) of Intervieewees and Participant Observation participants I conducted four interviews . T he demographics of the people who participated are outlined in tables 2 and 3 In these tables I also included demographics of people who invited me to an event instead of participant observation where I was able to ask some questions within the !"#$ % ?8)9)'@AB C$"#)*)' @AB ' D$9E)'@AB ' ?)F$&*'@AB ' 5$38&0' @AB ' D8$1)'@:B ' !(*$1%$9)' @:B ' .$/"'' @:B ' D"0$%)' @:B ' !"#$%&"'$#( ) 60%,+"'78.-1 60%,+"' 78.-1 ' 60%,+"' 78.-1 ' 60%,+"'78.-1& ' *0+'<18+%;' =+-+%#'!8+8J%1' *2'8$4"#8+8"1 ' !0*-1 ' Puerto Rican/Antillana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
32 flow and dynamic of the event. Beyond this the demographic makeup of the events I obse rved was diverse in age, race, and gender from what I could observe. I observed a retiree's rally that included many people who I assume to be over 65. I also observed an event in New York where no one appeared to be older than their 30s. Table 3 Demographics (part 2 ) of Intervieewees and Participant Observation participants !"#$ % ?8)9)'@AB C$"#)*)' @AB D$9E)'@AB ?)F$&*'@AB 5$38&0'@AB ' D8$1)'@:B ' !(*$1%$9)' @:B ' .$/"''@:B ' D"0$%)' @:B ' Gender U"$-1 ' U"$-1 U"$-1 I -1 I -1 L%1;%,' O"1 K R81-,2 U"$-1 I -1 U"$-1 Racia l Ethnic Identity U98+% ' U98+% U98+% I0>-+"T-TV ' Languages Spoken W1?>8#9' -1;' =4-18#9 ' W1?>8#9' -1;' =4-18#9 W1?>8#9'-1;'=4-18#9 =4-18#9 W1?>8#9' -1;' =4-18#9 W1?>8#9'-1;'=4-18#9 W1?>8#9' -1;' =4-18#9 W1?>8#9' -1;' =4-18#9 =4-18#9 Primary Language =4-18#9 W1?>8#9 =4-18#9 =4-18#9 =4-18#9 =4-18#9 =4-18#9 W1?>8#9 =4-18#9 Age Range XY K ZX ' [\ K XX ' [\ K XX ' XY K ZX ' XY K ZX ' [\ K XX ZY] XY K ZX [\ K XX Profession N-B2%, ' A-.8>8+-+",' -1;' M,?-18J%, ' 69"+"?,-49%,TQ8;%"?,-49%, ' W>%.+,8.8-1 ' 6,"5%##", ' !"",;81-+",TW;0.-+", ' 7%+8,%; ' F"0,8#$' 6>-11%, ' A-,$%, ' S c hooling Completed N-B' /%?,%% ' 69/ ' R-.9%>",# ' R-.9%>",# ' 69/ ' ="$%'L,-;0-+%'=.9""> ' 69/ ' ="$%' L,-;0-+%' =.9""> ' 26 people responded to the survey. Table s 4 and 5 below outlines the demographics of the people who participated. When asked if they identified as being from Puerto Rico or the Puerto Rican diaspora 15 people who responded to the survey replied they identified as being from Puerto Rico, 5 identified as being f rom the Puerto Rican diaspora, and 6 identified as being from both. This indicates that my data will be skewed towards those who identify as being from Puerto Rico within the Puerto Rican transnational community. Most of the people who responded indicated their first language to be Spanish . Table 4 also shows where people identified as their place of residence and where they were raised. Of note, people overwhelmingly listed being born and raised in Puerto Rico, with San Juan being the main place mentioned. It was brought to my attention that the narrative of San Juan is often pushed to a degree that overshadows the perspectives of other municipalities in Puerto Rico. This must be identified as a weakness in this research as well. Also, places of current res idence and upbringing exclude some important Puerto Rican diaspora locations such as Chicago, Pennsylvania, and Massachusetts. Beyond the small sample size these things make it clear that more needs to be drawn out to be a better representation of the nuan ce of perspectives of both the Puerto Rican left social movements. Only 4 of the people who took the survey indicated that they had not completed any collegiate degrees, all indicated that they had some college or university education or technical school/c ertificate. All the rest had at least a bachelor's degree with 4 going as high as a PhD and two having law degrees. Not shown on the tables are the organizing focus of the people who responded to the survey. Education and Agroecology were the most prevalen t with culture and anti racism following as the next most prevalent. 11 people indicated that the focus of their efforts include collaboration between Puerto Rico and the Puerto Rican diaspora.
33 &'()$*% +"(,-.-/"0, .)%$"9)0$%G :"0$%$/)0'AE&"0"3G !8**&9%' H&1$E&9/& :0)/&1'H)$1&E :8&*%"'H$/"4' :8&*%"'H$/)9' ,$)1I"*)4'"*' J"%( K&9E&* ' *.24%&): 60%,+"'78.-1 =".8->8#+TO-+8"1->8#+ <=)&OP&12. OP!&F^&67 R"+9 I->% ' *.24%&); R",8.0N8*%,-> M,>-1;" 60%,+"'78." R"+9 I->% ' *.24%&)< )5,"R",8.0<1.>%-, @<18+%;@'=+-+%#'"5' )$%,8EEE-&'A>",8;-&' I8-$8 @<18+%;@'=+-+%#'"5' )$%,8EEE-_' I8>B-0E%%&'UDT' =-*-1-'L,-1;%&' R",81`0%1'T' )?0-;8>>-&'R",81`0%1C' R"+9 I->% ' *.24%&)= <= #".8->8#+ K >%-181? =-1'A,-1.8#."&'!) R"+9 A ' *.24%&)> 60%,+"'78.-1 =".8->8#+ !8;,-&'67 60%,+"'78." R"+9 I-#.0>81" ' *.24%&)? )5," K R",8.0,%:">0+8"1-,2 R,""E>21&'OP O%B'P",E'-1;'60%,+"' 78." R"+9 A%$->% ' *.24%&)@ U%'*%>"1?'+"'+9%'%-,+9C'aD' ;"'9">;'-'<='4-##4",+b )>>'4"B%,'+"'+9%'4%"4>% R",8Ec1 &'!-,">81H-B-88&'!->8 60%,+"'78.-1' /8-#4",I->% ' *.24%&)A 60%,+"' 78.-1 N8*%,->&'4,"?,%##8:%&'#+,"1?' *%>8%:%,'81'+9%'4"B%,'"5'+9%' 4%"4>%'*%81?'?,%-+%,'+9-1'+9%' 4%"4>%'81'4"B%,C A",+'I8+.9%>>&'d%1+0.E2 /%1:%,&'!">",-;" 60%,+"'78.-1' /8-#4",A%$->% ' *.24%&)B <=) 6 ,"?,%##8:%T 7-;8.->>2 ' >%5+ R,""E>21 )>*0`0%,`0% 60%,+"'78.-1' /8-#4",B"$-1 ' *.24%&):C OT) N/A <=)&'!)&'N"#')1?%>%#'!) N)'e'=( 60%,+"'78.-1' /8-#4",' *.24%&):: R",8.0-'$8V'"5')1-,.98#$&' !"$$018#$&'=".8->8#$' O%B'P",E 698>-;%>498-'-1;'O%B' P",E'!8+2 60%,+"'78.-1' /8-#4",I->% ' *.24%&):; 60%,+"'78.-1 T )1+8>>8-1 )1-,.98#+ ' 60%,+"'78."&'=-1+0,.%' Q%?-'R-S-&'I f 1-+8&' R-2-$"1&'),%.8*"' 60%,+"'78."' 60%,+"'78." O"'*81-,8"' ' *.24%&):< 60%,+"'78.-1' =".8->8#+&' 6," K D1;%4%1;%1.%' W$-1.84-+8#+ 60%,+"'78."&'=-1'(0-1 60%,+"'78."&'=-1'(0-1 60%,+"'78." I->%' ' *.24%&):= !-,8**%-1 )1-,.9" K ." $ $018#+ 67 67 60%,+"'78." $->% ' *.24%&):> 60%,+"'78.-1'B8+9'-'<=' 6-##4" ,+ D5'8+'8#'+9%'#+-+0#' g ' 6," K D1;%4%1;%1.% &'D5'8+'8#' 498>"#"492' g ' 6"#+ K -1-,.98#+' -1;';%.">"18-> ' !"11%.+8.0+&'<=) )?0-;8>>-&' A",$-+8:%' %;0.-+8"1'81 ' =-1'(0-1 60%,+"'78." I-#.0>81"' ' *.24%&):? 60%,+"'78.-1 !""4%,-+8:8#+C' 60%,+"'78."&'=-1'(0-1 60%,+"'78."&'I",":8#C' 60%,+"'78." H0$-1' ' *.24%&):@ 60%,+"'78.-1 ' D1;%4%1;%1+' =-1'(0-1 60%,+"'78."&' 698>-;%>498-aY'2%-,#b' 60%,+"'78." A%$->%' ' *.24%&):A 60%,+"'78."' D';"1G+'9-:%'' #4%.858.'4">8+8.->' 8;%">"?2 N-S-#&'60%,+"'78." I-2-? h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
34 Table 4 Demographics (part 1) of people who participated in the Surveys *.24%&);= ),?%1+818-1 )4">"+8.-> _'@7%->8+2'8#'+9%' +,0+9'-1;'"1'8+'D'-.+'+"' 8$4,":%'+9%'."1;8+8"1#'+9-+' #0,,"01;'0#Ci' 60%,+"'78."TR-,,8"' M*,%," ),?%1+81-& ' R0%1"#' )8,%# 60%,+"'78." I -#.0>81" ' *.24%&);> Puerto Rican =".8->8#+ %1+,%'=-1'(0-1'2'N-,%# #-1'(0-1 60%,+"'78." A %$%181" ' *.24%&);? ) D'-$'-'.8+8J%1'"5'+9%'B",>; )1-,.98#+ L0-21-*"& ' 67 =-1'(0-1 60%,+"'78." A%$%181" '
35 Table 5 Demographics (part 2) of people who participated in survey Objective 1: Importance of Collaboration " Well for me the Puerto Rican nation does not end at 100 x 35. The Puerto Rican nation is spread across the world. I think that definitely the role of the diaspora in the development of the interests of what happens in the island is very important " Ã Javier, Interview Participant " All the collaboration of the organizations inside of Puerto Rico and the collaboration with the groups in the diaspora with all of that will and commitment and resources we can actually &'()$*% +"(,-.-/"0, H)/$)0LM%(9$/' AE&9%$%G ' ' D)938)3&1'7I"N&9 ' :*$#)*G' D)938)3& O3&' H)93& :*"P&11$"9 7/(""0$93'!"#I0&%&E ' *.24%&): U98+% W1?>8#9 W1?>8#9 jk K lX HQ)! H8?9'=.9"">'/%?,%%'",' %`08:->%1.2& ' ="$%'!">>%?%'",' <18:%,#8+2& ' F%.918.->'!%,+858.-+% ' *.24%&); W1?>8#9& ' =4-18#9 =4-18#9&W1?>8#9 XY K ZX I":%,'-1;'#9-E%, I-#+%,#'/%?,%% ' *.24%&)< R>-.E& ' D1;8-1 &' I0>-+"T-TV W1?>8#9& ' =4-18#9& ' M+9%, W1?>8#9 lY K lm H%->+9'-1;'U%>>1%##' !"",;81-+", R-.9%>",# ' *.24%&)= F,8?0% n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n "T-TV W1?>8#9& ' =4-18#9 W1?>8#9 jk K lX #+0;%1+ H8?9'=.9"">'/%?,%%'",' %`08:->%1.2& ' R-.9%>",#& ' ="$%' L,-;0-+%'=.9""> ' *.24%&):C I0>-+"T-TV W1?>8#9& ' =4-18#9 W1?>8#9 [\ K XX ="$%'!">>%?%'",'<18:%,#8+2 ' *.24%&):: R>-.E& ' F,8?0% n "T-TV W1?>8#9& ' =4-18#9 W1?>8#9 [\ K XX !"$$018+2'M,?-18J%,' H8?9'=.9"">'/%?,%%'",'%`08:->%1.2 ' *.24%&):; I0>-+"T-TV W1?>8#9 =4-18#9 [\ K XX !"",;81-+",'-1;'W;0.-+", ' ="$%'L,-;0-+%'=.9""> ' *.24%&):< R>-.E& ' D1;8-1& ' U98+% W1?>8#9& ' =4-18#9 =4-18#9 [\ K XX 6">8+8.->'=.8%1+8#+ R-.9%>",# ' *.24%&):= F,8?0% n "T-TV W1?>8#9& ' =4-18#9& ' M+9%, =4-18#9 [\ K XX 498>"#"49%, /".+",-+% ' *.24%&):> U98+% W1?>8#9& ' =4-18#9& ' M+9%, ' =4-18#9 [\ K XX /".+",'81 ' !D6M R-.9%>",#& ' I-#+%,#'/%?,%% ' *.24%&):? R>-.E& ' (-*-"T-TV& ' D1;8-1& ' I0>-+"T-TV& ' F,8?0% n "T-TV& ' U98+% W1?>8#9& ' =4-18#9& ' 6",+0?0%#%& ' A,%1.9 =4-18#9 lY K lm H%,8+-?%'D1+%,4,%+%,'-1;' W;0.-+",C'' H-:%'1"+'."$4>%+%;'#%."1;-,2' #.9"">& ' H8?9'=.9"">'/%?,%%'",' %`08:->%1.2& ' = "$%'!">>%?%'",' <18:%,#8+2& ' R-.9%>",#& ' ="$%' L,-;0-+%'=.9"">& ' I-#+%,#'/%?,%%& ' F%.918.->'!%,+858.-+%& ' M+9%,'/%?,%%' ",'=4%.8->8J%;'N8.%1#% ' *.24%&):@ U98+% W1?>8#9& ' =4-18#9 =4-18#9 lY K lm R-.9%>",# ' *.24%&):A U98+% W1?>8#9& ' =4-18#9& ' A,%1.9 =4-18#9 [\ K XX =.8%1+8#+ /".+",-+% ' *.24%&):B F,8?0% n "T-TV W1?>8#9& ' =4-18#9 =4-18#9 [\ K XX >-B2%, R-.9%>",#& ' N-B'/%?,%%& ' M+9%,' /%?,%%' ",'=4%.8->8J%;'N8.%1#% ' *.24%&);C U98+% W1?>8#9& ' =4-18#9& ' 6",+0?0%#%& ' M+9%, =4-18#9 lY K lm =%,:%, R-.9%>",# ' *.24%&);: I0>-+"T-TV W1?>8#9& ' =4-18#9 =4-18#9 XY K ZX A-,$%, /".+",-+% ' *.24%&);; F,8?0% n "T-TV W1?>8#9& ' =4-18#9 ' =4-18#9 jk K lX ),+8#+ ="$%'!">>%?%'",' <18:%,#8+2 ' *.24%&);< F,8?0% n "T-TV W1?>8#9& ' =4-18#9 =4-18#9 [\ K XX ).."01+' I-#+%,#'/%?,%% ' *.24%&);= U98+% W1?>8#9& ' =4-18#9& ' 6",+0?0%#% =4-18#9 XY K ZX 40*>8.'$%;8-'%V4%,+ H8?9'=.9"">'/%?,%%'",' %`08:->%1.2& ' ="$%'!">>%?%'",' <18:%,#8+2 ' *.24%&);> D1;8-1 W1?>8#9& ' =4-18#9 =4-18#9 XY K ZX H8#+",8-1'-1;'W1:8,"1$%1+->' %;0.-+",' R-.9%>",#& ' ="$%'L,-;0-+%'=.9""> ' *.24%&);? ) U98+% W1?>8#9& ' =4-18#9& ' A,%1.9& ' M+9%, =4-18#9 [\ K XX 69-,$-.8#+ /".+",-+% '
36 achieve things but without that we won't be able to achieve anythi ng. " Ã Juana, Interview Participant The four people I interviewed all indicated that they viewed that collaboration among social movements of the Puerto Rican transnational community as very important. Miguel, one of the interview participants, insisted t hat I no longer refer to Puerto Rico and the diaspora as separate entities. He emphasized the nature of migration within the metropole not being between two separate nations and thus not truly representative of a "diaspora." He insisted that we refer to Pu erto Ricans of various localities as a transnational community. Juana, also quoted above, said " The Hurricane was a big moment in that concentration and at the same time here in Puerto Rico we are developing the consciousness around the importance of the P uerto Ricans that are outside the Ã”pais' and we are understanding that we need to work together. And many groups in Puerto Rico have been working with groups in the diaspora before that. " All the interview participants listed the hurricane as a big moment in collaboration between the Puerto Rican transnational community. When I asked one of the interview participants, Xiomara, about who does she believe collaboration is more important she said "I think it is important for both. We here have our needs and ov er there in the diaspora they have their needs. For example , things aren't the same here as they are t here , and we do not have to deal with the things they have to deal with and in some ways . T hey don't have to deal with some things we have to deal with. A gain , we are not limited by 100x35 and we are all Puerto Rican , so we need to understand how to help each other as a nation." This quote again emphasizes the idea of a transnational community extending beyond the geographic bounds of the archipelago often referred to by the island's dimensions. Juana also emphasized the importance of collaboration " not just with the United States but also with Latin America because Puerto Rico is a part of Latin America have extended that reach of collaboration. And this i s important because we can't just stay only within Puerto Rico and not have access to other influence and ideas. That interchange of ideas, exchange of strategies, what is working here in Puerto Rico and what is working and being used outside of Puerto Ric o . B ut this is something we need to understand and its impact on the influence of our Ã”pais.'" This emphasis of collaboration beyond just the Puerto Rican transnational community and placing it within the greater context of the Latin American context of co lonialism, imperialism, and struggle for liberation is something that would come up in other contexts as well. Here Juana emphasizes the way that those in Puerto Rico can facilitate this due to their proximity to Cuba and Dominican Republic. Miguel suggest ed that those living in the United States can make those connections through the broader Latinx organizing that happens in the states. During the participant observations there was a lot of interactions between the people of varying localities of the Pue rto Rican transnational community and those not a part of that community at all. A year after Hurricane Maria there were groups from CUNY, Rutgers, and the Southern Movement Assembly that came to support the various efforts happening in Puerto Rico. All of the Puerto Ricans I came across emphasized the need for collaboration and support but there were polarizing views what form this collaboration should take. Some were questioning if it was forms of voluntourism. I will explore this later in the results for Objective 2. Despite the questioning I observed predominately positive responses from Puerto Ricans to collaboration throughout the transnational community. Christina, one of the speakers of an event I was invited to attend instead of a formal interview , stated that the "bonds between the island and the diaspora are strengthening, but it is also great to see non Puerto Ricans doing this
37 work also," as she spoke to a room of mostly non Puerto Ricans from Rutgers University. Nico, another person who invite d me to an event they were speaking at in lieu of an interview, stated that after Hurricane Maria "We knew we could only depend on ourselves, our family, our neighbors, and the diaspora." He went on to say that the diaspora Rican's ability to mobilize, for better and worse, created an immediate bridge and connected people in across the Puerto Rican transnational community that had not been connected before. During our solidarity visits to the agroecology farm the two farmers who ran the farm expressed imm ense gratitude to us both times we went. The first time it was mainly people of the Puerto Rican trans nation including some from the states. The second time it was mainly non Puerto Rican allies. Both times Lolita, one of the farmers, cried during her exp ressions of gratitude towards our presence and support. She expressed the loneliness associated with being farmers in a more rural part of Puerto Rico. Though they had received other farmers to host brigades, workshops, and collaborations of various sorts this was the first time they received people who were from outside of Puerto Rico. She emphasized how moving of an experience this is and wanted to ensure that the exchange of work and knowledge continues. Both times after days of working on the farm they took me and others to the local "chinchorro" or bar to have some local "pitorro" or moonshine and to talk and "conspire" more with us. Despite all of this positive response I question how much I was blinded by the limited sample size, time in Puerto Rico , and selection bias. I was only in Puerto Rico for 10 weeks and only attended 30 events that were recommended to me by people who knew my topic of study and may have guided me to places they knew I would be well received. During a meeting with Luisa, from my host organization, where she was reaching out to a someone she had recommended I interview, I overheard her conversation where the person on the phone had told her that he didn't want or need anything from diaspora Ricans and wasn't interested in wasti ng his time talking to me. This was after we exchanged many text messages and even a phone call where I described to him the study and he said he would talk to his wife, who is also in the agroecology movement, to set up an interview time that works for bo th of them. When I asked Luisa why he felt that way about the working with diaspora Ricans she shared with me that he may not view people of diaspora Ricans as fully Puerto Rican but insisted that was speculation on her behalf. Would you be interested in mutual aid/solidarity work with other organizations/groups/collectives in Puerto Rico? Figure 9 People's Response to survey question on collaboration with PR based social movement entities
38 As detailed in figure 9 , o f the people who participated in the survey, 11 indicated that they currently focus their organizing efforts in some way around collaboration between Puerto Rico and the Puerto Rican diaspora. Table 6 shows full responses to types of collaboration along wi th their identification as being from Puerto Rico, Puerto Rican diaspora, or both. When asked , " w ould you be interested in mutual aid/solidarity work with other organizations/groups/collectives in Puerto Rico? " one person , person 9, responded to saying the y have participated in mutual aid/solidarity work with groups in Puerto Rico and they would not be interested in continuing. Person 9 identified as being diaspora Rican and listed having limited capacity when asked later in the survey about what they would be willing to give in a mutual aid/solidarity project. Two of the people who responded mentioned that they don't currently but would be interested. One , person 15, currently lives in Connecticut and is completing a PhD but is formerly from Puerto Rico and was involved in social movements in Puerto Rico. While they indicate being somewhat connected to diaspora movements and having a medium level of understanding of them, they later suggest that they are not interested in working collaborating with diaspora organizations. It seems their lack of physical distance to Puerto Rico and their lack of desire to work through diaspora groups may be preventing their ability to collaborate back with groups in Puerto Rico. The other , person 8, is in San Juan and I cannot discern a clear reason as why they do not collaborate with other Puerto Rican groups. Two people indicated that they have never participated but is interested. One, person 4, in their other survey responses this person seems loosely connected to social mo vements in general and seeking greater involvement in general. I am curious what is preventing them from meeting this desire. Would you be interested in mutual aid/solidarity work with other organizations/groups/collectives of the Puerto Rican Diaspora? Figure 10 People's Response to survey question on collaboration with PR diaspora based social movement entities When asked , "w ould you be interested in mutual aid/solidarity work with other organizations/groups/collectives of the Puerto Rican Diaspora ? , " ( see figure 10 ) o ne person who identified as both Puerto Rican and of the Puerto Rican Diaspora indicated that they have never done so and do not want to do so (see figure 6) . This person indicated that they are part of the agroec ology movement and, though they speak English and Spanish, Spanish is their main
39 language. They also indicated the only placed they lived outside of Puerto Rico as Mexico. When asked if there are any groups they wouldn't work with, they stated that "with o thers there is much to do." I wonder if they feel that within their particular movement collaborating with diaspora Ricans would require too much work for them and not enough return since they indicated that they already do engage in this type of work with groups in Puerto Rico. Three others who identified as being of both Puerto Rico and diaspora Rican indicated that they do not currently but would be interested. Two of these three are in San Francisco and Miami respectively. Both these places have less de nse diaspora communities with less history of social movements of Puerto Ricans. I wonder if that contributes to their difficulties of finding a diaspora organization, group, or collective to participate in. The third currently lives in New York and indica ted high levels of connectedness to Puerto Rican diaspora movements, and high understanding of them. I wonder if there is another reason for their lack of involvement, such as family/work obligations, since New York is a place with a lot of opportunity esp ecially for someone who is well connected to the groups there. Responding to the same question, among those of diaspora enclaves, person 9 who responded not being interested in it with groups in Puerto Rico because of having limited capacity reiterated the ir response here. One indicated that they don't currently but would like to. This person lives in Fort Mitchell, Kentucky and I assume the that the lack of a dense diaspora community is prohibitive to their involvement in diaspora organizing. Table 6 Survey responses on interest to work with various types of social movement groups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
40 Of the people who identified as being from Puerto Rico that responded to the question "would you be interested in mutual aid/solidarity work with other organizations , groups , or collectives of the Puerto Rican Diaspora?" One person who responded said they have never done so before and is not interested currently lives in Connecticut in pursuit of their Masters/PhD. As mentioned earlier they indicate beings somewhat connected to diaspora movements and having a medium level of understanding of them. They ment ion being interested in working with groups in Puerto Rico, though they don't currently. When asked what would prevent them from collaborating with a group they mention not wanting to work with " Old political organizations, [or] independence groups that ha ve remained in that discourse, [and] yellow panfletros [political propaganda flyers] organizations of socialism. Well, because they have not managed to get out of the metro , nor are they interested in changing political views, it is a come to me and it ass umes my ideology/project and shut up . " Beyond this person 9 doesn't say anything directly about diaspora Ricans or diaspora enclaves, or why they do not have interest in collaborating with them. Through interviews, participant observation, and surveys th e majority of the people I interacted with demonstrated through word and action that they view collaboration among the Puerto Rican transnational community as important, some viewing it as essential to the future of Puerto Rico. Though there were those who viewed it not to be important it was not clear why exactly they viewed it to not be important other than those who cited a limited capacity for collaboration. *.24%&):: D'->,%-;2';"'-1;'81+%1;'+"'."1+810% D'->,%-;2';"'-1;'81+%1;'+"'."1+810% D'->,%-;2';"'-1;'81+%1; ' +"'."1+810% 60%,+"' 78.-1' /8-#4",*.24%&):; D';"13+'.0,,%1+>2'*0+'D'B"0>;'*%'81+%,%#+%; D';"13+'.0,,%1+>2'*0+'D'B"0>;'*%'81+%,%#+%; D'->,%-;2';"'-1;'81+%1;'+"' ."1+810%]j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
41 Objective 2: (Mis)Understanding of Each Other and Each Other' s Movements The data shows that the people who participated in my interviews, participant observations, and surveys indicated overwhelmingly that they view collaboration as important and that they either actively engage in them or they are interested in doing so but t hey don't currently or never have. 12/26 in the surveys indicated that they have interest in collaboration with Puerto Rican diaspora social movements but do not do so currently and 8/26 expressed having interest in collaborating with Puerto Rico based gro ups but do not currently or never have. What is your level of understanding the social movements in Puerto Rico? Figure 11 Bar graph showing level of understanding of PR based social movements What is your level of understandi ng the social movements of the Puerto Rican Diaspora? Figure 12 Bar graph showing level of understanding of PR diaspora based social movements Table 7 Survey responses on understanding of and connection to social movements in PR and PR diaspora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
42 *.24%&)> !"11%.+%; O"+'."11%.+%;'-+'->> H8?9 N"B R"+9 *.24%&)? Q%,2'."11%.+%; Q%,2'."11%.+%; H8?9 I%;80$ R"+9 *.24%&)@ !"11%.+%; !"11%.+%; H8?9 H8?9 60%,+"'78.-1' /8-#4",*.24%&)A ="$%B9-+' ."11%.+%; !"11%.+%; I%;80$ H8?9 60%,+"'78.-1' /8-#4",*.24%&)B ="$%B9-+' ."11%.+%; ="$%B9-+' ."11%.+%; I%;80$ N"B 60%,+"'78.-1' /8-#4",*.24%&):C ="$%B9-+' ."11%.+%; ="$%B9-+' ."11%.+%; I%;80$ I%;80$ 60%,+"'78.-1' /8-#4",*.24%&):: Q%,2'."11%.+%; Q%,2'."11%.+%; Q%,2'98?9 Q%,2'98?9 60%,+"' 78.-1' /8-#4",*.24%&):; Q%,2'."11%.+%; ="$%B9-+' ."11%.+%; Q%,2'98?9 N"B 60%,+"'78." *.24%&):< !"11%.+%; O"+'."11%.+%;'-+'->> Q%,2'98?9 Q%,2'>"B 60%,+"'78." *.24%&):= Q%,2'."11%.+%; Q%,2'."11%.+%; H8?9 N"B 60%,+"'78." *.24%&):> !"11%.+%; ="$%B9-+' ."11%.+%; H8?9 I%;80$ 60%,+"'78." *.24%&):? !"11%.+%; O"+'."11%.+%;'-+'->> H8?9 Q%,2'>"B 60%,+"'78." *.24%&):@ !"11%.+%; ="$%B9-+' ."11%.+%; H8?9 H8?9 60%,+"'78." *.24%&):A !"11%.+%; ="$%B9-+' ."11%.+%; H8?9 N"B 60%,+"'78." *.24%&):B Q%,2'."11%.+%; ="$%B9-+' ."11%.+%; Q%,2'98?9 I%;80$ 60%,+"'78." *.24%&);C Q%,2'."11%.+%; !"11%.+%; Q%,2'98?9 I%;80$ 60%,+"'78." *.24%&);: !"11%.+%; O"+'."11%.+%;'-+'->> I%;80$ N"B 60%,+"'78." *.24%&);; !"11%.+%; !"11%.+%; Q%,2'98?9 H8?9 60%,+"'78." *.24%&);< ="$%B9-+' ."11%.+%; O"+'."11%.+%;'-+'->> N"B Q%,2'>"B 60%,+"'78." *.24%&);= Q%,2'."11%.+%; ="$%B9-+' ."11%.+%; Q%,2'98?9 I%;80$ 60%,+"'78." *.24%&);> Q%,2'."11%.+%; ="$%B9-+' ."11%.+%; H8?9 I%;80$ 60%,+"'78." *.24%&);? Q%,2'."11%.+%; O"+'."11%.+%;'-+'->> Q%,2'98?9 Q%,2'>"B 60%,+"'78." Figures 11 and 12 show people's level of understanding of social movements in Puerto Rico and within the Puerto Rican diaspora respectively. Table 7 shows responses by participants. The figures show that more people who responded to the survey have a high or very high understanding of social movements in Puerto Rico, which makes sense being that most people who responded either live in Puerto Rico or identify as being from Puerto Rico. Correspondingly, many people indicated that they have a low or very low understanding of diaspora social movements. This was more common among those who identified as being from Puerto Rico. The only two people who identified as having a very high level of understanding of social movements in Puerto Rico and the Puerto Rican diaspora. One identifies as being diaspora Rican, person 1, and the other as both, person 11. Both of them are from New York. During participant observation some people from Puerto Rico asked me questions about Puerto Rican diaspora social movements and indicated that they would like to know more. One shared that we have the ability to take classes on the history of Puerto Rico and Puerto Rico politics , but no such courses are offered in Puerto Rico about the Puerto Rican diaspora. These survey results and participant observations indicate an understanding gap that may contribute to lower rates of collaboration despite views of collaboration being highly important. In this section I will be discussing the various understandings and m isunderstandings among the Puerto Rican transnational community that may act as facilitators and/or hinderances to collaboration. This is broken into three categories Material Conditions, Ideology, and Approach.
43 These categories have much overlap with each other as material conditions, ideology, and approach all dialectically interact with one another. Material Conditions " I think there is also an understanding of daily life. As an anthropologist, it's so important to be somewhere to really understand it so there's this really interesting entanglement between people's identity and their feelings of closeness and not necessarily having direct experience of what it is like to live here in Puerto Rico." Ã Xiomara Being in Puerto Rico for 10 weeks I realized how difficult it is to get around Puerto Rico in a way that was affordable monetarily without being a huge energy drain. While there I biked, walked, and took the bus/train throughout the San Juan metro area. Of tentimes I was soaked from sweat and physically drained upon arrival at my location after venturing out in the punishing Puerto Rico summer climate. When I would share with people how tired I felt, people in Puerto Rico would nod their head at me as if to tell me "you see what we go through." 6 people I requested to do interviews with instead invited me to participate in events or a tour, of sorts, of their lived experience. This was intentionally done because they felt beyond asking questions, I needed to see the material conditions form which these answers are derived. "[We] wait for buses, before uber it was wait for buses, or walk, or Ã”te jodiste' you are not going anywhere. So, I think it is hard to remember or to understand the pace of life here and t he challenges people face just making every day things happen." Xiomara shared this with me in our interview and made a point to emphasize how important it is for those collaborating with people in Puerto Rico to understand the pace in Puerto Rico is diffe rent due to the infrastructure and the material reality of the locality. Linda added on "I think that what she said, Xiomara said, about the way of life, the pace and how it changes is very crucial. Ummm, I guess also this idea of like the resources umm, a lso like umm the, I guess it is kind of hard to get an idea of how hard it is to get around and get the resources when you are not here. Like, oh this is part of the United States, but things are not the same here." People shared stories with me about goi ng to the medical clinic and that can be a multi day affair. You can be sitting in the clinic all day just to get authorization to see the doctor that you actually need to see and then spend a whole additional day to see that doctor. The wait times are lon g because clinics and hospitals are understaffed. People also spoke to me about the air quality in Puerto Rico being poor due to the Sahara winds leading to high rates of asthma and a lot of breathing issues for people there. This also contributes to energ y drains and additional doctor visits. Other people told me that updating your tag in Puerto Rico is also an all day affair because there is only one place to do so and often people are inundated with questionable fines imposed by the tag agency. Miguel ur ged in his interview, "Don't just come here to go to the beach and walk the streets of San Juan. Actually, interact with the people and understand what is happening. Actually, listen to the people because they are telling you the truth of Puerto Rico right now. There is a video on the internet that talks about the cost of a car in Puerto Rico. It is 40% more than paid in the mainland. Food is 20% more than on the mainland. We are paying overpriced a lot due to the navigation laws for Puerto Rico. Even thou gh those are what caused the US revolution. They fought against these unfair navigation laws and they placed them on us." Juana shared with me the nuances of employment laws that she said many, that aren't recent diaspora Ricans , don't understand. She sai d "Right now the probation period for workers
44 is 9 12 months where over there it is usually 3 months. And that has an impact on the immigration of Puerto Ricans out of Puerto Rico. The politics push people out of Puerto Rico. Because people graduate from t he university and there aren't jobs here. Because the jobs in the government is more based on family, political favors, and any other kinds of personal favoritism. These things cause this precarious position. And it is hard because people get out of colleg e and can't afford to pay for the things they need to live here." This sheds light on the lack of certain worker protections and further inhibit a struggling employment market that underlies the migration leading up to and after Hurricane Maria. Even dur ing Hurricane Maria, with a heightened spotlight being put on Puerto Rico and its conditions, there seemed to be large gaps in the material realities of Puerto Ricans in Puerto Rico and those in the rest of the Puerto Rican transnational community. Nico ca lled it "Aid that helps and hurts." He spoke about the collection of food and clothes that were not useful at the time. Shipping often becoming incredibly difficult, especially because of the Jones Act. And even for things that did get through Xiomara spo ke on the incredible burden that the aid often came with. She said, "people are not comfortable sending money by and large and that is a weird part of how charity works. I trust you up until a point. What do I feel comfortable parting ways with? I will sen d you my old clothes, but I won't send you the $30 it costs to ship it. So, it wound up creating more problems in some cases like a capacity drainer. Like here you are throwing all this shit at me because you want to help and that's cool but then my life b ecomes managing the emails, the calls, having to go to the post office, and I don't have a car, to get three boxes, that in some cases when it's what you ask for, beautiful, but when it's not, it's like I have to find someone who can take this." She mentio ned often going to the post office to retrieve boxes and it being things that she did not ask for and another time where everything in the box was ruined by water bottles in the box that had leaked. After disasters these inappropriate aid dispersals are co mmon ( Oliver Smith et al. 2016 ) beyond the Puerto Rican transnational context. Yet those in Puerto Rico still saw this as an opportunity to improve communication and not simply accept it. According to Juana "Maria opened the pandoras box. We see it every day but everyone looked the other way. But after Maria you have to rebuild the whole Ã”pais' or we have big big social problems." Juana highlights the day to day material problems in Puerto Rico but also the social problems that exist between the Puerto Ri can transnation of misunderstanding and miscommunication that can be improved by building better bridges. In our interview, Xiomara continued to drive home this importance to truly understand the daily lived experiences of people in Puerto Rico. She said "there has to be a deep commitment to listening and moving at the pace that people in the island setÃ‰I mean me I will even ignore someone if they are trying to pressure me, sending me lots of emails, calling me like I need this answer I need to send this r eport." She offered that she "think[s] there needs to be maybe a more active relationship about listening and understanding what is happening here in Puerto Rico especially when I think about building bridges because that's what happened with the Young Lor ds right, they had it figured out for the Bronx and then they came to Puerto Rico and were like Ã”we know how to get you free' and they were like Ã”what do you mean?' and so you know that listening that relationship is something that I think needs to be bett er and obviously that looks different because there are some people, there are degrees." In this process of listening and understanding the mainstream media seemed to be viewed as not helpful and a source of inaccurate propaganda according to the people in terviewed. But all mentioned social media as a viable tool. Miguel said "We need more small fights becoming one big fight. I think in one movement the media can find the information in the social networks.
45 We need to use the social networks to fight the media. We are in a really good time, in the 70s you realize something happens because of the press. Now anyone with a camera on their phone can show what is happening. We need to use social networks more to show what is our speech." Juana also emphasiz ed social media and the internet as "vital" and insisted that this is something that can help overcome language barriers which I will explore later in this section. Though it was very common for people to emphasize the misunderstandings of the material co nditions in Puerto Rico as a hinderance, few brought up a lack of understanding of the conditions of those in the Puerto Rican transnational community living outside of Puerto Rico. Some even resisted a need to learn about it. During one of the farm visits Lolita was interacting with a Puerto Rican from Minnesota and he was trying to explain the conditions in Minnesota and the geography of the area. Lolita seemed visibly frustrated and eventually responded that this was useless knowledge to her asking him " you're going to teach me about the imperialists?" in a condescending manner. Though this overt resistance to learning about the experiences of those in diaspora enclaves was not common either it does seem like the focus is much more on learning and underst anding those in Puerto Rico and not those outside of Puerto Rico. Language was mentioned as a barrier to communication, understanding, and collaboration by all those interviewed though they all seemed very optimistic that it can be navigated. Juana empha sized that " the younger generations through social media and things like that they speak English very well. In school and everything, television they all speak Spanish. I don't know the numbers but that is my perception." She also highlighted that her and I were able to communicate with each other well in Spanish despite Spanish not being my primary language and my mentioning that Spanish speaking is a skill I am still working on improving. Miguel emphasized a need for a dual lingual movement that allows pe ople to learn and communicate in both languages. He acknowledged that this would be more cumbersome time wise but would pay off in the long run. Xiomara emphasized a need to address the trauma from the people of the Puerto Rican diaspora around language an d being disconnected from Spanish through their displacement and/or migration. She said for her just learning the language required a lot of emotional energy and confrontations with shame as being part of a Spanish speaking transnational community. She sha red " I think that multi lingual thing is when you didn't really have a lot of trauma around language in your house then yea maybe you can learn a lot of languages. But for me Spanish was such a fraught learning experience that I can't even imagine learning another language." She expressed fear venturing out past the San Juan metro area because of her limited Spanish speaking abilities early on. During the conference held in Puerto Rico by Centro I noticed that even the director of Centro had some issues re membering certain words in Spanish during his opening presentation. The crowd seemed to support him, and he received their support lightheartedly. During the farm visits some of the participants of the Puerto Rican transnational community and allies did no t speak Spanish fluently while both the farmers spoke very limited English. Despite this communication was navigated through the support of those who were more bilingual or context clues and visual demonstrations. During the workshops held by UNSIF of non Puerto Rican allies they emphasized the importance of language justice and had translation services available throughout the event, again, utilizing the bilingual members of the collective to act as translators. They also ensured that the workshop facilita tors provided key terms to facilitators ahead of time to be familiar with the vocabulary to be used. Beyond the obvious linguistic challenges of those who speak predominately Spanish and those who speak predominately English there were also certain words that I noticed were triggers
46 for dissension and divide in Puerto Rico. I noticed the mention of colonization or decolonization to be divisive depending on when used. There seemed to be discrepancy on whether or not Puerto Rico is, in fact, a colony, even among those who admonished the relationship between Puerto Rico and the United States. Some argued it was a more imperial relationship and others opted to call it an in between status of imperialism and colonialism. Decolonization was also a hot topic in t erms of what exactly the word meant. I will explore this more in the ideal state section. The way Puerto Rico was described can be confusing and exclusionary at times because it is often referred to as "la isla" or the island even though it is in fact an archipelago. The dimensions of 35x100 refer to the dimensions of the main island of Puerto Rico excluding the other parts of the archipelago that make up the physical land that encompass Puerto Rico. Despite people's acknowledgement of this they still wou ld habitually use these incorrect but common terminology. This may seem like mere semantics but when you consider the ways Vieques and Culebra, islands a part of the archipelago, tend to be neglected it becomes important to consider if language and attitud es are aligning to leave certain peoples out. As mentioned above there are also questions of whether terms like migration, immigration, and diaspora are relevant to describe those who have left Puerto Rico for the United States. Some have suggested transn ational community or transcolonial community as replacements. These are all things that should be discussed to better understand the situation and apply the appropriate language to capture what is actually happening. Beyond this I did notice constant cal ls of "wake up" or "despierta" by Puerto Ricans living in the states in conversation with other Puerto Ricans living in the states. There seems to be a sentiment that they may be lulled to sleep through their relation to empire and physical distance from P uerto Rico. Ideology When the question of ideology comes up in Puerto Rico the first response, I would hear from most people would be around the status issue. Much literature has spoken to the status issue as the key political cleavage in Puerto Rico. T hough it didn't come up when I asked about ideology, there is another ideological debate that persists among the Puerto Rican transnational community and that is the boundaries of Puerto Rican ness. In this subsection I will cover the nuance of ideology in Puerto Rico which includes these boundaries of Puerto Rican ness, the status issue, class analysis, and identity politics. I mentioned in the preceding section a couple that ran a farm that I went to support their work and engage in participant observat ion at. They brought us to a local "chinchorro" or bar each time we went to their farm. During one of these trips we were playing dominoes. It was me and Micheal, Puerto Rican from Minnesota, playing against Pedro, the other of the two host farmers, and Em ilio, the leader of the brigade coordinating group and well known local farmer. We ended up winning the game and I leaned over to Pedro and said to him in Spanish "how does it feel to lose to two Ã”Gringos,'" and he replied back by asking me where my "roots " are from. I said Juana Diaz and Aguadilla in Puerto Rico, he replied back, "you are not a Ã”Gringo,' you are Puerto Rican!" I tell this story to articulate how, either, the perceptions of people of diaspora enclaves by people who live in Puerto Rico has shifted so that they now "fit" the definition of Puerto Rican ness and/or the boundaries that define Puerto Rican ness have shifted. In Nico's talk that I attended he shared with the Rutgers students that people in Puerto Rico "Used to call the
47 diaspora Ri cans Ã”gringos' despite their color. It used to just mean American. But the diaspora became validated by the island after being rejected for such a long time." He was referring to the response towards the Puerto Rican diaspora after Hurricane Maria. In my p ersonal experience I have been called "gringo" many times by family and friends in Puerto Rico or those who have recently moved to the states from Puerto Rico due to the way I speak Spanish and the disconnection, whether perceived or understood, I have wit h Puerto Rico and Puerto Rican customs. Though while in Puerto Rico on this project I was repeatedly corrected for the way I answered the question "where are you from?" I would answer that question by stating I am from Florida and attending the University of Florida. The people who were in my host organization or knew more about me would correct me and say, "he is Puerto Rican living in Florida." Eventually Celestina, from my host organization, pulled me aside and told me from now on that is how I had to an swer that question because she was tired of correcting me. Admittedly I was too intimidated to ask her why. One of the people I interviewed and quoted earlier, Javier, also made a point to introduce me to all the people in an event he brought me to as "Pue rto Rican, born in the United States, and going to the University of Florida," before allowing me to go into more detail about my project. During Javier's interview he shared, "There are a lot of people that think that if you do not live here you don't ha ve a right to say anything about what is happening here. Just because you were born here in Puerto Rico doesn't mean you aren't Puerto Rican. I know some people who do not live here who are more committed and dedicated to building the Puerto Rican Nation. People like that are more Puerto Rican than people who are born here and don't care about contributing to that nation building." Javier, being someone who has never lived outside of Puerto Rico, is over 40, and only speaks Spanish seems to be taking a quit e progressive position on the definitions of Puerto Rican ness. His quote raises the question of whether in recent times people of the Puerto Rican diaspora have shown that they are more committed to nation building than they were before or if participatin g in nation building is a newly added qualifier that is now included in Puerto Rican ness thus changing the boundaries of what makes someone Puerto Rican. It also raises the question of whether this progressive stance is becoming increasingly pervasive eve n among the older generations that have lived their whole lives in Puerto Rico. In the conference for the Center of Puerto Rican Studies at CUNY they reiterated the concept of Puerto Rico and Puerto Rican to emphasize that the conversations were to entail not just Puerto Rico and the people who live there but also all those who fall into the category of Puerto Rican though they never truly defined what qualifies someone as Puerto Rican or not. There is a poem by Juan Antonio Corretjer in which he states, "And as I defy the villain, I yell: I would be Boricua even if I were born on the moon!" Corretjer's words have been used by many people of the Puerto Rican diaspora to assert their ties to the Puerto Rican national identity regardless of birthplace, thoug h, as noted by the use of the word "gringo" to describe diaspora Ricans , this practice has received ample push back from those who were born and raised in Puerto Rico and even some people who are part of the Puerto Rican diaspora. The term Nuyorican was bo rn out of this conflict. To ascribe a new identity to a growing community that spawned from the displacement of Puerto Ricans to the states. In the surveys, participants were asked to self identify as being from Puerto Rico, of the Puerto Rican Diaspora o r both. Of those who self identified as being from Puerto Rico all also indicated that they were raised in and currently live in Puerto Rico except one. The one exception was raised in Argentina and identifies as "ArgentinoriqueÂ–x." All those who were rais ed and currently live in Puerto Rico stated their national identity as Puerto Rican except two.
48 There was two who identified as Puerto Rican and added on "Antillana" and "with a USA passport" as a suffix to their national identity. The two who did not iden tify as Puerto Rican identified as Caribbean and as a "citizen of the world." The Argentino Rican identity is of note as I overheard conflicting dialogues among Puerto Ricans in Puerto Rico and of the Puerto Rican diaspora as to who counts as Puerto Rican among those who have migrated there from other Latin American countries such as Dominican Republic, Venezuela, Haiti, Argentina, Cuba, etc.. Even migration from Anglo White identifying people from the USA who have moved to Puerto Rico creates even more mur ky waters as to who can claim Puerto Rican ness. Of those who identified as being of the Puerto Rican diaspora all indicated that they currently live outside of Puerto Rico and one indicated that they were raised between San Juan and Los Angeles. Of those who indicated both all indicated living inside and outside of Puerto Rico at some point. 6/26 of the people who responded identified with this "both" category. The increased ease to move back and forth between Puerto Rico and other US states due to lower c osts of transportation could also be a contributing factor that is making the distinction between Puerto Rico and Puerto Rican d iaspora less clear. It is still unclear if this is giving people more qualities that fall into historic notions of Puerto Rican ness or the revolving door in and out of Puerto Rico is creating the need for boundary shifting of the definition to accommodate these new relations to Puerto Rico and identity. In the end there is a lack of clarity of who exactly counts as the larger Pue rto Rican nation and, thus, who is inherently part of the nation building process that must happen transnationally. What access, privileges, and responsibilities does that entitle one to? This is something that needs to be clarified. "Because Puerto Rico is a place very divided politically. The status issue divides us a lot. A lot in the diaspora as well. There is a congress of people who are pro independence, but they usually stay in their pro independence bubble. The question ideologically, it is diffic ult because the United States is very imperial, and it controls so much of the world through capital. It is psychological as well because people view the United States as a friendly nation with democracy and all these things and they contribute. Also, the inability to travel impedes things because that physical contact with each other is important to understanding each other. So, the political ideology problem, the problem of space and distance, and the psychological parts are challenges. But the biggest o ne is political ideology" Ã Javier, Interview Participant All of the people that I interviewed indicated that the status issue, whether Puerto Rico is a state of the United States, Independent from the United States, have some in between relationship wit h the United States akin to what they currently do, or some other status, is one of the main dividing issues that disrupt collaboration among people in Puerto Rico and the larger Puerto Rican transnational community. Despite all of them stating that they a re strongly in support of independence they indicated that it should not be the focus of organizing efforts and we need to find other common ground to bridge the gap between us. Juana emphasized that often someone's stance on status can be misconstrued. Wh en asked about differences she is aware of among diaspora Ricans she shared " Well what I know is what they say here which is that there could be a difference ideologically between the diaspora of New York and Florida. They say that the diaspora of Florida is a more conservative diaspora and they lean more towards statehood. But despite all of that the Florida diaspora after the Hurricane was very active. They came to the
49 support of Puerto Rico. The difference is in vision and in status but that is not somet hing that we need to say is a lack of commitment to the "pais." Someone who is pro statehood and living in the United States isn't less committed to Puerto Rico than someone who is pro independence and living in the United States. That is a love for the "p ais" and there isn't a difference in that. I know pro statehood people who identify as a United States citizen that live in Puerto Rico. And they do not identify as Puerto Rican exactly. But that is part of the vision they have." Juana would go on later to speak about the importance of coming together on common issues and the communal creation of education practices that can inform people free of propaganda and reconcile these varieties of visions and viewpoints. One survey participant quoted above emphasiz ed that one of the types of groups they would not work with are "independence groups that are stuck in that discourse." This same person also identified as being pro independence when asked to describe their political ideology. Miguel, when asked about t he status issue he said, "That is a very hard question, I think at some point we need to be independent. Is the country in the position to be independent right now? Okay, sometimes Independence starts in a very bad situation in the country. Usually in t he old times the change to independence starts in a really bad situation but are the people in Puerto Rico prepared for a really bad situation. They think that they are in the lower place but are they prepared to get lower than we are right now. I came fr om a country that went to a really bad situation in the 90s. When we thought we couldn't go lower we sunk all the way to the bottom and really hard. The Cuban special period in the 90s was really, really, awful. And if Puerto Rico gets independence righ t now, they will be in that type of position. And Puerto Ricans have been getting benefits from the states to change that fast, that status, you need to create and rebuild the country and economy in another direction a sustainable direction. I think the p eople of the country are not prepared for that. Even the people who speak about independence are not prepared for that. Not yet." This seems to be a growing direction of those favoring Puerto Rican independence. Many in Puerto Rico no longer seek to look at it from a legal perspective but rather from a material perspective. Focusing on the concept of sovereignty. Javier described, when sharing his views on independence, shared "It is very important to work collectively for liberty and sovereignty. When I say liberty and sovereignty these are two things that have to happen at the same time. We can't have liberty without sovereignty, and we cannot have sovereignty without liberty. Because many places are independent, independent republics, but their economie s are practically completely controlled by foreign companies and products. When the countries control the local economies, it costs us our independence so that is why I say sovereignty and liberty both." In this context it seems that Javier is using libert y and independence somewhat interchangeably. Similar to Miguel he is advocating for a material sovereign condition that would precede any calls for codified independence or liberty. On the farm, Lolita described the 5 principles of agroecology establishe d by the collective of farmers, MAVI, that she is a part of. They are diversification, recycle of nutrients, adding efficiency, synergy, and minimize waste. Later she was asked how her agroecological project ties to the independence of Puerto Rico. She sta ted "independence, the principles are revolution, this is independence." She went on to elaborate " we cannot be in every march in San Juan, but we can build these principles in our community and this is revolution. It is something that is connected. I hope that more organizations see these principles that can be on more than a farm. You can apply them to your community. I hope these principles get more in the discussion in the independence of Puerto Rico. If we keep walking straight, we hope to be a lightho use to
50 guide revolution and independence." She later emphasized the importance of sovereignty in three areas; food, energy, and education. Decolonization was a common concept that came up in the interviews, participant observations, and surveys. Xiomara was the only one who clearly put it as an alternative pathway to approaching the status issue. She shared "It isn't just like a change of state. You know status is important, we have seen that this mess of colonialism and Ã”disque' commonwealth has led to t he, like made everything much worse, the delivering of services, so we can see there is a problem with the colony, yes. But then there is this other problem with wanting or learning how to feel capable. And I think, like, that is the work we have to do whe re we are figuring out, how do I decolonize my days, how do I spend my resources differently." She directly poses decolonization as an approach that ties into sovereignty and management of resources and bridging the gap between the psychological and materi al and not just in the sense of changing the legal status. This concept of decolonization will be explored in greater detail in the next section on the ideal state of collaboration. During participant observations people in Puerto Rico mentioned to me tha t there organizing is much more focused on the colonial status and class to the detriment of identity based issues. They articulated to me that issues around race and gender are often overlooked. Also, in one of my interviews, Xiomara shared that from her experience "conversations about race and class are much more explicit within the diaspora and I think it would be, we need more of that here in Puerto Rico, so there is something that I think the diaspora brings because of its closeness to other minoritize d groups and proximity to sort of the ground zero of American wealth so there is a different kind of understanding to things." I was told that gender is viewed as a decisive and "gringo" issue by men in organizing spaces and those conversations are usually pushed back against. When I was in a shared working space with some of the people connected to my host organization I was working on a facilitation guide for a workshop on "toxic masculinity" that I was asked to do for an organization I used to be a part of in Broward County, Florida. A couple women saw what I was working on and asked me to help them create one in Puerto Rico that would be contextually appropriate based on the difficulties they have addressing gender concerns and the various traumas exper ienced by women in Puerto Rico at the hands of gender based violence, both in social movements and generally. After Hurricane Maria gender violence incidences have skyrocketed in Puerto Rico ( Tighe and Gurley 2018 ). This topic of gender violence in social movements became a pervasive theme throughout the Puerto Rican transnational community. Bianca, a participant in multiple events I attended, suggested that men in the Young Lords had to be kicked out for being "sexually reckless," and mentioned incidences of pedophilia. People in Puerto Rico seem intent on creating spaces of healing to address this, but I was not made aware of any such healing around these past occurrences among diaspora Ricans . In El Hangar, a collective that I participated in some of thei r events, they emphasized that "it isn't one case of sexual violence that they need to battle it is a system and culture of it. We have to battle it through political and practical means.". This will be explored more in the section on the ideal state. Fin ally, though not as pervasive as the other things I mentioned here, there were a few times where generational gaps were viewed to be difficult things to navigate. According to younger organizers, the older organizers saw issues of gender, sexuality, race, and even class on more traditionalist terms not to be disturbed or pushed back against, favoring for a status quo and feeling addressing these issues would be divisive. The younger organizers, especially those with
51 oppressed identities and/or class statuse s felt it to be essential to address them all through an intersectional approach. This conflict split some coalitions in New York and in Puerto Rico according to people I spoke with at events and meetings. Approach "We were getting burned out denouncing what was happening but lacking long term projects. Nothing to develop alternative paths to creating a new country. That is the political context in which el hormiguero grows." Ã Linda, Speaker from El Hormiguero El Hormiguero is a building occupation in the Santurce barrio of San Juan, Puerto Rico. It is a place where many leftist organizations in the area go to participate in various events and use the space for their own organizational activities. It is one of two building occupations I came across in S anturce alone. I was told that there are many other building occupations and land occupations throughout Puerto Rico. They described to me the process of scouting buildings using public records and bringing in people who graduated from University of Puerto Rico with engineering degrees but couldn't find work to scout out these buildings for structural integrity before deciding which buildings they would occupy. Some of the organizers also live in the buildings so they serve the purpose of housing for those who may otherwise not be able to afford it due to the commitment they have to the unpaid organizing work that they are involved in. These tactics by people in Puerto Rico would illicit responses of amazement and reluctance from people outside of Puerto Ric o. This includes the Puerto Rican transnational community and other allies who came to visit Puerto Rico while I was there. They were amazed by the ability of the people in Puerto Rico to pull it off. They were reluctant on whether this is a tactic they co uld/should ever do in their own contexts, and sometimes whether or not they should support it ever being done. These conversations around places like El Hormiguero, and El Hangar, the two building occupations I visited, revealed to me how misunderstandin gs and/or disagreements around tactics could hinder collaboration among the Puerto Rican transnational community. The legality of actions often was less important to people in Puerto Rico while legality seemed to be a much greater deterrent for the Puerto Rican diaspora and other groups that organize within the continental United States that I interacted with. Even things that may have been legal but were viewed as too disruptive, such as strikes, were tactics used more often by the groups in Puerto Rico t hat I observed in comparison to diaspora Ricans that I interacted with. At one event a diaspora organizer, speaking on the UPR student movement, "They demand things and seize them. They ask for forgiveness not permission." Though there seemed to be the n arrative that diaspora groups, often, were not radical enough and Puerto Rico groups could be too radical I didn't observe this to always be the case. When observing the group in New York protesting around PROMESA they were very aggressive with their messa ging and approach. They were asked by cops or security to move or tone down their messaging on 3 separate occasions. In the rallies I went to in Puerto Rico they often had a much more festive energy. Playing salsa music and characterized by chants that wer e more rhythmic and fun instead of agitational. Though I am aware that there are more agitational rallies held by people in Puerto Rico and more festive rallies held by people in diaspora enclaves than the ones I observed. There are overlaps in approaches between the various groups within the nuanced differences.
52 These differences in and misunderstandings of approaches can often lead to agenda pushing, and/or exclusions of who is included in the social movement process. I initially asked questions of inte rview participants about whether they thought the Puerto Rican diaspora or Puerto Rico seemed to drive the agenda more on what social movements take precedence and what approaches should be taken. This question was met with resistance and one interviewee f elt that the question itself is a product of a colonial and divisive mentality. Despite this, people I interviewed did reveal to me that they excluded, either fully or partially, some groups within the Puerto Rican transnational community because of their agenda and their approach. I began using this as a proxy through the interviews, participant observations, and the survey to shed light on agenda prioritization. In her interview, Juana shared, " The problem is most of the people who come to Puerto Rico in public service really don't come to be in public service they come to get rich." She shared this to emphasize why many social movements on the left in Puerto Rico discredit voting and people who emphasize that approach. She went on to say, "That type of st uff is a broken promise to the people and lacks the possibilities of an actual government. But the people have the conscious that when they vote, when participate in the electoral political process, well multiple things, first whether to participate in the political process, whether to participate in electoral politics, and the vote cannot do much. You take out one person who is bad for someone who is slightly less bad and very few people are desired for reelection for another term. And, also, now that we h ave the fiscal control board that we cannot take out through electoral means we have to put public pressure and pressure in the streets and renounce them in the United States and internationally." Christina stated in her presentation at an event I attended "Maria, you didn't take the right things, you didn't take the government." Lolita built on this to emphasize how the government distrust feeds into their approach by saying, "We don't see that our government has any interest in helping us out, so we need to take initiative in organizing." El Hormiguro furthered these sentiments by sharing "We cannot wait for anyone to build what we want and what we need. We need so much for the liberation in this place. We are always thinking about the practice." When talk ing about the ideal state of collaboration a survey participant added "They should communicate with each of us instead of using the government or intermediaries who don't do much more than bureaucratize that relationship." Due to this distrust of the gover nment many groups I encountered in Puerto Rico would distrust those of the Puerto Rican transnational community that work directly with the government of Puerto Rico and view those who do as uneducated on the local context and ill informed. They also saw t hem as part of the problem of fattening the pockets of the corporate interests that are entangled in the Puerto Rican government. Despite this some of these same groups who distrust the government in Puerto Rico and express distrust of the USA federal go vernment and FEMA there still seems to be understanding and supporting of voting as a tactic for those in the Puerto Rican diaspora to varying degrees. Miguel shared "politicians do not want to go against the constituents and if these voters don't know how important Puerto Rico is for the US than they will not support it. The mainland movements have to be able to show that to those voters." Juana also shared that she is actively working with diaspora voters to use their votes for Puerto Rican interest. She said "right now the plan of the future is during the mid term elections to influence as Puerto Ricans and with the women there we want to write and influence people and establish with the parties to vote for people who are going to look out for the succes s of Puerto Rico." When speaking about NGOs many of the organizers I came across in Puerto Rico would affirm that they were not NGOs with a sense of pride. The people in El Hormiguero shared "We
53 are a grass roots project not a non profit and we don't want to deal with that bureaucracy. We want a democratic and participative organization." The desire to for sovereignty in deciding the approach of their organizations seems to be perceived as diminished or compromised when entangled with non profit status and the interlockings between capital and the metropole that come with it. When asked why her farm doesn't take help from USA non profits Lolita shared that the "movement is, I think, about hosting or adopting a farm and giving a lot of money from everywhere, agencies, etc. It is beautiful and perfect, but it is not a replicable model. It is not that we are masochists, but it is because we need to show that it can be replicated by people who cannot get the grants. Here in PR there is a lot of mechanization ev en within the agroecology world and it is replicating the dependency system on external resources. We need to understand here how to cut the ties with imperialism and capitalism." Lolita was emphasizing that the ability to write and manage grants is an exc lusionary process that will elevate some types of people over others and in order to move in the communal sovereign direction her and the members of MAVI envision it must be more inclusionary and show that things can be down without outside aid. Xiomara al so shared her reluctance towards NGOs. She stated "Ã‰but at least some of the folks wanted to come to Puerto Rico with the idea that they will share their model and that they could show Puerto Rico how to build and be a part of or a protagonist in building that in Puerto Rico. I think there's this idea of moving one's agenda, seeing like Puerto Rico as a way to expand your agenda, your reach, and your impact." She went on to describe it as "greenwashing" and said these NGOs "move of tons of money, in the fo rm of aid, and we all know a ton of that gets stuck in overhead. Universities were viewed as allies and agenda pushers. Christina, speaking directly about El Centro, felt that they "hold conferences to talk about things but never actually do anything." Sh e shared that she feels they just involve themselves in as many things Puerto Rican as they can so that they can continue to secure grant money. During the conference El Centro had in New York there were very few active social movement organizers present. Even the director of El Centro stated in New York that they need more young organizers to be involved in the conferences and in driving movement. In response I asked him if El Centro actively invited Puerto Rican organizers to the conference in New York, I shared that in New York you can throw a rock out of a window and likely hit a Puerto Rican organizer from my experience, so was there a reason why they don't come to these conferences despite having a large presence in the city. The director refused to an swer the question saying it was too long to get into. Someone in the workshop pulled me aside later and told me that from their view El Centro had burnt its bridges with the organizing community in New York but didn't share details on how or why. In the co nference they held in Puerto Rico there were members of various mutual aid groups present at panels and someone from El Hormiguero there as well, though she was there due to her involvement with a non profit that is her paid job. She shared with me that sh e appreciated El Centro's inclusion of the mutual aid groups because they do not often get validity due to their lack of formal structure or NGO status. She also expressed frustration with El Centro's lack of acknowledgement of the students outside protest ing for housing equity on campus. They had an entire forum on housing but did not mention that the students at the university they were using for their conference were protesting that exact thing just a couple blocks away. She and others also shared a dist rust of El Centro and other universities from the states due to their interaction with the Puerto Rican government being prioritized, in their eyes, over their interaction with Puerto Rican people. Also, during El Centro's conference at UPR they added gend er signs to bathrooms as the students had removed the bathroom gender signs to make them all gender
54 neutral. This was not viewed favorably by those involved in the social movements that drove those actions. Despite the people I encountered in Puerto Rico, also expressed their appreciation of El Centro and other universities for the data and reports that they produce that help shape their organizing efforts. Xiomara and Juana both expressed their fear of the Puerto Rican business class. Juana's applied bro adly to those across the Puerto Rican transnational community. Xiomara spoke specifically about diaspora Ricans, sa ying , "Ã‰And also like the new small business owners, diaspora. They can afford to buy this building and launch this new business that looks l ike this Williamsburg kind of replicaÃ‰El lote, glorified food trucks gentrified pricesÃ‰those kind of moves are the ways the diaspora has coopted the movement and can say to themselves Ã”oh I am a Puerto Rican and I can return because I want to help, echa pa lante a mi pais.' But they don't have practices that are transformative in any way." She emphasized that she is not against Puerto Ricans who want to start businesses in Puerto Rico but that they must do so within a communal process and understanding the b roader impacts and implications of their actions. Juana also emphasized a need to overcome ego that is present within the business class but also is shared by others within Puerto Rican social movement. She said, " Ã‰there is a lot of that, a lot of fighting of egos. And I think in this moment of the movement it is a moment where a lot of people are coming together to work together to work for the good of the community. The more people who are unified the better we work. That change from the individual to the collective is a very necessary change. Leave your individual aspirations for that of the collective. That is the only way that we can work in a more effective way in Puerto Rico." For the survey, I asked "Are there any organizations/groups/collectives you wouldn't collaborate with and/or any reasons you wouldn't collaborate with a particular organization/group/collective." Of the 24 responses nine said some variation of no, there aren't any groups they wouldn't collaborate with. Of the remaining 13, five m entioned political in some way. One specifically mentioned US political organizations, another mentioned the democrats, and one mentioned old political organizations with outdated views. Three people mentioned not wanting to work with people who are "for p rofit" or have a "capitalist agenda." One person mentioned being against working with religious fundamentalist organizations, though during participant observation it was mentioned that local churches could and often do serve as a bridge within the Puerto Rican transnational community. The data shows that there are many different approaches taken by the Puerto Rican transnational community in movement building. Sometimes these approaches are at odds in certain ways and coalesce in others. These conflicts and contradictions can lead to misunderstandings and exclusions of some groups of people into certain spaces. From my observations, people in Puerto Rico use their validation of cultural capital as a tool to push their agenda and approach, while diaspora R icans use their material resources and perception of "US" educational superiority to push their agenda. It was mentioned to me often that people in Puerto Rico tend to view US universities, people who attend them, and things they say as more valid than tho se who don't. This can lead to power imbalances and agenda shifting based in perception more than material reality. Summary In many ways, material conditions, ideology, and approach are dialectically intertwined. They interact with each other, inform each other, and shape each other. The Puerto Rican transnational community has expressed through their words and actions that th ey view
55 collaboration amongst themselves as very important. In order to make this collaboration more of a reality there needs to be a better understanding of the material conditions of those involved, their ideologies, their approaches and how these things interact with one another. Through this understanding there can be appropriate reconciliation to complement each other's unique and shared realities. I asked Xiomara in our interview, " how do you respect those differences, class, geographical dimensions, while also honoring the fact that we are not going to play this either or game, how do you do that, or how have y'all been able to do that?" She shared that this is a work in progress that they have not found the answers for, but it includes "trying to upl ift other media stories other narratives and try to transform our societyÃ‰[and] solidarity visits." These needs to understand each other's narratives and material realities are essential to improving collaboration. Objective 3: Ideal State of Collaborati on During my field practicum I took an appreciative inquiry approach to understand what people would really like collaboration to look like in Puerto Rico. During interviews and surveys the people who participated were asked what they think an ideal state of collaboration could look like between social movement of Puerto Rico and the Puerto Rican diaspora. In retrospect I would have changed that question to not separate Puerto Rico and the Puerto Rican so distinctly. I would have done so by changing between fo r among and also possibly referring to it as the Puerto Rican transnational community. Despite this the responses were elucidating in many ways. Here I will highlight the overarching ideological components of ideal collaboration, solidarity and decolonizat ion, as well as the more concrete components of ideal collaboration, communication, healing, and material based support. Solidarity Solidarity was a term I heard used a lot to describe the post Hurricane Maria recovery efforts and collaborative initiativ es. Though it was a word used often and juxtaposed against charity and voluntourism it was rarely defined. In this section I will use the data presented through the interviews, surveys, and participant observation to point to the meaning and uses of solida rity in collaboration among the Puerto Rican transnational community. I began hearing solidarity used frequently on social media posts around Puerto Rico recovery post Hurricane Maria. The intent was to find ways to navigate the negatives of donations, ch arity, and aid that have been well documented ( Oliver Smith et al. 2016 ) after a natural disaster as well as in general. The use of solidarity as a course of action in these difficult times in Puerto Rico continued. Despite this continued there seemed to b e little concrete definitions presented by those who used it. During Centro's conference in Puerto Rico there was a workshop on Puerto Ricans in Florida and the concept of Solidarity came up multiple times. I decided to ask the panelists how they define so lidarity. One panelist said, "Under one umbrella, learn from each other and move together in a powerful way." She later added "Don't call me diaspora call me a Ã”hermana PuertoriqueÂ–a de' Orlando." A student organizer from UCF shared, "Creating collaboratio n with UPR. Understanding that being diaspora or island doesn't make you more Puerto Rican than each other." The moderator even chimed in and said "Not argue over policy over political lines but understand that culture brings us solidarity. We all love arr oz con habichuelas." The moderator went on to create an analogy between the Hebrews and Puerto Ricans as a people "people without a president and without its own power; Exploited by others." He said this as a call towards unity through shared cultural/ethn ic identity. In our interview Javier emphasized a similar point by sharing "the Puerto Ricans in Puerto Rico should be able to
56 understand a Puerto Rican in California better than someone else." He is articulating similarly that cultural and identity based experiences have created a shared understanding of each other's realities that will be more easily understood within the Puerto Rican transnational community than outside of it looking in. The people from El Hormiguero talked about building a "solidarity economy" and they described it by saying "people bring their work and their resources. We do not charge anything. There is a bucket for people to donate but it isn't a strategy to monetize. Strategy is to stay out the capital system as much as possible. I t is a strategy to take back community for the people, who it belongs to." Within a similar sentiment Lolita spoke about the Zapatista women's conference she attended and the via campesino movement as a way to show solidarity with the "third world working class." She emphasized strategies to build farmer power that weren't fully reliant on capitalist exchanges through these stances of third world working class solidarity. An African American organizer from New Orleans, who came to visit El Hangar, shared th at " people to people solidarity was the most powerful way people were helped." The people from Puerto Rico who were there agreed strongly with this sentiment and expressed how the mutual aid and support through solidarity was more impactful than that of th e Puerto Rican government. In a survey, one person who responded emphasized " Solidarity on ending systemic oppression, focusing on the root causes of the problems we encounter." Highlighting solidarity as a tool to combat systemic forces. Though the person who responded to the survey doesn't exactly say what those systemic oppressive forces entail they do mention in other questions gender, racial and class based lenses being needed to guide ideology. Decolonization Decolonization was another term I observ ed used to describe a necessary underlying ideological guide to post Hurricane Maria recovery efforts and collaborative initiatives. As with solidarity it was also rarely defined clearly. Similar to the last section, in this section I will use the data pre sented through the interviews, surveys, and participant observation to point to the meaning and uses of decolonization in collaboration among the Puerto Rican transnational community. During our interview Xiomara had a lot to say about decolonization. She shared about decolonization that "it isn't just like a change of state. You know status is important, we have seen that this mess of colonialism and Ã”disque' commonwealth has led to the, like made everything much worse, the delivering of services, so we c an see there is a problem with the colony, yes. But then there is this other problem with wanting or learning how to feel capable. And I think, like, that is the work we have to do where we are figuring out, how do I decolonize my days, how do I spend my r esources differently." She went on to ask "how can they psychologically decolonize themselves and seek out things that are dignified and good for us. All of the Ã”pueblos' have the right to independence and self determination." She also shared that there ar e groups in Orlando that are now being overwhelmed with Puerto Rican constituents and because of that are reaching out to her to talk about decolonization to incorporate in their organizing framework. Here she is articulating decolonization as a practical approach to resource management and daily life, as well as a way to think differently and visualize life differently. When asked about the ideal state of collaboration one of the people who responded to the survey shared the following:
57 "IMMEDIATE practic al decolonization: ongoing identification and support of food sovereignty groups, DIY energy, disaster aid, deliberate development of island and diaspora communication, community support. MEDIUM term political decolonization education and deprogramming so that we can build a true consensus before concrete demands. Thinking beyond US attention only, connecting with other decolonization or debt movements, including international (Palestine, Native Am, other US colonies, Greece, etc). Practical diaspora electo ral political goals (what specific demands must be made from candidates in mainland and island). Other urgent concerns: debt, audit, support for anti privatization resistance, environmental justice. Figuring out best platforms to do this, what parts of dia spora and in PR best organized with similar goals." This person is articulating decolonization as a framework that can guide various actions along the lines of supporting sovereignty of key resources through a bottom up approach, consensus building throug h new educational practices, connection with other colonized groups and groups in similar economic situations, using the tools of the state (electoral politics) as needed, and advocacy for public ownership and environmental stewardship. Juana also added in her interview that, "p eople need to be fully educated on what the details and possible outcomes of independence, free association, and statehood. There are links that cannot be separated between Puerto Rico and the United States that prevents liberty. We want to reclaim a process for decolonization. As part of an effective decolonial effort we have to this educational campaign listed above, not propaganda." She is adding on that new approaches to education are essential to a decolonization process for the Puerto Rican transnational community and their reclamation of a decolonial process. During UNSIF workshops they emphasized that the pedagogical approach fosters "educational exchanges of skills and new decolonial knowledge." Others emphasized the infusion of family into movement spaces as an important part of the decolonial process and healing from the compartmentalizing of family, labor, and politics. A fellow organizer who I have worked with in this project and others, who identifies as being both of Pu erto Rico and Puerto Rican diaspora, defined decolonization as "actively reclaiming the past traditions in order to heal and working on building an anti capitalist future. It is a constant proceso of un learning, re learning, and educating one another thro ugh political education. It is understanding and addressing the +524 years capitalism, colonization, and systematic genocide of the people of Borinquen. The latter allows us to grow and doesn't create space for white and/or male feelings at the expense of our own." In other observations one participant shared "Maria uncovered the political and social ills that island has been facing for years. We are not interested in bouncing back. We are looking towards reinventing ourselves." Another person shared that p art of the process is to "create community. We want to conserve the things that we love and honor from our ancestors, but we also want to create new for our liberation." A survey respondent shared that within their ideal state they "Ã‰ envision a revolution ary approach to sustainability through community by marrying ancient wisdom and innovation that will sustain Puerto Rico and her diaspora generations from now." These additions emphasize the need for educational and resource management as an underlying act ion to a decolonial approach. The first quote emphasizes an anti capitalist, anti patriarchal, and anti racist future and all three speak to a conversation between past cultural practices that may have been lost, forgotten, or neglected and a future based on the current material reality and needs. Other people mentioned a similar anti capitalism/patriarchy/racism in their ideal state, though it
58 was not directly tied to decolonization. Xiomara's urgings to manage resources different was expanded on as well t o include navigation of capitalism while seeking to move past capitalism. Communication "The horizontal transference of knowledge and practice." Ã Anonymous survey respondent. Communication was the main thing that came up to describe an ideal state an d what is needed to improve collaboration. One person who responded to the survey shared that there needs to be "dialogue to see which topics we can work and support each other with through a common vision." Another survey respondent shared that they belie ve "communication is key, exchanges between groups of similar struggles to achieve connections." A third person in their survey response about the ideal state shared, "w e would be able to coexist creating bonds that are deep and lasting, with the overall i dea of listening to one another and not co opting movements or struggles." These people spoke on communication and emphasized its use to create a common understanding of each other to facilitate practice through shared vision and struggle. In this section I will outline the different mediums emphasized for ideal communication, the use of popular education as a tool to facilitate communication, and the need for language justice to be integrated into a communication approach. People often emphasized the importance of social media and other forms of technology as a tool to facilitate communication. A survey respondent shared " Utilization of technology and social media to communicate and collaborate with others, and to link the efforts of the island and the diaspora together... I utilized the internet and social media to get information directly from the island, and to raise awareness of smaller organizations that were making an immediate impact on the island. Looking back on the past year and what I have en countered as I continue my efforts, the biggest opportunity to help Puerto Rico is making people more aware of the opportunities available to help Puerto Rico long term." Another person who responded shared that "we in Puerto Rico are open to all types of help, we have names, emails, telephones, Facebook, and websites. They should communicate with each one of usÃ‰" In addition to these survey responses, I mentioned earlier, the interview participants emphasized social media as an important tool to bridging t he gap between people across space and time. While social media and technology as a means to bridge gaps of time and space were emphasized as important, people simultaneously made clear that in person contact cannot be fully replaced by technological mea ns. A survey respondent shared that "individuals in the diaspora and the social movements of Puerto Rico need to share physical space." Another added that we need "IRL [In real life] meet ups very often to check in and to neutralize conflicts! I believe in meeting up in person so that the diaspora can see the island, and people from the island can understand how the Ã”mainland' works. Context is everything." These in person interactions were mainly characterized by working visits, sometimes termed as solidar ity visits, and conferences. In our interview Javier said "in an ideal world that every time there is a situation in the diaspora a group from here can go there and support the work they are doing and be informed and engaged in the situation, and the same the other way around, a group from the diaspora can come here and pay attention and support the work that is happening here. That will help us understand each other." He expanded on this by saying "Ã‰like I said early communication and working through the d ifferences in political ideology. But the way I see it more communication and stopping thinking that Puerto Rico is only here or only there. That we
59 need to meet each other more." Here he is articulating the need to be a part of each other's work and strug gle as an important means to understand each other and improve communication. This is an example of the working visits that were mentioned. Another person who responded to the survey emphasized the need for "the exchange of work, knowledge, and experiences in the form of visits to towns, workshops, and organized talks." Xiomara, the survey respondent, also emphasized the need for "conferences where people come together to understand each other's narratives." She said she was on her way to one that week call ed "Ricanstruction" in Detroit, MI. She also emphasized the importance of being somewhere physically to understand, as quoted in the material conditions section above. Xiomara also articulated the importance of listening within the communication process. I n one workshop, a member of a mutual aid group shared, "The strongest political act you can do is to shut up and observe and learn from the community." Active and intentional listening must be an important part of the communication process. One person wh o responded to the survey shared their perceptions of the benefits of improved communication in the variety ways it can be done by saying the following, "consistent dialogue between movements in a direction outside of the island would be a must. An acute a wareness of everyday life in PR would be part of the process of reimagining and reconstructing the country. Meaning, movements from the diaspora would learn from past mistakes and understand the role that's everyday challenges on the island play on organiz ing movementsÃ‰Paternalism from the diaspora and the romanticizing of our country would no longer be a part of the equation. The radicalization of both movements is something to strive for, in the midst of the crisis." UNSIF was committed to these solidarit y visits with other groups of the US south as part of the Southern Movement Assembly. Through these solidarity visits they were able to strengthen connections with other movement groups (non Puerto Rican) in the US south. Despite this at the end of the con ference they felt the people who participated in the visit still did not have a strong enough grasp of the colonial/imperial context in which Puerto Rico exists. Maybe this would be easier to articulate with people of Puerto Rican heritage. Regardless UNSI F came to the conclusion that they must do more to emphasize and demonstrate this colonial/imperial reality to people who come on solidarity visits in the future. During my work with UNSIF they heavily emphasized the need for language justice. They frame d language justice as an approach to facilitating dialogue and informational exchange that allows for everyone to speak and be most understood in the ways that they feel most appropriate to articulate themselves. This was done by the use of translation ser vices, done by members of UNSIF, at as many events that needed it. Often before events we were asked to send the key terms that we intended to use to the whole group in both languages ahead of time so that those responsible for translation, and other group members, could gain some basic familiarity with them. A person who responded to the survey shared that the ideal state must be "multilingual and anticolonial." Another shared that the ideal would be multilingual spaces where there are means to exchange am ong people constantly." In our interview, Juana wanted to emphasize that gravitating towards English is not the answer by sharing that "sometimes the barrier of the language doesn't just involve more American people but also more Latin people in our fight. I do not see a problem in having our message in both languages." Others wanted to encourage being inclusive of Haitian Creole, French, Brazilian Portuguese, and other languages that could create connections with other oppressed people. Xiomara challenged how feasible this could be by sharing "I think that multi lingual thing is when you didn't really have a lot of trauma around language in your house then yea maybe you can learn a lot of languages. But for me Spanish was such a fraught learning experience that I can't even imagine learning another
60 language." She is highlighting the difficulties for diaspora Ricans to learn Spanish alone and questions who will be the connections to these other languages. Juana emphasized the need for a dual sided popular ed ucation model to communicate each other's histories, material realities, and ideas with each other. She shared , " I want to know what you all are doing as well. There needs to be a process of progressive popular education on both sides because I think at an y moment any person, somebody told me after the hurricane that people of the diaspora are different and I think that after the experience of the hurricane something we need to understand that Puerto Ricans are very similar. Those that are here and those th at are outside of here. And that commitment to the Ã”pais' that the diaspora showed is something that is very exciting that they have that big commitment. Many of the people who have left Puerto Rico have left Puerto Rico with broken hearts because it has b een a very strong/tough decision. But they do it still with open hearts and love for Puerto Rico and they are constantly paying attention to the news and what is happening here in Puerto Rico, what is happening to their families that are here and trying to understand things politically." She emphasized that this popular education can be used to facilitate spaces of learning and communication that is outside of the propaganda that exists in the educational system and the media. Carlos also emphasized the nee d for anti propaganda learning and sharing. He emphasized the critical importance of popular education pedagogy groups like UNSIF. This model could be used to facilitate the complimentary analysis based on time, space, and corresponding material reality th at Xiomara brought up that exists among the Puerto Rican transnational community. Juana went on to include that "Ã‰we need to learn how to learn together and that takes a lot from the organizations, political and community. If the critique is strong it can offend the people that it impacts with the severity and the strength of the critique. We need to learn how to critique with more respect and more Ã”carino.'" Learning to engage in these kinds of dialogues are part of the pedagogical process that the popular education organizations in Puerto Rico use and highlighted by Juana useful tool to improve communication as a whole. There were a few references to diaspora Ricans being an important "voice of Puerto Rico when they couldn't speak for themselves," as Jua na put it during our interview. If diaspora Ricans are to serve as that voice these strategies of communication to improve understanding are absolutely essential. Healing Reconciling difficult conversations and traumas around communication and language can be very challenging as highlighted by Xiomara speaking about her traumas learning Spanish and Juana in reference to difficulties giving and receiving critique. In Puerto Rico I observed groups actively working on many different forms of healing practic es as an essential part of the process to improve collaboration, among other outcomes, and collaboration as a form of healing. Xiomara shared that she believes it was "Ã‰ a trauma the diaspora lived post Maria that I think is healing for them to feel like th ey are actually contributing." She went on to share, "I think the hope is that one day we can do a processed facilitation for movements looking to bring more wellness and healing actively into part of their practice and to work with neighbors spreading the knowledge of how to make medicine or how to recognize the medicine that is around us at all times." She also went on to discuss the need to participate with healing that comes with repatriation, and reconnection to culture and language that many diaspora Ricans may experience later in life. Healing was also tied to the colonial/imperial realities experienced by diaspora
61 Ricans who may have experienced varying types of displacement and people who live in Puerto Rico who live under a codified colonial/imperi al legal structure. One participant in an event at the farm in Lares shared, "we cannot have social emotional health if our inner self is being besieged constantly by the outside." Lolita added on to this and shared that they intend to have "workshops on e motional intelligence, skills building workshops, and create a space where children of families are integral part and they are learning and building in the process." She emphasized how critical the reintegration of family and children into social movements is to the healing from colonial/imperial traumas. This was alluded to in the section on decolonization. Many women within the organizing community I observed were mothers and many were single mothers. They often brought their children with them to social movement events and we tried, as a community, to all do our part to be present for the children so that the mothers did not have to be inundated and preoccupied with their motherly duties and unable to fully participate in the events. Sometimes there were intentional children spaces and activities drawn up and the men were urged to step up to manage those activities and children spaces. I was told this often takes urging and women are mostly forced into those roles. The mothers identified a need for healin g to take place around gender roles to embrace a more equitable approach to family and social movements. Women also identified the many past traumas that exist in the organizing community based on gender violence and other conflicts. They shared with me th at many people involved in the mutual aid groups, the encampment against the fiscal control board, the agroecology movement, etc. have interacted with each other previously in other movement moments and spaces. Many of these interactions involved a form of gender violence, sexual violence, and/or other conflicts, usually but not always, at the hands of men. They identified that healing is needed to remedy these traumas to improve collaboration among those working towards similar ends in Puerto Rico, oftenti mes, even more so than those outside of Puerto Rico. It is of note that I did not document any observations of men bringing up healing as an important part of the process for collaboration or collaboration as a form of healing in my observations, interview s, or surveys. Also, interestingly, a representative from El Hormiguero shared that she felt it is "hard to heal through culture because the culture here is diverse, complicated and often misunderstood." I found this interesting because it seems to run cou nter to statements about solidarity and understanding being better facilitated through culture. I wonder if the gender dynamics of culture and healing may be what the person is alluding to, but I did not ask a follow up question to her statement. Organize rs who visited, as part of the Southern Movement Assembly, from New Orleans who actively participated in organizing before, during, and after Katrina were very impressed by Puerto Rico's commitment to healing so early on post hurricane Maria. One person sh ared that, "with Katrina it was more of how are we going to engage in this system and how do we build power, they were not considering the healing component of things and I see that here and that is very beautiful." Another person shared, "it took us 10 ye ars and the community voted to have a mass healing. All the coalitions couldn't work, and no one can figure out why. There was grounding work from native and African tradition groups that helped ground that work. The response, on that same line of thoug ht within healing. Since the hurricane many groups have been working on various things. Disasters of people living in psychological trauma, and physical health. Little by little people are understanding the importance of healing and how important it is wit hin groups. That healing has been the most transformational work I have been a part of." This was taken as affirming by the people of UNSIF that healing is a necessary part of the path to collaboration and recovery post hurricane Maria. The groups talked a bout creating a healing
62 sharing network where they can exchange ideas for practices that have worked, those that haven't, and apply them based on material realities. Material Based Support Through the observations, interviews, and surveys a common theme that was expressed as an ideal part of collaboration material based support. One person who responded to the survey shared that there is a need for " projects that do not manifest themselves to artistic initiatives (which tend to be the norm). Although the se are important and welcome, uniting movements in both sides of the basin cannot limit themselves to these efforts only. Developing institutions capable creating the conditions (both mainland and on the island) of uniting our people against colonialism, c apitalism and imperialism are a necessary to focus these efforts." I read this as a need for more material collaborations that don't only exists ephemerally. People listed a variety of ways for this material based support to occur. I will explore them in t his section. A common theme within material based support was a n emphasis of diaspora Rican 's "greater possibilities to obtain access to financial resources to support our [those in Puerto Rico] initiatives." This came up in many different observations of events. There seems to be the perception that diaspora Ricans either has financial resources themselves that they can part with to support Puerto Rico initiatives or they can access them through grant writing skills or other connections. Juana also mentio ned diaspora Rican's capability to fund projects during her interview. I asked her, what about Puerto Ricans that may not be financially well off, she shared that "every little bit count, even if it is just $5." In some instances, diaspora Ricans are viewe d as a source of income for projects that will be worked on in Puerto Rico and in others they are viewed as a part of a larger solidarity economy that includes various income sources without one major funding source. Xiomara shared that even simply coordin ating funding patterns for diaspora Ricans who visit. She said " For example, thinking long term, some folks came to visit, and they rented a car for a really long time, so they were going to pay about $2000 for the car while they were here. A friend had a reflection of "wow if those people would have coordinated a little more with us, we could have bought a used car for them to use while they were here and then left it." And that car would really change someone's life and impact the ability to get to certai n places and people. Because as organizers here in Puerto Rico we have had much more success going to places people live and meeting them at their location instead of having them come to our location because it is hard to get out, it is just the reality. S o that is something I think would be helpful is sending resources that are going to have a long term impact in Puerto Rico and really thinking about what it might mean to get something like that together." As mentioned previously, Xiomara also emphasized a need for cash and monetary resources to be included in resource sharing based on trust since often sending resources may be more costly than sending the cash to spend locally. Regardless of the method she emphasized a need to build local capacity through collaborative approaches to bringing material resources to Puerto Rico. A person who responded to the survey shared that a cooperatively owned community land trust can help with materially preserving housing for local communities and diaspora Ricans can pl ay a role in developing those mechanisms both financially and structurally. Others emphasized work and skill sharing as a material based support approach. They call for "work exchanges" that allow people to learn from each other while giving a helping h and on projects that each other have happening in their local communities. This was also emphasized as being more important among groups who may be engaged in similar struggles or front lines, as they are referred to in Puerto Rico. I was often referred to a project and website called
63 ConPRmetidos that seeks to connect projects in Puerto Rico with people throughout the Puerto Rican transnational community through accessing the funding and resources from diaspora Ricans and diaspora enclaves but also through using their skills that they may have acquired in Puerto Rico or wherever they migrated to but can bring back to Puerto Rico to bring material solutions. Carla, a woman who I met at an event at her request in lieu of an interview, shared with me that she would like to see a similar platform created without the focus on grants and a formal NGO structure but rather with social/material needs that may not be served by traditional NGOs. Something that can appeal to the local grassroots groups in a more mutual aid based approach. Summary During my field practicum people viewed solidarity and decolonization as essential foundational elements to the ideal state of collaboration among the Puerto Rican transnational community. Those things intertwined to any appr oach taken. These words were, at times, loosely defined by those I interacted with during my field practicum but do have key elements to them that have been highlighted in this section. Using these as a base there is a vision for communication, healing, an d material based support within the ideal state of collaboration. There was a constant emphasis that there are many different pathways and thus many different opportunities to collaborate. Within that collaboration there can be more attempts to establish a "common vision," as one person who responded to the vision called for. Discussion: "These questions will not be dealt with once and for all but reframed and enriched again and again." (Francis 2015) Through this field practicum process my primary objective has been to create some sort of framework that can help guide those who are seeking to engage in and improve collaboration among the Puerto Rican transnational community's social movements. In this section I intend to build on suggestions for the ideal state and reconciling that with the misunderstandings revealed. I will rely on the literature I have reviewed in this paper, my ideological underpinnings of Marxism Leninism intertwined with identity based oppression, and my 6 plus years of active o rganizing experience. Through this I will do my best to outline a framework without overstepping my place. I hope that this can be opened to active critique and feedback. After describing the framework, I will share how I believe this framework and the wor k I have done in Puerto Rico can apply across different scales and disciplines. Framework Pace "Even if it is slow as a snail we still move forwardÃ‰we all struggle together" Ã Lolita, during participant observation Living and conducting my day to day life in Puerto Rico for 10 weeks exposed me to the realities of how much slower things move in Puerto Rico and how much less local infrastructure is in place to account for any margins of error. If I miss a bus in Gaines ville, I can usually catch another one before I am too late for a class, meeting, appointment, etc. But if I missed a bus in Puerto Rico it could potentially throw my entire day off. I experienced only a fraction of what
64 people in Puerto Rico experience. I did not have to go to receive medical attention, interact with government offices, or navigate the school closures. These things have to be accounted for with any ideas around collaboration. If the Puerto Rican transnational community is to work together there needs to be consideration that things must move at a pace where people are not left behind or feel like they are left behind. From my experience, and from the feedback of people in Puerto Rico, people that live in the states are often over concentrat ed in moving fast and getting things done within strict deadlines. This mind state has to be challenged if collaboration is going to happen. There must be considerations that things happen, and projects will be delayed from time to time. The important thin g is to remember that the cohesive input of all involved outweighs the timeliness of the project. If this reality is not embraced collaboration will struggle. Within this understanding that communal input and construction has greater benefits than the sp eed of it, there needs to be more intention to share project ideas outside of the immediate circles in which it is being constructed. For projects that have implications upon the entirety of the Puerto Rican transnational community there should be intentio n by those engaging and creating these projects to get feedback from the broader Puerto Rican transnational community the best they can to understand ways it can be improved, build on things they have missed, and allow others to learn with them in the proc ess. Communication Framework & Language Justice "Feel more related to actual farmers than people who talk about agroecology as something cool to do." Ã Lolita Materialism emphasizes that things start with the material world not with ideas, while ideali sm emphasizes that things start with ideas or the mind. A shift away from liberal notions of idealism and notions of objective realities being non existent will help people in Puerto Rican social movements bring all their various perspectives and viewpoint s together to learn from them in order to discern what an objective reality could be based on their myriad of vantage points. These materialist approaches will guide people to connect with those who have similar and yet distinct material realities that the y can struggle together to reconcile to build a common vision towards material realities that will facilitate the sovereignty, autonomy, and liberation they seek. This process of reconciliation of perspectives of material realities is the essence of dialec tical materialism. This a tool , highlighted by Karl Marx, utilized and built upon by some of the most successful anti capitalist movements we have seen in the last 120 years. Through materialism people can connect based on material need and from similar s truggles or front lines. Lolita's quote above shows that often it is important to step outside of social movement community to organize around material interest and alignment rather than ideas and concepts. There are important connections to be had and mut ual understandings to be gained by people who share similar material realities and approaches to how they live and organize their lives. Creating connections between farmers of varying types across space and time that all can work to share best practices w ith similar material goals of food sovereignty will help provide more material benefit than simply furthering an ideological line without applying it to material practice. As mentioned above these skill sharing practices can come in varying form but need t o be analyzed for their appropriateness in each situation using a collective dialect and shared framework. I also think a materialist approach will help to move material resources back to Puerto Rico and away from the metropole that has historically pulled resources away from
65 Puerto Rico. This may have broader implications that I will explore in the cross scale/cross discipline analysis section. Beyond dialectical materialism there has to be a further establishment of norms by people who decide to collabor ate. Juana identified a need to understand the importance of the collective or communal needs as they relate to the individual. Through liberal and neo liberal economic and political growth the individual has been prioritized over the collective and commun al needs. This has the be renegotiated and understood how to reconcile the importance of both the communal and collective and how they dialectically interact with the individual needs. This will help in analyzing courses of actions. Through communication and language justice there needs to be more intention in the use of words within each language. Work must be done clearly defining certain ideas and terms being used. Earlier I mentioned the use of words like island or "isla," diaspora, transnational commu nity, colony, imperial subject, etc. are all terms that are used in Puerto Rico that need to be more appropriately understood and defined collectively to create a more thorough understanding of the material realities and what actions should be taken. Two w ords that have already been elaborated on that require much more communal discussion are decolonization and solidarity. Decolonization has become a term that has had its own political baggage. I have noticed times where decolonization is used to glorify p re colonial situations and an urging to go back to those modes of production and cultural relations. Though I do uplift that pre colonial histories and practices can and do have much validity in the current times and the future I don't think we can ever un ravel colonialism to the point that we can truly go back to anything that happened before colonization. Additionally, decolonization has been used by pro statehood advocates to insist that becoming a state of the United States is decolonization despite the historical context of decolonization which entails the withdrawing of the colonizer state and leaving the lands to their independent governance. I assume pro statehooders are attempting to use the prefix "de" which can mean removal of and applying that to decolonization to mean removal of a colonial status and that can be liberally interpreted as statehood. Beyond that the intricate web that imperialism weaves to continue material extraction and exploitation of "former" colonies can negate decolonization a s the removal of the state and transitions towards independence. This is highlighted by people in their definitions of decolonization highlighted in this paper. True the word can evolve but I also think that new words can and should be used to capture the hybrid colonial/imperial context and material reality experienced by Puerto Rico and how it must be appropriately battled against. In regard to solidarity, there needs to be a stronger understanding of who to stand in solidarity with and why. One example o f this is when a student from UCF outlined a plan to transfers skills and resources from UCF to UPR through student alliance networks and programs funded by stateside universities. His plan relied on working with the student government of UPR. When I broug ht this up to people currently or previously involved in the student movement, they highlighted that the UPR student government was "elitist" and things worked out between them would not democratically represent the needs and desires of the actual students at UPR. This identifies a need for critical analysis around solidarity, how it works, who should be included, who's voices need to be heard, who's voices are heard too often, and who's aren't heard enough. Within communication has to be a process of heal ing. We have to heal the way we talk to each other and communicate past pains in order to reconcile these traumas and move together in a powerful way. There has to be trained facilitators to help groups work through these traumas to
66 create more cohesion an d common direction. This may not be possible, in some circumstances, to resolve these past traumas or conflicts. In these cases the goal would be to set healthy boundaries between those involved in respect of the individuals' and the collective's needs. W ithin a process of dialect, where people are exchanging their understandings of material realities to try to come closer to an understanding of objective reality, people need to embrace that they will change. Their knowledge will change, their behaviors wi ll change, and the way they see the world will change. This change is necessary to change their material realities. These changes will all interact with one another and build on one another. If people come into this process with ego or an agenda there will be difficulties in moving forward and reconciling contradictions that may exist. Mutual Aid To build on the concept of solidarity and material based support I view an emphasis on mutual aid as an important aspect to guide collaboration. The mutual ai d groups in Puerto Rico were viewed by many as instrumental to people's survival after Hurricane Maria. This was highlighted in the Centro conference in Puerto Rico and within other conversations I observed at events while in Puerto Rico. Xiomara also shar ed that one big success of collaboration among the Puerto Rican transnational community is that "Ã‰ I think there has been a really substantial backing of the centers for Mutual Aid from the diaspora and that obviously started here in Puerto Rico after the s torm but the resources that have been moved to that group so they can kind of build political power and what they are is really impressive ." These mutual aid groups are built on the concept that people all contribute in the ways they can. The Marxist maxim "to each according to their need, from each according to their ability" seems to capture the spirit of the mutual aid groups. These groups were not very popular before Hurricane Maria but in times of strong material desperation they showed their utility a nd have been expanded into many areas of life in Puerto Rico. These mutual aid vehicles can serve as mechanisms to communicate the material and immaterial needs of the Puerto Rican trans nation among each other and to move the material resources appropriat ely throughout the municipalities in Puerto Rico and the diaspora enclaves respectively. Despite this emphasis on mutual aid I noticed that the analysis of what aid the Puerto Rican diaspora should receive in the collaborative dynamic was lacking. There needs to be more of an embracing of how Puerto Rico based social movements can contribute t o the Puerto Rican diaspora beyond cultural capital and connection, which was the most frequently mentioned outcome. The things that I learned in Puerto Rico about organizing strategies, pedagogy, agroecology, mutual aid, and community building are all thi ngs that organizations in the United States pay to send their members to learn. I think there needs to be more emphasize on what Puerto Rico can give that can create more material changes beyond culture, because there is a lot that they can and do give bac k to diaspora social movements who are open to receiving. Cross Scale/Cross Discipline Considerations The work I have done here can be useful to guide projects that entail s multiple disciplines across space and time working towards a common goal. Lessons can be gleaned here for projects seeking to bring together groups with some common thread of identity or purpose towards their common goal while looking at this goal from many different perspectives and taking many different approaches. I think the lessons here are most useful for social movement organizers as many of the conflicts that exist within the Puerto Rican transnational community's social
67 movements also exist outside of them in their own unique ways. I think that this can help to guide oth er large diasporic groups in understanding how to support material change between their transnational community. This is becoming more common as migration becomes easier, climate change impacts underdeveloped localities, and OECD nations continue to extrac t resources from these underdeveloped localities. This report can also be used within solidarity movements within Latin America and Latin American diasporas, other localities with similar colonial/imperial relationships, Guam comes to mind, and broader tra nsnational solidarity among people living under the material struggles of OECD colonial/imperial policies and practices. Of particular interest is ways to navigate the state through alternative governance structures created by bottom up social movements to create material change and redistribution of material based resources. This was done with great positive impact in Puerto Rico thanks to the collaboration between the Puerto Rican transnational community. I also think there is a possibility that this mate rial based resource redistribution can work to counteract some of the extractive policies of the OECD nations. I have been asked to what degree the status has on the outcomes of this research and how different social movement collaboration would look if Puerto Rico had a different status relationship with the United States, i.e. statehood or independence. Though it is hard, at this point, for me to conceptualize that fully I do think ideas around voting within the metropole would change and the role of th e diaspora to impact the policies of the United States and their trickle down impacts on Puerto Rico would be re evaluated. Despite this re evaluation I do think these tactics would remain valid due to global imperialist influence by the United States, par ticularly in the Caribbean and Latin America. I do believe that regardless of statehood or independence status, at this point the Puerto Rican identity has become fomented in a transnational way to the point where it will continue despite status for a whil e. There may be a point where Puerto Rico, as a state, becomes so integrated into the US state apparatus coupled with displacement from Puerto Rico that the identity becomes watered down to the equivalency of US people's identification with their home stat e but language and culture for Puerto Rico are distinctly unique and have been heavily emphasized through political discourse that will make that process long and difficult if it were to happen. Independence would bring the Puerto Rican transnational commu nity more in alignment with the transnational communities of Latin America that have large percentages of their population in the United States. They would have to battle with issues of citizenship, which will be new, and they will have to reconcile their colonial imperial history with the United States with, what I anticipate being , an imperial present with the United States shared by the rest of Latin America. Though this research is geared more towards those on the Puerto Rican left, or the left in gene ral I think that this can be used to pull in those from the center and center right that may have seen a lot of the social movement developments and their importance in survival over the past few years of disaster in Puerto Rico. It would be key for the or ganizers to identify who within the center and center right they should struggle with and work through these difficult processes. I do believe that more cohesion among the left should be the priority but don't think within that process moving those in the center and center right further left should be ignored. Summary When beginning this field work, I had anticipated that people's abilities to speak the same language (i.e. English or Spanish) would be much more of a hinderance than it was. Through the f ield practicum I was shown that in a lot of ways people are working hard to
68 overcome those and feel like they are things that can be worked through in a variety of creative ways. Additionally, I was concerned that resource scarcity and exhaustion from Hurr icane Maria and the debt crisis may slow down social movements when, in reality, the challenging atmosphere seemed to urge people to work harder towards needed change and resolution. I had noted that there were temporal, spatial, and class based dynamics a t play that influence people's ideology and thus their willingness to cooperate with each other. In this example I had juxtaposed Nuyoricans and the I 4 corridor/Florida Ricans. This did not show itself much in the work that I did though my concentration o n the social movements in Puerto Rico could be a key reason why this wasn't teased out through the work that I did. Despite this there were approaches and ideologies that were nuanced and correlating with people's locality and the nature of their class sta tus, or relationship to the means of production. Those relationships being very different in Puerto Rico than they are in the US 50 states. I envision this reflection being helpful for me and others to continue to seek answers by building on the shortcom ings of the data I collected and the conclusions I have arrived at in this paper to build a stronger and more cohesive movement to improve the material realities in Puerto Rico. Conclusion: " Out of urban decay, imposed poverty, under funded schools, inter nalized self hate, and paralyzing hopelessness quite the colonial reality a community is laying the foundation for its own recovery. Through meaningful participation, the chance to create a just future is etched out slowly, day by day and via the collective articulation of solutions and responses of the entire community rather than by the forces of gentrification. They know the "grandiose glare of history's floodlights" is upon them; and that is why these Puerto Ricans exercise in self determinatio n. " ( RodrÂ’guez MuÂ–iz 2005) Throughout my field practicum experience, my analysis of the data, and the writing of this paper I have attempted to reclaim governance as a term to capture the activities of the Puerto Rican transnational community to work aro und and work through the constraints placed on them by the colonial/imperial status within which the Puerto Rican government operates. The work from this field practicum has been difficult to fully articulate in this paper as it has never fully ended. To t his day I am heavily involved with the same people that I engaged with during my field practicum report. Because of this it is important for me to emphasize that this report is but a snapshot trying to capture an ever evolving dynamic of material interacti ons and ideas. While analyzing my data and writing this paper Puerto Rico had a summer uprising that has been referred to as #RickyRenuncia or #RickyResign in English that the whole Puerto Rican transnational community was heavily involved in. While this w as happening, I was compelled to apply many of the same analysis outlined in this paper to the movement while recognizing that it is beyond the scope of this project specifically. Out of #RickyRenuncia continued the fomentation of a group called Displaced Boricuas, that I have been involved in laying the foundation for, guided by the principles described in this paper and new knowledge discovered in the evolving political moments and material realities. I hope that there is more intention put towards rese arch based approaches to enhancing social movement impact in Puerto Rico and beyond that can capture a wider time frame, have larger sample sizes, and an improved ability to disaggregate data to unveil things that that my analysis has missed. While doing t his it would be extremely useful to utilize a community based
69 participatory action model as it coalesces well with the popular education and pedagogical approach used by many social movement participants in Puerto Rico. Unfortunately, I did not have the ti me and capacity to utilize these practices as much as I would have liked to in my research. It is also important to have the utmost respect for the privacy of these groups as there is a strong history of state infiltration and violence against social movem ent participants in the United States and Puerto Rico. Acknowledgements: " As we work from our own positions in the margins of society, we hold on to the belief that the margin can be Ã” more than a site of deprivation ...it is also the site of radical p ossibility, a space of resistance ." ( hooks, 1990, p. 149) I write this acknowledgements section understanding that I have been influenced and guided by countless influencers in life that shape who I am and what I have done. As this work is a work in pro gress that can be attributed to the influences and contributions of so many people so am I and my pathway to the creation of this work. I will do my best to name some of these influencers in this section while acknowledging that the impact by so many peopl e has been immeasurable, and it would require an entirely new document to truly articulate all the contributions from everyone and everything. We are truly social beings, nothing we do is in a bubble. As we all are unique mirrors that can change the ways in which we reflect the world around us. With that I begin the most ambitious section of this report. I want to start in the most obvious place, with my mother , Myrna Fiallo . At various times during this program, when I have felt most frustrated and emo tional, I have thought about my mother. All the things she fought through; a revolving door of father figures for her son , widowed twice, working full time and going to school, moving us cross country to get away from the violence of New York, etc.. My m other's strength constantly amazes me. I respect and honor that strength while fighting for a world where people like my mother wouldn't have to fight so hard. As strong as my mother is, she did not do it alone. I want to thank my aunt, Sylvia Rivera for being a second mother to me. For being one of the most loving and caring people I have ever come across. Thank you to my cousins, Millie, Jessica, Christy, Macho for being like brothers and sisters to me. My mom would tell me that I would go around telli ng everyone I had 4 brothers and sisters. Thank you to my Grandmother for being the matriarch of the family for so long and loving all of us so much. Thank you to my Uncle Willie for always being honest with me about my familial pasts , connecting me with the memory of my father, and supporting everything I do even if you don't agree with it. Thank you to two of my living father figures, Juan Vega and Alex Fiallo. You both have taught me, in your own ways, much about life . Thank you to my step siblings, Alexandra and Rafael Fiallo. Being there for both of your growth paths has helped me reflect and understand more about myself. To the rest of my wildly complex familial system. I love you and thank you all. A ll and you have all contributed to who I have become. I would like to thank the organizing community who have taken me in and engaged in the learning and growing process with me. Asa Shaw, you have been a brother to me and a confidant. Helping me sort through all of the challenging ideas we have grappled with over the years. Black Lives Matter Alliance Broward, I thank you for allowing me to be involved in the
70 process of building a collective from the bottom up and for continuing to engage me and support me as we hav e parted ways. The rest of you who have been a part of this process, way too many to name, I appreciate you dearly. I would like to thank my partner, Britney Philippeaux. You have been a guiding light through the darkness of depression, anxiety, insecurit y, and self doubt that has plagued me over the past two plus years. So many times, where I didn't think I could make it through all this, you were there to reassure me and share your brightness with me. I love you so much, thank you for sharing your brilli ance with me. Finally, I want to thank the three people who se lives and deaths I credit for much of the way I have decided to live my life. My father Jose Angel Cosme, and my uncles, Jaime Cosme, and Juan Carlos "Lefty" Rivera. You all paid for my lessons with your lives. Through your existence you all revealed to me the systemic and class origins of crime, violence, drug abuse, masculinity, racism, and poverty. At such a young age I learned the impermanence of life. I learned the compassion requ ired to forgive murder. It taught me that no single act, no matter how personal or hurtful, can ever be minimalized to just that act. That there are always systemic , class, and social forces guiding that moment. Without that understanding my work as an or ganizer and as a researcher would be incomplete . I love all three of you and I am sorry we had to lose so much to learn something so simple. Bibliography: "14TH CONGRESS 2D SESSION." 2017. Accessed October 17. https://www.congress.gov/114/bills/hr4900/B ILLS 114hr4900ih.pdf. ACLU. 2012. "Island of Impunity." https://www.aclu.org/files/assets/islandofimpunity_20120619.pdf#page=160. Anthias, Penelope. 2018. Limits to Decolonization: Indigeneity, Territory, and Hydrocarbon Politics in the Bolivian Chaco . Cor nell University Press. Aranda, Elizabeth. 2007. Emotional Bridges to Puerto Rico: Migration, Return Migration, and the Struggles of Incorporation (Perspectives on a Multiracial America) . Rowman & Littlefield Publishers, Inc. Associate Press. 2014. "Santurc e, A Historic Puerto Rico Neighboorhood, Makes A Comeback." NBC . https://www.nbcnews.com/news/latino/santurce historic puerto rico neighboorhood makes comeback n213991. Ayala, Cesar J., and Rafael Bernabe. 2007. Puerto Rico in the American Century: A Histo ry Since 1898 . University of North Carolina Press Chapel Hill. Caban, Pedro. 2017. "Puerto Rico and PROMESA!: Reaffirming Colonialism Puerto Rico and PROMESA! : Reaffirming Colonialism" 14 (3). Carey, Teresa. 2017. "The Jones Act, Explained (and What Waivin g It Means for Puerto Rico) | PBS NewsHour." PBS . https://www.pbs.org/newshour/nation/jones act explained waiving means puerto rico. Centers for Disease Control (CDC). (2001). Basic Statistics e Ten States/Territories and Cities Reporting the Highest Numbe r of AIDS Cases. Electronic document. www. cdc.gov/hiv/stats/topten.htm Accessed 06.06.03 Centro. 2017. "Models for Diaspora Engagement with Puerto Rico | Centro de Estudios PuertorriqueÂ–os." Centro Diaspora Summit . https://centropr.hunter.cuny.edu/events news/events/conferences/puerto ricopuerto ricans/concurrent panels models diaspora engagement.
71 Centro, El. 2008. "Puerto Rican Migrations to the United States and the Caribbean." El Centro Journal , no. Part Ii: 2008. Centro, El. 2018. "Diaspora Summit III | Centro de Estudios PuertorriqueÂ–os." Hunter College: Centro . https://centropr.hunter.cuny.edu/events news/events/conferences/puerto ricopuerto ricans/diaspora summit iii. Cha, J Mijin, Jane Holgate, and Karel Yon. 2018. "Emergent Cultures of Activism: Young People and the Building of Alliances Between Unions and Other Social Movements." Work and Occupations 45 (4): 451 Ã 74. https://doi.org/10.1177/0730888418785977. Chico CortÂŽs, Ricardo. 2016. "Enorme La AbstenciÂ—n D el Electorado | El Nuevo DÂ’a." El Nuevo Dia . https://www.elnuevodia.com/noticias/politica/nota/enormelaabstenciondelelectorado 2262500/. Cohn, D'vera, Eileen Patten, and Mark Hugo LÂ—pez. 2014. "Puerto Rican Population Declines on Island, Grows on U.S. Main land | Pew Research Center." Pew Research Center . http://www.pewhispanic.org/2014/08/11/puerto rican population declines on island grows on u s mainland/#fn 20682 4. Council on Hemispheric Affairs. 2011. "Clearing Out without Cleaning Up: The U.S. and Vieques Island Ã COHA." Council on Hemispheric Affairs. 2011. http://www.coha.org/clearing out without cleaning up the u s and vieques island/. Dampier, Phillip. 2017. "Stop the Cap! Puerto Rico Hurricane Response "Worse Than Katrina;" Massive Te lecom Outages Continue "." Stop the Cap! http://stopthecap.com/2017/09/26/puerto rico hurricane response worse katrina massive telecom outages continue/. DefendPR. 2018. "Mission and Vision Ã DEFEND PUERTO RICO." About Page . Accessed March 19. http://www.d efendpr.com/mission and vision/. del Moral, Solsiree. 2014. "Rescuing the JÂ’baro: Renewing the Puerto Rican Patria through School Reform." Caribbean Studies 41 (2):91 Ã 135. https://doi.org/10.1353/crb .2013.0034 Dietz, James L. 1986. Economic History of Puerto Rico: Institutional Change and Capitalist Development James L. Dietz Google Books . 1sted. Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press.https://books.google.com/books?id=7lUqqXjo9csC&printsec=fron tcover#v=onepage &q&f=false. Duany, Jorge. 2002. The Puerto Rican Nation on the Move: Identities on the Island and in the United States . The University of North Carolina Press. Duany, Jorge. 2017. Puerto Rico: What Everyone Needs to Know . Oxford University Press. Duany, Jorge, and FÂŽlix V Matos RodrÂ’guez. 2018. "Hispanic Summit." Accessed April 3. http://www.myregion.org/clientuploads/pdfs/hsummit_prcentralfloridaB.pdf . Engle, Karen. 2010. The Elusive Promise of Indigenous Development: Rights, Culture, Strategy . Duke University Press. https://doi.org/https://doi.org/10.1215/9780822392965 . FEMA. 2017. "Hurricane Maria | FEMA.gov." FEMA . https://www.fema.gov/hurricane maria?utm_source=hp_promo&utm_medium=web&utm_campaign=disaster. Findlay, Eileen J. 2017. "Dangerous Dependence or Productive Masculinity?" Radical History Review 2017 (128):173 Ã 98. https://doi.org/10.1215/01636545 3857866 . Francis, Pope. 2015. "Laudato Si." http://w2.vatican.va/content/dam/francesco/pdf/encyclicals/documents/papa francesco_20150524_enciclica laudato si_e n.pdf. GarcÂ’a, Ana MarÂ’a. 1982. La OperaciÂ—n .
72 Muniz, Humberto Garcia, and Jorge Rodriguez Beruff. 1994. "U.S. Military Policy toward the Caribbean in the 1990s." The Annals of the American Academy of Political and Social Science 533: 112 Ã 24. http://www.jst or.org.lp.hscl.ufl.edu/stable/pdf/1048578.pdf. GonzÂ‡lez, Juan. 2011. Harvest of Empire: A History of Latinos in America . Penguin Books. Grau, H Ricardo, T Mitchell Aide, Jess K Zimmerman, and John R Thomlinson. 2010. "Ecological Consequence and Changes in Rico." BioScience 53 (12): 1159 Ã 68. Grupo Editorial EPRL. 2005. "Lares Municipality Municipalities | EnciclopediaPR." Enciclopedia PR . https://enciclopediapr.org/en/encyclopedia/lares municipality/#1463492689874 dd12c211 136e . Gupta, Joyeeta, and Vegelin, Courtney. 2016. "Sustainable Development Goals and Inclusive Development." Int Environ Agreements 16: 433 Ã 48. https://doi.org/10.1007/s10784 016 9323 z. Hagedorn, Elizabeth; Hall, Andrew. 2017. "The US General Overseeing Maria Relief: Ã”If I Were a Puerto Rican, I Wouldn't Be Satisfied'." Circa . https://www.circa.com/story/2017/10/11/nation/jeffrey s b uchanan not totally satisfied on puerto rico response. Harvey, David. 2007. A brief history of neoliberalism . Oxford University Press, USA. HernÂ‡ndez, Sergio, and John D Sutter. 2018. "Ã”Exodus' from Puerto Rico: A Visual Guide CNN." CNN . https://www.cnn. com/2018/02/21/us/puerto rico migration data invs/index.html. HernÂ‡ndez, Yasmin. 2018. "Repatriation | La Respuesta." Respuesta Media . http://larespuestamedia.com/repatriation/. Hiraldo HernÂ‡ndez, S. (2006). "If God were black and from LoÂ’za": Managing ide ntities in a Puerto Rican seaside town. Latin American Perspectives , 33 (1), 66 Ã 82. https://doi.org/10.1177/0094582X05283516 Hooks, Bell. (1990). Yearning: Race, gender, and cultural politics. Boston, MA: South End. Howard, Claire. 2018. "Puerto Rico's Sui cide Rate Continues to Rise." US Mental Health and First Aid. 2018. Jackson, Phil. 2013. Eleven Rings: The Soul of Success . New York: Penguin Press, 2013. Lecours, AndrÂŽ, and ValÂŽrie VÂŽzina. 2017. "The Politics of Nationalism and Status in Puerto Rico." Ca nadian Journal of Political Science 50 (4): 1083 Ã 1101. doi:10.1017/S0008423917000488. Levin, Jonathan, and Jeanna Smialek. 2017. "Puerto Rico's Mass Migration Is Reshaping Florida Bloomberg." Bloomberg Politics . https://www.bloomberg.com/news/articles/20 17 12 13/beyond disney world a new florida takes shape in wake of maria. LÂ—pez, Gustavo, and Eileen Patten. 2015. "Hispanics of Puerto Rican Origin in the United States, 2013 | Pew Research Center." Pew Research Center . http://www.pewhispanic.org/2015/09/1 5/hispanics of puerto rican origin in the united states 2013/. Loveman, Mara, Jeronimo O Muniz, and John Logan. 2013. "Rico Became White! : And Intercensus Dynamics Boundary Racial Reclassification Puerto." American Sociological Review 72 (6):915 Ã 39. Martinson, Robert. 1979. "The Rising Puerto Rican Problem." Hofstra Law Review 7 (2):243 Ã 58. https://doi.org/10.3366/ajicl.2011.0005 . Martinuzzi, SebastiÂ‡n, William A. Gould, and Olga M. Ramos Gonz Â‡lez. 2007. "Land Development, Land Use, and Urban Sprawl in Puerto Rico Integrating Remote Sensing and
73 Population Census Data." Landscape and Urban Planning 79 (3 Ã 4): 288 Ã 97. doi:10.1016/j.landurbplan.2006.02.014. Melendez, Edgardo. 2005. "The Puerto Rica n Journey Revisited! : Politics and the Study of Puerto Rican Migration." Centro Journal xv (2). MelÂŽndez, Edgardo. 2010. "Vito Marcantonio, Puerto Rican Migration, and the 1949 Mayoral Election in New York City." Centro Journal 22 (2):198 Ã 223. MelÂŽndez, Edgardo. 2015. "Puerto Rican Migration, the Colonial State, and Transnationalism." Centro Journal 28 (2): 50 Ã 95. Morales, Iris. 2016. Through The Eyes of Rebel Women . Red Sugar Cane Press. Moya, Andrea. 2017. "Casa Pueblo Taps Solar Power, Diaspo ra to Help Communities Ã Caribbean Business." Caribbean Business . http://caribbeanbusiness.com/casa pueblo taps solar power diaspora to help communities/. Nightingale, Andrea. 2003. "A Feminist in the Forest: Situated Knowledges and Mixing Methods in Natur al Resource Management." Acme 2 (1): 77 Ã 90. https://doi.org/10.1016/S0016 7185(99)00025 1. Oliver smith, Anthony, Irasema AlcÂ‡ntara ayala, Ian Burton, and Allan M. Lavell. 2016. "Forensic Investigations of Disasters (FORIN): A Conceptual Framework and Guid e to Research," no. 9: 56. http://www.irdrinternational.org/2016/01/21/irdr publishes the forin project a conceptual framework and guide to research 2/. OnÂ’s, Catalina M. de. 2018. "Energy Colonialism Powers the Ongoing Unnatural Disaster in Puerto Rico." Frontiers in Communication 3 (January): 1 Ã 5. doi:10.3389/fcomm.2018.00002. OpenSource. 2017. "Diasporicans Uniting the Diaspora with Puerto Rico." http://www.diasporicans.com/. PadÂ’n, Jose A. 2003. "Puerto Rico in the Post War: Liberalized Development Ba nking and the Fall of The Ã”fifth Tiger.'" World Development 31 (2): 281 Ã 301. doi:10.1016/S0305 750X(02)00193 6. Patron, Mariela. 2017. "Puerto Rico's Exodus of Doctors Adds Health Care Strain to Dire Financial Crisis." NBC News . https://www.nbcnews.com/new s/latino/puerto rico s exodus doctors adds health care strain dire n783776. Paulson, Susan, Demaria, Federico, and Giorgios Kallis. 2014. Degrowth: A Vocabulary for a New Era . Perez, Jose Javier. 2018. "Ã”Si La Isla Estuviera Bien, EstarÂ’a AllÂ‡.'" Primera Hora . http://www.primerahora.com/noticias/puerto rico/nota/silaislaestuvierabienestariaalla 1268968/. Population Pyramid. 2013. "Migrants Puerto Rico!: 2013 Btlas." Population Pyramid . https://www.populationpyramid.net/migrants/en/puerto rico/2013/. Povinelli, Elizabeth. 2002. The Cunning of Recognition. Indigenous Alterities and the Making of Australian Multiculturalism. Durham, NC: Duke University Press. Primera Hora. 2017. "Cinco Estudiantes Protestan Contra Lin Manuel Miranda En La UPR." PirmeraHo ra.Com . http://www.primerahora.com/noticias/puerto rico/nota/cincoestudiantesprotestancontralin manuelmirandaenlaupr 1254737/. Princeton University. 2018. ""The Future of the Puerto Rican Body" PART II of Bankruptcy and Citizenship: Puerto Rico , A 21st Century Colony? | Program in Latin American Studies." Princeton University . https://plas.princeton.edu/events/future puerto rican body part ii bankruptcy and citizenship puerto rico 21st century colony.
74 Puerto Rico Climate Change Council (PRCCC). 2013. "Puerto Rico ' S State of the Climate Assessing Puerto Rico ' S Social Ecological Vulnerabilities in a Changing Climate," 317. Puerto Rico Government. 2017. "statusPR." Status PR . http://www.status.pr/. Robles, Frances, and James Wagner. 2018. "Puert o Rico Is Once Again Hit by an Islandwide Blackout The New York Times." New York Times . https://www.nytimes.com/2018/04/18/us/puerto rico power outage.html. RolÂ—n Dow, Rosalie. 2015. "Longing to Belong: Diaspora Students at the University of Puerto Rico. " Centro Journal 27 (1): 126 Ã 51. Rosa, A. M. (2016). Resistance performances: (Re)constructing spaces of resistance and contention in the 2010 2011 University of Puerto Rico student movement. Dissertation Abstracts International Section A: Humanities and S ocial Sciences , 77 (1 ). https://doi.org/10.25148/etd.FI15032135 Rudel, T.K., M. PÂŽrez Lugo, and H. Zichal. 2000. "When Fields Revert to Forest: Development and Spontaneous Reforestation in Post Wor Puerto Rico." The Professional Geographer 52 (3): 386 Ã 97. doi:DOI:10.1111/0033 0124.00233. RullÂ‡n, Johnny. 2017. "Understanding Puerto Rico's Healthcare Collapse Puerto Rico Healthcare Crisis Coalition | Puerto Rico Healthcare Crisis Coalition." Puerto Rico Healthcare Crisis Coalition 2017 . http://puertoricohea lthcarecrisis.com/2016/06/21/understanding puerto ricos healthcare collapse/. Seda Irizarry, Ian J. 2011. "Crisis, Class, and Cooperatives: Some Comments on the United Steelworkers Ã MondragÂ—n Alliance." Rethinking Marxism 23 (March 2014):374 Ã 83. https://doi .org/10.1080/08935696.2011.583014. Shankar, Amulya. 2017. "Puerto Rico Death Toll Is Probably Much Higher than Official Count." USA Today . https://www.usatoday.com/story/news/world/2017/10/18/real death toll puerto rico probably 450 much higher than offici al count/774918001/. Tighe, Claire, and Gurley. 2018. "Official Reports of Violence Against Women in Puerto Rico Unreliable After Hurricane Maria." Centro de Periodismo Investigativo , 2018. http://periodismoinvestigativo.com/2018/05/official reports of vio lence against women in puerto rico unreliable after hurricane maria/. Torres, Andres, and Jose E. Velazquez, eds. 1998. The Puerto Rican Movement: Voices From the Diaspora . Temple Univrsity Press. TrÂ’as Monge, Jose. 1997. Puerto Rico: The Trials of the Oldest Colony In the World . Yale University Press. Vamos4PR. 2018. "vamos4pr | ABOUT." Vamos4PR Website . Accessed March 19. https://www.vamos4pr.org/about us. VÂŽlez, William, and Patricia Silver. 2017. "Ã” Let Me Go Check Out Florida ': Rethinking Puerto Ri can Diaspora." Centro Journal xxix (iii): 98 Ã 126. Venator Santiago, Charles R. 2015. Puerto Rico And The Orgins Of US Global Empire: The Disembodied Shade . Routledge. Woellert, Loraine. 2017. "Puerto Rico Governor Vows Midterm Revenge for Tax Bill POLITI CO." Politico . https://www.politico.com/story/2017/12/20/puerto rico governor tax bill midterms 245870. Appendix Appendix 1 (Figures and Tables):
75 Figure 13 : Picture of the Corillo of UNSIF at the going away party they through for me at the end of my Field Practicum. Figure 14 : Map of Greater Antilles Including Puerto Rico (Beautiful Holidays 2018) Figure 15 : Topography map of Puerto Rico with Lares outlined in red and LoÂ’za in yellow (Freeworldmaps 2018). Figure 16 : Map highlighting the location of the town of Santurce within the capital city of San Juan. (HernÂ‡ndez Acosta and ColÂ—n VÂ‡zquez 2015
76 Figure 18 PPD Logo for 2020 election cycle Figure 17 : Model of Diaspora migration between the United States and the Caribbean (Centro 2008)
77 Figure 19 : Contextual/Conceptual Framework of Field Practicum Figure 20 : Depiction of the way the Methods for the Field Practicum flowed into one another
78 Would you be interested in mutual aid/solidarity work with other organizations/groups/collectives in Puerto Rico? Figure 21 People's Response to survey question on collaboration with PR based social movement entities Would you be interested in mutual aid/solidarity work with other organizations/groups/collectives of the Puerto Rican Diaspora? Figure 22 People's Response to survey question on collaboration with PR diaspora based social movement entities What is your level of understanding the social movements in Puerto Rico?
79 Figure 23 Bar graph showing level of understanding of PR based social movements What is your level of understanding the social movements of the Puerto Rican Diaspora? Figure 24 Bar graph showing level of understanding of PR diaspora based social movements Table 8 : Objectives of the Field Practicum Objectives Problems/Questions to Address Method(s) to Use General Objective: Provide a reflective guide to support community organizing across different positioned Boricuas from the perspective of the Boricua left. â€¢ ! In what ways can this framework be applied? Autoethongraphy, Literature Review, Ethnographic/Participant Observations /informal conversations, Participatory Action Research, Social Media Analysis, Interviews, and Surveys Specific Objective 1: Enhance understanding of perceptions of Puerto Ricans regarding the importance of collaboration within social movements. â€¢ ! In what s ituations? â€¢ ! Why? â€¢ ! How do the spatial/temporal elements of migration, and demographics impact this ? Autoethongraphy, Literature Review, Ethnographic/Participant Observations/informal conversations, Participatory Action Research, Social Media Analysis, Intervi ews, and Surveys
80 Table 9 Demographics (part 1) of Intervieewees and Participant Observation participants Table 10 Demographics (part 2 ) of Intervieewees and Participant Observation participants !"#$ % ?8)9)'@AB C$"#)*)' @AB D$9E)'@AB ?)F$&*'@AB 5$38&0'@AB ' D8$1)'@:B ' !(*$1%$9)' @:B ' .$/"''@:B ' D"0$%)' @:B ' Gender U"$-1 ' U"$-1 U"$-1 I -1 I -1 L%1;%,'O"1 K R81-,2 U"$-1 I -1 U"$-1 Racial U98+% ' U98+% U98+% I0>-+"T-TV ' Specific Objective 2: Document the degree to which representatives of social movements of the Puerto Rican transnational community have a shared or divergent understanding of each other's social movements. â€¢ ! Contributors to misunderstandings? â€¢ ! How to rectify? â€¢ ! How do the spatial/temporal elements of migration, and demographics impact this ? Autoethongraphy, Literature Review, Ethnographic/Participant Observations/informal conversations, Social Media Analysis, Interviews, and Sur veys Specific Objective 3: Use Appreciative Inquiry approach to identify what social movement participants view as the ideal state of Puerto Rican social movement collaboration . â€¢ ! Common threads? â€¢ ! Unique ideas? Autoethongraphy, Ethnographic/Participant Obser vations/informal conversations, Interviews, and Surveys !"#$ % ?8)9)'@AB C$"#)*)' @AB ' D$9E)'@AB ' ?)F$&*'@AB ' 5$38&0' @AB ' D8$1)'@:B ' !(*$1%$9)' @:B ' .$/"'' @:B ' D"0$%)' @:B ' !"#$%&"'$#( ) 60%,+"'78.-1 60%,+"' 78.-1 ' 60%,+"' 78.-1 ' 60%,+"'78.-1&' *0+'<18+%;' =+-+%#'!8+8J%1' *2'8$4"#8+8"1 ' !0*-1 ' Puerto Rican/Antillana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
81 Ethnic Identity Languages Spoken W1?>8#9' -1;' =4-18#9 ' W1?>8#9' -1;' =4-18#9 W1?>8#9'-1;'=4-18#9 =4-18#9 W1?>8#9' -1;' =4-18#9 W1?>8#9'-1;'=4-18#9 W1?>8#9' -1;' =4-18#9 W1?>8#9' -1;' =4-18#9 =4-18#9 Primary Language =4-18#9 W1?>8#9 =4-18#9 =4-18#9 =4-18#9 =4-18#9 =4-18#9 W1?>8#9 =4-18#9 Age Range XY K ZX ' [\ K XX ' [\ K XX ' XY K ZX ' XY K ZX ' [\ K XX ZY] XY K ZX [\ K XX Profession N-B2%, ' A-.8>8+-+",' -1;' M,?-18J%, ' 69"+"?,-49%,TQ8;%"?,-49%, ' W>%.+,8.8-1 ' 6,"5%##", ' !"",;81-+",TW;0.-+", ' 7%+8,%; ' F"0,8#$' 6>-11%, ' A-,$%, ' Schooling Completed N-B' /%?,%% ' 69/ ' R-.9%>",# ' R-.9%>",# ' 69/ ' ="$%'L,-;0-+%'=.9""> ' 69/ ' ="$%' L,-;0-+%' =.9""> '
82 &'()$*% +"(,-.-/"0, .)%$"9)0$%G :"0$%$/)0'AE&"0"3G !8**&9%'H&1$E&9/& :0)/&1'H)$1&E :8&*%"'H$/"4' :8&*%"'H$/)9' ,$)1I"*)4'"*' J"%( K&9E&* ' *.24%&): 60%,+"'78.-1 =".8->8#+TO-+8"1->8#+ <=)&OP&12. OP!&F^&67 R"+9 I->% ' *.24%&); R",8.0N8*%,-> M,>-1;" 60%,+"'78." R"+9 I->% ' *.24%&)< )5,"R",8.0<1.>%-, @<18+%;@'=+-+%#'"5' )$%,8EEE-&'A>",8;-&' I8-$8 @<18+%;@'=+-+%#'"5' )$%,8EEE-_' I8>B-0E%%&'UDT' =-*-1-'L,-1;%&' R",81`0%1'T' )?0-;8>>-&'R",81`0%1C' R"+9 I->% ' *.24%&)= <= #".8->8#+ K >%-181? =-1'A,-1.8#."&'!) R"+9 A ' *.24%&)> 60%,+"'78.-1 =".8->8#+ !8;,-&'67 60%,+"'78." R"+9 I-#.0>81" ' *.24%&)? )5," K R",8.0,%:">0+8"1-,2 R,""E>21&'OP O%B'P",E'-1;'60%,+"' 78." R"+9 A%$->% ' *.24%&)@ U%'*%>"1?'+"'+9%'%-,+9C'aD' ;"'9">;'-'<='4-##4",+b )>>'4"B%,'+"'+9%'4%"4>% R",8Ec1 &'!-,">81H-B-88&'!->8 60%,+"'78.-1' /8-#4",I->% ' *.24%&)A 60%,+"'78.-1 N8*%,->&' 4,"?,%##8:%&'#+,"1?' *%>8%:%,'81'+9%'4"B%,'"5'+9%' 4%"4>%'*%81?'?,%-+%,'+9-1'+9%' 4%"4>%'81'4"B%,C A",+'I8+.9%>>&'d%1+0.E2 /%1:%,&'!">",-;" 60%,+"'78.-1' /8-#4",A%$->% ' *.24%&)B <=) 6 ,"?,%##8:%T 7-;8.->>2 ' >%5+ R,""E>21 )>*0`0%,`0% 60%,+"'78.-1' /8-#4",B"$-1 ' *.24%&):C OT) N/A <=)&'!)&'N"#')1?%>%#'!) N)'e'=( 60%,+"'78.-1' /8-#4",' *.24%&):: R",8.0-'$8V'"5')1-,.98#$&' !"$$018#$&'=".8->8#$' O%B'P",E 698>-;%>498-'-1;'O%B' P",E'!8+2 60%,+"'78.-1' /8-#4",I->% ' *.24%&):; 60%,+"'78.-1 T )1+8>>8-1 )1-,.98#+ ' 60%,+"'78."&'=-1+0,.%' Q%?-'R-S-&'I f 1-+8&' R-2-$"1&'),%.8*"' 60%,+"'78."' 60%,+"'78." O"'*81-,8"' ' *.24%&):< 60%,+"'78.-1' =".8->8#+&' 6," K D1;%4%1;%1.%' W$-1.84-+8#+ 60%,+"'78."&'=-1'(0-1 60%,+"'78."&'=-1'(0-1 60%,+"'78." I->%' ' *.24%&):= !-,8**%-1 )1-,.9" K ." $ $018#+ 67 67 60%,+"'78." $->% ' *.24%&):> 60%,+"'78.-1'B8+9'-'<=' 6-##4" ,+ D5'8+'8#'+9%'#+-+0#' g ' 6," K D1;%4%1;%1.% &'D5'8+'8#' 498>"#"492' g ' 6"#+ K -1-,.98#+' -1;';%.">"18-> ' !"11%.+8.0+&'<=) )?0-;8>>-&' A",$-+8:%' %;0.-+8"1'81 ' =-1'(0-1 60%,+"'78." I-#.0>81"' ' *.24%&) :? 60%,+"'78.-1 !""4%,-+8:8#+C' 60%,+"'78."&'=-1'(0-1 60%,+"'78."&'I",":8#C' 60%,+"'78." H0$-1' ' *.24%&):@ 60%,+"'78.-1 ' D1;%4%1;%1+' =-1'(0-1 60%,+"'78."&' 698>-;%>498-aY'2%-,#b' 60%,+"'78." A%$->%' ' *.24%&):A 60%,+"'78."' D';"1G+'9-:%'-'#4%.858.'4">8+8.-> ' 8;%">"?2 N-S-#&'60%,+"'78." I-2-? h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
83 Table 11 Demographics (part 1) of people who participated in the Surveys *.24%&);= ),?%1+818-1 )4">"+8.->_'@7%->8+2'8#'+9%' +,0+9'-1;'"1'8+'D'-.+'+"' 8$4,":%'+9%'."1;8+8"1#'+9-+' #0,,"01;'0#Ci' 60%,+"'78."TR-,,8"' M*,%," ),?%1+81-& ' R0%1"#' )8,%# 60%,+"'78." I -#.0>81" ' *.24%&);> Puerto Rican =".8->8#+ %1+,%'=-1'(0-1'2'N-,%# #-1'(0-1 60%,+"'78." A %$%181" ' *.24%&);? ) D'-$'-'.8+8J%1'"5'+9%'B",>; )1-,.98#+ L0-21-*"& ' 67 =-1'(0-1 60%,+"'78." A%$%181" '
84 Table 12 Demographics (part 2) of people who participated in survey Table 13 Survey responses on interest to work with various types of social movement groups &'()$*% +"(,-.-/"0, H)/$)0LM%(9$/' AE&9%$%G ' ' D)938)3&1'7I"N&9 ' :*$#)*G' D)938)3& O3&' H)93& :*"P&11$"9 7/(""0$93'!"#I0&%&E ' *.24%&): U98+% W1?>8#9 W1?>8#9 jk K lX HQ)! H8?9'=.9"">'/%?,%%'",' %`08:->%1.2& ' ="$%'!">>%?%'",' <18:%,#8+2& ' F%.918.->'!%,+858.-+% ' *.24%&); W1?>8#9& ' =4-18#9 =4-18#9&W1?>8#9 XY K ZX I":%,'-1;'#9-E%, I-#+%,#'/%?,%% ' *.24%&)< R>-.E& ' D1;8-1 &' I0>-+"T-TV W1?>8#9& ' =4-18#9& ' M+9%, W1?>8#9 lY K lm H%->+9'-1;'U%>>1%##' !"",;81-+", R-.9%>",# ' *.24%&)= F,8?0% n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n "T-TV W1?>8#9& ' =4-18#9 W1?>8#9 jk K lX #+0;%1+ H8?9'=.9"">'/%?,%%'",' %`08:->%1.2& ' R-.9%>",#& ' ="$%' L,-;0-+%'=.9""> ' *.24%&):C I0>-+"T-TV W1?>8#9& ' =4-18#9 W1?>8#9 [\ K XX ="$%'!">>%?%'",' <18:%,#8+2 ' *.24%&):: R>-.E& ' F,8?0% n "T-TV W1?>8#9& ' =4-18#9 W1?>8#9 [\ K XX !"$$018+2'M,?-18J%,' H8?9'=.9"">'/%?,%%'",'%`08:->%1.2 ' *.24%&):; I0>-+"T-TV W1?>8#9 =4-18#9 [\ K XX !"",;81-+",'-1;'W;0.-+", ' ="$%'L,-;0-+%'=.9""> ' *.24%&):< R>-.E& ' D1;8-1& ' U98+% W1?>8#9& ' =4-18#9 =4-18#9 [\ K XX 6">8+8.->'=.8%1+8#+ R-.9%>",# ' *.24%&):= F,8?0% n "T-TV W1?>8#9& ' =4-18#9& ' M+9%, =4-18#9 [\ K XX 498>"#"49%, /".+",-+% ' *.24%&):> U98+% W1?>8#9& ' =4-18#9& ' M+9%, ' =4-18#9 [\ K XX /".+",'81 ' !D6M R-.9%>",#& ' I-#+%,#'/%?,%% ' *.24%&):? R>-.E& ' (-*-"T-TV& ' D1;8-1& ' I0>-+"T-TV& ' F,8?0% n "T-TV& ' U98+% W1?>8#9& ' =4-18#9& ' 6",+0?0%#%& ' A,%1.9 =4-18#9 lY K lm H%,8+-?%'D1+%,4,%+%,'-1;' W;0.-+",C'' H-:%'1"+'."$4>%+%;'#%."1;-,2' #.9"">& ' H8?9'=.9"">'/%?,%%'",' %`08:->%1.2& ' = "$%'!">>%?%'",' <18:%,#8+2& ' R-.9%>",#& ' ="$%' L,-;0-+%'=.9"">& ' I-#+%,#'/%?,%%& ' F%.918.->'!%,+858.-+%& ' M+9%,'/%?,%%' ",'=4%.8->8J%;'N8.%1#% ' *.24%&):@ U98+% W1?>8#9& ' =4-18#9 =4-18#9 lY K lm R-.9%>",# ' *.24%&):A U98+% W1?>8#9& ' =4-18#9& ' A,%1.9 =4-18#9 [\ K XX =.8%1+8#+ /".+",-+% ' *.24%&):B F,8?0% n "T-TV W1?>8#9& ' =4-18#9 =4-18#9 [\ K XX >-B2%, R-.9%>",#& ' N-B'/%?,%%& ' M+9%,' /%?,%%'",'=4%.8->8J%;'N8.%1#% ' *.24%&);C U98+% W1?>8#9& ' =4-18#9& ' 6",+0?0%#%& ' M+9%, =4-18#9 lY K lm =%,:%, R-.9%>",# ' *.24%&);: I0>-+"T-TV W1?>8#9& ' =4-18#9 =4-18#9 XY K ZX A-,$%, /".+",-+% ' *.24%&);; F,8?0% n "T-TV W1?>8#9& ' =4-18#9 ' =4-18#9 jk K lX ),+8#+ ="$%'!">>%?%'",'<18:%,#8+2 ' *.24%&);< F,8?0% n "T-TV W1?>8#9& ' =4-18#9 =4-18#9 [\ K XX ).."01+' I-#+%,#'/%?,%% ' *.24%&);= U98+% W1?>8#9& ' =4-18#9& ' 6",+0?0%#% =4-18#9 XY K ZX 40*>8.'$%;8-'%V4%,+ H8?9' =.9"">'/%?,%%'",' %`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
85 Table 14 Survey responses on understanding of and connection to social movements in PR and PR diaspora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j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
86 7"/$)0' 5"F&9%1 7"/$)0' 5"F&9%1 7"/$)0' 5"F&9%1 ,$)1I"*)4'"*' J"%( *.24%&): Q%,2'."11%.+%; !"11%.+%; Q%,2'98 ?9 Q%,2'98?9 R"+9 *.24%&); ="$%B9-+' ."11%.+%; Q%,2'."11%.+%; I%;80$ Q%,2'98?9 R"+9 *.24%&)< O"+'."11%.+%;'-+'->> ="$%B9-+' ."11%.+%; Q%,2'>"B N"B R"+9 *.24%&)= ="$%B9-+' ."11%.+%; ="$%B9-+' ."11%.+%; I%;80$ I%;80$ R"+9 *.24%&)> !"11%.+%; O"+'."11%.+%;'-+' ->> H8?9 N"B R"+9 *.24%&)? Q%,2'."11%.+%; Q%,2'."11%.+%; H8?9 I%;80$ R"+9 *.24%&)@ !"11%.+%; !"11%.+%; H8?9 H8?9 60%,+"'78.-1' /8-#4",*.24%&)A ="$%B9-+' ."11%.+%; !"11%.+%; I%;80$ H8?9 60%,+"'78.-1' /8-#4",*.24%&)B ="$%B9-+' ."11%.+%; ="$%B9-+' ."11%.+%; I%;80$ N"B 60%,+"'78.-1' /8-#4",*.24%&):C ="$%B9-+' ."11%.+%; ="$%B9-+' ."11%.+%; I%;80$ I%;80$ 60%,+"'78.-1' /8-#4",*.24%&):: Q%,2'."11%.+%; Q%,2'."11%.+%; Q%,2'98?9 Q%,2'98?9 60%,+"'78.-1' /8-#4",*.24%&):; Q%,2'."11%.+%; ="$%B9-+' ."11%.+%; Q%,2'98?9 N"B 60%,+"'78." *.24%&):< !"11%.+%; O"+'."11%.+%;'-+'->> Q%,2'98?9 Q%,2'>"B 60%,+"'78." *.24%&):= Q%,2'."11%.+%; Q%,2'."11%.+%; H8?9 N"B 60%,+"'78." *.24%&):> !"11%.+%; ="$%B9-+' ."11%.+%; H8?9 I%;80$ 60%,+"'78." *.24%&):? !"11%.+%; O"+' ."11%.+%;'-+'->> H8?9 Q%,2'>"B 60%,+"'78." *.24%&):@ !"11%.+%; ="$%B9-+' ."11%.+%; H8?9 H8?9 60%,+"'78." *.24%&):A !"11%.+%; ="$%B9-+' ."11%.+%; H8?9 N"B 60%,+"'78." *.24%&):B Q%,2'."11%.+%; ="$%B9-+' ."11%.+%; Q%,2'98?9 I%;80$ 60%,+"'78." *.24%&);C Q%,2' ."11%.+%; !"11%.+%; Q%,2'98?9 I%;80$ 60%,+"'78." *.24%&);: !"11%.+%; O"+'."11%.+%;'-+'->> I%;80$ N"B 60%,+"'78." *.24%&);; !"11%.+%; !"11%.+%; Q%,2'98?9 H8?9 60%,+"'78." *.24%&);< ="$%B9-+' ."11%.+%; O"+'."11%.+%;'-+'->> N"B Q%,2'>"B 60%,+"'78." *.24%&) ;= Q%,2'."11%.+%; ="$%B9-+' ."11%.+%; Q%,2'98?9 I%;80$ 60%,+"'78." *.24%&);> Q%,2'."11%.+%; ="$%B9-+' ."11%.+%; H8?9 I%;80$ 60%,+"'78." *.24%&);? Q%,2'."11%.+%; O"+'."11%.+%;'-+'->> Q%,2'98?9 Q%,2'>"B 60%,+"'78." Appendix 2: Interview Questions Upfront Definitions: â€¢ ! Diaspora: People of Puerto Rican heritage that now live in one of the 50 US states. â€¢ ! Collaboration: Times social movement organizations on the island work with social movement organizations of the diaspora in the 50 states. â€¢ ! Social Movement: A group of people or organizations striving towards a common goal relating to human society or change. Demographics Section (to be covered at end) 1. ! Age range a. ! 18 24
87 b. ! 25 29 c. ! 30 44 d. ! 45 64 e. ! 65+ 2. ! Gender Identification 3. ! Racial/Ethnic Identification a. ! How would you identif y your skin color? b. ! Given these choices how do you think other people would classify you? i. ! Negro ii. ! Jabao iii. ! Indio iv. ! Trigueno v. ! Blanco 4. ! Languages spoken? a. ! Primary Language? 5. ! What is the highest level degree that you have earned? 6. ! What is your profession? 7. ! Salary Range a. ! Menos de $10,000 b. ! $10,000 a $14,000 c. ! $15,000 a $24,999 d. ! $25,000 a $34,999 e. ! $35,000 a $49,000 f. ! $50,000 a $74,999 g. ! $75,000 a $99,000 h. ! $100,000 o mas Questions 1. ! Where are you from? Where have you lived? a. ! List all towns/cities, and timeframes for each. 2. ! Do you have immediate family that live in the 50 states (brother, sister, mother, father, children etc.? a. ! What city, states and what years did they move there? 3. ! What are the professions of your immediate family living in the 50 states? 4. ! Have you visited or lived the 50 s tates? a. ! If so, what city, states and what years did you move there? b. ! How frequently? How long? What for? 5. ! Do you have distant family that live in the 50 states (distant Ã aunts, cousins, uncles, etc.)? 6. ! Identify any social movements and/or social movement org anizations that you have been involved with on the island and/or within the diaspora. a. ! Names, how long, how involved, where are they located? 7. ! Please describe some of the strategies/tactics you have used as a part of your organizing efforts in social moveme nts. 8. ! How would you describe your political ideology ? a. ! E.g. Marxist, anarchist, nationalist, undefined/no clear ideology, etc.
88 9. ! How much do you feel you know about social movements of the diaspora? 10. ! What is your general perspective on diasporic movements? Are there things you like? Are there things you get frustrated with? a. ! Do you feel the diaspora should be prioritizing issues faced by Puerto Ricans on the island? 11. ! How important is collaboration between social movements of the island and the diaspora to you? 12. ! Do you see collaboration being more important for the social movements in Puerto Rico or for the social movements of the diaspora? Why? 13. ! How successful or unsuccessful would you say collaboration between social movements on the island and of the diaspora ha ve been? 14. ! What have you seen as some of the greatest successes in collaboration between social movements of the island and of the diaspora? a. ! What made them a success? 15. ! What have you seen as some of the greatest challenges in collaboration between social move ments of the island and of the diaspora? a. ! Have you seen collaboration between the social movements of the island and of the diaspora hinder movements of the island? Please elaborate. b. ! Have you seen collaboration between the social movements of the island an d of the diaspora hinder movements of the diaspora? Please elaborate. 16. ! What are some of the factors that you think facilitate or hinder collaboration between social movements of the island and the diaspora? a. ! Language, culture, status issue, political ideolo gy/party affiliation, association with other social movements? 17. ! In an ideal world what would successful collaboration look like between the social movements of the island and of the diaspora? 18. ! Please list ways that you think factors hindering collaboration b etween social movements of the island and the diaspora can be overcome? a. ! Also list organizations that you think should be a part of this process. Appendix 3 : Survey Questions !"0)6"*)/$U9':8&*%"**$>8&V) ' Start of Block: Default Question Block P1 En un mundo ideal, Ã€CÂ—mo serÂ’a una colaboraciÂ—n exitosa entre los movimientos sociales de Puerto Rico y de la diÂ‡spora PuertorriqueÂ–a? (Por favor responde la pregunta en general, pero tambiÂŽn detalles especÂ’ficos centrados en las/los organizaciones/grupos/colect ivos de los que formas parte) ________________________________________________________________
89 P1 In an ideal world what would collaboration between social movements of Puerto Rico and the Puerto Rican Diaspora look like (Please answer the question genera lly but also specific details focused on the organizations/groups/collectives you are a part of)? ________________________________________________________________ P2 Ã€QuÂŽ tan conectado estÂ‡s con los movimientos sociales en Puerto Rico? o ! No conectado en absoluto (1) o ! Algo conectado (2) o ! Conectado (3) o ! Muy conectado (4) P2 How connected are you to social movements in Puerto Rico? o ! Not connected at all (1) o ! Somewhat connected (2) o ! Connected (3) o ! Very connected (4) P3 Ã€QuÂŽ tan conectado estÂ‡s co n los movimientos sociales en la diÂ‡spora PuertorriqueÂ–a? o ! No conectado en absoluto (1) o ! Algo conectado (2) o ! Conectado (3) o ! Muy conectado (4)
90 P3 How connected are you to social movements of the Puerto Rican Diaspora? o ! Not connected at all (1) o ! Somewhat connected (2) o ! Connected (3) o ! Very connected (4) P4 Ã€CuÂ‡l es su nivel de comprensiÂ—n de los movimientos sociales de Puerto Rico? o ! Muy bajo (1) o ! Bajo (2) o ! Medio (3) o ! Alto (4) o ! Muy alto (5) P4 What is your level of understanding the soc ial movements in Puerto Rico? o ! Very low (1) o ! Low (2) o ! Medium (3) o ! High (4) o ! Very high (5)
91 P5 Ã€CuÂ‡l es su nivel de comprensiÂ—n de los movimientos sociales de la diÂ‡spora PuertorriqueÂ–a? o ! Muy bajo (1) o ! Bajo (2) o ! Medio (3) o ! Alto (4) o ! Muy alto (5) P5 What is your level of understanding the social movements of the Puerto Rican Diaspora? o ! Very low (1) o ! Low (2) o ! Medium (3) o ! High (4) o ! Very high (5) P6 Ã€En quÂŽ organizaciones/grupos/colectivos estÂ‡s involucrado, cuantos miembros estÂ‡n, y dÂ—nde estÂ‡n ubicados? ________________________________________________________________ P6 What organizations/groups/collectives are you involved in, how many members are in the groups, and where they are located? ________________________________________________ ________________
92 Q36 Ã€CuÂ‡nto tiempo tienen estas organizaciones/grupos/colectivos en existencia y cuÂ‡nto tiempo has estado involucrado? ________________________________________________________________ Q36 How long they have these organizations/groups/collectives been in existence and how long you have been involved? ________________________________________________________________
93 Q27 Ã€De quÂŽ tipo de trabajo hacen las/los organizaciones/grupos/colectivos de los que forma parte? ! ! A groecologÂ’a (2) ! ! EducaciÂ—n (4) ! ! Apoyo Mutuo (5) ! ! Derechos al espacio pÂœblico/derechos a la tierra (6) ! ! ColaboraciÂ—n entre Puerto Rico y la DiÂ‡spora PuertorriqueÂ–a (7) ! ! Salud (8) ! ! Cultura (9) ! ! Genero (10) ! ! Sexualidad (11) ! ! Racismo/Anti Racismo y Di scrimen (12) ! ! Otra (13)
94 Q27 What type of work does the organizations/groups/collectives you are a part of do? ! ! Agroecology (2) ! ! Education (4) ! ! Mutual Aid (5) ! ! Rights to Public Space/Land Rights (6) ! ! Collaboration between Puerto Rico and the Puerto Rican Diaspora (7) ! ! Health (8) ! ! Culture (9) ! ! Gender (10) ! ! Sexuality (11) ! ! Racism/Anti Racism and Discrimination (12) ! ! Other (13) Q37 Ã€CÂ—mo describirÂ’as la ideologÂ’a polÂ’tica de los organizaciones /grupos/colectivos de los que formas parte? ________________________________________________________________
95 Q37 How would you describe the political ideology of the organizations/groups/collectives you are a part of? _____________________________________ ___________________________ Q38 Ã€Te interesarÂ’a el trabajo de apoyo mutuo/solidaridad con otros organizaciones/grupos/colectivos en Puerto Rico? o ! Ya lo hago y tengo la intenciÂ—n de continuar (1) o ! No lo hago actualmente, pero me interesarÂ’a (2) o ! Nunca lo habÂ’a hecho antes, pero estoy interesado (3) o ! Nunca antes lo habÂ’a hecho y no estoy interesado en hacerlo (4) o ! Lo he hecho pero no tengo interÂŽs en continuar (7) Q38 Would you be interested in mutual aid/solidarity work with other organizatio ns/groups/collectives in Puerto Rico? o ! I already do and intend to continue (1) o ! I don't currently but I would be interested (2) o ! I have never done so before but I am interested (3) o ! I have never done so before and I am not interested in doing so (4) o ! I have done it but don't have an interest in continuing (7)
96 Q39 Ã€Te interesarÂ’a el trabajo de apoyo mutuo/solidaridad con otros organizaciones/grupos/colectivos de la diÂ‡spora PuertorriqueÂ–a? o ! Ya lo hago y tengo la intenciÂ—n de continuar (1) o ! No lo hago actualmente, pero me interesarÂ’a (2) o ! Nunca lo habÂ’a hecho antes, pero estoy interesado (3) o ! Nunca antes lo habÂ’a hecho y no estoy interesado en hacerlo (4) o ! Lo he hecho pero no tengo interÂŽs en continuar (6) Q39 Would you be interested in mutual ai d/solidarity work with other organizations/groups/collectives of the Puerto Rican Diaspora? o ! I already do and intend to continue (1) o ! I don't currently but I would be interested (2) o ! I have never done so before but I am interested (3) o ! I have never done so before and I am not interested in doing so (4) o ! I have done it but don't have an interest in continuing (6)
97 Q40 Ã€Te interesarÂ’a el trabajo de ayuda mutua/solidaridad con otros organizaciones/grupos/colectivos aliados que no son d e Puerto Rico o de la diÂ‡spora PuertorriqueÂ–a? o ! Ya lo hago y tengo la intenciÂ—n de continuar (1) o ! No lo hago actualmente, pero me interesarÂ’a (2) o ! Nunca lo habÂ’a hecho antes, pero estoy interesado (3) o ! Nunca antes lo habÂ’a hecho y no estoy interesado en hacerlo (4) o ! Lo he hecho pero no tengo interÂŽs en continuar (5) Q40 Would you be interested in mutual aid/solidarity work with other ally organizations/groups/collectives who are not in Puerto Rico or of the Puerto Rican Diaspora? o ! I already do and inte nd to continue (1) o ! I don't currently but I would be interested (2) o ! I have never done so before but I am interested (3) o ! I have never done so before and I am not interested in doing so (4) o ! I have done it but don't have an interest in continuing (5) Q41 Dentro de un intercambio de ayuda mutua, Ã€quÂŽ estarÂ’a dispuesto a dar su organizaciÂ—n/grupo/colectivo? ________________________________________________________________ Q41 Within a mutual aid exchange, what would your organization/group/collective be willing to give? ________________________________________________________________
98 Q42 Dentro de un intercambio de ayuda mutua/solidaridad, Ã€quÂŽ estarÂ’a buscando su organizaciÂ—n/grupo/colectivo? _______________________________________________________ _________ Q42 Within a mutual aid/solidarity exchange, what would your organization/group/collective be seeking? ________________________________________________________________ Q43 Ã€Hay algÂœn organizaciÂ—n/grupo/colectivo con el que no colaboras y/o ra zones por las que no colaborarÂ’as con un organizaciÂ—n/grupo/colectivo en particular? ________________________________________________________________ Q43 Are there any organizations/groups/collectives you wouldn't collaborate with and/or any reasons you w ouldn't collaborate with a particular organization/group/collective? ________________________________________________________________ P7 Ã€CuÂ‡l es tu nacionalidad? ________________________________________________________________ P7 What is your Nationa lity? ________________________________________________________________ P8 Ã€CÂ—mo describirÂ’as tu ideologÂ’a polÂ’tica? ________________________________________________________________ P8 How would you describe your political ideology? ________________________________________________________________ P9 Ã€DÂ—nde vives actualmente? (Pais y pueblo) ________________________________________________________________
99 P9 Where do you currently live? (Country, State, City) ______________________ __________________________________________ P10 Ã€En quÂŽ lugares fuiste criado? (PaÂ’ses y pueblos) ________________________________________________________________ P10 What places were you raised? (Country, State, City) __________________________________ ______________________________ P11 Ã€Te consideras de la Puerto Rico o de la diÂ‡spora PuertorriqueÂ–a? o ! Puerto Rico (1) o ! DiÂ‡pora PuertorriqueÂ–a (2) o ! Ambios (3) P11 Do you consider yourself to be from Puerto Rico or of the Puerto Rican diaspora? o ! Puerto Rico (1) o ! Puerto Rican Diaspora (2) o ! Both (3) P12 Ã€CuÂ‡l es tu GÂŽnero? ________________________________________________________________ P12 What is your Gender? ________________________________________________________________
100 Q32 Ã€Dentro el contexto de Puertorriquenidad, como tu identificas racialmente? ! ! Negro/a/x (1) ! ! Jabao/a/x (2) ! ! Indio/a/x (3) ! ! Mulato/a/x (6) ! ! TrigueÂ–o/a/x (4) ! ! Blanco/a/x (5) Q32 Within the context of Puerto Rican identity, how do you identify racially? ! ! Black (1) ! ! Jabao/a/x (2) ! ! Indian (3) ! ! Mulato/a/x (6) ! ! TrigueÂ–o/a/x (4) ! ! White (5)
101 P13 Ã€QuÂŽ idiomas hablas? ! ! EspaÂ–ol (1) ! ! Ingles (2) ! ! PortuguÂŽs (3) ! ! FrancÂŽs (4) ! ! Criollo Haitiano (5) ! ! Otro (6) P13 What languages do you speak? ! ! English (1) ! ! Spanish (2) ! ! Portuguese (3) ! ! French (4) ! ! Haitian Creole (5) ! ! Other (6)
102 P14 Ã€Cual es tu idioma principal? ! ! EspaÂ–ol (1) ! ! Ingles (2) ! ! PortuguÂŽs (3) ! ! FrancÂŽs (4) ! ! Criollo Haitiano (5) ! ! Otro (6) P14 What is your primary language? ! ! Spanish (1) ! ! English (2) ! ! Portuguese (3) ! ! French (4) ! ! Haitian Creole (5) ! ! Other (6)
103 P15 Ã€CuÂ‡l es su rango de edad? o ! 18 24 (1) o ! 25 29 (2) o ! 30 44 (3) o ! 45 64 (4) o ! 65+ (5) P15 What is your age range? o ! 18 24 (1) o ! 25 29 (2) o ! 30 44 (3) o ! 45 64 (4) o ! 65+ (5) P16 Ã€CuÂ‡l es tu profesiÂ—n? ________________________________________________________________ P16 What is your profession? ________________________________________________________________
104 P17 Ã€Que tipos de escolaridad has completado? ! ! No completÂ— la escuela secundaria (1) ! ! Equivalencia Completa de Secundaria o Secundaria (2) ! ! Alguna educaciÂ—n superior (3) ! ! Grado Asociando (12) ! ! Bachillerato (4) ! ! Alguna escuela de postgrado (5) ! ! MaestrÂ’a (6) ! ! Doctorado (7) ! ! Alguna escuela TÂŽcnica (8) ! ! Certificado TÂŽcnico (13) ! ! Bachillerato en derecho (9) ! ! Otra licenciatura o licencia especializada (10)
105 P17 What types of schooling have you completed? ! ! Have not completed secondary school (1) ! ! High School Degree or equivalency (2) ! ! Some Colleg e or University (3) ! ! Associates Degree (12) ! ! Bachelors (4) ! ! Some Graduate School (5) ! ! Masters Degree (6) ! ! Doctorate (7) ! ! Some Technical School (8) ! ! Technical Certificate (13) ! ! Law Degree (9) ! ! Other Degree or Specialized License (10) P18 Ã€Te interesarÂ’a participar en una entrevista de una hora mÂ‡s detallada sobre las formas en que podemos mejorar la colaboraciÂ—n entre la diÂ‡spora PuertorriqueÂ–a y Puerto Rico? (En caso
106 afirmativo, envÂ’e un correo electrÂ—nico a email@example.com para que p odamos programar una entrevista) o ! Si (1) o ! No (2) P18 Would you be interested in participating in an hour long more detailed interview on what ways we can improve the collaboration between Puerto Rico and the Puerto Rican Diaspora? (If yes please email c firstname.lastname@example.org so that we can schedule an interview) o ! Yes (1) o ! No (2) End of Block: Default Question Block Start of Block: Island P19 Si eres de Puerto Rico has vivido fuera de Puerto Rico? o ! Si (1) o ! No (2) P19 If you identify as being from Puerto Rico, have you lived outside of Puerto Rico? o ! Yes (1) o ! No (2) End of Block: Island Start of Block: Island Yes P20 Ã€DÂ—nde has vivido fuera de Puerto Rico (por favor, indica el paÂ’s y el estado)? ________________________________________________________________
107 P20 Where have you lived outside of Puerto Rico (please name country and state)? ________________________________________________________________ End of Block: Island Yes Start of Block: D iaspora P21 Si diÂ‡spora PuertorriqueÂ–a has vivido en Puerto Rico? o ! Si (1) o ! No (2) P21 If you identify as being of the Puerto Rican Diaspora have you lived in Puerto Rico? o ! Yes (1) o ! No (2) End of Block: Diaspora Start of Block: Diaspora Yes P22 Ã€En quÂŽ pueblos de Puerto Rico has vivido? ________________________________________________________________ P22 What towns/municipalities in Puerto Rico have you lived? ________________________________________________________________ End of Block: Diasp ora Yes Start of Block: Both P23 Ã€DÂ—nde has vivido en Puerto Rico? (Por favor, liste los pueblos separados por comas) ________________________________________________________________
108 P23 Where have you lived at in Puerto Rico? (Please list pueblos separ ated by commas) ________________________________________________________________ P24 Ã€DÂ—nde has vivido fuera de Puerto Rico? (Por favor, enumere paÂ’ses y estados) ________________________________________________________________ P24 Where have you lived outside of Puerto Rico? (Please list countries and states) ________________________________________________________________ End of Block: Both Appendix 4 : P AR Ã Lesson Plan Created
109 Appendix 5 : PAR Ã Historical Timeline Created COLONIZATION AND ANTI COLONIZATION IN PUERTO RICO By 2145 BCE : The earliest archaeological findings from this period show that people had spread from the Orinoco River region (Venezuela) of South America to the island later known as Puerto Rico. By 1000 CE: The Taino people, with Arawak ancestry, had spread around the Caribbean, including into Florida and the Yucatan, and dominated the island they called Borinquen, "the great land of the valiant and noble Lord." Taino words now widely used include canoe, barbecue, tob acco, hammock, and hurricane. 1492: Agueybana was the cacique (chief) of the 250,000 or so Taino people living on Borinquen. They supported their network of villages through growing corn, yucca, and tobacco; domesticating animals; fishing; and hunting sm all animals. Land was communally owned and cooperatively worked. Democratic councils governed the tribes, while caciques oversaw the physical and spiritual well being of the people. Women hunted, fished, farmed, and served as healers, generals, and caci ques. Tainos believed that the source of all life was the Mother Goddess and that an evil male god Juracan (the origin of the word hurricane) brought death and destruction from the sea. October 12, 1492: Taino people greeted Christopher Columbus with fruits, vegetables, and a warm demeanor that he interpreted as evidence that they would make great servants. He seized several people, so he might learn their language and customs, and then sailed on without letting them go.
110 November 19, 1493: Christopher Columbus arrived on his second voyage but still did not establish any settlements on Borinquen. He called the island San Juan Bautista, for St. John the Baptist. The Spaniards later renamed it Puerto Rico and left San Juan as the name of the main port. 1509: The Crown (King and Queen of Spain) made Juan Ponce de Leon the Governor of the island after he had explored the area, discovered the potential for gold mines, and made a blood pact with Cacique Agu eybana. A repartimiento system distributed among officials and colonists set the numbers of indigenous people who could be used for wage free, forced labor (slavery), primarily for mining for gold in rivers. Two free Africans were with Ponce de Leon: Jua n Garrido (born in the Kingdom of Kongo, present day Angola) and Pedro Mejias, who married Yulisa, a Taino woman who was a cacique. 1510 : The king gave Jeronimo de Bruselas permission to take two enslaved Africans to Puerto Rico. That same year, the gov ernor of Puerto Rico allowed de Bruselas, Cristobal de Sotomayor, Juan Ponce de Leon, and others to bring indigenous people from other islands to be sold in Puerto Rico. 1511: The Tainos unsuccessfully rebelled against the Spaniards who used attack do gs as some of their most powerful weapons. Governor Ponce de Leon ordered the shooting of 6,000 people. Others escaped to the mountains or other islands or committed suicide (including women who had been raped by Spaniards). Many died from the diseases brought from Europe. Diego Columbus won a legal case to gain the rights to all the land his father had "discovered" and made Juan Ceron the new Governor of Puerto Rico. Ceron "gave" some of the Taino chiefs to his friends and some Tainos continued to reb el for at least a couple of years. Those who were captured were either exiled or forced to work in mining. December 27, 1512: After several priests, including Bartolome de las Casas, protested against the brutality of the repartimiento system, the Laws of Burgos established the feudalistic encomienda system. It required Spaniards to pay their laborers and to teach them Catholicism, but most still treated the workers brutally, claiming "Indians" were inferior and subhuman. The laws also included an off icial Requerimiento that would have to be read to indigenous people before waging a "just war" against them so they would have an opportunity to "convert" to Catholicism. July 28, 1513: The Complementary Declaration established that any natives who wore European clothing and had converted to Christianity could be in charge of their own lives. 1514: Two Taino tribes fought with Spanish forces on the east side of Puerto Rico. Since all but a few of the Spaniards who arrived in Puerto Rico were men, the Spanish Crown granted them permission to marry native Taino women. Many of the descendants of Spanish fathers and Taino mothers are categorized as mestizos today. 1517: King Carlos V allowed colonizers to import twelve slaves and authorized the shipme nt of 4,000 Africans to Espanola, Cuba, Jamaica, and Puerto Rico, beginning the slave trade across the Atlantic. 1519: Pope Leo X made Puerto Rico the first New World ecclesiastical headquarters, including for the Spanish Inquisition and its campaign to kill those who refused to convert to Catholicism. This meant that Jews who had migrated from Spain to Puerto Rico to save their lives could no longer openly practice their faith and culture. It also led to more suppression of the Taino people and their culture. July 12, 1520: A royal decree emancipated the remaining enslaved Taino population, but they continued to experience harsh conditions. 1524: The first sugar mill was built on the island, leading to importing more Africans to work on sugar pla ntations, but they were never so widespread as they became on the other colonized Caribbean islands.
111 1527 : Some enslaved Tainos and Africans joined in a rebellion against their masters. Overtime, many slaves escaped and formed maroon communities in unp opulated areas. 1540: Most of the gold reserves on Puerto Rico had been exhausted. 1553: 1,500 Africans were living in Puerto Rico. 1600s 1700s: Periodic attempts by the English, Scottish, French, and Dutch to take over Puerto Rico and/or Vieques led to the building of stronger fortifications on the island. 1664 : The governor of Puerto Rico began allowing slaves arriving from non Spanish coloni es to be free, as long as they converted to Catholicism and swore allegiance to the king. A number of them developed the community of Congrejos, just outside of San Juan. 1692: Loiza (east of San Juan), which had been settled over a century early by Yo ruba people, brought forcibly from Nigeria, became an official town; it was named for Yuisa (Luisa), the female cacique. 1773: Congrejos was allowed to become a self governing community, later said to be the only one in Puerto Rico to have been founded by freedmen and women. 1784: Slaves could no longer be branded on the forehead with the carimbo (also used on cattle), a common practice up to that point. In addition, there were several new ways that slaves could become free, including after forced r ape by a master. Any enslaved families with at least ten children were freed. 1789: The Spanish Royal Decree of Graces granted Spanish subjects the right to purchase and transport enslaved Africans. That same year, a new code of laws affecting slavery was introduced. 1809: The government in Cadiz in southern Spain that was resisting the takeover of Spain by Napoleon extended to Puerto Rico and other Spanish colonies the rights of a province. 1811: The Spanish began colonizing Vieques (an island a few miles east of Puerto Rico) and appointed a military governor for it in 1832. August 10, 1815: King Ferdinand VII, in another Spanish Royal Decree of Graces, allowed Cuba and Puerto Rico for the first time to trade with countries in good standing wit h Spain. It also gave potential European settlers incentives such as free land, encouraging them to use enslaved workers, so there could be more exports of sugar, tobacco, and coffee. The Spanish government also hoped to discourage Puerto Rico and Cuba f rom joining the fight for independence and to secure the political power of the white elite. 1821: Marcos Xiorro led a slave revolt that did not succeed but did make him a legendary hero. 1825: Cuba and Puerto Rico were the only remaining colonies i n the Western Hemisphere. 1830s and 1840s: About 450,000 Europeans migrated to Puerto Rico. June 25, 1835: Queen Maria Cristina abolished the slave trade to the Spanish colonies. May 1848: Governor Juan Prim y Prats issued a Decree against the Bla ck Race which ruled that any offense by anyone with African ancestry would be tried before a military court; any black person taking up arms against whites, even if justified, would be executed if a slave and have his right hand cut off if
112 free; any Afro P uerto Rican who insulted, roughly handled, or threatened someone would be sentenced to six years in jail if a slave and some other punishment if free; and masters were allowed to kill any of the people they claimed to own who carried out any of these acts. By order of the king, the next governor overturned the Decree in November 1848. 1849 1873: Landowners convinced the government to from the regimen de la libreta (the passbook system) which forced the "free" landless poor to work as day laborers and to carry identity cards recording their productivity and conduct. 1854: Vieques Island was annexed by Puerto Rico. 1860: According to a census, the island's popu lation was 51.1% white, 48.5% persons of color, and 83.7% illiterate. There's no clear way to know how many people were not counted, especially in the mountains. November 18, 1867: Twenty days after flooding from Hurricane San Narciso left 211 people d ead, a7.5 magnitude earthquake caused more flooding and major damage. 1868: Rafael Cordero Molina died. He was a self taught educator of free African ancestry, who became known as the father of public education in Puerto Rico. In 2002, the Catholic Ch urch began the process of canonizing him as a saint, and on December 9, 2017, Pope Francis moved him to the step of veneration. September 23, 1868: Hundreds of people including many Afro Puerto Ricans, following the plans of Dr. Ramon Emeterio Betances (even though he had been exiled to the Dominican Republic) and Segundo Ruiz Belvis, went to the mountainous town of Lares and, through the Grito de Lares, declared themselves a republic independent from Spain. Although the Spanish quickly retook control, the declaration is still celebrated every year. 1869: A new constitution restored Spanish citizenship to Puerto Ricans, as well as granting representation in the Spanish Parliament, universal male suffrage, and the right to establish political parties. June 4, 1870: The Moret Law freed slaves who were born after September 17, 1868 or over sixty years old. March 22, 1873: The Spanish National Assembly abolished slavery in Puerto Rico, giving each ex owner thirty five million pesetas for each of the ir workers who had been emancipated and requiring those who had been enslaved to work for their ex owners for three more years as payment for their freedom. 1887: When a secret society (The Boycotter), influenced by the Irish Land League, boycotted Span ish owned businesses, the government persecuted, tortured, and imprisoned their leaders. 1895: At an independence uprising in the town of Yauco, the current Puerto Rican flag was unfurled for the first time on Puerto Rican soil, but the Spanish governme nt stopped the demonstrators from doing more. April 11, 1898: The United States declared war on Spain, officially to "help" Cubans seeking independence from Spain but actually to fulfill a number of imperialist aims. July 17 25, 1898: After general e lections allowed by the Spanish government, Puerto Rico was independent for eight days, until US Commanding General Nelson A. Miles (known for his brutal attacks
113 against many Native Americans in the US West) invaded the southern part of the island. The wa r in Puerto Rico lasted only seventeen days. December 10, 1898: Although many Puerto Ricans believed the victory of the United States meant they would be granted their independence, the Treaty of Paris granted the United States colonial authority over m ost of Spain's remaining colonies: Puerto Rico, the Philippine Islands, and Guam. While Cuba became officially independent, the United States the Platt Amendment to an appropriations bill in 1901, gave the United States indirect control over much of what happened in Cuba. 1899: Hurricane San Ciriaco killed over 3,400 Puerto Ricans and destroyed the entire coffee crop. The US government sent no hurricane relief but, after establishing the American Colonial Bank, devalued the Puerto Rican currency by 40%, crippling the economy (t his was part of Foraker act) . Small farmers had to start borrowing money from US banks at very high interest rates. 1900: The Foraker Act set aside the US military government for a US led civil government, stating that Puerto Rico "belonged to but was not part" of the United States. This gave the United States the power to appoint Puerto Rico's governor, a portion of its leg islature and all of its Supreme Court justices. A variety of organizations and political parties have been protesting the US colonial government ever since. 1900 1 901: Charles Herbert Allen, a Congressman from Massachusetts, was the first civilian governor of Puerto Rico, appointed by President McKinley. He ignored the appropriation requests of the Puerto Rican House of Delegates; refused to make any municipal, agr icultural, or small business loans; built roads at double the old costs; and redirected the insular budget to no bid contracts for US businessmen, railroad subsidies for US owned sugar plantations, and high salaries for the many US bureaucrats he appointed in the island government. After resigning as Governor, he joined the House of Morgan on Wall Street. His over six hundred appointees in Puerto Rico granted to him land grants, tax subsidies, water rights, railroad easements, foreclosure sales, and favor able tariffs. By 1907 Allen had built the largest sugar syndicate in Puerto Rico, the American Sugar Refining Company, which owned or controlled 98% of the sugar processing capacity in the United States; today, it is known as Domino Sugar. 1900 1930: U S corporations took control of the Puerto Rican economy. In 1899, Puerto Ricans owned 90% of the farms and estates; by 1930, North American corporations owned 65% of sugar production and four US companies owned 60% of sugar plantation land (over half the arable land). From 1896 to 1928, the percentage of land devoted to sugar cane increased 263% while that devoted to food crops decreased 31%. Women and children were the primary workers in sugar mills and tobacco, cigar, and cigarette factories. The unem ployment rate rose from 18% on 1920 to 40% during the Depression of the 1930s. Products made in the United States were priced 15 20% higher than on the mainland. The Supreme Court ruled that a minimum wage law like that in the United States was unconstit utional. 1901: Downes v. Bidwell was the first of a series of Insular Cases (numbering from six to over twenty four, depending on the legal scholar) in which the Supreme Court has repeatedly limited the constitutional rights of Puerto Ricans, even after they were called "citizens." In the Downes Case, the Court labeled the older territories, including Hawaii, "incorporated" territories with the potential to become states and new ones, including Puerto Rico, as "unincorporated" or "foreign in a domestic sense" because they were "inhabited by alien races" (called by Theodore Roosevelt "mere savages") and therefore not governable "according to Anglo Saxon principles." The Insular Cases have allowed Congress to veto or change every law passed in the territo ries. 1910: By this time, many farmers had defaulted on their debts and US banks, mainly the American Colonial Bank, the House of Morgan, and Riggs National Bank, owned much of the land.
114 1917: The Jones Act made English the official language of Pue rto Rico and granted US citizenship to Puerto Ricans but without some of the rights ( only 288 islanders ultimately had turned down U.S. citizenship.) , including voting for the President. The US Congress could still veto or amend laws passed by the territo rial legislature (made up of members appointed by the President). 18,000 of those drafted into the US military fought in World War I in segregated units. Jones act also created the tax loopholes for Puerto Rican bonds and would eventually be the vehicle that leads to the later debt crisis. Also there was a military general who spoke on giving citizenship as a strategy to undermine independence movements I will find this quote. ( "that we have determined practically that the American flag will never be lowered in Porto Rico." Former Gov Yager). "Governor Arthur Yager promoted U.S. citizenship as key to a permanent U.S. rule in Puerto Rico that would demonstrate U.S. good intentions to Latin America." 1918: An earthquake of about a 7.3 magnitude led t o 166 casualties from the earthquake and 40 from the tsunami that followed it. 1920: Merchant Marine act of 1920 http://time.com/4959035/puerto rico jones merchant marine act 1920/ Super relevant when it comes to having issues developing an independent economy and with receiving aid after Hurricane Maria. 1921 1923: President Warren Harding named Emmet Montgomer y Reily Governor of Puerto Rico. He appointed many of his friends to official positions, decreed that only the US flag could be flown on the island, and ruled that only English could be used in schools. After people began calling him "the Idiot Governor, " he had to resign. 1922: In Balzac v. Puerto Rico , the Supreme Court ruled that Puerto Ricans, even though citizens, were not guaranteed the right to a trial by jury. 1922: Pedro Albizu Campos and others formed the Nationalist Party opposing all for ms of Americanization. 1925: 70% of Puerto Ricans were landless and 2% owned 80% of the land. September 6 20, 1928: Hurricane San Felipe, the only Category Five hurricane to cross Puerto Rico between 1851 and 2017, devastated the island, causing at least 300 deaths. Under the name of the Okeechobee Hurricane, the same storm led to the deaths of over 2,500 people in Flo rida. 1930s to at least the 1980s: The FBI developed the carpetas program, which involved the creation of secret police files (including personal information) on over 100,000 Puerto Ricans. At least 74,400 of these people were under "political" police s urveillance. Eventually, it merged with the COINTELPRO program developed jointly by the FBI and the CIA to monitor and suppress political dissent. Throughout these decades, many people were fired, kicked out of schools, imprisoned, and permanently discre dited. 1931: Pedro Albizu Campos made public a letter written by Dr. Cornelius P. Rhoads in which he described Puerto Ricans as "the dirtiest, laziest, most degenerate and thievish race of men ever to inhabit this sphere." He added that he had done his b est "to further the process of extermination by killing off eight and transplanting cancer into several more" and that "all physicians take delight in the abuse and torture of the unfortunate subjects." The US press praised Rhoads, putting his picture on the cover of Time Magazine. In 2003, there was new interest in the case, and a medical award honoring Rhoads was renamed.
115 1930 1970: Many Puerto Rican women were used to test the dangers of IUDs and birth control pills. 1932: Hurricane San Ciprian st ruck Puerto Rico, killing 200 300 people and injuring over 4,000, with property damage up to $900 million in 2017 dollars. These two hurricanes combined with the Great Depression is what would lead to the uprisings described below by workers and the respo nse by Munoz Marin, in conjunction with FDR, to create social democrat programs and eventually operation bootstraps as economic programs to aid for a neoliberal type recovery. As mentioned below this is coupled with sterilization and "forced/facilitate" m igration off the island by corporations stateside seeking cheap labor. 1934: Agricultural workers went on strike across Puerto Rico, protesting their wages of fourteen cents an hour for ten or twelve hours of work a day. Albizu Campos encouraged them by speaking at different places. After US corporations complained to President Franklin Roosevelt, he appointed US Army General Blanton Winship (from Macon, Georgia) as Governor of Puerto Rico. Winship immediately set out to crush the Puerto Rican National ist Party and to prevent the new minimum wage and other protections for workers in the United States from being applied in Puerto Rico. He militarized the police force, arming it with machine guns and riot control equipment, and established vigorous polic e training camps throughout the island. He appointed as Police Chief E. Francis Riggs as Police Chief, a member of a wealthy banking family which had loaned money at high interest to Puerto Ricans. Riggs had most recently been advising Anastasio Somoza, the dictator of Nicaragua. 1935: Police shot and killed four members of the Puerto Rican Nationalist Party at a student assembly of the University of Puerto Rico in Rio Piedras. On February 23, 1936, in retaliation for the massacre, Police Chief E. Francis Riggs was murdered by two membe rs of the Cadets of the Republic, a quasi military youth organization affiliated with the Nationalist Party. The two were soon arrested and killed during "interrogation" at police headquarters. No charges were ever filed against the officers even though a woman had heard one officer screaming not to "let them escape alive." After Riggs' assassination, many Nationalist Party leaders were imprisoned. Pedro Albizu Campos ended up spending ten years in prison, seven of them in the Federal Penitentiary in At lanta. 1936: Governor Winship prohibited all public demonstrations, including speeches at funerals, and declared martial law in random areas, conducting warrantless searches. Nevertheless, groups of students began replacing the US flag with the Puerto Rican flag at public schools. The police arrested four students at Central High School in San Juan, as they were standing guard over their island's flag. 1937 1960: Law 116 in Puerto Rico made sterilization of women free in a program overseen by a Euge nics Board to "catalyze economic growth," at clinics that gave no information on other forms of birth control. In 1939 Clarence Gamble (of the Proctor & Gamble fortune) began flying Puerto Rican doctors to New York to learn the latest sterilization techni ques. Doctors were instructed to cut the tubes of any woman who had just given birth, as long as she had two or more children. Many women who accepted tubal ligation were not told that it would be permanent, so they could never have any more children. March 21, 1937: Ponce Massacre: On Palm Sunday, Governor Winship cancelled, at almost the last minute, a Nationalist Party parade in Ponce to commemorate the 1873 abolition of slavery. When the march happened anyway, Winship ordered police to fire upon b oth marchers and bystanders. They killed nineteen unarmed people and wounded over two hundred. A seven year old girl died after being shot in the back. The outrage over the Ponce Massacre spread around the island and to some US members of Congress. No one was ever tried for the massacre, but President Franklin Roosevelt replaced Governor Winship in 1939.
116 1941 2003: The United States purchased or seized land on Vieques from the owners of large farms and sugar plantations (evicting many of their worker s) and established military bases. On the Roosevelt Roads Naval Station, which covered two thirds of Vieques, the US Navy's exercises used napalm, Agent Orange, and between 300 and 800 tons of depleted uranium tipped ammunition, as they dropped an average of nearly 3,000,000 pounds of bombs on or near Vieques each year. 1942 1945: The Pentagon used at least 2000 Puerto Rican soldiers (as well as African American and Japanese American soldiers) in experiments on the impact of mustard gas and other chemic al agents (possibly including Agent Orange and napalm) on human skin. Historian Susan Smith discovered that the military was trying to learn if some kinds of skin (i.e., not white) were more resistant to the chemicals, so they could find "the ideal chemic al soldier." The victims were told that they would be sent to military prison if they told anybody about their experiences, which included extreme pain ("like you were on fire") and no follow up medical care. 1942 1952: Because the per capita annual in come in Puerto Rico averaged $159, and the cost of food was 27% higher than in the United States, 250,000 migrated to the mainland to seek better jobs. (The invitation was heavily subsidized by US corporations and is historic in terms of being the bigges t migration to the United States. Puerto Ricans were targeted by agricultural and industrial firms as a source of cheap labor in the states. States and companies partnered with the Puerto Rican government to set up recruitment offices on the island to at tract the island's poor to move to their states and would even subsidize their travel. To this day there is a New York State tourism office on Calle San Francisco in Viejo San Juan. Sterilization was also apart of this plan with operation bootstraps. All these things were interconnected to make Operation Bootstraps a "success". 1947 1970s: Operation Bootstrap (also known as industrialization by invitation) -supported by the US government, US corporate leaders, and Puerto Rican Governor Munoz -shifted the economy from agriculture to industry in less than twenty years by making investment more attractive for US investors. A major support for the companies was a system of limiting the taxes they would have to pay. In 1950, there were 82 US factories on the island; by 1970, there were 2,000. June 10, 1948: Governor Jesus T. Pinero, the first Puerto Rican appointed to that position, signed the infamous Law 53 (Gag Law), which made it illegal to display the Puerto Rican flag (including in a home); sing a nationalist song; or talk, meet, or write about independence. Punishment could be up to ten years in prison and/or a fine of up to $10,000. Fifteen members of the Nationalist Part were arrested immediately. It was repealed as unconstitutional in 1957. January 2, 1949: Luis Munoz Marin of the Popular Democratic Party (PPD) became the first democratically elected Governor of Puerto Rico. For the most part, he and his Party supported the priorities of the US government and corporations throughout his four terms as governo r. October 9 November 1, 1950: Members of the Puerto Rican Nationalist Party organized rebellions to declare Puerto Rico a free republic in eight towns, starting with the escape of 110 prisoners. As symbolic actions (rather than military ones), they an d others burned government buildings, cut telephone lines, attacked local police, and attempted to assassinate both US President Harry Truman and the Governor of Puerto Rico. The government responded to the rebellions with martial law, bombings, machine g unning, arrests of 3000 people, and the murders of at least fourteen Nationalists. On October 30, forty armed officers attacked and killed Vidal Santiago Diaz, the personal barber of Pedro Albizu Campos, with machine guns, rifles, carbines, revolvers, and grenades. The "Gunfight at Salon Boricua" was broadcast on the radio for three hours, making the "little barber" an overnight hero in Puerto Rico.
117 July 25, 1952: Puerto Rican voters approved a new constitution, which made Puerto Rico a Commonwealth in order to keep them a territory while freeing the United States from having to report their status to the United Nations Decolonization Committee. March 1, 1954 : Four supporters of independence for Puerto Rico (Lolita Lebron, Rafael Miranda, Andres Cord ero, and Irving Rodriguez) unfurled a Puerto Rican flag from the balcony in the U. S. House of Representatives, shouted "Que viva Puerto Rico libre", and shot at the 240 Representatives, wounding five of them. They were sentenced to seventy years in priso n. 1965: Pedro Albizu Campos, leader of the Puerto Rican Nationalist movement, died. During his twenty three years in prison, he had been beaten, tortured, and subjected to radiation until they released him after he had a stroke. Over 75,000 Puerto Ri cans accompanied his coffin to the Old San Juan Cemetery. November 1973: A secret report from an economic policy group established by the Governor of Puerto Rico, "Opportunities for Employment, Education and Training," suggested that one of the approach es for dealing with the high unemployment rate (13 30%) would be to "reduce the growth of the working sector" th r ough a combination of massive sterilization of working class women and pushing migration to the mainland. (sparked by downturn of operation bo otstraps) 1976 2006: Section 936 of the US Internal Revenue Tax Code began allowing US companies to operate in Puerto Rico without paying corporate taxes. In 2006, Section 936 was replaced by Section 30A, which did not make major changes. 1978: In the "Fishermen's War," fishermen took their small boats in the direct line of fire of a NATO backed training off Vieques, successfully stopping the event. 1978: Carlos Arrivi and Arnaldo Rosado, pro independence activists, were executed in a police ambush a t Cerro Maravilla in the mountains. The subsequent cover up involved the FBI and high ranking members of the Puerto Rican government. 1980: In Harris v. Rosario , the Supreme Court ruled that the federal government can fund programs like Medicare, Medicaid, and AFDC at lower rates in the territories than in the states, as long as there was a "rational basis" for the difference. 1980 1985: More than a dozen Pu erto Rican activists were imprisoned for refusing to participate in a grand jury investigation into independence activists. September 18, 1989: Hurricane Hugo devastated Vieques and much of the island of Puerto Rico. 1997: Cruz Maria Nazario, an epid emiologist at the University of Puerto Rico, and a nonprofit organization discovered that the prevalence of cancer on Vieques was 27% higher than in the rest of Puerto Rico. That and other reports of excessive health problems for people living near where the Navy had been carrying out bombing exercises with toxic materials eventually added to the opposition to the Naval Base on Vieques. September 21, 1998: Hurricane Georges struck the island, killing at least eight people and leaving over 24,000 in shel ters. President Clinton declared Puerto Rico a disaster area. 1999: A bomb from a US Navy military exercise on Vieques killed David Sanes , a civilian security guard on the firing range, stimulating a movement opposing the presence of the US Navy and their use of live
118 ammunition in military exercises. The protests spread not only through all of Puerto Rico but also to people around the Unit ed States and beyond. August 8, 1999: President Bill Clinton offered clemency to sixteen Puerto Rican independence activists, including eleven who had been imprisoned for a wave of bombings in New York and Chicago in the 1970s and 1980s. November 17, 2002: Milivi Adams, from Vieques, died from cancer at the age of four, after having become a symbol of the battle against the US military exposing the island to carcinogens. Her face was on the cover of many magazines and on posters along the streets of Vieques. May 1, 2003: The US Navy closed the bombing range on Vieques and prepared to leave the island. The US government added 14,573 acres to the Vieques National Wildlife Refuge, making it impossible for outside scientists to test the environmental impact of the many decades of bombings with toxic materials. In 2005, parts of Vieques were declared a Superfund area requiring massive clean up. September 2005: Fugitive leader Filiberto Ojeda Rios, a founder of several underground revolutionary organ izations in Puerto Rico, was killed when US federal agents attacked him in his home and denied him access to medical care once he was shot. March 2006: The US Supreme Court rejected an appeal for Puerto Ricans to be allowed to vote in US Presidential el ections. May 26, 2008: President Barack Obama chose Sonia Sotomayor as his first nominee to the United States Supreme Court. Although born in the Bronx, Sotamayor is Puerto Rican. 2010: The government of Puerto Rico tried to stop the sale of Puerto Rican birth certificates to people with Spanish names (so they could become US citizens) by invalidating existing birth certificates and requiring anyone born there to obtain a new, more secure one. 2010 2011: Puerto Rican students shut down the univer sity in a series of strikes. The police and government responded with overwhelming violence and brutality. Very significant event. Many of today's movements in Puerto Rico are rooted from this movement and moment. 2013: The poverty rate in Puerto Rico was 44.9%, nearly double that in Mississippi (the poorest state). August 2015 and January 2016: Puerto Rico defaulted twice on its debt, leaving about $37 million unpaid and asking for the United States to grant them greater bankruptcy protections. M ay 1 14, 2016: Puerto Rican schools and government offices shut down because of an estimated $740 million deficit in public funds, leading to mass protest demonstrations. Only essential services such as police and hospitals remained open. The legislature and governor had been unable to agree on a spending plan since 2004. June 30, 2016: Congress passed the Puerto Rico Oversight, Management and Economic Stability Act (PROMESA) as a way to restructure Puerto Rico's debt and impose sweeping austerity meas ures. The seven members of the Financial Oversight and Management Board, appointed by President Obama, were given power over the Puerto Rican government. While prohibiting workers from protesting or striking, the law also allowed the FOMB to drop the min imum wage to $4.25 for workers 25 and younger; to freeze or reduce pension payments; and to privatize or commercialize schools, public housing, electricity,
119 water supply, highways, and land. Members of the board are exempt from any criminal liability for their actions. July 2016: Protestors set up a tent city, the Campamento Contra La Junta, in front of a federal building or oppose the establishment of the Financial Oversight and Management Board. Along with the general protesting, they held regular a ssemblies and sessions involving political education. October 27, 2016: the US Attorney of Puerto Rico announced that an armed FBI presence would "supervise" the November 8 elections there, officially to prevent "voter fraud, voter intimidation, the purchase and sale of votes, ballot alteration, and other irregularities." Sin ce they would not be able to determine if any of that was occurring just by watching, they were apparently being stationed at the polls to discourage protects, imply that Puerto Rico cannot govern itself, increase the police presence on the island, and "le gitimate" the anticipated victory of candidates who support the FOMB. 2017: In a new survey, 46% of Puerto Rican women between the ages of 18 and 44 reported that they had been sterilized. May 2017: Puerto Rico declared bankruptcy. 1997 2017: There were twenty disaster declarations from hurricanes and flooding in Puerto Rico. Between 1945 and 1996, there had been only twelve. September 20, 2017: Hurricane Maria, with winds increasing to Category Five level and widespread flooding, rampaged Puerto Rico, which was already struggling from its inadequate colonized infrastructure, denial of democratic rights, and damage from Hurricane Irma. A month later, the island was still suffering from 88% being powerless, 40% having no cell service (making it harder to make emergency connections), almost 50% of the sewage treatment plants not working, and 29% lacking water that was safe to drink. October 2017: In spite of the widespread damage and possibly thousands of deaths, President Trump ignored the Stafford Disaster Relief and Emergency Assistance Act which grants Puerto Ricans, as American citizens, the same right to aid from the US government as Texans or Floridians. May 29, 2018: The New England Journal of Medicine estimated that Hurricane Mar ia caused about 4,600 deaths, many of them because of delayed or otherwise inadequate medical care, and obviously far more than the 64 deaths acknowledged by the government.