Urbanization and Equitable Service Delivery: An Analysis of Water Supply in Korail Slum Dhaka, Bangladesh NAZMI ISHTI AHMED A FIELD PRACITCUM REPORT SUBMITED IN PARTIAL FULFILLMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR A MASTER OF SUSTAINABLE DEVELOPMENT PRACTICE DEGREE AT THE UNIVERSITY OF FLORIDA Supervisory Committee: Dr. James Jawitz, Chair Dr. Ignacio Porzecanski, MDP Affiliated Member Dr. Christopher Silver, Member
Acknowledgments First an d foremost, I would like to thank my mother and father for their continual support and motivation in furthering my education. My mother, for always encouraging me to follow my passion ; a nd my father, for encouraging me to be steadfast in the storm and to b e always caring to everyone around me. I would also like to thank my sisters, Nishelli, Nilima, and Naya Ahmed and my partner, Zachary Levitt for the ir endless emotional support. I want to thank my research advisor from BRAC Institute of Governance and Dev elopment Dr. Shanawez Hossain and fellow colleagues my field guide from BRAC Urban Development Program Yousuf Ali, and the residents of Korail Slum in Dhaka, Bangladesh for supporting and participating in my research. It is because of your generosity an d hospitality that this project was made possible. Special thanks to Dr. Glenn Galloway and Dr. And rew Noss for their continued support I also want to thank my committee mem bers, Dr. J ames Jawitz (chair), Ignacio Porzecanski (MDP member), Dr. Christopher Silver (m inor representative ), representative) for guiding me throughout the preparation of my practicum report.
Table of Contents Abstract ................................ ................................ ................................ ................................ ...... i List of Tables ................................ ................................ ................................ ........................... ii List of Figures ................................ ................................ ................................ ......................... iii List of Abbreviations ................................ ................................ ................................ .............. iv 1. Introduction ................................ ................................ ................................ ...................... 1 2. Contextual Information ................................ ................................ ................................ ... 3 2.1. Global Issue ................................ ................................ ................................ ................ 3 2.2. Developing Country: Bangladesh ................................ ................................ ............ 4 2.2.1 Urbanization and the Growth of Slums in Dhaka ................................ .................. 4 2.2.2 Water and Health ................................ ................................ ................................ ... 7 2.2.3 Water S upply Problems in Urban Slums ................................ ............................... 8 2.2.4 Land Tenure and Lack of Service Provision ................................ ......................... 9 2.2.5 Informal Water Services Provided by the Mastaan ................................ ............. 10 3. Site Study: Korail Slum Dhaka, Bangladesh ................................ ............................... 12 3.1. Background ................................ ................................ ................................ .............. 12 3.2. Ethno graphic Observation ................................ ................................ ..................... 13 4. Governance ................................ ................................ ................................ ...................... 15 4.1. Water Gov ernance and Policy Approaches ................................ .......................... 15 4.2. Bang ladeshi Water Policy Documents ................................ ................................ ... 16 4.2.1 The National Water Policy ................................ ................................ .................. 16 4.2.2 The N ational Water Management Plan ................................ ............................... 18 4.3. World Health Organization and Drink ing Wat er Guidelines ............................ 19 4.3.1 Water Accesibility: S ource, Quantity Use, Scarcity ................................ ............ 19 4.3.2 Water Affordability: Price, Amount ................................ ................................ .... 20 4.3.3 Water Safety: Source, Quality, Treatment ................................ ........................... 20 5. Mul ti Stakeholder Collaboration ................................ ................................ ................. 22 5.1. Stakeholders ................................ ................................ ................................ ............. 22 5.2. Multi Stakeholder P artnerships / Multi Stakeholder Collaboration ................ 23 5.3. Stakeholder Analysis ................................ ................................ ............................... 24 5.4. Gaps in Governance ................................ ................................ ................................ 25 5.5. Long Term Benef its of Stakeholder Engagement ................................ ............... 26 5.6. Korail Slum Stakeholders ................................ ................................ ....................... 27 5.7. Bangladesh History of Stakeholder Relationship ................................ ................. 28
5.8. Hist orical Timeline of Water Provision in Korail Slum ................................ ...... 31 6. Host Organizations ................................ ................................ ................................ ......... 32 6.1. Bangladesh Rural Action Committee (BRAC) ................................ ..................... 32 6.2. BRAC Institute of Gove rnance and Development (BIGD) ................................ 32 6.3. BRAC Urban De velopment Programme (BRAC UDP ................................ ........ 32 7. Analytic al Fram ework ................................ ................................ ................................ ... 33 7.1. Objectives ................................ ................................ ................................ ................. 33 7.2. Scope of the Study ................................ ................................ ................................ ... 33 8. Conceptual Framework ................................ ................................ ................................ 34 9. Methodology ................................ ................................ ................................ .................... 37 9.1. Literature Review/ Secondary Data Research ................................ ...................... 37 9.1.1 Design ................................ ................................ ................................ ..................... 37 9.1.2 Implementation ................................ ................................ ................................ ....... 38 9.2. Ethnographic Observation ................................ ................................ ..................... 38 9.2.1 Design ................................ ................................ ................................ ..................... 38 9.2.2 Imp lementa tion ................................ ................................ ................................ ....... 38 9.3. Semi Structure Interviews ................................ ................................ ..................... 39 9.3.1 Design ................................ ................................ ................................ ..................... 39 9.3.2 Implementation ................................ ................................ ................................ ....... 39 9.4. Key Informant Interviews ................................ ................................ ...................... 40 9.4.1 Design ................................ ................................ ................................ ..................... 40 9.4.2 Implementation ................................ ................................ ................................ ....... 40 10. Data Analysis and Results ................................ ................................ .............................. 41 10.1. Objective 1 ................................ ................................ ................................ ............... 41 10.1.1 Water Source ................................ ................................ ................................ ......... 42 10.1.2 Affordabi lity ................................ ................................ ................................ ......... 43 10.1.3 Availability ................................ ................................ ................................ ........... 44 10.1.4 Safety ................................ ................................ ................................ .................... 46 10.2. Objective 2 ................................ ................................ ................................ ............... 49 10.2. 1 Stakeholder Analysis Matrix ................................ ................................ ................. 50 10.2.2 DWASA ................................ ................................ ................................ ................ 53 10.2.3 DSK ................................ ................................ ................................ ....................... 54 10.2.4 WaterAid Bangladesh ................................ ................................ ........................... 55 10.2.5 Korail Ward 19 Community Based Organization ................................ ................. 56
10.2.6 Ward Comparisons ................................ ................................ ................................ 57 11. Discussion ................................ ................................ ................................ ........................ 58 11.1. Data Analysis Overv iew: Updated Conceptual Model ................................ ........ 58 11.2. Stakeholder Collaborat ion and Water Governance Gaps ................................ ... 59 12. Recommendations ................................ ................................ ................................ ........... 61 12.1. Monitoring and Maintenance of Infrastructure ................................ ................... 61 12.2. Communication and Transparency between Stake holders ................................ 61 12.3. ................................ ............................... 62 12.4. Con tinuation of Hygiene programs ................................ ................................ ....... 63 13. Cross Scale and Cr oss Discipline Considerations ................................ ........................ 64 13.1. SDG 3: Good Health and Well being ................................ ................................ .... 64 13.2. SDG 13: Climate Action ................................ ................................ ......................... 64 13.3. SDG 16: Peace, Justice, and Strong Institutions ................................ .................. 65 14. Conclusion ................................ ................................ ................................ ....................... 66 15. References ................................ ................................ ................................ ......................... 69 16. Appendix ................................ ................................ ................................ ........................... 81 16.1. Questions for Semi Structured Interviews ................................ .......................... 81 16.1.1 Core Questions on Drinking Water and Sanitation for Household Surveys ....... 86 16.1.2 Quality of service and infrastructure surv ey ................................ ......................... 90 16.2. Stakeho lder Interview Questionnaire ................................ ................................ .... 93
i Abstract Urbanization is a growing trend in developing countries as a result of a major rural urban migration, which can be attributed to a rise in economic opportunities. This rapid population expansion has led to denser and larger slums. Water s ervice provision is, consequently, now in deeper demand than in years past. Historically, lacking formal housing meant no access to public services like water, electricity, and sanitation services. The local non governmental organization (NGO) Dushtha Shasthya Kendra (DSK ) has worked since the mid ter connections to slums in an effort to reduce poverty. The Bangladeshi g overnment partnering with the public water authority Dhaka W ater Supply and Sanitation Authority (DWASA) have put forth a national developmental target for systems of formal water provision in urban slums by the end of 2018 (AFD, 2018). Today, with help from other NGOs like WaterAid and the formation of community based o rganizations (CBO s ) within slum wards, slum dwellers are able to organize and request legal water connections from DWASA if they can prove non transient behavior and produce the funding. However, s ome slum dwellers find it harder than others to do this due to the social pressures of power dynamics and exploitation from informal service providers known as the mastaan in Bangladesh prevent slum s from adopting formal water provision system s The corruption has been prolonged by the lack of stakeholder collaboration between CBOs in the neighboring wards inhibit ing slum dwellers from organizing efficiently. The main re commendations for this study include building stronger relationships between neighboring CBOs to improve the su stainable challenge of access to a formal drinking water supply in urban slums. This can pave the way for a healthier livelihood of slum dwellers. It is also imperative to have collaborative efforts in water governance from all stakeholders from the loca l to the nationa l level to ensure all peoples have adequate, safe, and affordabl e housing and basic services in order to upgrade slums.
ii List of Tables Table Page 1 OECD Multi Level Governance Framework: 25 7 Key Co ordination Gaps 2 W ard Comparisons, Accessibility and Affordability 44 3 Stakeholder Analysis Matrix 50 4 Simplified Stakeholder Matrix, Influence and Interests 52 5 DWASA Interview Frequency 53 6 DSK Interview Frequency 54 7 WaterAid Bangl adesh Interview Frequency 55 8 Korail Ward 19 CBO Interview Frequency 56 9
iii List of Figures Figure Page 1 Map: Global Location of Bangladesh 3 2 Map: Bangladesh (Rivers) 4 3 Map: D haka, Bangladesh 8 4 Korail Slum Aerial View 12 5 Map (DWASA): Korail Slum Wards 12 6 Photo: Korail Slum Pathway 13 7 Photo: Ward 19 Tubewell 14 8 Photo: Ward 19 Main Water Motor Pump 14 9 Photo: Ward 20 Overhead Pi pes 14 10 Photo: Ward 20 Poor Pipe Connection 14 11 OECD Typology of long term benefits of 26 stakeholder engagement in water governance (OECD, 2015) 12 Historical Timeline of Water Provision in 31 Korail Slum 13 Kenyan Slums Conceptual Framework 34 (Muturui, 2013) 14 Access to Water in Urban Poor Settlements: 35 Addressing Crisis through Good Governance (Fardosh, 2013) 15 Primary Conceptual Model (N. Ahmed, 2018) 36 16 MDP Practicum Methodology 37 17 Bar Graph: Other Water Use Activities Source 42 18 Pie Graph: Water Safety Comparison, Color 46 19 Pie Graph: Water Safety Comparison, Smell 48 20 Water Point Request Process 52 21 Conceptual Model with Results (N. Ahmed, 2018) 58 22 SDG 6 Icon 64 23 SDG 11 Icon 64 24 SDG 3 Icon 64 25 SDG 13 Icon 64 26 SDG 16 Icon 65 27 Photo: Mother in slum using water supply for 68 daily activities (N. Ahmed, 2017)
iv List of Abbreviations BDT B angladeshi Taka, currency BIGD BRAC Institute of Governance and Development BRAC Bangladesh Rural Action Committee CBO Community Based Organization DSK Dushtha Shasthya Kendra DWASA Dhaka Water Supply and Sewerage Authority IWRM Integ rated Water Resource Management MDP Master of Sustainable Development Practice MoWR Ministry of Water Resources MSC Multi Stakeholder Collaboration MSP Multi Stakeholder Partnerships NGO Non Governmental Organization OECD Organisat ion for Economic Cooperation and Development PEHUP Promoting Environmental Health for the Urban Poor SDG Sustainable Development Goal UDP Urban Development Programme UN United Nations UNHCR United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees U NICEF WaRPO Water Resource Planning Organization WHO World Health Organization
1 1. Introduction Population growth and urbanization are increasing in developing countries due to better livelihood conditions in urban centers. This rapid expansion is leading to denser and larger slums and an even deeper demand on water supply and water service provision. Historically, public services like water, electricity, and sanitation services were not provided in slums due t o policies that required the need for tenure. Thus slum dwellers resorted to informal service providers, known as the mastaan in Bangladesh who exploit them with overpriced water resources. NGOs like DSK and WaterAid have collaborated with slum dwellers to work around the tenure policy, and also provide an alternative solution to bring formal water connections in to slums. If slums can organize and be consistent in bill paying, they can request these services from DWASA (Dhaka Water Supply and Sanitation A uthority ) Spurred on by the success of these activities the Bangladeshi government, partnering with DWASA, has put forth a national developmental target for formal water provision in urban slums for 2018. However, limitations still exist. This report out lines the research and field study that was carried out during my MDP field practicum in the summer of 2017, working in Korail Slum, the largest slum in Dhaka, Bangladesh. This research was conducted in partnership with BRAC Institute of Governance and Dev elopment and with the BRAC Urban Development Program (UDP). The main focus of our work was to better understand the sustainable development challenge of drinking water supply in urban slums, how this influences the livelihoods of slum dwellers, and how fut ure sustainable programs can be implemented with collaborative efforts between all stakeholders from the local to national level. Objective 1 is to assess the current levels of accessibility, affordability, and safety of the drinking water supply in the sl ums via administration of 50 semi structured interviews with slum dwellers asking questions influenced from the core questions regarding
2 drinking water for household surveys, created by the WHO/UNICEF Joint Monitoring Programme for Water Supply. Methods al so included ethnographic observation in Korail slum within two wards: Ward 19 (Korail Korail) that was introduced to formal water connections and supply of DWASA and Ward 20 (Korail Beltola) that was not. Objective 2 is to assess the current stakeholder relationships and power dynamics that are in place through semi structured interviews with key informants of the four stakeholders involved in the process of bringing formal water connections and supply to this slum: DWASA, DSK, WaterAid, and Korail CBO. U sing integrated water resource management (IWRM) principles, the assessment was then used to determine gaps and limitations in water governance within service provision to urban slums. This report begins by providing contextual information about the locat ion of the field practicum and background on urban slums, water governance, and the importance of stakeholder collaboration. The results of the study are then outlined, first presenting the views of slum dwellers characterizing the accessibility, affordabi lity, and safety of their water supply and second presenting a stakeholder analysis matrix describing stakeholder collaboration and identifying gaps in water governance and MSC (multi stakeholder collaboration) This is followed by a discussion of the fi ndings of my field practicum and then recommendations for improvement to the MSC process The recommendation s focus on improvement in communication between DWASA and slum dwellers and between neighboring CBO s through mentorship and partnership, as well a s the continuation of support to promote hygien e for water consumption and use Following the recommendation s there is an acknowledgment of the importance of having collaborative efforts in water governance from all stakeholders from the local to the nati onal level to ensure all peoples have adequate, safe, and affordabl e housing and basic services
3 2. Contextual Information 2.1 Global Issue: Stress on Water Supply by Population Increase and Urbanization The world population is increasing at an annual 1. 158 % (World Bank, 2017) Continuing population growth and urbanization are projected to add 2.5 billion people to by 2050, with nearly 90% of the increase concentrated in developing countries (DESA, 2014, pp. 9; United Nations, 2013; Keivani, 2010) Urbanization is defined as the increase in the proportion of a pop ulation living in urban areas (OECD, 2003) As the number of people migrating to urban areas increases, so does the number of people l iving in slums; around a billi on people live in slums today (UN HABITAT, 2015/2016) This occurs often in the cities that grow the fastest because people are looking for better opportunities to improve their livelihood. Recognizing these upward trends, Sustainable Development Goal s (SDGs ) have identified a series of targets under Goal 11 (eleven) [United Nations, 2018 ]. This goal foc uses on sustainable cities and c ommunities determined to establish a safe urban space for all. One of the targe ts of focus is target 11.1 which states y 2030, ensure access for all to adequate, safe, and affordable housing and basic s ervices and up ( United Nations, 2018 ) Water is a vital resource that is absolute ly necessary for any living being. In the realization of this basic scientific fact, 2.6 billion people have gained access to improved drinking water sources since 1990 (United Nations, 2015). But today, there is still 2.1 billion people who lack access to safely managed drinking water services (World Health Organization, Figure 2 Global Location of Bangladesh Figure 1 Map: Global Location of Bangladesh
4 2017). In 2010, the United Nations General Assembly recognized the human right to clean drinking water is essential to the realization of all human rights (United Nations General Assembly, 2010). There is an obvious human rights violation occurring internationally. The issue of an increasing population, urbanization and increasing pressure on land and water resources alludes to an increasing number of people that will experience this proble m. In an attempt to address these problems, the Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs) have Goal 6 Statistics Division, 2018). 2. 2 Developing Country: Bangla desh Bangladesh is our country of focus that depicts both above mentioned descriptions; a developing country where there is increasing population and urbanization that is causing stress on water resources. 2 .2 .1 Urbanization and the Growth of Slums in D haka The country of Bangladesh, located in South Asia, has more than 166 million people living in a landscape the size of about 60,000 square miles. This makes Bangladesh the 9 th most populous country in the world and ranking 10 th in the world for popula 2017 more than 59 million people live in urban areas. Dhaka, Bangladesh is the capital and largest city by population of more than 10 million people. Bangladesh is identified to be a low er m iddle income country ( Bhattacharya, D. & Khan, S. S. 2018; Asian Development Bank, 2017) Figure 2 Map: Bangladesh (rivers)
5 and is making important progress towards middle income status. This progress has been possible because the country has diversified away from an agrarian to a more manufacturing based economy. The GDP for Bangladesh is operating at more than (current US$) 221 billion dollars with exports in the ready made garments industry. As previously mentioned, people come to the urban centers in search for better opportunities. As the population grows so does the number of people living in urban slums due to migration in search for better opportunities. This is causing a stress in available space as well as water resources. Though, all the 160 million residents of the country ar e left vulnerable to the impacts of changes in water supply availability, there are those who are more vulnerable than others. Specifically, the people who work in the garment industries live in nearby slums These are the same slums that have a vulnerable population with limited access to resources, including water. As Bangladesh improves internationally within economic markets that depend on the labor of workers, the profits earned rarely trickle down to improve their living conditions. This creates a lar ge income gap between industry management and the laborers. In Bangladesh, the population living below the national poverty line is 24.3 % as of 2016 (Asian Development Bank, 2018). Roughly 18 million people live in the Dhaka metropolitan area and it is e stimated that urban poverty rates are around 18.9% as of 2016 (The World Bank, 2017). And as of 2014 there were 55.1% of the urban population living in slum households. This was contributed to by urbanization, where poor people from rural areas migrate to the Dhaka Metropolitan Area (DMA) in search of employment opportunities, improved quality of life and more freedom for female workers (Shakur, 1987; Hossain, 2010). Dhaka is the capital city of
6 Bangladesh but is also one of the main urban areas. Dhaka is t he fastest growing mega city 1 in the world, with an estimated 300,000 to 400,000 new migrants, mostly poor, arriving to the city annually (Bangladesh Bureau of Statistics, 2003; worldbank.org, 2007). It is a dynamic city that has attracted substantial ind ustrial investments in the Readymade Garment (RMG) industry that has created a demand for workers and services. As people migrated to the urban center, slums formed because housing was too expensive. Slum settlements are a type of informal housing and are illegal. These types of developments happen mostly because of non affordability or sometimes unavailability of housing in the legal housing market (United Nations Human Settlements Programme, 2003, p. 7). The United Nations defines a slum as a place where crowded, durable housing, and secure tenure (UN HABITAT, 2006, p. 1). The Bangladesh Bureau of Statistics defines a slum ( bosti five or more households that generally grow very unsystematically and haphazardly in an Bureau of Statistics, 1999, pp. 2 3). Slums are the product of rapid urbanization without proper planning. General traits of a slum include formation on government and private lands, limited infrastructure and services, and they are often established in areas with major environmental concerns. The slums are located throughout the city with few services offered at high prices through informal service vendors, known in Bangladesh as musclemen or the mastaan 1 Mega statistical metropolitan area (SMA) with more than 5 mi llion inhabitants. ( https://www.unicef.org/bangladesh/Urban_paper_lowres.pdf 2010)
7 on water resources will continue to be an issue. It is also characterized by increasing air pollution, and poor urban governance which results in g rowing problems of development. The United Nations predict the population of Dhaka, Bangladesh to increase to 23 million by 2025 (Parvin, 2013). Currently more than two million people in this capital city live in slums or are without proper shelter. Urbanization has been an ongoing international trend which has been equally accompanied by the rapid growth of slum s. 2.2 .2 Water and Health The physical landscape of Bangladesh has approximately 97% water supply coverage. This is because geographically Bangladesh is situated at the bottom of three major river systems the Ganges, the Brahmaputra, and the Meghna. These three river systems flow throughout the country and empty into the Bay of Bengal. Water is a plentiful resource in Bangladesh, but not clean useable water. Thus only 56% of the population are using drinking water from an improved source. Conditions of an improved source of water is that it is accessible on premises, available when needed and free from fecal and priority chemical contamination (WHO.int, 2018). Improved water sources include piped water, boreholes or Tubewells, protected dug wells, protected springs and packaged or delivered water. The relevance of access to useable water is high to general themes of health and economic prosperity. Water is the most important resources for sustaining ecosystems and life for people, animals, and plants. It is also considered to be a human right for every person (United Nations General Assembly, 2010). Global access to safe water and proper hygiene education can reduce illness and death from water borne diseases, and lead to improved health, poverty reduction, a nd socio economic development (WHO, 2008). Issues with access to water impact vulnerable populations especially poor women and children
8 from many dimensions, from drinking unsafe water to collecting the water; their bodies and health are impacted as we ll as any potential for activities of recreation, work, or school. This is highly prominent in the slums of Dhaka, Bangladesh. In 2015, only 44.6% of the urban population of Bangladesh used safely managed drinking water services (WHO/UNICEF/JMP, 2015). 2 .2.3 Water Supply Problems in Urban Slums The urban environment hosts limitations to accessing safe drinking water that includes: surface and ground water pollution, high population strain on the water resources, physical landscape limitation in infrastr uctural access, and institutional barriers in governance and funding. In urban areas of Bangladesh, piped water supply reaches only about one third of the population (The World Bank, 2016). W ithin slums, the coverage of piped water supply systems remains incomplete due to insufficient funds and corruption The water supply is unstable and of poor quality, and many rely on informal markets for water services within Dhaka slums. Drinking water access is widespread, but half of the drinking water consumed fai ls to meet water safety standards (UNICEF, 2011) Established in 1963, the Dhaka Water Supply and Sewerage Authority (DWASA) is the water utility in the public sector that mandates water supply and sewage disposal to the city dwellers of Dhaka (dwasa.org. bd). Historically, DWASA did not service water supply to slums because, according to their rules, through necessity of monitoring they can only provide connections to households that can demonstrate legal status through having a holding number. In doing so this excludes slum dwellers from participating in receiving services from DWASA Figure 3 Map: Dhaka, Bangladesh
9 (Jinnah, 2007). In the time that DWASA was unable to provide connections to households, slum dwellers needed water. The poor have limited ability in terms of power, voice or economic condition, so they have to rely on informal water vendors. Most of these informal networks run their businesses as unauthorized, unregulated and dependent on securing access to bulk water resources through informal means. The informal providers ch arge many times above the public utility rates outside the law for water access. As a result of the monopolistic nature of service delivery, people living under the poverty line pay far more than consumers who are connected formally (Fardosh, 2013; Sohail and Cavill, 2008). 2.2 .4 Insecure Land Tenure and L ack of Service Provision in Slums Historically, basic service provision in slums were not granted to slum dwellers because most slums lack tenure security by being located on government and private land (Ahmed, I.K. 2007). This was a main reason of lack of government, NGO, and donor fund allocation for communities living in these urban settlements in comparison to development in the rural areas of Bangladesh. Land tenure is an institution that defines how property rights to land are to be allocated within a specific society (FAO, 2002). land and the fact that this will be recognized by others and protected in cases of specific challenges. People with insecure tenure, like slum dwellers, face the risk that their rights to land will be threatened by competition, or even eviction. Thus the urban slums of Dhaka, Bangladesh have limited access to basic services such as water, sanitation, electricity, health and educ ation (UNICEF, 2010, pp. 9). As a result, the organization of informal service vendors emerged, providing services within the slums for a high fee. This system created an entrapment of slum
10 dwellers to have limited agency 2 depending on small scale informa l providers for non negotiable basic services (Kacker and Joshi, 2016; Bakker et al., 2008). 2.2 5 Informal Water Services provided by the Mastaan Due to the lack of a formal supply of water services, the mastaan have become the dominant provider and act as the local leaders of the slums. This is done through illegal tapping of water from the Dhaka Water Supply and Sewerage Authority (DWASA) main water motor that extracts the ground water and pumps the supply through plastic pipes to individual room clust ers and some commercial bathing places (Hackenbroch & Hossain, 2012, pp. 407). It is debated whether informal water providers, the mastaan musclemen, are heroes or villains, but they can be sometimes characterized as local leaders of the slums. This is no t the case when there is hyper extension of prices of the water supply that is provided because they utilize price gauging and a violent management style to maintain their monopoly (Snell, 1998, p. 4). The mastaan are self appointed leaders who create comm ittees, maintain relationships and support from local and national leaders like government officials and local law enforcement. Because how well the mastaan are politically connected, they monopolize and benefit in community decision making about local aff airs and the distribution of land and utilities in the settlement (Hackenbroch, 2010; Hossain, 2013). Slum dwellers have previously reported paying more for the services of the mastaan that are comparably higher than the rates offered by the utilities. The y have also stated that the mastaan blackmail and threaten slum dwellers with physical harm or evictions if payoffs are not made (World Bank: Dhaka Urban Report, 2007). The concept of water theft refers to the access and distribution of water without the required payment, or in 2 Agency is the capacity of individuals to act independently and to make their own free choices, bu t they were limited in their choices.
11 violation of existing rules (Felbab Brown, 2017, pp. 1). There is the previously mentioned perspective that water is a basic human right and should be available to all, there is also the belief that there should be appropriate pay for the treatment and delivery of water. When discussing the illegal or informal water services provided by the mastaan this paper refers to the illegal use of utility facilities (Felbab Brown, 2017, pp. 2). Within the urban slums of Dhaka, Bangladesh, w ater theft violations can be as simple as not paying the amount specified by local water regulations, or intricate as by tampering with meters, tapping boreholes or official water pipelines without necessary licenses, or installing unauthorized connections to water distribution systems (Felbab Brown, 2017, pp. 3).
12 3. Site Study: Korail Slum Dhaka, Bangladesh 3.1 Background The study location in which research was collected and ethnographic observations were conducted is Korail slum. It is the largest urban slum in Dhaka. Korail slum covers approximately 100 acres and is home to more than 50,000 residents. This slum was located close to BRAC Head office in Dhaka and BRAC Institute of Governance and Development. It is bordered with wo most affluent neighborhoods, Gulshan and Banani This difference can be seen in the top right picture that shows the slum area in grey near the front of the picture and the big tall white buildings and wealthy new housing areas in the back The majority of its inhabitants are living below the poverty line and working in extremely low income jobs. Some jobs included rickshaw driving, small business operation, and garment factory work. The space where the two wards, Korail and Beltola, occupies was origina lly a j ackfruit rainforest, Bangladesh Telephone and Telegraph (BT&T) company then officially handed over to the by local elite politicians and business owners (House to house interviews, 2017) (Shiree and Dushtha Shasthya Kendra 2012). Entrance to the slums is connected via main roads, and in Figure 4 Korail Slum Aerial View Figure 5 Korail Slum DWASA Ward Map
13 3.2 Ethnographic Observation What I s aw on my daily travel to the slum included the following description: A long wide unpaved street bordered with stalls and wagons selling all types of colorful clothes and toys for children. Hundreds of rickshaws and rickshaw drivers surrounded the area on hot days taking members of nonprofits in and out of the slum. There was what looked like the beginning of a paved road at the opening of the slum space that ended about 20 feet ahead and then van ished into muddy dirt; there were few paved roads. Walking pa st all the small shops set up and construction, towards the tin roofed settlements, there were connections of pipes that carried water to different housing groups, made of cheap material or plastic piping type material Above our heads w ere bundles of dangerous illegal power lines. Given that this area was a slum there was no legal system of receiving public services. This was the first time they were receiving formal water connections. During the times of the interviews, between 10 AM a nd 3 PM, it was mainly women at home with small children whom I was able to interview because their husbands were at work. There were always children running around. When asking why they were not in school, I was told some were too young or they coul d not afford sending more than one child to school. Figure 6 Picture of Korail Slum Pathway
14 I went to two different wards to conduct 25 interviews in each. Ward 19, also known as Central Korail, is the part of Korail slum that has already begun their transition to having legal water connections; it is referred to in this document as Korail Korail. There have been problems during transition of water supply source like the mastaan threats and fires, but nevertheless the organized community based organization and slum dwellers have persisted. What w as observed on scene was the use of tubewells that were connected by an underground system to the DWASA pump system. Ward 20, also known as Beltola comparable. There are currently proble ms regarding the mastaan that monopolize the water supplies and charge high prices. It is referred to as Korail Beltola in this document. What was observed and noted in the pictures to the left include webs of cheap piping to transfer DWASA water to the t anks of informal services to be sold for high prices. These pipes are highly vulnerable to any type of penetration. In the second picture we can observe the poor materials to extend the networks of pipes. They used tape and rubber bands, which is not as du rable as the proper infrastructural means for networks of pipes that would protect the water supply. Figure 7 Photo: Ward 19 Tubewell Figure 8 Photo: Ward 19 Main water motor Pump Figure 9 Photo: Ward 20 Overhead Pipes Figure 10 Photo: Ward 20 Poor Pipe connection
15 4. Governance 4.1 Water Governance and Policy Approaches decisions an Gunderson, Chaffin; 2014). Water governance includes government, formal and informal institutions, and important stakeholders whom are all involved in the process of allocating wat er processes and institution by which governments, civil society, and the private sector make P, 2004). The lack of drinking water availability stems primarily from the lack of comprehensive approaches to water governance to address water issues in many developing countries, including Bangladesh. Though this country with a highly dense populace fa ces difficulty in the allocation of many resources, this does not mean it is completely negligent of water resource planning. In 1992, during the United Nations Conferences of Dublin, Ireland, and Rio de Janeiro, Brazil explored the concept of implementati on of integrated water resource management (IWRM) called the Rio Dublin coordinated development and management of water, land and related resources, in order to maximize the resultant economic and social welfare in an equitable manner without 2000, p. 22). The IWRM essentially focuses on water resource governance. This is sta ted in their 2 nd approach, involving users, planners and policy makers at all levels" (TAC, 2000, p. 14). The implementation of IWRM is one of the multiple targets of Sustainable Development Goal 6.
16 The significance of the Rio Dublin principles is that it emphasized the importance of personalizing the IWRM guiding principles into plans of action for all nations. Shortcomings of water governance in Bangladesh includes: 1) a lack of integration of major water users in planning and implementation 2) a communication gap between policy makers and stakeholders 3) a shortage of political will for creating an enabling environment for effective water governance and 4) marginali zation of citizens and a lack of ability to participate in water projects (Chan et al., 2016, pp. 3) We will now discuss the different water policy documents that the Bangladeshi Government has created for planning. 4.2 Bangladeshi Water Policy Documents It is important to look at the history of Bangladesh to understand the developing nature of this country in comparison to the countries that are developed. In comparison to the United States of America, whose independence was on July 4 th 1776, nearly 240 years ago, Bangladesh only became a country 45 years ago. Bangladesh became a member of the United Nations in 1974, which exposed it to the 1992 United Nations Conferences of Dublin, Ireland, and Rio de Janeiro, Brazil and the IWRM plan. 4.2.1 The National Wate r Policy was created in 1999. The purpose of this policy was to guide both public and private decision making, and actions taken in the future for ensuring optimal development and management of water that benefits the people. This declaration understood th at water is essential for survival and stated the importance of the
17 The multiple objec tives of the National Water Policy include the following (MoWr, 1999, pp. 3) : o To address issues related to the harnessing and development of all forms of surface water and ground water and management of these resources in an efficient and equitable manner o To ensure the availability of water to all elements of society including the poor and the underprivileged, and to take into account the particular needs of women and children. o To accelerate the development of sustainable public and private water delive ry systems with appropriate legal and financial measures and incentives, including delineation of water rights and water pricing. o To bring institutional changes that will help decentralize the management of water resources and enhance the role of women in water management. o To develop a legal and regulatory environment that will help the process of decentralization, sound environmental management, and improve the investment climate for the private sector in water development and management. o To develop a st ate of knowledge and capability that will enable the country to design future water resource management plans by itself with economic efficiency, gender equity, social justice, and environmental awareness to facilitate achievement of the water management o bjectives through broad public participation. When this document was created, it was focused on water provision for the poor from polluted and hygienically unsanitary surface water supplies. It also acknowledges a future prediction of cities and urban are as that are facing the issue of a decreasing water
18 table due to heavy groundwater extraction processes (MoWR, 1999, pp. 10). This policy n the national goals of economic development, poverty alleviation, food security, public health and safety, and a decent standard of living for the people and protection of the natural environment (MoWR, 1999, pp. 2). Acknowledging this document was the fi National Water Management Plan was created in 2001. 4.2.2 The National Water Management Plan was created in December 2001, and approved by the National Water Resources Council of Bangladesh 3 in 2004. This plan was created with the intention to provide specific direction to the operational implementation of ent Plan focused on the new paradigms for the water sector, which include: decentralized water management, cost sharing and cost recovery, private sector participation, community participation, nontraditional financing modalities, regulation separated from supply, and new rights, obligations, and accountability through three central objectives (WaRPO, 2004, p. ii) : o o o water for production, health and hygiene. o Clean water in sufficient and timely quantities for multi purpose use and preservation of the aquatic and water dependent ecosystems. 3
19 This version of a water management plan was more detailed and specific, includ ing which organizations and stakeholders were to do which tasks and how they were going to implement these tasks. When discussing the major cities and safe drinking d organizations who are expected to maintain the work they do on the grassroots level focusing on the poor and disadvantaged (WaRPO, 2004, pp. 15). 4.3 World Health Organizatio n and Drinking Water Guidelines To strengthen methodology for Objective 1 for this practicum project, the WHO Drinking Water Guidelines influenced the questions asked to slum dwellers to assess the current levels of accessibility, affordability, and safety of water supply in the slum Historically Bangladesh developed the first water quality standards in 1976 based on the WHO 1971 International Drinking Water Standards (Alom & Habib, 2016, p p 24 ) Thus, I felt it appropriate to use the concepts from the WH O Drinking Water Guidelines within my survey interviews. In 2015, only 44.6 % of the urban population of Bangladesh used safely managed drinking water services (WHO/UNICEF/JMP, 2015). The indicator of safely managed drinking water services refers to drinkin g water from an improved water source that is loc ated remotely available when needed, and free from fecal and priority chemical contamination ( WHO/UNICEF/JMP, 2015) 4.3 .1 Water Accessibility: Source, Quantity Use, Scarcity Questions about water accessib ility were designed to assess the quantity of water available and the time it is available. This is because, depending on the source of the water, water may be available 24/7 in an abundant quantity or it may be around for a limited time with a
20 limited amo unt per person. Questions about the quality of the access that a household has to drinking water include factors like quality of the water delivered, the continuity of the drinking water service, and seasonal availability of water. It is best for topic que stions based on continuity, reliability, seasonality and affordability of water supplies to be asked in face to face interviews and data collection because these are not easily assessed by household surveys. 4.3 .2 Water Affordability: Price, Amount Questi ons about water affordability is related to the source from which slum dwellers get their water. How many liters of water do they get for how much money? This is important to ask to compare to the standard DWASA rate of 1000 Liters of Water for 10 BDT, ava ilable all day. 4.3 .3 Water Safety: Source, Quality, Treatment To determine if the water source is safe, it must be asked what source of drinking water is. The assumption is that certain types of drinking water sources are likely to d eliver drinking water of adequate quality for their basic health needs. There is water supply from DWASA and the water supply from informal service providers, the mastaan : piped water, boreholes or tubewells, protected dug wells, protected springs, and packaged or delivered water. (1) P iped water into dwellings, also called a household connection, is defi ned as a water service pipe connected with in house plu mbing to one or more taps. (2) A t ubewell or borehole is a deep hole that has been driven, bored or drilled, with the purpose of reaching groundwater supplies. (3) Boreholes/tubewells are constructed with casing, or pipes, which prevent the small diameter hole from caving in and prot ects the water source from infi ltration by run off water. There i s also a question on household water treatment because this can significantly impact the quality of water
21 at the point of use. Appropriate household treatment of drinking water needs to be effective in rem the water, adding bleach or chlorine to the water, using a water filtering device, solar Insufficient metho ds include straining the water through a cloth, and letting it stand so the sediment settles.
22 5. Mul t i S takeholder Collaboration The complexity of water security and provision of formal water connection and supply within slums exceeds the ab ility of only one actor to act and manage. To provide appropriate solutions to the above mentioned study, the collaboration of a variety of people is required. Thus, multi stakeholder partnerships are integral in efforts toward sustainable development (Bak er, 2006; UN, 2015) Imperative to this study is the stakeholder analysis that has been conducted to determine the degree of collaborative planning and participation in bringing formal water supplies to Korail Korail. A stakeholder is any individual, comm unity, group or organization with an intere st in the outcome of a program either as a result of being affected by it positively or negatively, or by being able to influence the activity in a positive or negative way (DFID, 2003, pp. 2.1). 5.1 Stakeholder s Stakeholders involved in the process of the pilot project in Korail slum range from key stakeholders, primary stakeholders, and secondary stakeholders. Key stakeholders are any individual, community, group, or organization that can significantly influenc e an activity (2.1). In this case study this includes DWASA and DSK. DSK is a local NGO who introduced the possibility that water networks can be introduced into slums. DWASA, after seeing the success of the NGO, influenced the actuality of this occurring in other slums. They both have influence on whether this project is successful. Then we have primary stakeholders, or those individuals and groups who are ultimately affected by a decision. There are the slum dwellers of ward 19 who are beneficiaries, or positively impacted, by the water provision service provided by DWASA. There are also those
23 who are adversely impacted. In this case, the informal service vendors also known as the mastaan When DWASA water was being introduced, their water monopoly and ex ploitation of slum dwellers began to disintegrate. Secondary stakeholders include NGOs and other local organizations involved in the process like WaterAid and Community Based Organizations. WaterAid helps provide the social capital through engineers who ma nufacture and design infrastructure. Community based organizations are the local institutional stakeholders who regulate and manage common pool resources through more effective bottom up management systems (Stern et al. 2002). Other stakeholders who would identify as secondary are neighboring wards who are observing this change in infrastructure and livelihood of their neighbors and longing for this organization and stakeholder collaboration to be introduced in their own ward. Ward 20 slum dwellers would fa ll under this category. 5.2 Multi Stakeholder Partnerships / Multi Stakeholder Collaboration The multi stakeholder partnerships (MSP) that has been utilized to bring legal water connections and networks into parts of Korail Slum is rationalized through th e benefits of stakeholder participation. When groups are impacted by resource management, they decide how acceptable a decision is and can influence how effective management will be. In response to the traditional top down agency driven decision making in natural resource management, the importance of involving others who are impacted within the decision making process became more important and effective. Acknowledging different backgrounds, public attitudes, perceptions, beliefs, and knowledge of uses, sta keholder participation has become the new fundamental component in many state and local operations and federal legislation. Some benefits of stakeholder participation in the decision or decisions, increase public understanding of natural resource issues or management decisions,
24 reduce or resolve conflicts between stakeholders, ensuring implementation of new programs or policies, helping other agencies understand the gaps in existing management strategies, a nd collaboration (MSC) refers to the interactive process in which different stakeholders or parties from different sectors of society and different viewpoints work togeth er to implement a system. In this case study it is the different stakeholders working together to provide formal water connections in a slum (Ayala et al., 2018, pp.2) 5.3 Stakeholder Analysis Th e stakeholder analysis is imperative for the evaluation stag e of this pro ject to understand gaps in water governance and service water provision in Korail Slum Ward 19 and 20. I have conducted a stakeholder analysis through individual interviews with the different stakeholders available to meet. The steps that were followed are: 1. Identify the key stakeholders and their interests in the activity (NOAA, 2015, pp.3; (DFID, 2003, pp. 2.2). 2. Assess the influence and importance of each of these stakeholders in the activity (DFID, 2003, pp. 2.2). For accessible parties, direct communication through interviews was conducted to yield the most accurate and in depth stakeholder analysis. For parties that were inaccessible, information was provided about them through interviews with other stakeholders, but also was supported t hrough secondary information via reports, websites, and newspaper articles. A stakeholder analysis has been conducted within this field practicum to identify potential conflicts that can jeopardize the system that is in place, opportunities and relationshi ps that can build upon in
25 implementing the water connection, as well as ways to improve the program to reduce the negative impacts on slum dwellers like water insecurity. 5.4 Gaps in Governance As the purpose is to search for efficiency in processes thro ugh analyzing stakeholder collaboration, it is important to determine water governance challenges. The OECD Multi level Governance Framework introduces 7 key co ordination gaps in the water sector (Charbit, 2011, p. 16). This study utilizes this informatio n in the perspective of stakeholders issuing a specific project on the ground as opposed to implementation of water governance policies. Understanding the different gaps will provide a better understanding for the issues. Within urban slums, all 7 key co o rdination gaps seem applicable. T his stakeholder analysis focuses on information gap, funding gap, and objective gap. Table 1 OECD Multi level Governance Framework: 7 Key Co ordination Gaps
26 An information gap occurs when there is different understanding and access to information between all stakeholders which can undermine th e decision making process in favor of those who have more decision making power (Akhmouch, A., 2012, pp. 17). The funding gap refers to insufficient or unstable revenue to implement water projects (Akhmouch, A., 2012, pp. 18). The objective gap will be mea sured seeing how the interests of different stakeholders align or not (Akhmouch, A., 2012, pp. 18). 5.5 Long Term Benefits of Stakeholder Engagement The importance of stakeholder engagement goes beyond short term benefits into long term benefits. OEC D finds long term benefits include (i) acceptability and sustainability, (ii) social equity and cohesion, (iii) capacity and knowledge development and (iv ) economic efficiency (OECD, 2015). Understanding the long term benefits, multiple stakeholders beca me involved with the goal of bringing water connections into the slums of Bangladesh. Figure 11 OECD Typology of long term benefits of stakeholder engagement in water governance (OECD, 2015)
27 5. 6 Korail Slum Stakeholder s New Goal: Partnering with DWASA, the Bangladeshi Government has made it a national developmental goal to bring water to all slums of Dhaka by the end of 2018. Dhaka Water and Supply and Sewerage Authority (DWASA) established in 1963 as the public utility service that is responsible for the provision of water in Dhaka, Bangladesh. Vision: To be the best water utility in the public sector of Asia Environmentally friendly, Sustainable and Pro People Water Management System Dushtha Shasthya Kendra (DSK) established with the NGO Affairs bureau in 1991, DSK is a Local Bangladesh Non Governmental organization working towards poverty reduction. They have both rural and urban focus, but their urban development is based in major cities because these are pockets of extreme poverty in Bangladesh. S lum dwellers and low income communities are target project participants from urban areas. Vision: DSK se eks a country of social justice, where poverty has been overcome, and people live in dignity and security. DSK aims to be a partner of choice within a worldwide movement dedicated to ending poverty. WaterAid is a UK Charity Organization that is operating in Bangladesh and was established as an international NGO in March 31, 1996. Their approach focuses on principles of rights to water and sanitation hygiene, engaging districts and local governments, and integration and sustainability. They focus on creatin g infrastructure for clean water, decent toilets, and teaching about good hygiene. Vision: a world where everyone everywhere has safe water, sanitation and hygiene. Korail Community Based Organization CBO for Ward 19 was formed in 2013, to be the represe ntatives of slum dwellers in the ward for slum development. They have access to
28 funds, enable project delivery, mobilize residents, and work in capacity building. They also strengthened governance (transparency in financial management and elections of lead ers), and empowered the poor through improving access to natural resources. Slum Dwellers 4 those who live in the slum ward 19, Korail Korail and slum ward 20, Korail Beltola: lack of access to improved water source, lack of access to improved sanitation facilities, lack of sufficient living area, lack of housing durability and lack of security of tenure. 5.7 Bangladesh History of Stakeholder Relationships Historically for domestic supply, DWASA was mandated to provide water connections to only those hou seholds that had land tenure, which is ownership of the land in which they reside. In the cases of slums and squatters, who did not have legal status of their residence, there was no obligation to provide any service from this utility (Jinnah, 2007, pp. 3) This deepened the disparity between different classes of citizens in Bangladesh because it excluded the slum dwellers of the city from receiving water provision services. Being an inelastic good, people found the opportunity to monopolize on this need. T hus, the slums were receiving water through unauthorized, informal service providers who did so at inflated prices (Hoque, 2003, pp. 3). With the land tenure service provision policy, there was also a preconceived notion that slum dwellers are not organize d and are unable to pay for water service. There was a fear of their daily struggles reflecting poorly in their proper and timely payment of bills. This paradigm led to the continuation of informal service providers. Problems from this system began present ing 4 3 UN ational definition for a slum household was agreed through an Expert Group Meeting convened in 2002 by UN Habitat, the United Nations Statistic Division and the Cities Alliance. By extension, we use the term slum dweller to define a person living in such a household.
29 themselves as urbanization and population growth increased. By 2008, there were almost 5000 slums in and around Dhaka (Ahmed, 2008, pp. 12). With access to clean water being difficult for slum dwellers, there are many people suffering from water borne disease like cholera, diarrhea and E. coli. This public health issue has become especially devastating. In the early 1990s, a local NGO focused on poverty reduction, Dushtha Shasthya Kendra (DSK), began working in the slums of Dhaka city and observed the sufferings of the impoverished populations. Focusing on the lack of basic services in slums, their task was to create a bridge between slum communities and DWASA with the goal of establishing water connections in the slums. Through their own research, DSK established a network and relationship with people living in slums and found that contrary to common opinion, the communities with proper water connections would be less transient and more willing to pay for the water service. It took years of persuasion a nd negotiation between the concerned development agencies, DWASA, Dhaka City Corporation (DCC), and representatives of the Community Based Organizations (CBOs) of the concerned slums, because DWASA wanted to see consistency in the slums. During this time, the slum communities continued their regular and timely payments of bills, undertook necessary maintenance and repairs of the points, and organized into stronger groups. This produced the positive image of the communities in the minds of the concerned auth orities. Because of the deep distrust, DWASA agreed to partake in this pilot program if DSK would pay from its own account if the squatter communities failed to pay. DSK agreed and DWASA officials approved two water points in poor settlements of Dhaka in 1 992 and 1994. Because of the success of this pilot program, more stakeholders became involved to launch another pilot project to bring legal water connections into slums. NGOs began working in Korail since 2004 as part of the AASHE (The Association for the Advancement of
30 Sustainability in Higher Education) project. This involved actual infrastructure implementation through the help of UNDP World Bank Water and Sanitation Programme, the Swiss Agency for Development and Co operation, and WaterAid Bangladesh, who provided technical support and funding (Jinnah, 2007, pp.4). Slum organization and consistency in bill payment proved to DWASA that slum dwellers were reliable clients for the relevant service providers. For DWASA, this new acquisition of clients was a philanthropic measure, and it represented an effective system for regularization of illegal connections, simultaneously increasing their revenue (Jinnah, 2007, pp. 4; Fardosh, 2013, pp. 15). DWASA was routinely losing revenue, as illustrated in ADB issued surveys showing that 90% of slum dwellers in Dhaka were using DWASA supplied water through illegal channels but DWASA was only collecting 62% of revenues (Sharma, M. & Alipalo, M., 2017, pp.10). This opportunity showed to be a symbiotic relationship betwe en DWASA and the slum dwellers because they would also be receiving a healthier water supply for a price reduced from what they progressive outlook and reputation for respon dwellers and supported the replication of this noble effort in all such initiatives of development partners in the other slums of Dhaka city. The Bangladeshi Government, partnering with DWASA, put forth a nat ional developmental target for systems of formal water provision in urban slums by the end of 2018 (AFD, 2018).
31 5.8 / Figure 12 Historical Timeline of Water Provision in Korail Slum 1992 Integrated Water Resource Management DSK began building bridge between DWASA and pilot projects in slums because they saw the success and began proposals for other areas and working with Banlgadesh government to establish new rules. 1999 Bangladesh National Policy 2001 National Water Management Plan 2004 Bringing formal water connections started in Korail Slum because DSK Began collecting baseline data for project, AASHE 500 households Project focused on sanitation implementation and hygiene practices promotion and community mobilization, and capacity building. (WaterAid) 2005 DWASA became very proactive through a changed perspective. DWASA declared by 2017 they will 100% cover slums. 2006 WHO and UNICEF Core Drinking Water Questions were established 2011 Informal Service Provider ("muscleman" "mastaan") push back 6 months meeting with members of the community 1.5 years to convince Muscleman PEHUP Project Began WaterAid began working in Korail installed 15 toilets, 67 water connections and 490 water points legalize 2012 DWASA Begain working in Korail slum Water connections were implemented 2013 CBO Ward 19 was created DSK/ WaterAid/ UNICEF provided more than 900 points, sustainable billing and payment system in place. 2017 PEHUP Korail Project was finished
32 6. Host Organizations 6.1 Bangladesh Rural Action Committee (BRAC) Th e impact of the Grameen Bank inspired my interests in NGO work and motivated me to return to the place of my roots to work with BRAC one day. I have taken the opportunity that f water mission is to empower people and communities in situations of poverty, illiteracy, disease and social injustice My program director, Dr. Glenn Galloway helped me make the connection with BRAC BIGD in Nov ember 2016. 6. 2 BRAC Institute of Governance and Development (BIGD) BIGD is a resource center for promoting research and creating knowledge in areas of governance, economic growth, political economy, urbanization, gender issues and sustainable development They provided me with research space and a research professor who can oversee my work, provide critiques, and advise me, Dr. Shanawez Hossain. Once in Bangladesh, I had to independently make the connections I needed to get into the field of Korail Slum. 6 .3 BRAC Urban Development Programme (BRAC UDP) BRAC UDP was working in Korail regarding resilience and emergency planning, specifically creating innovative solutions to the urban housing issues like community fires and helping fire victims with provision of substitutive housing. BRAC NGO did not have any water projects within Korail Slum, thus they tasked me with collecting data and writing a needs assessment focused on urban development and their access to water sources, with the help of field guide and translator, Mr. Yousuf Ali.
33 7. Analytical Framework 7.1 Objectives The main aim of the study is to analyze the multi stakeholder collaboration within water service provision to Korail Slum in Dhaka, Bangladesh. The purpose of this research is to better und erstand the challenge of drinking water supply in urban slums, how this influences the livelihoods of slum dwellers, and how future sustainable programs can be implemented with collaborative efforts between all stakeholders from the local to national level Specific Objectives 1. To assess the current levels of accessibility, affordability, and safety of drinking water supply in the slum 2. To examine the current stakeholder relationships and power dynamics that are in place to determine gaps and limitations in water governance within service provision to urban slums. 7.2 Scope of the Study Physical Scope: The study concentrated on Dhaka, Bangladesh specifically the study focused on the informal wards of Central Korail (19) and Korail Beltola (20). Conceptual Sc ope: The study sought to look at the provision of water within informal urban settlements. Thus, its arguments were premised on urbanization, urban slums and water governance concepts.
34 8. Conceptual Framework Two conceptual models were studie d to creat e the conceptual framework for this study. The first stems from An assessment of the provision of water services to informal settlements in Nyeri municipality urban locations by author N. Muturi. This is the conceptual model for Water Service Provision in informal s ettlements derived from a study in Kenya. It focuses on changing any laws and constitutional rights within country or municipal that limits those who live in informal settlements. It explores the different innovative approaches that can be implem ented in n of What is extracted from this conceptual model are the impacts of provisional outcomes like water service provision with adeq uate water supply reflecting quality, accessibility, and affordability. Figure 13 Kenyan Slums Conceptual Framework (Muturui, 2013)
35 The second conceptual model comes from grey literature from BIGD, Access to Water in Urban Poor Settlements: Addressing Crisis through Good Governance by author J. Fardosh (2 013). This figure discusses different types of water accesses for registered areas and nonregistered areas. The non register areas include slums and focus on how there are no formal connections in slums. However it slums do have informal connections and it can come from the consumer types. Figure 14 Access to Water in Urban Poor Settlements: Addressing Crisis t hrough Good Governance (J. Fardosh 2013)
36 For Korail Slum War d 19 legal water supplies were implemented through DWASA water supply and water network connections This is done for the benefit of both service provider to not lose their supply through illegal channels, and provides users with quality of their water sou rce affordability, accessibility, and an increase in supply. This model helps understand the objectives of DWASA and NGOs involved as to why stakeholder collaboration is integral because it leads to positive impacts on livelihoods. Access to a better water supply allows for livelihood impacts including income stability, healthier and more productive population and a sustainable neighborhood with a supportive Community Based Organization Thus, I adapted ail Slum below: The conceptual model focuses on the impact of the interaction and collaboration of different stakeholders. This created the delivery and provision of a water supply that is accessible, affordable, and of quality to the slum dwellers. T he improvements and interests that the stakeholders were interested in including healthier bodies, income stability, and a sustainable neighborhood that supports CBO and development initiatives. Figure 15 N. Ahmed Primary Conceptual Model Figure 15 Primary Conce ptual Model (N. Ahmed, 2018)
37 9. Methodology The methodology for the assessment stud y consisted of four key methods: review of information for Bangladesh including secondary data research and in country grey literature provided by organizations, ethnographic observation, data collected from semi structured interviews with slum dwellers o f Korail slum and information collected from interviews with key informants of the stakeholders involved in the process of bringing legal water connections to slums. Recording all information, conversations, and observations within the field work, with con sent, was done with Photos and Voice Recording on my iPhone 7 and meticulously writing information in my field journal and printed questionnaires. 9.1 Literature Review/ Secondary Data research 9 .1.1 Design When preparing for the field practicum and before e ntering the field, prior research was conducted to have a better understanding of the location, Bangladesh and slum settings, and the problem, water service delivery in slums. Data was collected from University of Florida library resources to create a lite rature review, Google search, websites of stakeholders involved, and BRAC BIGD grey literature. Research collections was also conducted for drinking water and water supply questionnaires provided by WHO and UNICEF. Secondary Data Research Ethnographic Observation Semi Structure Interviews (50) Key Informant Stakeholder Interviews (4) Figure 16 MDP Practicum Methodology
38 9 .1.2 Implementation Utilizing the data collected, I was able to create pilot survey questions for the informal interviews with slum dwellers and the semi structured interviews with key informants. I was also able to process and produce a literature review for the contextual background info rmat ion section for this paper. 9 .2 Ethnographic Observation 9 .2.1 Design To address specific objective 1 (one), an ethnographic observation is needed. An ethnographic observation is studying the designated community through self implantation within the commu nity of study. The purpose of the ethnographic observation was to have a better understanding of my environment, the community of slum dwellers I was working with, and to understand the water provision services available in Korail slum. Knowing these preli minary aspects will further my study and lead into the formation of my interview questions for the planned semi structured interviews. 9 .2.2 Implementation I spent 15 hours (3 hours X 5 days) carrying out ethnographic observation of the slum dwellers of K orail Slum. Through this experience, working with a field researcher from BRAC UDP, Yousuf Ali, I learned how to maneuver through the community, identify key locations, met with 4 key informants and slum dwellers of the community, observed problems concern ing water supply in the area, and to capture cultural values that I will be needing to take into consideration when carrying out my interviews
39 9. 3 Semi Structured Interviews 9 .3.1 Design In order to address specific objective 1, creating the semi struc tured interview questions was the next step of methods to perform to better understand water availability, quality, and affordability of legal water provisional systems within Korail Slum. Thus, utilizing information from my prior accumulation of general i nterview questions with themes of water supply and services (mandatory for the IRB protocol process), ethnographic observation and secondary online research, mainly existing water needs assessment questionnaires and surveys, I created pilot interview quest ions. With these questions, I conducted 3 pilot interviews before I finalized the final set of semi structured interview questions. Following IRB protocol, I communicated who I am, indicated my purpose, and secured consent from slum dwellers to take part in the interview. Written translation of this information was completed with the help of BIGD colleagues, Raihan Ahamed and Mahbub Hasan. 9 .3.2 Implementation I spent 28 hours (4 hours X 7 days) implementing the semi structured interviews with the slum dw ellers of Korail Slum. Translations and communication of these questions, ideas, topics with the slum dwellers and understanding their responses was an imperative element of my interview. This was done most effectively with the help of field guide and tran slator, Yousuf Ali (BRAC UDP). My level of speaking Bengali is at a beginner to intermediate level and my level of understanding Bengali is intermediate. My translator provided a vital service. The sample size of my interviews with the slum dwellers was se lected using random sampling of persons 18 and older willing to discuss the matters of water supply. I conducted 25 semi
40 structured interviews with slum dwellers in Korail Ward 19 and 25 semi structured interviews with slum dwellers in Korail Ward 20. 9.4 K ey Informant Interviews 9 .4.1 Design I was able to identify the major stakeholders involved in the process of legal water provision in slums with secondary data research about the procedural history of bringing formal infrastructure into Bangladesh slums. The stakeholders include: Dhaka Water Supply and Sewerage Authority (DWASA), Dushtha Shasthya Kendra (DSK) NGO, WaterAid NGO, and Korail Community Based Organization (CBO) Ward 19. The general guidelines for the interview questions were developed from the gaps of missing information I found within the secondary data research. Questions were added during the interview, if another question was thought of or gap of information was found. 9 .4.2 Implementation I spent 8 hours (2 hours X 4 interviews) conducting the interviews with key informants of the stakeholders mentioned above. I had contacted them via direct phone calls and e mails to schedule meeting times to perform the interview in person. I emphasized with the stakeholders that I wanted to interview tho se directly involved with the process of legal water provision, a source of primary data. The following people were interviewed as key informants for the designated stakeholder group: DWASA Mir Mahadi Hossain, Division Head of Community Program and Consum er Relation Division, DSK NGO Akhil Chandra Das, Project Manager of DSK, WaterAid NGO Anindita Hridita, Programme Officer, CBO Ward 19 Selina Akhter, CBO President of Korail
41 10. Data Analysis and Results My field practicum was carried out collecting data t hrough the Mixed Methods Research Synthesis (MMRS) which utilizes both quantitative and qualitative information collected from all interviews. To do this, I inputted the data collected from the semi structured interviews with the slum dwellers into Microso ft Excel. From Microsoft Excel, I imported the data into SPSS, statistics software to find frequencies that allowed for comparative studies between the two wards I transcribed the information collected from the key informants of stakeholder interviews i nto Microsoft Word. From Microsoft Word, I imported the data into nVivo, a qualitative data analysis software. 10.1 Objective 1: To assess the current levels of accessibility, affordability, and safety of water supply in the slum. To understand the current i deations of quality and quantity of water supply in the given communities, an assessment of the levels of accessibility, affordability, and safety of the water was conducted based on the opinions of the beneficiaries of the service. The evaluation was guid ed by Core Questions on Drinking Water for Household Surveys provided by the World Programme for Water Supply, Sanitation and Hygiene (JMP) states to meet the criteria for a safely managed drinking water service, an improved water source should meet three criteria: it should be accessible on the premises (accessibility), water should be available when needed (availability), and the water supplied should be free from con tamination (quality) ( WHO GDWQ, 2003).
42 The accessibility to the water supply was inquired through what infrastructure is being used in the process of water retrieval like what their main drinking water source is. From the sources discussed in the WHO Guid elines, there is mention of piped water into dwellings, piped water to yard/plot, public tap or standpipe, and tubewell or borehole. The slum dwellers have access to a formal water supply through the service provider through infrastructure that has been pr ovided and renovated by NGOs and service provides. What the WHO guidelines do not take into is piped water that has been tapped. When pipes and infrastructure has been damaged this increases infiltration of dirt, fecal matter, and runoff into the water sup ply. This diminishes the definition of an improved water source to unimproved. This option is not available in types of unimproved sources of drinking water. 10.2 Water Source Figure 17 Bar Graph: Other Water Use Activities Source The types of water sources f or all other daily activities include those supplied by DWASA and those that are not. Supplied by DWASA include 1 Tubewell (4 in Ward 19, and 1 in Ward 20), 1 Tubewell and Reserve Tank (11 in Ward 19), 2 Tubewells (5 in Ward 19), 2 0 2 4 6 8 10 12 14 16 1 Tubewell (DWASA) 1 Tubewell and Tank Reserve (DWASA) 2 Tubewells (DWASA) 2 Tubewells and Reserve Tank (DWASA) 1 Tubewell 1 Reserve Tank Well Communal Pipe Supply/ Water Collection Individual Pipe Supply/ Water Collection Korail Ward 19 Korail Ward 20
43 Tubewells and Reserve Ta nk (3 in Ward 19). Not Supplied by DWASA drinking water sources include, 1 Tubewell and 1 Reserve Tank (1 in Ward 20), Well (2 in Ward 19, 8 in Ward 20), Communal Pipe Supply and Water Collections in Containers (14 in ward 20), and Individual Pipe Supple a nd Water collection (1). The anomaly of 2 respondents from Korail ward 19 stating they utilize Well water for other activities that require water use, is the practice of water conscience people who have the choice to conserve water. In conclusion, this fig ure shows us that for other uses of water like showering, washing dishes, cleaning, and cooking Ward 19 has accessibility to DWASA water and Ward 20 does not. 10.1.2 Affordability In Ward 19, people follow the DWASA standard payment of 1000L of water/ 10 BDT (taka) providing water for 15 24 hours a day. DWASA provided the standard payment fact as well as the observed water bills from different households who have access to the DWASA water supply. The 15 24 hours a day was compounded from the semi structur ed interviews in which 19 of the 25 respondents stated that they receive water more than 15 hours a day. The hours taken away from the 24 hours come from when the infrastructure stops working because of break down or because of maintenance. This was inform ation that correlated from the average payment and time available information the slum dwellers provided me and what DWASA stated was characteristics of their supply. There is a discrepancy between the landlords and tenants, when interviewing tenants many joked "the landlord's shower with the amount of water I use in a day". Observing the responses from semi structured interviews and the responses of the slum dwellers, data shows that the landlords interviewed use a higher proportion of water than the tenan ts that were interviewed. This was measured in how many baltis (buckets of 30L) were used indicating that landlords use more water than the tenants. In Ward 20, Landlords provided me with the rate
44 that they pay to the informal water vendors, the mastaan 30 0 BDT for 5 minutes of water supply from the pipes, 1 kolshi (20 L) for 5 BDT. It has also been specified that the tenants only receive water every other day, so they must be present in the time of water collection. Water collection times are 8am 10 am an d 2pm 5pm. These are generally times that people go to work and these are 5 hours that a member from the household must stay at home and be conscious about the water and water collection to ensure there is water for their household. More often than not, th is is usually the woman or children of the house. This is correlated in the ratio of the women interviewed and the men interviewed, it was usually the women who were home around the hours that I went to the slum which are during working hours 10 AM 2 PM. Table 2 Ward Comparisons, Accessibility and Affordability 10.1.3 Availability of Water: refers to the quantity of water available and how often through time. Which ward uses more water? Frequency statistics test done in SPSS so ftware shows the average of the amount used in both Ward 19 and Ward 20. It is evident that the average and the mode is greater in Ward 19 than it is in Ward 20 indicating that Ward 19 uses more water for daily activities in comparison to Ward 20. Water us e was measured through how many kolshi (buckets) were utilized per day.
45 This is an ambiguous measure and finding because this finding was based off word of mouth, from slum dwellers estimations. This could have been improved in its finding through more tho rough ethnographic observation. Which ward has more water available to them during the day (hours/day)? From the data collected from semi structured interviews with the slum dwellers, I asked the question of how often you can get water which shifted based on which ward I was asking. Ward 20 could count the amount of time water is available for them to collect and store and how often. Frequency Statistics test done in SPSS software shows the average time that water is available to the respondents in a day. I t is evident that the average and mode is greater in Ward 19 than it is in Ward 20, indicating that Ward 19 has water longer than Ward 20. Specifically 16 24 hours in Ward 19 in comparison to 0 5 hours in Ward 20. This data was collected through the semi structured interviews. This was question number asking how often the water is available per day for use. Slum dwellers in Ward 19, were more direct about their need and how they paid for the water only to receive water not all the time. The times that wate r became a difficult resource to acquire would be based on natural systems or infrastructure malfunction which would decrease the availability of water from 24 hours to 16 hours. Ward 20, there were various responses that averaged to about a range of 0 5 h ours a day. For Ward 20, the supply of water was not as consistent as Ward 19, because the water could also come every other day. Based on my own ethnographic observations, I was able to connect these themes of the type of infrastructure, time, people coll ecting the supply, people providing the supply, and noticed vast differences between the wards. These disparities in water use are significant because access to a larger supply that is more available is important for daily life activities, like water consu mption, cooking, cleaning and maintaining a healthy lifestyle. Ward 20 has pipes that can be comparable to flimsy garden hose pipes running throughout the area above head and below on
46 the ground where rickshaws drive over and children run over. Ward 19 had more of a communal tube well that operated with a tank for storage. In Ward 20, the pipes were all located in a central location and through randomness a system was created where water would come every other day you did not properly fill your water container and use the resource properly, you would have to pay an additional amount for any other amount that is needed. 10.1.4 Safety The following pie charts will be comparing Ward 19 and Ward 20 with regards to the color, taste, and smell of their water supply. As DWASA states in our interview "The water should be clean, just like household waters are receiving. The only problems can be within can be iron influx d ue to the decreasing water table in the summertime, and the need for it to be boiled to rid of waterborne pathogens." There is naturally iron in the supply but when the water table decreases this creates an imbalance in the amount of iron per liter water a vailable. There is no infrastructure implemented that removes the iron from the water supply. Slum dwellers allow their collected water to sit so the sediment can sink to the bottom or they sift their water so the sediment is filtered out. Looking at the p ie charts above, it is evident that Ward 19 is getting cleaner water indicated majority of the water supply as asked of the slum dwellers interviews are recei ving not clear Ward 19 Ward 20 Figure 18 Water Safety Comparison Pie Chart: Color Figure 18 Pie Graph, Water Safety Co mparison, Color
47 water. There still is a problem with the water supply as indicated by the other colors. Many respondents mentioned the red color in their water referring to the iron infiltration from the decreasing of the water table. If Ward 19 should have the DWASA water the blue clear indicator should be the larger amount in comparison to all of the other choices (partly muddy red, muddy brown red, and yellow/ green). What must be taken into consideration is the interviews of this study took place in the summer months after a fire burned through the water supply connections, this was indicated through the interviews and the comments of slum dwellers of Ward 19. One respondent shared "The water supply was fine before the fire. The fire ruined our new water supply." This view was shared with many other respondents as well. When inquiring about this situation to DWASA stated: "the fire did impact the water connections by burning through them and destroying infrastructure". For this reason, after the fire, wate r is being provided for free at water points around the slum for the first month after the fire. Residents in the slum whose water infrastructure was not ruined received free fare if they provided water to neighbors, fostering communal responsibility. Thus not only can a traumatic experience like a community fire be impacting the water supply, but also when locations close to mastaan grounds are provided with legal water supply infrastructure, they have more access to water supplies because it is being cent ralized within a neighboring community. Mastaan then taps into the pipes and make their own connections with improper and cheap materials. This also allows sediment to enter the pipes and water supplies. The iron issue is an inevitable one through the mean s of impacts of nature. During the summertime, the water table becomes lower and the ratio between iron and water in the groundwater supply favor the iron. The iron not being held in place underground by the water gets mixed into the water supply, which ca uses iron to be within the pipes and water supplies. This was explained to me by DWASA.
48 The comparison of the taste of water supply for both wards resulted to an equal declaration that the water supply tastes like iro n This can introduce to stakeholder DW ASA, what can be done about the iron? This can also be introduced to NGOs to brainstorm workshops that can help communities understand how to remove iron from their water manually. Regarding the smell of the water supply in both Ward 19 and Ward 20, it is clear that from who participated in the semi structured interviews that Ward 19 has a better supply compared to Ward 20 with 48% of respondents indicating that there is no smell in the water supply in comparison to the 12% of respondents in Ward 20 tha t says there is no smell in their water supply. For both wards, more than 50% of respondents indicated a smell being present in the water supply, specifically the smell of chlorine/ bleach. This should be presented to DWASA and an answer as to why should b e provided to the Slum Dwellers. DWASA was able to communicate to me that the smell of chlorine and bleach is in the water supply because this chemical rids of pathogens in the water. Information should also be collected from households to understand what is done with this smell, to provide options to the slum dwellers as to how to rid of the smell. Ward 19 Ward 20 Figure 19 Water Safety Comparison Pie Chart: Smell Figure 18 Pie Graph, Water Safety Comparison, Smell
49 10.2 Objective 2: To examine the current water governance system in Korail Slum with an aim of finding the gaps and possibilities for improvements in stakeh older relationships To analyze the data and information I first transcribed the 50 semi structured interviews with slum dwellers from Ward 19 and Ward 20 and the 4 semi structured interviews with the key informants in stakeholder groups into Microsoft Word From this information, I was able to create a Historical Timeline and Stakeholder Analysis Matrix. I then used Nvivo, a qualitative data analysis software, to code the following resources: transcriptions of interviews with slum dwellers, transcriptions of interviews with key informants, field notes, and grey literature provided by stakeholders. The codes or nodes were created based on the literature review and frequency of the words or ideas, the resources mentioned. The following table depicts the freq uency of words used in the interviews statements to emphasize the major themes of different stakeholder groups. I then coded by hand to find themes that the key informants of stakeholders found to be followed by and what their main focus was. For each inte rviewed key informants of stakeholders that worked together to bring legal water connections into slums, I performed a frequency test that can highlight the top ten words that were mentioned the most, the word with a minimum length of 5 characters, and gro uping is with synonyms. This query was run for all the semi structured interview transcriptions. Thus, this Stakeholder analysis matrix was created:
50 10.2.1 / Table 3: Stakeholder Analysis Matrix Stakeholders Positions Interests History and Relationships Po wer and Influence DWASA (Dhaka Water Supply and Sewerage Authority) [people who are legally responsible for the public resource, People interested in the processes used to make decisions] Want to be paid for their service of water extraction, treatment, provision. Want to bring legal water source to all slums in Dhaka, Bangladesh Does not want water supply being stolen from them Substantive Interests: lessen the loss of supply and increase revenue Interpersonal interests: Feel stolen from/ insulted beca use water is being stolen and not paid for Procedural Interests: Want to provide water to organized slums. To be the best water utility in the public sector of Asia Environment friendly, Sustainable and Pro People Water Management System History with Slum Dwellers: DWASA does not trust slum dwellers because they tap into History with DSK: DSK helped mediate the bridge between service providers and slum dwellers through working in the community and observi ng and reporting that slum dwellers are able to pay for resources to who provides it for them. They do not tap, "Muscle Men" Illegal water vendors tap into the water supply. Controls access to legal municipal water provision service in Dhaka, Bangladesh, Agency controlled has the authority to make a decision and then inform stakeholders. Organizational power DSK (Dushtha Shasthya Kendra) People interested in the process used to make decisions, interested in the resource, its users, its use, or its non use Want to bring legal water source to Korail Slum Want to empower marginalized communities to be self sustaining Poverty reduction Empowering the marginalized to be self sustaining Working with extreme poor households (Low Income Communities and S lum Dwellers from urban and rural areas History with DWASA: creating the bridge between slum dwellers and service providers Relationship with WaterAid: share a common goal of working with the poor. Relationship with Central Korail CBO: was able to encoura ge and empower CBO development. Negative relationship due to personal income impairment of the Muscle men if the processes follow through. Convene/ mobilize/ galvanize people in Korail slum; Agency has guidelines for processes a nd then gathers input from stakeholder before deciding any process. Organizational Power WaterAid Bangladesh People interested in the resource, its users, its use, or its non use Want to bring legal water source to Korail Slum Want to also focus on sanitation and hygiene practices Utilize funding and human/ volunteer power to create and innovate resources Do what NGOs do to keep their title and standing Relationship with DSK: works together to provide resources and development to poor Relationship with Korail CBO: Has provided learning sessions and workshops and resources: toilets and drinking compounds Convene/ mobilize/ galvanize people in Korail slum; Agency has outlines for processes and then gathers input from stakeholder before deciding.
51 Sta keholders Positions Interests History and Relationships Power and Influence Positions Interests History and Relationships Power and Influence Korail Korail CBO (Community Based Organization) People who live, work at slum location, interested in the pr ocess used to make decisions, represent slum community Wants to bring legal water source to all of Korail slum Ward 19 Organization in the slum to make a developmental change They want water for the people of the slums Relationship with DSK: were able to be encouraged and empowered to organize Relationship with DWASA: developed through DSK Muscle men provided water resource due to a negative relationship between resource providers and disbelief/ distrust in the people Relationsh ip with neighboring CBO: Not the best connected relationship. Convene/ mobilize/ galvanize people; Stakeholders decide and recommend actions for an agency to take. Muscle Men/ Illegal Water Vendors People who live in slum and impact decisions, socially r esponsible to provide for public resources, people who do not pay the bills Does not want legal water source (through DWASA) in Korail Slum. Wants slum dwellers to purchase water from them because they keep the income Substantive they want income Interpe rsonal they want to maintain their hierarchal power over slum dwellers by being the only service provider. History with DSK DSK tried History with Slum Dwellers, when there was no service provider for resources in history due to mistrust. This is why muscle men had to tap into water sources and bring water to the people. Block decisions. Control people to boycott the process. Demobilize people through threats; Stakeholders decide to act and then implement. Personal Power O ver. High Influence Slum Dwellers of Korail Ward 19 [people who pay the bills, people who live in the slum and are impacted by decisions, people interested in the resource to use] Wants legal water source brought to all of Korail Slum, focusing on Quality Substantive They need accessible, affordable, safe water for livelihood. Interpersonal they want to be treated with dignity/ understanding Relationship with NGOs (DSK/WaterAid): Works together to bring resources and access to resources Relationship wi th CBO: Works with CBO to provide information and progress on developmental indicators. When taught hygiene practices and drinking water source practices, Stakeholders decide to act and then implement or not to. Low Power Slum Dwellers of Korail Ward 20 People who pay the bills, people who live in the slum and are impacted by decisions, people interested in the resource to use Wants more affordable and accessible water source; preferably legal water source (DWASA Water) Substantive They need accessible, affordable, safe water for livelihood. Interpersonal They want to be treated with dignity/ understanding water by overcharging slums Relationship with CBO: there is a CBO but the relationship is not gre at due to miscommunication and lack of organization Low Power
52 Other Possible Roots of Conflict: Data, Structural Issues, Values, Other? Data collection due to a large changing population of slum dwellers. Structural issues dense population and sanitatio n/ wastewater management issues Values Bangladesh value system gives more importance to those of higher income level background Overlapping Interests and Opportunities (for finding common ground settlement, resolution): Slum dwellers are willing to org anize together to get the public good, this has been evident in Slum Ward 19 but not Slum20. DWASA is willing to provide a public resource to those who can organize and are willing to pay. The length of this process is unknown and claimed by slum dwellers to be "long". There is a need for reconciliation because of the human need of access to basic resources to a better livelihood. Table 4 Simplified Stakeholder Matrix, Influence and Interests DSK encourages Community organization Slum dwellers try to organize through help of NGOs Community Based Organization is developed CBO connects with DWASA DWASA works with WaterAid and DSK to provide water points Figure 20 Water Point Request Process
53 10.2.2 DWASA Table 5 DWASA Interview Frequency The interview with DWASA was with Senior Community Officer (SCO) and Div isional Head of Community Program and Consumer Relation Division, Mir Mahadi Hossain. He shared the history of DWASA and background information about how DWASA became involved with helping Low Income Communities (LICs). The organization began working in Ko rail Slum in March 2013 with the hopes of providing Legal water connections and clean drinking water, referring to their own supply. Their contributions include 1 deep pump, 996 legal connections to water lines (community shared water points, not individua l). He believes the organization achieved its goal for better water provision. They hope to add 1000 more legal connections add one more pump, bring legal connections to more slums (based on funding), applying for grants to improve surface water treatment plants (August). They want to begin this shift towards surface water treatment plants because of issues concerning the groundwater near Korail. The land in the area does not allow for clean water filtration. For the here will be a l ittle iron, in the hot season the water layer of aquifer decreases, so extracting water from the pump, we have to give more chemicals more bleaching powder. The land that Korail is over is dirty. More smell, more iron." DWASA's main focuses are bringing t hese water connections and supply to a legal standpoint, this is a project for them where they are working in the Korail community. Word Co unt Similar Words water 74 water connections 19 connection, connections, connects, relation DWASA 17 DWASA supply 16 issue, issues, provide, provided, provides, providing, supplied, supply points 19 charge, direct, directly, level, period, place, poin t, points legal 13 legal project 13 planning, project, projects, proposal Korail 10 Korail working 11 bring, makes, plant, plants, process, working, works community 8 community
54 10.2.3 DSK Table 6 DSK Interview Frequency The interview with DSK was with their project manager, Akhil Chandra Das. He informed me of the history of DSK and their connection to DWASA and background information about the difficulties faced politically, structurally, and socially. They began their work in Korail Slum in 2004 by collecting baseline data. This included social mapping, transect work that helped find community WASH problems. When they first arrived at the scene they saw lack of drainage system, no footstep path, no hygiene toilets, sickness everywhere (diarrhea and jaundice), water vendors (muscle men), lake water being consumed. The organization's main provision was helped provide legal water connecti ons, drainage footpath, toilets, and hygienic facilities, and WASH in the Primary School. They indicated an important finding of the length it took to deal with the muscle men, "it took 1.5 years to deal with muscle men and get them to understand." Their f ocus was emphasized in providing water connections to the people of Korail and bringing them also to a power position to create a bridge between them and DWASA. Word Count Similar Words water 53 water connections 27 connecting, connection, connections, links support 30 documents, funds, helped, helps, holding, lived, livelihood, livelihoods, stand, support, supported, supporters, supportive, sustainability, sustainable, sustainably provide 24 allow, allows, provide, provided, provider, pr oviders, providing, supply people 19 people DWASA 18 DWASA Korail 17 Korail bring 25 bring, bringing, contributions, getting, institutional, worked, working, works position 21 convincing, deposit, deposited, fixed, locations, places, position, putting sides, situational, stance, state, stating power 16 forces, power, powerful, strong
55 10.2.4 WaterAid Bangladesh Table 7 WaterAid Bangladesh Interview Frequency The interview with WaterAid was with the Programme Officer, Anindita Hridita. She t old me about their WASH initiatives in depth as well as their Promoting Environmental Health for Urban Poor (PEHUP) Project. WaterAid began their work in Korail June 2011 conducting a needs assessment. From the initiation of their part in the project from 2011 to the end of their participation in June 2017, the organization provided Water quality testing, implementing 490 water connections, advocacy and training (phase out) training and physiological understanding of illegal and legal water supply; Provided 67 water points, sustainable Communities training workshops, 15 Sanitation Blocks, advocacy/ workshops. They encourage the people to continue following the Water Safety Plan: Boil, Clean Containers Regularly, Cover Water and food, keep water and food off ground to maintain hygiene. The work WaterAid has done for Korail slum was collaborative working with many organizations and innovative, working with diverse types of people within the slum setting. For WaterAid, their focus was: to work on the water conne ctions and points with the community and to also incorporate practices of hygiene. They really focused on the idea that the slum dwellers are people. Word Count Similar W ords water 91 water dwellers 30 dweller, dwellers point 36 degree, design, designs, details, direct, indicators, level, levels, maneuver, period, place, places, point, points, target, targeted community 26 communal, communally, communication, communiti es, community project 33 design, designs, external, figure, figures, labor, picture, pictures, planned, planning, plans, project, projects, proposal, tasks connections 31 association, connect, connecting, connection, connections, continue, continuous, re late, related hygiene 23 hygiene, hygienic, sanitation Korail 21 Korail practice 22 apply, feasible, practical, practice, practices, practicing, using people 20 people
56 10.2.5 Korail Ward 19 Community Based Organization The interview with Central Korail CBO was with the CBO President, Selina Akter. She told me about the beginning of the CBO work in Korail regarding water, the threats she faced, the initiatives they are starting, and more about their purpose. She stated the purpose of the CBO was for representation, access fu nds, enable project delivery, mobilize residents, capacity building They began their work in 2013 when M. Selina was voted into her position. She emphasized the danger and history she had with the muscle men of the area. Another aspect talked about was ho w all the CBO boards meet twice a year and at these meetings, there is a lack of communication and cooperation with everyone, "nothing gets done". For the question, what would you advise other CBOs, she answered, "Aim to be Self sustaining Be a people lov er, make connections with people Have an understanding of development Give/ make time; be flexible be ready for sacrifice, hard work, and dedication the Community Based Organizations interview calculated their top ten words w ere being parallel to their intentions: The Community Based organizations main focuses are to bring water service delivery and water points to the people of Korail. There are problems like muscle men. But this resource is important for the empowerment of c ommunity members. Table 8 Korail Ward 19 CBO Interview Frequency Word Count Similar Words water 22 water people 13 people, peoples Korail 9 Korail muscle 9 muscle bring 12 bring, delivery, taking, working points 9 charge, level, place, points, target problems 8 problem, problems connections 7 connection, connections community 7 communication, community, passed members 6 member, members
57 10.2.6 Ward Comparisons Ward 19 Coding: In response to the question, slum dwellers of this ward focused on themes of quality of water supply and health impacts. Testing the word frequency criteria on nVivo for top ten words (minimum length 5 letters grouping with synonyms), results for top ten words were boiled, filter, persistent, better, health, healthy, ironless, and safety. There was also mention of treatment and how if the water could come boiled or filtered of iron. They want to water to be continuous and safe. Ward 20 Coding: In response to the que stion, slum dwellers of this ward focused on themes of quantity of water supply and time Testing the word frequency criteria on nVivo for top ten words (minimum length 5 letters, grouping with synonyms), results fo direct, water, system, healthy, They want either metered water systems or direct water supplies closer to their homes. The theme of health was brought up multiple times but they had comments that focused on the time and type of water. They hope to one day receive DWASA water, so their water supply can be consistent. Through qualitative data analysis, I coded the statements that were transcribed and found different themes emerged from each of the different wards. Ward 19, focused on quality of the water supply and Ward 20 focused on the quantity of the water supply. Because Ward 19 already Ward 20 does not have access to DWASA water supply yet, and thus feel that the focus is access
58 11. Discussion 11.1 Data Analysis Overview: Updated Conceptua l Model Through fieldwork and research, I found that the primary conceptual model is outdated and too idealistic. The neighboring slum wards and the potential of tapping into the pipes that DWASA and the NGOs worked hard to initiate in this part of the sl um was not taken into consideration in the conceptual model before. Thus, this new conceptual model below was adopted: Figure 21 Conceptual Model with Results (N. Ahmed, 2018) From left to right we have Ward 19 on top and Ward 20 on the bottom. Starting from the left, we have the stakeholders involved as previously mentioned in bringing legal water connections into Korail Slum. The impacts include easier accessibility, more affordable supply, and poor quality water. The question in effect is if this water is supplied from the service
59 providers and is being paid for, why is it of inadequate quality? We see a connect right in the arrow representing DWASA water, being Muscle Men or mastaan interfering with the supply and rerouting it away from Ward 19 t o Ward 20. Thus their supply in Ward 20 is of poor accessibility, high prices, and poor quality as well. In the boxes all the way to the right, we have the wants of the slum dwellers for their water supply. We have Ward 19 focusing on quality of A nd then Ward 20 focusing on the quantity and quality of water ot meet to discuss future potential or collaboration due to past bad blood through threats and miscommunication. This has further stressed the water sources for both wards. 11.2 Stakeholder Collaboration and Water Governance Gaps Gaps in the implemented wa ter governance system within stakeholder collaboration include an information gap, an objective gap, and an accountability gap. The reasons for these gaps come from a lack of funding. T here is an information gap between the scientists and data analysts who work at DWASA and the slum dwellers in communicating the impacts of climate change and the decreasing water table This was indicated in the interviews with slum dwellers claiming high amounts of iron in their water and the lack of response from DWASA as to why this is happening. When DWASA was asked if this has been communicated to the affected population they responded with veryone knows this basic fact Among the interviews with slum dwellers, 96% claimed there was iron in their water being the ba sis for why the quality was so poor As evident in the objectives of different stakeholders, there is also an objective gap. For DWASA, the main focus was to bring some water connections a nd supply to the Korail
60 community so they can receive their water r esources from formal operations For DSK, their main goals were to 1) bridge a gap between slums and service providers and 2) to bring water connections to Korail in an effort to reduce poverty. For WaterAid, their focus was to 1) provide infrastructure to formal connections and water points with in the c ommunity and 2) build community knowledge of hygiene practices The CBOs main focuses were 1) to organize the slum dwellers of Korail to bring formal water service provision to the slum and 2) to mitigate pr oblems like the mastaan Access to water resources is important for the empowerment of community members. Slum dwellers want better quality, higher quantity and a more consistent water supply. These requests are limited by not only the lack of funding that would provide infrastructure like tube wells, tanks, and water connection networks to every household, but also the exploitative actions of the mastaan
61 1 2 Recommendations 1 2 .1 Monitoring and Maintenance of Infrastructure My first recommen dation is to maintain DWASA water quality by creating a better system for the monitoring and maintenance of infrastructure. Currently, there is little attention and funds going into this process because they are being allocated into other studies like surf ace water treatment plants. B ut if there is damage to the motor or any infrastructure there is a process in which maintenance occurs. When interviewing slum dwellers and other stakeholders, it was concluded that this process takes a couple of days in which people must look for other sources for water to purchase A better system for monitoring and maintenance of infrastructure can be created by having a specific group of people who work in nonprofits or the main water distributor, DWASA to biweekly or month ly go into the field and observe the infrastructure. This can keep the quality of water from being degraded due to illegal connections from neighboring slums. To go into the slums with the intent to monitor and maintain the expensive infrastructure impleme nted, this allows for more interaction between service providers and those who benefit from the service. Reasons for low performance are identified as poor project conceptualization and design, and insufficient stakeholder involvement (Das Gupta et al., 20 05, pp. 395). 1 2 .2 Communication and Transparency between Stakeholders What DWASA can communicate to slum dwellers are the condi tions of the water (e.g. high iron), and the reasons for these conditions What can be helpful are techniques taught to slum dwellers from NGOs, like WaterAid, regardin g treatment of these conditions Communicating information about issues like the shallowing groundwater table with the slum dwellers would be a step forward in transparency This can be done in the short term. A princip al
62 issue is that i ron is highly prevalent in natural systems including groundwater because it is the "second most abundant metal in the earth's crust ( WHO, 2003, pp. 1 ) ". W hen the groundwater table is lowered, nitrate leaching takes place an d aeration of iron containing layers in the soil can affect the quality of both groundwater and surface water. Groundwater depletion comes from the over pumping of groundwater, which results from supporting the increasing population of Bangladesh. The impa cts are exacerbated by climate change. This dissolution of iron can occur because of oxidation and decrease in pH (World Health Organization, 2003). What is already being done in the long term to combat the groundwater table declining is the gradual change from groundwater dependency to surface water treatment plants. DWASA already has projects (Media New Age Ltd., 2017; DWASA interview) and grant funding lined up to get this to be a reality. No timeline was provided during the interview though Additional ly, it is important to look forward into the impacts of infrastructure failure because iron is often used as a construction material for drinking water pipes. If not monitored and managed properly, iron can leach into the water supply from this as well. 1 2 After the major noteworthy project is done, stakeholders usually have a "phase out" period where they move onto another region and remove themselves from the communi ty in which they were working This moti vates the communities in these slums to work together so the system that is left can be sustainable. CBO of Ward 19 President informed me of a CBO Network that meets only twice a year but "does not get much done ( CBO Ward 19 interview, 2017 ) ". As previousl y stated, CBOs are agencies borne out of the struggles of social movements and nurtured on an ideology of advocacy and empowerment (Altman, 1994). Organizations exist in social systems (Rogers, 1971), which are structured networks of relationships and inte rdependencies sometimes
63 referred to as "organizational fields" (DiMaggio & Powell, 1983). Organization al fields are further characterized by symmetrical and asymmetrical inter organizational relationships. Currently, the CBOs of Bangladesh Slum wards are o perating as asymmetrical relationships, driven by power and dependence. My recommendation is to shift more towards collaborative relationships, characterized by cooperation and reciprocal exchange. CBOs play a critical role in an organizations growth and s urvival, and the growth and survival of the interests of the groups. In conclusion, if there is more interaction betw een CBO Ward 19 and CBO Ward 20, there can be improvements in the performance of the organizations and the ability of the organizations to survive and thrive supporting other initiatives than water provision. 12.4 Continuation of Hygiene programs Continuation of programs and workshops that serve to teach people about their water supply and hygiene habits have proven to be successful. When int erviewing WaterAid Bangladesh, besides infrastructure implementation, they described focusing on hygiene practices and hosting workshops. I was introduced to the different methods that are used within a community setting, such as word of mouth and pictures For drinking water, t he habits that are encouraged are handwashing, covering the container, cleaning containers regularly, placing the container on higher grounds off the ground, and treatment like boiling or sifting. WaterAid emphasizes "Access to impro ved water and sanitation should be a central element of health strategies as the most cost effective prevention measures against water borne diseases which, for the poor, are the most prevalent sources of morbidity and death especially for children." (Euro pean Commission Programming Guide for Strategy Papers Water and Sanitation). These workshops are necessary because they promote public health which focuses on preventative methods before responding to infectious disease
64 13. Cross Discipline Considerati ons The themes of this paper coincide heavily with Sustainable Development Goals 6: Clean Water and Sanitation and Goal 11: Sustainable Cities and Communities. This section is to emphasize the connection between the problems of water service provision in slums and low income communities on a cross discipline scale. The following includes other SDG's that are applicable. 1 3 .1 Sustainable Development Goal 3 focuses on good health and w ellbeing, specifically ensuring healthy lives and promoting well being for all at all ages. The correlation between this SDG and the topics covered in this paper is the imp acts of lack of safe water on infectious diseases and mortality. A major risk factor for infectious diseases and mortality is the lack of safe water, sanit ation, and hygiene (WASH) services, which disproportionately affects sub Saharan Africa and Central/Southern Asia. Death rates owing to the lack of WASH services in those two regions were 46 and 23 per 100,000 people, respectively, compared to 12 per 100,0 00 people globally in 2012. 1 3 .2 Sustainable Development Goal 13 focuses on climate action, specifically taking urgent action to combat climate change and its impacts. The correlation between this SDG and the topics covered in this paper is the impacts o f groundwater resource extraction on the water table, especially without a proper system of adequate filtration. This was not touched upon in the pape r but is still worth mentioning. T he vulnerability of the slum Figure 22 SDG 6 icon Figure 23 SDG 11 Icon Figure 24 SDG 3 Icon Figure 25 SDG 13 Icon
65 dwellers is high already, with lack of acce ss to public services and resource. Climate change, the phenomena the rich man created but the poor man endures, impacts the slum d wellers in Bangladesh through extreme weather events like flooding, river erosion, drought, and cyclones. The greater the pop ulation of Bangladesh becomes, the more pressure is put on its resources. This will only expedite the impacts of climate change 1 3 .3 Sustainable Development Goal 16 focuses on peace, justice, and s trong institutions. Without peace, stability, human ri gh ts, and effective governance based on the rule of law we cannot hope for sustainable development. The evident power dynamics of Korail Slum between the politically influential and violent informal service providers, the mastaan and slum dwellers, beg t he question of how they can move forward? Of the 180 ranks within the Corruption Perceptions Index of 2017 (higher the number, higher the corruption of the country), Bangladesh is number 143 indicating extreme corruption in government and politics. This c orruption will perpetuate unequal power dynamics on the local level because the mastaan take advantage of the wide existence of impunity throughout the penal and judicial systems In particular relationship with this project, besides bottom up changes bein g started by CBOs and being facilitated by nonprofits there must also be changes produced from top down approaches. Figure 26 SDG 16 Icon
66 14. Conclusion There is no perfect water service provision system, but it is undeniable that water is a basic human right. Water is a resour ce that can only improve one's life if provided with an adequate supply ensuring accessibility, affordability, and safety following the World Health heightened troubles ranging from lack of funds and proper infrastructure, to poor governance when it comes to water service provision. This problem is exacerbated when there are rapid rates of population growth and urbanization. These characteristics are of Korail sl um in Dhaka, Bangladesh. As the basis of my master's field practicum, this research focused on water service water sources from the local service provider, DWASA. Specifically, Ward 19 was receiving these services and neighboring Ward 20 was still operating under the previous system in which illegal water vendors, the mastaan were tapping into the existing water infrastructure in neighboring wards to sell to them at an extremely inflated price. This infiltration and rerouting of the water supply between the two wards is a key reason for the increasing sediment levels in the water supply for both wards of the Korail slum. Moreover, ward 20 is receiving not onl y poor quality water, but is still paying higher fees for a l esser quantity of water. Another reason for the increasing levels of sediment (iron) in the water supply is because the water table is declining due to the extraction of groundwater supply. The g round water supply is not being quickly replenished due to climate change impacts In response to these issues, DWASA is investing in surface water treatment plants and research.
67 Another objective of this study focused on the collaboration between stakeho lders ( DWASA NGOs, CBOs, slum dwellers) and how to improve the previous paradigm that limited basic services from reaching slum dwellers due to their location and lack of tenure. Efficiency and sustainability of the formal water system in the slum can be prolonged if the communication between neighboring CBOs increased from one unproductive meeting per year to collaborative and supportive measures being produced through meeting monthly. This can be facilitated by conflict management nonprofits. Another are a for improvement is the communication and transparency between stakeholders for accountability in environmental deci sion making (Chan et al., 2016, pp.9). Recommendations for the system currently in place include regular infrastructure maint enance by ser vice providers, monitoring by residents, a relationship between community based organizations of neighboring wards that emphasize cooperation and reciprocal exchange, and the continuation of programs and workshops that serve to teach people about their wat er supply and hygiene habits. Stakeholders have the potential to make the DWASA and Bangladeshi g overnment goal of bringing formal water supplies to all low income communities by 2018 a reality. Recommendations to do more than just create a sus tainable system demands more engagement by local and national political leaders and the limitation of corruption in governance. Bringing services to slums allows for the enhanced livelihood of people, but the main impediment is that underlying econom ic and social s ystem injustices allow for the formation of slums. My final recommendation is the plea for proper governance to eliminate power dynamics and encourage agency and inclusion in important decisions to increase affordable housing and economic opportunities for slum dwellers.
68 Neerapod pani paan korbo, shushtho shundor jeebon gorbo We will drink safe water, we will live healthy and beautiful lives Figure 27 Photo: Mother in slum using water supply for daily activities (N, Ahmed. 2017)
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81 16. Appendix 16.1 Questions for Semi Structured Interviews BRAC Institute of Governance and Development BRAC University Needs Assessment of Kor ail Slum for Equitable Water Supply Semi Structured Interviews (2017) Name : Interview Code : Signature : Date : __ __/__ __/__ __ [ Day/ Month/Year] Starting time : Ending time : General information: Name of the responde nt : Age : Sex : Male Female Occupation : : House Street Street (No & Name) Ward : : : : P/S : City Corporation : DNCC DSCC Contact no : Consent of the respondent BRAC Institute of Governance and Development (B IGD) is going to conduct a research on Water Supply/ Quality problems in Korail Slum for a Needs Assessment. In order to collect information for research purposes, some respondents have been selected rando mly. You are one of the selected respondents. I wi ll ask you the following questions to understand your household's experiences and perception about water availability, quality, affordability, and stakeholder impact on the issue of equitable access to drinking water. We wil l use this information only for research purposes and assure you of confidentiality. The survey will take 20 30 minutes and participation is voluntary. It will not benefit nor harm you or put you in risk. You can stop providing information any time. If anything is unclear you can ask que stions about this survey at any time, do you agree to participate? Yes No
83 Needs Assessment For Korail Slum Code Age Sex Occupation Origin Time of Duration in Korail Marital Status Literacy Level Household Size # Children Age # Adults Age Household Income Household Expenditure Earner BD Taka/ month How Service BD Taka/ Month Respondent Water Spouse Gas Children Electricity Other Education Housing/ Rent Health Cable 1. Water Availability A) Source 1A. What is th e main source of water in your household? Drinking water All other use Tubewell in compound Tubewell located in neighborhood Piped water in house supplied by WASA Piped water in house connected to tubewell Other 2A. Who manages water source? 3A. Who cleans water source? 4A. How are these cleaned? B) Quantity Use 1B. What do you use water for and how much? 2B. Water Bill Amount: USE L./ Day L./ Week taka/month Drink ing Cooking Cleaning Showering
84 3B. What drinking water facilities do you have? # Water Pumps # People Use it C) Scarcity 1C. Rate the availability of piped water supply in your house: Always Most of the t ime Sometimes Never 2C. One average, how many hours in a day do you get water? # hours 3C. Normally, is the water pressure adequate? Yes Explain No 4C. Do you face any seasonal scarcity? Yes Explain No 5C. Which Sea son? Winter (Nov Feb) Summer (March June) Rainy Season (July Oct) 6C. Have you ever made a complaint in your drinking water in the past? Yes To Whom? No 7C. Result of complaint: Prompt Action Delayed Action No Action No complai nts 2. Water Quality D) Physical Characteristics 1D. Do you think Water quality is satisfactory? Yes No 2D. Describe Physical characteristics of your drinking water supply: Y/N Color Y/N Taste Y/N Smell clear no particu lar taste no smell partly muddy salty/ iron foul smell muddy brownish E) Health Impacts 1E. How many times have you or a household member experienced the following: Time Self HH Diarrhea Fever Coughing Skin Rash 1 Month 3 M onths 6 Months F) Treatment 1F. Do you treat your drinking water? Yes How No 2F. How did you know to boil your water? 3F. Do you have equipment to make water quality better: water softener, purification tablets, filter? Yes No 4F. Do you want/ need any equipment? Yes # No
85 3. Water Affordability Water Bill Amount: taka/month Are you satisfied with the amount of money you are paying for water? Yes No Why 4. Stakeholder Impact What changes in water supply do you want in Korail Slum?
86 16.1.1 Core Questions on Drinking Water and Sanitation for Household Surveys (WHO/UNICEF Joint Monitoring Program, 2006)
90 16.1.2 Quality of service and infrastructure survey ( BRAC Institute of Governance and Development. ) E. Quality of service and infrastructure 3 E1: Water Supply 4. 5 1. What is the main source of water in your household? Drinking water All other use 1. Tubewell located in my compound 1. Tubewell located in my compound 2. Tubewell located in my neighborhood 2. Tubewell located in my neighborhood 3. Piped water in my house suppl ied by WASA 3. Piped water in my house supplied by WASA 4. Piped water in my house connected to borewell 4. Piped water in my house connected to borewell 5. Tap located in my neighborhood 5. Tap located in my neighborhood 6. WASA pump station 6. WASA pump station 7. Ot hers 7. Others (Skip to next section unless they choose 3 & 4 for any of the two options) 1. 2. How available is the piped water supply in your house? 1 2 3 4 Always (Go to Q4) Most of the time Some time Almost unavailable 2. 3. On average, how many hours in a day 3. 4. Normally, is the water pressure adequate? a) Yes b) No 4. 5. As you have stated that you face some sort of water scarcity in your house, why do you think this happens? pply water regularly 1 water 2 Both 3 9 5. 6. Now other than the regular water supply, do you face any seasonal scarcity? (By seasonal scarcity w e mean if there is any specific month/s where the water supply is more scarce compared to other months)
91 a) Yes b) No (go to Q8) 6. 7. If yes, which seasons do you face scarcity? a) Winter (Nov Feb) b) Summer (March June) C) Rainy Season (July Oct) 7. 8. In cas e the water supply goes off in a certain day, do you get any prior information/ notice? a) Yes b) No 8. 9. Other than the regular water scarcity or seasonal changes, during the last 12 month was there any major related water related problem in your household? a) Yes b) No (skip to 12) 9. 10. 10. 11. a) Among the total, how many times it happened due to supply related problem with b) Among the total, how many times it happened due to some flaws in the water connection in the 11. 12. 12. 13. Do you think the payment you make for water is reasonable in your case? a) Yes b) No know 13. 14. Do you think water quality is satisfactory? a) Yes (go to Q16) b) No 14. 15. If no, what is the problem with the quality of water? Color Taste Smell a)Clear b) Partly Muddy c) Muddy (Brownish) a) No particular taste b) Salty c) Ot hers (Specify)_________ a) No Smell b) Foul Smell 15. 16. For owner/ landlord only (If renter go to Q17) If you face any problem regarding the piped water supply with WASA, what do you do usually? i. I report directly to the WASA ii. I try to fix it through myse lf iii. I try to fix it through someone I know at WASA How quickly does it get solved i. a) very quickly b) quickly c) Not quickly d) Not at all quickly
92 ii. If you call someone you know at WASA? a) very quickly b) quickly c) Not quickly d) Not at all quick ly Do you have to make any payment to solve the problem? a) Yes b) No
93 16. 2: Stakeholder Interview Questionnaire Name: Phone Number: Position: Organization: NGO Begin dat e: What was water supply/ water conditions in Korail Slum like when you first arrived? What has organization provided for Korail Bosti (what has changed) in terms of water supply ? Legal water connections clean drinking water Toil ets/ hygienic facilities Primary Schools Other What is next for this community for water supply/ conditions? How long will it take? What more needs to be done wi th the water supply/ conditions? This survey was to be sent to stakeholders prior to interview. During interview more questions were asked consistently for all stakeholders. These focused on: history of the organization, policies of the organization, acti ons taken, and relationships between different stakeholders. When discussing the following listed, interests and level of influence were implied through actions taken. Some raw findings from semi structured interviews with slum dwellers were discussed wit h stakeholders to ask clarifying questions regarding water supply and water provision.
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mods:abstract displayLabel Abstract Urbanization is a growing trend in developing countries as a result of a major rural-urban migration, which can be attributed to a rise in economic opportunities. This rapid population expansion has led to denser and larger slums. Water service provision is, consequently, now in deeper demand than in years past. Historically, lacking formal housing meant no access to public services like water, electricity, and sanitation services. The local non-governmental organization (NGO) Dushtha Shasthya Kendra (DSK) has worked since the mid-1990's to bring legal water connections to slums in an effort to reduce poverty. The Bangladeshi government, partnering with the public water authority Dhaka Water Supply and Sanitation Authority (DWASA), have put forth a national developmental target for systems of formal water provision in urban slums by the end of 2018 (AFD, 2018). Today, with help from other NGOs like WaterAid and the formation of community-based organizations (CBOs) within slum wards, slum dwellers are able to organize and request legal water connections from DWASA if they can prove non-transient behavior and produce the funding. However, some slum dwellers find it harder than others to do this due to the social pressures of power dynamics and exploitation from informal service providers, known as the mastaan in Bangladesh. These groups' operations prevent slums from adopting formal water provision systems. The corruption has been prolonged by the lack of stakeholder collaboration between CBOs in the neighboring wards, inhibiting slum dwellers from organizing efficiently. The main recommendations for this study include building stronger relationships between neighboring CBOs to improve the sustainable challenge of access to a formal drinking water supply in urban slums. This can pave the way for a healthier livelihood of slum dwellers. It is also imperative
to have collaborative efforts in water governance from all stakeholders from the local to the national level to ensure all peoples have adequate, safe, and affordable housing and basic services in order to upgrade slums.
mods:classification authority lcc LD1780.1 2018
mods:genre marcgt government publication (state, provincial, terriorial, dependent)
mods:identifier type ALEPH 036752170
mods:languageTerm text English
code iso639-2b eng
mods:namePart Ahmed, Nazmi Ishti
given Nazmi Ishti
mods:roleTerm Main Entity
mods:note bibliography Includes bibliographical references.
statement of responsibility by Nazmi Ishti Ahmed.
Major departments: Latin American Studies, African Studies.
Major: Sustainable Development Practice.
Advisor: Jawitz, James.
Committee member: Silver, Christopher.
Committee member: Porzecanski, Ignacio.
Committee member: George O'Connor.
The MDP Program is administered jointly by the Center for Latin American Studies and the Center for African Studies.
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mods:dateIssued marc point start 2018
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mods:recordOrigin Imported from (ALEPH)036752170
mods:recordContentSource University of Florida
mods:extent 1 online resource (102 pages) : illustrations ;
mods:topic Sustainable Development Practice field practicum final report, M.D.P
mods:title Urbanization and equitable service delivery
mods:subTitle an analysis of water supply in Korail Slum Dhaka, Bangladesh
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