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Empire in transition

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Title:
Empire in transition the Portuguese world in the time of Camões
Series Title:
The Florida and the Caribbean Open Books Series
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Hower, Alfred, 1915- ( editor )
Preto-Rodas, Richard A. ( editor )
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Gainesville, Fla.
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Portuguese
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1 online resource (254 pages) : illustrations, map. ;

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1385-1580 ( fast )
Portuguese philology ( lcsh )
Portuguese philology ( fast )
History -- Portugal -- Period of discoveries, 1385-1580 ( lcsh )
Histoire -- Portugal -- 1385-1580 (Période des découvertes) ( rvm )
Portugal ( fast )
Portugal -- History -- Period of discoveries, 1385-1580
Portuguese philology
Camões, Luís de, 1524?-1580 ( fast )
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History. ( fast )
bibliography ( marcgt )
non-fiction ( marcgt )
History ( fast )

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Includes bibliographical references.
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English and Portuguese.
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Funded through the Humanities Open Book, which is jointly sponsored by the National Endowment for the Humanities (NEH) and the Andrew W. Mellon Foundation.
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edited by Alfred Hower and Richard A. Preto-Rodas.

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Empire in Transition

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Empire in TransitionThe Portuguese World in the Time of Cames r f-LibraryPress@UFnt, b

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Reissued by LibraryPress@UF on behalf of the University of Florida is work is licensed under aCreative Commons Attribution-NoncommercialNo Derivative Works. Unported License. To view a copy of this license, visithttps:// cr e ativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-nd/./.You are free to electronically copy, distribute, and transmit this work if you attribute authorship.Please contactthe University P r ess of Florida (http://upress.u.edu)to purchase printeditions of the work. You must attribute the work in the manner specied by the author or licensor (but not in any way that suggests that they endorse you or your use of the work). For any reuse or distribu tion, you must make clear to others the license terms of this work. Any of the above co n ditions can be waived if youreceivepermission from the UniversityPress of Florida. Nothing in this license impairs or restricts the authors moral rights. ISBN ---(pbk.) ISBN ---(ePub) LibraryPress@UF is an imprint of the University of Florida Press. University of Florida Press Northwest th Street Gainesville, FL http://upress.u.edu Cover : Map of the West Indies, published in Philadelphia, From the Caribbean Maps collection in the University of Florida Digital Collections at the George A. Smathers Libraries.

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The Florida and the Caribbean Open Books SeriesIn the University Press of Florida, in collaboration with the George A. Smathers Libraries of the University of Florida, received a grant from the National Endowment for the Humanities and the Andrew W. Mel lon Foundation, under the Humanities Open Books program, to repub lish books related to Florida and the Caribbean and to make them freely ava i lable through an open access platform. e resulting list of books is the Florida and the Caribbean Open Books Series published by the Li braryPress@UF in collaboration with the University of Florida Press, an imp r int of the University Press of Florida. A panel of distinguished schol ars has selected the series titles from the UPF list, identied as essential r e adin g for scholars and students. e ser ies is composed of titles that showcase a long, distinguished history of publishing works of Latin American and Caribbean scholar ship that connect through generations and places. e breadth and depth of t h e list demonstrates Floridas commitment to transnational history and regional studies. Selected reprints include Daniel Brintons A GuideBook of Florida and the South (), Cornelis Goslingas e Dutch in the Caribbean and on the Wild Coast, ( ), and Nelson Blakes Land into WaterWater into Land (). Also of note are titles from the Bicentennial Floridiana Facsimile Series. e series, published in in commemoration of Americas bicentenary, comprises twenty-ve books regarded as classics, out-of-print works that needed to be in more librar ies and readers bookcases, including Sidney Laniers Florida: It s S ce n ery, Climate, an d H istory () and Silvia Sunshines Petals P lucked from Sunn y Climes (). Tod ays readers will benet from having free and open access to these works, as they provide unique perspectives on the historical scholarship

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on Florida and the Caribbean and serve as a foundation upon which to days researchers can build. Vi si t LibraryPress@UF and the Florida and the Caribbean Open Books Series at http://ufdc.u.edu/librarypress .Florida and the Caribbean Open Books Series Project Members@ Judith C. Russell Laurie N. Taylor Brian W. Keith Chelsea Dinsmore Haven Hawley r Gary R. Mormino David Colburn Patrick J. Reakes f Meredith M. Babb Linda Bathgate Michele Fiyak-Burkley Romi Gutierrez Larry Leshan Anja Jimenez Marisol Amador Valerie Melina Jane Pollack Danny Duy Nichole Manosh Erika Stevens

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is book is reissued as part of the Humanities Open Books program, funded by a grant from the National Endowment for the Humanities and the Andrew W. Mellon Foundation.

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Contents Preface, vii Introduction, xi I. The Portuguese in Europe A View of Portugal in the Time of Camoes by A. H. de Oliveira Marques 3 A Prince of Our Disorder: "Good Kingship" in Camoes, Couto, and Manuel de Melo by Peter Pother gill-Payne 12 Uriel-Gabriel da Costa: Heir to the Rationalism of the Portuguese Renaissance by Richard A. Preto-Rodas 22 II. The Portuguese in Brazil The Victory of the Portuguese Language in Colonial Brazil by Jose Honorio R odrigues 3 3 An Epic Birth Certificate: Pero Vaz de Caminha's Carta to Dom Manuel by Irwin Stern 65 "Estes Tern Alma como Nos?": Manuel da Nobrega's View of the Brazilian Indians by Fred Gillette Sturm 72 Estrutura e Temas da Prosopopeia de Bento Teixeira by Frederick C. H. Garcia 83 III. The Portuguese in Africa and Asia Grumbling Veterans of an Empire by Gerald M. Moser 97 The Portuguese Asian "Decadencia," Revisited by George Winius 106

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VI Contents Angola in the Sixteenth Century: Um Mundo que o Portugues Encontrou by Joseph C.Miller 118 IV. Camoes: A Man for All Centuries Camoes perante o Portugal do Seu Tempo by Jose Sebastido da Silva Dias 135 Cultura e Sociedade na Infancia e Adolescencia de Camoes by Graga Silva Dias 155 On the Title of The Lusiads by Harold V. Livermore 164 Gil Vicente's Vision of India and Its Ironic Echo in Camoes's "Velho do Restelo" by Jack E. Tomlins 170 The Theme of Amphitryon in Luis de Camoes and Hernan Perez de Oliva by Rene Conception 177 The Place of Camoes in the European Cultural Con science by William Melczer 195 Camoes and Some of His Readers in American Im prints of Lord Strangford's Translation in the Nine teenth Century by Norwood Andrews, Jr. 204 Os Lusiadas e Os Maias: um Binomio Portugues? by Alberto de Lacerda 219 Contributors, 231

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Preface THE EIGHTEEN papers in this volumefourteen in English and four in Portugueserepresent a selection of those presented at the international multidisciplinary conference on the subject "The Portuguese World in the Time of Camoes: Sixteenth-Century Por tugal, Brazil, Portuguese Africa, and Portuguese Asia," held at the University of Florida September 29-October 1, 1980. Commemorat ing the four-hundredth anniversary of the death of the great Por tuguese poet Luis de Camoes, it was the thirtieth annual conference sponsored by the University of Florida's Center for Latin American Studies, and it marked the beginning of the fiftieth year of Latin American studies as an organized program at the university. Additional support for the conference was provided by the Calouste Gulbenkian Foundation in Lisbon, the Portuguese and Bra zilian embassies in Washington, the American Portuguese Society in New York, and the University of Florida's Center for African Studies, College of Liberal Arts and Sciences, Department of History, De partment of Romance Languages and Literatures, and BrazilianPortuguese Club. Fifty-one persons, representing twenty-eight academic institu tions in Portugal, Brazil, Canada, the Netherlands, and the United States, participated in the conference as speakers, chairpersons, or commentators. The conference was organized and directed by Alfred Hower, professor of Portuguese, with the assistance of a committee composed of R. Hunt Davis, Jr., director of the Center for African Studies; David A. Denslow, associate professor of economics; Elsbeth Gordon, director of Grinter Galleries; Nancy Macaulay of Micanopy, Florida; Lyle N. McAlister, distinguished service professor of history; Terry L. McCoy, associate director of the Center for Latin American vii

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Vlll Preface Studies; Glaucio Ary Dillon Soares, professor of sociology and Latin American Studies; Charles Wagley, graduate research professor of an thropology; and Ruben Garcia, assistant professor of Portuguese, who served as secretary. The conference was opened by Robert Q. Marston, president of the University of Florida, and Helen I. Safa, di rector of the Center for Latin American Studies. Professors Davis, Denslow, McAlister, Soares, Wagley, and Garcia also served as chairpersons or commentators at the various confer ence sessions, as did the following members of the University of Flor ida faculty: Charles F. Sidman, dean of the College of Liberal Arts and Sciences; Neil W. Macaulay, Jr., professor of history; Maxine Margolis, associate professor of anthropology; Marianne Schmink, assistant professor of Latin American studies; Rene Lemarchand, professor of political science; Harry W. Paul, professor of history; Sidney R. Homan, associate professor of English; Andrew M. Gordon, associate professor of English; and Charles H. Wood, associate professor of sociology. The following scholars from other universities also contributed their valuable services as chairpersons or commentators: Fred Clark, University of North Carolina; Douglas Wheeler, University of New Hampshire; John B. Jensen, Florida International University; Jane Malinoff Kamide, University of Iowa, now at the Universidade de Londrina, Parana, Brazil; Ernest Rehder, Florida State University; Gerald M. Moser, Pennsylvania State University, emeritus; Cleon Cap-sas, University of South Florida; and Richard A. Preto-Rodas, Univer sity of Illinois, now at the University of South Florida. The following papers contributed strongly to the conference but for various reasons could not be included in the present volume: "Ciencia e Humanismo no Seculo XVI PortuguesA Proposito da Dicotomia Althusseriana de J. Barradas de Carvalho," by Onesimo T Al meida (Brown University); "The Case of an Italian Dom Sebastiao" by Vicente Almazan (Wayne State University); "The Anecdote / Memoir Tradition in Sixteenth-Century Portugal," by Christopher C. Lund (Rutgers University); "The Social and Regional Impact of the Coimbra Inquisition in the Sixteenth Century," by Jose do Nascimento Raposo (McMaster University); "Os Portugueses na America do Norte do Sec ulo XVI" by Victor Pereira da Rosa (University of Ottawa); "Men under Stress: An Interdisciplinary Approach to the Social and Psy chological Aspects of the Carreira da India," by A.J.R. Russell-Wood (Johns Hopkins University); "O Tema do Desconcerto na Lirica de Camoes," by Marie Sovereign (Pompano Beach, Florida); "A Study of

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Preface IX Military Leadership: The 'Sargento-Mor' in Colonial Brazil," by David Tengwall (Anne Arundel Community College, Arnold, Maryland). In addition to the papers and the discussions that followed, the conference program included a number of events designed to acquaint the university and city community with various aspects of Portuguese and Brazilian culture: a concert of Renaissance music of Portugal pro vided by the Calouste Gulbenkian Foundation and performed by the University's Renaissance Ensemble under the direction of Professor John S. Kitts; an exhibition of "Colonial and Modern Brazilian Archi tecture" with photographs by Roy C. Craven, director of the Univer sity Gallery, arranged by Elsbeth Gordon; a documentary film on Manueline art and architecture, "Visions of Stone," produced by John Mackenzie, Jr., and provided through the courtesy of the American Portuguese Society; a bilingual reading of his own poetry by the dis tinguished Portuguese poet Alberto de Lacerda; an exhibit by the University Libraries of works by and about Camoes and other materi als pertinent to the subject of the conference; special radio programs featuring Brazilian and Portuguese classical music presented on the university's FM station; and a buffet dinner organized by Nancy Macaulay, which included Brazilian and Portuguese food furnished by the respective embassies and the Portuguese Wine Information Bu reau in New York (courtesy of Mr. Jose F. Antas, director). The papers in this volume appear substantially as submitted by the authors, with minor editorial revisions; because of an unavoidable delay in publication, several have been updated where necessary. They are presented in the language in which they were written with the exception of the one by Jose Honorio Rodrigues, which has been translated from Portuguese into English with the author's approval and aid. Special thanks for their contributions to the conference are hereby extended to Jose Blanco, trustee of the Calouste Gulbenkian Founda tion; Luis Amorim de Sousa, press counselor and cultural affairs officer of the Portuguese Embassy; Luis Felipe de Seixas Correa, cul tural affairs officer of the Brazilian Embassy; William Henderson, sec retary of the American Portuguese Society; Ivan A. Schulman, for mer director of the University's Center for Latin American Studies, now of Wayne State University; Professors Charles Wagley, Lyle N. McAlister, Neil W. Macaulay, and Ruben Garcia for their helpful counsel; Helen I. Safa arid Terry L. McCoy, director and associate di rector, respectively, of the Center for Latin American Studies for their constant support; and all those who participated in the confer-

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X Preface ence. The generous contribution of the Calouste Gulbenkian Founda tion in Lisbon toward publication of this book is deeply appreciated. Finally, the editors wish to dedicate their efforts in the organiza tion of the conference and production of this book to their parents: To Manuel and Beatrice Preto-Rodas and in memory of Louis and Bertha Hower A.H.

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Introduction THERE is little doubt that the High Renaissance ushered in a pe riod of bright expectations for Portugal. With a maritime route firmly established to the Far East, trading centers dotting the entire African coast, and a vast new world beyond the western horizon, six teenth-century Portuguese understandably saw themselves as the spir itual heirs of Imperial Rome. Closer to home, Portuguese students and scholars actively participated in the rebirth of classical lore and the development of a humanistic outlook in such important academic centers as Paris, Salamanca, and Bologna. By the middle of the six teenth century, repatriated Portuguese scholars like the Gouveias, their numbers swollen with foreigners directly hired by the Crown, were busily promoting the cause of humanistic research at the Univer sity of Coimbra's newly established Arts College. Throughout the kingdom, urban life was flourishing and there prevailed an air of lively curiosity.1 Perhaps the best example of such promise is provided by Damiao de Gois whose healthy patriotism was enhanced by a gen erous spirit of toleration for other cultures, from Lapland to Ethiopia.2 Within a scant generation, however, bright expectations had been dashed and the survival of national autonomy itself was in jeopardy. By the end of the sixteenth century the nature and character of the Renaissance in Portugal, including its intellectual foundations and global reach, had undergone a profound shift. The Arts College at Coimbra was no more, and former luminaries like Damiao de Gois were at least isolated or, at worst, persecuted for their independence of thought. The combination of missionary zeal and chivalric ad venture that once sparked the expansion to the Far East had been sundered by bureaucratic incompetence and petty rivalry. For the progressively younger defenders of Lusitanian interests, only greed remained as a motive. Inherited privilege and an appearance of relixi

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Xll Introduction gious orthodoxy gradually displaced valor and intelligence as condi tions for social advancement. Certainly the most eloquent expression of this crucial period in Portugal's history is found in the works of Luis de Camoes. Imbued with humanistic values, endowed with a genius equal to the erudition of his time, and inspired by dreams of imperial grandeur, Camoes was no less aware of the shortcomings of empire and the heavy de mands it imposed on the limited resources of his people. The tensions of sixteenth-century Portugal that countered idealism with cynicism, hope with suspicion, and splendor with squalor appear everywhere in his poetry and letters. To be sure, positive factors tend to outweigh a negative point of view just as they did elsewhere in Portuguese society, at least until mid-century, but a cautionary note can be heard in his works just as the same note leaves an echo throughout even the most promising years of the sixteenth century. The very same Andre de Resende who provided Camoes with the term Lusiadas to designate his countrymen, a term redolent of classical antiquity and heroic stature, had also upbraided the Portuguese for their sloth and provincial back wardness in his Oratio por Rostris (1534).3 Similarly, independence of thought and respect for reason, which mark the writings of Damiao de Gois or Sa de Miranda, both conspicuous contributors to the hu manism that characterized Camoes's outlook, coexist With the estab lishment of the Inquisition and an increasing insistence on the ideo logical conformity demanded by Counter-Reformation Catholicism. The reader of these proceedings will have ample opportunity to appreciate the cultural polarities of the sixteenth-century Portuguese world. Thus, the grandeur usually associated with the seat of empire is hardly evident in the jaundiced view of an Italian visitor to Portugal as reported by Professor Antonio H. Oliveira Marques, and the role of a competent monarch is obviously more ideal than real as can be seen in Professor Fothergill-Payne's essay on good kingship. On the other hand, an unusually independent thinker can be found well be yond the High Renaissance despite the vicissitudes of religious per secution and exile, as is apparent in the paper concerning UrielGabriel da Costa. Renaissance curiosity and humanistic tolerance combine with emulation of classical literary standards to produce the epic character istics of Pero Vaz de Caminha's Carta, which is analyzed by Professor Stern. The ethnocentric side of the sixteenth-century coin, however, is suggested by Professor Sturm's analysis of Manuel da Nobrega's re vealing query concerning Brazilian natives: "Estes tern alma como nos?" Camoes's own prestige as a literary model and an example of the

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Introduction Xlll classical norms so dear to Renaissance writers is central to an under standing of the stirrings of a new literature in the exotic setting of Pernambuco, as we read in Professor Garcia's study concerning Bento Teixeira's Prosopopeia. But the very survival of Portuguese as the lan guage of Brazil hung in the balance until well into the eighteenth cen tury, as Professor Honorio Rodrigues demonstrates. The tension between panegyric and misgiving that underlies Camoes's epic poem appears in a new light after one reads the papers of Professors Moser and Winius, which deal with the Portuguese pres ence in Asia. Whatever else may be said of Lusitanian mismanage ment and noble intentions gone awry, no one can fault Camoes's con temporaries with being naively unaware of a deteriorating situation. That the very concept of a civilizing mission is a debatable one is sug gested by Professor Miller's paper on Angola. Here one finds not an inchoate world subsequently developed by the Portuguese but rather a sophisticated society fully formed when initially encountered by Lusitanian navigators in search of their route to the East. In Camoes's own works one finds the coexistence of incongruities in the poet's reverence for traditional standards and official ideology coupled with a hearty respect for the rough and tumble of harsh real ity that tends to mock such standards and ideology. Not surpisingly, therefore, his public from the sixteenth century to our time has re flected a variety of interpretations and critical perspectives. Professor Melczer's paper underlines the poet's abiding significance for Euro pean readers of varying persuasions throughout modern history. In deed, only a truly universal appeal could explain Camoes' curious sur vival in American towns and villages in the nineteenth century as recorded in Professor Andrews's investigations. Yet, our poet was de cidedly a child of his epoch, nurtured in the classics, as Professors Livermore and Conception point out, and loyal to his country's vision and sense of cultural mission, as depicted in the essays of both Pro fessors Silva Dias. Patriotism and religious allegiance, however, need not imply an unquestioning acceptance of prevailing social values. In Camoes one detects the ironic temper of Cervantes, another Iberian genius who similarly transcends his historical context.4 Both adhere to conven tional norms even while they find such norms inadequate and seem to suggest that anachronisms may often continue to provide question able direction in a new age. Certainly it is a mark of Camoes's genius that he succeeds in promulgating the glories of his people while none theless striking a dubious note with respect to national aspirations. The resulting irony explains both the venerable sage of Restelo and

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XIV Introduction Gil Vicente's parody of the Indian campaign, as we see in Professor Tomlins's paper. That such irony is a constant in Portuguese letters is pointed out by Professor Lacerda in his provocative essay linking Os Lusiadas with Ega de Queiros's monumental nineteenth-century novel, Os Maias. In these papers the reader will find that sincere expressions of high national principles hardly rule out mean-spirited policies and in eptitude. In Camoes, as in several other Portuguese and Spanish writ ers from the Renaissance to the present, one finds an uneasy alliance between the need for dreaming and inspiration and the no less imper ious need to maintain a critical point of view. In allowing for both fancy and sober objectivity, a priori ideals, and factual reality, Por tugal's national genius presages the birth of a peculiarly modern tem per, one which seems ever to be in transition.5 That such a temper found a place in sixteenth-century Portugal is hardly coincidental. Richard A. Preto-Rodas Notes 1. See Luis de Matos, "L'Humanisme portugais et ses relations avec l'Eu-rope," Bulletin des etudes portugaises 26 (1965): 45. 2. See Elizabeth Feist Hirsch, Damido de Gois: The Life and Thought of a Portuguese Humanist, 1502-1574 (The Hague, 1967). 3. See Odette Sauvage, LTtineraire Erasmien de Andre de Resende (1500 1573) (Paris, 1971). An annotated version of Oratio pro Rostris is found on pp. 99-137. 4. Whence the observation "Donde acaban [Los Lusiadas] empieza Don Quijote." See Ramiro de Maetzu, Don Quijote, Don Juan, y la Celestina (Buenos Aires, 1963), p. 46, and Antonio Jose Saraiva, "Os Lusiadas, O Quixote, e O Problema da Ideologia Oca" in Vertice 21 (1961): 391-404. 5. See Jorge de Sena, "Maneirismo e Barroquismo na Poesia Portuguesa dos Seculos XVI e XVII," Luso-Brazilian Review 2 (1965): 29. In his per ceptive analyses of the sixteenth century in general and of Camoes in particu lar, the late Professor Sena demonstrates the modernity of this period (in comparison with nineteenth-century Romanticism, for example): "ja que esses homens [i.e., seiscentistas] sabiam criticar-se a si mesmos." See his Uma Canqao de Camoes (Lisbon: Portugalia Editora, 1966), p. 317.

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I The Portuguese in Europe

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A View of Portugal in the Time of Camoes A. H. de Oliveira Marques SEVERAL YEARS ago, when looking for unpublished materials on Portugal, I found in a library in Germany a very interesting manu script. Its title was "Ritratto et Riverso del Regno di Portogallo" (Por trait and Reverse of the Kingdom of Portugal), and its probable date was the late sixteenth century, although the actual handwriting pointed to a seventeenth-century copy.1 I have not yet had the time to do extensive research on its author, who probably went to Portugal as a member of one of the many dele gations and missions from several Italian states which visited that country throughout the sixteenth century. I have not found him in the lists of voyages to Portugal by foreigners, published by several well-known historians and bibliographers. For several reasons, how ever, I believe he may have been a clergyman: he says not a word of criticism of the clergy, he praises the Inquisition, he hates the Jews, he virtually ignores women. Apparently he visited Portugal after the death of King Sebastian in 1578 but before the conquest of the coun try by Philip II of Spain in 1580. In one of his references he mentions "the Portuguese king who was very good and very holy"an appro priate description of old King Henry, uncle and successor of Sebas tian, who was a cardinal and, moreover, head of the Inquisition. This reference means that the author knew Portugal in 1579 or 1580, around the time of Camoes's death. He wrote in plain Italian, Tuscan, with some terms nowadays con sidered obsolete or local, and I have wondered whether a linguistic analysis could give us some evidence of his regional background in Italy. He divided his text into two parts, redacted as if they were re ports to somebody higher in the social hierarchy and written by 3

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4 A. H. de Oliveira Marques different persons. In the first part or the Portrait itself, he tries to give a factual, positive description of Portugal and the country's good aspects. But in the second part, the Reverse, he proceeds to turn over this picture and look at its other side, which depicts the bad qualities and the ugly aspects of the Portuguese and their country. He devotes a little more time to this Reversetwenty manuscript pages in a total of thirty-sevenwhich is, in fact, a terrible libel against Portugal and its people, whom he evidently despises beyond all measure. It will be helpful at this point to recall briefly the geographical as pects and the physical extension of the Portuguese empire at the time the manuscript was written.2 Built up from 1415 onward, the Por tuguese empire in 1580 was practically intact, having reached the peak of its extension and prosperity. Only in Morocco had the Por tuguese decided to abandon several towns and fortresses that were more costly than productive. Yet Ceuta, Arzila, and Mazagan and Tangiers remained Portuguese. Along the African and the Asian coasts, up to present Indonesia, Portugal owned a long chain of fortresses and trading centers, gener ally having very little surrounding territory. This was a deliberate pol icy, for Portugal did not have the demographic or military resources to master vast areas. Hers was a commercial, maritime empire rather than a territorial one. The author of our manuscript, however, seems unable to understand this. Faithful to the traditional idea of "em pire"which meant land possessed by a lordhe refers to the Por tuguese empire with disdain: "all they have is by the seashore with no penetration inland" and, consequently, "easy to lose." This is why, he adds, the sovereign of Portugal titles himself only as "king of the trade and navigation with those countries." He was partly correct. The offi cial titles of all Portuguese monarchs since Manuel I (early sixteenth century) were "King of Portugal and Algarves, both here and yonder in Africa, Lord of Guinea, Lord of the conquest, navigation, and com merce of Ethiopia, Arabia, Persia, and India." The only real "empire" the Portuguese had was Brazil. Our manu script correctly calls it a "province" divided into captaincies, some be longing to private lords and two of them to the Crown. The capital was Bahia, and Brazil's main products were correctly listed as sugar, cotton, leather, amber, and brazilwood. From Asia and Africa the Portuguese imported spices, drugs, textiles, cotton, indigo, gold, china, precious stones, etc. "It is unbelievable," our text says, "the amount of spices they bring, for the ships are loaded with pepper without using any sacks, in the way corn is loaded in Sicily. The transparent porcelains all come from there, and so do

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Portugal in the Time of Camoes 5 rubies, diamonds, pearls, and all the other precious stones. All the merchandise that arrives in Alexandria, Egypt, from the same coun tries by another way is not a millesimal part of what arrives here, and from where all the world is supplied"a correct statement, con firmed by every source. Yet the government was not rich. Everything was spent, and spent quickly, for maintaining fortresses and garrisons was expensive. Send ing the annual convoys of ships to India and Brazil was still more ex pensive. Salaries of civil servants, pensions, and subsidies to nobles and clients (Camoes, let us not forget, was one of the many who re ceived a yearly pension, called tenga), charitable works, gifts, embassies, dowries, luxury, building activities, and so on completely de pleted the royal treasury. From time to time the government ran into debt and had to pawn and mortgage the future by looking to the next year's revenues. Foreign and national creditors were many. Our manu script, however, gives us some more detailed causes for the state's debts such as bad administration and stealing: "All rob the king," it says, "even if they don't wish to." "All live from the king, all receive income from the king's income." Salaries were so low that even an honest servant was compelled to defraud the administration. This double tradition of Portuguese administration, involving a great number of poorly paid civil and military servants has continued al most until the present. In this matter, then, one can trust our manu script with respect to its account of the sixteenth century. The capital and main city of Portugal was Lisbon. One of the largest cities in Europe, Lisbon had several rich and beautiful churches and monasteries, besides some attractive and comfortable dwellings. Its most famous monuments were, as they still are, the monastery of Jeronimos and the tower of Belem, both built by Manuel I in the early sixteenth century. In spite of its pleasant climate and good air, Lisbon was not a very beautiful town. Its streets were neither broad nor straight nor clean, and its houses were not very impressive for their architecture. Such was the opinion of a late Renaissance man, sen sitive to new concepts in city building and city planning and used to them in his native country. It was only after the 1755 earthquake that a part of Lisbon was built according to a well-determined plan and with some regularity in the size and external aspect of the houses. Moreover, our author complains of the lack of sewers or canals that could take waste to the river and deplores the practice of discarding garbage into the streets. The smell was terrible, despite the extensive use of musk, amber, and benzoin. Traveling in those days was not easy. Although some of the rivers

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6 A.H.de Oliveira Marques were partly navigable, boats offered little comfort and one had to travel together with beasts and merchandise. Most Portuguese pre ferred to travel by land. The roads must not have been extremely bad, because our author, so often critical, neglects to mention their quality. Instead he sharply criticizes the lack of conveyances. There was no or ganized system of transport for passengers. If one had no horses of one's own, one had to ride on the same mules that carried bales of goods, bags, and all kinds of burdens, sitting with both legs to the same side. There were no carts, coaches, horses, or servants available, as there were in Italy. The lodging system was also very inconvenient. Hostels were lo cated too far apart. Often one had to stay the night in small cottages called "vendas" (those who know Portugal are certainly familiar with many places named "Venda" of something). In such "vendas" there was practically nothing besides a place to stay and a stable for the horses. With luck one could perhaps find some bread and wine. More over, peddlers had priority over foreigners or any other travelers. So if one arrived at the same time as a peddler or shortly after, one might well eat nothing. Hostels were few and poor. Even in Lisbon there were only two, and for a long time there had been none. As our critic pointed out, travelers were forced to stay at some dirty and stinking houses where only errand boys and slaves went. Several pages are devoted to the subjects of justice and admin istration, which are fairly correct with regard to structures and gen eral organization. At the local level there were judges (juizes ordindrios and juizes defora). At a second level there was the Relagdo do Civel. At a third and last level there was the Tribunal da Suplicagao. Other courts existed for special matters: finance courts, overseas courts, religious and ecclesiastical courts, etc. The city of Lisbon had a system of justice of its own. All this is well known by historians. The accurate and ex tensive description of such matters in the manuscript points to the possibility that its author had a juridical background. More interesting, however, are the author's comments on how justice was actually administered. Here his prejudice against the Por tuguese once again surfaces as he points out that competent and im partial persons, good citizens, were not accepted as justice officials. Only petty lawyers, for the most part of low birth and totally un known, were accepted, and their decisions were more unjust than just. There were too many laws, he argues, all of them rather vague in their purpose, and every new monarch would enact some more. There were even laws on food, on dressing, on punishment of slaves, on morals, etc. All these comments are accurate: Portugal could present a

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Portugal in the Time of Camoes 7 large corpus of legislation by the late sixteenth century. It was actually a remarkable achievement for a small country located so far from the major centers of civilization. Laws regulating food, dressing, etc., did exist at that timebut not only in metropolitan Portugal. From the fourteenth century on, regulations had been enacted in the attempt to prevent excesses in luxury and in spending, particularly involving dressing and nourishment. These were the so-called Pragmatics, and they continued well into the eighteenth century. However, in spite of their number and restrictions, they were mostly ignored by the populace. Lawsuits and law records were numerous, our author continues, all full of delays, appeals, ambiguous sentences, false testimonies, etc. If one had some money to collect from the government, one could be sure of never receiving it (perhaps not too different anywhere in the world even today). The main purpose of justice officials, he says, was not to hasten and make quick justice but rather to accumulate records and so make themselves feel important and solicited. Thus, a judge in criminal causes liked to have his prisons filled with people while a judge in civil causes liked to be surrounded by widows and orphans begging for mercy. "I believe," he adds, "that if they could dispatch all the people in one day they would not do it, because they would not feel like masters and lords anymore." The same happened with the king's treasurers, who forced creditors to wait for years and obliged them to implore for their payments day after day. "Poor you," he con cludes, "if you have any problem which involves justice. Some law will certainly be found that punishes you for a crime you never thought of." We find in this manuscript some interesting remarks on culture and cultural life. Unlike the situation in Italy, all Portuguese legisla tion was written in Portuguese instead of in Latin, thus enabling many people to have direct access to the legislative texts and to the proce dure of justice. Such texts had an unusual value, given the lack of spe cial materials to teach reading and writing. While many other coun tries used texts of well-known prayers for this purpose, in Portugal very often the child was given the transcript of a suit at law, and this text served as primer. What a scandal, cries our Italian author, not a psalm, not the Sunday prayer, not even Our Lady's office! (His obser vation is confirmed by other sources.) The University of Coimbra reorganized by John III in 1537 de serves no praise, he continues. No one who has really learnt some thing has ever studied thereagain a gross exaggeration but not without some basis. The best Portuguese scholars of the time had

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8 A. H. de Oliveira Marques studied abroad. In the mid-sixteenth century, laws were passed that tried to force students to stay in the country. Coimbra had indeed little prestige, if compared with Salamanca or Paris or Oxford. Many pro fessors actually were foreigners. There was another university at Evora, in the south of Portugal, founded by the Jesuits in 1559, but our author does not even mention it. The population of Portugal, according to him, could be classified in three main groups, which he calls the natives, the New-Christians, and the slaves. The "natives" were the Portuguese proper. Our man does not like them: "They are unpolished, lazy, silly, and proud," he says. They believe they know everything about the world and that they are the best of all. Yet as Portugal is located very far from the center of the civilized world, they know in fact very little and are thoroughly unacquainted with other peoples except for Indians and Negroes, he says with contempt. For the Portuguese, he goes on, all foreigners can be summed up in three groups: Flemish, if they are tall and blond; Castilians, if they are dark-complexioned; and Bretons, if they are not well dressed. A satirical and exaggerated comment, but one that gives a fairly good idea of the main countries Portugal traded with in the late sixteenth century: northern Europe, especially Flanders, France, and Spain, besides, of course, Africa, Asia, and America. From an ec umenical standpoint, no other country, not even Spain, had such a worldwide system of human and commercial relations. From a Euro pean's point of view, however, one can understand our author. The "natives" were further divided into three social classes: the nobles, the middle class, and the plebeians. In the Portrait, the number and titles of the upper nobility are appraised quite precisely and correctly: two dukes, one marquess, ten counts. The wealthiest and most powerful of all was the Duke of Braganga, who at the time was John I, married to Lady Catherine. The duke was one of the most important candidates for the throne, in competition with Philip II of Spain. The feudal jurisdiction of the up per nobility was very limited, our author remarks, because the king had to confirm every seignorial sentence. This is a correct statement. As to the customs and ways of life of the Portuguese nobles, the manuscript is very severe. They were excessively proud, formal, jealous, daring, and mercantile. Some stories are told about these bad qualities, some actually very funny. One example will suffice. A Portuguese nobleman traveling in the country stopped at a hos tel where the only food available was sausages (chourigos). He was starving, but he did not want to eat them for he considered them a plebeian kind of nourishment. Some young Spanish noblemen who

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Portugal in the Time of Camoes 9 were staying at the place decided to make a fool of him. They would teach him, they said, the correct way of eating sausages without losing nobility. He had only to close his eyes and ask someone to introduce the sausages into his mouth. Well said, the Portuguese thought, and he asked one of the young Spaniards to do him that favor. He closed his eyes, opened his mouth wide, but what he ate was not sausages at all, but something else which he kept spitting out for days after. A historically established feature of the sixteenth-century Por tuguese nobility was their participation in trade throughout the empire. Despite the fact that they loathed the words "merchant" and "trade," they were pure traders whose activities prevented the natural development of a Portuguese bourgeoisie as existed in England or in Holland. The king himself was a notorious trader, and the royal pal ace in Lisbon was built over the main trading depot where all the pep per and the other merchandise arrived and was sold. He rewarded many of his noble servitors by granting them permission to travel to India and China, where they might conduct their business as they pleased. With one or two voyages they often came back rich. And of course as soon as they were back in Portugal, they forgot all about commerce and profit and proceeded to malign traders and their de spicable activities. Our Italian author clearly shows his resentment against them, as is to be expected from a native of a country which had lost a great part of its former trade with the East to the Portuguese. If one tries to ascertain the traits of the Portuguese nobles in the sixteenth century, one may possibly agree with our writer. Pride did certainly exist. It persisted well into the eighteenth century. In a paper presented to the Historical Congress in Bucharest, Professor RussellWood pointed out how great was the pride of being a Portuguese in those days, especially among members of the nobility. Formality, also a typical Portuguese characteristic until the present, as well as jealousy and boldness, are correctly observed. Our manuscript is much less revealing concerning the middle class and the plebeians. Of the middle class, it says only that those people were unbearable because they wanted to copy the nobles in all their worst features. With respect to the common folk, its observations are even thinner. They are, it says, the most disgraceful and lowest rabble that exists in the world. They have no sense of honor, love, or charity. They are all thieves, but even as thieves they are stupid and plain. One wonders how different were the lowest strata of society in sixteenth-century Europe, even in more cultivated countries like Italy or Flanders. New-Christians was the name given to the Jews who had been

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10 A. H. de Oliveira Marques forced to become Christians in Spain and Portugal in the late fifteenth and early sixteenth centuries. Our author, probably a clergyman, hates and despises them. He says that the worst live in Portugal be cause there they find more tolerance for their pseudo-Christian way of life. In this area he is correct. The Portuguese New-Christians vir tually bought their freedom from the government and were able to live tolerably unmolested for almost fifty years. Only in the 1540s was the Inquisition introduced in Portugal in an active way. But even so, money could play its role for a long time in lessening the persecutions of New-Christians. Such a fact was for our author a clear definition of their wicked and vicious character. He bitterly complains of the wed ding alliances they had been able to forge with "Old-Christians." And he goes on to accuse them of cheating, dissimulating, lying, and violat ing oaths. He remarks: "I saw many of them reprehending others who were angrily blaspheming or saying bad words, and in this repre hension they preached a sermon with all the commandments of Our Holy Mother the Church. Yet a few days later, I saw that they them selves were arrested by the Inquisition and punished for not believing in God and for other sins!" On the slaves our author agrees with many other contemporary witnesses in saying that they were very numerous. The famous Belgian humanist Clenardus, who had visited Portugal several decades before, says the same. "The towns look like chessboards, with as many blacks as whites," a vivid image of a racial community so different from what people elsewhere in Europe were used to seeing. As interesting is our author's comment on the various ethnic origins of the slaves: They cannot understand one another, and, he adds, "if they all spoke the same language, they would easily become masters of the realm." Today historians estimate that the slaves of Lisbon may have ac counted for up to 10 percent of the total population of the city. Of some 100,000 inhabitants at that time, 10,000 would thus have been slavesa large number indeed. They were actually very often seen by any observer, because they passed most of their time outside their masters' houses, doing all kinds of commissions. Moreover, they made themselves easily visible. Very different from the "native" Portuguese, who were sad and gloomy, "the slaves were always merry," our author tells us, "laughing, singing, dancing, and openly getting drunk in every public square." In addition to social classification of the Portuguese, the manu script goes on to describe their character and general way of life. The author has few words of praise. The Portuguese, to start with, were hypocrites. Flattery, dissimulation, and eternal boasting commanded every action of their lives. He elaborates by providing examples of

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Portugal in the Time of Camoes 11 such bad qualities. Moreover, they are extremists in all things and un able to follow the middle way. Their selfishness and covetousness ap pear clearly whenever they contact foreigners, since the only thing they want is to get something from foreign visitors. Shabby in their dress, they prefer black to any color. They are dirty, especially, he says, when they are in mourning, for at such times they never shave or comb their hair or wash themselves, so that they look like bears. They tend to shout instead of speak. Even the women are much less grace ful than their Spanish or Italian counterparts. Some of these observations were probably accurate, but others are exaggerated and show only the superiority of a man coming from the peak of civilizationsixteenth-century Italyand arriving in a coun try at the western end of Europe. Unlike other European countries, Portugal was more open to the exotic worlds of Asia, Africa, and America than it was to the sophistications of the Renaissance. In spite of its many errors and exaggerations, this manuscript is interesting and differs from the usual medieval or sixteenth-century descriptions. It is much more personal and offers a greater number of ideas and suggestions on subjects that were usually ignored and there fore are hardly known to historians for lack of sources: the history of customs, the history of characters and temperaments, and the history of peoples as such. In this manuscript we look into the real persons, not only into monuments or structures. Complemented by some other reliable sources, especially by two sixteenth-century collections of jokes and sayings which have recently been published,3 the Portrait offers good material for rewriting history. I hope that somebody, in Portugal or elsewhere, may analyze it and draw some conclusions on the thoughts, actions, and ways of life of Camoes's fellow-countrymen. And Camoes himself? Was he a part of the proud nobility? of the un bearable middle class? of the base plebeians? Of the dissimulating New-Christians? Who was he in fact? Notes 1. Niedersachsisches. Staatsarchiv, Hanover, st. A P2399. 2. For a discussion of the political history of Portugal in the sixteenth century and its course toward the union with Spain, see A. H. de Oliveira Marques, History of Portugal, 2d ed. (New York: Columbia University Press, 1976), pp. 306-13. 3. Ditos Portugueses Dignos de Memoria. Historia intima do seculo XVI, ed. Jose H. Saraiva (n.p., Publicacoes Europa-America, n.d.); Christopher C. Lund, Anedotas Portuguesas e Memorias Biogrdficas da Corte Quinhentista (Coimbra: Livraria Almedina, 1980).

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A Prince of Our Disorder: "Good Kingship" in Camoes, Couto, and Manuel de Melo Peter Fothergill-Payne THE SIXTEENTH and seventeenth centuries in the Iberian Peninsula were a period of immense, fundamental change covered by a veneer of divinely appointed stability. The why and wherefore of change is the stuff of other studies. The question here is how several people who were central to their time faced the question of how to bring about that best of all possible worlds that would result from the universe unfolding "as it should." I propose to address it by examin ing how Camoes, Diogo do Couto, and Francisco Manuel de Melo suggested to their readers that the well-being of the nation might best be forwarded and safeguarded. Although the United Provinces comprising Spain and Portugal became a fixture on the political scene during this period, the more generally accepted form of government was the hereditary monarchy. Accordingly, discussion of good kingship was the substance of far more writing at that time than was then recognized. Space does not permit examination of the medieval attitudes to kingship; suffice it to say that generally kingdoms were seen as family property or as fiefs held at divine pleasure. Mutatis mutandis, one finds this sort of attitude enshrined in fairy tales where the old king tends to offer his daughter and half the kingdom to the right candidate. To be sure, the real world provides us with a number of examples of as tute cold-blooded dynastic expansionism. For members of royal families and their retainers, the Renais sance understanding of kingship was given immensely more perspec tive by the arousal of their historical sense and by the sense of mission 12

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A Prince of Our Disorder 13 transmitted by their reading of the classics. Thus, they tended to see themselves as the continuers of the eternal evolution of the divine plan with the added impetus imparted by the Christian Revelation. As Camoes put it to Sebastiao: E vos, 6 bem nascida seguranca, Da lusitana antiga liberdade. Dada ao mundo por Deus, que todo o mande Pera do mundo a Deus dar parte grande. [Lus. I, 6]1 Indeed, the view of the prince as facilitator and prime element in the fulfillment of the divine plan is in that aspect essentially different from the Roman one that Horace sketches out in his letter to Au gustus. The Horatian view portrays the monarch (if I may use the neologism) as the center of the machine of state while being a man of superior qualities who, one understands, serves out of a sense of mag nanimity rather than divine obligation: Quum tot sustineas et tanta negotia solus, Res Italas armis tuteris, moribus ornes, Legibus emendes; in publica commoda peccem, Si longo sermone morer tua tempora, Caesar.2 But this is not, by a long way, the only attribute that Camoes would have his prince possess, and so I propose now to examine what we might irreverently term his "shopping list," starting with a littleremembered but, to me, significant incident hidden in his play El-Rei Seleuco. That play, we remember, is in all probability adapted from Plutarch's Life of Demetrius (though Hernani Cidade cites other possi bilities) and hinges on the old king ceding his wife to his only son by a previous marriage. But why is the question that Camoes answers after his own fashion. The physician called in to treat the young man's mal ady discovers the cause and tells the king that the prince is in love with the physician's own wife, so that no cure is at hand: Fisico: Forcado sera que muera Porque no muera mi honor

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14 Peter Fothergill-Payne To which the king invokes an argument so strong that the king him self will shortly bow before it: Rei: Pois como! A um so herdeiro Deste Reino nao dareis Vossa mulher .?! Dynastic continuity, we note, is the lever, not social class or fatherly love. And a little later: Rei: A mulher que eu tivesse Dar-lha-ia. Oxala Que ele a Rainha quisesse!3 and follows through by granting his wife to his son when he learns that the cure lies there. I do not think we should be party to the wishywashy business about how powerful love is with which the page favors us a little later. The important remark is the one involving dynastic necessity, just quoted. But on to the real meat of Camoes's work on this subject, namely the Lusiadas, which he dedicated, as we know, to King Sebastiao. As I have argued elsewhere,4 it can be read as a continuous exhortation and exemplum to that youthful and impetuous prince to fulfill his destiny and accomplish what Camoes sees as his country's salvation by taking the poet's advice to become a good king. So let us see if we can crystallize the poet's position as it develops in his epic. One watchword of the Lusiadas that we have tended to lose from sight in our own time is the poet's insistence that every word is true, that is to say, that it is history. In other words, the epic is worthy of study as containing precepts for our present and future conduct (or, better said, for Sebastiao's conduct). If we examine the historical vi gnettes that punctuate the poem within this context, we will see emerge from them both a continuous exemplum of those kings who have in the past led Portugal forward on the path of greatness and also a contra-exemplum of those who by their personal flaws have halted her on that same road. Clearly I cannot summarize the poem, nor do I need to do so here. One need only recall Vasco da Gama's little history lesson recited to the King of Melinde in which the history of Portugal from earliest times is shown as a contrastive series of "good" and "bad" kings in a country characterized as being the crown on the head of Europe.

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A Prince of Our Disorder 15 From its foundation Portugal is shown as having had two kings who were full of martial prowess and open loyalty commanding a people who, albeit few in number, are never abashed by any task. Of particular interest in this context is the way in which Camoes presents the Egas Moniz episode so as to preserve intact the picture of royal loyalty and straight-dealing which introduces the theme of the "grao fidelidade portuguesa" for the vassals who, like Gama (and himself), should be fostered by good kings of Portugal. In contrast to the first pair of valorous kings we meet Sancho segundo, manso e descuidado Que tanto em seus descuidos se desmede Que de outrem quern mandava era mandado. De governar o Reino, que outro pede, Por causa dos privados foi privado. [Lus. Ill, 91] Although the poor fellow just didn't make it among the high rollers of vice, he nonetheless was weak enough to let the kingdom get out of hand because A rei nao obedece, nem consente, Que nao for mais que todos excelente [III, 93] With Dinis things get better, since he looks after the well-being of the kingdom in a pacific way, primarily by founding the University of Coimbra and carrying out a wide-ranging public works program (III, 98). All of which brings us to the celebrated Ines de Castro episode in which Alfonso is shown as derogating from the obligations of good kingship by listening to bad counsel and allowing himself to be pres sured by the people "com falsas e ferozes razoes" (III, 123 24). With respect to Dinis's grandson, Dom Joao, one cannot but notice the ap proval with which the poet tells us how right the Portuguese were to support John, Master of Avis "como de Pedro unico herdeiro/Ainda que bastardo, verdadeiro" (Lus. IV, 2). The "Velho do Restelo" passage, which closes the canto, also has some remarks that might give the aspiring good king pause, with its warnings clothed in references to the Prometheus legend and its references to the dangers of vain glory and the dangers of abusing the virtues of his subjects and put ting the kingdom under considerable strain.

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16 Peter Fother gill-Payne The poet expands his use of history as exemplum in the same vein, even while the scene varies, from Calicut to the Isle of Love. The underlying message remains constant, i.e., besides being the Lord's anointed, a good king must be strong, both physically and morally. He must be devoted wholeheartedly to the national interest even at the cost of personal fame and glory. He must be capable of choosing loyal, disinterested, experienced counsellors and captains. He must be able to distinguish and follow sound, disinterested advice even in the face of popular and court pressure. He must shun "descansos corrup-tores." He must keep his feet on the ground by subordinating flights of chivalric fancy to finding practical answers to national imperatives. He must do all this, in addition to cultivating a profound sense of in herited divine mission. In short, as we look down the shopping list expressed in this bald fashion, we can see how Camoes was reading history to elicit from it the most persuasive arguments his Renaissance mind could muster to turn Sebastiao from the fatal road to Alcacer-Quibir and to remedy the present ills as he saw them. It seemed obvious that the court and royal administration were falling into public disrepute, given the way in which Sebastao, in a fashion not unlike that of the monarchs who were his contemporaries, tended to bestow personal favors on those around him by awarding them state offices and administrative prefer ment. The ill-advised monarch also used state revenues to defray the costs of their (and his) pleasures and pastimes rather than to further the ends of government. At the same time the poet pointed to a par ticular aspect of royal neglect, i.e., the unequal burden of taxation (exemption was then seen as a low-cost reward) and the misuse of em pire (which is hinted at in the last canto). It is particularly this last point that is the mainspring of Diogo do Couto's 0 soldado prdtico, and it is through this work that I propose to expose the next stage of my argument. It is, of course, very different in tone and development from Camoes's poem but nonetheless shares with it the stress on factuality and the desire to show (albeit in more down-to-earth tones) the way to better government. The setting of the book is partly contemporary with the experi ence of Camoes and partly subsequent to it in that Couto held office under Philip II after the union of the two crowns. The conception of the work is probably pre-1580 although its dissemination took place under the new dispensation, which would account for some of the consciously pro-Philip turns and formulae. Attributing alleged misgovernment to Sebastianist times clearly allows Couto a greater de gree of freedom of expression, while the formulation of the whole

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A Prince of Our Disorder 17 text in the present tense would leave his readers in little doubt that the lessons he draws are still applicable to Philip's administration. The picture that Couto draws of the evils of his time is, of course, too well known to need more than a brief summary here of those as pects pertinent to my argument. We remember how the soldado, in his attempt to clear his discharge papers, is inveigled by the ftdalgo and the despachador freely to recount his distilled experience of many years spent in the Indies. This he proceeds to do over a period of three whole days (which, I suppose, points to an even more easygoing office practice than that which seems to govern modern bureaucracies). The experience allows him to analyze pretty thoroughly how far downhill things have gone and to suggest certain remedies. All the ills seem to stem from two main sources: the present de cayed state of public morality and the unwillingness or inability of the king to take the appropriate remedial steps. What are they? Couto portrays a collapse of the royal administration because over the years individuals at every level from viceroy to simple soldier have seen their self-interest rewarded and their public spirit punished either by their superiors' use of rank to make them conform or by the need to bribe their way through the administrative labyrinth. The situation was compounded by the seeming insistence of the king's ministers at home on appointing to high office in the overseas administration indi viduals who are neither qualified nor experienced and whose only motivation is self-enrichment. This tendency is evidenced early in the following exchange involving the fidalgo, "que ia entrar em uma das melhores fortalezas da India," and a high-minded cleric: Senhor, lembre-vos que ides entrar na merce que el-Rei vos fez por vossos servicos, e que nela podeis ganhar o Ceu, como eu neste habito, com estas cousas. Contentai-vos com o que e vosso, deixai viver os pobres, e fazei justica. Ao que lhe respondeu o fidalgo: Padre meu, eu hei de fazer o que os outros capitaes fizeram; se eles foram ao Inferno, la lhe(s) hei-de ir ser companheiro; porque eu nao vou a minha fortaleza, senao pera vir rico.5 The sale of offices, too, he sees as a prelude to disorder, and he makes his point by backing it with an exemplum drawn from Roman history:

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18 PeterFother gill-Payne porque nunca o Imperio Romao comecou a declinar senao depois que o imperador Comodo Antonino XIX come cou a vender os magistrades e oficios publicos que foi o primeiro que ensinou este caminho pera se os reinos perderem. (p. 58) But the main weight of his argument bears down the lack of reliable communications and apparent lack of interest in affairs so far off (the second of these is a false perception, incidentally) (p. 67), the unjust tax system, and the way in which royal appointees are personally responsible for discrepancies in their books on laying down office (p. 44). But most of all, for Couto, it is the way in which the king's min isters treat the royal treasury as if they were the monarch's sworn ene mies (p. 26). In a rather half-hearted way through the mouth of the despachador, he suggests that part of the cause lies simply in the fact that kings are after all human beings like the rest of us: Mas os reis da terra nao podem tanto: sao de carne, e hao-de ter seus dias de passatempos; tambem sao sujeitos a paixoes e enfermidades, pelo que nao pode ser estarem todo o tempo a pa. o arco, se lhe nao afrouxam a corda, facilmente quebra. (p. 22) To all of which he offers the following solution: the monarch must nonetheless take his duties more seriously (pp. 22 23) and set things to rights, since his ultimate responsibility under God still lies with him. Couto is willing to offer the means, which involve purging the royal service of any who are not manifestly worthy by character and, more important, by past service and experience. Those who are worthy are to be appropriately rewarded to keep them from the temptation of lining their own pockets (p. 71). Following in the footsteps of D. Dinis, the judiciary should really be, and should be perceived to be, indepen dent of the monarch. But, most important, to establish a highly orga nized bureaucracy with better records, double-entry bookkeeping, and audits is advisable to render unlikely an opportunity for featherbedding. Couto accepts that the monarchy is subject to human frailty and that there is no way in which that job can be filled by competitive examination. It follows that the organization of the state must be structured to absorb the impact of that unchangeable fact. Such a re alization, minor though it may seem to us who, in the past decade, have come to accept the manifest feet of clay of our most revered lead-

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A Prince of Our Disorder 19 ers as something of a reassurance, is nevertheless a crucial one in Iberian thinking. In public pronouncements thinkers will continue to speak after the manner of Camoes, but in private they will start to re flect a view that I propose to describe after studying some of the works of Francisco Manuel de Melo. D. Francisco Manuel was active as an author through four decades, three of which are of particular interest to us, namely the period 1630, which coincides nicely with the Restoration. He was, by common consent, a man of many parts and generally recognized as a superior talent even by his enemies. I should like to address myself to two aspects of his thought, that of the student of strategy and that of the incipient political scientist as evidenced in his Politica Militar, Guerra de Cataluna, and three of the Epandforas de Vdria Historia Portuguesa, the la (Politica), Ha (Tragica), and IVa (Belica). (The Ilia [Amo roso] is generally admitted to be atypical.)6 Taking these works in chronological order (which is how they are listed here), we note first how often the terms politico and politica ap pear both in the titles and in the body of the text. Next we are struck by the manner in which events are recounted and possibilities en visaged. Nothing could be closer to the "scenario" approach that we observe in our own day. The Politica Militar was D. Francisco Manuel's second published work, his first being a sonnet cycle in Spanish on the subject of Ines de Castro. The work is nothing more or less than a scenario. It is, pur portedly, a model discussion, which guides the aspiring commanderin-chief of an expeditionary force through all the eventualities, from appointment to laying down office, of a combined operation on behalf of the Spanish monarch. A lot of what he says there is, at best, unsurprising, but what does stand out is the following: besides urging his captain-general to be "discreto" in the sense the word had then, he enjoins on him a course of quite blatant Realpolitik, which would have done credit to Karl von Clausewitz. He also pinpoints what, to him, are going to be the bug bears of sound political strategy in his time: lack of efficiency and ex perience in subordinates, lack of sufficient supplies (both cash and materiel), and, above all, lack of reliable, swift communications. In short, he discounts severely the part that Machiavelli accorded to Fortuna, though he retains the Renaissance view of history and makes oc casional mention of the divine role in punishing derogation of the ob ligations of leadership. But, that apart, his advice is a pure exposition of what game strategists call the mini-max approach. Seven years later, in 1645, we see him publish the account famil-

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20 PeterFother gill-Payne iarly known as the Guerra de Cataluna. Although occasional doubts have been thrown on its claim to unvarnished accuracy, I cannot help remarking on its consistency with the Politica in the way in which he judges the actions and motives of the leaders on both sides, particu larly of the Spanish generals, the Royal Council, and the Count-Duke of Olivares. His analysis of the causes of events is exemplary, and his insight, which reveals that it is not the actions and events in themselves that matter but the way in which they are perceived, is eons ahead of his time, as is his advice on the attitude to adopt in the face of sedition: "No es la espuela aguda que domina el caballo desbocado; la docil mano del jinete lo templa y acomoda."7 Indeed, his strong statements about the necessity of avoiding repressive and punitive action is point edly made in his account of the advice offered the king in the Royal Council by the Conde de Onate, who counseled moderation, in marked contrast to the spirited call to arms uttered by his Eminence Cardinal D. Gaspar de Borja y Velasco. Melo repeats much of his analysis in his Epandforas, which deals with events that happened under the Spanish monarchy but that, pre sumably, given the change of government in the interim, the writer feels freer to comment on in his critique of kingly failings. These he lists as follows: lack of vigor both physical and moral, remoteness, the general confusion of the immense dominion, its lack of a coherent system of government, the lack of perception of the implications that events present, the fact that they are seen as "foreign" in almost every part of their domains. Furthermore, the kings lack "urn espirito constante para as expedicoes militares, e um juizo prudente para os negocios civis" and compound the fault by choosing as their plenipo tentiaries persons as little endowed with the desirable characteristics as themselves. Now we might be tempted to put Melo's position down to an attempt to ingratiate himself with the newly enthroned Joao IV were it not for the consistent analysis he brings to bear on that prince's behavior under the previous administration. In conclusion, all three authors studied here reveal an attitude that progressively brings the ordering of events and the mechanisms of government onto a far more human plane, although all three re tain the same basic statements on the didactic usefulness of the study of history. And, more intriguingly, although each in turn might have stood to gain increasingly by a more flattering exposition of events, each writer takes a step toward demythifying the rules of political be havior just as belief in absolutism and the Divine Right was peaking in the Peninsular context. The result, in the final analysis, is a job de scription that we could use unchanged today if we were to go in search

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A Prince of Our Disorder 21 of a candidate to fill the presidency of a particularly large (and occa sionally vulnerable) multinational corporation. Notes 1. References are to the standard Canto and stanza numbering. 2. Horace, Epistolae, II, 1: "Since alone you support the burden of so many great affairs, protecting the Italian state by your arms, gracing it by your moral example, improving it by your laws, I were an offender against the public good were I to waste time and delay you with a long letter." 3. Luis de Camoes, Obras Completas (Lisbon: Sa da Costa, 1947), 3: 121-22. 4. Peter Fothergill-Payne, "The Discoveries, Divine Destiny or Disaster?" in Acta of the colloquium "Camoes and His Times" (Toronto: University of Toronto Press, in press). 5. Diogo do Couto, O soldado prdtico (Lisbon: Sa da Costa, 1954), p. 14. All further page references are to this edition. 6. In that it is the only one that does not deal with Melo's own experiences. 7. Francisco Manuel de Melo, Historia de los Movimientos, Separation y Guerra de Cataluna en Tiempo de Felipe IV (Madrid: REH, 1912), p. 89.

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Uriel-Gabriel da Costa: Heir to the Rationalism of the Portuguese Renaissance Richard A. Preto-Rodas To the memory of Edward Glaser URIEL DA COSTA was born in Porto, probably in 1580, the same year as the annexation of Portugal by Spain and the death of Luis de Camoes. Baptized Gabriel, da Costa was a member of a family of prosperous cristdos novos whose patriarch, Ben to da Costa Brandao, was a devout Catholic. His mother, Branca, however, came from a family that, according to recent research, had long maintained clan destine observance of Jewish customs and traditions.1 Gabriel himself experienced religious doubts as a young man and, for reasons I shall discuss, decided to embrace his forefathers' religion shortly after the death of his own father in 1608. Even as a minor cleric at the church of Cedofeita, he succeeded in converting most of his family to Juda ism. Aware of the terrible dangers inherent in such a move, Gabriel da Costa liquidated his holdings in 1615 and fled into exile with his entire family save a sister who had refused to follow the law of Moses. Hardly arrived in Amsterdam, the European center of Jewish life for refugees from the Iberian Peninsula, da Costa, now known as Uriel following his circumcision, began to manifest the same indepen dence of spirit and critical perspective regarding official Jewish ortho doxy that had led him to abjure Catholicism.2 His first tract, a criticism of basic rabbinical precepts, resulted in his excommunication and iso lation from the entire community including his family. It seems, how ever, that his mother, who had taken the name of Sara, refused to abandon her son and became something of a dissenter in her own right. In a subsequent publication Uriel da Costa attempted to refute the doctrine concerning the immortality of the soul. This additional 22

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Uriel-Gabriel da Costa 23 affront to rabbinical authority proved frustrating to the community elders, since they lacked the power to impose additional punishment on the heretic. They did succeed in convincing the civil authorities of the danger that such a view posed for Christian beliefs, and da Costa was accordingly fined and sentenced to a week in prison. But where excommunication and fines failed, isolation and constant harassment succeeded, and the heretic eventually recanted after several years of ostracism. The former crypto-Jew was now a crypto-agnostic. When Uriel dissuaded two would-be converts to Judaism, he was denounced. At about the same time a nephew reported that his uncle failed to keep a kosher home. Faced with financial ruin and renewed domestic strife, Uriel once again recanted and submitted to a humiliating penitential ritual. With prospects now dashed for a promising match with a wealthy younger woman, the sixty-year-old widower became painfully aware that the future promised little. There were but two options, both intolerable: either to live the life of a hypocrite within the com munity or to lead a lonely existence as a dissenter in a foreign country. Broken in spirit, the dejected Uriel da Costa composed a brief autobi ography recounting his spiritual travails and committed suicide on an April day in 1640. His testament, Exemplar Vitae Humanae, has reached us in a Latin version, which may be the original language in which it was written; in view of his tracts in Portuguese, however, it is possible that Exemplar represents a translation from a Portuguese original.3 My own quotes are from the Latin version. Despite so modest a published corpus, Uriel da Costa holds a se cure if secondary place in history for a variety of reasons. Philoso phers cite his role as a probable influence on the development of Baruch Spinoza, who was an eight-year-old member of the Amsterdam community when Uriel took his own life.4 For writers and thinkers of a more romantic bent, Uriel's tragic story suggests the struggle of the intrepid free thinker doing battle against religious intolerance. As such he has inspired one opera, a play, three novels, and a recent highly subjective biography.5 And there is probably no history of Jew ish thought that omits his criticism of Talmudic traditions and the be lief in personal immortality. In what follows I should like to trace the evolution of Uriel da Costa's thought as representative of an attitude reflecting a rational istic current that flowed throughout the Renaissance period in Spain and, especially, in Portugal. Like other educated Iberian Jews who later dissented from rabbinical authority, Uriel da Costa was deeply

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24 Richard A. Preto-Rodas influenced by secular humanism, which created a spiritual broth erhood comprising Jew and Gentile, a brotherhood where intellectual kinship provided a stronger bond than the ties of ethnic and religious affiliation.6 A man of thirty-five by the time he left Portugal, da Costa should be regarded, therefore, as a Portuguese thinker of the late Re naissance with an affinity to certain secularistic tendencies that were fairly prevalent throughout the sixteenth century. And there can be little doubt that in all his work our author embodied the Renaissance humanist's reverence for close textual analysis and intellectual independence. The naturalistic cast to da Costa's Weltanschauung was apparent to his first and most famous opponent, Samuel da Silva, who accused Uriel of being a follower of Epicurus. Although da Costa initially de fended himself against the charge, he acknowledged eventually that, in fact, Epicurus was a congenial thinker. Basic to Uriel da Costa's per spective there is an unstated but ever-present assumption that knowl edge of the truth should result in well-being and happiness, the eudaimonia of the ancient Greeks.7 Thus, when at Coimbra the young law student experienced "anxietates et angustias" (p. 36) in consider ing the prospects of an afterlife of damnation, he concluded that such a fearsome belief must be irrational and false. Like Epicurus, whose works he had yet to read, he too felt that reason should free man from irrational fears. As a corollary Uriel, even as Gabriel, rejected the pos sibility of an afterlife and thus denied the persistence of any experi encegood or badafter physical death. No longer a Catholic Christian, da Costa was not yet ready to re ject all religion. But it is revealing that his decision to adopt Judaism was probably prompted less by his family's background than by his perception that Judaism, at least as portrayed in the Pentateuch, seems to ignore the troublesome matter of personal immortality and an attendant belief in eternal retribution which he had already dis carded for philosophical reasons.8 Our author suggests an additional rational inducement for preferring the Old Testament to the New. He reasoned that the greater the consensus concerning an object of spec ulation, the more likely its truth. Since all believers, Jewish, Moslem, and Christian, revere the Old Testament but only Christians and some Moslems accept the New, it follows that the former is probably more creditable than the latter. Thus it was that by the age of twenty-five Gabriel-Uriel resolved to base his beliefs on a scrupulous interpreta tion of the Pentateuch even while admitting to some doubts regarding certain tenets of his new faith ("super aliquibus dubitarem") (p. 38). When ten years later in Amsterdam he found himself in the real

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Uriel-Gabriel da Costa 25 world of Jewish practice and belief, Uriel da Costa was struck by the central role of rabbis in commenting on the scripture and prescribing ritual observance. There is something of the Protestant reformer in his insistence that all the faithful should remain loyal only to the simple faith as set forth in the Pentateuch. He bitterly accused the priestly caste of "Pharisees" of having corrupted the purity of the law. One might also argue that in Uriel's reverence for the primary text above all, coupled with his impatience for commentary and secondary sources, the imprint of Erasmian humanism can be discerned. In his rejection of commentary in general in favor of personal exegesis of the text, da Costa echoes his fellow cristao novo, Juan Luis Vives (and other Iberian Erasmians), who would have the scholar abandon the mediation of all authorities and commentators and "volver a la fuente misma cristalina."9 Uriel's own return to "la fuente misma cristalina" resulted in his first tract, Propostas contra a tradiqao (1616), wherein he asserts that the Pentateuch provides no basis for practices such as the obligatory wear ing of phylacteries and the details prescribed for the rites surround ing circumcision. For our rationalist only the written text ("a lei escrita") is admissible, and it must be interpreted in light of one's understanding ("o entendimento"). In no case should one allow for the vagaries of traditional commentary ("a lei da boca"). Excom munication simply served to steel his resolve to do battle against "a lei da boca" and the efforts of authority to repress the truth as he under stood it in light of "o entendimento." His subsequent tract, Exame das tradigoes farisaicas, is an even more ambitious effort as he sets out to demonstrate that there is not a shred of evidence in the Pentateuch for affirming a belief in the immortality of the soul. Although the work itself and even its date have long been lost, three central chap ters escaped oblivion when they were reproduced by Samuel da Silva in a treatise entitled Tratado da imortalidade da alma (1623).10 Uriel takes up the weapons of the rationalist humanist as he lashes out against what he regards as superstition and fantasy. And while re spect for the text is everywhere apparent in his copious references to the Torah, it is equally evident that reason and empirical verification take priority over even the written word. Thus, when a scriptural text suggests the possibility of life after death, as in Elijah's ascension into heaven or the appearance of the dead Samuel before Saul, Uriel da Costa is quick to reject the biblical account as so many "sonhos con-fusos" or, at the very least, poetic license which "e necessario entender com juizo de homens" (p. 29). To be sure, such accounts are not to be found in the Pentateuch itself, but it is clear that our selective reader

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26 Richard A. Preto-Rodas has progressed considerably from his earlier days at Coimbra when he accepted Jewish law and the Old Testament as the basis of his beliefs. Throughout the Exame there is far less concern with a defense of the purity of the Mosaic law as found in the Pentateuch than there is with demonstrating that man is a rational animal whose reason is but an attribute that does not survive the fate of all animals: "O mesmo dos outros animais seu espirito se extingue e acaba" (p. 20). It would, however, be misleading to classify Uriel at this point among such Renaissance agnostics as, let us say, Antonio de Gouveia.11 In his attempt to reconcile reason with his vestigial religious beliefs, our author asserts that none other than God has led him to reject a belief in immortality. Apparently, for Uriel, God himself is an Epi curean insofar as He recognized that only anguish would result from allowing his creature, Uriel, to entertain the prospect of survival after death and consequent punishment. The author accordingly attributes to God his own insight regarding the comfort of extinction: "Que a coisa que mais me afligiu e cansou nesta vida foi entender e imaginar que havia bem e mal eterno para o homem" (p. 34). With but one life to live, suffering and sacrifice for nonexistent future benefits are pointless. Uriel thus goes on to ridicule intentional privations such as fasting and chastity and looks upon asceticism as not only unneces sary but even as a kind of madness ("loucura"). Uriel da Costa is well aware that the clergy of his time, whether Jewish or Christian, based the dogma of an afterlife on the need for sanctions and rewards, which were not apparent in this world. To counter this view, our author is obliged to affirm that all reward and punishment are meted out in this life, although it may seem at times that the wicked escape retribution while the good suffer. Here our dissenter is less the empiricist than he is the rationalist, for he seems to ignore the evidence of experience as he defends a priori his belief in a just God while denying future reward and punishment. At this point in his thinking, Uriel da Costa has little patience with the topos accord ing to which the world is inherently unfair and fortune is fundamen tally capricious. So it is that he expresses strong disapproval for Luis de Camoes's poem, "Ao desconcerto do mundo," which he proceeds to quote in its entirety. The scandalized Uriel da Costa would heartily concur with critics in our own day who discern a distinctly unor thodox and secularistic current in Camoes's works,12 and he angrily ac cuses the poet of daring to judge God himself with such verses as "So para mini anda o mundo concertado." To Camoes and anyone else who would question the justice of providence our author counsels: "Louco homem abaixe um pouco as asas da sua imprudente pre-

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Uriel-Gabriel da Costa 27 suncao com que quer tomar o lugar de Deus e fazer-se com ele juiz na terra" (p. 27). Subsequent events, however, could only have shaken even our au thor's trust in a just world, for he found himself the target of everincreasing pressure from both civil and religious authorities. A second treatise on the mortality of the soul, now lost, was written in response to Samuel da Silva's criticism and seemed to provoke additional con troversy and dismay. I think it is important, however, not to exagger ate the impact of da Costa's thesis. The essential mortality of man was hardly a novel concept during the late Renaissance, and here too Uriel owes much to important currents which persisted despite the opposition of religious orthodoxy and a reinvigorated scholasticism. The very substance of his thesis was eloquently stated in Peter Pompanazzi's De Immortalitate Animae (1516), whose reverberations con tinued subsequently wherever Aristotelianism held sway, such as at the Colegio de Artes in the Coimbra of mid-century. And more re cently a fellow Iberian, Juan Huarte de San Juan, had studied human intelligence under a cool, analytic light in his Examen de ingenios para ciencias (Baeza, 1575). The Examen proved to be remarkably popular in Sephardic circles in the Netherlands, where at least five editions were published between 1590 and the middle of the 1600s. Among the Catholic Juan Huarte's conclusions regarding the soul there was an assertion that fundamentally reinforced Uriel's own position: "Solo nuestra fe divina nos hace ciertos y firmes que [el alma] dura para siempre jamas."13 We cannot say just when Uriel da Costa abandoned his attempts to provide a rationalistic basis for Judaism. It is clear from the Exemplar that by the end of his life he had come to the conclusion that one's only moral guide is reason and that religious sects are but fragmented and partial glimpses of the brotherhood of all men as reasoning creatures. Thus, he regards both Old and New Testaments as "not of God but mere human inventions like all the other religious laws that have ever been in this world" (p. 45). He acknowledges that it was only the pros pect of solitude in a foreign country whose language he had never mastered that had induced him to recant and rejoin the community of the Portuguese synagogue. But his compromise with principle and reason was short-lived, and he refers to it as "playing the role of an ape among other apes" ("simiam inter simias agendo," p. 45). The Exemplar rises to a crescendo as the author bitterly denounces the ethnocentrism of all people, especially of his own whom he describes as self-styled true believers in the midst of scorned Gentiles, themselves divided by partisan spirit and parochial loyalties.

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28 Richard A. Preto-Rodas In his testament's final pages our author aligns himself firmly with such stoics as Marcus Aurelius as he proclaims that only reason should unite all men and only nature ought to be our guide. But he ruefully admits that the ideal falls far short of a harsh reality characterized by the superficial but all too real distinctions of Jew, Christian, and Moslem. One wonders whether he would qualify his earlier severe criticism of Camoes's "Ao desconcerto do mundo" as he invokes a similar topos, that of life as "an absurd play on the world's stage" ("in hoc mundi vanissimo theatro," p. 68) where he himself played an un stable and absurd role ("quam personam ... in vanissima et instabilissima vita mea").14 Philosophically convinced of the unity of the human family but all too aware of his own marginal place as a Por tuguese-speaking agnostic in a Dutch city, Uriel da Costa availed him self of yet another page from the manual of Stoic naturalism. One reads in Epictetus, for example: "The door is open. When things are intolerable do as children do. Say: I will play no more and so de part rather than to stay and moan." And so Uriel chose to "play no more."15 Of him one might say what Camoes wrote of another suicide: "Que dando morte breve ao corpo humano/Tenha sua memoria larga vida."16 One can sum up Uriel da Costa with Jorge de Sena's evaluation of Sa de Miranda: "[foi] o homem solitario e eminentemente social ao mesmo tempo."17 If da Costa read Sa as he obviously read Camoes, he must have sensed a true brother in such works as "Basto" and "Mon-talvo." Sa de Miranda's shepherds also fiercely defend intellectual in dependence and devotion to reason as hallmarks of what it means to be fully human. Like Uriel they also recognize that because of their rationalism they are alienated from their fellow men who live in a so ciety wracked by religious intolerance, superstition, and hypocrisy. The dilemma is a poignant one; reason is that common bond that unites all men in a natural community, but most of our fellow men live in mutual isolation because they order their lives not according to rea son but in keeping with conflicting beliefs in the various and sundry "idols" described by Francis Bacon. Moreover, in the writings of both Sa de Miranda and Uriel da Costa there is a melancholy awareness that reason also separates them from nature, in all things save one their model and guide. For the aged Sa, "Tudo o mais renova, isto [ser velho] e sem cura!,"18 a view shared by Uriel when he writes: "A arvore se for cortada tern esperanca de tornar ... a ser renovada mas o homem morre e nao se levantara" (p. 16). The work of Uriel da Costa can be fully appreciated only when viewed within the larger context of the critical-humanistic tradition as

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Uriel-Gabriel da Costa 29 exemplified by a Juan Huarte, a Camoes, and a Sa de Miranda. One might easily expand such a list to include a Damiao de Gois, a Fernao Mendes Pinto, and other figures of the Renaissance in Portugal who contributed to what Jaime Cortesao has described as "o humanismo universalista dos Portugueses."19 Not coincidentally, such Renaissance writers and thinkers all ended their lives, if not in suicide like Uriel, certainly in solitude as they both rejected and were rejected by the tribalized society in which they lived. Notes 1. For data relevant to his family and to Uriel da Costa's life in Portugal see C. M. de Vasconcelos, "Uriel da CostaNotas relativas a sua vida e as suas obras," Revista da Universidade de Coimbra 7 (1918); A. de Magalhaes Basto, "Alguns documentos ineditos sobre Uriel da Costa," 0 Instituto 79 (1930): 442-54 and 80 (1931): 425-563; I. S. Revah, "La religion d'Uriel da Costa, Marrane de Porto (d'apres des documents inedits)," Revue de VHistoire des Religions 61 (1962): 45-76. 2. See Uriel da Costa, Tres Escritos, ed. A. Moreira de Sa (Lisbon: In stituto de Alta Cultura, 1963). This publication contains all of da Costa's ex tant writings, including his autobiography. Page references in the text are to this volume. 3. Although some assert that the Exemplar was originally composed in Latin (see C. M. de Vasconcelos, p. 320), others are just as categorical in claim ing Portuguese as the original language: see Sol Bernstein, "Uriel da Costa" in The Universal Jewish Encyclopedia (New York: Universal Jewish Encyclopedia, Inc., 1939), 1: 74. The point is moot: see N. Porges, "Gebhardt's Book on Uriel da Costa," The Jewish Quarterly Review 19 (1929): 37-74. 4. See Leo Strauss, Spinoza's Critique of Religion (New York: Schocken Books, 1965), pp. 37; cf. Luis Washington Vita, "Uriel da Costa," Revista Brasileira de Filosofia 12 (1962): 355-77. 5. See the bibliography in Moreira de Sa's edition, pp. 6; cf. J. Sonne, "Da Costa Studies," The Jewish Quarterly Review 22 (1932): 247-93; M. S. Belenkii, Tragediia Uriella Akosty (Moscow: Nauka, 1968). The most recent novel based on da Costa's life was published in 1984: Agustina Bessa Luis, Um Bicho da Terra (Lisbon: Guimaraes Editora). 6. See I. S. Revah, Spinoza et le Dr. Juan de Prado (Paris: Ecole Pratique des Hautes EtudesEtudes Juives, 1959), pp. 1 36; C. M. de Vasconcelos, p. 286. 7. Strauss, pp. 38; cf. Porges: "His [Uriel's] stand was not based on 'Marrano doubt' but on free-thinking" (p. 66). Regarding the "Moda" of Epi cureanism and Stoicism in Iberia at the time, see Humberto Pifiera, El Pensa-miento Espanol de los Siglos XVI y XVII (New York: Las Americas, 1970), pp. 242-43. 8. See Porges, pp. 65.

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30 Richard A. Preto-Rodas 9. See Pinera, p. 48; cf. Odette Sauvage, Lltineraire Erasmien de Andre de Resende (1500) (Paris: Fundacao Calouste Gulbenkian, 1971). 10. The Tratado has recently been edited and published. See Samuel da Silva, Tratado da Imortalidade da Alma, ed. Pinharanda Gomes (Lisbon: Imprensa Nacional, Casa da Moeda, 1982). For a critical review of this edition that qualifies the editor's urlflattering view of Uriel da Costa's position in the debate, see Diogo Pires Aurelio, "Portugueses, mas nem tanto" in the Didrio de Noticias, Revista de Livros for 4 April 1983, pp. v ff. 11. See D. M. Gomes dos Santos, "Buchanan e o ambiente coimbrao no seculo XVI," Humanitas 15 (1963): 261-327. 12. See Antonio Jose Saraiva, Historia de Cultura em Portugal (Lisbon: Jornal do Foro, 1962), 3: 518-636; for the topos, see Ernst Robert Curtius, "The World Upside-Down" in European Literature and the Latin Middle Ages, trans. W. R. Trask (New York: Pantheon Books, 1953), pp. 94-98. Belenkii consid ers Camoes a major influence in da Costa's intellectual formation; cf. C. M. de Vasconcelos: "Uriel lia e trelia e sabia (i.e., Camoes) de cor," p. 295. 13. See Carlos G. Norena, Studies in Spanish Renaissance Thought (The Hague: M. Nijhoff, 1975), pp. 240-41; cf. J. V. de Pina Martins, Pico della Mirandola e o Humanismo Italiano nas Origens do Humanismo Portugues (Lisbon: Editorial Verbo, 1964). 14. See Curtius, "Theatrical Metaphors," in European Literature, pp. 138; cf. Frank J. Warnke, "The World as Theatre," in Versions of Baroque-European Literature in the Seventeenth Century (London and New Haven: Yale University Press, 1972), pp. 66-89. 15. See The Stoic and Epicurean Philosophers, ed. Whitney J. Oates (New York: Random House, 1940), p. 266. 16. See Soneto XCIV in Luis de Camoes, Obras Completas, ed. Hernani Cidade (Lisbon: Sa da Costa, 1962), 1: 241. 17. Jorge de Sena, "Reflexoes sobre Sa de Miranda ou A Arte de ser Moderno em Portugal," Da PoesiaPortuguesa (Lisbon: Atica, 1959), pp. 23; cf. J. V. de Pina Martins, "Sa de Miranda, Poeta e Inovador," in Cultura Portuguesa (Lisbon: Editorial Verbo, 1974), pp. 65-80. 18. Sa de Miranda, "O sol e grande," in Obras Completas, ed. M. Rodrigues Lapa (Lisbon: Sa da Costa, 1960), 1: 318; cf. A. Julio da Costa Pimpao, "O sol e grande," Biblos 19 (1938): 263-312. 19. See Jaime Cortesao, O Humanismo Universalista dos Portugueses (Lisbon: Portugalia Editora, 1965), pp. 119-92; Elizabeth Feist Hirsch, Damiao de Gois: The Life and Thought of a Portuguese Humanist, 1502-1574 (The Hague: M. Nijhoff, 1967); Luis de Matos, "L'Humanisme portugais et ses relations avec l'Europe," Bulletin des Etudes Portugaises 26 (1965): 45.

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II The Portuguese in Brazil

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The Victory of the Portuguese Language in Colonial Brazil Jose Honorio Rodrigues The indigenous languages: Tupi and others IN HIS LETTER to the king relating what happened when Pedro Alvares Cabral landed on the coast of Brazil, Pero Vaz de Caminha made the observation that it had been impossible "for there to be any useful talk or understanding" between the Portuguese and the Indians. They could not understand each other's language and had to resort to exchanging impressions by gesticulating, as if they were mute. The decision was therefore made not to take any Indians by force since nobody could understand them but instead to leave two exiles behind and have them learn the Indians' language. In another passage Caminha wrote that "an old man waited there, holding a ca noe paddle in his hand. He kept talking in front of all of us while our captain stood next to him but we didn't understand him and he didn't understand us." And on the day of departure, May 1, after Mass, Caminha wrote that "it seemed to me and to everyone else that the only thing needed for these people to become Christians was for them to understand us."l When Pero de Magalhaes Gandavo elaborated his Historia da Provincia de Santa Cruz (1575), he stated that "one language is used all along the coast; certain words may differ in some places but this does not prevent them [the natives] from understanding each other. This is true as far as the latitude of 27; beyond that there are heathens of a different kind that we don't know as much about who speak a differ ent language. The language I refer to, which is the general language Translated by James C. Trager, University of Florida, and edited by Alfred Hower and Richard A. Preto-Rodas. 33

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34 Jose Honorio Rodrigues spoken along the coast, is very soft and is easy for any nation to learn."2 By 1531, before Gandavo wrote his Historia, there were already Portuguese who knew the language of the Indians. In the Didrio de Navegagdo de Pero Lopes de Sousa,3 it is stated that Francisco Chaves and the "Bacharel of Cananeia" and five or six Spaniards approached the Portuguese warship in a brigantine across from Cananeia. "This 'bacharel' [university graduate] had been living here in exile for thirty years, since the first expedition in 1501. He and Francisco Chaves were excellent interpreters in this land." Like Caramuru they learned the language by living with the natives, especially those who spoke Tupi. Studies in the indigenous language began early, with the Jesuits. Padre Joao Azpilcueta Navarro (d. 1557) was the first to translate the "Suma da Doutrina Crista" into the Tupi language. Padre Manuel da Nobrega, the head of all the Jesuits, stuttered and never did learn Tupi, but he stimulated studies in it. In the first of his Cartas do Brasil he wrote to Padre Mestre Simao Rodrigues de Azevedo in 1549 that "we are trying to learn their language, and in this Padre Navarro is the best of all of us. We have decided that when we are more secure and better established we will go and live in their villages and learn their language with them and start to indoctrinate them little by little. I have tried to put into their language the sermons and some of the say ings of Our Lord, but I have not been able to find an interpreter to help me in this, for they are so primitive that they do not even have the necessary words. I hope to translate them to the best of my ability with the help of a man [Diogo Alvares, known as Caramuru], who grew up as a young man in this land."4 In another letter, dated August 10,1549, he wrote to his professor in Coimbra, Dr. Navarro, that Padre Joao de Azpilcueta Navarro "already knows their language, which apparently greatly resembles Basque, so that he can communicate with them and is the best of all of us." In his letter to Simao Rodrigues in 1550 he states that "some of us are very weak and awkward in the language of this country, but Padre Navarro has Our Lord's special grace in this regard because while trav eling through the villages of the Negroes [i.e., the Indians] in just the few days that we have been here he is able to communicate with them and preach in their language."5 One of the serious matters for Nobrega was whether the Indians "will be able to confess through interpreters," and thus it was urgent to learn the language that was most widely spoken on the coast. He

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The Portuguese Language in Colonial Brazil 35 repeats again in a letter to King Dom Joao in 1554 that "in Bahia we cannot communicate with the heathens now because we lack interpreters."6 Padre Navarro died young, in 1555, and the extreme need for in terpreters who spoke Tupi was seen immediately. Throughout the decade of the 1550s, however, some Portuguese colonists were already learning Tupi and other indigenous languages simply by living with the natives, i.e., without taking formal lessons. They also learned Af rican languages, for Negroes from Guinea had already been intro duced into Brazil, as Nobrega's letters reveal. Padre Navarro, a Basque, was replaced by the Canary Islander Jose de Anchieta, who quickly learned the most widespread indige nous language, in which he wrote the Arte da Gramdtica da Lingua mats usada na Costa do Brasil7 and the "Dialogo da Doutrina Crista." A cen tury later Padre Antonio Vieira would say about this ability of Padre Anchieta: "How widely used was the language of Brazil in this prov ince of ours is well testified by its first Arte da Gramdtica, of which the author and inventor was the great Anchieta and which can rightly be esteemed as one of his miracles."8 Anchieta himself, with his sharp hearing, perceived that there were a great number of tribal groups who differed in their speech. Before writing the Arte he wrote, from Sao Vicente in 1554, to his brothers in Coimbra that "as for the language, I am making progress although still very little in comparison with what I would know if I had not been occupied in studying the grammar; nevertheless I have learned almost all of its modes. I haven't put it into an Arte yet because there is no one here who can profit from it. The only ones who will profit from it are myself and those who will come from Portugal knowing grammar." But already in 1560 in the College of Bahia, and probably since 1555 in Piratininga, the language of the land was being studied in Anchieta's grammar but in manuscript copies, for, as we have seen, it was not until 1595 that it was printed, in Coimbra. Refer ring to customs in Brazil in the "Informacao do Brasil e de suas Capitanias de 1584," one of the major documents of the early history of Brazil, he wrote that "all the peoples of the coast who speak the same language eat human flesh."9 When the visitor Padre Christovao Gouvea arrived in Bahia, he was welcomed to the college with three speeches, one in Portuguese, one in the Brazilian language, and the third in Latin. Anchieta states in his "Fragmentos Historicos" that "as the priests did not know the language of the land, the brothers served as interpreters for the doc-

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36 Jose Honorio Rodrigues trines and peregrinations and confessions of the mestizos, wives, and children of the Portuguese, especially in the general confessions, for the purpose of better satisfaction and understanding."10 The mestizos, the children, and the wives (who were Indians) of the Portu guese needed interpreters because they did not speak Portuguese. Anchieta was the one who most distinguished himself in master ing the native Brazilian language. Besides himself and Azpilcueta Navarro, only Pero Correa and Manuel Chaves, who both lived in Sao Vicente and were received into the order as brothers, mastered it. The Jesuit priests who came to Brazil had to read Anchieta's Arte da lingua brasilica immediately.11 Luis da Gra (1523), who replaced Nobrega as Provincial and had been the Superior of Sao Vicente and Rector of the College of Pernambuco, ordered that "every day there should be an hour lesson in the native Brazilian language, which we here call Greek; he is the teacher of the language because he under stands it and knows how to explain its rules better than all others, even though they may be very good as interpreters."12 Though Anchieta was the first to write the Arte da Gramdtica, Fernao Cardim (1540?) was the first to describe in any orderly way the diversity of nations and languages in Brazil.13 Cardim wrote that in all of this province there are many and various nations with different languages, although there is one principal lan guage that some ten nations of Indians understand. The lat ter live along the sea coast and in a great stretch of the inte rior; they all speak one single language, although they may differ in a few words, and it is this language that the Portu guese understand. It is easy and elegant and soft and rich; its difficulty is that it has many forms. The Portuguese who have any communication with the Indians learn it in a short time, and the Brazilian-born children of Portuguese know it better than the Portuguese, males as well as females, espe cially in the Captaincy of Sao Vicente. The padres communi cate with these ten nations of Indians because they know their language and because these Indians are better disposed and more domesticated; they were and are old friends of the Portuguese and fought against their own relatives and other indigenous nations. There were so many of the latter that it seemed impossible to put an end to them, but the Portu guese have fought them so much that almost all have been killed and the rest have such fear of them that they leave the

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The Portuguese Language in Colonial Brazil 37 coast and flee as far as three or four hundred leagues into the interior. Cardim then enumerated those who spoke different languagesthe Potiguar, the Viatan, the Tupinamba, the Caete, and many other groupsa total of seventy-six different nations and different lan guages, peoples who were brave, savage, and unconquered, contrary to the heathen who lived along the seacoast. The only exceptions cited by Cardim were the Tapuia who lived along the Sao Francisco River and others who lived closer by. Contact with the latter might be fruitful, but "the other Tapuia cannot be converted because they are nomadic and they have many different and difficult languages."14 Cardim, in his "Informacao da Missao do P. Christovao Gouvea as Partes do Brasil, Ano de 83,"15 referred several times to prayers and speeches made in the native Brazilian language and declared that the Indians regarded a good interpreter so highly they called him a mas ter of speech. "When they want to test one to determine whether he is a great interpreter, many of them gather together to see whether they can tire him out by talking to him in a body all night long and some times for two or three days, without getting irritated."16 The Indian children who attended school to learn to read and write were bi lingual, speaking their own language and Portuguese.17 Gabriel Soares de Sousa, in his Tratado Descritivo do Brasil em 1587', described the lives and customs of the heathen Potiguar, Caete, Aimore, Tupinikin, Guaitaca, Papana, Tamoio, Goiana, and Carijo and distinguished the languages they spoke. He stated that the Caete spoke the same language as the Tupinamba, which was also spoken by the Potiguar. The Aimore were wilder than the other savages and after losing their language they made up "a new one that no other nation of heathens understands in this whole state of Brazil."18 The Tupinikin, Soares stated, were the lords and possessors of the lands along the seacoast of Brazil. There were many wars and many losses, but in time peace was made and from then on they were very faithful and true to the Portuguese. He explained that even though the Tupinikin were adversaries of the Tupinamba, "there is no greater difference between them in language and customs than there is be tween the people who live in Lisbon and those who live in Beira." They were regarded as more domesticated than heathen and aided the Portuguese against the Aimore, the Tapuia, and Tamoio. The Guaitaca were lords of the coastland that formed part of the Captaincy of Espirito Santo and part of Paraiba do Sul or of Sao

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38 Jose Honorio Rodrigues Tome. These heathens, Soares pointed out, had a language different from that of the Tupinikin, Papana, and Tamoio. The Papana lived along the sea between the Captaincy of Porto Seguro and that of Espirito Santo, from where they were pushed into the interior by their adversaries, the Tupinikin. Their language was understood by the Tupinikin and Guaitaca, although not very well.19 The Tamoio occupied the coast from the Cape of Sao Tome to Angra dos Reis. "These heathens are tall and robust, they are valiant men and very bellicose and enemies of all other heathens except the Tupinamba to whom they are related. Their languages resemble each other and they have the same customs and religion and lead the same kind of life and are friendly to each other" but are enemies of the Guaitaca.20 The Goiana had their lands along the coast from Angra dos Reis to the Cananeia River where they shared a border with the Carijo. They were always at war "with the Tamoio on one bank of the river and with the Carijo on the other and they kill each other cruelly." The language of these people was different from that of their neighbors, but they and the Carijo did understand each other.21 The Carijo, enemies of the Goiana, possessed the coastland of the Cananeia River, where they bordered on the territory of the Goiana. They were a domesticated people, rational, and little disposed to belli cosity. They did not eat human flesh nor did they kill whites who came to negotiate with them. They sustained themselves by hunting and fishing and planted manioc and vegetables. Their language was quite different from that of their neighbors. The most complete description of Indians in Gabriel Soares de Sousa's work concerns the Tupinamba, who populated Bahia and were its first settlers. The Tupinamba were divided into several bands, some of whom were enemies of each other, but all spoke a language that was almost general along the coast of Brazil.22 In the Didlogos das Grandezas do Brasil (1618) by the New Christian Ambrosio Fernandes Brandao, little can be gathered concerning the language of the Indians. He repeats earlier authors in stating that their language lacks the letters F, L, and R, a sign that they have nei ther faith nor law nor royalty (fe, lei, rei)23 and, finally, speaking of the Tapuia, he says that their speech is different "because the other hea thens don't understand them, since they have a very complicated language."24 Well into the seventeenth century, when ethnic, cultural, and lin guistic miscegenation had developed with the attempt toward the

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The Portuguese Language in Colonial Brazil 39 Lusitanization of the Indians and the Indianization of the Portuguese, and also the Africanization of Indians and whites, each becoming as similated with the others, Antonio Vieira began his activities and his preaching. He spoke of the necessity "for the apostles or their suc cessors in their ministry to abound in the love of God in order to teach in this land, where even greater love of God is necessary than any where else. And why? For two reasons: the first, because of the quality of the various peoples; the second, because of the difficulty of the languages."25 Continuing his sermon, which he delivered in Sao Luis, Vieira de scribed the linguistic problems that the Portuguese had to contend with in Brazil. Portugal, he pointed out, sent missionaries to countries such as Japan, China, and Persia, where there was only one language. However, the missionaries that Portugal sends to Maranhao, although it does not have the name of empire or kingdom, are truly those whom God reserved for the [most] difficult undertaking, because they come to preach to people of so many, so diverse, and so unknown languages that the only thing known about them is that they are without num ber. The Amazon River, from the city of Belem up stream, already has been measured to be more than 3000 [leagues], but its origin is still uncharted. For this reason the natives call the region Para and the Portuguese call it Maranhao, which mean "sea," and "big sea." The name of Babel would be insufficient for it, for at the tower of Babel, as St. Jerome says, there were only seventy-two languages, whereas those spoken along the Amazon are so many and so diverse, that their names and number are unknown. The ones that were known by the year 1639 upon the discovery of Quito, numbered one hundred and fifty. Later many more were discovered, yet only the lesser part of the river and its immense tributaries and the nations which inhabit them has been discovered. So many are the peoples and so mysterious their tongues and of such new and unheard-of intelligence!26 Vieira accentuated the difficulties of learning these new languages, preaching that "if it is difficult to hear a language that you do not understand, how much more difficult it must be to understand a lan guage that you do not hear? The first problem is to hear it; the sec-

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40 Jose Honorio Rodrigues ond, to understand it; the third, to reduce it to grammar and to rules; the fourth, to study it; the fifth (and not the least, hurdle, one which obliged St. Jerome to wear down his teeth) is to pronounce it."27 In his efforts at evangelizing, Vieira said that "the letters of the Chinese and Japanese are quite difficult because they are hieroglyphs, like those of the Egyptians, but after all one can learn the language of political people and study it by letter and by paper. But having to face a primitive language of savages, without books, without a teacher, without a guide, and in the midst of that darkness and dissonance to have to dig out the first foundations and to discover the primary ele ments of that language there is no doubt that that is a most ar duous task for any mind."28 In his Epiphany sermon, preached in the Royal Chapel before the Queen Regent, he declaimed: "When God confused the tongues at the tower of Babel, Philo the Hebrew believed that all became deaf and dumb, because even though all spoke and all heard, no one un derstood anyone else. In ancient Babel there were seventy-two lan guages; in the Babel of the Amazon River there are already more than one hundred fifty known, as different from each other as ours is from Greek; thus when we arrived there, all of us were mute and all of them deaf. See now how much study and how much work will be nec essary so that these mute may speak and these deaf may hear."29 Vieira continued, concerning the learning of languages: "Our calling (says St. Ignatius in the beginning of his Instituto) is to go about and bring life to every place on the Earth where the greatest service to God and aid to souls awaits. His rule states: For the greatest help to the natives of the land in which they reside, all must learn their lan guage. Let us note well those two all-encompassing terms: all and every place. And which part or parts of the Earth, and which land or lands are those in which they reside? Japan, China, Malabar, Mogul, Mexico, Peru, Brazil, Maranhao, and if an unknown land is discov ered, that one also. And who are those who are to learn the lan guages? Everyone, he says, without exception." Vieira pointed out other considerations, referring to the three nonbarbaric languages in which was written the title that Jesus re ceived on the cross: Hebrew, Greek, and Latin. He continued: However, after Calvary extended to all the world and upon it was raised the standard of the Crucified One, the title on the cross is now composed of all languages, no matter how barbaric or unknown they may be. How widely used was the language of Brazil in this province is well testified by its first

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The Portuguese Language in Colonial Brazil 41 art or grammar, of which the author and inventor was the great Anchieta, and which can rightly be esteemed as one of his miracles. The other more abbreviated ones which came out afterward and the copious vocabularies and the very exact catechism also so testify. Above all it is attested by the very use of which the elders remind us, in which the native Portuguese tongue was not more general among us than the Brazilian. And what shall I say to the College of Bahia, or what will they say to me, when in this community the language called the general language of Brazil is so little general, for so few are those who use it.30 The battle of the languages led Vieira to wonder: Have the old refinements increased or have they become ex tinguished or at least cooled down this fire of languages in our province, because the general language of Brazil is less cultivated here today? ... It is certain that the reduction to one language has been replaced by five others: the Por tuguese language which by so many means is insisted upon in the reformation of the Portuguese; the Ethiopian, in which in this city alone 25,000 negroes are being indoctri nated and catechized, not to mention the infinite number of them from elsewhere; the two Tapuias, with which in the re motest hinterlands of our interior the six new Christendoms among the Paiaia and the Chiriri have risen; and finally "general Brazilian" itself, with which in the twelve settle ments closest to the sea along four hundred leagues of the coast, the Company indoctrinates and preserves the relics of the Indians of that name, which by now would have been finished if it had not preserved them. And since in Bra zil the number of Indians has been decreasing and that of the Portuguese increasing, with the prudence characteristic of our Institute the study of the language of the land has been reduced, so that the ages in which it is more easily learned should be applied as soon as possible to the study of rhetoric, philosophy, and theology, and the workers who need further instruction be trained more quickly. However, in the present situation, when to the obligations of this prov ince have been added the universal conquest of the new world of Maranhao and the great sea of the Amazon River, there is no doubt that the lingua geral of Brazil, as the only

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42 Jose Honorio Rodrigues gateway through which one can enter into an understanding of the other languages, comprises the great lack and diffi culty in which we find ourselves.31 The lingua geral: its diffusion in Brazil The Indians who spoke lingua geral were always, in spite of being warlike, those who most readily submitted and made peace with the colonists. Thus orders came from His Majesty "to the Paulistas who, under the pretext of hunting the Tapuia, captured those who spoke the lingua geral." They were Indians who were being domesticated by the Jesuits, and thus His Majesty decided to thwart their intentions, ordering Antonio Luis Goncalves de Camara Coutinho, governor of Bahia (1690), to write to the Paulistas to show them "how much it behooved the service of His Majesty and the welfare of that conquest to keep the already domesticated Indians in the place in which they were situated."32 Like those of the coast, but valiant or more docile, the Indians of the sertdo, who were in general called the Tapuia, were being subjected little by little. They were the ones who faced the forces of the colonists and especially of the bandeirantes. There were cases, in the assaults on the "barbarian" natives, when only one was captured. In one such case the authorities tried at all costs to find an interpreter, for they were faced with an unknown language. For this reason the Marquis of Angeja, Dom Pedro Antonio de Noronha Albuquerque e Sousa, gover nor of Bahia (1714) and third viceroy, wrote to the sergeant fieldmaster Manuel Nunes Viana, the leader of the emboabas, to look for an interpreter who could understand their Indian prisoner.33 The predominance of the lingua geral became established with the bandeirantes, all or almost all of whom spoke only that language with no knowledge of Portuguese. Thus Antonio Vieira, in his "Voto" about the doubts of the inhabitants of Sao Paulo regarding the admin istration of the Indians,34 said it was "certain that the families of the Portuguese and Indians of Sao Paulo are today so closely linked that the women and children grow up mystically and domestically to gether, and the language which is spoken in said families is that of the Indians, and the children go to school to learn Portuguese." Sergio Buarque de Holanda, in a valuable note on "The Lingua Geral in Sao Paulo,"35 cites the solicitation made to His Majesty by the governor Artur de Sa e Menezes that the appointing of parish priests to the churches of the southern district should be made to religious who were familiar with the lingua geral of the Indians, stating that "the majority of these people do not express themselves in any other

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The Portuguese Language in Colonial Brazil 43 language, especially the female sex and all the servants. Because of the lack of [bilingual] priests irreparable loss occurs, as we see today in Sao Paulo with the new vicar who came appointed to that church, who needs to have someone interpret for him." Another example referred to by Sergio Buarque de Holanda is taken from the report written around 1692, when the governor of Rio de Janeiro, Antonio Pais de Sande (1693), stated that "the first language that children [of the Paulistas] learn is that of the natives rather than the mother tongue," i.e. Portuguese. He cites in addition the case of the inventory of the estate of Bras Esteves Leme, in which it was necessary for the Judge for Orphans "to swear in Alvaro Neto, practiced in the language of the land, in order to be able to under stand the declarations of Luzia Esteves, daughter of the deceased, since she didn't know how to speak Portuguese well." Sergio Buarque de Holanda explains that the judge, Dom Francisco Rendon de Que-bedo, was a newcomer to Sao Paulo and thus needed an interpreter for the language that was the normal one of the populace. Add to this the case of Domingos Jorge Velho, one of the greatest of the bandeirantes, who, visiting the Bishop of Pernambuco, pro vided this impression which the bishop transmitted to the king; "This man is one of the biggest savages I have ever met; when he visited me he brought an interpreter with him for he does not even know how to speak, and he is no different from the most barbarous Tapuia except to say that he is a Christian, and notwithstanding his having been mar ried recently he has seven concubines attending him, and from this one can infer how he proceeds in everything else."36 Yet another instance of the need for bilingual administrators is found in Manuel da Fonseca's Vida do Venerdvel Padre Belchior de Pontes. The author writes of his subject that "the notice of his great skill in the Brazilian language was not the least reason for the prelate's being held in high regard." Farther on he says that after Pontes became a religious, the superiors considered how to put him to work. "They looked toward Sao Paulo, and judged him suited for that region, because he was mature in years and skilled in the Brazilian language which was so necessary in those parts that both the natives and the Portuguese who traded with the heathens had co-naturalized it."37 Hercules Florence wrote in his diary of the expedition of the Rus sian consul Baron de Langsdorff "that the Apiaca speak Guarani or Brazilian lingua geral. In the Portuguese missions, which are today Brazilian in Rio Grande do Sul, and in those of Paraguay, the people, and especially the indigenous race, still use that language. In Sao Paulo, sixty years ago [i.e., in 1768], the ladies spoke in that language, which was the language of friendship and household intimacy. I have

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44 Jose Honorio Rodrigues still heard it from the mouths of old persons. In Paraguay it is com mon to all classes, but, just as formerly in Sao Paulo, it is spoken only at home, for with strangers they speak Spanish."38 Sergio Buarque de Holanda, in a passage notable for synthesis and precision, wrote: "Note that the influence of the lingua geral in vocabulary, pronunciation, and even in the syntactic usage of our rural population did not stop exerting itself even when the indige nous languages used were not of the great Tupi-Guarani family; that is the case of the Bororo and especially of the Pareci, who in the Sao Paulo of the eighteenth century had a role in all ways comparable to that of the Carijo in the 1600s, the era par excellence of the bandeirantes. The fact was that having been domesticated and catechized ordinarily in the lingua geral of the coast, they could not communi cate with their masters in any other language." And immediately thereafter he wrote that "if it is true that with out the very pronounced presence of the Indian, the Portuguese would not have been able to live on the plateau, with it they could not survive in a pure state. In other words, they would have to renounce many of their hereditary habits, their forms of life and society, their techniques, their aspirations and, what is quite significant, their lan guage. And that was in fact what happened."39 Tupi in Para, Maranhao, and Amazonas The expansion and predominance of the lingua geral developed above all, as we have seen, in Sao Paulo. The bandeirantes spoke only lingua geral, and it was spoken in Amazonas generally, i.e. in Maranhao, Para, and Amazonas. On the coast the Portuguese language prevailed, but it was primarily in Sao Paulo and in Amazonas that the lingua geral won out in a war that lasted two and a half centuries. In 1722 the king wrote to the commissioner-general of the Ca puchins of Our Lady of the Conception in Maranhao regarding the manner in which the Indians were to be instructed: "It is my wish to recommend to you that the missionaries that you place in the villages that are delivered to you be well versed in the language of the Indians that they are to missionize, like the padres of the Company of Jesus, because if they are not knowledgeable in said language all the work that they do in indoctrinating them will be useless and without fruit, and that after they are instructed in the true faith you order them to undertake with all care that the Indians learn the Portuguese lan guage, for thus will they more easily receive our religion with greater understanding."40 But Portuguese suffered as a result; thus, Joao Francisco Lisboa pointed out that "in 1755 the Portuguese language

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The Portuguese Language in Colonial Brazil 45 was so corrupted, or rather, banished, that in Sao Luis and Belem only Tupi was spoken, even from the pulpits."41 More recently, commenting on articles by Jaime Cortesao (called collectively Introdugao a Historia das Bandeiras), Artur Cesar Ferreira Reis, an outstanding authority on Amazonia, noted that "in the seven teenth century as in the eighteenth, not in Belem but in Amazonia, the use of Tupi was so widespread that we can safely say that without it, it was to a certain extent impossible to live integrated into that social environment or gain any benefit from it."42 The African languages The Portuguese language had the lingua geral and the diversity of languages spoken by the Indians as its principal enemy, but the Af rican languages also had to be overcome for Portuguese to become victorious. It was Portugal's colonialist policy to diversify as much as possible the composition of the African people it brought to Brazil. Thus, the Portuguese prevented their unity through the diversity of languages and kept them submissive. Africans were brought to Brazil from the outset, for Cardim speaks of Negroes from Guinea. In his "Informacao da Missao do P. Christovao Gouvea as Partes do Brasil no ano de 1583" and his "Narrativa Epistolar de uma viagem a Missao Jesuitica" he had already de clared that there were three or four thousand slaves from Guinea among three thousand Portuguese and eight thousand Christianized Indians. He said that there was also a priest who spoke the language of the slaves from Guinea.43 In Pernambuco, at the festival of the mar tyrdom of Padre Ignacio de Azevedo and his companions, besides an oration in verse in the refectory, a brother of fourteen years gave an other one in the language of Angola. Also in Pernambuco there is reference to the benefit that the mission gained through a padre who knew the language of the Guinean slaves. Pernambuco had, as did Bahia, many slaves from Guinea, "who must have numbered close to two thousand"44 Ever since the work of Varnhagen it has been known that Portugal brought different ethnic groups to Brazil, with a great variety of African languages. People came from Guinea, the Mina coast, the Congo, Angola, and Mozambique, and Varnhagen cites some words of current use in Brazil that originally derived from Africa.45 Writing in 1711, Antonil revealed that Ardas, Minas, and Con golese, from Sao Tome, Angola, Cape Verde, and some from Mozam bique, came to Brazil on board ships from India. The Ardas and the Minas were robust, he stated, while those from Cape Verde and Sao

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46 Jose Honorio Rodrigues Tome were the weakest. Natives of Angola who had grown up in Luanda were more readily capable of learning mechanical trades than were those from the other places mentioned. Among the Congolese there were also some who were good and industrious, not only for working sugarcane but also in workshops and for domestic work. Some arrived in Brazil very "rough and tough" and continued that way all their lives. Others in a few years turned out to be sharp and clever, both in learning Christian doctrine and in seeking ways to make a living, fit to be entrusted with a boat, to carry messages, or to perform any task among those likely to arise.46 Luis dos Santos Vilhena, writing in the late eighteenth century, at tempted to show in one of his letters how the troubles that afflicted society resulted as much from the introduction of the Negroes from Africa as from the depraved upbringing ordinarily given to the mulattoes and Creoles born in Brazil. His information, however, was sparse, and he stated only that they are brought from diverse ports of Africa in exchange for tobacco, sugar, and rum. He wrote nothing about the languages these different groups brought to Brazil.47 In an exemplary book on the traffic of Negroes between the Gulf of Benin and Bahia de Todos os Santos, Pierre Verger showed with regard to Bahia alone that the traffic in Negroes could be divided into four periods: the Guinea cycle during the second half of the sixteenth century; the Angola and Congo cycle of the eighteenth century; the coast of Mina cycle of the first three-quarters of the eighteenth cen tury; and the cycle of the Gulf of Benin between 1770 and 1850, in cluding the period of the clandestine traffic.48 The arrival of the Dahomeyans, called Gege in Brazil, occurred during the last two periods. That of the Nago-Yoruba corresponded especially to the last pe riod. Only in Bahia was there a greater concentration of Negroes from the Mina coast, while in Rio de Janeiro, Africans arrived from everywhere, although with a predominance of people from Angola and the Congo. The first person to study the African languages and dialects in Brazil was Nina Rodrigues in his Os Africanos no Brasil.49 After recall ing that Silvio Romero lamented that in Brazil the study of the African languages spoken by the slaves had been neglected, Nina Rodrigues noted what happened once the slave trade stopped: The African languages spoken in Brazil soon suffered great alterations, both because of the learning of Portuguese on the part of the slaves, and because of the African language adopted as a lingua geral by the acclimated Negroes. In fact,

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The Portuguese Language in Colonial Brazil 47 no one would suppose that all of the black slaves spoke the same language. Rather, in the number of languages that were imported, in the infinite multiplicity and nuances of their dialects, they were so many that, in an almost excusable exaggeration, they could be said to be equal in number to that of the shipments of slaves brought into the country. Under such conditions, it became an urgent need for the black slaves to adopt one African language as a lingua geral in which all might understand each other. Hence, upon dis embarking in Brazil, the new Negro was obliged to learn Portuguese to speak with the white masters, the mestizos, and creole Negroes, and the lingua geral in order to be un derstood by his partners or companions in slavery.50 It was easier, Nina Rodrigues points out, for the Africans to learn the latter language than to learn Portuguese, for which they had no teachers, nor was the example of their fellow-slaves sufficient to teach Por tuguese to them, since even they hardly understood it and mangled it barbarously. The important fact is that, just like the lingua geral created to provide communication among various Tupi groups, there was a black lingua geral created to provide understanding among the vari ous African groups. The difference is that the indigenous lingua geral was created by the Jesuits, while the black lingua geral was created by the Africans themselves. Nina Rodrigues attempted to determine which African languages were spoken in Brazil and cited various students of African linguistics and the classifications they adopted. He accepted a division into three groups; the Hamitic (Tuareg and Fula); the Sudanese, with twelve groups, among which are the Mandinga, Ewe or Gege, the Yoruba or Nago; and the southern or Bantu group. He states that many of the languages that figured in the complete list of his classification were spoken in Brazil and that among them the ones that were adopted as linguas gerais were Nago or Yoruba in Bahia and Kimbundu or Con golese in the north and south, that is, one a Sudanese language and the other a Bantu. He recalls that Varnhagen pointed out the impor tance of the Nago language, spoken as a lingua geral in Bahia, which so many slaves learned in order to understand each other.51 Nina Rodrigues emphasized the importance of the Nago lan guage, pointing out that those who compile lists of African words, es pecially Bantu, have mixed Yoruba or Nago terms with Bantu. He also stressed the importance and extent of Gege or Eue or Ewe in Brazil,

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48 Jose Honorio Rodrigues and of Haussa, spoken widely in Africa. Both Gege and Haussa pos sess various dialects, the latter being generally called Sudanese as it is the language most widely spoken in Sudan. He refers also to Kanuri, spoken by the Bornu Negroes in Bahia; to Tapa, Nife, or Nupe, also spoken in Bahia, the language of the Grunce Negroes, known in Bahia as the chicken Negroes. He states that at the time he wrote his book, in 1905, Haussa, Kanuri, Tapa, and Grunce were still spoken in Bahia. Nina Rodrigues also dealt with the existence of Mandinga Negroes and therefore with the use of the Mandinga language, which is the lingua geral of former Portuguese Guinea. In addition, he referred to the Fula language, or the Felupian group, which he believed was spoken in Maranhao, in the north of Brazil, and in Bahia itself. Fi nally, he dealt with the Bantu languages, spoken with their many di alects in a vast region of Africa, including Angola and Mozambique. There were few Angolan and Congo Negroes in Bahia who aban doned their language to speak Nago, the African lingua geral of Bahia. But in Rio de Janeiro the great majority of Negro slaves were Bantu; hence the predominance of Kimbundu, Ambundu, and other languages, just a few of the many dialects of Angola, where there are ten large ethnic groups. Nina Rodrigues asserted that almost all the Bantu languages were spoken in Brazil.52 According to Renato de Mendonca, two strong language families exist in African linguistics: Bantu and non-Bantu, and from these two arose an infinite variety of languages or dialects. He cites Blaise Cendrars who, in his Anthologie Negre, divided the African languages into six groups, each further divided into dozens of languages.53 Thus, the Bantu group, dominant in Africa, had some 168 languages and 55 dialects. The languages of Sudan and of Guinea comprised some 16 groups.54 In a chapter on the imported Negro peoples, Re nato de Mendonca demonstrated the insufficiency of the data, the confused denominations, and the extremely varied origins of the Bra zilian Negroes. In his opinion, Negroes from Guinea predominated in Bahia, while the Bantu prevailed in the state of Rio de Janeiro and in Minas Gerais, the regions with the largest Negro contingents. But the Guineans and Bantus each possessed various languages and dialects.55 Renato de Mendonca concluded by stating that "the following lan guages were spoken in Brazil: Nago or Yoruba, Kimbundu, Gege or Eue, Kanuri or Nipe and Grunce."56 From these languages two stood out which were adopted by the Negroes of the country as linguas gerais: Nago or Yoruba in Bahia, and Kimbundu in the north and in the south. This conclusion is based on information from Nina Rodrigues, whose work was summarized earlier.

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The Portuguese Language in Colonial Brazil 49 Edison Carneiro, who was one of the best Brazilian specialists in studies of the Negro in Brazil, wrote a splendid synthesis on the lan guages spoken by the various tribes that arrived there.57 He said that there were no studies worthy of special mention, and that with respect to the Africans' presence, research involving language did not merit the same attention as that bestowed upon the religions of the Negroes. He considered Nina Rodrigues's study the best and that of Renato de Mendonc,a deficient; he claimed not to know what adjective Jacques Raimundo's might deserve. He emphasized that Nago, Gege, and Kimbundu, in the Angolan and Congo variants, were languages in current use in Bahia and that Nago and Gege were alive in the Xango religion of Pernambuco and in the Tambor of Maranhao. Carneiro additionally noted that Kimbundu appellations and place-names are innumerable throughout the country. He pleaded, then, that the study of African languages spoken in Brazil be encouraged. Thus the Babel of indigenous languages to which Antonio Vieira referred is joined by another Babel, that of African languages. A hint of it can be found in a classified ad in the Jornal do Comercio of 14 May 1830 placed by a slave-owner looking for a runaway slave who was "a Fula" and "who doesn't speak Portuguese well."58 Indeed, this may have been the rule rather than the exception. Thus, in 1836 George Gardner noted that "many times when traveling through the interior, I saw bands of slaves whose number ranged from twenty to a hundred individuals, all of them unable to speak a word of Portuguese, herded to the sertdo to be sold or already bought by plantation owners."59 Rob ert Ave-Lallemant, too, traveling through the interior of Bahia, en countered a group of free Africans placed at the disposition of Sena tor and Minister Goncalves Martins (later Baron and Viscount of Sao Lourengo) for the preparation of the enterprise of the Jequitinhonha. He wrote that "few Negroes spoke fluent Portuguese. Among them selves they chattered animatedly and passionately in their Nago di alect, which sounds most unpleasant."60 Ave-Lallemant went on to say: "The fact that they spoke their di alect seemed to me a circumstance worthy of note, though the fore man, a rather indecisive man, was of a different opinion, not having, however, thought about it. But I certainly believe that those groups of Negroes, with a strange language, when they have no direction and do not encounter any example to imitate in the civilized world which sur rounds them, can easily abuse their brute strength, of which they have full consciousness. These savage creatures, once excited, need only a resolute chief with just a few fiery remarks in their native African tongue to unleash a rapid coup." He would not be surprised, he added, if they rebelled and formed a quilombo, a society of rebellious

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50 Jose Honorio Rodrigues Negroes, like many others that existed.61 Richard F. Burton, it may be noted, wrote that the Negro slaves of Morro Velho spoke LusoHamitic.62 The Portuguese reaction: the legislation of Pombal In the face of this multitude of indigenous and African languages, the defenders of Portuguese had to use all available resources to prevail. Thus it is that in 1727 Dom Joao V informed the governor of the state of Maranhao, Joao da Maia da Gama (1722 28), that he was ordering the prelates of the religious orders to see to it that the Indians under their administration should be well instructed in Portuguese, "for the great benefit that could result from it."63 The royal order does not appear to have brought any results; on the contrary, it seems to have been inoperative. In fact, the Jesuits dominated relations with the natives and were the ones who best knew the Tupi language as adapted by them to the lingua geral. Not all of the other religious orders, nor the recently arrived colonists, knew the language so well as to be able to communicate and interact with the Indians. The result was that the linguistic barrier strengthened the dominion of the Jesuits over the Indians and of those who opposed the imposition of the Portuguese language. The royal order thus initi ated an antagonism with serious consequences involving the Crown on the one hand and the Society of Jesus on the other. In the "Representacao dos Moradores do Estado do Maranhao" of 12 April 1729,64 it is stated that the Jesuit missionaries "forget the spiritual growth of the Indians at the missions, so that whereas they ought to be teaching them the Portuguese language and some of them to read in order to understand the evangelical doctrine with clarity and become more tractable and better vassals of your Majesty, they converse with them only in the language which they call geral in that state, which differs very little from the brutish language with which they came out of the backlands; in this, colonists imitate them and thus cannot force them to learn the Portuguese language without spe cial orders from your Majesty; for without them they will flee to the missions where the missionaries keep them without wishing to restrict them to their masters." Finally, it was pleaded that His Majesty should order the missionaries to teach the Portuguese language to the mis sion Indians and also to the colonists, to those who have slaves, and to the free Indians. Thus, when the Law of the Directorate of 3 May 1757 was promulgated, which established new relations with the In dians in order to promote their emancipation and improve their con-

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The Portuguese Language in Colonial Brazil 51 ditions, it had as one of its principal objectives the popularization of the Portuguese language. It was the Directorate of 1757, which was to be observed in the Indian settlements of Para and Maranhao, that imposed Portuguese as the official language in that vast region which comprises a third of the present territory of Brazil.65 The Law of the Directorate stipu lated: "And since it is evident that the paternal providences of Our August Sovereign are directed solely to Christianize and civilize these until-now unhappy and wretched peoples, so that leaving behind the ignorance and rusticity to which they find themselves reduced, they might be useful to themselves, to the mission dwellers, and to the state. These two virtuous and important ends which always was [sic] the heroic undertaking of the incomparable zeal of our Catholic and Most Faithful Monarchs, will be the principal object of the reflexion and care of the Directors" (Art. 3). The law further states: While, however, the civilizing of the Indians comprises the principal obligation of the Directors as is proper in their ministry, the latter will employ a most special care in per suading them of all those means that might be conducive to such a useful and important end, which are the ones to which I will refer (Art. 5). It was always the inalterable practice of all nations who conquered new domains, to introduce their own language imme diately to the conquered peoples, as it is indisputable that this is one of the most efficient means for banishing from un cultured peoples the barbarity of their old customs; and ex perience has shown that introducing the use of the language of the Prince who conquered them established in them as well the affection, veneration, and obedience to that same Prince. Whereas all the civilized nations of the world have observed this prudent and solid system, quite the opposite was practiced in this conquest, for the first conquerors took care only to establish the use of the language which they called lingua geral, a truly abominable and diabolical inven tion, in order that, deprived of all those means which could civilize them, the Indians would remain in the brutish and barbaric subjection under which they are kept until now. So as to banish this pernicious abuse, it will be one of the primary concerns of the Directors to establish among their respective settle ments the use of the Portuguese language, not allowing in any way the boys and girls attending the schools, and all those Indians that

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52 Jose Honorio Rodrigues are capable of instruction in this matter, to use the language of their nations or the one called geral, but only Portuguese, such as His Majesty has recommended in repeated orders, which until now have not been observed, resulting in total spiritual and temporal ruin for the State (Art. 6). Article 7 states that this resolution is the fundamental basis of the civilizing process being undertaken, ordering the establishment of public schools in all settlements, one for boys and one for girls, and in addition providing for support for the schools, for the selection of male and female teachers and sufficient salaries for the teachers "paid by the parents of those same Indians, or by the persons under whose power they live, each one contributing an amount to be determined either in money or in goods." The Law of the Directorate established other moral and economic principles beyond the subject of this study, but it is worth remember ing that the Portuguese were prohibited from calling them (i.e., the Indians) Negroes, "wishing perhaps through the infamy and vileness of this name to persuade them that nature had destined them to be slaves of the whites, as is often thought with respect to the blacks of the African coast." It further ordered that Indians would have access to honorable employments and that there should be no preference for whites. It also guaranteed to the Indians the ownership of their lands, ordered the Directors to extinguish completely "the odious and abominable distinction" between whites and Indians, and to facilitate and promote marriage between whites and Indians. In order to facili tate such marriages the Directors were to persuade all white people that the Indians were not of inferior quality, so much so that His Majesty qualified the Indians for all those honors proper to the levels of their posts, "consequently those who marry said Indians end up ob taining the same privileges."66 Through the Writ of Law of 4 April 1755, His Majesty already had declared that his vassals in Portugal and in America who married Indian women "would not incur any sort of infamy, rather would make themselves worthy of My Royal Attention, and in those lands where they establish themselves they will be given preference for those places and occupations that befit the rank of such persons, and their children and dependents will be able and capable for any sort of work, honor, or dignity."67 On 17 August 1759 the king renewed the Law of the Directorate with a Writ of Confirmation for all of Brazil, therewith marking the date of the obligatory use of the Portuguese language with all its uni-

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The Portuguese Language in Colonial Brazil 53 fying power, and consequently the progressive abandonment of the lingua geral which by 1768 "was already restricted (in Sao Paulo) to the rural communities deep in the interior."68 On 18 May 1759 in Recife, a directive was recorded "provisionally regulating the Indians of the new villages and towns erected in the captaincy of Pernambuco."69 Section 7 stated that "it shall be one of the principal concerns of the Directors to establish in their respective towns and villages the use of the Portuguese language, not allowing in any way the boys and girls who attend the schools nor any of the In dians ... to use the language of their own nations or the one called geral, but only Portuguese, as His Majesty has recommended in re peated orders which until now have not been observed." This codification, which was applied throughout all Brazil, was without a doubt one of the most notable administrative acts of the Marquis of Pombal. It succeeded in changing the language of Ama-zonas, Para, Maranhao, and Sao Paulo, where Tupi or the lingua geral was common, as well as in other captaincies, as we saw in the case of Pernambuco. In Rio de Janeiro the order for the execution of the Law of the Directorate and consequently for the imposition of the Portuguese language reached Gomes Freire de Andrade, the Count of Bobadela, on 17 October 1758.70 At that time his authority extended over the greater portion of Brazil, i.e., Rio de Janeiro, Minas Gerais, Sao Paulo, Goias, Mato Grosso, Santa Catarina, Rio Grande do Sul, and Colonia do Sacramento. Francisco Xavier de Mendonca Furtado and M. Joao Gomes de Araujo wrote a letter dated 18 March 1767 to the Count da Cunha, Dom Antonio Alvares da Cunha, Viceroy of Brazil (1763), con cerning the Indians and islanders (of Santa Catarina) who, because they had not observed the laws of His Majesty, were dispersed in the territory of Viamao, in Rio Grande do Sul. The letter stated that "little could be hoped for from the old people, but what the schools have accomplished is that today Portuguese is a familiar language in those settlements."71 The Royal Letter of 15 January 1774 abolished the difference be tween natives and whites, while the Writ of 4 April 1755 had estab lished that Indians could marry whites, and the Writ of 8 May 1758 confirmed that Indians were the masters of their own freedom and property in every way, like those of Maranhao. Thus, conditions were created for the victory of the Portuguese language. The Writ of 30 September 1770 declared that the correct use of the national language is one of the most noteworthy objectives for the

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54 Jose Honorio Rodrigues culture of civilized peoples. Learning it by means of principles, and not merely by rote and habit, provides the way to reach its highest de gree of enjoyment and perfection. The clarity, energy, and majesty with which laws ought to be established and writings made useful and pleasant depend on the correct use of the national language. The writ asserts that imposing this use on conquered peoples civilizes them and creates in them a love for the princes who have given that language to them. The language of this writ calls to mind the words of Brandonio in the Didlogos das Grandezas do Brasil, written in 1618: "You must know that Brazil is a marketplace of the world, if I do not offend any king dom or city in giving it such a name; it is at the same time a public academy where one can learn all polity with great facility, a good man ner of speaking, honorable terms of courtesy, to learn how to negoti ate well, and other attributes of this nature." And further on, re sponding to Aliviano, who had thought all to be very good speakers, Brandonio said, "So it is, for I already told you that Brazil was an academy wherein one learned good speech."72 In spite of the praise uttered by Brandonio in the Didlogos, the truth is that as late as December of 1803 the promulgation of a na tional tongue was far from complete. In that year the magistrate in charge of the judicial district of Porto Seguro, Francisco Dantas Barbosa, wrote in an official letter to the governor of Bahia: "The Indians of the Menhas nation have shown themselves to have progressed only in the pronunciation of the Portuguese language but otherwise they remain savages."73 There were, naturally, those who objected to the Law of the Direc torate, especially with respect to the official imposition of the Por tuguese language. Dr. Antonio Jose Pestana da Silva alleged that while the mother country had to impose her own language for peoples to become civilized, she could absolutely not banish the use of the indig enous language of the country. Only by means of the latter could newly converted peoples be instructed and catechized. Only the com mon vernacular could serve as a vehicle to communicate the knowl edge of the truth and the mysteries of the Christian religion, as the Council of Trent recommended and as was the practice of the first apostles. In his opinion, one language or the other should be used, according to the capabilities and intelligence of the listeners. After criticizing the Law of the Directorate, he recommended against its im position and urged that there should be daily meetings and talks in the lingua geral of the Indians.74 All this was to no avail. When the Law of the Directorate was abol-

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The Portuguese Language in Colonial Brazil 55 ished by the Royal Letter of 12 May 1798, at the recommendation of the governor of Para, Dom Francisco Mauricio de Sousa Coutinho, the Portuguese language was no longer imposed. Yet it had spread and become adopted in the typically Tupi regions of Brazil. Naturally, in Amazonia, the lingua geral continued to persist as the language spoken by large groups, as Lourenco da Silva Araujo e Amazonas as serted in 1852: "Lingua geral: the Tupi language, so designated not only in this district but also in all the Province of Para and even in all of Brazil. The entire indigenous nation that interacts in the settle ments speaks it. In the cities it is spoken at home; and in the villages and other settlements, except Pauxis in Lower Amazonas, it is the only language, not because Portuguese is not known but because the mestizos, being ill at ease in speaking it because of the difficulty of form ing the verb tenses, which the lingua geral dispenses with, respond in the latter when one questions them in the former."75 The fact re mains, however, that it seems most unlikely that large populations and the territories they inhabited would have been integrated into the colony without the provisions of Pombal's laws. The final victory of the Portuguese language George Friederici, in his magnificent study entitled Cardter da Descoberta e Conquista da America pelos Europeus, summarized the problem of language: "Though Spanish has borrowed a considerable number of words from various native dialects, no indigenous language at any time or in any of the Spanish colonies came to supersede Spanish as the current spoken language."76 This statement is equivocal and imprecise. Even today in various Spanish-American countries, the native languages are used by consid erable portions of the population and compete with Spanish: in Para guay, which is bilingual; Bolivia, which has an indigenous population larger than the white Spanish population; Ecuador, 40 to 50 percent of whose populace speaks indigenous languages; Guatemala, whose population is one-third indigenous; Mexico, with a significant indige nous portion; and Peru with a population one-third indigenous. Simi larly, Argentina, Canada, Colombia, Costa Rica, Chile, El Salvador, the United States, the Guianas, Honduras, Nicaragua, Panama, and Venezuela all have small indigenous populations like Brazil, with their own varied languages. Friederici further stated that in Brazil there existed a quite differ ent situation, wherein during the first century of colonization, when the Indians were very numerous in the coastal region and many colo-

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56 Jose Honorio Rodrigues nists lived there with their native wives on the land grants, Tupi was spoken as widely as Portuguese. We have seen that there was an indig enous predominance, and we know that the colonists and Indian women did not live on land grants, which were large gifts of land nor mally given to the Portuguese lesser nobility or to colonists. He then added that "in the seventeenth century, Vieira relates that the elderly remember the time when Portuguese was not more widely spoken than Tupi. Governor Salvador Correia de Sa [e Benevides] in 1660 spoke Tupi fluently and was therefore highly esteemed by the Indians." Further on he pointed out that around 1694, the en tire population of Sao Paulo spoke Tupi at home, the same situation prevailing in Parana (which came into existence as such only in 1853) and further south to Rio Grande and the environs of the Paraguay River. He said further that at the beginning of the eighteenth century, three-quarters of the Brazilian population still spoke Tupi, which had become the lingua geral; only a quarter spoke Portuguese. Everything that we have been discussing, based on the examination of documents, was summarized by Friederici. He recapitulated that "in the days of the great pioneering expedi tions into the interior of Brazil, almost all the backland explorers, slave hunters, and prospectors spoke the lingua geral, which at that time dominated the country, and they gave Tupi names to the places they discovered." He failed to cite the great studies by Teodoro Sampaio (O Tupi na Geografta Nacional), by Alfredo de Carvalho (O Tupi na Corografia Pernambucand), and by Mario Melo (Toponimia Pernam-bucana).77 Friederici stated, as we have stressed, that the lingua geral was the language of the "bandeiras." To these backland explorers and the mestizos that accompanied them, Brazil owes the major part of her present geographical nomenclature in the interior and also, we must add, on the coast. In the provinces of the north, Maranhao and Para, Portuguese began to be more widely spoken only in 1755. Until then everyone there spoke only Tupi, including the priests in the churches. Thus, continued Friederici, during three centuries, Portuguese and Tupi, or lingua geral, existed side by side in the captaincies of the Bra zilian interior, influencing each other reciprocally, fusing together and crossing over into each other. Tupi was the domestic, familiar, and current language of the colonists, and Portuguese was the official language, which childrenmestizos and the children of Indians learned at school but did not speak at home. So explained Friederici; the reality, however, was much more complex, for we must recognize the role of the various indigenous languages and, equally, the African

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The Portuguese Language in Colonial Brazil 57 lingua franca and the various languages spoken by the Negroes in Brazil. The victory of the Portuguese language occurred only in the second half of the eighteenth century. At the beginning of the nineteenth century, as I wrote on the sub ject of speech in the chapter "Economia e Sociedade" in my book Independencia: Revolugdo e Contra-Revolugdo,78 the language spoken in Bra zil was still either very Lusitanized in the white centers of the large coastal cities or suffering from the deficiencies of the oral appren ticeship served by Negroes and Indians. The alternatives were either the pidgin Portuguese of the Negroes and the linguistic miscegena tions of the Indian and Negro linguas gerais, or total submission to European Portuguese speech. In a society divided into castes, races, and classes, in a country like Brazil where for three centuries various indigenous Indian and immi grant African languages battled against a single white language, there could be neither cultural nor linguistic peace even when the process of linguistic unification was evident. The cultural process that imposed a single victorious language over all the others was neither peaceful nor easy. It cost unprece dented efforts, it cost the blood of rebels, it cost suicides, it cost lives. In Sao Paulo and Amazonas, where Tupi, the lingua geral imposed by the white man, was more commonly spoken than Portuguese even after the middle of the eighteenth century, there still raged during the process of independence a dispute regarding which language would become the national tongue. The matter was grave, and the threat of linguistic fragmentation hovered for more than two and a half centuries. There were peoples who did not understand each other, or un derstood each other poorly and attempted with gesticulation to make up for their poverty of phrasing, just as Caminha described in the first meeting of white Portuguese and Indians. The lack of a lingua franca was still a privation, an affliction, a permanent anguish, which black slaves, arriving in ever greater numbers, experienced because of their linguistic separation. They suffered in their anticipation of the effort that they would be required to make in order to speak, to express themselves, to reveal themselves. And suffer they did as they endured the transition leading to social communication. Some Africans learned rapidly, others slowly and painfully. All those with low social statusIndians and Negroeshad to learn the Portuguese language to survive. The successful student gained a weapon that ensured military, political, and economic advantage. The value or excellence of the white Western language and cul ture that were being imposed was not at issue. It was a matter of

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58 Jose Honorio Rodrigues seeing oneself degraded because one's ties of cultural continuity were broken. As we have seen, the variety of the Indian and Negro tribal groups facilitated the work of the Portuguese, who preferred, as a se curity measure, to import different dialectal groups, who did not understand one another and had to strive to find in Portuguese the means by which to make known their personal and social needs. The German traveler C. Schlichthorst, who lived in Brazil be tween 1824 and 1826, shortly after independence, wrote that there was a Babel of languages in the slave markets and depots of Rio de Janeiro. "Many times I saw it was necessary to employ ten or more in terpreters in order to interrogate a Negro about the symptoms of his illness. They say that the language of the Cacanjes, a Creole dialect of Portuguese spoken in Angola, is the easiest of all, so that the majority of the merchants and ships' captains who frequent Africa understand it. This is why badly spoken or poorly written Portuguese is called caganje." But the Negroes, added the German officer, "learn Por tuguese with great facility. In three months they can, in general, make themselves more or less understood." Schlichthorst observed that "if a young Negro learns any language which he is obligated to speak, in the short period of three to four months, without any method and generally also without being beaten, a German, to whom this or that Latin language is not generally strange, will not require more time to manage Portuguese, which is not distinguished by richness or diffi culty of construction or pronunciation .... When one knows Latin or even only French, with little practice one can make oneself under stood by any Portuguese.*'79 Maria Graham, who was in Brazil between 1821 and 1823, wrote that a Negro she had contracted, the young son of a king in Africa, greatly enjoyed entertaining her by telling her stories of his land. "I greatly regret that his very imperfect knowledge of Portuguese and my complete ignorance of African languages impeded my getting more information from this very intelligent boy."80 What is surprising in Brazil is that the triumph of linguistic unity was not a work of edu cation but of the efforts of the people, without any official help. By the nineteenth century Alexander Caldcleugh wrote that it no longer was a crime for Negroes to speak in their native languages. Even so, Carl Seidler, a German officer who was in military service in the era of Dom Pedro I, observed that the slave owners, as soon as they bought their Negroes, saw to it that the slaves "learn Portuguese, which as a rule they manage to do quickly."81 Thus, even during the reign of Dom Pedro I, after independence was won, the black slaves had to learn Portuguese in order to serve their owners.

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The Portuguese Language in Colonial Brazil 59 The same might be said of the Indians, who suffered terribly be cause their resistance was greater; they endured a tremendous amount of bloodshed before they were vanquished, which was true also of some Negro groups. They refused to learn anything, and only the ones who lived in villages and the backwoodsmen learned the lingua geral and later a little Portuguese. Many groups lived without any lan guage of communication; others who came into contact with the dom inating class spoke Portuguese very poorly, though the women didn't speak it at all. Still others only understood it. Since legislation concerning the Indians, from the fall of Pombal to the fall of Dom Pedro I, was progressively more anti-indigenous, after independence the level of imposition and aggression inten sified.82 Maria Graham, when she visited the Botocudo in September 1823, noted that the Indians there had learned a few Portuguese words, "but that among themselves they spoke their native language, which seemed to be a series of half-articulated sounds."83 The war against the Indians and the harsh measures and cruelty used to suppress black rebellions, which stained Brazilian soil even in the nineteenth century, constituted a linguistic and a cultural war, one that promoted a total lack of understanding and a fragmentation of cultures and languages. The situation was even more confused be cause the Portuguese language of Brazil and that of Portugal were al ready themselves considerably differentiated. Independence established the beginning of literary autonomy, and the Portuguese language of Portugal was outmoded, unable to at tend to the social demands of Brazilian life-styles. This process was well observed by travelers who made an effort to learn Portuguese and were able to recognize the divergences and even the regional differences. "The Portuguese spoken by Brazilians," observed Caldcleugh, "is easily distinguished from the Portuguese of Portugal. Their way of speaking is much slower, a particular that is noted in all colonies, and can only be attributed to the climate, which saps its inhabitants of live liness of spirit, of which there is no deficiency in Europe, producing in fact considerable lassitude. Brazilian pronunciation is not as nasal, nor as Judaic in the sound of the 5 and is altogether a much more pleasant language than that in the mouths of the native Portuguese."84 Saint-Hilaire noted that among the men of Minas Gerais the pro nunciation of Portuguese took on a gentleness which did not exist in that of the Portuguese of Europe; but in Jacarei (Sao Paulo) this gentleness turned into softness; the inflections were little varied, and had a certain something that reminded one of the language of the Indians.85 While traveling through Sao Paulo he wrote: "Given all that

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60 Jose Honorio Rodrigues which I've just explained, it should not cause any surprise that the in habitants of the interior of the province of Sao Paulo speak and pro nounce Portuguese very incorrectly, while those in the interior of Minas Gerais, at least in the eastern part of that province, speak, in general, correctly, and have a pronunciation which differs from that of the European Portuguese only in being more melodious and soft. The Paulistas of the interior, instead of vossemece, a shortening of vossa merce, by which the second person is designated, say mece; their pro nunciation is harsh and drawn-out." In Curitiba he did not observe that the inhabitants of the region did not pronounce Portuguese with the alterations that he had noted in the people of the backwoods.86 Cunha Matos, a Portuguese who had lived in Africa, pointed out: "The pronunciation of the people of Goias is very gentle, and not withstanding their being descendants of Paulistas they do not have that guttural harshness which was noted in the people of Sao Paulo, nor the feminine affectation of many people from more enlightened provinces."87 If we do not forget the centuries-old "Tupinization" of Sao Paulo and its backwardness in the phase of independence, the ob servation of Cunha Matos is not strange. Any investigation into the gradual evolution and the causes of the differences in speech in Brazil must take into account the historical factors and the origins of indigenous groups and newcomers alike. Such a study must start from the principle that there never was a cul tural peace but a grueling struggle for dominance among all the lan guages, the indigenous, the African, and Portuguese. And the latter suffered the fragmentation of the different types of speech spoken by the different social groups: i.e., there was the Portuguese held as a model, the Portuguese that expressed varied social experiences and needs, and the Portuguese that had just been learned; in short, a field of daily experience which, if it was not pathological, was at least highly unusual. Manuel Antonio de Almeida himself, writing in mid-nineteenth century, offers examples of dialogue in his novel that was not the Por tuguese spoken thirty years after independence but an attempt to re construct its image. He senses the fragmentation, the linguistic divi sion, and when he refers to a practical joker who was the perfect type of rogue, he writes that "he spoke the language of a Negro."88 Aside from the evident prejudice, the characterization reveals that the Negroes spoke poorly, because most of them were still learning the language. The real and true victory of Portuguese came only when the rep-

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The Portuguese Language in Colonial Brazil 61 resentatives of the various Brazilian provinces spoke with one another at the Constituent Assembly of 1823 and noted that though there were differences in pronunciation they were all speaking the same language.89 Notes 1. A Carta de Pero Vaz de Caminha, ed. Jaime Cortesao (Rio de Janeiro: Livros de Portugal, 1943), pp. 202, 216-17, 220, 238. 2. Pero de Magalhaes Gandavo, Historia da Provincia de Santa Cruz (Rio de Janeiro: Annuario do Brasil, 1912), pp. 124. 3. Didrio de Navegacao de Pero Lopes de Sousa, ed. Eugenio de Castro, preface by Capistrano de Abreu (Rio de Janeiro: Comissao Brasileira dos Centenarios Portugueses, 1940), p. 210. 4. Manuel da Nobrega, Cartas do Brasil, 1549-1560 (Rio de Janeiro: Academia Brasileira de Letras, 1931), p. 73. 5. Ibid., pp. 92-93, 105. 6. Ibid., pp. 141, 145. 7. Jose de Anchieta, Arte da Gramdtica da Lingua mais usada na Costa do Brasil (Coimbra, 1595). There are various editions and translations, including a new facsimile edition (Salvador: Universidade da Bahia, 1980). 8. Antonio Vieira, "Exhortacam I em vespora do Espirito Santo, na Capella interior do Colegio da Bahia, 1688," in Sermoes do P. Antonio Vieira (Lisbon, 1690), pp. 514-34. 9. Jose de Anchieta, letter from Sao Vicente, 1554, in Cartas, Infor-maqoes, Fragmentos Historicos e Sermoes, 1554 (Rio de Janeiro: Biblioteca Nacional, 1933), pp. 64, 329 10. Ibid., pp. 404, 478 11. Cartas Avulsas, 1550 (Rio de Janeiro: Academia Brasileira de Letras, 1931), p. 253. 12. Ibid., p. 270. 13. Fernao Cardim, "Do Principio e Origem dos Indios do Brasil e de seus Costumes, adoracao e cerimonias," in Tratado da Terra e da Gente do Brasil (Sao Paulo: Companhia Editora Nacional, 1939), pp. 170. 14. Ibid., pp. 180-81. 15. Fernao Cardim, "Informacao da Missao do P. Christovao Gouvea as Partes do Brasil, Ano de 83," in Tratado da Terra e da Gente do Brasil, pp. 247-326. 16. Ibid., p. 272. 17. Ibid., pp. 278-79. 18. Gabriel Soares de Sousa, Tratado Descritivo do Brasil em 1587, 3d ed. (Sao Paulo: Companhia Editora Nacional, 1938), pp. 23-24, 33-36, 58. 19. Ibid., pp. 71,83-84. 20. Ibid., p. 102. 21. Ibid., pp. 110-11.

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62 Jose Honorio Rodrigues 22. Ibid., pp. 364-65. 23. Ambrosio Fernandes Brandao, Didlogos das Grandezas do Brasil (1618) (Rio de Janeiro: Academia Brasileira de Letras, 1930), p. 266. 24. Ibid., p. 289. 25. Antonio Vieira, "Sermao do Espirito Santo," in Sermoes Pregados no Brasil (Lisbon: Edicao Hernani Cidade, 1940), 3: 320. 26. Ibid., p. 331. 27. Ibid., p. 332. 28. Ibid., p. 333. 29. Ibid., p. 378. 30. Antonio Vieira, "Exortacao Primeira em Vespora do Espirito Santo Pregado na Capella interior do Colegio em 1688," in Sermoes Pregados no Brasil, pp. 423-26. 31. Ibid., pp. 426-28. 32. "Carta da Bahia, de 19 de julho de 1693," in Documentos Historicos, 1692-1712 (Rio de Janeiro: Biblioteca Nacional, 1936), 34: 84-86. 33. "Carta para o sargento-mor do Rio das Caravelas sobre o assalto do gentio barbaro, e interprete, que procura para o aprisionado de 22 de julho de 1717," in Documentos Historicos, 1716-1720, 43: 66. 34. Bahia, 12 de junho de 1694, in Antonio Vieira, Obras Vdrias (1856), pp. 239-51. 35. Sergio Buarque de Holanda, Raizes do Brasil, 2d ed. rev. and ampli fied (Rio de Janeiro: Jose Olympio, 1948), pp. 179-93. 36. Documento no. 57, "Consulta da Junta das Missoes, de 29 de outubro de 1697, sobre as Cartas do Bispo e Governador de Pernambuco," in Er nesto Ennes, As Guerras dos Palmares (Sao Paulo: Companhia Editora Nacional, 1938), pp. 352-53. 37. Manuel da Fonseca, Vida do Venerdvel Padre Belchior de Pontes (Lisbon, 1752; Sao Paulo: Companhia Melhoramentos, n.d.), pp. 25, 27. 38. Hercules Florence, Viagem Fluvial do Tiete ao Amazonas, de 1825 a 1829 (Sao Paulo: Edicoes Melhoramentos, n.d.), p. 174. 39. Sergio Buarque de Holanda, pp. 189, 191. 40. "Livro Grosso do Maranhao," in Anais da Biblioteca Nacional do Rio de Janeiro, 67: 190-91. 41. Joao Francisco Lisboa, Obras (Lisbon, 1902), p. 223. 42. Artur Cesar Ferreira Reis, "Familia Luso-Tupi," A Manha, 18 June 1948. 43. Fernao Cardim, Tratado da Terra e da Gente do Brasil (see note 13), pp. 255, 282. 44. Ibid., pp. 289, 292, 294. 45. F. A. Varnhagen, Historia Geral do Brasil, 3d ed. (Sao Paulo: Melhora mentos, n.d.), 1:281,282 46. Antonil, Cultura e Opulencia do Brasil por suas drogas e minas (Lisbon, 1711), notes by J. A. G. de Melo Neto (facsimile ed., Pernambuco, 1969), pp. 22-23.

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The Portuguese Language in Colonial Brazil 63 47. Luis dos Santos Vilhena, Cartas de Vilhena. Noticias Soteropolitanas e Brasilicas (Bahia, 1922), vol. 1. Edison Carneiro has prepared a more recent three-volume edition (Bahia, 1969). 48. Pierre Verger, Flux et Reflux de la Traite de Negres entre le Golfe de Benin et Bahia de Todos os Santos du XVIF siecle au XIXe siecle (Paris: Mouton, 1968). 49. Nina Rodrigues, Os Africanos no Brasil, 3d ed. (Sao Paulo: Companhia Editora Nacional, 1945; 1st ed. 1932), pp. 205-48. 50. Ibid., p. 207. 51. Varnhagen, 1:281 (see note 45). 52. Nina Rodrigues, Os Africanos, pp. 205. 53. Renato de Mendonca, A influencia africana no portugues do Brasil (Porto, 1948); Blaise Cendrars, Anthologie Negre (Paris, 1947). 54. Mendonca, A influencia africana, pp. 39. 55. Ibid., p. 82. 56. Ibid., p. 87. 57. Edison Carneiro, Ladinos e Crioulos (Rio de Janeiro: Civilizacao Brasileira, 1964). 58. Reproduced in the Jornal do Comercio, 14 May 1980 in the section en titled "Ha 150 anos." 59. George Gardner, Viagens ao Brasil (Sao Paulo: Editora Nacional, 1942), Brasiliana, 223:13. 60. Robert Ave-Lallemant, Viagem pelo Norte do Brasil no Ano de 1859 (Rio de Janeiro, 1961), pp. 128-29. 61. Ibid., p. 129. 62. Richard F. Burton, Explorations of the Highlands of Brazil (1868), trans, as Viagens aoplanalto do Brasil (Sao Paulo: Companhia Editora Nacional, 1941), 1:381. 63. Dom Joao V to Joao da Maia da Gama, in Annaes da Biblioteca e Archivo Publico do Para (ed. of 1968), pp. 190-91. 64. "Representacao dos Moradores do Estado do Maranhao," 12 April 1729, in Melo Moraes, Corografia historica, genealogica, nobilidria epolitica do Im-perio do Brasil (Rio de Janeiro, 1860), 5: 297-300, especially p. 299. 65. "Diretorio, que se deve observar nas povoacoes dos Indios do Para e Maranhao em quanto sua Magestade nao mandar o contrario," in Collegdo da Legislacdo Portugueza desde a ultima compilacdo das Ordenacoes, redigida pelo dezembargador Antonio Delgado da Silva, vol. 1750 62 (Lisbon, 1830), pp. 507-30. 66. Ibid., Articles 10, 17, 81, 82, 84, 87, 88, 89. 67. Ibid., pp. 367-68. 68. Serafim Silva Neto, Introdugao ao Estudo da Lingua Portuguesa no Brasil (Rio de Janeiro: Instituto Nacional do Livro, 1950), p. 68. 69. Revista do Instituto Historico e Geogrdfico Brasileiro 46(1)(1883): 121 71. 70. Archivo do Distrito Federal (January 1896), p. 353, and (January 1897), pp. 36-40. 71. "Relacao das instrucoes e ordens que se expediram ao Conde da

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64 Jose Honorio Rodrigues Cunha," Revista do Instituto Historico e Geogrdfico Brasileiro 35(1) (1872): 217 (see note 69). 72. Brandao, Didlogos das Grandezas do Brasil, pp. 142, 264 (see note 23). 73. "Officio do Ouvidor interino de Porto Seguro Francisco Dantas Barbosa para o Governador da Bahia, sobre o estado da civilizacao dos Indios da sua comarca Porto Seguro, 20 de dezembro de 1803," in Anais da Biblioteca Nacional do Rio de Janeiro 37 (1918): 179. 74. Antonio Jose Pestana da Silva, "Meios de dirigir o governo temporal dos Indios" (1778), in Melo Moraes, Corografia Historica, 5: 122-85. 75. Cited by Silva Neto in Introducao ao Estudo da Lingua Portuguesa, pp. 76-77. 76. George Friederici, Cardter da Descoberta e Conquista da America pelos Europeus (Rio de Janeiro: Instituto Nacional do Livro, 1967), pp. 122. 77. Teodoro Sampaio, O Tupi na Geographia Nacional, 4th ed. (Salvador, 1955; 1st ed., Sao Paulo, 1901); Alfredo de Carvalho, O Tupi na Corografia Per-nambucana (Recife, 1907); Mario Melo, Toponlmia Pernambucana (Recife, 1931). 78. Jose Honorio Rodrigues, "Economia e Sociedade," in Independencia: Revolucdo e Contra-Revolugao (Rio de Janeiro: Livraria Francisco Alves, 1976), pp. 156-60. 79. Carl Schlichthorst, O Rio de Janeiro como e. 1824-1826. Huma vez e nunca mais (Rio de Janeiro, n.d.), pp. 139-40, 67. 80. See "Escorco Biografico de D. Pedro I," Anais da Biblioteca Nacional 60 (1940): 138-39. 81. Alexander Caldcleugh, Travels in South America, during the years 1819 20-21 (London, 1825), 1: 82; Carl Seidler, Dez Anos no Brasil (Sao Paulo: Livraria Martins, 1941), p. 235. 82. See Carlos de Araujo Moreira Neto, "A Politica Indigenista Brasileira durante o seculo XIX" (Ph.D. diss., Rio Claro, Sao Paulo, 1971). 83. Maria Graham [Callcott], Didrio de uma viagem ao Brasil (Sao Paulo: Companhia Editora Nacional, 1956), p. 333. 84. Caldcleugh, Travels, p. 66. 85. Augustin de Saint-Hilaire, Segunda Viagem do Rio de Janeiro a Minas Gerais e a Sao Paulo (1822), 2d ed. (Sao Paulo: Companhia Editora Nacional, 1938), p. 155. 86. Saint-Hilaire, Viagem a Comarca de Curitiba (Sao Paulo, 1964), p. 120. 87. Cunha Matos, "Corografia Historica da Provincia de Goias," Revista do Instituto Historico e Geogrdfico Brasileiro 37(1): 213; 38(1) (1875): 5, 311. 88. See chap. 43 of Manuel Antonio de Almeida, Memorias de urn sargento de milicias (Rio de Janeiro: Instituto Nacional do Livro), p. 262. 89. See Jose Honorio Rodrigues, "A Assembleia e a lingua portuguesa," in A Assembleia Constituinte de 1823 (Petropolis: Vozes, 1974), pp. 277 78.

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An Epic Birth Certificate: Pero Vaz de Caminha's Carta to Dom Manuel Irwin Stern i JAIME CORTESAO has provided an overview of the research which has been carried out on Pero Vaz de Caminha's Carta do achamento do Brasil, as well as a detailed summary of Caminha's life.1 More recently, Adrien Roig has added several other biographical facts.2 Briefly, Caminha was the son of an escrivdo3 Vasco Fernandes, who later became a treasurer of the kingdom ("recebedor dos dinheiros do ultramar"). Pero Vaz had probably been an escrivao on other Por tuguese explorations prior to that of Pedro Alvares Cabral, although no definitive documents attest to this. His significance within Por tuguese culture rests with his Carta to Dom Manuel from 1500. Since its rediscovery in 1817, the Carta (which I will call the nar rative) has been studied as a historical, anthropological, and geo graphical document, notable for the author's extreme accuracy.4 It has been considered only superficially as part of the literature that flour ished during the epoch of Portuguese expansion. The general com ments on the narrative as literature refer to the author's possession of a "humanistic knowledge," i.e., the influence of Petrarch, Plutarch, and Quintilian, with little specificity. In this brief study I will attempt to shed light on Caminha's cultural background as revealed through analysis of the narrative. Such an analysis may further clarify the breadth and depth of the knowledge of a late medieval/early Renais sance escrivdo a bordo.5 65

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66 Irwin Stern II The inherent literary value of the narrative is attributable to Caminha's vision and understanding of the event in which he was participating.6 In the presentation of the event, he was influenced by his awareness of two major literary sources of the Middle Agesthe Bible and the epic narrative form. As an educated Portuguese Catholic, Caminha was no doubt well acquainted with the Bible. The narrative reflects this religious back ground as well as the religious aims of the explorations. Caminha evaluates the natives' qualities and encourages the king to proselytize them.7 He states that since they have no apparent religion, proselytization would be extremely simple. He describes the natives at Easter Mass comprehending the relationship of the altar to heaven (139). Specific biblical echoes can be seen in the relation of the events of nine days, reminding one of the seven days of creation. Each day's encoun ters supposedly brought forth new understandings between the na tives and the Portuguese. Caminha's descriptions of the close of each day's activities are as simple and as brief as those contained in Genesis.8 The idea that the Portuguese had discovered some sort of Garden of Eden is also implied in the narrative. The constant references to the extreme beauty of the area, the abundance of food, the innocence of the inhabitants, especially their unabashed nudity (which so shocks Caminha), could have been inspired by the story of Adam and Eve. Caminha, in fact, states, "asy Sor que ajnoce/cia desta jemte he tal que a dadam no seria majs quanta em vergonha" (171). The only other religious reference is the surprising comparison of the state of an old native's body to that of Saint Sebastian (137), which indicates the au thor's knowledge of the iconography of the medieval lives of saints. The predominant epic tone and influences apparent in the nar rative probably result from Caminha's familiarity with the prose trans lations of episodes of the Iliad and the Aeneid that circulated in Europe during the late Middle Ages.9 Caminha was also probably acquainted with the heroic poetry written in commemoration of the Portuguese conquests during the fifteenth century and with medieval novels of chivalry, both of which reveal epic qualities. In his use of an epic ori entation, Caminha follows a pattern set in Portuguese prose by Fernao Lopes.10 The Carta presents two conditions that often appear in epic ac counts: it presents facts that Caminha saw and in which he partici pated, and it belongs to the oral tradition because it was to be read to

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An Epic Birth Certificate 67 Dom Manuel.11 Epic literary devices appear throughout. The nar rative begins with a proposition, followed vaguely by an invocation and a dedication, which includes a very humble captata benevolentia: Snor posto queo capitam moor desta vossa frota e asy os outros capitaaes screpuam avossa alteza anova do acha mento desta vossa terra noua que se ora neesta naue gacam achou. nom leixarey tarn bem de dar disso minha comta avossa alteza asi como eu milhor poder ajmda que perao bem contar e falar o saiba pior que todos fazer./pero tome vossa alteza minha inoramgia por boa vomtade, aqual bem certo crea q por afremosentar nem afear aja aquy de poer ma is caaquilo que vy e me pareceo. (123) The body of the narrative is a series of short episodes together with many descriptions of the land and its inhabitants. The presentation of many of these episodes assumes epic structures. For example, there are councils of the captains to determine the actions of the Portuguese (125, 143). The second council may be considered the epic climax, for it is here that a decision is made to leave behind two degredados to learn the ways of the natives. The epic catalogue was a means of honoring all those who partici pated in an event. Thus, similar to the catalogue of the ships in the Iliad are the two brief catalogues that Caminha presents regarding the captains of the fleet (129, 165). Minute, repetitious descriptions of the people, places, and things are recurrent in the epic, as well as a necessary requirement for an efficient chronicler.12 Caminha's nar rative is replete with repetitions of the descriptions of both the natives and the landscapes. In a dozen descriptions of the Indians, Caminha discusses the color of their skin, their pierced lips, their bows and arrows, and their highly praised vergonhas.13 There are also seven de scriptions of the land itself in which the abundance of water is almost always pointed out.14 It is through these repetitions that ufania, the pride and glory in the discovery, takes shape. This ufania, this amaze ment with the new land, became the major theme of later chroniclers and commentators on Brazil: Brandao, Frei Vicente de Salvador, Botelho de Oliveira, Rocha Pita, and the Brazilian writers. Caminha's Indian is an emotionally and psychologically pure being; the adjective inocente, with all its possible connotations, is the one he most frequently applied to them. He considered them ex-

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68 Irwin Stern tremely friendly, well-built, almost like children in their attitude to ward the newcomers, and with rather extraordinary "bird-like" sani tary habits. In his descriptions of the land, he constantly uses the words muito, or mui and grande, or others which express size. This usage is most noticeable in the final description (italics mine): Esta trra Sor me parece que dapomta q mais conta osul vimos ataa outa pomta que conta onorte vem de que nos deste porto ouuvemos vista./sera tamanha que auera neela bem xx ou xxb legoas per cota./traz ao lomgo do mar em alguas partes grandes bareiras delas vermelhas e delas bramcas e a terra per cima toda chaa e mujto chea de grandes aruoredos./ depomta apomta he toda praya parma mujto chaa e mujto fremosa. pelo sartaao nos pareceo do mar mujto grande por que aestender olhos no podiamos veer se no tera earuoredos que nos paregia muy longa tera. (173) He uses the same modifiers to describe the intensity of the winds and the abundance of water. Perhaps the most widely known and discussed facet of the epic form is its hero. Caminha's Carta presents no figure with the qualities required of a classical epic hero.15 Indeed, his characterization of the Portuguese voyagers is extremely limited. Although Caminha views the new discovery as a collective effort, the figure of Pedro Alvares Cabral is highlighted. His distinction rests with his passive presence. Neither his authority nor his wisdom is discussed by Caminha. Cabral does not take an active part in the relationship with the natives; he only gives orders (the verb mandar is most often used with his name), directs the meetings of the captains, and makes plans for the Por tuguese. Dom Manuel, to whom the narrative is directed, is present as a guiding spirit; Caminha always addresses him as Vossa Alteza, al though several times throughout the narrative he does use the word Senhor, with a capital S. The degredado Afonso Ribeiro appears as the only other barely developed character. We never discover why he is a degredado, but, surely owing to his extreme intelligence, he is one of the men left be hind to learn the language of the natives, to study their habits, and to begin their religious indoctrination. The popular idea that the de gredado was the first to be "sacrificed" would not fit with Caminha's idealistic view of the natives. He views Ribeiro's duty as more of an honor than the do-or-die obligation of a sentenced man. Caminha

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An Epic Birth Certificate 69 worries, needlessly he decides, about the treatment the Portuguese will receive from the Indians.16 Ill To place Pero Vaz de Caminha's Carta within the literary perspective of his epoch, it has been necessary to consider him as a direct descendant of Fernao Lopes's epic orientation toward Portuguese history. Fernao Lopes's chronicles, similar to the Iliad, are based on secondary sources; although Homer almost never comments in the first person on events, Fernao Lopes repeatedly makes judgments about personalities and happenings. Pero Vaz is an eye-witness narrator; thus his perspective is unique and allows him to interpret words and signs of the native that he does not really understand, and to offer quite freely his opin ions about the circumstances.17 No other chronicler or escrivao a bordo of the fifteenth century takes an epic view of the events he narrates. We might compare the dry, factual prose of Zurara's Cronica da Tomada de Ceuta (1450), or the equally uninspired Roteiro da Viagem de Vasco da Gama, by its supposed author Alvaro Velho, which is one of the few other surviving contemporaneous documents. Further, we might justly evaluate the Carta in light of Garcia de Resende's Cancioneiro Geral (1516) and Gil Vicente's theatre. Resende's prologue laments the inability or failure of the Portuguese to set their achievements to paper in a manner befitting their significance.18 As if in support of this statement, the Cancioneiro Geral contains only one poem, "De luys Anriquez ao duque de Braganca quando tomou azamor em q conta como foy,"19 which approximates the epic or he roic style of poetry. It shares the biblical and epic references of Caminha's narrative as well as the authorial stance within the oral tra dition. Anriquez's descriptions of the preparations and the battle are rather bland and barely poetic. Gil Vicente's tragicomedy Exortacao da Guerra (1514) also treats this same 1513 expedition with both epic and religious inspiration. In addition, Vicente censures the commercial aims and profit motive of the explorations,20 which also received Caminha's rather noncommittal attention (131, 132, 135, 173). Thus, Caminha's Carta is the striking prose narrative of its time. Although an explicit literary intention was probably of secondary or even doubtful interest to the author, thematically and technically the Carta expresses the prime literary concerns of the epoch. Through the Carta, Caminha reveals his own cultural background, that re quired of an escrivao a bordo, and also suggests the Portuguese Re naissance mentality that would lead to Camoes's Os Lusiadas. Rather

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70 Irwin Stern than describe battle or conquest, Caminha relates a discovery, which he himself attempts to comprehend. He confronts the Old World with the New World. His astonishment forces him to describe the new land through his knowledge of Portugal and to extol the former's superi ority. The climate of the new land and the homes of the natives sur prisingly remind him of his own Entre Douro e Minho (156, 173). The trees and birds are similar to those in Portugal but bigger and with a greater number of species. Caminha is also enthusiastic about the natives' rejection of the foods of the Old World and their preference for a natural diet of fruits and seeds, which makes them "taaes e tarn rrijos e ta nedeos. queo no somosnos tamto com quanto trigo e legumes comemos" (165).21 I believe that it would be just to say that Caminha planted a seed with his Carta. This seed would grow throughout the sixteenth cen tury in the chronicles, cartas, and roteiros about the new Portuguese territories. Some of these would share Caminha's epic view and his sin cerity about the Portuguese aims, while others would reflect complete cynicism. All, however, would blossom into Camoes's Os Lusiadas. Notes 1. Jaime Cortesao, A Carta de Pero Vaz de Caminha, 2d ed. (Lisbon: Portugalia Editora, 1969; lsted., 1943). 2. Adrien Roig, "La biographie de Pero Vaz de Caminha d'apres de nouveaux documents," Arquivos do Centro Cultural Portugues 10 (1976): 449-92. 3. For an explanation of the different types of escrivaes, see the articles by Rui d'Abreu Torres in Diciondrio de Historia de Portugal, ed. Joel Serrao (Lisbon: Iniciativas Editoriais, 1970), 2: 84-86. 4. The most interesting exception is the philological study of the nar rative by Joao Ribeiro, "A Carta de Vaz de Caminha," in O Fabordao, 2d ed. (Rio de Janeiro: Sao Jose, 1964), pp. 227-73. See also Antonio Baiao, Os sete unicos documentos de 1500, conservados em Lisboa, referentes a viagem de Pedro Alvares Cabral (Lisbon: Agenda Geral das Colonias, 1940), p. 64. Jaime Cor tesao cites and summarizes an interesting article by Pedro Calmon, "A Carta de Caminha," A Noite (Rio de Janeiro), 26 September 1942, which I was unable to locate. 5. For information on the cultural background of the Portuguese chroniclers, see summary of Calmon, "A Carta de Caminha," in Cortesao, p. 69; Antonio Jose Saraiva, Fernao Lopes, 2d ed. (Lisbon: Publicagoes EuropaAmerica, 1965), pp. 14-15; Joaquim de Carvalho, "Sobre a erudicao de Gomes Eannes de Zurara," Estudos sobre a Cultura Portuguesa do seculo XV (Coimbra: Por ordem da Universidade, 1949), 1: 1 241.

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An Epic Birth Certificate 71 6. See Manuel Rodrigues Lapa, "Fernao Lopes e os cronistas," Licoes de Literatura Portuguesa: Epoca Medieval, 6th ed. (Coimbra: Coimbra Editora, Limitada, 1966), pp. 351-407. 7. Pedro Vaz de Caminha, Carta a El-Rei D. Manuel, in Vocabuldrio da Carta de Pedro Vaz de Caminha (Rio de Janeiro: Instituto Nacional do Livro, 1964), pp. 163, 167. Other references, where feasible, will appear in the text. 8. Ibid., pp. 125, 133, 138, 151, 155, 159, 161, 165-67. For another per spective on the religious tone of the Carta see Margarida Barradas de Carvalho, "L'ideologie religieuse dans la 'Carta' de Pero Vaz de Caminha," Bulletin des etudes portugaises, new series 22 (1959): 21 29. 9. The earliest prose translations of the Iliad into Portuguese that I have been able to verify were done after 1450 and may have been in the Royal Li brary. Carolina Michaelis de Vasconcelos notes that the legend of Troy was popular during the Middle Ages; see Notas Vicentinas (Lisbon: Edigao da Revista de Ocidente, 1947), 4: 348. 10. A close study of Fernao Lopes's chronicles, principally D. Joao I, re veals that he was quite aware of the epic tradition and influenced by it. See Antonio Jose Saraiva and Oscar Lopes, Historia da Literatura Portuguesa (Porto: Porto Editora, n.d.), pp. 105-21. 11. Cecil M. Bowra, Tradition and Design in the Iliad (Oxford: The Claren don Press, 1930). 12. Ibid., p. 67. 13. Caminha, pp. 123-25, 129, 135, 137, 141, 145, 147, 151, 153, 163. 14. Ibid., pp. 123-25, 127, 137, 141, 155, 171, 173. 15. Cecil Bowra, Heroic Poetry (London: Macmillan, 1952), p. 2. 16. Caminha, pp. 125, 131, 134, 139, 145, 149, 153, 155, 163, 167. 17. Ibid., pp. 129, 131, 169, etc. 18. See "Prologuo de Garcia de Resende," in Cancioneiro Geral, Lisbon, 1516 (Lisbon: Livros do Brasil, 1973), 1:1. 19. Ibid., 3: fols. 104-5. 20. In Obras Completas de Gil Vicente, ed. Marques Braga (Lisbon: Sa da Costa Editora, 1953), 4: 148, 154. 21. See also Caminha, p. 131.

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"Estes Tern Alma Como Nos?" Manuel da Nobrega's View of the Brazilian Indians Fred Gillette Sturm WHEN Luis de Camoes left Goa to assume his new assignment in Macao, Padre Manuel da Nobrega was engaged in writing his well-known Didlogo Sobre a Conversdo do Gentio.1 The year was 1557. Nobrega had come to Brazil nine years earlier in the company of Thome de Souza, the first governor-general of all Brazil, to direct the work of Jesuit missions among the Brazilian Indians. At that time the Portuguese crown had made clear that priority was to be given Chris tian missions in the work of colonization of the New World: "Take good care of the Indians, because the principal reason for populating Brazil is to bring the gentio to the Catholic faith ... to attract them to peace for the sake of the propagation of the Faith and the increase of settlement and commerce."2 In the papal bull "Sublimis Deus" of 1537, Paul II had condemned the ill treatment"como animais brutos"to the point of severe oppression which had been visited upon the indigenous people of the Americas by Spanish conquistadores and colonists, declaring that "those same Indians, as true humans, are not only capable of Faith in Christ, but even eager for it," and decree ing that the Indians should not be deprived of their liberty or their goods and should not be reduced to slavery.3 In light of the royal regulamento and the papal bull, the question of the humanity of the In dians and their rights under natural law should not have been raised by the Portuguese settlers and missionaries in Brazil. The appearance of Nobrega's Didlogo demonstrates, however, that even among the Jesuits there had arisen doubts about whether the inhabitants of this "New World" did in fact possess a human nature. At the same time, 72

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"Estes Tern Alma Como Nos?" 73 contrary to the expressed command of the papacy, Portuguese colonists, and even some of the missionaries,4 were taking Indians as slaves, a practice which Nobrega opposed and which he was to address vehemently ten years after the appearance of the Didlogo. The Didlogo itself was not concerned with slavery, except for indirect references, but was written to clarify a different problem closely related to the question of the nature of the Indians, namely, whether the Brazilian Indians were sufficiently human to possess the capacity for genuine conversion to the Christian faith. The central question appears halfway through the Didlogo: "Estes tern alma como nos?" Were the reply in the negative, the mission would be futile, but there would no longer be either legal or moral strictures against the exploitation of the Indians, including total en slavement, and the expropriation of their land and resources. There is no evidence that the doubts being expressed by some of Nobrega's fellow Jesuits had been initiated or encouraged by colonists eager to be freed from restraints imposed by state and church that impeded their exploitation of the native population. It is fairly clear that the doubts concerning the humanity of the Brazilian Indians were experientially based, growing out of an increasing sense of frustration and futility as hopes for the rapid and successful evangelization of Brazil's native population began to fade. Nobrega's Didlogo demonstrates these feelings. The two participants are both affiliated with the Jesuit mis sion, and the focus of their discourse is, as the title indicates, the prob lems associated with the conversion of the gentios, these newly discov ered "gentiles" or "pagans." In the Didlogo, Nobrega's own viewpoint seems to be mediated through the remarks of one of the participants, Mateus Nogueira. He was an ex-soldier, a veteran of the North African wars and, later, of military service in the Captaincy of Espirito Santo. He had entered the service of the Company of Jesus, serving as a blacksmith.5 The doubts and concerns of the Jesuit fathers that had prompted Nobrega to write the Didlogo are expressed through the words of Brother Gon calo Alvares. Serafim Leite, the renowned historian of the Society of Jesus in Brazil, notes that although the name Goncalo Alvares does appear in two letters of the period, along with mention of his lin guistic skill in having acquired fluency in the Tupi language, there is no mention of him in any of the official documents of the company.6 Leite concludes that "one cannot give the title of 'Brother' to Goncalo Alvares," since he apparently was a layman who served as a kind of "curador dos Indios." In a brief introductory paragraph Nobrega characterizes the two interlocutors as "my Brother Goncalo Alvares,

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74 Fred Gillette Sturm to whom God gave the grace and talent to be a trumpet of his word in the Captaincy of Espirito Santo, and my Brother Mateus Nogueira, blacksmith for Jesus Christ, who, although he doesn't preach with words, does so with works and hammerblows" (73). The dialogue opens with the entrance of Goncalo Alvares, pre sumably into Mateus Nogueira's blacksmith shop. He is described as having been nettled by the "Negros do Gato"7 and despondent about the prospects of their conversion. "I've had it!" he begins. The Negros do Gato are so bestial that nothing divine can enter their hearts. They are bloodthirsty, happiest when they are killing and eating other persons. Preaching the gospel to them is no different from preaching to the stones in a desert. The response by Mateus Nogueira to this out burst expresses a prevalent diagnosis of the problem: "If they had a king, they could be converted" (74). The implication, and it is very im portant to the argument of the Didlogo, is that the social conditions are lacking that would provide the necessary context for successful com munication of the gospel. The difficulty is not with the people's inher ent nature, then, but rather with the level of their sociocultural devel opment. Although Goncalo Alvares replies, "Well said!" he obviously misses the point. He proceeds to talk about the rapid spread of Chris tianity during the days described in the Book of Acts and the early years of the Church during which whole cities and kingdoms were converted. This rapid evangelization was possible, he claimed, "be cause they were people of judgment" (75). The point he is making is clear: the Brazilian Indians are not people of judgment. It is the pos session of reason that has led humans, despite the corruption of that reason in the Fall, to create social and political institutions and to be receptive to rational persuasion. The Indians did not live in cities, had not developed complex political and social structures, and were not receptive to the persuasive powers of Jesuit missionaries. Therefore, they lacked the rational nature that is characteristic of the rest of humanity. On the surface Mateus Nogueira's response seems to be sympa thetic to this analysis. Referring to Matthew 7:6 he suggests that these, more than any others, are the insensitive people about whom Jesus was talking:8 "We see that they are dogs in eating and killing, and hogs in their vices and manner of living." However, he continues with an indirect criticism of the missionaries. "Some Fathers," he notes, "be come ill trying to convert all 'Brazil' in an hour and finding that they cannot convert even one in a year because of their rusticity and bes tiality" (75). He agrees, then, that the level of cultural attainment is extremely low and that the customary behavior patterns are "bestial."

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"Estes Tern Alma Como Nos?" 75 But once again he insists that this does not indicate that the Brazilian Indians lack the inherent capacity for rationality and conversion. The difficulty may lie in the impatience of those who have been sent for the purpose of civilizing and Christianizing them. Goncalo Alvares reveals that his arrival on the field has been re cent, an indication, perhaps, that it was the newer members of the company who were questioning the classification of the native popula tion as human. Does Mateus Nogueira, who has been living and work ing with the natives for several years, view them as "neighbors"? 'Tve heard from well-informed people," Gongalo Alvares says, "that these are not 'neighbors,' and they argue strongly that these are not humans like us." "Well," Mateus Nogueira responds, "if they aren't human, they aren't 'neighbors'." Nonetheless, he has taken them to be his "neighbors" in his daily contact with them (81). Gongalo Alvares next quizzes Mateus Nogueira about what the Jesuit Brothers say concerning the task of converting the Indians. The response is that they are determined to die in the attempt because of their vows of obedience but that some see little hope of accomplishing the task given the rusticity of their charges. This conclusion is based on their belief that "to become Christian one needs a good under standing which these people lack," whereas these pagans are ex tremely vicious, lack rational judgment, and are cut off by nature from the faith (83). Only direct intervention by God could possibly open them to the gospel. Goncalo Alvares is convinced that these are good reasons for not expecting results, but he asks whether "there aren't any among my Brothers and Fathers who take the side of those negroes." The reply is interesting: they all take the side of the Indians, not because they are confident that the Indians are human but rather because "all desire to convert them," given their orders which have placed them in the new world (83). At this point in the Didlogo, the subject of conversation seems to shift rather abruptly to the question of forcible conversion. It is ap parent from this that some of Nobrega's colleagues who despaired of persuading the Indians of the truth of the gospel had begun to advo cate the use of force to "Christianize" these less-than-human pagans. It is not stated explicitly, yet Mateus Nogueira suddenly asks whether anything is to be gained through forcing the Indians to become Chris tian. They would remain gentios or pagans in their "life, customs, and will"(85). Goncalo Alvares's response expresses what must have been a common rationale in defense of forcible conversion: little would be gained if one refers only to the present generation of adults, but there would be hope of civilizing the behavior of their children and grand-

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76 Fred Gillette Sturm children (85). Later he seems to question this rationale, however, in sisting that the former king, Dom Manuel, was mistaken when, after the massacre of 1506, he forced the Jews to become Christians (87). Indeed, he notes that there is an inconsistency in the reasoning. If persuasion cannot succeed because of the lack of rational ability on the part of the Indians, there seem to be no grounds for believing that the children and grandchildren of these same Indians can be nur tured in the faith. It is at this juncture that Nobrega makes his basic statement about the nature of the Brazilian Indians through the words attributed to Mateus Nogueira: "Imagine all the souls of human beings as being composed of one and the same metal, made in the image of God, ca pable of glory and created by it. In the presence of God the soul of the Pope would be of equal value with the soul of your Papana slave" (88). He evokes the response that articulates the underlying topic of the dialogue: "Estes tern alma como nos?" (88). The answer is unam biguous: "That is clear, since the soul has three powers: understand ing, memory, willwhich all possess" (89). Mateus Nogueira con tinues: "After Adam sinned .he became similar to the beast, so that all of us, both Portuguese and Spaniards, along with Tamoios and Aimores are similar to beasts through a corrupt nature, and in this all of us are equal" (89). The full impact of the statement becomes clear when the reader learns that there is a significant difference be tween the two indigenous peoples mentioned. The Aimores are nonTupi-speakers who were considered by the Tupi-speaking Tamoios to be savage barbarians. There is considerable irony in this declaration! If this be the case, Goncalo Alvares replies, that all of us possess the same kind of soul and are, by virtue of the Fall, bestial by nature, so that apart from saving grace we are all one, how can it be explained that other pagans have developed sophisticated cultures, while the In dians have remained so patently bestial (91)? Mateus Nogueira, while admitting that this is a good question, nonetheless suggests that there is a clear answer, namely that every pagan culture has manifested a certain level of bestiality, including the Jews themselves, "who were the people possessing the highest degree of reason in the world." "If you want to compare point to point, blindness to blindness, bestiality to bestiality," Mateus Nogueira continues, "then you will find that all have the same trappings, which stems from the same blindness ." (92). This does not satisfy Goncalo Alvares, who wants to know why the other pagans have become more polished, with a knowledge of how to read and write, capable of doing philosophy and inventing sciences, whereas the Indians "never know more than how to walk around nude and make arrows" (93).

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"Estes Tern Alma Como Nos?" 77 Mateus Nogueira returns to his central contention, the necessity of distinguishing between nature and nurture. The Indians do not differ essentially from other humans. The difference lies rather in the social milieux. "The Romans and other pagans," he says, "had more political organization than these people, which did not lead them to possess a better understanding, but to have a better upbringing. They were brought up more politically" (93). He still fails to satisfy Goncalo Alvares, who demands to know why the Brazilian Indians have chanced to have a worse upbringing; why nature has not provided them with a similar penchant for political organization (93). Mateus Nogueira responds with reference to the biblical account of Noah and his three sons, a passage that has been used traditionally not only to explain ethnic and racial differences but also to justify enslavement of certain peoples by others. "We believe these to be the descendants of Ham," says Mateus Nogueira, while the other pagans trace their an cestry to Shem and Japheth (94). It will be recalled that Shem andJapheth received Noah's blessing, but the son of Ham, Canaan, was sub ject to the curse of being a "slave of slaves" to the others. Nogueira proceeds to insist, however, that all descendants of Noah possess the same kind of soul along with the power of understanding. The con trast between societies with advanced political structures and people with simpler social units is traced back to the differences between Cain and Abel, between Isaac and Ishmael. In each case there are two brothers with the same natural ability to reason, but the uses to which reasoning is put differ radically according to the environment. "Even though they have different upbringing, both have a natural under standing exercised according to their upbringing," (94) he insists. The Didlogo ends with Mateus Nogueira interweaving two sepa rate arguments on behalf of the Indians of Brazil. In the first place he argues that a distinction must be made between individuals of genius within a given society and the general level of ability and accomplish ment achieved by the population of that society considered as a whole. The philosophic and scientific achievements associated with the Greeks, the Romans, and the Europeans were accomplished by a tiny elite, recipients of a "special grace given by God" (94). It must be noted that there are individuals within Indian societies who are out standing also, recipients themselves of a special divine grace. In a moving passage, we are presented with a roll-call of Brazilian Indians who became willing martyrs to the faith, this despite the failure of the Jesuit missioners to exhibit the traits deemed necessary for successful evangelization, namely, acquaintance with the indigenous languages, comprehension of indigenous cultures, ability to work miracles, confi dence in God, and charity (97-100). "Yet we have seen Indians," he

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78 Fred Gillette Sturm declares, "who have given clear signs of having true faith in their hearts" (97). It is important to note that the martyrs cited represent distinct societies along the coast.9 The objection might be raised that the examples of individuals who exhibited an extraordinary degree of rationality are European, whereas the examples of outstanding tenacity of faith are Brazilian Indians. This view leads to the second argument: It is easier to com municate the gospel to someone who is naive and ignorant than to someone who is highly intelligent and proud. Indeed, many of the ar ticles of faiththe Trinity, the Incarnation, the mystery of the Sacra mentscannot be proved by demonstrative reason; they are beyond the ken of human rationality (95). In a delightful passage Mateus Nogueira compares the "evil" that must be overcome in a typical In dian with the "evil" that poses the challenge in a Roman philosopher (101). The former does not follow the precepts of natural law, taking pleasure in such an unhuman practice as cannibalism. The latter also does not keep the precepts of natural law, although he understands them. Very wise, he is also very vain. He is concerned with his own reputation and well-being, and this concern leads him to "hide the truth God taught him" (101). The task of the evangelist will vary de pending on which type of pagan he is trying to convert. In the case of the Brazilian Indians, it will be necessary to provide means of compre hending natural law; in the case of the philosopher the corrupting in fluence of prideful rationalization must be vanquished. Gongalo Alvares responds to the question about which of the two would pose the more difficult challenge to an evangelist, saying that there seems to be no real choice between the two, although he confesses that the matter remains unclear in his own mind (102). Mateus Nogueira concludes the conversation by insisting that the case is clearly and adequately stated in what has been said already in the dialogue (102). Nobrega's view of the nature of the Brazilian Indian is clearly ar ticulated in the Didlogo. That nature is, in his opinion, decidedly hu man. It does not differ essentially from Portuguese nature or Euro pean nature in general. The Indian has a soul, made in the image of God, the same image in which the Portuguese soul has been made. The ability to reason is present, although contrasts in environment and historical development have resulted in a wide divergence as far as directions taken and levels of attainment of that rationality are con cerned. If there has been a peculiar difficulty in effecting large-scale and lasting conversion of the peoples of the New World, the reasons should be sought not in the lack of capacity on the part of the Indians of Brazil to comprehend the gospel and respond to rational persua-

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"Estes Tern Alma Como Nos?" 79 sion but rather in the attitudes and practices of the missionaries them selves. Through Mateus Nogueira he notes that "up until now the In dians haven't been able to see the difference between the Fathers and the other Christians" (97). To Goncalo Alvares, who seems to person ify the missionary community in general, Mateus Nogueira remarks that "yesterday you asked him [the Indian] to provide his son to be a slave, and on this other day you look about for ways to deceive them. They have good reason to fear that you intend to deceive them since this is how the 'bad Christians' commonly treat them" (96). Nobrega's stance regarding the right of the Portuguese to enslave these fellow human beings remains ambiguous in the Didlogo. When Mateus Nogueira referred to the curse of Noah against the son of Ham and declared that "we believe these to be descendants of Ca naan," was he voicing Nobrega's own understanding or merely artic ulating the commonly held view that the "primitive peoples" of the world are intended to perform menial tasks for the more developed peoples? We have to wait ten years for the full answer.10 In 1567, the same year that Camoes left Asia to return home, Nobrega wrote a sec ond essay in which the issue of slavery is treated directly.11 The crown of Portugal was disturbed at reports of abuses in the treatment of the Indians, especially regarding their enslavement. It was revealed that many were being sold into slavery by persons falsely claiming to be their parents. Nobrega was unable to participate in the consultation ordered by the king to make recommendations to the Mesa de Consciencia e Ordens concerning the matter. The result of the consulta tion was a decree from the Mesa to the effect that, except for capture in a just war, an Indian could not be taken into slavery unless his par ents sold him because of extreme or great necessity or, as an adult over twenty years of age, he sold himself. Both Quiricio Caxa, pro fessor of moral theology at the Colegio da Baia, and Nobrega were asked to comment on the decree. Caxa agreed fully with the terms of the decree, specifying that the use of the word "great" extended the range of circumstances within which parents could legally sell chil dren into slavery. Nobrega reacted negatively. In addressing himself to the legitimacy of parental sale of chil dren, Nobrega insisted that it could be justified only in instances of extreme necessity. If the Mesa used the word "great," then it could be interpreted only as a synonym of "extreme," and not as an extension of circumstances.12 In the course of his quid iuris argument, Nobrega cited Gregory's De Iustitia et lure: "contra naturam est homines hominibus dominari" In the following paragraph he then dealt with the question of how to interpret Genesis 9:25-27, the account of Noah's blessing

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80 Fred Gillette Sturm and curse on his three sons, as well as Genesis 27:37, where Isaac informs Esau that he has been given to his brother Jacob as a servant. The biblical text, he declared, "does not speak of slaves in the way we do."13 He added: "it would be a great absurdity to say that the entire generation of Ham are slaves to other generations iure perpetuo."14 In his quidfacti argument, citing a particular case in which the Potiguares Indians faced a situation of famine not brought on by any intervention from outside, he admitted that the sale of their children in order to obtain food was legitimate. This was a clear instance of "extreme" necessity.15 Such cases are rare, however. He insisted that he never had witnessed an instance in which a genuine parent freely offered his own child for sale. It was only out of fear of consequences that Indian parents agreed to sell their own children. There was no evidence that, prior to Portuguese settlement, the Brazilian Indians were accustomed to selling members of their family into slavery. The practice is contrary to the law of natural reason, which decrees paren tal love for children. Nobrega strongly urged the crown to prevent the introduction of a practice into Brazil that ran counter to natural law as well as to the traditional customs of the indigenous population.16 In his refutation of the decree permitting an adult to sell himself into slavery, Nobrega makes very clear his position concerning the full and equal status of the Brazilian Indians as humans. His argument is based on an appeal to natural law. By such an appeal Nobrega equates the Brazilian Indians, on whose behalf he is arguing, with all other human beings. The liberty of an individual human being is given in natural law. It cannot be removed through tyranny or deceit, but only when reason, founded on natural law, permits.17 The only instance in which this could occur would be one in which there is a conflict be tween the natural law of self-preservation and the natural law of the conservation of individual freedom. This represented the "extreme necessity" that Nobrega was willing to recognize as legitimizing the sale of children into slavery.18 The vast majority of cases of enslave ment of Brazilian Indians are condemned as illegitimate in a series of corollaries appended to the argument. Throughout this second essay, Nobrega interprets the Indians as being fully human. Whether he accepted the theory that they were descended from Ham and Canaan, he rejects in straightforward man ner the notion that they are inferior in any way. They have the same right to life and liberty that natural law gives to humanity in general. It is their life-style that is deplorable. Nomadism does not provide the stable environment within which learning, conversion, and nurture in the faith can flourish. Therefore he favored the establishment of

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"Estes Tern Alma Como Nos?" 81 villages and schools for the settlement of the Indians and the full de velopment of their human potential. He was disturbed, as well, by cannibalism and other practices that involved violence against other humans, and he recommended that measures be taken to dissuade Brazilian Indians from pursuing such inhumane customs, which flew in the face of natural law. The composition of the two essays demonstrates that Nobrega was in the minority among among the Portuguese in the New World con cerning these matters. Colleagues either denied that the Brazilian In dians were human or insisted that they were inferior, descended from Ham and Canaan and therefore consigned by historic fate to a status of servitude. Perhaps these controversial issues concerning the nature and enslavement of the Indians did not generate the same intensity of debate in Brazil and Portugal as they did in Spanish America and Spain, due largely to the labors of Bartolome de las Casas; but they were debated, and the essays of Nobrega provide a glimpse into the substance of that debate. His was certainly the most articulate voice in the Portuguese world of the time to be raised in favor of a view of the Brazilian Indian as fully human, of equal status in nature to the Por tuguese, and therefore possessing the same rights and deserving the same protection under natural law as the Portuguese. Notes 1. Nobrega was born 18 October 1517 and died 18 October 1570. The manuscript text of the Didlogo is in the Biblioteca de Evora (cod. 116, 1 33, fols. 208rr). Recent editions include: Revista do Instituto Historico e Geogrdfico Brasileiro (Rio de Janeiro, 1880), 43 (1): 133; Serafim Leite, ed., Cartas do Brasil (1549) de Manuel da Nobrega (Rio de Janeiro: Oficina In dustrial Grafica, 1931), pp. 229; Serafim Leite, ed., Didlogo Sobre a Conver-sao do Gentio pelo P. Manuel da Nobrega, Com Preliminares e Anotacoes Historicas e Crlticas (Lisbon: Comissao do IV Centenario da Fundacao de Sao Paulo, 1954), pp. 53 70; Serafim Leite, ed., Cartas do Brasil e Mais Escritos do P. Ma nuel da Nobrega (Opera Omnia) (Coimbra: Universidade de Coimbra, 1955), pp. 215-50. 2. Regulamento Real de 17 de dezembro de 1548. 3. See Francisco Javier Hernaez, Collecion de bulas, breves y otros docu ments relativos a la Iglesia de America y Filipinas (Brussels, 1879), 1:10If.; Ma riano Cuevas, Documentos ineditos delsiglo XVI para la historia de Mexico (Mexico, 1914), pp. 84ff. 4. Several references to slaveholding by Jesuit priests and brothers ap pear in Nobrega's Didlogo. 5. See Serafim Leite, Artes e oficios dos Jesuitas no Brasil, 1549 (Lisbon and Rio de Janeiro, 1953).

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82 Fred Gillette Sturm 6. Serafim Leite, ed., Didlogo Sobre a Conversdo do Gentio, pp. 45ff. Subse quent page references to this work are incorporated in the text and refer to Leite's "Texto Actualizado." 7. The reference is to the Maracaja Indians. "Negro" is used to refer to the Brazilian Indians in contradistinction to the "branco" Portuguese. 8. "Do not give dogs what is holy; and do not throw your pearls before swine, lest they trample them underfoot and turn to attack you" (Revised Standard Version). 9. Pero Lopes was from the Capitania de Sao Vicente; the "velho Caiubi" had come to Piratininga from a place two leagues distant; Fernao Correia was a "Manitoba" (Carijo) from the south. 10. In a lengthy letter to the former governor-general, Thome de Souza, dated 5 July 1559, Nobrega did complain that Portuguese Christians were committing the sin of encouraging the Indians to practice self-betrayal by sell ing themselves into slavery. 11. The manuscript text of this document is in the Biblioteca de Evora (cod. 116, 1 33, fols. 145r-152v). Recent editions include: Serafim Leite, "Primeiro documento importante juridico-moral escrito no Brasil (1567)," in Jornal do Comer do (Rio de Janeiro), 20 November 1938; Serafim Leite, ed., Novas Cartas Jesuiticasde Nobrega a Vieira (Sao Paulo, 1940), pp. 113 29; Re-vista do Instituto Historico e Geogrdfico do Rio Grande do Sul (Porto Alegre, 1941), pp. 518-30; Serafim Leite, Cartas do Brasil e Mais Escritos do P. Manuel da Nobrega, pp. 397-429. 12. Ibid., par. 5-8. 13. Ibid., par. 9, lines 270f., and par. 10, line 27. 14. Ibid., par. 10, lines 280ff. 15. Ibid., par. 13. 16. Ibid., par. 16. 17. Ibid., par. 23. 18. Ibid., par. 19.

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Estrutura e Temas da Prosopopeia de Bento Teixeira Frederick C. H. Garcia Nos DIAS em que era costume atribuir a Bento Teixeira livros que o poeta nunca escrevera, sua unica obra, pouquissimo estudada, era quase sempe lembrada com a pecha infamante: profanadora do altar de Sao Camoes.1 A falta de informagoes seguras sobre o autor da Prosopopeia, nos dias em que a biografia imperava, arranjavam-se alguns dados, repetidos sem maior exame. Felizmente tudo isso vem mudando. Ja temos uma biografia baseada em documentos, razoavelmente digna de confianga e util para a compreensao do poema; os Didlogos das Grandezas do Brasil e a Relacao do Naufrdgio e seus respectivos autores finalmente se encontraram outra vez.2 Paralelamente a esses progressos, chegou-se a uma visao serena do poeta em sua relagao com a obra de Camoes e de Bento Teixeira nas letras do Brasil.3 Nao ha unanimidade quanto ao valor artistico da Prosopopeia, porem muitos dos juizos que lemos hoje em dia sao ditados por principios esteticos. A contraposigao do poemeto a biografia de Jorge de Albuquerque Coelho, por outro lado, elimina em parte o aspecto de elogio oco, inseparavel durante muitas decadas de todas as discussoes da Prosopopeia.4 E, para completar este quadro da boa mare em que anda navegando Bento Teixeira, finalmente o poema deixou de ser raridade bibliografica. Num periodo de tres anos apareceram duas edigoes que, de certo modo, se completam.5 A da Universidade Federal de Pernambuco, nao inteiramente cega a realidades literarias, atribui maior importancia a aspectos historicos. A edigao do Instituto Nacional do Livro, com a orientagao basicamente filologica que lhe deram Celso Cunha e Carlos Duval (e nao era sem tempo que se tivesse um texto apurado) nao ignora os aspectos historicos, mitologicos e esteticos indispensaveis a compreensao do poema. 83

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84 Frederick C. H. Garcia Com todos os bons sinais ligados a Bento Teixeirae a bibliografia esta crescendoa discussao de aspectos literarios ainda nao alcangou o nivel dos estudos biograficos e de fundo historico. A esperanga de poder oferecer uma contribuigao nessa area menos explorada e a forga animadora deste estudo, que examina a estrutura da Prosopopeia e os temas dos tres episodios centrais da obra. Tera sido talvez um tanto extensa esta introdugao, mas fica declarado o objetivo do estudo que, se nao pretende resolver todos os problemas ainda sem solugao ligados a Bento Teixeira (e muito menos dar palavra final sobre nenhum deles), procura ainda determinar as relagoes entre a materia utilizada pelo poeta e as transformagoes por que passou essa materia no processo de criagao literaria. No desenvolvimento poucas vezes aparecera o nome de Luis Vaz de Camoes, mas, discutindo um poema dos muitos derivados de Os Lusiadas, mantemo-nos nos limites do Mundo Portugues ao tempo de Camoes. 1. A Construgao do Poema As estrofes iniciais da Prosopopeia seguem o esquema classico do poema epico: Proposigao (I), Invocagao (II), e Dedicatoria (III-VI). Esta serve para reforgar e ampliar os propositos ja declarados do poeta, que, contrariando as intengoes anunciadas de so pedir ajuda a Deus e de nao se valer das "Delficas Irmas," agarra-se com Talia e embarca nas aguas de Aganipe. Na Narragao, que vai da setima estrofe a penultima, tres oitavas descrevem o anoitecer (VII IX); chega Tritao quando ja escurece e convoca os deuses para um concilio (XXIV); vem logo a conhecida "Descrigao do Recife de Pernambuco" (XVII XXI), ao fim da qual anuncia-se o "Canto de Proteu," que vai da es trofe XXII a oitava XCIII. Finda a narragao das agoes de Jorge e de seu irmao Duarte na Batalha de Alcacer-Quibir, o velho oraculo declara-se cansado. O po eta podia, quinhentistamente, preparar-se para encerrar o canto. Pro teu nao se esquece de chamar a atengao dos circunstantes para o fato de que ja amanhece. E e tempo de Netuno penitenciar-se pelos males causados a Jorge de Albuquerque (XCIII), e chegamos ao "Epilogo" (XCIV), com a partida da "cerulea gente" e com a intervengao final do poeta. O cerne do poema e o "Canto de Proteu," que comega logo depois do anoitecer e que encerra com o raiar do dia. Com o nascer do sol tera ficado evidente a gloria do heroi. Assim espera Proteu; assim esperava o poeta. A maneira como Bento Teixeira balizou os pontos ex-

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Estrutura e Temas da Prosopopeia de Bento Teixeira 85 tremos da profecia, iniciada no comego da noite, e o cansago do cantor quando amanhece e a missao esta cumprida, evidenciam intencionalidade. A aproximagao de pintores e poetas, evocada por Bento Tei xeira,6 justifica ate falarmos no "Canto de Proteu" como um quadro, e os limites dados no poema ajustam o foco e dao um senso dinamico a narrativa. Nao entra nesta discussao o soneto escrito em castelhano que se segue ao poema. E discutivel a autoria de Bento Teixeira, cujo verso esta livre do rebuscado trocadilhista desses arroubos gratulatorios. De qualquer modo, e de pouco valor para a interpretagao da Prosopopeia. 2. O Poema dentro do Poema Visto o esquema geral do poema, passemos ao exame da prosopopeia que justifica o titulo. E o "Canto de Proteu," que abrange 560 versos. Os demais, 192 ao todo, emolduram a serie de profecias. Verdadeiramente, o "Canto de Proteu" e um poema dentro de um poema, ou, talvez mais rigorosamente, um poema dentro de uma estrutura. Nesse poema interno vem glorificado o governador de Pernambuco, a quern a obra e dedicada. Poeta menos conhecedor dos canones classicos teria, partindo das mesmas informagoes, simplesmente metrificado a cronica das faganhas de Jorge de Albuquerque em dois continentes e numa travessia tragica. Na composigao do canto profetico, Bento Teixeira se valeu mais uma vez dos elementos estruturais do poema epico. O "Canto de Pro teu" abre com uma proposigao (XXIIXXIII), seguida de uma invocagao (XXIV-XXV). Nao ha dedicatoria, nem havia lugar para tal. Filho legitimo de seu criador, que nao queria invocar as "Delficas Irmas," o deus-profeta nao deseja ajuda das "nove moradoras do Par-naso," assistencia dispensavel, saiba o ouvinte, ja que seu canto dira apenas a verdade. Comegam as profecias, que apresentam problemas tenicos nem sempre resolvidos com felicidade. Um destes e a presenga de parentes do heroi, tambem cantados, ou pelo menos mencionados em termos de alto respeito: Duarte Coelho Pereira, primeiro donatario de Per nambuco, pai do heroi, em luta contra os selvagens e tambem contra franceses invasores (XXVII-XXVIII); D. Beatriz, esposa do primeiro capitao-mor (XXIX); Jeronimo de Albuquerque, tio de Jorge, apresentado como vassalo leal, homem religioso e bom soldado (XXXIII XXXVIII). Com todo o seu valor, Jeronimo foi (ou sera), de acordo com Proteu, privado do reconhecimento a que tinha direito. Isso explica, diz-nos o vaticinador, a ausencia de seus filhos na campanha af-

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86 Frederick C. H. Garcia ricana de D. Sebastiao. Outro parente louvado no poema e Duarte, o primogenito. O cadete e o heroi, mas nao falta ao morgado o seu mo menta de grande gloria (LXXXIII-LXXXVII). Partindo de uma concepcao razoavel para elaborar o seu "Canto de Proteu," que poderia estabelecer o quadro projetado, mais de uma vez, por desejo de originalidade ou por impericia, o poeta destroi a atmosfera que pretende criar, fazendo intervencoes que prejudicam a unidade do poema dentro do poema (XXV. 1; XXXIX. 1; XLII.l; XLIII.5-8;XLIV.l;LXX.l-8;XCIII.l-3).Eemalgunspassos,como nos que prometem novos cantos sobre a mesma materia (LXXXII; XCIXCII) ou nos protestos de dizer somente a verdade (XXIV.6), nao se sabe se fala Proteu, se o poeta, esquecido do disfarce epico. A mitologia, razoavel na estetica em que esta enquadrado o poema, mais de uma vez cresce descontroladamente. E ver o catalogo de ninfas que chegam, acompanhadas de sereias, ao Recife de Pernambuco (XVI). No "Canto de Proteu" a arrancada mitologica que explica a ira de Vulcano contra Jorge de Albuquerque (XLVIIILIII), pela acao deste contra os indios, chega a prejudicar a continuidade da narrativa. No meio das durezas do naufragio, o eloqtiente Jorge lembra aos companheiros que, embora forcas inimigas "que se parcialidam com Vulcano" causem perigos e desgracas, o "Soberano" divino nao deixara de socorre-los (LXI). E simplesmente a invasao de um piano da nar rativa por materia que pertence a outro piano. Sem negar que ai temos serio defeito de elaboracao, podemos sempre imaginar que um dos motivos desse tratamento do sobrenatural era o desejo de eliminar duvidas que os zelosos inquisidores pudessem ter a respeito do poeta, que deixava bem clara a fraqueza dos deuses do gentio diante da fe catolica. As profecias de Proteu relatam inicialmente a acao de Jorge e de seus parentes na capitania, em sua conquista territorial, catequese e luta contra protestantes e selvagens (XXVIXXXVIII). O imperio e a fenesta ordem ou ao contrarioainda eram as duas direcoes da expansao ultramarina. Apos um interludio (XXXIXXLI) e uma intrusao do poeta (XLIII-XLIV) recomeca a narrativa, e a ira de Vulcano leva Netuno a causar o naufragio em que Jorge, merce de sua coragem e enorme confianga na Providencia, consegue sobreviver com parte de seus companheiros (LVLXVIII). Vem logo a campanha africana (LXIX-XCI); morre Duarte e, com o luto de Olinda (XCII) a capi tania muda de maos e passa ao filho segundo. O donatario morreu. Viva o donatario. Encerra-se o "Canto de Proteu" e Netuno se penitencia por ter dado ouvidos a Vulcano. Sabe-se logo que o futuro conhecera a gloria do grande Albuquerque. Neste passo final do canto profetico ha um elemento de tempo

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Estrutura e Temas da Prosopopeia de Bento Teixeira 87 mais que ambiguo: Proteu profetiza o naufragio; Netuno se arrepende de ter atendido ao pedido de Vulcano e de ter cometido os atos profetizados. E o poeta remata, declarando-se testemunha presencial de tudo quanto acaba de descrever. Evidentemente o poeta nao sustem o disfarce epico. Na discussao dos vaticinios, e quase inevitavel, pela ligacao de Bento Teixeira a epica camoniana, o cotejo da visao de Proteu e das profecias de Tetis.7 Sem ser necessario dar enfase a superioridade poetica de Camoes, tinha este ainda a vantagem de lidar com espectro muito mais amplo. Ainda mais, no texto camoniano a visao do futuro e para completar um panorama ja apresentado, abrangedor de seculos e vivido por vasto elenco. Em Bento Teixeira a profecia e o poema. 3. Os Tres Temas do "Canto de Proteu" Eliminados os figurantes mitologicos, isolada uma ou outra moralizagao, postos de lado os elementos de pura carpintaria, restam-nos no "Canto de Proteu" tres episodios da biografia de Jorge de Albuquer que Coelho, em cada um desses episodios louvando uma ou mais virtudes do heroi. Sao essas virtudes os temas do poeta. A narrative se baseia em fatos reais. O donatario nao se ofenderia com um ou outro exagero na relacao de seus atos, e e licito imaginar que Bento Teixeira tera composto as suas estrofes com essa nocao em mente. Embora seja inegavel a intencao glorificadora, e pela apresentagao no poemapelo tratamento da materia e nao pela intencao bajuladoraque se deve fazer o julgamento do merito literario da Proso popeia, verdade simples nem sempre respeitada. O exame da estrutura do poema e o estudo de seus temas nos dao elementos para uma valoragao estetica da obra. O primeiro tema e a coragem, que se manifesta na atividade colo nial, lembrada de maneira muito esquematica. Intencionalmente ou nao, Bento Teixeira acertou nessa apresentacao mais evocativa que alistadora. Fosse por pressa de composigao, fosse de caso pensado, sem oferecer riqueza de pormenores o poeta conseguiu apresentar uma familia de homens valentes nas lutas contra os barbaros e os luteranos (os termos sao da Prosopopeia). Um dos defeitos basicos de muitos dos poemas seguidores de Camoes e a preocupagao de "fidelidade minuciosa,"8 causadora de inevitavel monotonia. Desse crime de esmiucar nao foi reu Bento Teixeira. A narracao da travessia e superficial, porem menos esquematica que a relacao das atividades na capitania. O poeta evoca as tempestades e a fome, que levou alguns dos tripulantes a formular ideias de antropofagia. Sao todos dissuadidos pela eloqiiencia de Jorge, dis-

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88 Frederick C. H. Garcia posto a morrer defendendo o seu ponto de vista. Reconfirmada a coragem, fica tambem estabelecida sua confianca na Providencia. O heroi nunca duvida: com a ajuda de Deus chegara ao destino. O devoto que aqui vemos nao parece o mesmo ja apresentado na luta contra os protestantes e na obra de catequese, aspectos tratados de maneira bastante remota. Pouco interesse do cristao-novo Bento Teixeira quanto a obra missionaria e por essa religiao tao militante como militar? E ja que entrou na discussao o caso do cristao-novo, fique bem claro que, falando tantas vezes na Providencia, nao se menciona jamais o nome de Cristo e em nenhum passo aparece a cruz simbolica da fe do fidalgo, pormenor que tera escapado aos censores, sem du vida informados do catolicismo muito limitado do poeta. Quando comparamos os eventos da travessia narrados por Bento Teixeira e os que vem no Naufragio, nota-se no poema a ausencia da atitude intransigente de Jorge diante de protestantes, que nao lhe inspiravam nenhum espirito de conciliagao.9 No "Canto de Proteu" nem de longe vem mencionado o episodio dos corsarios franceses, cuja presenga no poema ajudaria a glorificar o heroi e daria maior enfase a sua coragem e ao seu sentimento religioso, de que a intolerancia era, naquelas alturas, verdadeiramente inseparavel. Ou a Prosopopeia foi composta sem conhecimento do texto do Naufragio, hipotese muito viavel, ou aqui o cristao-novo, mais tolerante que os antigos, preferiu abster-se de glorificar a intolerancia, hipotese tentadora, mas de base fragil, pela falta de sutileza do poeta. Dadas as acoes de gracas em Lisboa (LXVIII), Jorge se reune a Duarte, e, quase sem transigao, la se vao a caminho do desastre afri-cano. A coragem e a fe de Jorge aqui se conjugam com uma virtude: a lealdade ao rei, personificagao da Patriae chegamos ao terceiro tema do "Canto de Proteu." Nao pode ficar sem comentario a maneira como D. Sebastiao, que poe em prova as virtudes do fidalgo, passa pelas paginas da profecia. O rei esta presente na estrofe LXIX, em que se anuncia a campanha marroquina. Continua diante do leitor ate a estrofe LXXVIII, em que o fidalgo se despede de seu soberano. A batalha continua, e D. Sebastiao so e novamente mencionado na imprecagao de Duarte con tra os que fugiam (LXXXVI). Nas seis estrofes em que nao se men ciona o monarca, este nao deixa de estar presente na memoria do leitor. Embora o rei derrotado esteja visivel em toda a evocagao da Jor nada africana, que abrange vinte e tres estancias, jamais se menciona de maneira directa o seu nome. Bem diferente de Os Lusiadas, em que, na rememoracao dos reis passados, sao todos lembrados com mencao de nome, ate mesmo os mais obscuros (III.28IV.104). Na Prosopopeia D. Sebastiao e o "Rei sublime" na fala de Duarte (LXXXVI); na dis-

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Estrutura e Temas da Prosopopeia de Bento Teixeira 89 cussao do planejamento da expedicao e o "Rei altivo imperioso," pouco antes chamado "Sebasto lusitano," que e a expressao mais proxima de seu nome em todo o poema (LXIX); antes mesmo do cornbate e o "mal afortunado Rei ufano" (LXXII); na batalha, no meio de todos os perigos, encontramos o "Rei das gentes lusitanas" (LXXIV). Na estrofe seguinte, "sera visto por Jorge sublimado," ficando bem claro que a ausencia de sujeito corre por conta de Bento Teixeira. O governador transfere sua montada a D. Sebastiao, chamando-lhe "infelice Rei" (LXXVI) ao formular o oferecimento. E continua, dirigindo-se ao monarca: Vejo-vos co cavalo ja cansado, A vos, nunca cansado, mas ferido, Salvai em este meu a vossa vida, Que a minha pouco vai em ser perdida. Justifica-se a transferencia, aparentemente nao aceita sem relutancia por parte do rei, de cuja coragem fanatica nunca se duvidou, como tambem nunca se negou a sua inepcia em materia estrategica. Diz ainda o fidalgo que, se D. Sebastiao nao morrer, manter-se-a o "Luso Reino" (LXXVII). E, feita a troca, Proteu comenta, louvando a virtude de Jorge: "6 Portuguesa/Lealdade do tempo florentissimo!" (LXXVIII). Durante muito tempo discutiu-se a questao da nacionalidade do poeta e do poema. A leitura vagarosa deste passo teria poupado muita tinta e muito papel. Nascido em Olinda, Jorge era ainda um fidalgo portugues. Esta a apresentacao do poeta. O Brasil era parte de Por tugal; patriotismo era sinonimo de lealdade ao Rei de Portugal. Intencionalmente ou nao, as exclamacaoes sobre a lealdade de Jorge a seu monarca fazem eco da "gra fidelidade portuguesa" de Egas Moniz (Lusiadas, 111.41). Ha a diferenca de que Egas se sacrificava no inicio do Reino de Portugal, enquanto que no heroismo do "sublime Jorge" testemunhamos o holocausto: O Rei promete, se de tal empresa Sai vivo, o fara senhor grandissimo, Mas 'te nisto lhe sera avara a sorte, Pois tudo cubrira com sombra a morte. [LXXVIII.5-8] Morreu o rei quase anonimo, apresentado em torn de nenia e em termos que retratam um sudito leal. Bem diferente, a proposito, de

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90 Frederick C. H. Garcia alguns poemas elegiacos castelhanos, que quase apostrofam o rei pela insania causadora de sua morte e do dominio espanhol. Veja-se o epitafio escrito por Lope de Vega;10 examinem-se varios passos de Fer nando de Herrera.11 Contrastem-se esses escritos com a descrigao da Batalha de Alcacer-Quibir na Elegiada, de 1588, e no Afonso Africano, impresso em 1614. Nesses poemas Portugueses12 nao ha apenas a lamentagao da independencia perdida; ha o luto pela perda do monarca. Bento Teixeira e dois outros continuadores de Camoes vibravam na mesma frequencia quando evocavam D. Sebastiao. Feita a rememoracao da campanha africana, em que a coragem e a lealdade de Jorge nao conseguiram salvar o rei e, com ele, a Patria (a primeira ideia vem quase dita por extenso e a segunda esta implicita), Proteu lamenta a velhice e o cansago que quase o levam a esquecer o irmao do protagonista (LXXXII), fidalgo tambem corajoso, cuja reagao diante de Portugueses em fuga so podia levar a recriminagao: Donde vos is, homens insanos? Que digo: homens, estatuas sem sentido, Pois nao sentis o bem que haveis perdido? [LXXXIII.6-8] A coragem e decididamente um dos temas desse episodio secun-dario. A raridade desta virtude teria decretado a morte do rei e a queda de Portugal. Encarecem-se a coragem e a lealdade dos dois irmaos. Com a perda da batalha, que o poeta nao tenta descrever minuciosamente, chega logo o fim do "Canto de Proteu." Sem delongas encerra-se o poema. O heroi fica marcado pela coragem, implicita no primeiro episodio; pela fe em Deus, manifesta na travessia; e pela lealdade a seu rei, mais que evidenciada na guerra marroquina. As tres virtudes do fidalgoque sao as mesmas de seu tio Jeronimonao se negam e se completam. A Prosopopeia nao entra na questao da perda da independencia de Portugal. Saia isso a seu objectivo e, de qualquer maneira, pela data de composigao,13 bem como pela distancia geografica, ainda nao se fizera sentir na colonia o dominio espanhol. De qualquer modo, a lealdade do fidalgo e ao rei perdido, mas so com exagero veriamos no texto intencao autonomista e ate mesmo anticastelhana. O poeta nao era, evidentemente, alheio as realidades politicas e militares. Sabia fazer sugestoes construtivas as autoridades, e e bem conhecida a estrofe que fala da necessidade de uma fortificagao para proteger a entrada do

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Estrutura e Temas da Prosopopeia de Bento Teixeira 91 Recife (XX. 1-4). Era capaz ainda de acusar os poderosos que nao reconheciam os seus melhores suditos, e o melhor exemplo e, na apresentagao de Jorge de Albuquerque, a maneira como fala do nenhum premio de suas qualidades de bom catolico, militar de valor e sudito leal. 4. Encerramento Deste exame tematico e estrutural da Prosopopeia tera ficado evidente que, se o poema pode dar a impressao inicial de elogio ocorotulo que Jose Verissimo e outros aplicaram a todo o textoe na verdade uma visao condensada da carreira de Jorge de Albuquerque Coelho, com exposigao de suas qualidades de militar, de crente em Deus e de vassalo leal. A qualidade literaria de cada um dos tres episodios e proporcional ao grau de interesse humano dos aspectos descritos, ao po tential heroico de cada um e a forga criadora de Bento Teixeira. Poeta de maior estro teria, com materia identica, escrito obra melhor. Por outro lado, formagao humanistica mais disciplinada teria levado o cantor de Jorge a dominio mais completo do seu munus e a evitar alguns dos defeitos evidentes da Prosopopeia. Em varios momentos (com o disfarce de Proteu e em seu proprio nome) Bento Teixeira descreve o poema como texto provisorio, sujeito a reformas e ajustes.14 Se eram protestos sinceros, nao podemos saber ao certo; eram, em parte, mesuras retoricas. A analise tematica e estrutural do poema evidencia que o poeta levou a cabo o seu piano, anunciado na estrofe de abertura, ao definir o seu heroi como "Albuquerque soberano,/Da fe, da cara Patria firme muro,/Cujo valor ./Pode estancar a Lacia e Grega lira." E evidente que nao estancou a grega nem a romana. E nem de longe abalou o pedestal de Os Lusiadas. Indiscutivelmente, porem, seja qual for nossa opiniao sobre a qualidade do poema, a rememoragao dos feitos de Jorge de Albuquerque Coelho desenvolveu os temas anunciados na proposigao: coragem, fe, patriotismo. Como encerramento desta visao parcial da Prosopopeia, damos uma volta ao ponto de partida. Temos aqui uma analise de dois aspec tos do poema, um dos primeiros caudatarios de Os Lusiadas. Com toda a modestia do texto de Bento Teixeira, seu estudo pode ajudar-nos a explorar o Mundo Portugues ao Tempo de Camoes. Notas 1. Se Jose Verissimo nao foi o primeiro critico a condenar a Prosopopeia, foi sem duvida o que demonstrou mais pronunciada ma vontade, muito de

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92 Frederick C. H. Garcia ser notada num intelectual geralmente sereno e objetivo. Segundo este critico, o poema era sem "merito algum de inspira^ao, poesia ou forma." Verissimo ataca o poeta ainda chamando-o engrossador e dando a impressao de que a profecia ex post facto seria defeito imperdoavel. Chega ate a se valer de erro de imprensa ("primeiras primicias") para fundamentar a apresentagao vitriolica. Alguns criticos e diversos manuais ecoaram e ainda ecoam o ataque da Historia da Literatura Brasileira (citada pela terceira edigao, Rio de Janeiro: Jose Olympio, 1954, pp. 36), e dos Estudos de Literatura Brasileira, Quarta Serie (Paris e Rio de Janeiro: H. Gamier, 1904, pp. 25-64). 2. Para conhecimento da biografia e de quanto ja se fez no estudo de Bento Teixeira, consulte-se a lista bibliografica de J. Galante de Sousa, Em torno do Poeta Bento Teixeira (Sao Paulo: Instituto de Estudos Brasileiros [da Universidade de Sao Paulo], 1972), pp. 92-106, abundante de fontes para o estudo de aspectos historicos, biograficos e literarios. Vejam-se ainda: Jose An tonio Gongalves de Mello, Estudos Pernambucanos (Recife: Imprensa Universitaria, 1960), pp. 5-43; Rubens Borba de Moraes, "Muitas Perguntas e Poucas Respostas sobre o Autor da Prosopopeia," Comentdrio 5 (1964): i, 77 88. 3. Quanto ao primeiro aspecto, veja-se Antonio Soares Amora, "A Prosopopeia, de Bento Teixeira, a Luz da Moderna Camonologia," Misceldnea de Estudos em Honra do Prof. Herndni Cidade (Lisboa: Universidade de Lisboa, 1957), pp. 402-8; reimpresso com novo titulo ("Bento Teixeira e a Prosopopeia") e minimas alteracoes de texto em Classicismo e Romantismo no Brasil (Sao Paulo: Conselho Estadual de Cultura, 1966), pp. 25. Quanto aos dois aspectos, veja-se Wilson Martins, Historia da Inteligencia Brasileira (Sao Paulo: Cultrix, 1977), 1: 105. Consulte-se ainda Jose Aderaldo Castello, "Bento Teixeira, um Iniciador," Estado de Sao Paulo: Suplemento Literdrio, 26 de Janeiro de 1957, p. 4. Do mesmo, leia-se Manifestacoes Literdrias na Era Colonial, 2a edigao (Sao Paulo: Cultrix, 1965), especialmente pp. 64-68. Veja-se ainda An tonio Soares Amora, "A Prosopopeia e seus Temas de Interesse," Estado de Sao Paulo: Suplemento Literdrio, 22 de dezembro de 1956, p. 4. 4. Veja-se, no livro de J. Galante de Sousa, o capitulo "O Donatario Zeloso da Propria Gloria," pp. 37. Alem da narragao do naufragio (v. nota seguinte), leia-se tambem Jeronimo de Mendonga, Jornada de Africa (Lisboa, 1785), p. 63. A folha de rosto nos diz que o texto era "copiado fielmente da edigao de 1607 por Bento J. de Sousa Farinha." 5. A primeira a aparecer foi [Afonso Luis Piloto e Bento Teixeira] Nau fragio e Prosopopeia (Recife: Universidade Federal de Pernambuco, 1969); a introdugao e as notas, e mais o glossario sao de Fernando de Oliveira Mota; o prefacio e de Jose Gonsalves de Mello. Referencias ao Naufragio por esta edi-gao. Mais recente e o texto com introdu^ao e comentarios de Celso Cunha e Carlos Duval, com o titulo de Prosopopeia (Rio de Janeiro: Instituto Nacional do Livro, 1972). Este o texto usado nas citagoes do poema. 6. Na primeira linha do "Prologo" (pp. 14-15). Veja-se ArsPoetica, 90 (comparagao de poetas e pintores) e 360 (identificagoes entre poema e qua-dro). Citado pela edigao Satires, Epistles and ArsPoetica [de Horacio] (Londres: W. Heinemann, 1926), pp. 450-89.

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Estrutura e Temas da Prosopopeia de Bento Teixeira 93 7. Lusiadas, IX,86 e X,10. Citado por Camoes, Obra Completa, Organizacao de Hernani Cidade, 5 vols. (Lisboa: Sa da Costa, varias datas). 8. A expressao e de Fidelino de Figueiredo, em generalizacao formulada na discussao do Primeiro Cerco de Diu, em A Epica Portuguesa no Seculo XVI (Sao Paulo: Universidade de Sao Paulo, 1950), p. 387. 9. Veja-se Naufrdgio, Cap IV, pp. 69-71. 10. Transcrito em Jose Maria Viqueira Barreiro, El lusitanismo de Lope de Vega (Coimbra: Coimbra Editora, 1950), p. 161. 11. Veja-se a "Cancion por la perdida de Don Sebastian," Poesias (Madri: La Lectura, 1914), pp. 80-88. Considerem-se tambem a cangao "Si alguna vez mi pena" (pp. 108-13) e o soneto "Ya qu'el sujeto reino lusitano" (p. 198) e a elegia "Estoy pensando en medio de mi engano" (pp. 261 71). Quanto a pre sence de D. Sebastiao nos escritos de Herrera, consulte-se ainda Oreste Macri, Fernando de Herrera (Madri: Gredos, 1971), pp. 183, 184, 508, 509, 604 e 608. 12. Em J. Cabral do Nascimento, Poemas Narrativos Portugueses (Lisboa: Minerva, 1947). Amostra do poema de Luis Pereira Brandao, pp. 155. "Antevisao de Alcacer-Quibir," do poema de Vasco Mousinho de Quevedo, pp. 163-67. 13. O poema teria sido composto entre 1584 e 1593. Para discussao minuciosa deste aspecto, veja-se J. Galante de Sousa, Em torno do Poeta Bento Teixeira, pp. 25-29. Vale lembrar que os anos finais do poeta, falecido em 1600, nao teriam sido propicios a cria^ao literaria, pelos muitos problemas vividos por Bento Teixeira. 14. Veja-se o "Prologo" e mais as estrofes LXXXII, XCI e XCII. Sobre este aspecto, consultem-se os trabalhos de Jose Aderaldo Castello citados (nota 3).

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Ill The Portuguese in Africa and Asia

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Grumbling Veterans of an Empire Gerald M. Moser Heroica Lusitania Mas si tanto has podido Resplandecer con belicos Poderes; Bien te has escurecido Con negar, por los terminos de Ceres, De Thetis por la espuma, Tanto a la Espada honor, como a la pluma. Manuel de Faria e Sousa Rimas, Pt. Ill, Ode 15(1627) ("Heroic Lusitania who has been able to shine so brightly in the wars, you have tarnished your glory within the bounds of Ceres and Tethys's foamy realm when you refused to honor sword or pen.") IN THE Portuguese literature of the times, criticism frequently took the form of a veteran soldier's complaint that his faithful service was not being rewarded as it should have been. In a way, it was a self-criticism: in an intensely personal manner, it implied a condemnation of the methods of colonization by the colonizers themselves. And any one who knows a little about Portuguese literature is familiar with at least one of the complainers, Luis de Camoes, who served the king for many years as a soldier, first in Morocco, then in the East Indies. Since little is known of his life, nothing can dispel the image of the luckless man that he created through his poetry. This pathetic figure, "alone, abandoned / by friends, by king and country / unworthy of the singer 97

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98 Gerald M. Moser of his Lusiads," as young Almeida Garrett presented him in 1825 (Garrett, Cambes, pp. 123), is the Camoes who lives on in the minds of his countrymen. [References are to bibliography at the end of the chapter; English translations are the author's.] Yet, the poet, a member of the lesser gentry, actually subdued his criticism. The loud est and also the most listened to complaints of any of the soldiers came from members of the high nobility. First to be voiced, they have to be mentioned first. Camoes then introduced a new view by taking up the grievances of humbler folk as well. Simultaneously and for a century to come, we find anonymous soldiers also recording their woesor so it was made to appear. Complaining noblemen and their hangers-on were legion, with many heading the procession who had served as governors or viceroys. Those who pestered the king and his councilors the most would often get what they wanted, as Diogo do Couto has an unnamed vet eran observe, whereas untitled petitioners were put into the common jail for making nuisances of themselves, por enfadonho(s) (Couto, Sol-dado, p. 201). The appeals hot-tempered Afonso de Albuquerque di rected to King Manuel in his letters are well known, as are his last words uttered on his sickbed when he had learned that his candidates for important Indian positions had been ignored in Lisbon. Others who remonstrated were merely anxious to enrich them selves. The claims made, for example, by greedy governor Martim Afonso de Sousa are still preserved. The official historians, who tried hard to be fair, saw through such maneuvers. By the same token, they were revolted by the shabby treatment given to the few good and hon est commanders, upright men such as viceroy Nuno da Cunha, son of that old captain Tristao da Cunha whose name is perpetuated in that of an island in the South Atlantic. The drama of royal ingratitude with its demoralizing effects moved Diogo do Couto to write a page ringing with indignation: Cunha was expecting to reap the reward for fitting out a powerful fleet that was to break the Turkish blockade of Diu, the most important stronghold of the Portuguese in northern In dia, when he learned that he had been recalled and that his successor, indecisive, seventy-year-old Garcia de Noronha, had already arrived in Goa. "Nuno da Cunha," Couto writes, was deeply hurt by the royal offense, having been informed by his father Tristao what had happened when the latter had questioned the king about the matter. He became so de pressed that no one saw him in a happy mood ever after.

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Grumbling Veterans of an Empire When the homeward bound ships had already rounded the Cape, Nuno da Cunha came down with a grave illness, from which he was to die. It may well be that it had been caused by the profound depression and sorrow that ate his heart out as he thought about the poor reward he had received. As he lay dying he started to breathe so hard that every one thought his last moment had come. This continued for quite a while. Then he reopened his eyes and repeated the words of the Roman in a somewhat cavernous voice: "Ingrata patria, ossa mea non possidebis!" That's how shocked he still was by the poor reward he had received for ten years of service as governor of India and for building three for tresses, Chale (near Kozhikode, the Calicut of the Por tuguese), Basein and Dive (Diu). And to this day, whenever the conversation turns to good government, only Nuno da Cunha's is mentioned. What would he have felt had he known that jealousy [of him] had reached such a point that he was being awaited in the Azores with a pair of the heav iest handcuffs to shackle him and thus take him to the castle in Lisbon and from there to the Mansos Gatetower in Santarem, made ready to receive him on the king's orders. Such was the triumphant reception he was to get for all the victo ries he had won in the Orient. Couto, Decada quinta, bk. Ill, chap. 9, fol. 88b, and bk. V, chap. 6, fols. 136a-37a. Camoes knew at first hand the lives led by the upper classes and by the common people both in Portugal as well as in the colonies. He joined the historians of the overseas expansion in putting in a good word for the soldiers who bore the brunt of the campaigns, whether as commanders or in the ranks. In the final canto of the Lusiads, where Tethys sings her prophetic verses of the heroic exploits to be expected, she first praises Duarte Pacheco Pereira as a greater commander of his little band of a hun dred Portuguese than any that ancient Greece or Rome had produced. And like the historian Damiao de Gois, Camoes, through Tethys, ac cuses the king, Dom Manuel, of ingratitude, stinginess, and injustice because he lent an ear to Pacheco's enemies. Lowering her voice, the goddess foretells what would happen and sheds tears as she reaches

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100 Gerald M. Moser the end of the story, the poor reward Pacheco received for all his bravery: Cantando em baxa voz, envolta em choro, O grande esforco mal agradecido. Lus., X, 22, vv. 3-4 Nor was it the first time that this had happened. The poet cites the Roman Belisarius and Homer's hero Aias as classic examples. Perhaps he did not mean to include himself in their numbers, but the lines In you [Pacheco] and in him [Belisarius], we see stout hearted men Fall to a low estate, humble, obscure, Ending their lives in wretched paupers' beds Lus., X, 23, vv. 3-5 would remind his readers of the poet's own last years. A few stanzas further on, the goddess, having praised and mourned Almeida, extols Albuquerque, but not without giving vent to a complaint of his soldiers, who had always been obedient to his ordersa tudo obedientesabout his exceeding harshness when he punished one of them in a fit of anger. In the seventeenth century, a commentator of unusual sensitivity, Faria e Sousa, had already perceived a deeper significance in his favor ite poet's complaints. Commenting on the honors reserved for Gama's expedition on the Isle of Love, he wrote: By saying that [Tethys], the greatest of the goddesses, es poused Gama, the Poet shows how attentive he was to justice when he made her, the foremost of the goddesses, wed Gama, the foremost of the ship's company, while they, the company, were to be wed to her subordinates. And by men tioning him last, the Poet showed that the reward for the men through whose efforts captains achieve great victories must not come last, even though it should not be the same, for without the men nothing could be achieved. The Poet arranged it this way because he objected to what he saw being practiced in his lifetime (as it is today and always will be), which is, to give everything to the chiefs, instead of di viding it among them and the men. Likewise, he will say

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Grumbling Veterans of an Empire 101 in stanza 94 that after all, it is only fair not to give to the great what is due to the rank and file. Faria e Sousa, ed., Os Lusiadas, IV: col. 256 Diogo do Couto, himself discontented since he resented the scant recognition he received from the king for his services, repeatedly pointed out in his Decadas that great men, such as Vasco da Gama's son Estevao, were not rewarded properly by the country they served so well in India. He called this "the careless handling of India" (o descuido da India) (Couto, Decadas, I: xl, lxxii, cxxiv, 64; 2: 95). Diogo do Couto's work of 1612, O soldado prdtico ("The experienced soldier"), stands as the most comprehensive indictment of colonial practice in India. But lest Portugal be made a whipping boy for imperialism, one should remember what an Englishman, H. E. J. Stanley, had to say in the introduction to his translation of Gaspar Correia's similar accusa tions in his first Lenda: "It is necessary to point out how much of Diogo do Couto's observations upon the defects of the Portuguese admin istration in his time applies to our Indian administration. Those who have served in India or in other Asiatic territories of the British Crown will be able to make the application for themselves" (Correia, The Three Voyages, pp. lxxvlxxvi). I shall make only two points about Couto's unique book. First, all of his complaints are put into the mouth of a single one of the three persons who talk about the rotten state of India, an unnamed, povertystricken veteran, sixty years old, who had served there for twelve years, on top of three years' service in the home fleet. The other point is that the bill of particulars drawn up by the veteran goes beyond any thing alleged by others while it includes the criticisms Camoes made his own. Couto was neither the first nor the last to speak up in behalf of the common soldier. I know of nine other works in which this is done. All were probably written by men in responsible positions, who could draw on extensive firsthand experience. One of the earliest was Gaspar Correia's Lendas da India. It contains a bitter outburst of indigna tion over the poor recompense the privates received while the glory and the perquisites went to the gentlemen. Correia illustrates this with what happened to the small troop of Cristovao Justarte and his thirtyseven brave men, who relieved the beleaguered fort at Calicut in 1525. "Their feat," he writes, "would have been talked about had they been nobles. But they were not. I saw some of them, who had been crippled and were dogged by poverty, die in the charity wards, while those who

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102 Gerald M. Moser survived were removed from the pay and relief rolls" (Correia, Lendas, 2: 912). Correia raised his protest in 1563 or 1564, at a time when Camoes was completing his epic. There is an anonymous work, Primor e honra da vida soldadesca ("Excellence and honor of soldierly life"), written in Goa, probably in 1585, according to Charles R. Boxer. The author, a veteran himself, who is filled with religious zeal, blames on the one hand the king, for his ingratitude toward the men serving him best in the Indies (Anon., Primor, fol. 39r and v), and on the other the men because of their lack of discipline (fols. 55r and 56r). Between 1580 and 1590, a Dutch visitor to India, Jan Huygen van Linschoten, confirmed the truth of the Portuguese allegations of nig gardly pay, which, however, did not prevent the soldiers from wanting to appear magnificent and noble to the public eye (Linschoten, Itiner-ario, 1: 136-37). Couto's Soldado prdtico of 1612 is followed by the work of a per sistent and ingenuous reformer of the seventeenth-century variety, Francisco Rodrigues Silveira. His "Reformacao da milicia e governo do estado da India Oriental" ("Reform of the military and the gover nance of the state of East India") was the revised text of the memoran dum he had addressed to the Council of Portugal in Madrid six times in succession between 1600 and 1619, changing it each time. Having served as a soldier in India for twelve years beginning in 1585, he was deeply hurt when the council paid no attention to his suggestions. All he heard was the mocking remark "Well now, won't this pegleg ever leave us alone with his pile of papers?" (Silveira, "Reformagao," fol. 3r). Silveira's indictment can stand comparison with Couto's or Correia's. Very different from Silveira's is the fanciful but rather uninspired work El soldado quexoso ("The complaining soldier") by a certain Joao Franco Barreto, who had had some college training. He wrote it in the form of a rogue story, whose principal antihero is the complaining sol dier. A printing permit had been secured in 1628, but the manuscript was never published. Among the verses Barreto interspersed in the story is a poem addressed boldly to a viceroy. It contrasts the glory of the discovery with the present disorder in India. The illustrious per sonage is accused of disastrous military tactics, of promulgating rules and regulations that make life impossible for the soldiers, and of en trusting inexperienced officers with the command of the troops (Barreto, "El soldado quexoso," fols. 29r-33v). The series of protests continues with at least four more writings. One is an anonymous satirical poem with the burden "Such is the

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Grumbling Veterans of an Empire 103 good regime of Portugal" (Este e o bom governo de Portugal) which was attributed to Tomas Pinto Brandao, an imitator of Gregorio de Matos, with the date 1713. Three or four of its forty to forty-six stanzas, de pending on the version, take up the theme of the soldiers' neglect by the government. The ninth in particular condemns the War Council for not considering services rendered when it decides on promotions, while the twenty-sixth attacks the king for compelling the miserable soldiery to be on duty in garrisons or in the field without paysempre defome morrendo I sem Ihe darem um real: I este e o bom governo de Portugal (Anon., "Este e o bom governo," st. 26). Another text is represented by Father Antonio Vieira's sermon of Mary's Visitation, which he preached in Bahia on 2 July 1640. In the presence of a newly arrived viceroy, the Jesuit preacher pleads the cause of the ragged, demoralized infantry. More substantial was Captain Joao Ribeiro's account of how the Portuguese lost Ceylon to the Dutch, the Fatalidade historica da ilha de Ceildo of 1685. Ribeiro had been in the military service for forty years, eighteen of them in Ceylon. Aside from greed, he pointed to lack of foresight as the reason for the mistakes that were committed. His work has a very modern ring since he attached much importance to economic factors. Something else is new in his treatment of the topic of the grumbling soldier: he does not speak for the common soldier. Though telling of the soldier's troubles he knows him too well to idealize him. The series concludes with the "Primer for thieves" (Arte defurtar), published in the eighteenth century but in the main referring to events of the seventeenth. It includes numerous pages denouncing abuses, among them the pressing of men into the Indian service by unscrupulous recruiters (Anon., Arte defurtar, pp. 87 89). All except one of the authors, Silveira, were anything but com mon soldiers. Why did they adopt the ordinary private's viewpoint in so many instances? Perhaps it was out of a sense of justice and moral ity. Being illiterate for the most part, the privates could not write in their own behalf. However, it seems unlikely that they would not have coined proverbial sayings, told stories, or composed songs about their plight, as soldiers did in other countries. Perhaps such stories have been lost because folklore was collected late in Portugal, or perhaps they still exist unrecognized. I only know of a few vestiges. One is a proverb among the several that Ferreira de Vasconcelos put into his play Eufrosina in the sixteenth century. It recalls the veterans' grum blings: "The hospitals are full of loyal fools" (Dos leais estao cheios os hospitals). Another is ballad no. 128 in Leite de Vasconcellos's collec-

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104 Gerald M. Moser tion: "Come here, my Manuel; song of the hungry soldier" (Anda cd, 6 meu Manel) (Vasconcellos, Romanceiro portugues, 2:471). A third is a trova or quatrain collected by Agostinho de Campos and Alberto d'Oliveira: O meu pai, 6 minha mae, I ndo me chameis vossofilho: I Eu sou um triste soldado, I For trinta reis vou vendido! ("Oh, father dear, oh, mother dear, I am your son no more but a miserable serviceman sold for thirty silver pieces") {Mil trovas, p. 24). The fact remains that we do not really know what the common Portuguese soldier said or sang. The main object of this study has been to show that Luis de Camoes was not alone in taking up the complaints of the Portuguese soldiery of his time, although he remains unique in attributing his own misfortunes to an adverse fate {md Fortuna) and rarely to other men. The complaints are part and parcel of a tradition of criticizing imperial practice, to the point of creating a literary commonplace, the grumbling soldier {o soldado quexoso). As for modern echoes, one has only to turn to the African veterans, beginning with officers such as Mousinho de Albuquerque and Paiva Couceiro or, writing from a very different viewpoint, Hen rique Galvao and Manuel dos Santos Lima, to see that the tradition continues. Author's note: This paper is an abridged version of a chapter in a projected work on the Portuguese critics of their own empire. References Anon. Arte de furtar, ed. Jaime Brasil. Lisbon: Livraria Peninsular Editora, 1937. "Este e o bom governo de Portugal." In the miscellany ms. 399, Biblioteca da Universidade, Coimbra, fols. 196-202 (dated 1713, copied in 1783). Primor e hour a da vida soldadesca no Estado da India. Lisbon: Jorge Rodrigues, 1630. Barreto, Joao Franco. "El soldado quexoso." First part. Biblioteca da Ajuda, Lisbon, ms. 50-54. Camoes, Luis de. Os Eusiadas, ed. Emanuel Paulo Ramos. 6th ed. Porto: Porto Editora; Lisbon: Empresa Literaria Fluminense, n.d. Os Eusiadas, ed. Manuel de Faria e Sousa. 4 vols. Facsimile reproduc tion of the 1639 ed. Lisbon: Imprensa Nacional-Casa da Moeda, 1972. Campos, Agostinho de, and Alberto d'Oliveira, eds. Mil trovas populares por-tuguesas. 4th ed. Lisbon: Imprensa Nacional, 1937. Correia, Gaspar. Lendas da India. Reproduction of R. J. de Lima Felner's ed. of 1858 ff. 4 vols. Porto: Lello e Irmao, 1975.

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Grumbling Veterans of an Empire 105 The Three Voyages ofVasco da Gama and His Viceroyalty, trans. H. E. J. Stanley. London: The Hakluyt Society, 1869. Couto, Diogo do. Decada quinta da "Asia", ed. Marcus de Jong. Coimbra: Biblioteca da Universidade, 1937. Decadas, ed. A. Baiao. 2 vols. Lisbon: Sa da Costa, 1947. O soldado prdtico, ed. M. Rodrigues Lapa. Lisbon: Sa da Costa, 1937. Garrett, J. B. Almeida. Camoes. Porto: Lello e Irmao, 1945. Linschoten, Jan Huygen van. Itinerario (1579). 2 vols. The Hague, Nijhoff, 1910. Ribeiro, Joao. Fatalidade historica da ilha de Ceilao. Lisbon: Academia das Cien-cias, 1836. (Besides the printed text, I used the ms., dated Lisbon, 8 Janu ary 1685, FG 518 / 530 / 531; Biblioteca Nacional, Lisbon.) Silveira, Francisco Rodrigues. "Reformacao da milicia e governo do estado da India Oriental." British Museum, London, add. mss. no. 25:419. (Com pared with its partial publication by A. de S. S. Costa Lobo as Memorias de um soldado da India; Lisbon: Imprensa Nacional, 1877.) Vasconcellos, Jose Leite de, ed. Romanceiro portugues. 2 vols. Coimbra: Univer sidade, 1960. Vasconcelos, Jorge Ferreira de. Eufrosina, ed. Eugenio Asensio. Madrid: Consejo Superior de Investigaciones Cientificas, 1951. Vieira, Antonio. Obras escolhidas, ed. A. Sergio and H. Cidade. Vol. 10, Sermoes (I). Lisbon: Sa da Costa, 1954. (A critical edition has been consulted, Antonio Vieiras Predigt iiber "Marias Heimsuchung," by Radegundis Leopold, Miinster, Westphalia: Aschendorff, 1978.)

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The Portuguese Asian "Decadencia," Revisited George Winius FOR BETTER or for worse, the notion that the Portuguese empire in Asia went into eclipse because of the malfeasance of its public offi cialdom is no longer in fashion. The first edition of Diogo do Couto's Soldado prdtico, printed in 1790, was entitled "Observations on the principal causes of decadence of the Portuguese in India"; for a cen tury and a half thereafter, the idea was accepted without question that the reasons for its collapse had more to do with moral depravity than with anything else. Not only did the German historian Justus Strandes and the English historian E. Denison Ross think so, but even the Grande Enciclopedia Portuguesa e Brasileira carried a heading under "D" for "Decadencia," which added that during this period the partici pants were "no longer worthy of the name Portuguese." Since World War II, however, morality has become unfashionable, international drug smuggling is a thousand times bigger a business than the whole sixteenth-century spice trade, and an American vicepresident has been sacked for accepting bribes. No wonder, then, that the idea of the decadencia has all but disappeared, too: a viceroy who sailed home with a fortune in tainted wealth might seem no worse than Spiro Agnew or even the hometown girl who uncovered for Play boy. Hence, I think we are in an ideal position to view Portuguese Asian history objectivelynot too moralistically, possibly just a shade sympathetically, but still unwilling to allow the deceitful to tread on the weak. If we can accept C. R. Boxer's view that it was not Por tuguese corruption but Dutch superiority that turned the tables in Asia during the first half of the seventeenth century, I think we are ready to begin. First of all we will need a working definition of corruption, at106

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The Portuguese Asian "Decadencia," Revisited 107 tuned to our time period. The English author J. Hurstfield, writing on political corruption in early modern England, has offered an explana tion that may serve our need: "If we assume that the object of the state is the welfare of all its members, we may define corruption as the sub version of that object to other ends."1 To him, the modern state and the existence of a bureaucracy are identical, but he feels that there is a weak link in the system, namely the lack of sufficient state revenues to pay bureaucrats decent salaries. They then helped themselves to the substance of the commonweal to make up the difference. Another writer, the Australian M. N. Pearson, goes further when he adds that this lack of adequate salaries was compensated by the addition to practically all offices of so-called perquisites, i.e., the creation and re tention of certain fees not specifically authorized by the Crown, but more or less tolerated.2 He adds that distinctions between the "ethical" perks and the more nearly rapacious ones easily became vague. Fi nally, a Dutch writer, Jacob van Klaveren, has remarked that in feudal times the perks may have been deemed proper and legitimate, but that when the bureaucracies took over administrative tasks from the feudatories, the same perks, or some like them, became illegal and therefore corrupt except when enjoyed by the Crown itself.3 At any rate, holding these possible interpretations of corruption in mind, it is time to move on to some concepts of a different nature, those regard ing the early overseas empires with which I will be dealing. The three groups of Europeans who established extensive em pires in Asia between 1500 and 1700 were of course the Portuguese, who arrived in India in 1498, and the English and Dutch, who arrived at the end of the sixteenth century and did not establish real footholds until the beginning of the seventeenth. We might add the Spaniards in the Philippines, though they were not strictly comparable because they did not use the Cape route but came from Mexico across the Pacific. Moreover, though they had a short-lived station on Formosa and briefly occupied parts of the Moluccas for defensive purposes, their empire cannot really be called extensive. Our ends will perhaps best be served if we stick mostly to the Portuguese and the empires of the two northern European powers, for they illustrate the basic differ ences I wish to suggest. However, it may be useful to allude to one or two administrative aspects of the Spanish empire in America for com parative purposes. In Carracks, Caravans and Companies, published in 1972, Niels Steensgaard, of Copenhagen, makes a fundamental distinction be tween the way in which the Portuguese empire earned its wealth within Asia and the way in which the English and Dutch East India

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108 George Winius companies did. (I said "within Asia," because by no means were all their incomes derived from the long-distance spice trade to Europe, though it is the trade for which they are best known.) He remarks that the basic Portuguese revenues were derived from "redistribution"a polite word for a policy based upon force, or the threat of it, rather than upon the ability to transmit goods and sell them competitively. By holding such strategically placed fortresses as those at Hormuz, Diu, Goa, Cochin, Colombo, and Malacca and by operating fleets to patrol the sea lanes between them, the Portuguese could oblige all na tive vessels peddling wares up and down the Indian west coast and in the vicinity of the Straits of Malacca to purchase cartazes, laissez-passer documents. These additionally obliged the bearers to call in at all the Portuguese fortresses along their routes and pay ad valorem customs duties, thereby producing even more revenue.4 Finally, because the Portuguese encountered resistance to this system, notably from the Kunjali pirates who were sheltered by the hostile Samorin of Calicut, they had to organize the cartaz-carrying peddlers in convoys, for which they also charged a tax. These incomes, as one can readily see, were not the results of buying and selling per se, but rather of syphon ing some of the proceeds therefrom into the Portuguese treasury. The closest the Estado da India Oriental, as the areas administered by the viceroy in Goa were called, ever came to becoming an actual merchant itself within Asia was through the concession of annual voyage rights to individual Portuguese fidalgos, or traders, for a single trip to Japan and China, the Moluccas, or Pegu, among other placesin return for a percentage of the profits. In addition, it is worth noting that a number of ex-soldiers who had left service to the Portuguese state went into activities for themselves. They were, however, an informal aspect of the Estado, linked to it only by language, perhaps by resi dence (they did not always reside in areas under Portuguese jurisdiction), and also perhaps by capital illegally invested by Portuguese officials, invariably under another's name. At any rate, the Estado da India was in no sense itself a merchant save for the concession voyages and also for some horses sold to interior Indian states, a trade it had inherited from the rulers of Goa prior to 1510. By contrast, the two East India companies, the English (founded in 1600) and the Dutch (founded in 1602), were truly mercantile in that the essence of their operations was buying and selling. Unlike the Portuguese, whose fees added to the net price of doing business, their well-capitalized superpeddling operations in Asia actually reduced the price of doing business in a given regionas shown by com parative figures Steensgaard has collected for the Persian Gulf trade.

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The Portuguese Asian "Decadencia," Revisited 109 The two companies both possessed armaments, but they were com manded by merchants, not soldiers, and, aside from a few esquires in English service, there were hardly any noblemen at all in the Dutch and English management structure. One can hardly say the same for the Estado da India, which was the almost exclusive province of nobles. And no wonder. The whole history of the Iberian Peninsula is bucolic and military, not commercial, and there was almost no exchanging of products be tween the ports and the hinterland. There are no river systems of any kind to compare with the Rhine or the Maas and no canals what soever, and internal agricultural products largely duplicate one an other, although in early modern times Portugal did import some Castilian grain. What merchants there were in Lisbon and Oporto hardly played the dynamic role in Portuguese society that their counterparts played in London, Amsterdam, Antwerp, or the other national so cieties in the north. Instead, through the fifteenth century, the Por tuguese fit better into the warrior tradition of the Reconquista than into the merchant tradition of England or Flanders. In 1415, the attack on Ceuta had taken place because they were spoiling for a fight and booty, and all during the fifteenth century they had honed their mar tial skills in Morocco. Of the perhaps million and a quarter souls in Portugal at the time the sea route to Asia was discovered, there may have been about 20,000 nobles of any kind, and these were grouped into a few score important families. Probably because the country was so small, one does not find the king struggling to offset them by creating an admin istrative bureaucracy as a counterweight as in other European countries, but only to find sufficiently educated men of any background to fill the upper and middle administrative posts. One reason the house of Aviz did not seem to fear the nobility as much as did, say, the Trastamaras in Spain is that after the revolution of the 1380s the founder of the house, Joao I, had elevated all his supporters, includ ing some Lisbon merchants, incidentally, to the highest ranks of the land. He left the old nobility, who had opposed him, in isolation. Hence the fortunes of the powerful "new" nobility and the new ruling house were intertwined. To make matters more complicated, the no bility frequently invested spare income in trading activities, to the ex tent that some historians even believe it slowed the growth of the middle classes.5 But perhaps the simplest explanation will serve just as well: in such a small country, the kings thought they knew whom to appoint and whom not to, because they knew everybody. Favoring the bourgeoisie as officeholders probably did not seem especially effective

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110 George Winius or necessary, and in a country where the bourgeoisie were almost as scarce as the nobility, they may not have constituted an alternative, anyhow. One will remember how many Genoese merchants came to settle in Lisbon: the Portuguese commercial classes were not really very large. The net result was that the nobles were allowed to run the administration. The Portuguese overseas empire was created in a surprisingly few years after da Gama's discovery of the Cape route. In fact, the Estado da India Oriental was virtually complete in 1515, only sixteen years after da Gama first returned from Calicut. Because of the special cir cumstances, its creation was essentially a job for conquistadores, and that meant that the nobility played the essential role. They faced hos tile Muslim merchants and rulers, who reminded them of the Moors nearer home and put up an equally sharp fight. With sure military instinct, the Portuguese went for the jugular, the strategic Asian trade emporia. They captured Goa in 1510, Malacca in 1511, and Hormuz in 1515, and all the while they sailed around the Indian Ocean, look ing for victims and booty. Thus from a rapid string of conquests and a series of hijackings their redistributive system emerged. I cannot imagine how the Portuguese could have created anything else with what circumstances and materials they had at hand. Even while con quering they were faced with innovating a scheme for management and exploitation of their new gains. They had little time to decide. They appointed a governor, later often with a viceroy's title, they named captains to command each important fortress, appointed a feitor, or factor, a business manager, to handle the king's business and trade in each port, created alfdndegas, or customhouses, on the medi eval Portuguese model, threw in some judges and treasury officials, and put them all, including the governor-viceroy, on three-year terms. Then, to establish ranking priority for jobs, they passed them out ac cording to degrees of the applicants' nobility. In this respect, there came to exist in Portuguese overseas society a microcosm of what pre vailed in the metropolis. It was to prove a mistake, for the nobles, even though they may have had some administrative experience from their estates, were not given to clerical pursuits. Obviously, what the Crown needed was a loyal bureaucracy, with a mercantile background, keeping exact books of exact piles of money in the royal treasury. But the people who volunteered for India ser vice were wild, proud, and less than completely qualified fidalgos, who would rather board a Muslim vessel than push a quill pen; after all, they were conquistadores, only doing what came naturally. From the start there were rumors and anonymous letters to Lisbon claiming

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The Portuguese Asian "Decadencia," Revisited 111 gross irregularity, matched by wild deeds that might make excellent fare for Hollywood westerns with minimal alteration of topography and costume. Some, however, might seem too cruel even for adult au diences. The nasty shoot-out in Goa between the factions of Lopo Vaz de Sampaio and Pero Mascarenhas, occasioned by Mascarenhas's ab sence in Malacca when he was appointed viceroy, could easily be reenacted in Tombstone Gulch; but Diogo Lopes de Mesquita's murder of the sultan of Ternate, when the ruler caught onto his graft involv ing the royal monopoly, might prove too vile an act even for the baddest bad man of the West. Refusing the sultan's relatives even posses sion of the murdered man's corpse, he cut it into chunks and hurled them into the sea. This happened in 1568. On the other hand, even though Lisbon might have liked to dilute this kind of behavior by giving partial authority to civilian judicial types, like the oidores of the Spanish colonial audiencias, there was probably no way it dared to. As Couto wrote, Asia was a place where one must go about "with sword in hand"meaning that the Por tuguese holdings there were surrounded by enemies who might at tack at any moment; it would not do to have the viceroy's power sub ject to a council that could communicate directly with the king. (The heartland of Spanish America was all but immune to attack; hence, Madrid could afford a greater diffusion of power there.) I also suspect that even had the king chosen to make the legally trained civil ian letrados coresponsible with the military managers, it is doubtful whether this would have restrained the fidalgos. The judges of Goan courts were notoriously corrupt; it is doubtful the letrados as a class would have been any better. Moreover, the letrado class was fully as closed as the fidalgo, and in most cases the letrados were of noble ori gin themselves.6 Thanks to the small numbers of the aristocracy, it is doubtful whether a letrado looking over his shoulder would neces sarily have kept a fidalgo honest when both found out they came from Viseu or that they both had the same great-grandfather. In short, even if rule by civilian administrators might have been theoretically desirable, it was probably not a real alternative in Portuguese Asia. At any rate, the foul deeds of the fidalguia are not the acts of mer chants but of a class long bred to use of the rapier and pike. (In all the annals of the Dutch and English companies, one will find little vio lence so imaginative.) Prior to about 1575 in the Portuguese empire, there had been plenty of foul deeds committed, as the letters of Dom Joao de Castro, Simao Botelho, and St. Francis Xavier will attest.7 But in 1571, Viceroy D. Luis de Ataide and his soldiers could still turn in a spectacular martial performance against the combined armies of Bi-

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112 George Winius japur, Ahmadnagar, Achin, and the Samorin, and this shows that the spirit of Albuquerque and Almeida was not entirely dead. But soon thereafter, during the closing decades of the sixteenth century, every thing went, as two Portuguese witnesses were convinced, straight to hell. These witnesses were Diogo do Couto and Francisco Rodrigues de Silveira, who both served as soldiers based in Goa during the last two decades of the sixteenth century; Couto later became an official of middling rank and a chronicler. It is not known what office, if any, Silveira filled; he was probably only the equivalent of a noncommis sioned officer. Both have written typical arbitrios, that is, they are to be identified with the arbitristas, the patriotic self-appointed tract writers who realized that something was going seriously wrong with Iberian society soon after the turn of the seventeenth century (or even earlier) and set out to memorialize the Crown with analyses and solutions. Couto's O soldado prdtico, of course, is well known to Lusitanists not only as a historical but as a literary work. Silveira is much less known, undoubtedly because his 408-page manuscript, the "Reformacao da milicia e governo do estado da India Oriental" was bowdlerized by A. de S. S. Costa Lobo, a nineteenth-century amateur scholar.8 He was attracted to Rodrigues de Silveira's description of his experiences but turned off by his arbitrista side. As a result he ignored it almost com pletely and selected and strung together the descriptive material under such chapter headings as "Expedicao ao Mar Roxo," filling in gaps in the text with his own narrative, publishing it in 1877 under the misleading title Memorias de um Soldado da India. No one reading the book would know what the manuscript really contained. What it does contain is a revelation surprisingly similar in kind to that of the Soldado Prdtico but somewhat different in scope. Couto, the experienced officeholder, knew the workings of the administration better than Rodrigues de Silveira, but he had either forgotten how it was to be a soldier or, more probable, he thought what he had to say about the inner workings of government more important. Silveira had no other experience: soldiering was all he knew, and being more than ordinarily perceptive he knew the military system from top to bottom. Couto's and Silveira's testimony indicates that not only was Hurstfield's commonweal clearly subverted, but it was deliberately flouted by a mass conspiracy. Nor was it even M. N. Pearson's ideas of per quisites or profiteering that was at issue. It was no less than mass criminality involving all the highest officers of the state. They rou tinely acted in collusion to mulct the royal treasury and to shake one

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The Portuguese Asian "Decadencia," Revisited 113 another down, much as do today's mafiosi. Most rackets like the dividas velhas, or "old debts," had counterparts in Europe where the viceroy would regularly confiscate property on the false pretext of state emer gency, issue certificates of generous value for the owners' goods taken, then avoid payment until the viceroy's entourage had acquired the certificates from the victims for a fraction of their face value. Then the certificates were paid in full out of the royal treasury. But many abuses went far beyond European practice. The viceroys, for ex ample, privately minted money for their own use, sold all offices il legally, and personally pocketed the proceeds.9 The treasury overseas procured all supplies for the state, many of them unnecessary, at ex orbitant prices and always, of course, from their friends. They rou tinely bought full ships of luxury goods with treasury money for resale on their own accounts. Fortress captains confiscated passing vessels on flimsy pretexts, unmercifully stole from the natives under their jurisdiction, traded privately with the kings' ships, committed acts of piracy, and regularly extracted two or three times the customs taxes levied by the state. Then the viceroys made a personal voyage to inspect their books, or so their visits were advertised. Their real end was to shake down the captains in return for viceregal silence. Else where, justice was sold to the highest bidder by judges of the courts or used to back up the seizures and illegal acts of the administration. Couto had only disdain for the quality of the once formidable Portuguese soldiery. He says that where once they were called "fran-gues" or "Franks"the Arab nickname for Crusaders in the Middle Agesnow they were called frangaos (chickens).10 He does not tell why, but Silveira does: the viceroys out of "insaciavel cubiga" (insati able greed) refused to pay their troops. The soldiers consequently did not show up for service, whereupon the viceroys sent out squads to arrest them and force them to work.11 Aside from these squads them selves and a few other hoodlums, the troops were undernourished and had either no arms or very poor ones and no training whatsoever. In battle they frequently threw down their weapons and fled if the going became rough. Most of the soldiers who came out from Por tugal every year simply disappeared within a year or two and were never seen again, either taking service under Indian rulers, marrying native women and melting into the depressed Indian peasantry, or simply becoming undernourished and dying of disease. Meanwhile, the viceroys pocketed the money and called upon the king for new levies of men to be sent yearly from Portugal. There is amply detailed corroboration for all of this in the Itinerario of Jan Huighen van Linschoten and the Voyages of Francois

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114 George Winius Pyrard de Laval, and to a lesser extent in the writings of another Frenchman, Jean Mocquet. These accounts written by foreign visitors and exact contemporaries indicate that the malfeasance was common knowledge, obvious to even the casual foreign visitor. As written testi mony, it would constitute ample evidence of the most damning kind in a court of Roman law. Incidentally, there are also hundreds of tattletale letters to the Crown, but since the motives are obviously to get an enemy in trouble, I have excluded them as permissible evidence. Yet the fact remains that the extent and the depth of the problem has never been appreciated or understood by recent historians, for three reasons. The first is that they wonder how the king of Portugal could really ever have received the valuable cargoes from Asia that he did or seen the scrupulous handling of the bullion he sent out to pur chase spices if things had really been that crooked. If Portuguese Asia was really so corrupt, why did the Crown not suffer more than it did? The answer is, I think, rather simple: the pilfering was at the expense of the redistributive income, generated in Asia, but not of the king's trade. In both Iberian empires, Spanish and Portuguese, local income from taxes raised in the separate Crowns, vice-royalties, and other ad ministrative units was routinely absorbed in the same areas for their administration and defense,12 while the bulk of the royal revenues was derived from import of spices or specie. The worms could, and un doubtedly did, eat up the entire redistributive revenue of Portuguese Asia without directly affecting the king's profits (or losses) in the spice trade. There is evidence that this trade was tightly overseen, and at any rate it would have only been discreet to leave alone what directly affected the king. A second reason the magnitude of the decadencia has probably never been appreciated is that it has not been compared intelligently with the corruption of the contemporary European empires in the same Indian Ocean. There is the tendency to dismiss the shenanigans of the Portuguese as no worse than anyone else'sweren't the Dutch and the English just as bad, to say nothing of the Spanish? The answer must be "Not to the same extent." The commercial companies paid very generous salaries to their officers, promoted commoners to the highest posts, and were centered around trading activities, not redis tributions. As one might expect, corruption was at the expense of trade, mostly the peddler trade, and in modern terms might be de scribed as involving moonlighting and even "sunlighting" with com pany equipment.13 It did not involve the highest officers ordinarily: so far as I know, there is not a single case of malfeasance affecting a gov ernor-general, nor did any of it exhibit the conspiratorial nature of

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The Portuguese Asian "Decadencia," Revisited 115 the Portuguese misdoingwhich required the consent and participa tion of nearly everybody, especially at the top. When one of the few honest viceroys of his time, Dom Vasco Mascarenhas, the first Count of Obidos and Viceroy of Portuguese India, tried to clean up the cor ruption, he was overthrown by what appear to have been his own councilors. Usually the viceroys themselves pocketed the lion's share of the military payroll and required bribes from the fortress captains. By contrast, in Spanish America at the nadir of metropolitan control during the seventeenth century, it was not the viceroys or the audiencias who were so notoriously and openly corrupt but the corregidores de indios, officers who administered the remote Indian districts. The third and final reason the peculiar character of the decaden cia has not been generally recognized by recent historians as a uniquely depraved period in the history of colonialism is that nobody has been able to explain why it, or something like it, should have taken place when it did; hence it does not seem to fit into any interpretive matrix. I have already ventured that the military and redistributive nature of the imperial operation and its exclusively noble upper leadership pre disposed it to rapine. But one factor seems necessary to explain the peculiar depravity after 1580: upheaval in Portugal itself. What I believe must have brought out all the weaknesses inherent in the structure of the Asian empire and its leadership was not an Asian event at all but something closer to home. Portugal was econom ically in poor condition in 1557 when the boy king, Sebastian, inher ited it. The circumstances of his death at the Battle of El-Ksar-elKebir in 1578 are well known, but what is more important to this story was the death or capture of practically the whole force of around 14,000 men, including some 7,000 of Portugal's fittest fidalgos and troops. The expedition cost half of Portugal's annual state budget, and when El Mansur, the emergent Moorish victor, got around to assess ing ransoms on the surviving fidalgos (and even on their corpses), it all but ruined whole noble clans. Mansur built El-Bedi, "The Wonderful," the most lavish palace of his time with these proceeds and even had money left over to make loans to European monarchs. Two years later, even while the ransoming was still going on, King Philip II marched into Portugal to claim its vacant throne by force. The upper nobility, those with bases in Lisbon for the most part, wel comed him and the Spanish connectionsonly because his ambas sador, Don Cristobal de Moura, himself a Portuguese, had distributed money where it would most help defray the heavy ransoms. To the ambitious among the Portuguese city nobility, the Spanish connection in itself meant greater opportunity and wider horizons. Not so with

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116 George Winius lower and middle classes and the country nobility, where national feel ing was strong. These classes were not merely depressed and disillusioned by the death of their king, their growing impoverishment, and their subjec tion by a Spanish army; the peasants even lost their sense of reality and expected Sebastian to return in miraculous form. The nobility, not so ignorant, seem to have had a different reaction. Rodrigues de Silveira, when he returned to Portugal in 1598, was quick to notice the difference: the bureaucracy there, in its own way, showed the same grasping, totally unfeeling hardness he knew all about in Goa, and he topped off his tract on reform of India with one on reform in Por tugal itself. The period of greatest corruption in the Dutch East India Com pany in Asia during the eighteenth century exactly coincided with a period of corruption and economic depression at home. Surely it was no coincidence that the same thing had happened earlier in Portugal and in India when penniless, disillusioned nobles, who felt no com pensatory loyalty to a Spanish king, went to the colonies to recoup their fortunes, and, thanks to the system, were given preferred jobs.14 Their form of Sebastianism was not a longing for ghosts but for some thing more substantial. Their legacy was to leave Portuguese Asia without resources to resist invasion from Europe, just as Linschoten wrote in his Itinerario, published in 1592. Of this book Rodrigues de Silveira observed: "Our disorders [in India] are painted in living col ors for Italy, Flanders [the Dutch], France, and England to affirm. If the enemy nations compose books about our discomfiture and our bad government in order to attack us how is it possible that the Portuguese do not awake now from their slumber and do something about it?"15 We have now come full circle back to what C. R. Boxer said. It was not corruption per se, but the Dutch who ruined the Portuguese. But it seems equally true that the internal pillage of the decadencia made their work much easier. Notes 1. J. Hurstfield, "Political Corruption in Modern England," History 52(1967):19. 2. Michael N. Pearson, "Corruption and Corsairs in Sixteenth-Century Western India: A Functional Analysis," in Blair B. Kling and M. N. Pearson, eds., The Age of Partnership: Europeans in Asia before Dominion (Honolulu: Uni versity Press of Hawaii, 1979), pp. 19 ff.

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The Portuguese Asian "Decadencia," Revisited 117 3. Jan Jacob van Klaveren, "Die Historische Erscheinung der Korruption in ihrer Zusammenhang mit der Staatsund Gesellschaftstruktur betrachtet," Vierteljahrschrift fiir Sozialund Wirtschaftsgeschichte 445 (1957 58). 4. Niels Steens Steensgaard, Carracks, Caravans and Companies: The Structural Crisis in the European-Asian Trade in the Early Seventeenth Century, Scandinavian Institute of Asian Studies Monograph Series, No. 17 (Copen hagen: Studentlitteratur, 1972), pp. 86-90; also, M. N. Pearson, Merchants and Rulers in Gujarat (Los Angeles and Berkeley: University of California Press, 1977), chap. 2. 5. A. H. de Oliveira Marques, History of Portugal, 2 vols. (New York and London: Columbia University Press, 1972), vol. 1, From Lusitania to Empire, pp. 180-81. 6. Henrique da Gama Barros, Historia da Administraqao Publica em Portugal nos Seculos XII a XV, ed. Torquato de Sousa Soares, 2d ed., 9 vols. (Lisbon: Sa da Costa, 1945), 3: 257n.4. 7. These are conveniently summarized in Richard S. Whiteway, The Rise of the Portuguese Power in India, 1497 (London, 1899; London and San tiago de Compostela: Susil Gupta, 1967), pp. 22-23, 290-96. 8. Francisco Rodrigues de Silveira, "Reformagao da milicia e governo do estado da India Oriental," no. 25:419 in the Additional Manuscripts Col lection, British Museum, London. 9. The Hapsburgs sold all offices in their Spanish empire but did not try introducing the practice into the Estado da India until 1616. Apparently, the viceroys sabotaged it in order to keep the money themselves. See Luis Augusto Rebello da Silva, Historia de Portugal nos Seculos XVII e XVIII, 5 vols. (Lisbon, 1860-71), 3: 283. 10. Diogo do Couto, O soldadoprdtico, ed. M. Rodrigues Lapa (Lisbon: Sa da Costa, 1937), p. xxiii. For examples of Couto's disdain for the latter-day Portuguese soldiery, see pp. 115, 145, 149, 153, 215, among others. 11. Silveira, "Reformacao," fols. 7, 72v. 12. For example, see Helmut G. Koenigsberger, The Practice of Empire (Ithaca, N. Y.: Cornell University Press, 1969), pp. 43-58. 13. Note that I have not seen fit to mention the period of Clive and Hast ings in India. I do not think it applies, for one will remember that this epoch was one of conquest and its bootyand on a far grander scale than anything the Portuguese ever achieved. The Portuguese decadencia occurred in a time of stagnation and contraction, both in the metropolis and in the empire. 14. Ironically enough, the Hapsburgs, in seeking to exert better control over Portugal after the takeover, tried to downgrade the role of the court no bility and promote regionalism by favoring for employment the country no bility, who had the least training and felt the least loyalty to the Spanish con nection. See Diciondrio de Historia de Portugal, ed. Joel Serrao, 4 vols. (Lisbon: Iniciativas Editoriais, [1971]), 3: 154-55. 15. Silveira, "Reformacao," fols. 151v.-152.

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Angola in the Sixteenth Century Um Mundo que o Portugues Encontrou Joseph C. Miller WHAT CAN an Anglophone Africanist add to the proceedings of a conference in celebration of the quadricentennial of the death of Luis de Camoes? Portugal's two largest modern colonies in Africa, Angola and Mozambique, were the remnants of an empire that de scended from the sixteenth-century imperial glories that the great poet witnessed and extolled four centuries ago. These African terri tories were also the primary tropical possessions where twentiethcentury Portuguese ideologues claimed to be putting into practice the distinctively open, pragmatic, and catholic attitude toward tropical peoples that Camoes had proclaimed and that their Brazilian contem porary, Gilberto Freyre, celebrated in his evocations of the science he called "Lusotropicology," or the study of Portuguese adaptability in the tropics, their openness to the new knowledge and the exotic sen sibilities of peoples whom they met there.1 Freyre also praised Portuguese contributions to that modern Lusophone paradise in the tropics, a spiritual and cultural space that he termed "the world the Portuguese created" ( o mundo que o por tugues criou ).2 Freyre's Portuguese thus gave as much as to the cultural amalgam of the twentieth-century empire as they received. The pe culiarity of the position of the Anglophone Africanist confronting Camoes, whom Freyre praised also as the pioneer articulator of this Portuguese creativity in the tropics,3 derives from his own heritage to a disparaging countercurrent in English and American scholarship with regard to the Portuguese in tropical Africa. This drift flows al most as deep among writers in English as the notion of a "Lusotropi118

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Angola in the Sixteenth Century 119 cal" initiative runs among speakers of Portuguese. It arose almost as its necessary complement in the nineteenth and twentieth centuries as Portuguese emphasis on their adaptability across wide cultural gulfs grew to stress also their responsibility for the assimilative culture of the empire to which they clung, eventually to the near-total exclusion of African contributions. English writers on Portuguese West Africa from the time of David Livingstone4 have exerted themselves in condemning what they have perceived as the falsity of this "myth of Lusotropicalism." Their reac tion intensified particularly against the highly politicized formulation of Freyre's Lusotropicology as a Portuguese civilizing mission that de veloped in the late Salazar-Caetano government in Lisbon during the 1960s and early 1970s.5 Rather than this Salazarist donation of Lusitanian culture to a largely passive Africa, Anglophone Africanists pre ferred to see a set of vital, autonomous tropical worlds that Camoes and his countrymen had found abroad, worlds from which they took much more in people, wealth, and human suffering than they gave in language, religion, or knowledge, and even worlds not so different from what they had known at home. In this sense, Angola becomes a mundo que o portugues encontrou, a not unfamiliar world that the Por tuguese encountered, and into which they easily fit without making the great adaptive leaps that later Lusotropicologists attributed to them. The image of Africa as alien and passive, a place out of which they "created" a new tropical world according to Freyre's perspective, in fact grew more from the closed minds of modern Portuguese eulogizers than from the true experiences of Camoes's early explorers. It may in fact represent a modest return toward Camoes's own in quiring spirit that an Anglophone Africanist like myself should at tempt to reduce the appearance of dissimilarity between the Portu guese and the people and civilizations that the poet's contemporaries found in western central Africa. The vigor and agility of the six teenth-century Portuguese consisted of recognizing the well-defined human geography and the established political and economic institu tions of this Angolan world and in directing their energies along lines set at least as much by the Africans as by themselves. One can appreciate how the divergence of focus between Anglo phone and Lusophile scholarship on Africa has made an essay of this sort possible even without going into the details of discussions be tween writers of Portuguese and their English and American antag onists about the complex reasons for their differences of opinion. Their debates have stimulated both careful documentary critiques by Lusophone scholars6 and a tenaciously countervailing interpretive

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120 Joseph C. Miller effort among English, American, and other non-Portuguese students. The dialectic has generated a reconstruction of the sixteenth-century Angolan world that is unusually clear and complete by Africanist standards, according to what some have called an "African perspective." Historians can now glimpse at least the general outlines of the African side of this world, discerning who was living where, what they were doing, and perhaps something of why they were doing it, on occasion hundreds of miles into the interior of the continent. Even these lim ited conclusions frame and add dimension to better known detailed events among the Portuguese and their closest African associates along the not necessarily typical coastal fringes of the region. The Angola to which I refer is the Angola senso largo of the eigh teenth-century English: the entire southwestern coast of Africa run ning southward nearly seventeen degrees of latitude from equatorial Cape Lopes to the mouth of the Kunene River, and its hinterlands. It is a part of Africa that Camoes never knew personally at all and of which he did not write directly, since his outbound route to India passed far to the south. Although the usual return course from Asia ran northward not far off the Angolan shoreline, few naus called there in the 1560s, at the time when Camoes presumably returned to Portugal from the East. Even before Camoes's time, however, since the first arrival of Diogo Cao in the Zaire River estuary between 1482 and 1484, other Portuguese had been exploring these parts of southwest ern Africa, and some had become well acquainted with the inhabitants of its littoral. For them, the name "Angola" referred to only the small region inland along the lower Kwanza River behind a sheltered bay known as Luanda. The area just to the north of the Zaire mouth they came to call Loango. The coasts farther south beyond the Kwanza they termed Benguela, and they applied other names particularly to the peoples living along bays and estuaries nearer the Kunene River to the lands there. They knew best the region between the Zaire and Kwanza rivers and named those lands after kings of the Kongo state claiming dominion over the farmers in the vicinity. Much of what the Por tuguese discoveredindeed one sometimes suspects that nearly all of their discoveriesthey learned from the African lords and merchants with whom they struck up commercial dealings, whose courts and compounds they frequented, and whose trading routes they even tually followed into the interior.7 African farmers of that era along the coast preferred to live in the best-watered portions of a generally sandy and arid terrain. Vegeta tion cover thinned rapidly from relatively moist woods and grasslands

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Angola in the Sixteenth Century 121 near the mouth of the Zaire River to the dry scrub beyond the Kwanza and to almost wholly barren desert at the mouth of the Kunene. In land, beyond a forested mountainous scarp that rose up to the great plateau dominating the center of the continent, most people probably congregated in a band of fertile lowlands running east-west at about the latitude of the Zaire River estuary. To the south of them, high, sabulous, lightly populated plains declined toward the Kalahari Des ert, where only sparse human populations herded cattle to survive the prevailing dryness. Life there particularly revolved around water, and the only settlements of any size occupied isolated riverine oases along the middle Kunene and the lower Okavango rivers. The Kongo kingdom, where the Portuguese concentrated their attention in the early sixteenth century, consisted of provinces cen tered on plains along the lower Zaire and in the adjoining river valleys and probably contained the greatest density of people living any where near the Angolan coast.8 Other Africans who lived in the val leys of the Kwanza and Lukala rivers inland from Luanda Bay, per haps as far as the basin of the middle Kwango, began to find a few Portuguese in their midst not long after. Whatever those southerners might have called themselves at the time,9 the Portuguese adopted the Kongo appellation for them: Mbundu. Ovimbundu-speaking farmers on the broad central highlands upland from the southerly open bay known later as the Benguela and Nkhumbi-speaking herders along the remote lower course of the Kunene as yet had encountered no Eu ropeans. The widening band of increasingly arid desert along that part of the coast largely insulated these interior peoples from the sea until later in the seventeenth century. The Portuguese of the time were hardly even rumors in the ears of the smaller and still less mari time-oriented nuclei of relatively dense habitation farther to the east. The Kongo and the Mbundu, the largest African populations living near the sea, led the first Portuguese to set foot on Angolan soils mostly along paths they had already trod. We have no reason to believe that the ethnic identities of these An golans were more tradition-bound, less responsive to geographical movement, less malleable at the hands of unknown African creative geniuses like that of Camoes, or less pliable in the aggregate, than the culture of the Portuguese. All those African communities had co alesced in preceding centuries as farmers and herders had modified an ancient cultural heritage brought into the region by pioneer an cestors from the north and east, who had made their way into un known Angolan lands much as the Portuguese later probed the ad joining oceans. They all spoke closely related languages belonging to

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122 Joseph C. Miller the single large family of tongues known as Bantu,10 and they were creating an expressive fund of widespread and symbolic representa tions of their philosophical speculations, even as Camoes defined can ons of subsequent Portuguese thought and expression.11 In the agriculturally marginal terrain of southwestern central Af rica, where irregular and insufficient rainfall often made the avail ability of millet and sorghum an uncertain proposition at best,12 the farmers and herders had multiplied in the widely separated pockets of moister land along the lower Zaire, in the valleys of the Lukala, Kwanza, and Kwango rivers, and also in the central highland areas where they later attracted Portuguese attention. Where settlers had taken up the herding of cattle beyond the limits of dependable agri culture, they always anchored their grazing patterns in river valleys that carried at least seasonal supplies of good water through the dry southern deserts. Only in the higher hills and plains of the watershed east of the Kwanza and Kunene, where hardy frontiersmen had com bined a flexible shifting agriculture with hunting and gathering of the natural produce of the woods there, did the inhabitants lack clearly defined geographical anchors of this sort. The residents of each such distinct population nucleus already differed profoundly from the others by the sixteenth century, owing to distinctive historical experiences that may have reached back over as much as a millenium.13 The considerable distances separating these groups encouraged people in each of them to elaborate distinctive liv ing and linguistic habits, specialized social and political institutions, and other innovative practices that had given specific ecologically in fluenced cultural identities to these ethnocultural communities by the time the Portuguese encountered them. Although some of these iden tities survived to become bases for the ethnic communities of the twentieth century, others faded, still other new ones coalesced, and in dividual Africans then, as later, moved from culture to culture with no less flexibility than some Portuguese exhibited overseas. African cultures exhibited the same plasticity (as Freyre would have put the matter) that Camoes claimed for his own compatriots. One of the great creations of the Portuguese in this sixteenthcentury Angolan world, as modern Lusotropicologists viewed the issue, was their Christianization of the kingdom of Kongo. The conver sion to Catholicism of the Kongo monarch who became famous in Eu rope under his Christian name, Afonso I (1506-43), is a cornerstone in the edifice of Lusotropicalism. This conversion allowed mission aries and diplomats to claim credit for profound cultural change among the Africans. Indeed, much of the aristocracy of the Kongo

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Angola in the Sixteenth Century 123 kingdom assumed Christian names, sponsored the practice of the Christian religion at their courts, and took Christian European titles of nobility. Less well known than this apparent Portuguese-inspired shift in the bases of politics in Kongo, but equally important, were even deeper continuities in terms of Kongo religious thought, political action, and institutional history that Afonso and his court asserted through their conversion to Catholicism.14 Afonso in fact used the missionaries and the Christian faith to pursue thoroughly Kongo political aims of con solidating royal power, not unlike the contemporary monarchs in Europe, synthesized the new religion with local ideas familiar to his subjects, and left it as the ideological framework through which later Kongo worked out political conflicts born of equally local circum stances well into the nineteenth century. The sixteenth-century mis sion Christianity taken to Kongo may, in any case, have differed less from Kongo beliefs than modern Catholicism did later.15 Viewed in terms of ongoing African cultural change and the ideological level of Kongo politics, Afonso's imaginative use of Christianity absorbed Por tuguese culture into the tropics. African historical processes similarly oriented the economic level of Euro-African contact. Afonso's aggressive strategies in Kongo and subsequent internal struggles against his centralization of power fed captives into the beginnings of the export trade in slaves, which only later acquired a momentum and destructiveness of its own beyond the pace of African political developments. Afonso and his sixteenthcentury royal successors provoked hostile reactions among the local African lords as they attempted to consolidate royal control over the semi-autonomous provinces of the previously segmented Kongo pol ity and to extend their personal power into bordering regions. Such resistance to Kongo expansiveness appears to have driven rulers of the Ngola kingdom among the Mbundu between the Kwanza and Lukala rivers to assert their authority to the east and south by mount ing wars of their own. Captives taken in these Mbundu wars drew Portuguese slavers from the nearby island of Sao Tome in the Gulf of Guinea and led to a second and growing southern branch of the slave export trade. By mid-century these slaves supported a commercial settlement at Luanda Bay, and the growing power of the Ngola eventually brought a crown-appointed representative from Portugal, Paulo Dias de Novaes, to the scene in the 1560s.16 Refugees from the Ngola kings' expansive militarism fled south beyond the Kwanza toward the cen tral highlands, where some established themselves as warlords in their

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124 Joseph C. Miller own right. Their heirs in turn acted as future poles of attraction to seventeenth-century Portuguese slavers. African political tensions thus spread warfare out of control at the end of the sixteenth century and created new militaristic African polities from the Kwanza River all the way south to the sources of the Kunene, with the increasing numbers of captives they took beckoning Portuguese opportunists to the scenes of their conflicts. The rhythm of conflict, warfare, and slaving in sixteenth-century Angolaas also in later centuries virtually to the presentwas as much African as European in another sense as well. Armies marched to the cadence of recurrent droughts more than to any other single factor.17 Portuguese bellicosity consequently rose and fell also with waves of hunger and disease that swept over African sorghum and millet farmers who crowded together in the moister valleys when the rains failed. Starving refugees sold their children as slaves to for eigners who could at least feed them. Competition for dwindling food supplies at such times drove the more assertive to fight one another and others to support themselves by assailing Portuguese trading caravans along hinterland trails. The Portuguese responded in kind to such assaults, but seldom with lasting effect on their enemies. Though repeated Portuguese military forays gradually increased their influence over one African state after another, they seldom won definitive victories in the sixteenth century. Portuguese forces only briefly occupied the capital of the Kongo in the 1570s, and in the 1580s and 1590s Dias de Novaes's captains still strained unsuccessfully to carve out a territorial conquest eastward from their bayside for tification at Luanda. The definitive establishment of Portuguese military rule, which came only between 1610 and 1620, and then only as a secondary con sequence of warfare among the Africans, exemplified the great extent to which their armed activities responded to drought and to domestic African politics.18 Intrepid as some European commanders may have been, the territorial conquests of that decade came about less because of intensified Portuguese military efforts than because a series of gov ernors at Luanda managed to ride the momentum of desperate Af rican warriors who swarmed out of the hills in mobile bands of fighters whom contemporaries called Jagas (but whom recent historians have termed Imbangala).19 Refugees from the military expansion of the Ngola kingdom beginning in the 1550s and 1560s had disturbed the lands of farmers whose families had lived on the central plateau for generations. The pressure they must have put on that limited cropland would have forced younger men to form roving gangs of landless ban-

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Angola in the Sixteenth Century 125 dits, youths cast loose from their agricultural origins and displaced from the densely inhabited valleys of their birth by the violence of slaving. A period of extended drought in the 1580s and 1590s added to the growing distress attending these refugees' flight into less fertile areas. Hunger swelled the bandits' ranks to form hordes of marauders who streamed down from the central highland areas toward the coast and into the lower river valleys in search of food and booty. These Imbangala, spurred on after 1610 by renewed drought and by then sup ported by the Portuguese governors at Luanda, crossed the Kwanza, reduced the old Ngola kingdom to a shambles, threatened the Kongo, and by selling their captives to waiting Portuguese drove the whole region across the watershed toward two and one-half centuries of sys tematic slaving. Throughout those later centuries, the endemic war fare and violence of slaving in the Angolan interior repeatedly reached epidemic proportions in the wake of serious drought and the conse quent famine and disease. Portuguese military exploits conducted in the venturesome spirit of Camoes frequently followed the upheavals arising from African ecological stress.20 The commercial activity of the Portuguese in sixteenth-century Angola, which had mainly exploited an established regional com modity trading system centered on the Kongo kingdom, followed Af rican patterns even more than did their successors' nearly exclusive concentration on slaving.21 The resident communities of Portuguese at Sao Tome and Luanda established themselves as important brokers in trade linking the forested regions of the Zaire basin in the north and east, the coast on the west, and the grassy woodlands and cattleraising steppes to the south. Hardwoods, animal and fiber products, livestock, salt, dried fish, shells, and other commodities from all of these ecologically distinctive zones had moved earlier in quantities sufficient to support the growth of the pre-Christian Kongo monar chy. Portuguese sailing vessels and maritime skills doubtless increased the volume of goods flowing between these African markets through a complex web of exchanges that at times produced slaves as hardly more than a by-product. It was only after the late sixteenth-century droughts, the depredations of the Imbangala, and the arrival of met ropolitan merchants following in the wake of Dias de Novaes at Luanda that slaving began to replace cattle from the southern coasts, dyewoods, copper, and raffia palm cloths of the Loango region, and salt and shells from the Kongo coastlands as the core of the coastal trade. The local communities of "Portuguese" who entered so deeply

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126 Joseph C. Miller into the circuits of Kongo commerce were themselves not much more Portuguese than the intra-African trade they conducted. Many of them, including community leaders and others who set cultural trends and fashions, had been horn from marriages between Portuguese males and African women. By such unions, the Portuguese continued African practices in still another way, but they also thus expressed their own appreciation of the fundamental importance of marriages in confirming and consolidating relationships with prominent eco nomic and political dimensions. Hence their trading contacts, turned into marital unions, produced a composite Creole world in both a physical and a spiritual sense, perhaps the only world that the Por tuguese helped the Africans to create.22 Portuguese fathers in Angola performed the same procreative role that generations of Arab and Persian merchants had filled on the east coast of Africa, where those immigrants and their African women had generated a Muslim Swahili community of similarly mixed ancestry and culture, and one similarly unacknowledged as the indigenous society that it was.23 Such a LusoAfrican community surely formed early in the sixteenth century at the Kongo court and soon expanded to the island of Sao Tome, where men of Luso-Kongo backgrounds became influential sugar planters and government officials.24 These Luso-African Creoles promoted the varied commodity trade of the sixteenth century, employing their powerful Kongo relatives and in-laws to secure sources of both goods and slaves. They married their daughters to later immigrant Por tuguese, sometimes to exiled criminals with no ties to Europe but on other occasions to influential merchants who brought contacts in the metropolitan markets useful for disposing of the sugar that their slaves grew on the plantations of Sao Tome. The same Luso-Africans almost certainly extended their policies of marriage alliances to the Ngola polity in the sixteenth century, and they continued such strate gies into the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries throughout the An golan interior.25 Thus was created a world of bilingual people who married on the one hand African nobility and whose children became darker in physical appearance but who married immigrant Europeans on the other and thereby received a continuing infusion of Portuguese ideas, trading goods, and credit. It was these Creoles and their culture that modern Lusotropicologists have claimed as principal examples of the Lusitanian genius in the tropics, thanks to their retention of a kind of Portuguese as the language of commerce and government alongside the African languages they spoke at home. Another nominally Por tuguese aspect of this community was their Catholicism, though prob-

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Angola in the Sixteenth Century 127 ably by the end of the sixteenth century the religion was hardly more Portuguese than it was Kongo.26 But the same people whom Lisbon later claimed as countrymen and -women the Portuguese often de spised as daughters and sons of Kongo nobility. From the point of view of sixteenth-century Kongo they must have appeared as much Kongo colonists in Sao Tome and elsewhere as they would have seemed "Portuguese." Though some of the Angolan Creoles, or Luso-Africans, later be came merchant intermediaries arbitrating between both parent cul tures and economies as commercial links between the two continents of Africa and Europe grew tighter, in the middle decades of the six teenth century these people depended to only a limited extent on Eu ropean Portugal. They employed the slaves they brought from Kongo and Ngola in significant part on the island of Sao Tome, and they col lected from adjacent parts of Angola many of the trade goods with which they acquired these captives. Like other Africans, they helped to open the way for metropolitan advances. It was this group's south ward probings in search of shells from Luanda Bay that put metro politan governors in touch with the Mbundu of the lower Kwanza River valley and with their Ngola overlords. The initiatives of the Sao Tome Creoles in developing these contacts between the 1520s and 1570s give them credit for bringing to the attention of European Por tuguese the name by which the entire coast, later the colony, and now the independent nation of Angola became known. Their descendants in and around Luanda, and later at Benguela and elsewhere, remained distinct from their business associates and rulers in Portugal. From their perspective, they endured exactly four centuries of colonial rule, from the arrival of Dias de Novaes's expedi tion in 1575, through the vicissitudes of Dutch occupation in the 1640s, growing metropolitan mercantile intervention in the eigh teenth century, and immigration of colonial settlers from Europe in the nineteenth and twentieth centuries, to independence four hun dred years later in 1975. The Luso-Africans' was a community of people who, despite their sometimes intimate ties with later genera tions of Portuguese governors and traders from the world beyond the seas, never lost their equally close connections with their African asso ciates and in-laws to the east.27 The dynamic African world of sixteenth-century Angola was in many ways a place not as different from Camoes's Portuguese world of adventure and cultural change as later Lusotropicologists have imag ined it. In some ways, in fact, the two were so similar that Portuguese immigrants readily understood African commerce, marriage politics,

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128 Joseph C. Miller and religious beliefs without having to call upon the extraordinary cultural pliancy that modern pretenders to these alleged qualities sub sequently credited to them. The "Portuguese" Creole world of Sao Tome and Luanda was not entirely unlike Christian noble circles in Kongo after the conversion of the king, Afonso I. Africans had for a long time creatively modified their own cultural backgrounds before they carried on to meet the Portuguese at least halfway in the six teenth century. Camoes's compatriots often followed African initia tives and survived only by drawing on recognizable African analogues of their own practices, thereby fitting into, more than modifying, the ongoing world they had found. Only much more recently did misperceiving modern Portuguese find it necessary to explain the early congruences by inventing a Lusotropical myth of plasticity. Ideologues of the twentieth century had by then grown as far removed in spirit from their own ancestors as they had from the residents of the tropics. Though not necessarily more set in their ways, they had lost sight of the similarities between the Africans and those sixteenth-century Portuguese contemporaries of Camoes, and so they had to invent a peculiar "openness" to their forebears to explain the contact the first Portuguese had achieved in terms of their own closed Eurocentrism. Angolan domestic politics, droughts, local marriages, trade in regional products, and a resilient Creole community of Luso-Africans had remained an African world that later metropolitan Portuguese continued to encounter in the tropics but one they could no more claim credit for even compre hending than the sixteenth-century Portuguese could lay claim to have created. Notes 1. Gilberto Freyre, Le portugais et les tropiques (Lisbon: Commission executive des commemorations du Ve centenaire de la mort du prince Henri, 1961), pp. 5 ff. Also Freyre, Integraqao portuguesa nos tropicos (Lisbon: Junta de Investigates do Ultramar, 1958). 2. Gilberto Freyre, O mundo que o Portugues criou: Aspectos das relaqoes so-ciaes e de cultura do Brasil com Portugal e as colonias portuguesas (Rio de Janeiro: J. Olympio, 1940). 3. Freyre, Integraqao portuguesa, pp. 31, 35. 4. David Livingstone, Missionary Travels and Researches in South Africa (London: J. Murray, 1857). 5. This critical line runs through Henry Nevinson, A Modern Slavery (London: Harper and Bros., 1906), William A. Cadbury, Labour in Portuguese West Africa (London: George Routledge, 1910), and other studies on the ser-

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Angola in the Sixteenth Century 129 vigal labor recruiting system for Sao Tome cocoa estates early in the twentieth century, and on through the various works of Basil Davidson, especially Which Way Africa?, also titled The African Awakening (London: Cape, 1955), James Duffy, Portuguese Africa (Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 1959), and A Question of Slavery (Oxford: Clarendon, 1967), Charles R. Boxer, Race Relations in the Portuguese Colonial Empire (London: Clarendon Press, 1963), and Gerald J. Bender, Angola under the Portuguese: The Myth and the Reality (Berkeley and Los Angeles: University of California Press, 1978). 6. E.g., Antonio Brasio, ed., Monumenta missionaria africana, 11 vols. (Lisbon: Agenda Geraldo Ultramar, 1952-71), Alfredo de Albuquerque Felner, Angola: Apontamentos sobre a ocupaqao e inicio do estabelecimento dos Portugueses no Congo, Angola, e Benguela (Coimbra: Imprensa da Universidade, 1933), and Angola: Apontamentos sobre a colonizacao dos planaltos e litoral do sul de Angola, 3 vols. (Lisbon: Agenda Geral das Colonias, 1940), and many others. 7. A certain amount of deliberate concealment in the reports of Por tuguese traders on the scene back to Lisbon may have understated the true extent of their knowledge, thus limiting modern historians' access to what they may have known; for indications from upper Guinea, see George E. Brooks, "Kola Nuts, Senhores? What Kola Nuts?" (paper, Kaabu Conference, Dakar, Senegal, May 1980). 8. Specifically on demography, see John K. Thornton, "Demography and History in the Kingdom of the Kongo," Journal of African History 18, no. 4 (1977): 507. Two recent and important dissertations on early Kongo are Anne Wilson, "The Kongo Kingdom to the Mid-Seventeenth Century" (Uni versity of London, 1977), and John K. Thornton, "The Kingdom of the Kongo in the Era of the Civil Wars, 1641-1718" (University of California, Los Angeles, 1979). The latter has been revised as The Kingdom of Kongo: Civil War and Transition, 1641 (Madison: University of Wisconsin Press, 1983). 9. Joseph C. Miller, Kings and Kinsmen: Early Mbundu States in Angola (Oxford: Clarendon, 1976), especially pp. 37-42. Also on the early Mbundu: Beatrix Heintze, "Unbekanntes Angola: Der Staat Ndongo im 16. Jahrhundert," Anthropos 72 (1977): 749-805. 10. The lengthy bibliography on Bantu languages is conveniently sum marized in Jan Vansina, "Bantu in the Crystal Ball, I," History in Africa 6 (1979): 287-333, and "Bantu in the Crystal Ball, II," History in Africa 7 (1980): 293 325. A recent general interpretation appears in Christopher Ehret, "Linguistic Inferences about Early Bantu History," in Ehret and Merrick Posnansky, eds., The Archaeological and Linguistic Reconstruction of African His tory (Berkeley and Los Angeles: University of California Press, 1982), pp. 57-65. 11. E.g., Luc de Heusch, Le roi ivre, ou Vorigine de Vetat (Paris: Gallimard, 1972) and much subsequent commentary. Some initial reactions by historians appear in Joseph C. Miller, ed., The African Past Speaks (Folkestone: Dawson, 1980), and in J. Jeffrey Hoover, "The Seduction of Ruwej: Reconstructing Ruund History (The Nuclear Lunda: Zaire, Angola, Zambia)" (Ph.D. disserta tion, Yale University, 1978). The systematic critique of de Heusch's (and other

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130 Joseph C. Miller structuralist) method is Jan Vansina, "Is Elegance Proof? Structuralism and African History," History in Africa 10 (1983): 307-48. 12. Mario Jose Maestri Filho, A agricultura africana nos seculos XVI e XVII no litoral angolano (Porto Alegre: Instituto de Filosofia e Ciencias Humanas, Universidade Federal do Rio Grande do Sul, 1978). 13. For dating on the basis of linguistics, see Hoover, "Seduction of Ruwej," and Robert J. Papstein, "The Upper Zambezi: A History of the Luvale People" (Ph.D. dissertation, University of California, Los Angeles, 1978). 14. An emphasis introduced by Jan Vansina, Kingdoms of the Savanna (Madison: University of Wisconsin Press, 1966), pp. 37-69. 15. Wilson, "Kongo Kingdom," and John K. Thornton, "Early KongoPortuguese Relations: A New Interpretation," History in Africa 8 (1981): 183-204, and Kingdom of Kongo, esp. pp. xv, 63-68. In addition, on Kongo religion and Christianity, see Anne Hilton, "Political and Social Change in the Kingdom of Kongo to the Late Nineteenth Century," in Franz-Wilhelm Heimer, ed., The Formation of Angolan Society (forthcoming); Wyatt MacGaffey, "Cultural Roots of Congo Prophetism" (paper read to Third International Congress of Africanists, Addis Ababa, 1973), and forthcoming work; and Susan Broadhead, "Beyond Decline: The Kingdom of the Kongo in the Eigh teenth and Nineteenth Centuries," International Journal of African Historical Studies 12, no. 4 (1979): 615. See also Antonio Custodio Goncalves, Lasym-bolisation politique: le 'prophetisme' Kongo au XVIII erne siecle (Munich: Weltforum Verlag, 1980). 16. Beatrix Heintze, "Das alte 'Konigreich Angola' und der Beginn des portugiesischen Engagements, 1500," Internationales Afrikaforum 12, no. 1 (1976): 67-74, and "Die portugiesische Besiedlungsund Wirtschaftspolitik in Angola 1570," Aufsatze zur portugiesischen Kulturgeschichte 17 (1981 82): 200-219. 17. Joseph C. Miller, "The Significance of Drought, Disease, and Famine in the Agriculturally Marginal Zones of Western Central Africa."Journal of African History 23, no. 1 (1982): 17, with some conclusions in "The Para doxes of Impoverishment in the Atlantic Zone," in David Birmingham and Phyllis Martin, eds., History of Central Africa (London: Longmans, 1983), 1: 118-59. 18. Miller, Kings and Kinsmen, esp. pp. 176-223. 19. For the earlier interpretations, see Miller, "Requiem for the 'Jaga'," Cahiers d'etudes africaines 13, 1 (no. 49) (1973): 121-49. Subsequent exchanges: John K. Thornton, "A Resurrection for the Jaga," Cahiers dyetudes africaines 18, 1-2 (nos. 69-70) (1979): 223-27, and "Thanatopsis," ibid., pp. 229-31. My own position has developed in Miller, "The Formation and Transformation of the Mbundu States from the Sixteenth to the Eighteenth Centuries," in Heimer, ed., The Formation of Angolan Society, and in "The Paradoxes of Impoverishment." 20. E.g., the heroic style in which Antonio de Oliveira de Cadornega

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Angola in the Sixteenth Century 131 composed his Historia geral das guerras angolanas, ed. Matias Delgado and Alves da Cunha, 3 vols. (Lisbon: Agencia Geral das Colonias, 1940-42). 21. David B. Birmingham, "Early African Trade in Angola and Its Hin terland," in Richard Gray and David Birmingham, eds., Pre-Colonial African Trade (London: Oxford University Press, 1970), pp. 163-73, and Wilson, "Kongo Kingdom." 22. For the later consequences of these early practices in upper Guinea, see George Brooks, "The Signares of Saint-Louis and Goree: Women Entrepeneurs in Eighteenth Century Senegal," in Nancy J. Hafkin and Edna G. Bay, eds., Women in Africa: Studies in Social and Economic Change (Stanford: Stanford University Press, 1976), pp. 19-44. Thornton, "Early KongoPortuguese Relations," is suggestive for Kongo and Sao Tome in the sixteenth century, and Joseph C. Miller, Way of Death: The Angolan Slave Trade, 17301830 (in preparation), presents evidence for eighteenth-century Angola. 23. Thomas T Spear, Kenya's Past (London: Longmans, 1981), pp. 88-96. 24. Thornton, "Early Kongo-Portuguese Relations." 25. Jill R. Dias, "Changing Patterns of Power in the Luanda Hinterland: The Impact of Trade and Colonisation on the Mbundu, c. 18451920," in Heimer, ed., The Formation of Angolan Society, and other work in preparation. Also Miller, Way of Death, and "Central and Southern Angola," in Heimer, ed., The Formation of Angolan Society. 26. Mario Antonio Fernandes de Oliveira, Luanda: 'Ilha Crioula' (Lisbon: Agencia Geral do Ultramar 1961), and many other studies. For later Kongo Christianity, see works cited in note 15. 27. Dias, work cited in note 25.

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IV Camoes: A Man for All Centuries

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Camoes perante o Portugal do seu Tempo Jose Sebastido da Silva Dias QUANDO o Poeta abriu os olhos para a vida (c. 1525), o feito da expansao portuguesa no mundo estava no zenite da fama e atingira o maximo do deslumbramento nacional em face dele. Na sua adolescencia e verde mocidade, Gil Vicente, Joao de Barros, Andre de Resende, Damiao de Gois, Diogo de Teive e toda a fina flor do Humanismo, tratavam-no como epopeia e como cruzada. Mas ouviam-se ja entao vozes (raras) dissonantes, sendo a mais autorizada de todas se bem que por uma optica passadistaa de Sa de Miranda. E com a voz dissonante do moralista do Neiva (passadismo a parte) que se encontra, dezenas de anos depois, a voz ja menos dissonante, mas potentissima, de Diogo do Couto. Entre o nascimento e a experiencia asiatica de Camoes, deu-se a primeira descolonizagao portuguesa, com o abandono das pragas de Africa, nos anos 40; e deu-se o crescimento da actividade dos corsarios ingleses e franceses contra a frota por tuguesa que rumava da India para Portugal ou da costa lusitana para os portos da Europa. Deu-se, igualmente, o colapso financeiro do estado e a perda do controle nacional sobre a comercializagao dos produtos orientais. Ao fecharem os anos 20, a opiniao publica nacional poderia dizerse ainda unanimente triunfalista em relacao a empresa ultramarina da nossa Patria. Pouco a pouco, porem, vieram a luz do dia sintomas, cada vez mais alarmantes, de quebras dos sentimentos de unanimidade e de triunfalismo. Nos anos 30, a divisao dos espiritos, em termos de classe politica e de elites economicas, teve as primeiras extroversoes e as primeiras lutas, ainda que circunscritas, umas e outras, ao foro sectorial da politica africanapor causa entretanto (o que nao quer dizer so) das suas coordenadas indianas. 135

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136 Jose Sebastido da Silva Bias Admitiu-se ja nesses anos, e admitiu-se mais afoitamente nos anos 40, que se impunha um repensar da politica oriental dos Portugueses. Este repensaragudizado e, em termos de publico e de conflitos poli-ticos, alargado desde os meados do seculo XVIcolocava-se dentro dos parametros da concepcao de Portugal como nagao pluricontinen-tal, e nem por sombras punha em duvida a continuidade da nossa presenca na India. O problema consistia unicamente na busca de for mulas de moralizacao e de eficacia da gestao ultramarina, incluindo nesta a seguranca espacial na Asia e a seguranca policial nos mares. E neste contexto que ele se nos oferece ainda em Diogo do Couto. Como e a sua existencia e o anseio dessa dupla seguranca (sem esquecer a comercializagao dos generos industanicos), que explica, em boa parte, a esperanca com que muitos dos nossos compatriotas olharam para a uniao das coroas de Portugal e de Castela, num esquema de monarquia dualista, em 1580. Constituiu tudo isto um complexo de acontecimentos de grande ressonancia no Pais. Os burocratas, os homens de negocio, dividiramse em dois partidos, que se distinguiam, nao por oposicoes irreconciliaveis sobre o ser do Imperio, mas por diferencas no caminho adequado para ajustar o seu modo de ser as realidades supervenientes a sua descoberta ou conquista. Um desses partidos, na fase de 30, favorito de personalidades como Gil Vicente (cfr. a Exortagao da guerra e a farsa chamada Auto da India) e Sa de Miranda (cfr. a Ecloga Celia e a Carta ao Senhor de Basto), privilegiava a expansao no Norte de Africa. Era o partido da alta nobreza, do alto clero dos ideologos da cruzada, dos saudosistas de varias matizes, e das mentalidades arcaicas. O outro partido era o triunfalista; tinha por si toda a casta de aventueiros, a nobreza pobre ou cobigosa de maior fortuna, a burguesia comercial em massa, o clero missionario, o funcionalismo civil e militar ao servigo das coisas asiaticas, os intelectuais profissionalmente identificados com os fumos da India, como Barros e Gois, ou com uma perspectiva historica classicista, em que a gesta ou feito heroico tern o primeiro piano, como Resende e Teive. Um terceiro partido havia ainda, menos poderoso e com menor implantacao: era o dos que, sem retirarem uma letra a proeza ultramarina como factor basico da identidade nacional, sem deixarem de analisar a Expansao em termos de cruzada, pugnavam pela reforma moral e administrativa das coisas da India. Tais se nos apresentam um D. Joao de Castro ou um Diogo do Couto. A agudizacao da crise do expansionismo portugues no Norte de Africa coincide de perto com o auge deste no Oriente. Mas quando em 1542, apos alguns anos de perplexidade da coroa e de controversias partidarias, venceu a falange da descolonizagao norte-africana,

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Camoes perante o Portugal do seu Tempo 137 desencadeou-se um movimento de repulsa por essa politica, com eco para la da corte e das camadas dirigentes. E essa repulsa aprofundouse e ganhou adeptos a medida que se manifestaram e agravaram as dificuldades do nosso dominio asiatico. Pelos anos 60, quando Camoes se encontrava no Oriente, esboca-se a ameaca de um colapso desse dominio. Nao ha ainda a sensacao de que tambem ali teriamos de descolonizar, mas comeca a aparecer o espectro dos custos elevadissimos da contencao do mouro e do indu la, dos corsarios e comercializadores das drogas e especiarias ca. E avulta de maneira extraordinaria a corrupgao dos colonos, dos militares e dos funcionarios civis, em acgao nas paragens orientais. De momento, considerou-se esse inimigo interior muito mais responsavel pelos indicios de decadencia do que o inimigo do exterior. Foi para lhe fazer face que se colocaram nas chefias politicas e administrativas figuras energicas e incorruptiveis (de que nos ficou o prototipo em D. Joao de Castro), e apostolos infatigaveis e intransigentes, como os jesuitas. A moral, porem, nao produziu a moralizacao e acabou por revelar que estano minimo, esta por si sonao detinha o progresso da decadencia. Dai, nos fins do terceiro quartel do seculo XVI, a reprimordializacao do politico. A reprimordializacao do politico, nas suas tangencias imperials, nao resultou, entretanto, disso apenas. Resultou tambemnao quero dizer que resultasse sobretudodo sentimento generalizado da impotencia de Portugal, por si mesmo, isolado e com as suas proprias forgas, para enfrentar vitoriosamente as pressoes desagregadoras vindas do inimigo exterior. Estava em causa a preservacao do imperio descoberto ou conquistado, e ja nao havia ilusoes de que a simples moral nao o salvaria. A salvacao mostrava-se um conato da moral, sim, mas da moral associada a politica. Se inteligencias, como a de Couto, teimavam em privilegiar a moral, o grande numero, na proximidade dos anos 80, privilegiava a politica. Simplesmente, para estes, depois de Alcacer Kibir, a politica era a alianca peninsular ou, dito de outro modo, a monarquia dualista, e nao aventuras no Norte de Africa. No africanismo, so a arraia-miuda, e pouco mais, entao acreditava. O projecto de D. Constantino de Braganca na India, anos atras, ainda consistiu, fundamentalmente, em actos de forca militaractos, po rem, que se mostraram ineficazes, que nao tinhamos capacidade para cometer contra os corsarios e que nao resultariam contra a finanga e o comercio de alem-Pireneus. Ensaiaram-se entre nos, pelo fim dos anos 20, os primeiros voos de uma politica cultural que, superando as dominancias castelhanis-tas, acertasse a marcha da nagao lusitana pela da Europa evoluida, na esfera dos saberes e dos pensares. O humanismonao digo o classi-

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138 Jose Sebastido da Silva Dias cismoesta ausente dos produtos culturais que por esse tempo circulavam no pais. De um modo geral, ao nivel da inteligencia vulgar e, mesmo, ate, da alta inteligencia, vivia-se ainda em Idade Media. Sao os signos do classicismo medievo, em simbiose com as inovacoes literarias dos retoricos marginais a corrente humanista, que afloram no Cancioneiro Geral, compilado por Garcia de Resende e por este publicado em 1516. Sao esses mesmos signos, embora ja retocados com influencias esteticas e tematicas de origem italiana, que, no essencial, se deparam em Cataldo Aquila Siculo e seus discipulos. So arrancou nos anos 30 do seculo XVI a renovacao da cultura portuguesa. Situam-se nessa decada as grandes reformas escolares de D. Joao III e a obra italianizante de Sa de Miranda no campo da literatura. Situa-se tambem na decada de 30-40 a chegada das primeiras levas de intelectuais patrios formados em Franca a expensas do es-tado. Cite-se, por todos, o nome de Andre de Resende, poeta latino, antiquario e hagiografo, de altos voos. No seculo XVI camoniano, podem distinguir-se duas hegemonias culturais: a escolastica e a humanistica. A segunda teve maior projecgao no reinado de D. Joao III; a outra ficou so em campo depois dos meados do seculo. A corrente escolastica caminhava pelos trilhos rasgados na Idade Media e reajustados na polemica com o humanismo cristao e com o luteranismo "lato sensu." A cultura dessa cor rente alimentava-se do ensinamento das Faculdades de Teologia de Paris e de Lovaina, assim como do magisterio emanado do Concilio de Trento. E alimentava-se, igualmente, da literatura doutrinal com que o integrismo cristao se opunha a doutrina do evangelismo fabroerasmiano e dos porta-vozes da Reforma. Entre os seus intelectuais de maior envergaduraque os tinha e em numero apreciavel destacam-se, de maneira particular, Jeronimo de Azambujao inqui sitorial que proibiu a circulagao de um arranjo, moderador, dos Coloquios de Erasmo1e Simao Rodrigues, o denunciante de Damiao de Gois no Santo Oficio e introdutor da Companhia de Jesus em Portugal. A corrente progressista foi a da inteligencia que procurou, descobriu e defendeu novos rumos culturais para a Patria. Inspirava-se no pensamento de Erasmo e Lefevre d'Etaples e respectivas escolas. Queria um catolicismo aberto, despojado da ganga medieval, que assumisse os novos rumos da cultura e as directrizes de uma pratica religiosa interiorista e liberta, ao menos, dos excessos do formalismo cultual. Sem cortar sempre com Aristoteles, cortava frontalmente com a peripatetica escolastica. Era uma replica, a portuguesa, do humanismo cristao e do saber renascentista.

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Camoes perante o Portugal do seu Tempo 139 O humanismo era a latinidade e, em menor grau, a helenidade classicas, a emancipagao das letras profanas, a recusa da escolastica, da arte de pensar, da metodologia e problematizacao do saber, legados pela Idade Media; era, numa palavra, a busca de uma cultura laica para uma sociedade em vias de laicizagao. Na sua vertente de huma nismo cristao, estava tambem empenhado a fundo no repensamento da mensagem crista, das suas pastoral e moldura institucional, das suas conotacoes ou consociagoes politicas. As primeiras escaramugas entre as duas correntes travaram-se por cerca de 1542. E duvidoso que faca parte delas a proibigao do Fides religio moresque Aethiopum, de Damiao de Gois, em 1541. Integra-as, todavia, a colheita de elementos para a instrucao dos processos instaurados mais tarde, pelo Tribunal da Fe, contra o poligrafo e autor da Arte da guerra no mar, Fernao de Oliveira, em 1547, e contra o guarda-mor da Torre do Tombo, Fernao de Pina, em 1548. Na decada que vai de 1545 a 1555, a falange escolastica tridentinista empenhou-se a fundo por ganhar posicoes no governo, na Inquisigao e no ensino. No ultimo daqueles anos, com a militancia estimulada pela segunda fase do Concilio de Trento (1551 1552), estava solidamente vencedora em qualquer desses campos. A repressao da ala progressista, vinda dos anos 40, intensificou-se enormemente desde essa hora. A aplicagao de penas e uma censura literaria bastante rigida deram as maos a um magisterio adverso as orientacoes do humanismo cristao e a equipas de governantes apostados em vedar a carreira na funcao publica aos suspeitos de nao-afectos ao imobilismo ideologico e politico. Em pouco tempo, a linha progressista desapareceu, como tal, e quase sem deixar vestigios da sua existencia. A Contra-Reforma (que nao a simples Reforma Catolica) detem o poder, tanto na sociedade politica como na sociedade civil, a partir de 1560/1565. Chefiam o estado, coetaneamente, na menoridade de D. Sebastiao, primeiro a rainha D. Catarina e logo seu cunhado, inquisidor-geral, arcebispo de Evora, cabeca do partido integrista e mais tarde rei, o cardeal-infante D. Henrique. Com a subida de D. Sebas tiao ao trono, em 1568, a Contra-Reforma consolidou duradoiramente a sua implantagao vertical e horizontal em todo o pais. A medida dessa implantacao, produziu-se na terra lusa uma ambiencia cultural e politica hostil as expressoes mentais de raiz progressista, sem margem sequer para uma tolerancia estreita e precaria. Tinha chegado o tempo em que um primeiro-ministro do Rei Desejado advertia assim o reitor da Universidade: "Os Padres da Companhia se encarregaram do Colegio Real [das Artes] em tempo em que alguns dos principais mestres dele foram presos pela Inquisigao e

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140 Jose Sebastido da Silva Dias se arreceava que tambem nos o viessemos a ser, como discipulos que eramos seus. Agora o sustentam em tempos muito mais perigosos, em que o demonio parece ja tern descoberta toda a sua artilharia. E tanto, que os que atentam bem o que vai pelo mundo e por nos, com muita razao arreceiam que depressa chegue a nos este tao geral incendio, se nao tern ja chegado, e se contentam com sermos cristaos e catolicos, ainda que menos latinos [= cultos]".2 Com a politica cultural incorporada no programa de governo de D. Joao III, institucionalizaram-se no ensino e ganharam corpo na militancia dos intelectuais as directrizes do humanismo. O humanismo firmou-se no seculo XV em Italia e divulgou-se no seculo XVI aquem dos Alpes como uma contra-cultura laica e centrada nos valores e nos conhecimentos adequados a uma sociedade civil e, enquanto tal, emancipada das perspectivas e tutelas eclesiasticas. Foi a essa contra-cultura, amalgamada com as suscitacoes do Evangelho e da Patristica, que na Europa cisalpina se chamou humanismo cristao. E ela que Andre de Gouveia tern em mira, quando, em referenda a traca do Colegio das Artes, escreve ao Rei Piedoso: "todos eles [= arquitectos da corte] entendem tao pouco em fazer colegio como o eu quero e deve de ser, como aqueles que nunca fizeram outro senao para trades."3 O humanismo cristao e a sua polemica com a escolastica, com o legado cultural da Idade Media, com a visao mundana e politica da mensagem evangelica, com as estruturas da igreja hierarquica, correram largamente entre a inteligencia portuguesa, de 1535 a 1555. Nos anos 60 e 70, ja ate um pouco antes, viram-se porem alvo de uma verdadeira montaria, a qual expeliu do interior e exterior da cultura lusitana a presenca daquilo que no humanismo europeu excedia as dimensoes do classicismo catolico. Denomino classicismo ou humanismo catolico a cerebracao mais ou menos eruditarizada, que recebe de fora, isto e, do aparelho eclesiastico e politico do estado, a problematica e as directrizes culturais, e que pede as letras antigas ou renascentistas a forma, alguns conteudos cientificos e, em escala mais restrita, alguns subsidios metodologicos. Foi assim que a Companhia de Jesus o consagrou na rede de colegios com que monopolizava no pais o ensino preparatorio nao-conventual das humanidades, das ciencias e da filosofiaensino cujo canone se encontra no De arte rethorica (1562), de Cipriano Soares, no De institutione grammatica (1572), de Manuel Al-vares, e nos Commentarii Collegii Conimbricensis (1592 1606). Assim o temos tambem na Imagem da vida crista (1572), de Fr. Heitor Pinto, nos Didlogos de Fr. Amador de Arrais (1589) e de Pedro de Mariz (1594), na pratica de Andrade Caminha, no teatro novilatino.

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Camoes perante o Portugal do seu Tempo 141 O humanismo frustrou-se rapidamente em Portugal depois da morte de D. Joao III (1556). Nao so deixou de ser uma cultura de vanguarda, mas deixou, mesmo, de ser uma cultura. Do seu preceptorado, ficou o classicismo e pouco mais. A acgao judiciaria e censoria do Santo Oficio, a acgao pedagogica da Universidade e da Companhia de Jesus, foram decisivas para esse efeito. Decerto que a sua eficacia foi secundada pelos condicionalismos sociologicos da nossa terra mas nao resultou singelamente destes. Resultou tambem de condi cionalismos politicos especificos. Nao foi em vao que se envolveram professores e estudantes em processos inquisitoriais em 1552; que se queimou Fr. Valentim da Luz, na Ribeira de Lisboa, em 1562; que se julgou Damiao de Gois em 1574. Esses e muitos outros actos similares valorizaram as proibicoes, cada vez mais vastas, de leitura, posse, circulagao ou publicagao de livros em desacordo com a ortodoxia tridentinista. Os dois factores juntos deram uma pauta a producao cultural lusiada. Intimidaram ou desmobilizaram, simultaneamente, a generalidade dos intelectuais, levando o maior numero a acomodar-se com a ordem ideologica contra-reformista, quer fosse silenciando-se ou refugiando-se na arte pura, quer fosse adaptando-se e deixando-se ir ao sabor da corrente. A cultura do humanismo desenvolveu-se em Portugal, numa boa parte, em simbiose com a gesta dos Descobrimentos. Tal o que se passa com Joao de Barros, Andre de Resende, Diogo de Teive, Damiao de Gois, entre muitos outros. E sob o estimulo dos Descobrimentos e ao reves da escolastica, que cientistas ou filosofos, como Duarte Pacheco Pereira, Pedro Nunes, Garcia da Orta, Gomes Pereira, Tome Pires, Francisco Sanches, escrevem as suas obras. A sua aproximacao da metodologia experimentalista ou cartesiana nao foi, contudo, retida pelos compendios e textos de apoio em voga nas instituicoes de en-sino. Uma grande parte do que produziram ficou, mesmo, inedito du rante seculos. Coexistiram com as expressoes culturais hegemonicas expressoes culturais subalternaso que nao quer dizer, necessariamente, ex pressoes culturais menores e, sobretudo, sem importancia ou sem futuro. Ha provas de reverberacoes, quer do platonismo cristao, quer do platonismo da Renascenca, no pensamento dos Portugueses da era quinhentista. Sao porem insuficientes para se falar de uma linha platonica ou neoplatonica, mesmo menor, na filosofia lusiada. Os Dialoghi d'Amore, de Leao Hebreu, publicados em Italia, no exilio do autor, mal circularam entre nos nesse tempo. O platonismo de Fr. Heitor Pinto, como o de tantos espirituais peninsulares, anteriores e

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142 Jose Sebastiao da Silva Dias subsequentes, constitui um momemto acidental da sua "forma mentis" e coexiste com a peripatetica nos seus escritos. E o platonismo aristotelisante de Alvaro Gomes, alias confessor de D. Joao III e escritor contra-reformista, corporizou-se no Tratado da Perfeiqao da Alma, que entretanto ficou inedito quase ate aos nossos dias. Quanto a Camoes, o platonismo, alem de duvidoso como atitude filosofica consciencializada e consequente, tern uma presenga meramente circunstancial e secundaria. As afloracoes do platonismo na cultura portuguesa do seculo XVI (que nao se limitam ao enunciado) justificavam esta referenda. Correspondem de facto a uma expressao cultural menor, quase poderia dizer-se minima, da era de Quinhentos, se abstrairmos da tradicional presenca da versao platonica agostiniana na literatura espiritual. Sao, todavia, mais importantes do que elas e tiveram repercussao no ensino inovador da epoca as manifestacoes do aristotelismo renascental. O aristotelismo da Renascenca veio da Italia para aquem dos Alpes e constitui, la como ca, uma reacgao deliberada contra a peri patetica arabigo-escolastica, uma nova filosofia, pois sustentava como maxima inatacavel que a chamada filosofia perene, elaborada na Idade Media, pouco ou nada tinha de comum com o pensamento do Aristoteles helenico. As suas formulacao e reivindicagao inserem-se na polemica geral dos humanismos italiano e cristao com as estruturas culturais e medievais e substituem, no sector filosofico, o metodo dialectico e silogistico de analise e tematizacao pelo metodo historicofilologico. Estao voltadas, ao mesmo tempo, para emancipar a filosofia em face da teologia, arrancando-a assim ao estatuto de menoridade em que tinha vivido nos ultimos seculos. Em cenario lusitanizante, pelos actores e pelos espectadores, o aristotelismo humanista teve uma primeira prova de forca com a pe ripatetica escolasticaela propria uma trave-mestra da teologia escolastica e de toda a cultura eclesial dos seculos XIII a XVna disputa famosa de Antonio de Gouveia com Pierre de la Ramee, na Universidade de Paris. Gouveia, professor de jovens lusitanos nos Colegios de Santa Barbara e da Guiena, esquematizou o seu pensamento na Pro Aristotele responsio.4 O aristotelismo humanista foi a filosofia dominante do Colegio das Artes, antes da sua entrega aos jesuitas em 1555. Os mestres mais representativos desta escola-piloto do sistema pedagogico secundario, ideado para Portugal nos anos quarenta, compartilhavam as teses de Antonio de Gouveia. Fizeram-se, mesmo, publicacoes para uso didac-tico, segundo esse modelo. Formalmente, o aristotelismo humanista sobreviveu nas elucu-

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Camoes perante o Portugal do seu Tempo 143 bracoes dos nossos jesuitas, dentro e fora do ensino. Materialmente, porem, morreu. Nao ha em Pedro da Fonseca, nem nos lentes do Colegio das Artes e da Universidade de Evora, nem nos autores do Curso Filosofico Conimbricense, vestigios da polemica anti-escolastica do aristotelismo humanista e da sua luta pela autonomia e maioridade da filosofia. Pelo contrario, os novos conhecimentos historicos e filologicos sao recuperados e instrumentalizados ao servico da restauracao da escolastica e da subalternizagao da filosofia a teologia, isto e as dominancias culturais de inspiracao tridentina. A chegada dos Portugueses ao Golfo da Guine e, mais tarde, a In dia e ao Brasil lancou em crises invenciveis a ciencia legada pela Idade Media ou depurada pela Renascenca, bem como os metodos tradicionais de conhecimento e de pesquisa e a consciencia secular dos limites do mundo. Adquiriu-se, em poucas decadas, a consciencia do poder ilimitado do homem e do espaco ilimitado do orbe terraqueo. Teve-se a percepcao do aceleramento do saber e da urgencia de outras metodologias (que nao as dialecticas e de autoridade) para o progresso das ciencias. As hegemonias culturais do seculo XVI, sobretudo a da primeira metade, foram sensiveis a certos destes aspectos, designadamente ao colapso da consciencia dos limites do poder humano. Assimilaram tambemo facto e sensivel no proprio Curso Filosofico Conimbri censeos produtos liquidos do saber carreado pela navegacao, senhorio e comercio de Portugal com o ultramar. Pelo que respeita porem aos metodos, a problematica e perspectiva culturais, ao sistema das ciencias, muito pouco disso foi integrado no patrimonio intelectual dos Portugueses, na epoca de D. Joao III, e quase tudo isso foi ignorado pela inteligencia dominante, no periodo sebastico e filipino. Foi alem dos Pireneus que a riqueza destes elementos deu o maximo dos seus frutos. Entre nos, manifestou-se apenasmas manifestou-se em todo o casocomo expressao cultural subalterna.5 E e essa subalternidade que, em larga medida, explica a rarefacao ou o ineditismo de textos fundamentalissimos, como o Esmeraldo de situ orbis, de Duarte Pacheco Pereira, os roteiros e outras obras geograficas de D. Joao de Castro, a Suma Oriental, de Tome Pires, os Coloquios dos simples e das drogas, de Garcia da Orta. Que traziam de novo estes e outros livros similares? Muitos e variados conhecimentos materiais no campo da nautica, da geografia, da medicina, da farmacopeia, da historia natural, das civilizagoes, das crencas religiosas, etc. Mas traziam sobretudo o cepticismo em face da ciencia feita e do saber livresco. Contra as autoridades gregas ou lati-nas, arabigas ou escolasticas, medievais ou renascentistas, erguiam a

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144 Jose Sebastido da Silva Dias voz da observacao e da experienciauma observacao ainda nao sistematizada, uma experiencia ainda nao elevada a experimentacao. Mas que no entanto estavam no caminho da revolucao metodologica que os cientistas do seculo XVII iam operar e por que o libertinismo erudito do mesmo seculo se bateu. Paralelamente a este esforco dos ultramarinos com interesses no ambito das ciencias naturais e antropologicas, verifica-se um labor de filosofos expatriados, no sentido de romper com o horizonte da escolastica, sobretudo no piano do metodo. Nem Gomes Pereira na Antoniana Margarita, nem Francisco Sanches no Quod Nihil Scitur e outros estudos, sao precursores de Descartes, como por vezes se diz. Mas estao no caminho que vai dar a Descartes. Para eles, e um axioma que o metodo escolastico e o progresso cientifico sao incompativeis. E na batalha metodologica que, Sanches sobretudo, poe o maximo do seu empenhamento de filosofo. Um empenhamento, todavia, com escassa ressonancia no Portugal da segunda metade do seculo XVI, e com nenhuma no Curso Filosofico Conimbricense. Quando Luis de Camoes veio ao mundo, por cerca de 1525, a uni versidade portuguesa estava ainda em Lisboa, para onde viera no reinado de D. Fernando, em 1377. Havia falhado o projecto do Infante D. Pedro, nos meados do seculo, de estabelecer uma escola paralela em Coimbra, organizada a maneira das de Paris e Oxford. As instalacoes de que o Infante D. Henrique a dotara, em 1431, e os estatutos outorgados por D. Manuel em 1503, nao tiraram, pedagogica e cientificamente, a instituicao lisboeta da modestia em que nascera. No ambito da filosofia e das ciencias, o seu ensino continuava estritamente medieval; e na esfera das humanidades, so desde 1501 se verifica um leve acenar para fora do legado da Idade Media. E entao quea revelia da autoridade universitariase condimenta o medievalissimo texto gramatical de Joao Pastrana com alguns elementos extraidos do renascentista Elio Antonio Nebrija. Em 1525ja no reinado de D. Joao IIIa Universidade permitiu que os mestres, quando o desejassem, poderiam optar, pura e simplesmente, pela obra de Nebrija, isto e, pela latinidade renascentista. No ano seguinte, possibilitou-se que Martim de Figueiredo, um jurista formado na Italia, regesse um curso de retoricaprecariamente, com un vencimento irrisorio e com a relutancia da Universidade.6 O ensino da filosofia e das ciencias continuou enquadrado nas molduras da logica, da filosofia moral, da filosofia natural e da metafisica, durante dois anos. O estudo era feito pelo metodo dialectico, tomando-se contacto com as doutrinas erroneas e refutando-as. Assim se entrou no conhecimento das teses dos filosofos e naturalistas ju-

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Camoes perante o Portugal do seu Tempo 145 deus e arabes e no das doutrinas dos antigos e dos medievais. Bern o sabe quern alguma vez se gastou com as manualizacoes e comentarios dos mestres de Paris, Alcala e Salamanca. Mau grado os esforcos de D. Joao III, a instituicao universitaria mostrou-se impermeavel a ideia de reformasalvo em materia de vencimentos e privilegios. Para fazer dela um estabelecimento de ensino superior de perspectiva e nivel europeus, concluiu-se que so havia um caminho: funda-la de novo e em condigoes de excluir das suas catedras o corpo docente que tinha. Foi a esses dois principios que obedeceu a transferencia para Coimbra em 1536, deixando em Lisboa a quase totalidade do professorado, amarrada aos antigos interesses e aos que expressamente o rei de novo lhe concedeu. Para satisfazer as necessidades do ensino, recrutaram-se os valores, perdidos, existentes no pais e trouxeram-se de fora, pagos a peso de ouro, nacionais e estrangeiros de alta envergadura intelectual. Pelo lado do corpo docente, pelo seu piano de estudos, pela orientagao e conteudo do saber, a mudanca da Universidade para a cidade do Mondego constitui um corte pedagogico e cultural com a escola portuguesa encanecida e desacreditada de Lisboa. Esse corte pode definir-se por uma palavra: europeizacao, ela propria correspondente a outra: humanismo. E o humanismo, na Europa, nos anos trinta do seculo XVI, era, primacialmente, na Cultura o humanismo cristao, no Direito os estudos que preparam a escola de Cujacio, e na Medicina a restauracao dos ensinamentos dos gregos. Neste ultimo campo, porem, ja com prenuncios de promocao dos estudos anatomicos, isto e, da medicina cientifica moderna. As incidencias da crise religiosa de alem-Pireneus e do endurecimento teologico e pastoral triunfante nas primeiras fases do Concilio de Trentogeraram entorses e solucoes de continuidade na linha de rumo da politica universitaria. No fim dos anos quarenta e nos primeiros da decada seguinte, o pluralismo escolastico e a optica escolastica ocuparam, em forca, a praga da Faculdade de Teologia, em cujos lentes a Inquisicao, num gesto excepcional de confianga doutrinaria, delegou a responsabilidade da censura das dissertacoes dos candidatos aos graus posteriores ao bacharelato. Nos Canones como na Teologia, instalaram-se, ao longo dos anos cinquenta e sessenta, os quadros cientificos e mentais da ContraReforma, o que nao quer dizer que nao subsistissem nessas Faculdades mestres ilustres pelo grau do seu saber, mas impermeaveis aos metodos, as inquietacoes intelectuais, aos horizontes gnoseologicos, ao espirito de busca e de critica, instilados pelo humanismo na mente humana do seculo XVI. Era a escolasticaexpurgada, cognitivamente

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146 Jose Sebastido da Silva Dias enriquecida, tonificada pela polemica antiluterana, ja senhora dos processos historico-filologicosque ali reinava, como absoluta e unica corrente de saber, de problematica, de sensibilidade. E por esse angulo que um Heitor Pinto, um Luis de Sotomaior, um Cristovao Joao, um Luis Correia, sao nomes ilustres do magisterio teologico-canonico de Coimbra. A inquietacao e a sensibilidade da Renascenca, com reflexos em Francisco de Monzon, Martinho de Ledesma e Azpilcueta Navarro, cedem por completo o lugar a ideologia e as preocupacoes em triunfo com a Contra-Reforma. A Medicina, a Filosofia e as Ciencias seguiram um trajecto ana-logo. A base anatomica extinguiu-se, pelos anos 70/80, do piano dos estudos de Medicina, retomando o secular prestigio o ensino livresco e retardatario. As novidades nesta area do saber eram vistas, pelas autoridades, de sobrolho carregadonao porque, de si, brigassem com os horizontes saidos do Concilio de Trento, mas porque eram portadoras de reflexos metodologicos explosivos. Para erguer o ensino da Filosofia, das Ciencias e das Humanidades a altura dos padroes formais e materials da Europa evoluida, desenvolveram-se esforcos aturados nos anos trinta, com a afectagao ao respectivo ensino, sob o controlo dos proceres universitarios, de um conjunto de mestres nacionais e estrangeiros, varios deles muito categorizados e todos de bom nivel cientifico e pedagogico. A experiencia, devido ao condicionalismo institucional, falhou porem. Persistindo todavia no mesmo proposito, fundou D. Joao III em Coimbra, em 1547, o famoso Colegio das Artes, dando-lhe no entanto um estatuto de independencia em face da Universidade, bem como o de estabelecimento padronizador de toda a escolaridade voltada para o ingresso nas escolas maiores. Nao levou contudo a sua avante, sem que as forcas integristas nao tivessem procurado barrar-lhe esse caminho. Pos a frente do Colegio, como director e como brago direito deste, uma notavel equipa de educadores e professores, formada e exercitada em Franca por espaco de anos. Destacavam-se nela, pelo saber e pelos ideais, Andre de Gouveia, director do Colegio, Diogo de Teive, Joao da Costa, Arnault Fabrice, Georges Buchanan, Nicholas Grouchy, Elie Vinet, Marcial de Gouveia, Diogo de Contreiras. O objectivo proprio do Colegio das Artescontrariamente ao dos tradicionais colegios universitariosnao era a formacao de frades ou de clerigos, mas sim a de leigos oriundos da nobreza ou da burguesia e destinados a vida secular. Inseria-se nesse contexto o estudo das linguas e literaturas classicas, o da Filosofia e o das Ciencias. Tudo a luz dos metodos, dos conhecimentos e dos ideais culturais postos em voga pelo humanismo em geral e pelo humanismo cristao em especial.

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Camoes perante o Portugal do seu Tempo 147 Robustecia-se ja porem a forga politica e institucional da ContraReforma no nosso pais. E os processos inquisitoriais instaurados em 1552, que envolveram Diogo de Teive, Joao da Costa, Buchanan, Marcial de Gouveia, fizeram debandar os estrangeiros, intimidaram os nacionais e desembocaram na entrega do Colegio a Companhia de Jesus em 1555. Encerrou-se, assim, o ciclo do humanismo cristao, do aristotelismo anti-escolastico e do cientismo renascentista, a nivel escolar em Portugal. Pelos anos 70/80 do seculo XVI, a Universidade de Coimbra, quanto aos ideais culturais e aos seus suportes filosoficos, cientificos e metodologicos, ja so muito pouco tinha de comum com o que fora, em facto ou em aspiracao, trinta para quarenta anos atras. Era, consumadamente e com mestres ainda de envergadura intelectual, a univer sidade da Contra-Reforma. Partilhava esse estatuto com a Universi dade de Evora, fundada em 1559 pelo cardeal-inquisidor D. Henrique e por ele entregue aos jesuitas. Nao ha o menor indicio de que Luis de Camoes tivesse frequentado o Colegio das Artes. E nao tern a menor consistencia, a tese recentemente sustentada por um academico, de que aprendeu no Cole gio de S. Miguel. Na sua idade madura, a instituicao universitaria tinha deixado de ser em Portugal um veiculo dos novos saberes e das novas rotas da cultura europeia; tornara-se uma coluna inabalavel da ideologia tridentina na terra portuguesa. Perante este Portugal do seu tempo, heroico e dramatico, progressista e repressivo, com esperancas, projectos e frustracoes, como reagiu o autor de Os Lusiadas? O eclipse cultural do humanismo cristao, os dramas de consciencia ideologica, a dureza da repressao, a recusa sistematica do direito a dissidencia, o recurso ao obscurantismo como instrumento de contengao politica, o langamento de um ensino de conteudos monoliticosnada disso tern o lugar para uma referen da ou encontra sequer o eco de um protesto na sua epopeia, na sua lirica ou no seu teatro. A obra literaria camoniana nasceu num tempo historico com definigoes politicas (pelo menos aparentes) e serias indefinigoes ideologi-cas. A essas definigoes e indefinigoes, subjaz um quotidiano portugues, reflectido na especificidade do ser portugues, de que o Epico se nao alheou inteiramente. Fazem parte dele o naturalismo ingenuo, a sentimentalidade recorrente, a miscegenagao da esperanga e do desalento, o estatuto economico debil de boa parte dos estratos dominantes, a miseria de amplas camadas populares, o arcaismo das estruturas agricolas, a fuga do trabalho rural para o trabalho urbano. E e o reflexo de uma parte deste quotidiano na inteligencia do Vate

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148 Jose Sebastido da Silva Dias que foi estouvado e cortesao, inadaptdo na Europa e aventureiro na Asia, homem de largos gastos e escassos rendimentosque retira ao seu petrarquismo, por exemplo, o caracter de uma simples cul tura adaptativa de padroes estrangeiros, para a tornar uma cultura existencialmente inserida na realidade lusa e portadora de um real lusiada. Foi no transcurso da infancia, adolescencia ejuventude de Camoes, que o humanismo, com a variedade de linhas e de gamas nele exis-tentes, penetrou em Portugal e enformou a mentalidade de muitos dos nossos compatriotas. Em Santa Cruz de Coimbra (mas nao no Colegio de S. Miguel, como ja se tern escrito), se acaso la estudou, nao poderia pegar-se-lhe mais do que o gosto e o saber de raiz classicista e a concomitante afeicao pelo maravilhoso pagao. O humanismo for mal, politicamente triunfante na nossa terra, com a Contra-Reforma, desde o limiar dos anos 60 do seculo XVI, quadrava bem ao sumosacerdote do verso maneirista portugues. A dialectica e a polemica do humanismo italiano dessacralizado e do humanismo cristao nao ressoam, em contrapartida, mesmo em simples surdina, na vida ou na obra do Poeta. Como nao ressoa a revolucao filosofica e cientifica em fermentacao alem dos Pireneus e com ilustres representantes na Pe ninsula Iberica e ate, mesmo, em Portugal. Ressoa, porem, a hostilidade a Lutero e a identidade com a escolastica ("Elegia" VI, ed. Cidade II. 223-29). A ultima demao do Epico riOs Lusiadas verificou-se quando a Con tra-Reforma e a sua inspiracao tridentinista iam em mare alta de forca e prestigio entre nos. Estavamos longe do espirito de abertura ao irenismo, que caracterizara os anos 30 e, em grande parte, ainda os anos 40. No entretempo, o pessoal do integrismo apoderara-se de todo o aparelho politico e cultural do estado e impusera, atraves de uma repressao metodica e de uma doutrinacao intensa, os signos mentais reformulados no Concilio de Trento. Ora o Genio, ao cotejar a realidade ideologica e politica de Portugal com a das nacoes europeias nao-hispanicas, salienta o contraste da infidelidade destas com a fidelidade lusitana a ortodoxia religiosa e a "cruzada" contra o islamismoortodoxia e "cruzada" que sao (como se vera) o "leit-motiv" do poema, na linha, alias quase unanime, da inteligencia patria na era quinhentista. Na verdade, ao comegar o canto VII do livro imortal, o autor celebra orgulhosamente a "geracao de Luso ,/a quern nao somente algum perigo/estorva conquistar o povo imundo,/mas nem cobiga ou pouca obediencia/da madre que no ceu esta em essencia" (VII, 2). E comparando Portugal com o Sacro Romano Imperio (cujo supremo

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Camoes perante o Portugal do seu Tempo 149 imperante pertencia a Casa de Austria), aponta o escandalo da conduta deste: sob a bandeira de Lutero, "do sucessor de Pedro rebelado,/ novo pastor e nova seita inventa" e "em feias guerras ocupado,/(que inda co'o cego error se nao contenta!),/nao contra o superbissimo otomano,/mas por sair do jugo soberano [=catolico]" (VII, 4). Quanto ao povo ingles, "nova maneira faz de cristandade: /para os de Cristo tern a espada nua,/nao por tomar a Terra [Santa], que era sua" (VII, 5). Do "galo indigno," afirma "que o nome de cristianissimo quiseste, /nao por defende-lo nem guarda-lo,/mas por ser contra ele e derriba-lo" (VII, 6). Os proprios italianos nao sao poupados, perdidos nas delicias e divicias mundanais (VII, 8). Contrasta com este cenario o de Portugal, por vivencia e observagao imediata e directamente conhecido de Camoes. O Vate passou pelo Norte de Africa, como soldado, no final dos anos quarenta, ai perdendo uma das vistas (cfr. a esparsa ["A uma dama que lhe chamou cara sem olhos"] e a elegia ["Aquela que de amor descomedido"]ed. Cidade, I, 135; II, 208), e depois (1553) comecou a experiencia de uma vida amarga no Oriente. Nao lhe faltaram os encarceramentos, os degredos e a miseria (Os Lusiadas, VII, 79). O que os seus olhos viram nas paragens do Indico nao chegou para o persuadir de que o imperio portugues sofria, simultaneamente, de molestia politica, moral e administrativa. A corrupgao trabalhava em comum com a ofensiva otomana (se bem tercando armas militares e comerciais entre si) contra a presenca estavel e pacifica de Portugal na Asia. Contudo, embora a primeira nao escapasse a sua atencao, foi principalmente a segunda que o sensibilizou e motivou como artista. O Velho do Restelo nao e um porta-voz do Epico. Nas suas palavras repercute, entretanto, o juizo (negativo) que o escritor fazia quer do norte-africanismo puro, quer da nobreza e do clero parasitarios e sedentarios da metropole (VIII, 39), quer ainda dos costumes (corrupgao) em voga no Portugal de aquem e de alem mar. Repercute, igualmente, a critica a recusa da aventura e das mudancas sociais por muitos Portugueses, assim como aos sentimentos de inveja e ao culto do passado, de tantos outros. O episodio do Velho do Restelo e, porem, um acidente na globalidade do poema, sem ressonancia na lirica ou no teatro. A linha de forca d'Os Lusiadas esta, a bem dizer, na historia politica e religiosamente imaculada de Portugal e na grandeza impar do nosso feito ("mais do que prometia a forca humana",1). A leitura epica do feito lusiada emparceira com a sua visao como acto superador ("cesse tudo o que a musa antiga canta"I, 3) de tudo que ate entao a humanidade realizara, admitira como possivel, ou sequer sonhara (I, 3 e

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150 Jose Sebastido da Silva Dias 11). E toda a Historia Patria, dos primordios da monarquia ao reinado de D. Sebastiao, tern na sua pena as cores de uma cruzada interminavel, na fidelidade ao catolicismo, contra o "torpe ismaelita cava-leiro" (I, 8; "Elegia" X, ed. Cidade, II, 229), o "povo imundo" (VII, 2), o "mouro imigo" (VIII, 11), a "maura tumida vaidade" (VIII, 37), o "maometico odio" (VIII, 63), o "soberbo gladio mauritano" e os "reveis a madre igreja" ("Oitavas" III, ed. Cidade, II, 187 e 88). O fenomeno da corrupgao, no Portugal de Aquem e de Alem, nao escapou a perspicacia de Camoes. Embora sem ruido de maior, perpassa nalgumas clareiras da sua obra. Denuncia, de facto, a injustiga com que a realeza premiava mais correntemente os intriguistas e oportunistas do que os sinceros e verdadeiros servidores (X, 23 24; "Cancao IX", ed. Cidade, II, 289-93; ["Oitavas a D. Antonio de Noronha sobre o desconcerto do mundo"], ed. Cidade, II, 168). A sua sensibilidade a perspectiva moral exprime-se, de maneira particu lar, n'Os Lusiadas. Equipara o rico e o pobre no "vil interesse e sede imigo/do dinheiro, que a tudo nos obriga" (VIII, 96). E acrescenta: Este [=dinheiro] rende munidas fortalezas; Faz tredores e falsos os amigos; Este a mais nobres faz fazer vilezas, E entrega capitaes aos inimigos; Este corrompe virginais purezas, Sem temer de honra ou fama alguns perigos; Este deprava as vezes as ciencias, Os juizos cegando e as consciencias. Este interpreta mais que sotilmente Os textos; este faz e desfaz leis; Este causa os perjurios entre a gente, E mil vezes tiranos torna os reis; Ate os que so a Deus omnipotente Se dedicam, mil vezes ouvireis Que corrompe este encantador, e ilude, Mas nao sem cor, contudo, de virtude. O flagicidio da corrupgao entra aqui como uma casuistica ou ganga de marginalidades. Nao entrae nisso se distancia da optica de D. Joao de Castro ou Diogo do Coutocomo uma analise explicativa da decadencia do imperio portugues do Oriente. Entra como uma marginalidade, nao como uma normalidade que corroi as bases da nossa presenca na India, bem como o equilibrio das financas publicas e da economia nacional.7

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Camoes perante o Portugal do seu Tempo 151 Num livrinho de fortuna,8 o prof. Mendes dos Remedios procurou mostrar a conexao do texto e contexto ideologicos camonianos com a fe catolica. A prova dessa conexao nao pode ser aqui aprofundada (e varias pistas, nem sempre das menos importantes, foram apenas afloradas pelo mestre conimbricense), mas as conclusoes da nossa analise confluem, em geral, com as daquele estudioso. Um dos exemplos mais acabados da identidade catolica do Poeta e a "Elegia VI" (ed. Cidade, II, 223-29), verdadeira suma da sua teologia, ate com a invocagao final; "Jesus, Maria." Faz ai uma ardente profissao de fe no "altissimo ser, puro e divino,/que tudo pode, manda, move e cria," logo seguida de uma clara exegese catolica da origem do mundo: Nao, que aquele [e] Deus alto, incriado, Senhor das cousas todas, que fundou O ceu, a terra, o fogo e o mar irado [=agua], Nao do confuso caos, como cuidou A falsa teologia e o povo escuro [=islamico], Que nesta so verdade tanto errou;9 Nao dos atomos falsos de Epicuro; Nao do largo oceano, como Tales; Mas so do pensamento casto e puro. Chora, depois, a paixao de Cristo10 e insurge-se contra "o falsissimo herege [="luteranos"], que carece/da graca e com danado e falso espirito/perturba a santa igreja, que florece" e contra "o povo pertinaz [=judeus] do antigo rito,/que so o desterro seu, que tanto dura,/ lhe diz que e pena igual ao seu delito." Nao desmente esta identidade catolica do grande Vate o recurso ao maravilhoso pagao (que encontramos em poetas do Cancioneiro Geral, de Garcia de Resende, e em muitos dos novilatinos arquivados pelo P. Antonio dos Reis no Corpus illustrium Poetarum Lusitanorum) e nem, mesmo, o episodio da Ilha dos Amores. Foi o proprio Epico que cortou toda a duvida pelo pe, ao classificar de fabulosos os deuses pagaos, uteis so "para fazer versos deleitosos" (X, 82-85). Assim como nao poupa a nacao maometana, nao poupa tambem a nacao judaica. Para la das numerosas referencias-aderencias a Jesus e a Cristo, considera o Salvador como o verbo divino encarnado ("DeusHomem"I, 66): A lei tenho daquele a cujo imperio Obedece o visibil e invisibil, Aquele que criou todo o Hemisferio, Tudo o que sente e todo o insensibil,

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152 Jose Sebastido da Silva Dias Que padeceu desonra e vituperio, Sofrendo morte injusta e insofribil, E que do ceu a terra enfim deceu, Por subir os mortais da terra ao ceu. [I, 65] O topico da Encarnagao ("Deus foi em carne ao mundo dado" IV, 87) vem a tona do poema varias vezes. Um dos passos mais expressivos desta visao (anti-talmudica) de Cristo como o Messias vindo, e o que se refere a batalha de Ourique ("Quando na cruz o Filho de Maria,/amostrando-se a Afonso, o animava"III, 45). E se o dogma da Encarnagao figura frequentemente voltado contra os mugulmanos, nao deixa de se reflectir na acgao de Tito contra Jerusalem, evocada pelo Gama: E se tu tantas almas so pudeste Mandar ao reino escuro de Cocito [= inferno], Quando a santa Cidade desfizeste Do povo pertinaz no antigo rito [ = judeus], Permissao e vinganca foi celeste, E nao forga de braco, 6 nobre Tito, Que assi dos vates [ = profetas] foi profetizado E depois por Jesus [= Messias] certificado. [111,117] Os misterios da encarnagao e da redencao andam, alias, frequen temente associados. O Lirico destaca, com efeito, por mais de uma vez esses dois misterios: Esta causa das causas, revestida Foi desta nossa carne miseranda, Do amor e da justica compelida, Pelos erros da gente, em maos da gente (Como se Deus nao fosse) perde a vida.11 O Poeta, clarificando e reforcando a sua identidade teologica com o catolicismo, acentua ainda nao so que Cristo "morreu pelo mundo" ("Elegia VI", ed. Cidade, II, 228) e que n'Ele se cumpriram "as profecias [= vinda do Messias]/pelos profetas santos declaradas" ("Elegia X", ed. Cidade, II, 257), mas tambem que e o "Deus, na cruz subido" (idem. 258).

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Camoes perante o Portugal do seu Tempo 153 E sintomatico da ideologia e dos sentimentos do Genio em face das tensoes conexas com os dissidios religiosos em processo na Europa do seu tempo e com a presenga de Portugal no Ultramar a exortagao que, numa hora critica e de controversia, faz ao Rei Desejado. Nao contem essa exortagao uma escolha entre a prioridade da expansao norte-africana e a prioridade da expansao asiatica, mas contem a ideia nitida de que a expansao perigara sem um golpe belico mortal no "torpe ismaelita cavaleiro" (I, 8), ou seja, no mouro do Norte de Af rica, e outro, nao menos mortifero, no "turco oriental," aquele que, associado ao gentio, batalha contra nos para os lados do Ganges (Idem). E a esse duplo golpe militar que Camoes incita o jovem rei, vendo neste o "jugo e vituperio" desses inimigos do nosso dominio indico. E depois de uma larga fundamentagao historica da tese, con-clui: "Comecem a sentir o peso grosso/(que pelo mundo todo faga espanto)/de exercitos e feitos singulares,/de Africa as terras e do Oriente os mares" (I, 15). Em 1575, ja em Lisboa, sauda D. Sebastiao como a "esperanga clara/que sereis brago forte e soberano/contra o soberbo gladio mauritano" ["Oitavas a D. Sebastiao"], ed. Cidade, II, 186-89). A complexa e aguda problematica extra-militar da expansao portuguesa so aflora na obra camoniana ao nivel do divorcio existente entre a expansao e o portugues medio. E um afloramento que se projecta no pessimismo de certos passos d'Os Lusiadas (cp. I, 8, com VII, 80-81, e X, 145) e da propria lirica (Cangao IX, ed Cidade, II, 289-93), mas que nao foi assumido politica e ideologicamente. Parafraseando o que Hegel escreveu da filosofia, quase pode dizer-se que o poetico quinhentista atingiu os mais altos voos nos textos de um Genio que ja mal cantava o presente e, em grande parte, se abstraia do drama ja visivel do futuro. Quando se percorre a obra epica, lirica ou teatral de Camoes, nao se depara com a menor permeabilidade as inquietagoes metodologicas e cientificas em avango alem dos Pireneus. E nao se depara, por outro lado, com vivencias ou anseios redutiveis aos denominadores do progressismo ideologico, seja nas suas formas de irenismo religioso, seja nas de humanismo cristao. Do irenismo, segundo todas as aparencias, nada se lhe pegou; e do humanismo, so calaram fundo no seu espirito a latinidade e a helenidade ou, por outras palavras, aquilo que constituiu o classicismo catolico, assumido pela Companhia de Jesus em Portugal e pela Contra-Reforma em toda a Europa. A propria ligao da cultura portuguesa subalterna, tanto quanto nos e dado compreender, nao o sensibilizou mentalmente. E o drama dos mestres do Colegio das Artes, de Frei Valentim da Luz, de Damiao de Gois, tal como a

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154 Jose Sebastido da Silva Dias opressao dos judeus e dos dissidentes catolicos, nao se projectou no edito ou inedito da sua escrita. As conflitividades pessoais e politicas de Camoes tern, assim, aos meus olhos, o caracter de processos subjectivos, contaminados por assomos eticos. Nao retira isto um apice sequer a genialidade do Poeta ou a imortalidade da Obra. Coloca-os, sim, numa perspectiva cultural diferente da que serpeia na literatura ocasionada pelas comemoracoes do III Centenario da sua morte e que, com outra linguagem e outras roupagens intelectuais, se afigura persistir na literatura ocasionada pelas comemoracoes do IV Centenario. Trata-se, nestas literaturas, de esforcos instrumentalizadores e recuperativos, com finalidades partidarias ou grupusculares. Pela minha parte, quis situar o artista no lugar que julgo ter sido o proprio, restituindo a sua producao e o seu pensamento, para la das leituras de hoje, a leitura que, segundo a minha analise (e talvez me engane), foi objectivamente a sua e a do seu tempo. Notas 1. Juan Fernandez de Sevilha, Coloquia Erasmi ad meliorem mentem re-vocata (Coimbra, 1551 (?)). 2. Carta de Martini Goncalves da Camara para o reitor da Universidade de Coimbra, de 21 de Maio de 1570, apud Deduccao chronologica e analytica, pte la,divisaoV, 3. Carta de Andre de Gouveira para D. Joao III, de 13 de Marco de 1548, apud Mario Brandao, Alguns documentos respeitantes a Universidade de Coimbra na epoca de D.Joao HI (Coimbra, 1937), pp. 130. 4. Cfr. Joaquim de Carvalho, Antonio de Gouveia e o aristotelismo da Renas-cenca (Coimbra, 1916); Antonio de Gouveia, Em prol de Aristoteles, trad, de Aquilino Ribeiro (Lisboa, 1940). 5. Cf. J. S. da Silva Dias, Os descobrimentos e a problemdtica cultural do seculo XVI (Coimbra, 1973). 6. Cfr. J. S. da Silva Dias, A politica cultural da epoca de D.Joao HI (Coimbra, 1969), cap. 5. 7. Cf. o estudo de A. Farinha de Carvalho, Diogo do Coutoo Soldado Prdtico e a India (Lisboa, 1979). 8. Mendes dos Remedios, Camoes, poeta dafe (Coimbra, 1924). 9. A exegese filosofica deste passo esta feita, eruditamente, por Joaquim de Carvalho, Obra Completa, t. I, pp. 301-15. 10. Cfr. "Elegia X," ed. Cidade, II, 257-58. 11. "Elegia VI," ed. Cidade, II, 224.

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Cultura e Sociedade na Infancia e Adolescencia de Camoes Graga Silva Dias COSTUMA CONSIDERAR-SE que o tempo social em que determinada pessoa vive e aquele que decorre do seu nascimento a sua morte. Todavia, ao vir ao mundo, ela encontra uma sociedade instalada e esta imprime-lhe a primeira, e muito profunda, marca. O mundo dos seus pais acompanha-o ate a emancipagao cultural, mais precoce ou mais tardia, mas que podemos situar no dealbar da juventude. O homem nasce, pois, culturalmente antes de nascer fisicamente. Neste trabalho, privilegiamos aqueles sinais dos tempos, indicativos de mudancas na mentalidade sociocultural de uma epoca. Mu-dancas que, para alem da "vulgata, do denominador comum da epoca" (na expressao de Philippe Aries), revelam ou veleidades sem amanha ou anuncios com frutificacoes. Mudancas que, ja incidindo sobre as estruturas, se afiguram aos contemporaneos oscilacoes con-junturais que abalam um pouco o edificio, mas nao o fazem ruir. Sao fumos da India, ambicoes vas, heresias Ao escolher Gil Vicente como testemunha desta epoca de crise, tenho plena consciencia da acusagao de sociologismo (no sentido pe-jorativo) que a maioria dos estudiosos da literatura, que se apoderam dos escritores como objecto de dissecagao, me irao assacar. Todavia corro o risco, plenamente consciente de que o artista pinta o real, nega o real e idealiza o realmas o referente e o real. Parece inegavel que o teatro apresenta uma certa imagem da sociedade. Nao se nega a originalidade da visao pessoal do dramaturgo, mas esta traduz uma representacao do mundo inserida nos esquemas de cultura prevalecentes no seu tempo. O pensamento do artista so pode definir-se, portanto, em relacao a ideologia dominantemesmo quando (o que e vulgar) a contesta. Nao ha pois uma imagem objectiva 155

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156 Graca Silva Dias da sociedade (so possivel gragas ao distanciamento historico), porque o artista ve os homens sub specie artis, nao sub specie aeternitatis. A sua visao e colorida pelas suas conviccoesfe religiosa, adesao politica, interesses de classe. Depende tambem de um publico, de um mecenas, embora procure preservar a sua independencia, afirmar a autonomia da sua obra. Estas consideracoes permitem-nos compreender a tao decantada antinomia entre teatro como documento social e teatro como obra de arte, e fazer a sua superacao. Porque o autor que atinge um determinado nivel artistico e forcado a instaurar um debate entre vozes, paixoes, vontades, opostas. Os personagens (que nao titeres) escapam, por assim dizer, ao seu criador e, para serem autenticos, terao de ter possibilidade de se exprimir. Ao fazer recair a minha escolha sobre um determinado auto de Gil Vicente, como local privilegiado de observacaoo auto geralmente denominado de Mofina Mendes, determino-me por um certo numero de razoes. Em primeiro lugar, porque nesse auto se encontram abordados tres grandes temas da problematica sociocultural europeia da epoca: a voga dos prognosticos ( versus profecias); a questao guerra justaguerra injusta; a emancipagao do campesinato assalariado. Esses sinais anunciadores de novos tempos eram lidos, no Portugal de principios-meados do seculo XVI, em termos de apoca-lipse, por porem em causa toda uma estrutura social. Em segundo lugar, porque grandes linhas de uma forma mentis em crisea concepcao da vida e da morte, da fe e da duvidaestao presentes (mesmo in absentia neste auto exemplar, que e tambem, quanto a mim, o Auto da Subversao). O auto da Mofina abre com uma fala, "a modo de pregacao", feita por um frade "sandeu", o qual, usando um processo de distincoes escolasticas, se enreda numa serie de referencias, citacoes, reservas, interrupcoes, numa argumentacao absurda, so comparavel a celebre arenga do mestre Janotus de Bragmardo rabelaiseano. Sem duvida que nos encontramos perante uma parodia que tern em mira atingir uma escolastica decadente que teimava em sobreviver. Quer-me parecer, porem, que, para alem desse alvo a atingir, Gil Vicente se aproveita do frade-bufao para veicular o seu ponto de vista em relacao aos prognosticos. Sabe-se que o terramoto de 1531 deu azo a especulagoes pseudocientificas que produziram um certo impacto na sociedade portuguesa do tempo. O proprio mestre Gil, no famigerado sermao de Santarem (1531), tomou parte activa na contenda que contrapos os falsos profetas aos homens sensatos. Todavia, para alem do episodio catalisador, importa determo-nos na importancia entao assumida pelo fenomeno

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Infancia e Adolescencia de Camoes 157 da generalizagao dos prognosticos. Estes eram objecto de proibieoes constantes, tanto da legislacao civil como da eclesiastica, embora nada perdendo do seu atractivo. As adivinhacoes pelos augurios, a crenca nos pressagios, a leitura pelos astros, eram praticadas pelos proprios clerigos que se escudavam no exemplo dos santos e invocavam mesmo as Escrituras. Numa era de profunda crise politica, social e religiosa, proliferava por toda a Europa uma literatura consideravel dedicada a este tipo embrionario de futorologia. Parte dessas obras era, ou fazia-se passar por ser, parodica, como La Grande Pronostication e L'enigme en prophetie, a que andam associados os nomes de Rabelais e de Mellin de Saint-Gelais. Mas outra havia que se reclamava de "seria", da qual destacamos os numerosos almanaques (tipo borda-de-agua), de que as Prognostications des laboureurs eram os de maior difusao. Dirigidos primordialmente a gente do campo, como o titulo indica, incluiam, evidentemente, predicoes sobre o tempo (meteorologico) e a agricultura (sementeiras). A atitude de um Joao da Murtinheira, da Romagem dos Agravados, que verbera um Deus que permite que "chove quando nao quero / e faz um sol das estrelas / quando chuva alguma espero / ora alaga o semeado / ora seca quanto hi e / ora venta sem recado / ora neva e mata o gado / e ele [Deus] tanto se lhe da", e sintomatica de uma visao de um Deus dos almanaques que, segundo a feliz expressao de Genevieve Bolleme, nao e exactamente o Deus da religiao. Mas os almanaques nao se limitavam a atribuir ao Criador essa distribuicao da chuva no campo e do sol na eira, mas veiculavam tambem toda uma maneira de interpretar a vida e a sociedade que, pela forma correntia de exposicao, era acessivel as camadas populares, embora nao fosse a mais desejavel, segundo a optica das classes possidentes. E ate interessante notar que no mesmo auto em que Gil Vicente condena as predicoes, se ocupatomando posicao, como veremos com as lutas pela hegemonia europeia, travadas entre o imperador da Alemanha e o rei de Franca. Acontece que esse tema era objecto, um pouco por toda a Europa, de uma quantidade infinita de literatura futorologica, geralmente de caracter sombrio e escatologico, com referencias muito concretas aos movimentos religiosos da epoca. Mas tambem outros topicos, como o casamento, o nascimento, a virilidade, eram abordados. Eo que mais devia fazer tremer as autoridades esses livros, folhetos e almanaques, pondo em duvida a existencia de astros especiais para reis, papas, grandes senhores e o comum dos mortaisdemocratizando os astrosapontavam, senao para o naufragio total da hierarquia, pelo menos para uma transformagao pro funda da sociedade.

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158 Graga Silva Dias Estes dados e a sua correlacao com a escrita vicentina levam-nos, desde ja, a admitir o conhecimento que o dramaturgo teria do genero de literatura de prognosticos, de difusao europeia. A Lisboa das primeiras decadas de Quinhentos era uma capital que fervilhava de estrangeiros e onde a censura livresca ainda nao se tinha instalado. Se Gil Vicente condena os progn6sticos, enquanto falsas pro-fecias, admite e reverencia as profecias autenticadas. Alias, ja no Auto de Sibila Cassandra, o poeta contrapoe a insensatez da interpretagao do futuro, nao inspirada pelo espirito divino, a que e avalizada por ele. No Auto da Mofina Mendes, o autor e mais explicito, pois as damas da VirgemPrudencia, Pobreza, Humildade e Fesao as leitoras das visoes antecipatorias das profetizas do Velho Testamento. Por outras palavras, constituem as virtudes que devem ornar o profeta autentico. "Por os frutos os conhecereis .", diz o Evangelho. Este ponto afigura-se-me de grande relevancia para o estudo da mentalidade da epoca, abrindo pistas pouco exploradas entre nos. Mestre Gil, ao condenar os falsos profetas, insere-se dentro da mais estrita ortodoxia. Contudo, nesta Idade Media atardada a que ele ainda pertence, os valores religiosos dobram-se de valores sociais. Os mercimonia inhonesta nao designavam apenas aquelas categorias profissionais ligadas ao sangue e a sujidade mas tambem as actividades dos negociantes, nao so por o dinheiro se poder incluir na sujidade, mas porque vendiam o tempo (estabelecendo prazos, por exemplo). Ora os arautos e divulgadores dos prognosticos incorrem no mesmo pe-cado: transacionam com o tempo e, mais, utilizam, sem para isso terem delegagao divina, a ciencia. Tempo e Ciencia eram, no esquema teologico medievo, dois atributos ou monopolios do Criador. Isto explica a desconfianga, e ate uma certa marginalizacao, de homens de lei e professores laicos. Ambos vendiam a palavra, porque os segundos, fora das escolas monasticas e sem as prebendas canonicas, so poderiam subsistir com as gratificacoes dos alunos. O assalto dos intelectuais aos direitos de cidade e ja renascentista. Chegamos agora ao ponto fulcralao episodio-chavedos Mis-terios da Virgem, baptizados pelo povo, com uma intuigao feliz, de Auto da Mofina Mendes. A fabula, ou conto popularizado, em que assenta a anedota da nossa Mofina Mendes era pre-existente ao repertorio vicentino, como todos o sabem. Tern ascendencia latina e adopcao castelhana, pois no Conde Lucanor, de D. Juan Manuel, aparece uma Dona Truhana, parenta muito proxima da nossa pegureira. Primeiro ponto a reter: "truhana" e feminino de truao. Na sequencia das cenas do auto, a cena da Anunciagao, em que a mae de Cristo vem assessorada pela Prudencia, a Pobreza, a Humil-

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Infancia e Adolescencia de Camoes 159 dade e a Fe, segue-se anuncio da entrada no proscenio daquela que, pela boca do amo, e a "Virgem louca" do catecismo cristao. De pegureira sem sentido das responsabilidades, passa a personificagao da propria desgraca: onde ela estiver, esta o mal. E um dos sinais "malef-icos" da epoca era o conflito armado entre dois principes cristaos, dos quais um ousava profanar a Cidade Santa dos Catolicos (Carlos V) e o outro aliar-se ao turco, inimigo tradicional da Cristandade (Francisco I). Mofina e aqui a alegoria da subversao dos valores morais que deveriam reger os monarcas cristaos. Toda a "inteligencia" europeia estava empenhada e mobilizada nesta campanha de opiniao. Punham-se os grandes problemas de principio: guerrajustaguerra injusta, determinacao do agressor, em cuja polemica se vao evidenciar Erasmo, Alfonso de Valdes, Guilhaume du Bellay, Pietro Aretino, Garcilaso, e tantos outros. Mellin de SaintGelais, ja citado, compoe um poema, de registo satirico, em que a luta pela posse de Italia e descrita como um jogo de cartas, aplicando a situacao politica, a reparticao de forcas, as vantagens e fracassos dos intervenientes, a terminologia do jogo. Rabelais, na sua "guerra picrocholine", poe em causa o expansionismo agressivo de Carlos V e seus aliados. Tomas Moro, por seu lado, atribuiu a Francisco I pretensoes de hegemonia mundial. No autor gaules, o fenomeno historico fixa-se em formas carnavalescas, proprias da "festa", no sentido autentico de riso popular. Em Moro, a projecgao na Utopia e o processo escolhido. Gil Vicente recorre a alegoria e nela incarna nao so a atitude oficial do nosso paisuma nao-beligeranciamas uma evidente sensibilizacao as repercussoes dos ventos novos que sopravam no resto do mundo. Para Gil Vicente, como para Rabelais, os cataclismos politicos e sociais estavam numa tal associagao com os fenomenos cosmicos (tremores de terra, inundacoes) que os leva a uma tomada de consciencia, traduzida embora em esquemas de pensamento nao coincidentes. Na visao hori zontal de Rabelais, depois da tempestade vira a bonanca, depois da derrocada de um mundo, o aparecimento de um novo. Para mestre Gil, ha ainda a relutancia na aceitacao de um novo mundo que ve em termos de subversao hierarquica e de abandono dos moldes do viver patriarcal. Todavia, comeca a acusar-se a fadiga do velho lutador que, defrontado com uma sociedade em mutacao, se mostra ja perplexo. Facamos um pequeno resumo do episodio da prestacao de contas. Mofina Mendes, empregada do maioral Paio Vaz, e por este interrogada sobre o paradeiro da boiada e a sua reposta (a sua primeira fala) e: "Mas que cuidado vos tendes / de me pagar a soldada / que ha tanto que me retendes?". Portanto, o contra-ataque da assalariada e

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160 Graqa Silva Dias uma acusagao muito concreta: ha ordenados em atraso. Questao que Paio Vaz nao contesta, prosseguindo a inquiricaoque se revela infrutifera, porque a Mofina so lhe apresenta um rol de mortandades, concluindo: "Meu amo, ja tenho dada / a conta do vosso gado / muito bem, com bom recado; / pagai-me minha soldada, / como tendes concertado". A leitura que se tern feito desta cena poe a acentuacao no cinismo (e no comico) da "ma pastora" que nao olhou pelo rebanho e ainda tern a desfacatez de exigir a sua paga. Seria assim que o publico de entao leria este passo? Nao esquecamos que e com os olhos do passado que devemos ler o passado, para dele podermos extrair o significado, com projecgao no presente. Vamos desmontar a cena: cotejar o reflexo do real (os dados esteticos) com os dados historicos que pudemos obter. Le-se num texto, pouco posterior a esta epoca, que o pastorpartiarca, estilo Paio Vaz, "nao se deixava enganar pelos pastores que roubam suas ovelhas; se necessario, ele retem-lhes do soldo o valor dos animais que eles, falsamente, declaram ter perdido; se um deles se mostra exageradamente desonesto, ele ameaca-o com o seu cajado". Historiadores da craveira do Prof. Oliveira Marques registam, a par da elevagao das tabelas salariais no campo, a partir dos fins do seculo XIV, a dificuldade sentida pelo patronato rural em satisfazer o pagamento aos seus jornaleiros. O proprio Gil Vicente reproduz num outro dos seus autos, o Auto da Fe, uma cangao que poderemos apelidar de protesto, embora, aparentemente, so a transcreva para extrair dela um efeito folclorico. E como uma litania, monotona na sua forma, mas dramatica no seu grito: "No, no, no, no, no, no / no, no, no / que no, que no / que no quiero estar en casa / no me pagan mi soldada / no, no, no, que no, que no. / No me pagan mi soldada / no tengo sayo ni saya / no, no, no, que no, que no". Era uma cangao popular do seculo XVI; e um documento social do seculo XVI. Mas voltemos atras, a Mofina e a sua "conta de negregura". Segundo Costa Lobo, o Portugal dos seculos XV-XVI era ainda uma "brenha selvatica" em que as alcateias de lobos eram tao numerosas que "ate nas costas do mar os concelhos se viam obrigados a fazer-lhes montaria todos os sabados". Acrescente-se a isto a falta de cobertos ou currais, para defender o gado das intemperies e das investidas dos animais ferozes, e ter-se-a uma ideia das condigoes nao muito favoraveis (e usamos uma litotes) para a manutengao de um rebanho. Alem do que, fiando-nos no processo de prestagao de contas (que e da responsabilidade de mestre Gil), a Mofina tinha a sua conta um numero

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Infancia e Adolescencia de Camoes 161 excessivo de cabecas de gado, o que nos coloca perante um outro problema: a escassez de mao de obra rural. Embusteira ou desleixada, ou ambas as coisas, a pegureira recebe do amo um pote de azeite, paga a primeira vista muito generosa, mas nao tao valiosa como parece, dado que o nosso pais, nesse tempo, se encontrava coberto de extensos olivais, pelo que o azeite era um produto agricola de escasso valor. Todavia, Mofina Mendes embarca num sonho, ao qual Gil Vicente empresta cores manifestamente exage-radas. Mesmo sem entrarmos em estudos aprofundados sobre o valor da moeda e o poder de compra, lembramos um pormenor de outro auto vicentino: quando o marido de Constanca ( Auto da India ) refere a mulher a possibilidade de ter regressado rico, cita a quantia de um milhao de cruzados. A Mofina, na sua venda hipotetica do pote de azeite, chega ao milhao e meio. Ate o traje de casamento que ela idealizabrial de escarlataa aponta como alguem que nao possui o sentido dos limites, pois a escarlata era o tecido principesco por excelencia, e o brial tinha ja, alias, caido em desuso. Porem, o desatino (infracgao as pragmaticas) nao atingia so esta Mofina, mas outra "gente mean e meuda", pois "ate os de baixa sorte vestem panos de seda e de fina la, como outrora os fidalgos usavam". Como se sabe, a presumivel noiva nao chega a envergar o brial, porque o pote cai e ela nao atinge o seu "pays de Cocagne". Mestre Gil tinha de condenar a ma pastora as trevas exteriores. Desaparece da cena antes de ver a Luz, so reservada aos bons pas-tores: os que tern a fe (mas a ignorancia dos simples), a humildade (e a submissao), a pobreza ("pao, cebolas e alhos" era a alimentacao do dia) e a prudencia (de nao porem em causa a sua situacao). Mofina cai no pecado da avaritia (que nao e a avareza, o desejo de acumular ou a repugnancia em gastar, conforme o conceito actual), mas o amor apaixonado da vida, das coisas materiais. E, numa palavra, o apego ex cessivo dado aos temporalia, as coisas exteriores e pereciveis: ao "humano deleite. que ha-de dar consigo em terra". Ja S. Bernardo falava de uma distincao essencial: havia duas categorias de homens os vani (ou avari ) e os simplices (ou devoti ). Torna-se evidente que Gil Vicente, no Auto da Mofina Mendes, se ergue contra toda a tentativa de subversao, contra tudo o que possa por em causa a ordem e a hierarquiaos valores tradicionais. A sua posicao enraiza-se na sua vivencia crista e na sua insercao social. Como cristao, ele situa-se na corrente denominada da Restauragao Catolica, corrente essa que desabrocha na Europa durante o cisma do Ocidente. E uma corrente de bases, de militantes, sem cober-

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162 Graqa Silva Dias tura, a principio, da hierarquia eclesiastica; mais ou menos combatida por esta, tern a sua primeira afirmagao no Concilio de Constajica (1412), atraves do chanceler Gerson e de Nicolau de Clemanges, formalizando-se depois no Concilio de Basileia (1432). Este movi mento foi, durante a maior parte do seculo XV, visto, como se disse, com maus olhos pela hierarquia eclesiastica, por variados motivos, entre os quais avulta o conflito em que o Concilio de Basileia se envolveu com o Papa Eugenio IV Apesar disso, foi ganhando sempre maior influencia dentro da Igreja e acabou por ter uma certa oficializagao no 5 Concilio de Latrao (1513-17). Este movimento pretendia o congelamento das especulagoes teologico-filosoficas e o voltar do apostolado cristao para a vida crista. Dai a critica ao intelectualismo escolastico e aos seus representantes, preconizando o regresso as origens do cristianismo e a reconversao das congregagoes religiosas ao espirito da epoca da sua fundacao. Mas este sobressalto evangelico, que tao evoluido foi, ja nesta epoca nao respondia aos problemas e as implicates dos homens de uma economia com tendencia para se tornar de mercado. Estes, inseridos em corporacoes ou em associates urbanas, empenhavam-se numa comunidade horizontal que, atraves da iniciativa e da livre op-gao, conduzisse a uma autentica tomada de consciencia. A este anseio vein responder um erasmismo, vem responder um humanismo cristao, para os quais "la ville rend libre". Mas Gil Vicente, neste auto, nao responde apenas como cristao a problemas candentes do seu tempo. Se o fluxo migratorio para a cidade, se o movimento emancipatorio do rural tinha de ser detido, nao era apenas porque a ambicao e o mal, e cada um deve permanecer no lugar que Deus lhe destinou. E porque o "fazedor dos autos d'ElRey", ocupando essas funcoes palacianas durante 34 anos consecu-tivos, acabou por assumir valores e interesses de um dos grupos sociais das classes hegemonicas. No nosso pais, nessa epoca, existiam, nos estratos superiores, duas correntes que se afrontavam numa luta surda de manobras de bastidores, com vista ao dominio do aparelho de estado. Uma e a alta aristocracia, a nobreza cavaleiresca, a qual interessava a fixagao no norte de Africa. E uma nobreza agraria, imobilista e conservadora. A outra e a nobreza secundaria, aquela cuja base social e economica de apoio e o mundo mercantilista, e a expansao no Oriente. Dois fenomenos se vao dar que, em pianos diferentes, concorrem para um mesmo fim, e aos quais Gil Vicente assiste, nao como espectador, mas como parte interessada. A sua nobreza, a dos feitos de Af rica (da Exortagao da Guerra, dos cavaleiros da Barca do Inferno ), se

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Infancia e Adolescencia de Camoes 163 ainda conservava esperangas de hegemonia, vai-as perdendo com o fim do reinado de D. Manuel. No dealbar dos anos 30 (e ate mesmo antes) era manifesto que a manutengao das pragas do norte de Africa era insustentavel. Por outro lado, o exodo dos trabalhadores rurais para a cidade, ou para alem-mar, afectava uma lavoura deficitaria, em fase de reconversao de terras baldias em terrenos de cultivo. Estes dois factores perturbaram todo o equilibrio economico, politico e so cial da velha aristocracia agraria. Ora nostalgico dos bons velhos tempos em que ainda "s'enxergava uma alegria que agora nao tern caminho", ora apresentando, maliciosa mas impiedosamente, os diabos-mercadores, mestre Gil e o porta-voz de um mundo cujos alicerces estao em perigo. A Moftna Mendes e o ultimo grito de alarme do velho artista. Conclusao Muito havia ainda a dizer, pelo que esta conclusao melhor se apelidaria de fim da la Jornada. Pela decada de 40, Luis Vaz de Camoes vai deixar a adolescencia. O mundo que encontrou ao vir a luz e nos primeiros anos, e que o marcou na sua problematica e na sua mentalidade esta a transformar-se. Para esses problemas, novas respostas e novas propostas surgem. Foquemos so, muito rapidamente, dois topicos: o sentido da morte e o ideal da vida. A morte, para Gil Vicente (ela esta metaforicamente presente na Mofina Mendes ), e uma preparagao para o Julgamento: uma prestagao de contas a Deus, e nao aos homens. Para Camoes, ha ja uma volupia pre-barroca, um consorcio Eros-Thanatos (lembrar sonetos e elegias em que a Morte aparece como o rival que goza o belo corpo da amada). E a vida, como ideal? Gil Vicente e Camoes veem no campo o oasis de paz e simplicidade (apetecido mas nao procurado ). Mas mes tre Gil le o campo em termos de passado: de retorno aos bons velhos tempos. Luis Vaz, renascentista, projecta nele o milenarismo laico: e a Idade de Oiro, de uma pastoricia classica, que o desencanto da curializagao traz consigo.

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On the Title of The Lusiads Harold V. Livermore SOME MIGHT consider that the history of the word "Lusiad" is too well known to require further comment. It was traced at the be ginning of this century by J. M. Rodrigues, and Dona Carolina Michaelis added her views with her usual acumen. Their contributions are summarized by B. X. Costa Coutinho in his As Lusiadas e os Lusiadas, published in 1938, a learned and well-organized study of the emer gence of the neologism. Its conclusions are judicious, and if there is something to add it is because the word itself has a certain ambiguity, and because its appearance as a classical neologism does not in itself explain its transition to the vernacular, thirty or forty years later. The word "Lusiadas" does not occur anywhere in the poem, only in the title and in the authorization to print, dated September 1571. It does not occur anywhere else in the poet's works, lyrics, plays, or letters. It apparently does not occur in contemporaneous Portuguese writers, that is, in writers of Portuguese poetry or prose. Moreover, "os Lusiadas" is only one of four forms that are found. On the title page it is masculine plural, the form generally adopted. In the manu script Cancioneiro of Luis Franco Correia (begun in 1557 and finished in 1589), the first canto is copied out as "Elusiadas de Luiz de Camoes a El-Rei D. Sebastiao" and concludes, "nao continuo porque se imprimiu" ("I do not continue because it has been published"). But Diogo do Couto (who was with Camoes in Mozambique in 1569 and noted that the poet was working on the epic) made it feminine plural, As Lusiadas. Although he knew Camoes before the publication, he wrote in 1611 14. The feminine plural was also used by another of Camoes's friends, Fernando Alvares do Oriente, in his Lusitdnia transformada, in which Camoes is one of the characters: it was published posthumously in 1607. These two friends were the first writers to ac cord the poet the title "Prince of Poets." Luis de Tapia's Castilian trans164

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On the Title of The Lusiads 165 lation, published at Salamanca in the year of the poet's death, 1580, also made it feminine but singular. Others have followed Tapia. In particular, Fanshawe called his translation The Lusiad. Owing to the hermaphroditic nature of English, the gender remains obscure. As the word was unknown, Fanshawe added "Portugal's historical poem" by way of explanation, showing that he was in fact thinking of Lusiad as feminine. In languages that make the distinction, the masculine form means "the sons of Lusus," or their descendants, and their deeds. If, however, the feminine singular is used, it would recall such titles as La Austriada (published in 1584) or La Franciade (1572) and mean a work about the house of Austria or the land of France or, in this case, "Portugal's historical poem." However, if the word is femi nine plural, as Couto and Alvares supposed, the meaning is again different. There is no doubt that the word first appeared in Latin, that it was a creation of the Grecizing tendency that reached Portugal in the dec ade of 1530, and that it was devised to mean the sons of Lusus, the equivalent of Lusitani. It was printed by the humanist Andre de Re sende (1500) in his Latin poem on St. Vincent, Vincentius levita et martyr, published in 1545. In his De Antiquitatibus Lusitaniae, Resende noted its formation: "From Lusus whence Lusitania gets its name, we called the Lusitanians Lusiadas, and from Lysa Lysiadas, just as Virgil derived Aeneid from Aeneas." He went on to say that the neologism had proved successful and had been taken up by others, notably Jorge Coelho, whose Latin style he praises. But Resende's explanation is al ready close to ambiguity. The Aeneid is now thought of as the poem of the foundation of Rome, or of the deeds of Aeneas, not the sons and descendants of Aeneas. Although Vincentius gave rise to the note, it is clear from the refer ence to Coelho that the word was in circulation before 1545. And in deed the poem Vincentius had been written fifteen years earlier. Re sende was born at Evora, lost his father as a child, and was sent as a boy to study at Salamanca, whence he moved on to Paris and Louvain in 1529. He there composed a Latin Epitome of the deeds of the Por tuguese in India based on a letter written from Cannanor by Nuno da Cunha, governor of India from 1529 to 1538. The translation was made at the request of Conrad Goclenius. It was printed at Louvain in July 1531, together with verses by Resende. The word "Lusiadas" does not appear in either prose or verse. But it was used in another work printed in the same year, the Erasmi encomion. In February 1531, Re sende asked Goclenius to submit this to the sage, who was then at Fribourg. Erasmus expressed his approval, and the work was printed at

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166 Harold V. Livermore Basle in September. In the same year Resende was working on his poem on St. Vincent, so that the word "Lusiadas" was launched in 1531, when Camoes was, according to the usually accepted biography, seven years old. But this was outside Portugal itself. Resende returned to Portugal, summoned by the king to act as tutor to the royal brothers at Evora. In 1534 he was asked to deliver the inaugural address for the opening of the academic year at the university, then still situated in the Alfama in Lisbon. He seized the opportunity to denounce traditional methods of teaching and to condemn the stultification of bright young minds by academic hacks. The speech was at once printed by Galharde of Lisbon, in a little book that bears the date October 1534. It uses the word "Lusiad" in a piece of verse appended to the discourse. The speech played its part in the decision to close the university, which was done in December 1536. (It reopened as the University of Coimbra the following March, in the monastery of Santa Cruz, which had been reformed by Frei Bras de Barros, or de Braga, who had preceded Re sende in studying at Louvain.) This use of the word "Lusiada," if not the earliest in Portugal, was the one that had the greatest impact owing to the importance of the occasion. The word, evidently a Grecism, emerged when the fashion for Greek was reaching Portugal. A Portuguese, Aires Barbosa, taught Greek at Salamanca, but Resende brought from Salamanca a Fleming, Nicholas Cleynarts, to help to educate Prince Henry, later cardinal and king. At the time Resende delivered his oration before the university, no Greek typefaces were available in Lisbon, and his Greek quotations were inserted in ink. The first translator of the Greek drama in Castilian, Hernan Perez de Oliva, died in 1531. His Agamemnon was translated and adapted into Portuguese quintilhas at Oporto in May 1536 by Aires Henrique de Vitoria, who informs us that his object was to change the minds of those who thought that the performance of plays by pagan poets was bad for Christian audiences. Camoes later adapted Perez de Oliva's translation of Plautus's Amphitruo into Portuguese quintilhas. Resende's example was soon followed by Jorge Coelho, who, though a pupil of Resende's, could not have been much his junior. He was the son of Nicolau Coelho, the captain of Vasco da Gama's third ship. His brother Francisco became estribeiro-mor to Queen Catherine. He himself went to study and teach at Salamanca, where he spent eleven years before being recalled to Portugal. He became Latin secre tary to Prince Henry. But Henry was preceded in the church by his brother Afonso, created cardinal as a boy. One of Coelho's Latin

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On the Title of The Lusiads 167 poems is supposed to have been written for this occasion, in 1526, when Coelho was still at Salamanca. It contains the word "Lusiada." However, the poem was not printed until later and may have been re vised. What is certain is that Coelho took up the neologism with en thusiasm. His Latin poem Victoria adversus Turcas uses the term no less than ten times. It is not a long poem, less than a single canto. But Resende praised Jorge Coelho's quality as a Latin poet and thought he might be destined to compose the Portuguese epic. Coelho's poems commemorate the success of the Portuguese Prince Luis at Tunis and the achievements in India. Cardinal Afonso, to whom he dedicated one of his poems, died in 1540, and Coelho composed an elegy calling him the "glory of the Lusiads." In the same year Coelho published his poems as De patientia Christiana, from which Camoes probably derived his version of Prince Antioch in El-Rei Seleuco. But there is little to sug gest that Camoes heard from Coelho any stories of Gama's great voyage. He called Nicolau Coelho "grande soffredor" in the Lusiads but gave no indication of having known his son. As to Coelho, he seems to have been kept busy composing the constitution of the diocese of Evora, of which his employer, Prince Henry, was the first archbishhop. But from this time the word "Lusiad" passed into fairly regular use by Portuguese Latinists. Costa Coutinho mentions its use by Man uel da Costao subtilwho studied at Salamanca and was recalled to teach at the new University of Coimbra in the year of its opening, 1537. In April, the month after its inauguration, another prince, Du-arte, was married to Isabel, daughter of the Duke of Braganga. Costa wrote a poem for the occasion in which he used the new word twelve times. He also used it in his poem on the resumption of the university at Coimbra and later in his funeral oration for John III. Miguel Cabedo de Vasconcelos, born in 1525 (a nephew of Dom Gongalo Pinheiro, who negotiated Camoes's release from prison), used it in cel ebrating the wedding of Prince John in 1552, just before Camoes left for India. Diogo Mendes de Vasconcelos (1523), another nephew of Bishop Pinheiro and Resende's literary executor, also used it. All these writers are Latinists and poets. The word had not yet made its appearance in the vernacular, or, so far as I am aware, in Latin prose. As I have pointed put, it does not occur anywhere in Camoes's works except as the title of his epic, and yet it later became so general that it eclipsed Camoes himself. At least, when the Carmelite bishop of Targa, Tomas de Faria, turned The Lusiads into Latin, he in troduced the word generally into the body of the poem but did not think it necessary to mention the name of Camoes at all.

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168 Harold V. Livermore The reason for this is probably simple. The word "Lusitanus" is admirable in Portuguese. But it does not scan properly and is unsuit able for Latin verse. Writers of Latin verse who wished to strike a high classical note seized upon "Lusiada" because they needed it. Writers of Latin prose and of Portuguese did not require it. It remained the property of poets who wished to cultivate a lofty style, appealing to members of the royal family or dealing with heroic events, which we may broaden to include the foundation of a university. The word "Lusiada," though a classical neologism, did have an ex istence in classical times but as a feminine word. It occurs in Athenaios of Naucratis for the bathing nymphs who entertained the youth of Sybaris. In this case the name comes from the root lous, to wash or bathe, and thus ought to be rendered "Lousiada." This may recall Camoes's use of the phrase "fresh-water nymphs" in the letters. Classi cal compendia explained the word "Lusiadas" in this sense, and it may have been known to Camoes, though he does not appear to have made use of it. Costa Coutinho traces this use to the Antiquarum lectionum Commentaries of Luigi Ricchieri Rhodigiano, first printed at Venice in 1516, with several other editions in the course of the century. But Camoes had at his disposal the word "Tagides," and the revival of the feminine would clearly only have caused confusion once the usual modern meaning of "Lusiads" had been adopted. Camoes was quite familiar with the famous passage in Pliny's Natu ral History in which the legendary Lusus makes his appearance. In Canto III, 21, Camoes declares: Esta foy Lusitania dirivada De Luso, ou Lyso: que de Bacho antigo, Filhos forao parece, ou companheiros, E nella antam os Incolas primeiros. The "parece" suggests that he was not fully convinced of the leg end. Similarly in VIII, 3 and 4, he introduces Luso: Foi filho & companheiro do Thebano, Que tarn diversas partes conquistou Parece vindo ter ao ninho Hispano, Seguindo as armas que contino usou, Do Douro, Guadiana o campo ufano, Ja dito Elisio, tanto o contentou Que ali quis dar, aos ja cansados ossos Eterna sepultura, 8c nome aos nossos.

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On the Title of The Lusiads 169 O ramo que lhe ves pera divisa, O verde Tyrso foi de Baco usado, O qual aa nossa idade amostra & avisa Que foi seu companheiro & filho amado. This Elisio may account for the exceptional Elisiadas mentioned in the manuscript of Luis Franco Correia, now fortunately available in fac simile, owing to the work of D. Maria Lourdes Belchior Pontes. It seems not to occur elsewhere. It is strange that the word "Lusiada" should have remained in the domain of Latin poetry for more than thirty years. Yet so it did. It was only in 1571 and 1572 that the sons of Lusus cast off their classical limitations and appeared in the vernacular. When Luis Gomez de Tapia made his Castilian translation, published at Salamanca in 1580, he called it La Lusiada, in the singular, perhaps unaware of its origins. Also unaware, it appears, were Diogo do Couto and Fernando Alvares do Oriente, despite their intimacy with the poet. The form La Lusiada would seem to be justified by the Iliad and by La Austriada and La Cristiada. But Juan Rufo, the author of the Austriada, published his poem only in 1584, and his subject was suggested by the victory of Lepanto, at which he had been present. Camoes had by then written most of his Lusiadas. Tapia obviously did not understand the refer ence to the sons of Lusus. The cases of Couto and Fernando Alvares do Oriente show the form had not penetrated the vernacular. The belief that the word "Lusiadas" was confined to the Latinists and to poetry is confirmed by reference to another friend of Camoes, Andre Falcao de Resende, the nephew of Garcia de Resende and sec ond cousin of his namesake, Lucio Andre. He did not use the word in his poems in Portuguese, which remained unpublished until about 1860 (the edition is not dated), but it did appear in some Latin verses by Pedro Gomes in his honor, where he is described as "the glory of all the people of the Lusiads"Lysiadum totius gloria gentis.

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Gil Vicente's Vision of India and Its Ironic Echo in Camoes's "Velho do Restelo" JackE. Tomlins GIL VICENTE has likely given to the modern world the first literary reflection of India outside the Portuguese chronicles themselves, whichowing to their very naturecame to light after the poet-play wright's death, generally conceded to have occurred in the year 1536. The specific mention of the conquest of India and of its effects on the metropole is to be found in two farces, so denominated by the gold smith's son, Luis Vicente, in his cavalier categorization of his father's theatrical pieces in the Copilacam de todalas obras de Gil Vicente of 1562.1 The farces bore the titles Farsa chamada Auto da India and Farsa chamada Auto da Fama. The first title has the distinction of being Gil Vi cente's earliest preserved farce (1509), and the second holds special in terest in that it is, in reality, a farce-allegory and dates from 1520 (and not 1510, as Luis Vicente erroneously surmised).2 The eleven-year separation of dates of composition and presentation at court stands for the maturation of the playwright's conception of the meaning of the Portuguese discovery of the Orient. Basically, the earlier playletthe Auto da India of 1509gives us a glimpse into a humble Lisbonese household, from whose hearth the husband is absent because he has enlisted in the fleet that departed for India under the Capitao-Mor Tristao da Cunha in 1506. Thus the presentation of the auto before the dowager queen Dona Leonor, sis ter of the reigning monarch, Manuel I, provided the court playwright his first opportunity to face the sad situation of Portuguese manhood in the service of God and country, along with the glad situation of the return of the samewhich, as a matter of fact, did indeed coincide 170

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Gil Vicente's Vision of India 171 with the bounteous return of the Capitao-Mor's fleet in 1509. Gil Vi cente turned to a plot at least as old as that of Aesop's urban and rustic rodents to prove once again that while the cat is away, the mouse will play. The bereaved wife is named Constance, and her grief is only doubled when she learns that there has been an unexpected delay in the armada's departure. Gloom changes to exultation, however, when she learns that the caravels have at last sailed down the Tagus and out to sea. Her housemaid slyly suggests that Constance will have to resort to some manner of work, since her adventuring husband has left her so ill-provided. Constance requires no instruction: Est'era bem graciosa, quern se ve moca e fermosa esperar pola ira ma. Hi se vai elle a pescar Meia legoa polo mar, isto bem o sabes tu; quanto mais a Calecu: quern ha tanto d'esperar? [ ] Partem em Maio daqui, quando o sangue novo atica: parece-te que he justica? Melhor vivas tu amen, e eu comtigo tambem. Quern sobe por essa escada?3 [V,93-94] The newcomer on the staircase is the braggart and boorish Castilian who has come to court the abandoned Constance, soon to be joined by the loutish but love-sick squire Lemos serenading from the street below and promising to provide a sumptuous feast. The servant girl is amazed at her mistress's talents: Quantas artes, quantas manhas, que sabe fazer minha ama! Hum na rua, outro na cama! [V, 107] Time passes fast in farce and dalliance, and the servant announces that it has been three years since the departure of Tristao da Cunha.

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172 JackE. Tomlins In other words, it is now 1509. Constance reacts with notable lack of enthusiasm: Mas que graca, que seria se este negro meu marido tornasse a Lisboa vivo pera a minha companhia! Mas isto nao pode ser qu'elle havia de morrer somente de ver o mar. Quero fiar e cantar, segura de o nunca ver. [V, 109] But he is even then on the staircase, home from India. When he enters. Constance lies expertly about her solitude and sadness and im mediately inquires of the riches he has brought from the Orient. The cuckold answers that had the capitdo not taken his lion's share first, he would have brought home at least a million cruzados. And the pious Constance: Pois que vos vivo viestes, que quero eu de mais riqueza? Louvada seja a grandeza de vos, Senhor, que m'o trouxestes. [V,115] Her next line gives her the lie and virtually closes the farce: "A nao vem bem carregada?" [V, 116]. In this first farce, then, the outcome of the Indian conquest and its concomitant commerce is reduced by the comic playwright to mari tal infidelity, bedchamber slapstick as one suitor is played off against the other, parody of the Castilian swain, and the vaguest hint that the promise of great riches holds at least the possibility of inducing the populace to venality. This was, of course, an early play; Vasco da Gama had not been too long back from his second voyage to India. We are witnessing here a kind of farcical dawn. The same is not true of the second Indian piece, the Auto da Fama of 1520,4 where boudoir hijinks are transformed into whimsical alle gory. Portugal by then was beginning to feel the full import of com mercial and political power. The monumental outcome of years of

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Gil Vicente's Vision of India 173 pioneering maritime feats swelled the nation with pride.5 Little Por tugal and its once meager Fame, now represented by a simple farm girl from the province of Beira herding her ducks in the company of a village simpleton named Joane, is courted by the great powers of the West, allegorically represented by three amorous suitors: a Frenchman, an Italian, and a Castilian, the first two speaking in a rough approx imation of French and Italian. All are rebuffed by the country maid, who feels no need for their empty show of affection now that beiroa has become Fama Portuguesa. She recognizes the covetous nature of her admirers, refuses their gifts since Portugal's empire is so much more splendid, sends them on their way, and is finally awarded by the appearance of the virtues Faith and Fortitude, who crown the peasant girl with the laurel and carry her away on a triumphal cart to the sound of music. Faith entones three strophes, in arte maior, elevating Portuguese Fame above Trojan and Roman, for the Christian faith has not only spread the doctrine of Christ but has routed the heathen and brought prestige and amplitude to Lusitania. This is farce of a more serious nature in 1520, the year generally conceded to correspond to the apogee of Portuguese power.6 So exhilaratingly successful was it that it immediately enjoyed three presentations before various branches of the court.7 Barely fifty years later, the new-found India that inspired both a burlesque of the institution of Christian marriage and an allegory of an empire of hitherto inconceivable power and breadth will strike a strange and ironic chord in the words of Camoes's old man on the Restelo strand. Gil Vicente both burlesqued and ex alted the Indian venture at the beginning of the sixteenth century; by the end of the century Camoes had written what must be viewed as that venture's valedictory. The Manueline Age presaged doom and degeneration, all histo rians agree; and it was precisely in that transitional period between magnificence and deterioration that Luis Vaz de Camoes came of age. In 1553 he sailed for an India and a Goa already famed as pestholes of corruption. From John III onward, reports abound of depravity at home and abroad, but that tragedy of lingering destruction is far too intricate to analyze here. It is sufficient to suggest that the idea of con structing an epic to honor Portuguese conquests abroad and Por tuguese history at home probably occurred to Camoes in his youth, some nine years before the death of John III, although it appears nearly impossible to place a date on the poet's genial notion of linking the deeds of the Lusitanians to the voyage of Vasco da Gama. As a consequence, scholars are in accord, also, that likely most of Cantos III and IV were composed before the sojourn in the Orient, except-

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174 JackE. Tomlins ing the opening of the thirdwhich, like the closure of the second, involves Gama's recounting of Portuguese history to the king of Melinde, and the climactic finale of the fourth, which contains the re buke of the "velho do Restelo." Similarly, there can be little doubt that the initial dedication to Sebastian in Canto I and the closing solemn counsel to the king regarding the stewardship of monarchy in Canto X were composed after Camoes returned to Lisbon in 1570. Because it is so closely tied to the voyage of Vasco da Gama, it is almost impossible to assume that the incident of the old man and his bitter outrage on Restelo beach was not, likewise, composed after the poet's return from India. The opening dedication, the rebuke of the "velho do Restelo," and the disillusioned envoi of the epic itself must be viewed as the afterthoughts of an epicist who returned from Baby lon to Zion, only to learn that Zion was a chimera. The mystifying episode of the old man of Restelo closes, as was mentioned, Canto IV (strophe 94 to the end, comprising only eleven strophes). It is an eloquent diatribe contra Famam angrily flung against the sparse fleet of Vasco da Gama immediately prior to its departure from Restelo beach at Belem, traditional embarkation point called by Joao de Barros "praia das lagrimas." These eleven stanzas comprise a condemnation of Lusitanian pride and lust for power even before those ills perniciously infected the res publica. Of course, they were composed by an aging and bitter soldier-poet of the Crown after sev enteen years of incredible vexations in the Orient. Camoes spoke through the other old man, borrowed from all the croaking sages and seers of Antiquity. Gil Vicente's delightfully haughty maid from Beira is damned here for vile covetousness. Fama Portuguesa, heedlessly courted by a foolish populace, will produce only disquietude of soul, abandonments, and adulteries. The pranks of Gil Vicente's Constance were no longer a joke in 1570. The ages of man, from the Golden to the Iron, have but brought Adam's generation to arms and warfare; and homo lusitanus is the vilest of Adam's sons. Why cast the flower of Portugal's manhood to distant shores when the Ishmaelite attacks the back door? The malediction damns princely prideapparently Man uel's but effectively Sebastian'sin history foretold: Porque a fama te exalte e te lisonje, Chamando-te senhor, com larga copia, Da India, Persia, Arabia e de Ethiopia? [Lus. IV, 101,6-8]

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Gil Vicente's Vision of India 175 These are the very words of Barros himself when they were published in Decada I in 1552; Manuel has taken to himself new titles through the brilliant victories of Vasco da Gama: "el rey acreicetou a sua coroa os titulos q ora tern, de senhor da conquista nauegacam & comercio da Ethiopia, Arabia, Persia 8c Jndia."8 Then follows the ancient topos of the condemnation of the first builder of ships: "O, maldito o primeiro, que no mundo / Nas ondas velas pos em seco lenho!" Mankind would have fared well without the mad dash for the prize of Fame. Mankind is a babbling fool who will pass through fire, iron, water, doldrums, and ice to secure the vanity of impermanent Fame. The final, chilling denunciation of Man ends the canto: "Misera sorte! Estranha condigao!" [IV, 104, 8]. Before the Lusiads was published in 1572, then, the old Camoes saw the Oriental conquestwith India the brightest diamond in the crownas mere vanity and total ruin. The creative literature of Por tugal's sixteenth century opened with laughter and pride in that ad venture. The so-called Renaissance epic of the modern world, through its dedication and finale directed to the monarch, and through its prognostication of doom in the words of the "velho do Restelo," brings us to the frontier of the Baroque Age. This strangest of epics, written to glorify all the sons of Lusus, flies apart at three junctures: beginning, middle, and end, all sections composed after the poet's passage to India. These junctures undo the very business of the epic and indicate to us that the vaunted Camonian desconcerto do mundo may well have roots that lie far deeper than the bedrock of mere Pla tonic doctrine.9 Notes 1. Luis Vicente divided his father's plays into obras de devacam, comedias, tragicomedias, farsas, and obras miudas. An enlightening study on the use of the terms comedia and tragicomedia, vis-a-vis Gil Vicente's contemporary, the Span iard Bartolome de Torres Naharro, may be read in the late I.-S. Revah, "La comedia dans l'oeuvre de Gil Vicente," in Etudes Portugaises (Paris: Fundacao Calouste Gulbenkian, Centro Cultural Portugues, 1975), pp. 15. The problem of Vicentine taxonomy in general, viewed in the light of the play wright's prose Carta directed to Joao III in 1531, is analyzed in Jack E. Tomlins, "Una nota sobre la clasificacion de los dramas de Gil Vicente," Duquesne Hispanic Review 3 (Winter 1964): 115-31 and 4 (Spring 1965): 1-16. 2. Revah discusses this distinction in the article mentioned in note 1. Here he also subdivides the comedia into romanesque comedy and allegorical comedy, the latter derived from the fifteenth-century momo.

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176 JackE. Tomlins 3. All quotations from Gil Vicente are taken from the six-volume edi tion of the Obras completas de Gil Vicente, ed. Marques Braga (Lisbon: Livraria Sa da Costa, 1942-44). 4. Ibid., 5:117-40. 5. These years are admirably and succinctly chronicled in Bailey W. Diffie, Prelude to Empire: Portugal Overseas before Henry the Navigator (Lincoln: University of Nebraska Press, 1960). 6. The crucial matter of the apogee of Portuguese power in the Orient and its relationship to the composition of Os Lusiadas may be briefly studied in J. D. M. Ford, ed., Os Lusiadas (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1946), pp. 8; Leonard Bacon, trans., The Lusiads ofLuiz de Camoes (New York: The Hispanic Society of America, 1950), pp. xxiiixxv; H. V. Livermore, A New History of Portugal (Cambridge, England: The University Press, 1967), pp. 150 51. A more extensiveif romanticizedrendition of the degeneration of Portuguese power may be read in the chapters "O Imperio e a Fe" and "Holocausto Africano" of Joao Ameal, Historia de Portugal, 7th ed. (Porto: Livraria Tavares Martins, 1974), pp. 271-329. 7. According to the rubric of 1562, these locales were Lisbon before the dowager Dona Leonor and at Santos O Velho before the monarch Manuel I. Oscar de Pratt believes that there was a third presentation at a slightly later date and at an unnamed place, in Gil Vicente: Notas e Comentdrios (Lisbon, 1931), pp. 153-56. At any rate, the date of presentation of the rubric (1510) is clearly in error and is, no doubt, better placed around 1520. 8. Asia dejoam de Barros, Primeira Decada, ed. Antonio Baiao (Coimbra: Imprensa da Universidade, 1932), p. 164. 9. A highly original article now allows us to view the Camonian lirica in the light of the epic, and vice versa: Sonia Maria Viegas Andrade, "Fundamentos filosoficos da obra de Camoes," Suplemento Literdrio Minas Gerais 14, no. 715 (14 June 1980):8-10.

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The Theme of Amphitryon in Luis de Camoes and Hernan Perez de Oliva Rene Conception AMONG Camoes's works are three playsthe Auto dos Enfatrioes, the Auto de El-Rei Seleuco, and the Auto de Filodemoall of which were published posthumously. The Auto dos Enfatrioes and the Auto do Fi lodemo appeared in 1587; the Auto de El-Rei Seleuco was not published until 1645.11 shall limit myself to a discussion of the first play, the Auto dos Enfatrioes. The theme of Amphitryon in literature relates to the birth of Hercules. Jupiter, the god, impregnates a mortal, Alcmene, already pregnant, by assuming the likeness of her husband, the Theban sol dier Amphitryon, who is away at war. As Hernani Cidade stated, the Auto dos Enfatrioes "e imitagao da comedia do Plauto, escritor latino (por 250-184 A.C.) intitulada Amphitruo, que percorreu o teatro europeu de Quinhentos, na imitacao do espanhol Villalobos e do italiano Ludovico Dace."2 Jose Maria Rodrigues wrote that "o nosso poeta por vezes aproveitou o trabalho pessoal de" Hernan Perez de Oliva (1494?-1533), a Spanish humanist and professor at Salamanca.3 Perez de Oliva's ver sion of the Amphitruo, entitled Muestra dela Lengua Castellana enel Nascimiento de Hercules o Comedia de Amphitrion, appeared "without date or place sometime before 1525."4 The earliest version of Amphitruo in the peninsula, however, appeared in 1515 and is a translation attributed to Francisco Lopez Villalobos, who wrote in his introduction to the play that "la transladacion es fielmente hecha, sin anadir ni quitar, salvo el prologo."5 Rodrigues indicated further that "a literatura cas177

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178 Rene Conception telhana do primeiro quartel do seculo XVI oferece-nos, alem da tradugao literal do Amphitruo, devida a Lopez de Villalobos, outra com varias modificagaes e acrescentamentos: e a do professor de Sala manca, Perez de Oliva."6 It is my intention to compare the plays by Camoes and Perez de Oliva with the Amphitruo of Plautus in order to emphasize the simi larities in the two peninsular authors, demonstrating that Camoes's borrowings from Perez de Oliva were indeed numerous but not pro found, especially with regard to characterization and dramatic tech nique. The first element to be discussed is the characterization of Alc mene, Jupiter-Amphitryon, and Sosia-Mercury.7 Alcmene As the play opens, both Camoes and Perez de Oliva present Alcmene lamenting Amphytrion's absence. In Perez de Oliva's version she says: Quando Amphitrion estaua en Thebas todas las cosas me parescian Uenas de alegria mas agora en su absencia todo el mundo me paresce desierto de aquella gracia con que me solia contentar. Velando estoy siempre en tristeza y pensamiento, y mi sueno no es sino representation de guerra y sangre. Consigo se lleuo todo mi contentamiento; no me quedo otra alegria sino esperar de verlo. [529-30] In Camoes, she laments her state in this manner: Ah! Senhor Anfatriao, Onde esta todo meu bem! Pois meus olhos vos nao veem, Falarei co coragao, Que dentro n'alma vos tern, Ausentes duas vontades, Qual corre mores perigos, Qual sofre mais crueldades; Se vos entre os enemigos, Se eu entre as saudades? [1]

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The Theme of Amphitryon 179 I find in these two speeches a certain similarity in spirit, but what be comes immediately evident is a difference in attitude. The Alcumena in Perez de Oliva does not sound as convincing in her loneliness as Almena does in Camoes. His rendering of Almena's feelings shows a greater psychological insight, and in the verses I find the esthetic per ception that is associated with Camoes. Jupiter then appears with Mercury in the forms of Amphitryon and his servant Sosia, respectively. In Perez de Oliva, when Jupiter sees Alcumena, he says: Jupiter: Es el que de tu salud ha mas plazer que dela suya. Alcumena: O tu, tanto tiempo desseado de tu Alcumena, echado has con tu presencia cient mill cuydados de mi. Jupiter:
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180 Rene Conception Amphitryon who inquires about Alcmene's health, when he finally meets her later in the play. Perez de Oliva's divergence from the origi nal is reproduced in Camoes. It is also interesting to note the striking similarity in Alcmene's reply in Camoes and Perez de Oliva. After Jupiter leaves Alcmene at the end of the play, she once again laments her loneliness. In Perez de Oliva she rationalizes her feelings by saying: Todos los plazeres desta vida no son sino aparejo que se faze para el dolor de ser pasados. Breue es qualquier deleyte, y luengo el pesar que de auerlo perdido se sigue. Agora assi me acontesce, que del breue plazer que con la presencia de mi marido vue me ha quedado luenga tristeza de su absencia. Pero pues es menester que nuestro descanso y nuestro contentamiento den ventaja ala virtud, y Amphitrion por ella y el bien de nuestra cibdad me es absente, mejor es gozarlo con el animo que con los ojos, considerando quan magnanimo se muestra, quanto honor y gracias ha ganado para si y para los suyos, pues contra tanto peligro como esta cibdad tenia puso su vida y su persona por escudo, y con su trabajo gano descanso a nuestra tierra. [550] Alcumena is a stoic, a woman resigned to her lot. Not so Almena in Camoes, who says: Que fado, que nascimento De gente humana nascida, Que, de escasso e avarento, Nunca consentiu na vida Perfeito contentamento! Anfatriao, que mostrou Um prazer tao desejado A quern tanto o desejou, Na noite que foi chegado, Nessa mesma se tornou! De se tornar tao asinha Sinto tanto entristecer O sentido e alma minha

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The Theme of Amphitryon 181 Que certo que me adivinha Algum novo desprazer. (pp. 45-46) Jupiter / Amphitryon The Jupiter in Perez de Oliva is amorous but more bellicose, as befits his position as a god and in his incarnate form of Amphitryon: Jupiter: Todos los peligros he quitado a nuestra gente y nuestra fama con tan prospera victoria como desseauamos; y vencida la guerra delos enemigos, soy venido a veneer la que tu me hazes con desseo desta tu gentileza, discrecion y honestidad. Alcumena: Si gentileza llamas amarte, discrecion seruirte, honestidad dessearte, todo ay en mi lo que dizes. Pero ruegote me hartes mas deste plazer que me diste a gustar. iDizes que venciste los enemigos? Jupiter: iCrees que me faltassen industria y fuergas para la victoria, acordandome que era cosa que tu tanto desseauas? No ay animo para la batalla mas fuerte que el encendido de amor. [p. 531] In Camoes, Jupiter says: Oh! grande e alto destino! Oh! potencia tao prof ana! Que a seta de um minino Faga que meu ser divino Se perca por cousa humana! Que me aproveitam Ceus Onde minha essentia mora Com tanto poder, se agora, A quern me adora por Deus, Sirvo como senhora? Oh! que estranha afeigao Quern em baixa cousa vai por

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182 Rene Conception A vontade e o coracao, Sabe tao pouco de Amor, Quao pouco Amor da rezao. Mas que remedio hei-de-ter Contra mulher tao terrivel, Que se nao pode veneer? [12] The Jupiter here is "portuguesamente amoroso,"8 inquiring as to the nature of love in the best platonic fashion. Jupiter gives Alcmene news of the real Amphitryon's role in battle. He also gives her the cup that the real Amphitryon had taken as booty and which he, Jupiter, had stolen. Jupiter: Soy contento. El rey Ptherela es vencido y muerto de mi mano. Su taca con que el beuia vino te traygo aqui, con que tu siempre beuas plazer en memoria de mi fortuna. [pp. 531-32] In Camoes, Jupiter says: De tudo quanto passei, Por vos dar contentamento, Em suma vos contarei. Trago, Senhora, a vitoria Daquele rei tao temido, Com fama crara e notoria. Porem, maior foi a gloria. De me ver de vos vencido. Sem me terem resistencia, Os grandes me obedeceram, Como El-Rei morto tiveram, Esta copa me trouxeram. El-Rei por ela bebia: (Ela, e tudo o mais e nosso) Por onde craro se via,

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The Theme of Amphitryon 183 Que tudo me obedecia, Pois tinha nome de vosso. [27] In Plautus, Jupiter gives Alcmene the cup as a consolation when he is ready to leave her. Perez de Oliva changed the action from the end of the scene to the beginning, a change that Camoes adopted. In Camoes, Jupiter, upon parting from Almena, is much more tender to her: Toda a pessoa discreta Tera, Senhora, assentado Que um bem muito desejado Se ha-de alcangar por dieta Para ser sempre estimado. E quern alcangado tern Tamanho contentamento, Por conserva-lo convem Que tome por mantimento A fome de tan to bem. Por isso hei-de tomar Este tempo tao ditoso Para a frota visitar; E depois quando tornar, Tornarei mais desejoso. [41] A similarity in character portrayal occurs when, after Jupiter has left, the real Amphitryon and Sosia, returning from the war, come upon the scene. Amphitryon says:
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184 Rene Conception In Camoes, Anfatriao says in like manner: Com que palavras, Senhora Poderei engrandecer Tao sublimado prazer, Como e ver chegada a hora, Em que vos pudesse ver? Certo grao contentamento Tive de meu vencimento; Mas maior o hei de mim, De me ver posto no fim De tao longo apartamento. [46] We see here a similarity in the vocabulary used by the two Amphitryons. This speech does not occur in Plautus. After the scene in which Alcmene accuses Amphitryon of lying and defends herself from Amphitryon's implication of infidelity, Jupiter decides to return and intervene. He appears to Alcmene and apologizes for his behavior. Alcumena does not accept his frivolous excuse that the whole discussion was just a joke, whereupon Jupiter says: Pues te ha plazido, Alcumena, condenar mi vida a tanta pena que perder la sea mejor, quiero buscar donde acabar la. A mis enemigos quiero tornar, do solia yr a traer victoria y fama, agora a buscar la muerte. [563] In Camoes there is the same attempt to find an excuse when Jupiter uses the words "leve zombaria," and the same apologetic sentiment is expressed: Jupiter: Ora pois assi tratais Que em tanto risco pos O amor que vos negais, Eu me ausentarei de vos, Onde mais me nao vejais.[ ] E despois que a desventura

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The Theme of Amphitryon 185 Puser este coragao Debaixo da sepultura, As letras na pedra dura Vossa dureza dirao. [56-57] Sosia / Mercury In Camoes and in Perez de Oliva, both Sosias admit to being cowards. In Perez de Oliva, Sosia says, "pues tengo de contar muchas cosas por vistas, delas quales ninguna vi; porque cosas de guerra y peligro segun mi natura yo no podria ver, sino touiese ojos enel colodrillo,, (533). In Camoes, Sosia, speaking in Spanish, says: Cuando yo vengo a pensar Que uno matarme quisiera, No hago sino temblar, Porque creo si muriera No pudiera mas cantar. Porque estando a un rincon De la casa ado quede Senti muy grande ronron Y mirando, que mire? Vi que era un gran raton. [31] The cowardice that Sosia displays is one of the characteristics of the gracioso of the Spanish theater. The Sosias of Camoes and Perez de Oliva are both characterized by buffoonery and glib tongues. In Perez de Oliva: Merc: <{Avn dizes que eres Sosia? Sos. : Pues sino soy Sosia, ^quien so? yo te pregunto. Merc: Tu mesmo no lo sabes, y quieres que lo sepa yo. Responde, dime quien eres. Sos.: Soy este que habla contigo.

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186 Rene Conception Merc.: iAssi me desprecias? Sos.: Eii que mas precio esperas que te tenga? Merc: Agora lo veras.. Sos. : A tray dor! descuydado me tomaste con ventaja. Dexa las narizes; sino sacar te he este ojo. Merc: iOjo, o que? Sos. : \Ol [Ay! Rodillada enel vientre. Merc. : Espera, villano, que peor auras. In Camoes: Mercurio: La carne de algun humano me seria muy sabrosa. Sosia: Oh! que voz tan temerosa! Hombres comes, 6 mi hermano? No es mejor otra cosa? Carne humana es muy mezquina. Oh! no comas deso, no! Antes carne de gallina. Pero, se mas se avecina, Que mas gallina que yo? Mercurio: Una voz de hombre ahora A la oreja me bolo. Sosia: Pesate quien me pario! La voz traigo boladora? Ella quisiera ser yo. Pues mi voz pudo bolar Do la pudieses oyr, [538]

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The Theme of Amphitryon 187 Por contigo no refiir, Me debiera de prestar Las alas para huir. [34] The similarity in character portrayal of the two Sosias is not neces sarily attributable to Perez de Oliva's influence on Camoes. When Camoes wrote his play, the character of the gracioso was already present in the Spanish theater, and the bilingualism of Mercury / Sosia was traditional in the Portuguese theater of his time. An analysis of the structuring of various scenes in the two plays reveals some interesting similarities. For example, the scene in which Sosia tells Blepharo, the ship captain, that he has seen another Sosia and that there is another Amphitryon is found in Plautus and was ex panded by Perez de Oliva and subsequently adopted by Camoes, al though the rendering is totally different in Camoes in that, instead of reprimanding Sosia, he celebrates his wit. In Perez de Oliva, Blefaron states: Y ruego te, Sosia, que de aqui adelante mires mejor lo que dizes, no pierdas la fe de tus palabras; que sin ella ni ternas honrra ni amigos; porque la honrra sigue siempre la verdad, y la confianga ata las amistades, y confianga no puede auer do se sospecha mentira. [570] In Camoes, Belferrao says: Ora ninguem presumira Que tinhas tao pouco siso; Pois vais achar de improviso Tao bem forjada mentira, Que me faz cair de riso. Um moco, que alevantou Tal graca, nunca nasceu Porque vos jura que achou Que ou ele em dous se perdeu Ou de um dous se tornou. [63]

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188 Rene Conception Blefaron later on sees two Amphitryons and, once he has overcome his shock, steps in as mediator between the two: No renoueys, yo os ruego, nuestra renzilla con injurias. Oyd me. El arma mas vsada del hombre discreto ha de ser la razon, porque las otras armas no son sino para quando ella no valiere. [576] In Camoes, Belferrao takes the same position: O homem que for sesudo, Nua tao grande questao Ha-de tomar por escudo A justica e a rezao, Que estas armas vencem tudo. [68] Blepharo proceeds to question Jupiter and Amphitryon in order to establish the identity of the real one. In both Perez de Oliva and Camoes, but not in Plautus, Blepharo finally chooses to go into the house to dine, but with Jupiter. The real Amphitryon, alone outside, complains bitterly and threatens vengeance by setting fire to the house: El fuego que en mi arde no se puede apagar sino con san-gre. Quiero conuocar todos mis amigos, que me ayuden a quemar mi casa, do todos perezcan los que enella estan, de crueles heridas derrocados enlas llamas, do no aure piedad de Alcumena, avn que mi hijo en sus bracos me muestre; do hartare yo mi coragon de venganca. [578] In Camoes, he says: Oh! ira p'ra se nao crer, Em que minha alma se abrasa, Que me faz endoudecer, E nao me ajuda a romper As paredes desta casa!

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The Theme of Amphitryon 189 E porque nao tenho eu Forcas, que tudo destrua Pois que tanto a salvo seu, Outrem acho que possua A milhor parte do meu? Eu irei hoje buscar Quern me ajude a vir queimar Toda esta casa sem pena, Donde veja arder Almena Com quern a vejo enganar. [71] In the two cases the vocabulary is different, but the real Amphitryon's intention to wreak vengeance is the same in Camoes and Perez de Oliva. In Perez de Oliva, the character Naucrates, Alcumena's cousin, is sent for and finally appears, promising to help the real Amphitryon, but he also errs and goes inside with Jupiter. In Camoes it is Aurelio, Almena's cousin, who also goes inside with Jupiter. The borrowing here is quite evident. We have identical character delineation traceable only to Perez de Oliva, for in Plautus, Naucrates never appears, al though he is mentioned as a cognatum of Alcmene. The role of me diator that Perez de Oliva conceived for Naucrates is repeated in Camoes. It is the cousin who comes out of the house and informs the real Amphitryon of the miraculous happenings at the time of the birth of Hercules. It is also in this scene where we find the greatest divergence be tween Camoes and Perez de Oliva. In Camoes, Aurelio tells Amphi tryon that wondrous events had occurred inside the housethat as soon as Aurelio had appeared the other Amphitryon, Jupiter, had dis appeared with much noise and light. As Aurelio is speaking, the voice of Jupiter is heard: Anfatriao, que em teus dias Ves tamanhas estranhezas, Nao te espantem fantesias, Que as vezes grandes tristezas Parem grandes alegrias. Jupiter sam manifesto Nas obras de admiracao,

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190 Rene Conception Que por mi causadas sao. Quis-me vestir em teu gesto, Por honrar tua geracao. [pp. 75-76] Anfatriao is left speechless and Camoes's play ends. But in Perez de Oliva, after hearing from Naucrates that Alcumena had borne him twin sons, that the first born, Hercules, was heard to announce that he is the son of Jupiter, and that the child himself had killed a snake in his cradle, Amphitryon replies: Ciertamente, Naucrates, yo creo que aquellos hombres adoraron a Jupiter que quisieron tener enlos dioses exemplo de sus vicios con que se escusassen; que entre los buenos con tales hechos por tirano sera auido, pues se vsa de su poderio para seruir a sus viles deleytes. Pesame que no somos de ygual suerte, para poderio combatir, pero algun dios sancto y bueno destos malos nos dara venganga. Vamos agora a dar consuelo a Alcumena, que bien se que lo ha muncho menester, segun su honestidad; la qual tengo por enganada, mas no por corrompida. [582] In the final scene of Perez de Oliva's play there is a declaration of his faith in Christianity, as a kind of disavowal, thereby renouncing the pagan ideals he found in Plautus. He injects a strong moralistic tone here and elsewhere in his work. The play, then, was destined pri marily to edify the reader by pragmatic examples. As William Atkin son tells us, Perez de Oliva "is a product of his age and environment his mind, saturated with the works of Aristotle, could hardly do other wise than sprinkle a few moral precepts across his pages."9 The play had a secondary purpose, as can be seen in the title, which was to serve as a linguistic exercise in prose. Perez de Oliva himself stated in the dedication, which is addressed to his nephew: Hete pues escrito el nascimiento de Hercules, que primero escriuieron Griegos, y despues Plauto en Latin; y he lo hecho no solamente a imitation de aquellos auctores, pero a conferencia de su inuencion y sus lenguas, porque tengo yo en nuestra castellana confianca que no se dexara veneer. [526]

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The Theme of Amphitryon 191 The result of this dual purpose on the part of Perez de Oliva is an overt moral tone in his play and a style so rhetorical that it detracts from the dramatic action. For example, in the parting scene between Jupiter and Alcumena, Jupiter delivers a long, official speech: A todas aquellas cosas que a nuestro seruicio pertenescen ponemos buenos nombres, como osadia, lealtad, sufrimiento, trabajo, diligencia, menosprecio dela vida y los de-leytes. A ninguno solemos loar con otros nombres. Y a los que solemos vituperar dezimos couardes, traydores, impacientes de sed y de hambre y de pobreza, temerosos del trabajo, negligentes, amadores de su vida, hombres viles, indignos de honor; coneste sonido henchimos la red de hombres vanagloriosos, de crueles, de ociosos, de locos, de perdidos. Assi que para limpiar la republica delos hombres danosos fue bien instituyda la guerra, que no es otra cosa sino justicia vniversal que dellos se faze. [544] Camoes, on the other hand, was an epic and lyrical poet, a man deeply immersed in the current emanating from Petrarch and the neoplatonic elements of the Renaissance. His intentions in the play are not pragmatic or overtly Christian. In his version of the Amphitruo he is moral without being moralistic and philosophical without sound ing rhetorical. We can appreciate the difference in approach to parallel situa tions that we find in Camoes and in Perez de Oliva. In Camoes there is evidence of psychological depth and aesthetic perception, while in Perez de Oliva we have a very formal rendering of the theme, almost devoid of human emotion. This is not to say that Perez de Oliva is never effective in his dramatic presentation. On the contrary, the speeches between Alcumena and Amphitrion in which he accuses her of infidelity are exceptions. Equally effective is the bantering scene be tween Sosia and Mercury, which conveys the comic elements already found in Plautus. In Camoes's play, language conveys beauty as well as meaning. He is essentially dramatic and much more emotional, while displaying a profound feeling for the national traditions of the Portuguese the ater, particularly the farcical elements, which can be traced back to Gil Vicente. Certainly the recreation of a character such as Bromia, a ser vant, and the introduction of Feliseu and Calisto, also servants, and Aurelio, the cousin, should be explained in this context. The popular

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192 Rene Conception and sometimes vulgar but always witty and comic exchanges between these characters are also reminiscent of Gil Vicente. Camoes's use of verse in the play, no doubt a personal preference, the bilingualism of Mercury / Sosia, and the lack of theatrical divisions into acts and scenes, can also be interpreted as stemming from popular, medieval traditions. The plot taken from Plautus is kept intact by both authors, but there are changes which lend originality to the two plays. Neither Perez de Oliva nor Camoes felt the need to adhere faithfully to the Latin original, and they adapted the Amphitruo as best suited their par ticular styles. Camoes, as I have tried to show, has certain elements re lated to the structure, character portrayal, and vocabulary in his play that are different from those in Plautus and are found only in Perez de Oliva. The influence that Perez de Oliva exerted on Camoes might be judged as considerable in view of the number of similarities in their adaptations of Plautus. But, as we have seen, Camoes's borrowings from Perez de Oliva are related solely to external elements, such as the inclusion of certain scenes and situations and some facets of char acterization. These elements, although important for the total effect achieved in the play, did not affect in any profound way the style that is so characteristic of Camoes. The poet of Os Lusiadas is not known for his work as a dramatist. He wrote only three plays, but in this auto he shows a definite feeling for the dramatic. In his theater as in his poetry Camoes remains the lyrical poet, the interpreter of the sen sibilities of love, in the best Renaissance tradition. It is in this context that he excels and becomes original. He improved on Plautus and Perez de Oliva in many instances, particularly in the monologues and the love verses between Almena and Anfatriao and between Almena and Jupiter. These verses, written in the traditional redondilha, if re moved from the dramatic dialogue, would stand up well in com parison with his lyric poetry. Notes 1. Hernani Cidade, Luis de Camoes: Os autos e o teatro de seu tempo (Lisbon: Livraria Bertrand, 1956), p. 76. 2. Hernani Cidade, ed., Luis de Camoes: Obras completas, 2d ed. (Lisbon: Sa da Costa, 1956), 3:viii. All quotations from Camoes are from this edition. 3. Jose Maria Rodrigues, "Introdugao ao Auto Camoniano OsEnfatrioes" Boletim da Segunda Classe da Academia das Ciencias n.s. 1(1929): 18. In this article

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The Theme of Amphitryon 193 Rodrigues cites three examples to prove that it was Perez de Oliva and not Villalobos who exerted an influence on Camoes. 4. William Atkinson, ed., "Teatro, by Hernan Perez de Oliva," Revue His-panique 69(1927):522. All citations from Perez de Oliva are to this edition. 5. Francisco Lopez Villalobos, "Anfitrion, Comedia de Plauto," Biblioteca de Autores Espanoles, vol. 36: Curiosidades Bibliogrdficas (Madrid: Atlas, 1969), p. 461. 6. Rodrigues, p. 18. 7. To differentiate between the characters introduced by Plautus, I shall use the following standards of spelling of their names: (1) when referring to the characters in general: Amphitryon, Alcmene, Jupiter, Mercury, Sosia, Blepharo; (2) when referring to Perez de Oliva: Amphitrion, Alcumena, Jupiter, Mercurio, Sosia, Blefaron; (3) when referring to Camoes: Anfatriao, Almena, Jupiter, Mercurio, Sosia, Belferrao. 8. Cidade, Obras, 3:12. 9. William Atkinson, "Hernan Perez de Oliva, a Biographical and Criti cal Study," Revue Hispanique 71(1927):309-484.

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The Place of Camoes in the European Cultural Conscience William Melczer THE TITLE of this paper, in which we will look at a few aspects of the European fortune of Camoes and of the Lusiadas, requires some further clarification.1 What follows is intended primarily as a contribution to the study of the prodigious rise of Camoes in the fir mament of nineteenth-century Europe. I limit myself to that period in the belief that the subsequent and even present-day unquestioned eminence on which Camoes stands in Europe has its roots in that nineteenth-century revival. In the sea of studies dealing with the great Portuguese poet, three works stand out that pertain, in a peculiar wayand with no undue disconsideration of numerous other contributions of importanceto our subject: Richard Burton's two-volume Camoens: His Life and His Lusiads,2 in which the nineteenth-century English translations are re viewed (next to Burton's own translation of the work); J.-J.-A. Bertrand's "Camoens en Allemagne," published in the Revue de litterature comparee in 1925,3 which superseded the earlier studies of J. de Vascon-cellos4 and of W. Storck;5 and G. C. Rossi's "As tradugoes italianas de Os Lusiadas," published in the Acts of the 1972 International Congress of Camonistas.6 Bertrand spoke for all three of them, and actually for many more, when he wrote: L'Allemagne, surtout 1'Allemagne romantique, a fait le reve de s'approprier les cultures les plus lointaines et d'en exprimer tous les apports. Ce n'est pas la realite historique, et c'est a peine un mince filet des courants economiques qui entraine, en particulier, les ecrivains allemands sur les routes de Portugal et de sa litterature. Et pourtant ne voyons-nous 194

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Camoes in the European Cultural Conscience 195 pas ces deux peuples communiquer avec predilection, tout au moins dans les choses de la vie intellectuelle, et se transmettre des influences generalement fecondes? C'est Camoens, qui a ete le porteur de ces influences portugaises, comme le fils adoptif du Romantisme allemand.7 According to this view, Camoes captured the imagination of Ger man romantic culture, for reasons precisely intrinsic to the culturally expansionist, outgoing, and intensively interested outlook of Roman ticism (hence, exotic motifs, the discovery of the East, of the Middle Ages, etc.)In appropriating distant cultural realmsnot unlike the affective appropriations of Saint-Exupery's Le petit princeBertrand tells us, German, and, by extension, European romanticism, made of Camoes its predilect adoptive son. On the other hand, and this is even more remarkable, the possible influence of distinct historic realities, the commensurability of historic evolutions understood as congenial and germane to each other, is expressly denied, even on the level of symbolic forms. "Ce n'est pas la realite historique," Bertrand tells us.8 The study of the interest elicited by Camoes's Lusiadas (leaving aside for the moment the rest of the poet's works) will illuminate our own investigation. We propose to trace such interest, in the briefest fashion, in four Western European countries only, with no more than a few side glances at other European developments. The cultural do mains that these countries representFrance, Italy, Germany, En glandfor all their evident nineteenth-century momentum, should not mislead us into thinking that other cultural realms were of lesser importance. By no means. Simply, logistic considerations have im posed upon us such restrictions. On the French scene, apart from two very rare anonymous ver sions dating to the beginning of the seventeenth century,9 the eigh teenth century saw an important surge in the study of Camoes. No fewer than seven or eight French translations are registered, a few of which are only fragments or partial translations (usually the Ines de Castro and sometimes the Adamastor episodes). Duperron de Castera's version is of 1735,10 followed by a number of later editions.11 Jean Frangois de la Harpe's version of 177612 had a number of later editions.13 Vacquette d'Hermilly's contribution, a prose rendering re vised by de la Harpe, was also of 1776.14 No doubt, such an eighteenthcentury French interest in Camoes studies must be accredited to the Enlightenment's general cultural and scientific impact. One of the translations (undated) is called, appropriately, "voyage imaginaire."15 The nineteenth century saw no fewer than a dozen French ver-

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196 William Melczer sions of Camoes's masterpiece. Shortly after Napoleon's retreat from Russia, the Duke of Palmella issued a translation up to Canto VI.16 The second and third decades of the century saw a total of five trans lations (most of them fragments), of which the one by J. B. J. Millie, a very popular prose version of 1825,17 was reissued at least seven times.18 The greatest number, however, came in the forties: OrtaireFournier-Descoules's collective translation of 1841;19 Francois Ragon's verse translation, of 1842;20 Charles Aubert's verse rendering of 1844.21 Meanwhile, some of the later Millie editions were also being issued (1841, 1844).22 There were still more in the fifties (Emile Albert's ver sion, 1859)23 and the sixties (Escondeca de Boisse, 1865; episodes only),24 and a new vigorous wave in the seventies and the eighties: Fernand d'Azevedo (1870)25 and the same with a prologue by Pinheiro Chagas (1878),26 both editions containing original and translation, then the commemorative issue of Henri de Courtois (1887),27 and Hyacinthe Garin's translation (1889),28 both issued in Lisbon. On the whole, then (and I did not intend to provide a complete list), it may be said that the nineteenth-century French interest in the Lusiadas was uniformly strong throughout the entire century, reaching its peak in the early forties. The situation in Italy differed from the one in France in one im portant respect: the larger number of probable early translations probable, because we know of some of them by reference only. There were two sixteenth-century versions, both anonymous, and two seven teenth-century ones, the first of these also anonymous.29 The second seventeenth-century translation, from 1658, was by Carlo Antonio Paggi,30 the proconsul of his native Genoa in Lisbon. His translation, in ottava rima, considerably faithful to the original though without being very poetic, is quite meritorious. Subsequently, we register three eighteenth-century translations (two of them anonymous, and one a partial version)31 before we arrive at the great nineteenth-century renderings. The intensity of such early Italian interest in Camoes's Lusiadas must be accounted for in terms of the particular relationship between the two momentous Renaissance poems, the Lusiadas and the Gerusalemme Liberata of Tasso,32 that appeared within three years of each other, the Italian following the Portuguese poem. Tasso's personal contribution to the consolidation of the Portuguese poet's fame should not be minimized. The Italian poet, in two famous sonnets, one glorifying Vasco da Gama and the other exalting Camoes himself, constituted the earliest witness for a major international, and hence

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Camoes in the European Cultural Conscience 197 European, recognition of Camoes. Both sonnets were published in the 1597 edition of Camoes's Rimas. In Italy, nineteenth-century interest in Camoes began with an anonymous translation that appeared in Rome in 18045 ;33 it was fol lowed by Antonio Nervi's 1814 version,34 "good poetry and poor trans lation," as Richard Burton put it, which attained no fewer than eleven more editions, the last in the year 1891.35 The century saw at least three more complete versions of the Portuguese poem (Bricolani, 1826; Bellotti, 1862; Bonaretti, 1880)36 and possibly a fourth one, which we know of by reference only (Bertolotti, in the 1860s),37 as well as two partial versions (Carrer, 1850; Ravara, 1853).38 In Germany, interest in Camoes soared; within less than fifty years, his works rose from little more than total obscurity to a position of the greatest eminence. Schorer spoke of Camoes, presumably the first to do so, in 1710, in his Atlas Novus seu Geographia Universalis, as "insignis poetis" and further as "the Vergil of Portugal."39 Johann Burkhard Mencken's Compendibses Gelehrtenlexicon (1715) gives a sum mary biography of the poet. The year 1762 saw the first attempt at a German translation in prose, by J. N. Meinhardt. The episodes se lected were, as expected, those of Ines and Adamastor. German awareness of Camoes continued to evolve slowly. Junk's Portugiesische Grammatik was published in 1778 and the first verse translation (of Canto I only) by the Baron von Seckendorff in 1780. Another baron, von Soden, wrote a tragedy in five acts: Ines de Castro (1784). Die Aufklarung, the German version of the Enlightenment, soon pro duced its fruits. The count of Hoffmansegg and the scientist Link un dertook a scientific journey to Portugal (Bemerkungen auf einer Reise durch Frankreich, Spanien u. vorziiglich Portugal, 1801).40 Suddenly Portugal lost its status of terra incognita. Herder set Camoes next to Dante and Tasso, but he was still almost alone in doing so. The Literdrgeschichte of Eichhorn took two steps backwards. The Handbuch of Buchholz placed Camoes, curiously, in Spanish literature. It is with the Schlegel brothers that, as in so many other respects, the definite turn took place. Friedrich Schlegel discovered the poet in Paris, a discovery full of insight and enthusiasm crystallizing in the Beitrage zur Kenntniss der romantischen Dichtkunst nebst einer Charakteristik des Camoens u. der portugiesischen Dichtkunst (1803).41 Schlegel went beyond Herder in both scope and evaluation: the epic of the Lusiadas was the only one that may stand next to the Homeric poems, he declared. Even more interesting for us is what he said in the fatal Napoleonic year 1812, in the frame of his famous literature confer-

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198 William Melczer ences in Vienna (Geschichte der alten und neuen Litteratur):42 Camoes's poem became here a sublime expression of patriotism and national ism. "No poet since Homer became [as Camoes] the idol of his nation. Portuguese patriotism is crystallized around the poet." In a Kunstsonnet, dedicated to the poet, Friedrich Schlegel wrote: "Be, then, Camoes, my model. Tell me to dare lift from the currents the relics of German glory, trusting in salvation."43 Wilhelm Schlegel continued in the wake of his brother. In the Vorlesungen of Jena, he called the Lusiadas a supra-terrestrial poem. In the Berliner Vorlesungen ilber schone Litteratur und Kunst (1801),44 Wilhelm Schlegel spoke of the "heroic spirit" of the Lusiadas45 and characterized Camoes and Shake speare as the best "national historians."46 It is this cultural-critical vein that produced the most mature and beautiful fruits. Tieck wrote in his notes, published posthumously: "In no epic poem of modern times does one find united naive poetry and history with so much art."47 More significantly, Tieck made Camoes the hero of one of his Novelle: Der Tod des Dichters.48 We cannot follow here the details of the cultural evolution of such veritable critical ideas concerning Camoes. Some of the literary conse quences would only be those expected. Heise translated the Lusiadas in ottava rima in the year 1806.49 A new translation, by Kuhn and Winkler, appeared in 1807.50 In 1808 an anonymous version ap peared in Hamburg.51 Fichte himself translated a section of the poem in iambic verse. Subsequent versions abound: in 1833, the meisterhafte Ubersetzung of a Tubingen professor, C. Donner;52 in 1852, the sonnets of Camoes, by Arentschildt; in 1854, again the sonnets, by W. Storck; and at least three more versions of various works of the poet before the end of the century.53 In England a similar evolution occurred. Richard Fanshawe's clas sic translation of 165554 was followed in the next century by that of William J. Mickle (1776),55 which had over a dozen editions in the en suing two centuries.56 The nineteenth century's own versions of the Lusiadas begin with Thomas Moore Musgrave's version (1826),57 fol lowed by Thomas L. Mitchell's (1854),58 John J. Aubertin's (1878),59 and that of Robert Ffrench Duff into Spenserian verse (1880).60 That same year saw a further English translation of significance, that of Richard Francis Burton, mentioned earlier.61 There were some six more trans lators in the century associated with this British effort to make Camoes known in the islands and overseas.62 In Spain, there were four sixteenth-century versions (some known by reference only),63 one seventeenth-century,64 and four complete nineteenth-century translations.65 The rest of Europe followed in the

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Camoes in the European Cultural Conscience 199 wake of the significant Western European models: there is a Greek version (known by reference);66 two Dutch ones (Pietersyoon, 1777,67 and Bilderdyk, 1808);68 one Polish translation of 179069 and two more of the nineteenth century;70 one Czech (Bog-Peckla, 1836);71 one Hungarian (Greguss Gyula, 1865);72 two Danish (Lundbye, 1828;73 and Guldberg, somewhat later);74 two Swedish (Lanstrom, 1838,75 and Loven, the following year);76 and two Russian versions, one by Dmitrief and one by Merzliakoff, the latter in 1833.77 Most of these translations of the Lusiadas appeared in the 1830s and the 1860s. This account of the literary fortunes of the Lusiadas in Europe, particularly in the nineteenth century, has been long, all of it a tribute to Camoes's popularity. The conclusion may now be brief. The German contribution to the European discovery, reception, and interpretation of Camoes must be appreciated in its proper mag nitude and importance. After the very early Italian and the eigh teenth-century French interpreters of the great Portuguese poet, the German cultural intelligentsia was the first to fully recognize Camoes as a national and nationalistic poet, actually a Kulturtrager of a very particular moment of Portuguese, and hence of European, historic evolution: the moment of consolidation and of national expansion. And it was this concept of national consolidation and expansion that must have fired the imagination and conditioned the intellectual atti tude of the European minds that discovered, read, studied, and trans lated the Lusiadas. It seems not unduly hazardous to try to find the historical motiva tions for such an overwhelmingly widespread and deeply felt attitude. Between the First Empire (1804-14) and the Third Republic (1870-1914), the larger European realm had known many upheavals. Na poleon's Janus-faced shadowthe liberator of the oppressed and, at the same time, the embodiment of French continental dominance had for long been cast on Europe. Once this hope or nightmare, de pending on the point of view, was set to rest at Waterloo, Europe pre pared herself, not without considerable inner strife, for a long winter of reaction and repression. Barricades went up from time to time: in 1830 in Paris; in 1848 in Pest, Milan, Lyon, Berlinall over Europe. But the Hapsburg, czarist, and French monarchic establishments te naciously held their grip of power. After Metternich, each revolution had its ensuing restoration. It was only slowly, and not before the Sec ond Empire (Napoleon III) and the euphemistically called Liberal Empire (1860-70), that liberalization, and with it national self-affir mation, reached some measure of progress in Europe. The Italian and German national unifications were achieved only in the seventies.

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200 William Melczer Hungary was evolving toward national independence through a con tinuous string of advances and retreats. The Hapsburgs and the czarist empires, resilient as old bears at bay, did not disintegrate be fore World War I. Within such bleak and unpromising historical parameters, Camoes helped to uphold the torch of national consolidation and national in dependence. The countless intellectualswhether translators, scholars, or readerswho came in contact with the sobering fresh wind swelling the sails of Vasco da Gama's ships found in the great Por tuguese epic both a paradigm and a spark of hope. It is not by chance that the period between 1840 and 1848, which saw the emergence in France of the Utopian movements, was also the period of so many new translations of the Lusiadas. For similar reasons, it is equally not by chance that so many of the translations appeared in the decade imme diately subsequent to the revolutions of 1830 and 1848. Who knows, in the last analysis, what the great European national revolutions of the 1830s, 1840s, and 1870s owe to the spirit, and the letter, of Camoes's epic? Henceand this, if any, is the Hie Rhodus, hie salta of the present contribution to Camonian studiesit is true but insufficient to say that nineteenth-century Europe, romantic Europe, rediscovered Camoes. Certainly, it happened as many others were rediscovered. But, in the case of Camoes, it is the nature of the rediscovery that is unique, a rediscovery rooted in the national emancipation and inde pendence of the European political conscience of the nineteenth century. Notes 1. The present text is a slightly modified version of the paper delivered at the 30th Annual Conference of the Center for Latin American Studies of the University of Florida, Gainesville, Florida, in September 1980. The notes were added subsequently. 2. 2 vols., edited by Isabel Burton. London: B. Quaritch, 1880-81. 3. Pp. 246-63. 4. Camoens em Allemanha (Oporto, 1880); and Bibliographia Camoniana (Oporto, 1880). 5. Camoens in Deutschland, Klausenburg, 1880; also, in the appendix to his version of the lyrical poems (Paderborn, 1881). 6. Lisbon, 1973, pp. 317 ff. 7. P. 246. 8. Ibid. 9. Both around 1612 (?).

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Camoes in the European Cultural Conscience 201 10. In Amsterdam, by Honore, and the same year in Paris, by Huart. 11. Amsterdam: J.-F. Bernard, 1736; Paris: Babuty, 1768; Paris: Briasson, 1768; Paris: Nion, 1768. 12. London (no printer given). 13. Paris: Laurent-Beaupre, 1813; in Oeuvres, vol. 8, Paris: 1820; Paris: Verdiere, 1820. 14. Paris: Nyon aine. 15. Fragments published in Amsterdam; after Burton, Camoens (here after cited as Burton), p. 692 (see note 2). 16. 1813; no place given. 17. Paris: F. Didot pere. 18. Paris: Charpentier, 1841, 1844, 1862; Paris: Bureaux de la publica tion, 1867, 1869. 19. Paris: Librairie de Charles Gosselin. 20. Paris: Gosselin & Hachette. There was a second edition from Hachette in 1850. 21. Paris: G.-A. Dentu. 22. See note 18. 23. Paris: Cosse et Marchal. 24. After Burton, p. 693. I could not find a further reference to this work. 25. Paris: Librairie Ve. J.-P. Aillaud, Guillard. 26. Lisbon: Imprensa Nacional. 27. Lisbon: Imprensa Nacional. 28. Lisbon: Typ. da Companhia Nacional Editora. 29. The appropriate references are in Burton, p. 693. The sixteenthcentury editions are quoted in the epitaph of Martin Goncalves de Camara by the editor of the Lusiads in 1609 and by Frei Bernardo de Brito before 1617, respectively. The seventeenth-century edition is quoted by M. de F. y Sousa. The probable publishing year given is 1632, when the Commendator was in Rome, but the grounds for the dating are not specified. 30. Lisbon: H. Valente de Oliveira; second edition in the same place and by the same printer in 1659. 31. All these are, curiously, from the year 1772. The first is "tradotta in italiano da N. N. piemontese ," Turin: Fratelli Reycends librai. The sec ond is not really an anonymous translation: erroneously attributed to Count Lauriani, the translator seems to have been M. A. Gazzano. The third, the partial version (only Canto I), is by the Count B. Robbio di S. Rafaelle. 32. 1575. 33. V. Poggiolo. 34. Genoa: Stamperia della marina e della gazzetta. 35. Milan: Societa tipog. dei classici italiani, 1821; a second edition in the same year and the same place; Milan: N. Bettoni, 1828; Naples: Stamperia Francese, 1828; a second edition in the same year and the same place; Naples: "A spese dell'editore del piccolo Parnaso italiano," 1829; Genoa: A. Pendola,

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202 William Melczer 1830; Turin: Fontana, 1847; Milan: Societa tipog. dei classici italiani, 1871; Milan: E. Sonzogno, 1882,. 1891. 36. Paris: F. Didot; Milan: C. Branca; and Leghorn: P. Vannini e F. Editori [sic], respectively, 37. Mentioned by Cristoforo Negri; following Burton, p. 694. 38. Quoted in Burton, p. 694. 39. For the German contributions, I am following the already quoted "Camoens en Allemagne" by J.-J.-A. Bertrand, hereafter cited as Bertrand. 40. Kiel: Helmstadt, Braunschweig. 41. In Werke, 8: 38 ff. 42. Only subsequently gathered and published. 43. Werke (Vienna, 1846), p. 33, under the general title of Kunstgedichte. 44. Published in 1884. 45. 2: 203. 46. 3: 242. 47. Kopke, L. Tieck, Erinnerungen (Leipzig: 1855), 2: 214. 48. Appeared in the Novellenkranz of 1834. 49. Hamburg and Altona: G. Vollmer, 1806-7 50. Leipzig: Weidmann. Subsequently reissued: Vienna: A. Pichler, 1816; Vienna, C. F. Schade, 1828; Stuttgart: J. G. Cotta, 1886. 51. Cf. Burton, p. 695. I could not find any further reference to this work. 52. Stuttgart: C. S. Loflund. Later editions: Stuttgart and Sigmaringen: H. W. Beck, 1854; Leipzig: Fues's [sic] Verlag, 1869; Stuttgart: W. Spemann, 1883. 53. Of these, the Lusiadas translated by F. Booch-Arkossy (Leipzig: Ar nold, 1854; 2d ed., 1857); by Karl Eitner (Hildburghausen: Verlag des Bibliographischen Institute, 1869, 1879, 1886); and by A. E. Wollheim da Fonseca (Leipzig: P. Reclamjun., 1879). 54. London: "Printed for Humphrey Moseley, at the Prince's Arms in St. Pauls church-yard, M.DC.LV." 55. Oxford: Jackson and Lister. 56. Oxford: Jackson and Lister, 1777, 1778; Dublin: J. Archer, 1791; London: 1793; London: T. Cadelljun. and W. Davies, 1798; London: J. Hard ing, 1807; London: Lackington, Allen, and Co., 1809; London, W. Suttaby, 1809. There are more editions. The American (Philadelphia) editions do not figure here. 57. London: J. Murray. 58. London: T. 8c W. Boone. 59. London: C. K. Paul & Co. A second edition: London: K. Paul, Trench 8c Co., 1884. 60. Lisbon: M. Lewtas; Philadelphia: J. B. Lippincott 8c Co. 61. Os Lusiadas (The Lusiads), 2 vols., edited by Isabel Burton (London: B. Quaritch, 1880). [Editor's note: Regarding Burton's and other English translations, see Alfred Hower, "Camoes's Proudest Lines Translated and Mistrans-

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Camoes in the European Cultural Conscience 203 lated," paper delivered at the University of Toronto's conference on Camoes in April 1980, to be published in a forthcoming volume of proceedings of that conference.] 62. Strangford, Hemans, Cockle, Hayley, Quillinan, and Harris. 63. By Benito Caldera (in ottava rima), Alcala de Henares, Iua Gracian, 1580; by Luys Gomez de Tapia, Salamanca: I. Perier, 1580; and by Henrique Garces, Madrid: Guillermo Drouy, 1591. A translation by Francisco de Aguilar, quoted by Manoel de Faria y Sousa, is known by reference only. 64. By M. C. Montenegro, known by reference only (M. de Faria y Sousa). Cf. Burton, p. 690. 65. By Lamberto Gil, Madrid: Impr. de M. de Burgos, 1818; by the Count of Cheste, Madrid: Impr. de A. Perez Dubrull, 1872; by Don Carlos Soler y Arques, Badajoz: Jose Santamaria, 1873; and by Manuel Aranda y Sanjuan, Barcelona: La Ilustracion, 1874. 66. By Timotheo L. Verdier, executed sometime in the nineteenth cen tury. Cf. Burton, p. 690. 67. The full name of the translator is Lambartus Stoppendaal Pieters zoon [sic], Middelburg: W. Abrahams. 68. Of the year 1808. Episodes only. Cf. Burton, p. 696. 69. By Jacka Przybylskiego (Cracow: A. Grebla). 70. By Dyonizego Piotzowskiego, Boulogne s/mer: H. Delahodde, 1876(?); another translation was issued in Warsaw: S. Lewental, 1890. 71. In the Casopio Coskcho Museum of Bohemia, Prague, Jur. vi. 475 (after Burton, p. 696). 72. Pest: Emich [sic] Gusztav. A second edition: Budapest: Athenaeum, 1874. 73. Copenhagen: N. G. F. Christensens Enke, 1828-30. 74. Cf. Burton, p. 696. 75. A partial translation. See Burton, p. 696. 76. Stockholm: L. J. Hjerta, 1839; and again, Lund: C. W. K. Gleerup, 1852. 77. See Burton, p. 696. The information provided by Burton, as he him self acknowledges (p. 697, note 3), is often unreliable.

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Camoes and Some of His Readers in American Imprints of Lord Strangford's Translation in the Nineteenth Century Norwood Andrews, Jr. ANOTION held with some frequency by Lusophiles in the United States and abroad is that we Americans of descent other than Portuguese have customarily ignored Luis Vaz de Camoes from lack of interest on those rare occasions when we have not disregarded him out of ignorance. The modest handful of exceptions traditionally ac corded us is either defined, a priori, as too small to merit serious con sideration, or its constituents are labeled in one of two ways: "spe cialists," a term which includes professional writers and critics, on the one hand, members of an elite even more minuscule than selective, on the other. Whichever the case, the continued definition of the general reading public as uninterested or ignorantif not, by unveiled exten sion, bothis conveniently undisturbed.1 With the help of some of the Lord Viscount Strangford's American readers, all of them drawn from the general reading public, I shall here advance arguments in support of the view that, as far as most of the nineteenth century is concerned, this notion is false. I shall not address myself to Camoes in twentieth-century Amer ica, to The Lusiads at all, or to any translations from the lyrics other than Lord Strangford's in book form.2 In dealing with these, I shall limit myself to the three American imprints, one of which, as I shall point out, has a variant title page but is not a fourth imprint. I shall underline the fact that there were nevertheless three. Despite the influx of British imprints, there was obviously a healthy market for domestic publishers.3 Who constituted that market? It seemedand seemslogical to me to assume that Americans 204

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Camoes and Some of His Readers 205 bought American imprints of Lord Strangford's Poems from the Por tuguese of Luis de Camoens and that they did so with enthusiasm, for, while it might otherwise be possible to explain the existence of the first imprint, it would be difficult to account for that of the second and the third. It seemedand seemsequally logical to assume that, if a reasonable group of American buyers could be identified, there would emerge a partial picture of Camoes's readership in this country, begin ning in 1805 with the Philadelphia imprint, the first in book form.4 I have found twenty-four libraries and two private collections known in fact to hold forty-four copies of the three American imprints: twelve by H. Maxwell (Philadelphia, 1805), seventeen by Kid & Thomas, with that title page (Baltimore, 1808), three by Coale & Thomas (also Baltimore, 1808, only the title page changed after Coale bought out Kid in the year indicated), and twelve by West and Greenleaf (Boston, 1809).5 Using these forty-four copies, I have established a "nineteenth-century control group" of adequately identified owners. I here thank the many people who helped me. Single copies often, and interestingly, reveal two or more owners. Twenty-two owners fall into the fully identified category. Others, about whom somewhat less is known, are on their way toward possible or probable full identification. Others still, who would remain uniden tified by their signatures alone, kindly added a date, a place, or both to those signatures. There is also one convenient if still slightly myste rious toponym which, although it has no person attached, is dated. It did not take long to discover that there are bibliophiles among the owners, but I detected no one of that breed of collector who bought books by the yard. I shall by no means exclude bibliophiles as a class, but I shall exclude those who, although they were old enough in the nineteenth century to have done so then, may have bought their imprints in the twentieth. I shall also exclude American writers poets, novelists, essayists, othersfor two reasons: they may legiti mately be termed specialists, and they are the subjects of other studies. Employing, then, appropriate members of my control group, I shall present a geographical, chronological, and societal spread of readers of Lord Strangford's Camoes that will come as something of a shock to those who cherish the notion specified above. Most of the names I cite will be prominent, at least within their own bailiwicks, but not all of them began that way. I shall proceed geographically, adding chronological and social data, for I believe it important to establish the boundaries of that part of our country where we can know that Camoes was read. As a point of departure, I have chosen, at random, a city that will not have been universally anticipated, Cleveland. Daniel Wilbert Manchester was born in 1839, in the township of

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Camoes and Some of His Readers 207 Colebrook, Litchfield County, in northwestern Connecticut, near the Massachusetts border.6 While the first twenty-nine years of his life are still a mystery to me, he surfaced as an "insurance solicitor" in Cleve land, Ohio, in 1868.7 He made his mark as a businessman, becoming, by the time of his death in 1905, treasurer of the important American Trust Company.8 Manchester signed his name and his city, "Cleveland, O," on the title page of his H. Maxwell.9 His characteristic signature there, "D. W. Manchester," is that of a younger man than is the vari ant on his application for membership in the Society of the Sons of the American Revolution, dated August 1, 1892. Manchester was an incorporator and an officer of the Western Reserve Historical Society (Rose, pp. 534, 343), whose Historical Sketch he authored.10 Whatever his beginnings, he was a literate and cultured man who probably ac quired his Camoes in the 1870s and certainly did so in Cleveland. Susan Gibson Lea Jaudon, an aunt and, though she never lived to know it, mother-in-law of Henry Charles Lea, the important Phila delphia publisher and medieval scholar, was born in 1799 in Wilming ton, Delaware.11 Between 1810 and 1822, she was living with her fam ily in Pittsburgh (Ancestry and Posterity, loc. cit.), where a "sincere friend," in a bold, masculine hand, inscribed to her a Kid & Thomas on February 14, 1820. He signed himself with three initials, the first of which is uncertain, but the last of which is an "M," not a "J." In 1822, Susan Gibson Lea, not yet Mrs. Jaudon, moved with her family to Cin cinnati (ibid.), leaving a male admirer behind but taking her Camoes with her, down the Ohio. "Sobolos rios. ." Louisiana State University's Department of Manuscripts and Ar chives holds the papers of Henry David Mandeville (1787-1878).12 The university's Rare Book Room holds his signed Kid & Thomas.13 Mandeville's early years, like Daniel Manchester's, are still unclear to me, but by 1815 he was established in Philadelphia.14 There, he both profited as a supercargo in the China trade and married into an im portant banking family.15 There, too, he probably acquired Strangford's Poems. In 1835, thanks to his family connections, he assumed the position of cashier of the Planters' Bank in Natchez, Mississippi, a city one of whose "nabobs" he rapidly became (James, p. 139). When he moved, he did so lock, stock, expensive Philadelphia furniture, barrel, and Camoes.16 H. Maxwell is in the Rare Book Room of the University of South Carolina in Columbia. This copy has the conveniently dated toponym"Sumter/1882." S-U-M-T-E-R, Sumter, South Carolina, is only forty-some miles east of Columbia. Given the fact that the University of Virginia has four copies of Strangford's Poems, all of which be-

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208 Norwood Andrews, Jr. longed to Virginians and one of which was acquired as recently as 1980, and given the lack of evidence to the contrary, it seems reason able for the nonce to apply the "doctrine of relative propinquity" and assume that the "Sumter copy" was acquired in Sumter, South Caro lina, in 1882. There are severalthough not manyother Sumters in nineteenth-century atlases, but the one in South Carolina appears a more realistic choice than, for example, the one in Nebraska. The University of Virginia's four copies are of Kid & Thomas. Three have fully identified owners. The fourth has an unidentified signatureJames T. Rahilybut a specific place, Petersburg. There is not time to discuss all the other owners, even though, collectively, they leave no doubt that Camoes was read, for generations, in "the stately homes of Virginia." One of those stately homes, still standing and overlooking the Rappahannock River, is Sabine Hall, built by Robert "King" Carter, reputed to be the richest man in the colonies, for his son, Colonel Landon Carter, in 1730.17 I learned on 2 June 1980 that Sabine Hall's library had recently been bequeathed to the University of Virginia.18 It contains what is now the university's fourth Kid & Thomas. The Virginian who owned it was Beverly R. Wellford, M.D. Dr. Wellford was a direct descendant of Landon Carter's grand daughter and therefore of "King" Carter himself (Farrar and Hines, loc. cit.). Born in Fredericksburg in 1797, he died in Richmond in 1870. "He was Professor of Materia Medica in Medical College of Vir ginia [i.e., part of William and Mary] [and] president of the [American] Medical Association in 1852."19 "James Cox died in Philadelphia in March, 1834, at the advanced age of eighty-three. His great passion was book collecting. He was long the fashionable drawing-master of our wealthiest citizens. Robert Morris and George Washington were his patrons."20 Mr. Cox of course collected a copy of H. Maxwell, one which had previously belonged to James S. Smith, in all probability another Philadelphian, who acquired it in 1806. The copy is now held by the Library Com pany of Philadelphia. Yet another collector in the same city who owned a Kid & Thomas, was General Augustus James Pleasonton (1808), a Baltimore-born graduate of the U.S. Military Academy who took up residence in Phil adelphia.21 The volume is held by the Free Library of Philadelphia, which bought it at the sale of Pleasonton's library in 1895.22 Pleasonton was admitted to the Pennsylvania Bar and began the practice of law in 1832. He was a president of a railroad for a year (1839-40), the "brigadier general in charge of organizing the defense of Philadel-

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Camoes and Some of His Readers 209 phia, 1861," and the originator, in 1876, of the "'Blue-glass' the ory of [the] beneficial effects of [the] sun's rays" (Who Was Who, loc. cit.). A man of parts, this reader of Camoes, I dare say. Those very traditional, very American-upper-class surnames, typified in Virginia by Beverly Wellford's, also appear in Philadelphia among Camoes's readers. One of them is Biddle. William Shepard Biddle (1781-1835), a lawyer, owned a West & Greenleaf now held by the Library Company. William was the oldest and least knownbut by no means the least learnedof several brothers, the best known of whom was Nicholas Biddle (1786-1844), president of the Second Bank of the United States (1823-1836).23 After William's death, his widow, Elizabeth B. Biddle, kept his West & Greenleaf, affixing to it, probably in 1860, her bookplate in dicating her address at 1500 Locust Street. She was forty-one.24 Did her brother-in-law, Nicholas himself, also know Strangford's Camoes? There is no doubt. The proof, unfortunately, does not lie within my control group, and I cannot present it now.25 Not far from Philadelphia, but on the New Jersey side of the Dela ware River, is Burlington. Nearby is Princeton, where in 1809, a Burlingtonian named Elias E. Boudinot took his baccalaureate. He took his master's degree there in 1812.26. His characteristic signature, "E. E. Boudinot," is in his West 8c Greenleaf. In 1783, his uncle, Elias Boudinot, had become president of the United States in Congress As sembled.27 The Boudinot family, of French Huguenot stock, had en joyed periods of prosperity. However, although Elias E.'s uncle, the fa mous Elias, unquestionably rose to lofty station, to wealth as well, he began life as the son of a relatively obscure American silversmith also named Elias (Boyd, passim). A Maine "Downeaster," one who graduated from Dartmouth the year the next reader of the Poems was born and whose signature is in his Kid 8c Thomas, is Albion Keith Parris (1788), a cousin of Alexander Parris, the architect. Parris enjoyed a long and personally successful although otherwise undistinguished career in politics. He was a congressman (1815), a probate judge (1820), five times governor of Maine (1821-26), a U.S. senator (1826-27), again a member of the Maine judiciary (1828-36), and comptroller of the U.S. Treasury, appointed initially by Andrew Jackson (1836-49). Parris's signature is unaccompanied by either date or place, and one can only speculate as to when and where he acquired his copy of the Poems, although the geographical limitations, at least, are reasonably well specified. Perhaps he learned of Camoes at Dartmouthwhere, coincidentally, he was only a year ahead of George Ticknorand

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210 Norwood Andrews, Jr. bought the best-selling translations after graduation, while he was still in Maine reading for the bar. On the other hand, once he had estab lished himself in politics, his career centered on Portland, the state capital until 1830, and Washington. He had ample opportunity to buy a Baltimore imprint in the latter city. Whatever the case, Camoes may fairly be associated with both cities through his readership.28 Far. north from Philadelphia and Burlington on the Delaware, farther still from Sabine Hall on the Rappahannock, even farther north than Portland on Casco Bay, and a long way indeed from Natchez on the Mississippi, is the hamlet of Hallowell, Maine, on the Ken nebec. There, in 1828, at age twenty-two, a printer's devil with no for mal schooling to speak of and the son of sharecroppers bought his West & Greenleaf. His name was Henry Knox Baker (1806-1902). By dint of native intelligence, hard work, and Yankee ingenuity, he be came a prosperous and important jurist in his state.29 Poor as a child and a youth, Baker nevertheless read omnivorously, acquiring a habit he never lost (ibid.). In 1896, he and his family presented a gift of books to the Hubbard Free Library in Hallowell. The books were housed in an expensive case, with Knox's marble bust on top (My StoryPart II, p. 1). Camoes was not in that case. Either the printer's devil, who became, as Parris did for a time, a probate judge, saw fit to keep him for himself, or a member of his family did. Ultimately, his great-granddaughter gave the volume to Bowdoin College.30 It becomes useful now to consult the map and to follow the solid lines from Hallowell southwest to Pittsburgh, northwest to Cleveland, southwest again to Cincinnati, far south to Natchez, northeast to Sumter, through Petersburg to Sabine Hall, northwest to Washington, then, in a northerly and easterly direction, to Philadelphia and Bur lington, and finally, continuing through Portland, back to Hallowell. Those to whom my "Sumter theory" is unacceptable should feel free to follow the dotted line from Natchez straight to Petersburg. In ei ther case, the border garrisons in which Lord Strangford's Camoes is now on record as having been stationed are widespread, and the vast territory they guard extends far beyond what was, in the nineteenth century, the nation's heartland. At this juncture, of course, it will have been noted that absent from the map are Boston and Baltimore, both of which cities, as will be re membered, produced imprints. I could include Boston easily, if I had not excluded writers from consideration, by citing Henry Wadsworth Longfellow's H. Maxwell.31 I could also make as strong a case for an other whole group of well-known BostoniansJohn Quincy Adams and his familyas I can for Nicholas Biddle in Philadelphia, but I

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Camoes and Some of His Readers 211 would again have to depart from my control group.32 As it concerns Baltimore, or at least Maryland, I do not know that the Mary E. Hicks who dated her signature in her West & Greenleaf "June 8th [?]/48" was the daughter of Governor Thomas Holliday Hicks (1798-1865), but neither do I know that she was not.33 The governor had a daugh ter named Mary Elizabeth Porter Hicks, born in 1831.34 She would have been seventeen in 1848 (ibid.), a good age at which to read the High Romantic into which Strangford converted Camoes, man and poet.35 Whoever she turns out to be, Ms. Hicks is already important because of the date she inscribed in her copy. Let me now turn specifically to a summary of dates. James S. Smith acquired his H. Maxwell in 1806. So did John Cliff ton [sic], Jnr., unidentified, on the sixth of June.36 Elias E. Boudinot could have acquired his West & Greenleaf in 1809, perhaps as a graduation present.37 Myra Montgomery, unidentified, owned hers about 18ll.38 James Cox, who acquired James S. Smith's H. Maxwell, did so some time between 1806 and 1834, possibly as late as the twenties or thirties, more probably in the teens, or before them, unless Smith kept the book longer.39 Susan Gibson Lea received her Kid & Thomas in 1820. A. Cutter, also unidentified, dated his Coale 8c Thomas either 1821 or 1831.40 Henry Knox Baker wrote "1828" in his West & Greenleaf, Mary E. Hicks "1848" in hers; Elizabeth B. Biddle's bookplate points toward 1860 in hers. I have suggested that Daniel W. Manchester probably acquired his H. Maxwell in the 1870s. In 1871, Myra Montgomery's unidentified niece, Isabella Gaines, did make a gift of her aunt's West 8c Greenleaf to Mrs. Myra Greely, likewise unidenti fied. Someone boldly inscribed the Sumter H. Maxwell "1882." There are other midand late-nineteenth-century owners who can be adduced.41 In virtually every, if not in every, decade of the nineteenth cen tury, Americans made their ownership of Lord Strangford's Camoesin American imprintsknown, or it was made known for them. This I have demonstrated from a grand total of forty-four books, not all of which I have used, to be sure, but not all of which have I needed to use. It is, furthermore, an almost iron-clad rule that nineteenth-century Americans who owned volumes of poetry read the poetry in those volumes. I take the rule as axiom in the case of the owners I have cited, not one of whom was a professional writer or, for that matter, a "specialist" of any other kind.42 The professions I have brought forth among members of my control group include printer's devil, politician, drawing master, military officer, businessman, banker, lawyer, physician, and housewife. There is at times as great a distance

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212 Norwood Andrews, Jr. in terms of social class as there is in terms of profession and geogra phy. The middle and upper classes, the elite, predominate, of course. It would be hard to argue, however, that their doing so in the nine teenth century was limited to the reading of poetry, or, indeed, that any other classes read poetry as thoroughly as they did. It would be even harder to argue that a highly literate, poetry-reading elite was peculiar to America, or that, in fact, it was not proportionately larger and less exclusive here in the 1800s than it was, for example, in Camoes's native land. A better name for the notion I set out to render suspect at the beginning of this study is myth. Notes 1. Herman Melville, for example, so obviously knew Camoes that he cannot be overlooked. See George Monteiro, "Poetry and Madness: Melville's Rediscovery of Camoes in 1867," New England Quarterly 51 (December 1978): 561n.l, for a very good partial bibliography of the relationship between Camoes and Melville. Monteiro's bibliography is improved by the addition of his own article. Melville, however, was a professional writer, those who have published about him are critics, and all, therefore, are "specialists." So, too, of course, were Charles Brockden Brown, Joseph Dennie, Henry Wadsworth Longfellow, and George Ticknor, whom I have discussed elsewhere. See my article, "Toward an Understanding of Camoes's Presence as a Lyric Poet in the Nineteenth Century American Press," Luso-Brazilian Review 17 (Winter 1980):l71-85. A very real danger inheres in the relegation of knowledge of Camoes even to literary specialists, because not all of them specialize in the same thing. George Ticknor, for example, saw in Camoes, when the latter chose to write in Spanish, one of the great poets of that language (History of Spanish Literature, 1849), and good American histories of Spanish literature have repeated the message to students of that literature ever since. Newton Arvin (Monteiro, "Poetry and Madness") was a professor of English and his message was in tended primarily for students of American literature. And so it goes. When all the separate fields of literarily related specialization are viewed as a whole, the collective membership is impressively large. 2. That Lord Strangford "rewrote" Camoes to suit his own purposes is duly recognized; see Monica Letzring, "Strangford's Poems from the Portuguese of Luis de Camoens," Comparative Literature 23 (Fall 1971). There were, particu larly in Joseph Dennie's Port Folio, numerous reprints of the Poems, beginning in 1803, before the first American-bound volume appeared ("Strangford's Poems"). The first edition, Poems from the Portuguese of Luis de Camoens, with Remarks on His Life and Writings, Notes, &fc. sfc. by Lord Viscount Strangford, was published by J. Carpenter, London, 1803. 3. As Letzring has pointed out, "Strangford's Poems from the Portuguese

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Camoes and Some of His Readers 213 was on the whole very successful. In the seven years after its publication in 1803, it was reprinted six times in England, three in America, with a new [British] edition in 1824 and a French translation in 1828" (Letzring, "Strangford's Poems," p. 302). The work's popularity in Britain assured it a substan tially equal popularity in the United States, where, beginning in 1803, two years before the first American imprint, it was also welcomed effusively by the periodical press (Andrews, "Toward an Understanding," pp. 171). Ameri can publishers, beginning in 1805, were obviously riding the coattails of an already established market. Copies of the various British imprints are readily available in university libraries in this country today, and a study of their American owners in the nineteenth century is under way. 4. The title of all of the American imprints is identical with that of the first British edition (note 2 above). The publishers are given in my text and in n. 5 below. 5. I have called attention elsewhere to the theory, advanced by Hester Rich, librarian of the Maryland Historical Society, that once Coale had bought out Kid, the new firm kept on using the former's stock, changing to the new title page only when the supply of the old one ran out (Andrews, "Toward an Understanding," p. 176). My initial sources for this study were, of course, the NationalUnionCatalogofPre-1956Imprints9l(l960):697 (hereafter NUCP-56I), and Shaw and Shoemaker, American Bibliography, 1805 (1958), 1808 (1961), and 1809 (1961) (New York: Scarecrow Press, Inc.). Neither source is entirely accurate and both are outdated. However, through correspondence with the libraries listed, I have been able to eliminate some errors and to update some holdings as follows: (HMxPhiladelphia: H. Maxwell, 1805; K&TBal timore: Kid & Thomas, 1808; C&TBaltimore: Coale & Thomas, 1808; W&GBoston: West & Greenleaf, 1809; libraries listed after NUCP-56I): Library 1. CSt 2. CUSf 3. CtY 4. DGU 5. DLC 6. InU 7. LU 8. MB 9. MH Editions HMx W&G HMx K&T W&G K&T K&T HMx K&T W&G HMx K&T K&T W&G HMx K&T Library 10. MStow 11. MWA 12. MdBE 13. MdBJ 14. MdHi 15. MeB 16. NN 17. NcD 18. OCIW 19. PP 20. PPL Editions K&T W&G W&G C&T HMx W&G K&T C&T K&T K&T W&G W&G C&T HMx K&T HMx

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214 Norwood Andrews, Jr. Library 21. PU 22. RPB 23. ScU Editions W&G HMx K&T HMx W&G HMx Library 24. ViU Private Private Editions K&T K&T K&T K&T HMx W&G 6. I am indebted to Col. R. H. Goodell, Jr., executive secretary, Na tional Society of the Sons of the American Revolution, for the photocopy of Manchester's application for membership in the SSAR, dated 1 August 1892, which reveals this information. 7. Cleveland Leader City Directory, 1868, p. 224. I am indebted to James B. Casey, head reference librarian, Western Reserve Historical Society, for providing me with this and much other valuable information, including part of that in note 8. 8. A Cleveland City Directory for 1905 (n.p., n.p.), p. 893. See also William Ganson Rose, Cleveland, The Making of a City (Cleveland: The World Publish ing Co., 1950), p. 439; the American Trust Company was merged into the Citizens Savings & Trust Company in 1902. Manchester's last business address, as it appears in the City Directory here cited, is "treas 708 Amer Trust bldg." 9. This volume is housed at the Freiberger Library, CaseWestern Re serve University. 10. Daniel Wilbert Manchester, Historical Sketch of the Western Reserve Historical Society, Cleveland, O., by D. W. Manchester. Secretary, May, 1888 (Cleve land: The Williams Publishing Co., 1888); later published by the society in its series of Tracts: 3(74), 1892. SeeNUCP-561, 358, 279. 11. Susan Gibson Lea Jaudon, later Lamb (after William Latta Jaudon's death in 1832), died in Cincinnati in 1834 (James Henry Lea and George Henry Lea, The Ancestry and Posterity of John Lea [Philadelphia: Lea Brothers & Co., 1906], p. 97). See also Edward Sculley Bradley, Henry Charles Lea, A Biography (Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 1931), p. 79: Henry Charles Lea married his first cousin, Anna Caroline Jaudon (i.e., Susan Gib son Lea Jaudon's older daughter) on 27 May 1850 in Cincinnati. I am indebted to Lyman W. Riley, assistant director for Special Collections, the Charles W. Van Pelt Library, University of Pennsylvania, for initially suggesting to me that "Susan Lea may have been an aunt or a great-aunt [of Henry Charles]" (letter to author, 28 March 1980). Ms. Lea's Kid & Thomas is at the Van Pelt Library. 12. For Mandeville's dates, see Inventory of the Henry David Mandeville Papers (Baton Rouge: Department of Manuscripts and Archives, Louisiana State University Library), [p. 1]. These papers are cited in D. Clayton James, Antebellum Natchez (Baton Rouge: Louisiana State University Press, 1968), p. 139. I am grateful to Michelle Hudson, historian, Archives and Library Divi sion, State of Mississippi Department of Archives and History, for calling this

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Camoes and Some of His Readers 215 useful volume to my attention, and for much other indispensable information about Mandeville. 13. I am grateful to Michelle L. Fagan, register of manuscripts, Depart ment of Archives and Manuscripts, Louisiana State University Library, for forwarding to me a copy of the Inventory of the Mandeville Papers, for com paring several variants of Henry D. Mandeville's signature on manuscript letters with the signature in his Kid and Thomas, and for sending me copies of the former so that I might make my own comparison. His signature on a letter dated 25 January 1833, while that of a more mature man, patently matches that in his copy of Strangford's Poems. 14. See Inventory of Mandeville Papers: "Cashier of the Planters' Bank, Natchez, Mississippi; formerly resident of Philadelphia, Pennsylvania. Family letters and other papers, 1815-1925. The earliest letters deal primarily with Mandeville's early career as a supercargo in the China trade; the educa tion of his son, Henry D. Mandeville, Jr., at Princeton University, and the family's move to Natchez in 1835" ([p. 1]). 15. Mrs. Richard W. Graham, Gladwyne, Pa., telephone conversation with author, 21 August 1980. Mrs. Graham is engaged in preparing a formal study of Mandeville's now rare and valuable Philadelphia-made furniture, which, via a bequest, found its way in the twentieth century back to its native city and is housed in the Philadelphia Art Museum. She has located docu mentation of the fact that Mandeville's brother-in-law, J. Schott, was an impor tant officer in Stephen Girard's bank. 16. Ibid. Mrs. Graham holds that Mandeville moved not only his family but also his household. 17. E. F. Farrar and E. Hines, Old Virginia Houses: The Northern Peninsula (New York: Hastings House, 1972), pp. 49-50. I am indebted for this infor mation, and for much other concerning Virginia owners, to my friend and colleague David Haberly of the Department of Spanish, Italian, and Por tuguese, and to Mildred K. Abraham, general services librarian, Rare Book Department, Alderman Library, both of the University of Virginia. 18. David Haberly, letter to author, 2 June 1980. 19. R. A. Brock, Virginia and Virginians, 2 vols. (Richmond: H. H. Hardesty, 1888), 2:808. Brock states that Dr. Wellford was president of the "Na tional [sic] Medical Association," but, writing in 1888, he means the American Medical Association, founded in 1847. The National Medical Association was founded for black physicians, chiefly in the South, in 1895. See National Cyclopaedia of American B iography, 12:201. 20. Henry Simpson, The Lives of Eminent Philadelphians (Philadelphia: William Brotherhead, 1859), p. 257. I am indebted to Anne P. Hennessey of the Library Company of Philadelphia for a great deal of assistance in the case of Cox and other Philadelphia owners. My thanks also to Marie Korey, cura tor of printed books. 21. Who Was Who in America. Historical Volume, p. 415. 22. J. Randall Rosensteel, administrative assistant to the director, The

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216 Norwood Andrews, Jr. Free Library of Philadelphia, letter to the author, 24 March 1980. I am in debted to him for this and much other valuable information. 23. Autobiography of Charles Biddle, Vice-President of the Supreme Executive Council of Pennsylvania. 1745, privately printed (Philadelphia: E. ClaxtonandCo., 1833), p. 370. 24. See McElroy's Philadelphia City Directory for 1860, 23d ed. (Phila delphia: E. C. and J. Biddle 8c Co., 1860), p. 64. Elizabeth B. Biddle does not appear in the 1859 edition but is listed at various other addresses in previous ones. For her age see Report of the United States Census Office, 8th Census, 1860, Philadelphia, Ward 8, p. 139. I wish to thank my graduate research as sistant at the University of Pennsylvania, Maryjane Dunn-Wood, for her help in this and other instances. 25. Part of another study, this case is based on Biddle's known passion for literature and his association with Joseph Dennie and the latter's Tuesday Club (Thomas Payne Govan, Nicholas Biddle, Nationalist and Public Banker, 1786 1844 [Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1959], pp. 9-10). William intro duced Nicholas to Dennie. 26. Jean F. Preston, curator of manuscripts, Princeton University Li brary, letter to the author, 24 June 1980.1 am indebted to her and to Clark L. Beck, Jr., assistant curator, Special Collections Department, Archibald Ste vens Alexander Library, Rutgers University, for furnishing me with photo copies of Elias E. Boudinot's manuscript signature. This volume is held by the Sterling Library, Yale University. 27. See George Adams Boyd, Elias Boudinot, Patriot and Statesman, 17401821 (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1952), p. 3. 28. This volume held by the Maryland Historical Society Library; I am indebted to J. W. Athey, library assistant, for having furnished a photocopy of the title page bearing Parris's signature, which plainly matches the reproduc tion thereof in The National Cyclopaedia of American Biography (NCAB), 6: 306. For Parris's biography, see NCAB; Dictionary of American Biography, 14: 254; and Ronald F. Banks, Maine Becomes a State, The Movement to Separate Maine from Massachusetts, 1785 (Middletown, Conn.: Wesleyan University Press, 1970), pp. 69-70, 383n.l2. Banks gives the date of Parris's graduation from Dartmouth as 1807, which would have made him Ticknor's classmate. 29. Henry Knox Baker, Old Times-How We Lived (Hallowell [?]: n.p., n.d.), and H[enry]. K[nox]. Baker, My Story-Part II (Hallowell [?], n.p., n.d.). It is the opinion of Katherine H. Snell, librarian of the Hubbard Free Library, that the printed sheets of which she kindly furnished me photocopies are gal ley proofs of articles that did appear in a local newspaper (unidentified), but never in a volume (letter to the author, 18 May 1980). Judge Baker himself states that "These reminiscences have been prepared for my family and not for the public" (My Story-Part II, [p. 1]). My thanks to Mrs. Snell for furnish ing me with a great deal of valuable information about Baker. 30. Mrs. William D. Rounds, letter to the author, Falmouth, Maine, 25 April 1980. I am grateful to Diane M. Gutscher, Special Collections, Bowdoin

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Camoes and Some of His Readers 217 College Library, for contacting Mrs. Rounds for me, and to Mrs. Rounds and her sister-in-law, Mrs. Sydney P. Snow, initially for identifying Judge Baker for me and, subsequently, for providing me with the means to learn more about him. 31. This volume held by the Houghton Library, Harvard University. I am grateful to Francis M. Rogers, Nancy Clark Smith Professor (emeritus) of the Language and Literature of Portugal, and to Jaime H. da Silva for their information about the Houghton's imprints. 32. See Linda K. Kerber and Walter John Morris, "Politics and Literature: The Adams Family and the Port Folio,'" William and Mary Quarterly, 3d ser. 23 (July 1966). 33. This volume is held by the Library of Congress. Slash before abbrevi ated date appears in original. I thank Leonard N. Beck, subject collections specialist at the Library of Congress, for his generous help. 34. Donna Burns, manuscripts librarian, Maryland Historical Society, letter to the author, 20 June 1980. I greatly appreciate Ms. Burns's efforts to find a signature for comparison, as well as her identification of Mary E. Porter Hicks as a possible owner. 35. Re Lord Strangford's "Romantic" Camoes, see Letzring, "Strangford's Poems," p. 331 and passim. 36. This volume is held by the Beinecke Rare Book and Manuscript Li brary, Yale University. I am grateful to Patricia M. Howell, library services supervisor at the Beinecke, and to Patricia Bodak Stark, reference archivist, and Mary Ellen Bass, reference librarian, both of the Sterling Library, for their help. 37. The Monthly Anthology and Boston Review 6 (April 1809): 287, reviewed this imprint. Clearly, it was published in the year of E. E. Boudinot's gradua tion, and well in advance thereof: not until 1844 did Princetonians graduate in June. Prior to that year, they did so in September, after the harvests in the Garden State. 38. This volume is held by the Library Company of Philadelphia. A front endpaper bears the inscription "This little book which/belonged to my Aunt Myra/Montgomery sixty years ago/is presented to her namesake/Mrs. Myra Greely/by/Isabella Gaines/Cambridge, May 22,1871" [emphasis mine]. 39. The Library Company of Philadelphia acquired Cox's collection in 1834. 40. This volume is held by the American Antiquarian Society. Either date is possible, but 182i seems the more likely. A. Cutter may prove to be the very literate grandfather of Charles Ammi Cutter, the librarian and founder of "The Cutter system" of cataloguing. I thank Francis Miksa, Graduate School of Library Science, Louisiana State University, and the Hon. R. Ammi Cutter, the librarian's grandson, for their help. 41. E.g., Col. Mercer Slaughter, C.S.A., who owned one of the University of Virginia's copies of Kid & Thomas. He was born in Orange County, Vir ginia, in 1844, and died in Richmond in 1897. His signature and "Orange

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218 Norwood Andrews, Jr. C[ourt] H[ouse], Virginia" are legible on an endpaper. His stepmother, Julia Bradford, also owned it, and affixed her bookplate to it. Julia was the second wife of the colonel's father, Dr. Thomas Towles Slaughter, by whom she had a daughter, Jane Chapman Slaughter (1860). (See Louise Pecquet du Bellet, Some Prominent Virginia Families [Baltimore: Genealogical Publishing Co., 1976], 4 vols, in 2, 2 [old vol. 4]: 406-7. [Work first published in Lynch burg, 1907].) In the "front pages" appears the following inscription: "Janie C. Slaughter / (From Mommie)" (David T. Haberly, letter to author, Charlot tesville, 25 May 1980). 42. Of the twenty-two owners I have cited by name, only Augustus James Pleasonton appears in W. Stewart Wallace's very useful Dictionary of North American Authors Deceased Before 1950 (Toronto: The Ryerson Press, 1951), and that would seem to be by accident: General Pleasonton's publications all result directly from his military, business, and scientific activities (NUCP-56I, 461, 494). Seven other members of my control group will be found to have or to seem to havepublications to their names, but careful investigation re veals that they are either professionally related, like Pleasonton's, or alto gether inconsequential, when they can be verified. Several members of the group do stand out as legitimate specialists in their own fields, e.g., Beverly R. Wellford as a physician and Albion K. Parrish as a politician. Such specializations, patently, have no relationship either with each other or with literary endeavor.

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Os Lusiadas e Os Maias: um Binomio Portugues? Alberto de Lacerda A Maria da Graga Amado da Cunha PERCORRE o poema epico de Camoes uma curva muito larga e muito complexa desde a primeira estancia do primeiro canto em que se propoe celebrar os "assinalados" lusiadas ate chegar as palavras terriveis e amargas daquela estancia do canto final em que se confessa com a lira destemperada e a voz enrouquecida por ter estado a cantar uma gente surda, rude, metida numa tristeza vil. A curva percorrida por Os Maias de Ega de Queiroz e menos larga mas nao menos complexa. Reportando-nos aos dados imediatos do livro, diriamos que vai dos fins do sec. XVII aos fins do sec. XIX. Mas a duree do livro vai beber as suas origens a um tempo historico muito mais recuado aonde encontra a outra face: o tempo mitico. Atentai nesta descrigao de Afonso da Maia, ao comego da obra: Afonso era um pouco baixo, macigo, de ombros quadrados e fortes : e com a sua face larga de nariz aquilino, a pele corada, quase vermelha, o cabelo branco todo cortado a escovinha, e a barba de neve aguda e longalembrava, como dizia Carlos, um varao esforgado das idades heroicas, um D. Duarte de Meneses ou um Afonso de Albuquerque. E isto fazia sorrir o velho, recordar ao neto, gracejando, quanto as aparencias iludem!1 Estamos perante uma daquelas figuras poderosas, fulminantes, serenissimas, historicas e intemporais, retratadas por Nuno Gongalves nos paineis de S. Vicente. No paragrafo seguinte, e algures nesse mesmo primeiro capitulo do romance, Ega, sem qualquer ironiapelo contrario, com ternura 219

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220 Alberto de Lacerda inusitadarefere-se a Afonso da Maia como "o antepassado", naturalmente, como quern diz "o avo" ou "o tio". E bem estranho o termo antepassado quando nos lembramos que Afonso vive e se mantem elemento crucial ate quase ao nm do volumoso romance. Eu diria que ha uma figura crucial nOs Maias: e essa figura sao duasAfonso da Maia e Carlos da Maia. A personagem heroicao avo, e a sua sombra ironica, degradada, decadenteo neto. E contudo, a certos relances, e a determinadas perspectivas, Carlos poderia vir a ser, na arquitectura temporal do romance, a critica do que Afonso, na sua juventude, prometeue nao cumpriu. Menos heroico do que o proprio Eca nos leva a crer. Repito a citagao: "lembrava, como dizia Carlos, um varao esforcado das idades hero-icas, um Dom Duarte de Meneses ou um Afonso de Albuquerque. E isto fazia sorrir o velho, recordar ao neto, gracejando, quanto as aparencias iludem!" O pai de Afonso tinha-o expulso de casa devido a sua simpatia pelos ideais da Revolucao Francesa. E Eca elucida com uma frieza sarcastica que nos deixa gelados: E todavia, o furor revolucionario do pobre moco consistia em ler Rousseau, Volney, Helvecio e a "Enciclopedia"; em atirar foguetes de lagrimas a Constituicao; e ir, de chapeu a liberal e alta gravata azul, recitando pelas lojas magonicas odes abominaveis ao Supremo Arquitecto do Universo.2 Eu disse que esta frieza sarcastica nos deixa gelados, mas so a uma segunda ou terceira leitura: julgavamos Afonsoe essa a opiniao predominanteuma ramalhal figura quase perfeita. E descobrimos que a sua juventude prefigura o fracasso do neto: o mesmo diletantismo e ineficacia. Alexander Coleman no seu notavel Eqa de Queiroz and European Realism chama tambem a atencao para o aspecto negativo de Afonso de Maia: Afonso is a paradigm because he seems to be a patriarch, he seems to be the genealogical apex from which all succeeding generations decline. But this is not true, and Ega takes pains to point out how hollow a figure Afonso really is. He is more echo than substance, more a reflection of the past than the incarnation of lost or displaced values.3 Nao creio que Ega se "empenha fortemente" ("takes great pains") em frizar o que ha de "oco" em Afonso. Nem o patriarca nos surge como

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Os Lusiadas e Os Maias 221 oco, nem e esse, jamais, o enfoque do autor. As contradigoes do personagem sao-nos apresentadas, mas cedo o leitor as esquece, e Eqapretende esse esquecimento quase total dado o desvelo singular, o nimbo de ternura quase mistica com que a figura e tratada. Em mais de um lango do livro, o ponto de vista de Afonso e o ponto de vista do autor (exemplo: a superioridade da educagao inglesa). Toda a leitura do ro mance e palimpsesto mental. Ega revela e quer esconder ao mesmo tempo. Poeticamente ele joga com os residuos que a leitura deixa na memoria e com a obliteragao, pelo menos momentanea, desses re siduos. Por algum motivo a critica nunca atentou devidamente nos aspectos menos admiraveis de Afonso. Mas nao nos iludamos: Ega quere-o, e quere-lhe, como figura exemplar, com um cheiro de bondade nao muito longe de um personagem de um Julio Diniz mais complexo e sofisticado. Desde o inicio do livro, mesmo na criagao de uma das figuras mais positivas e exaltantes, Ega de Queiroz chama a atengao, com dedos de veludo, para o que nesse personagem ha de fundamentalmente nega-tivo. Afonso e Carlosavo e netosao duas imagens do mesmo rosto, ate certo ponto reversiveis. O que da a Afonso da Maia uma dimensao mais profunda, mais nobre, e a unidade de personalidade, a inteireza de caracter, o ter-se encontrado ainda novo. Afonso da Maia sabe quern e; o mesmo nao e verdade de Carlos da Maia. Passado o fogacho revolucionario da primeira juventude, Afonso, sem remorso, volta a ser o que foram os Maias desde muitas geragoes: fidalgos ricos para quern ser um gentleman e uma realizaqao cabal. Nao ha remorso, porque nao houve traigao, aos seus olhos dele, pois nem sequer passa pela cabega de tal gente considerar um crime nao contribuir para a transformagao de uma sociedade injusta. Afonso e, alias, um anacronismo: pertence inteiramente ao ancien regime; nada tern a ver com as varias fases do sec. XIX. Isso permite ao autor dar uma luz muito mais contrastada, muito mais pungente, e ate uma ironia misteriosa, as relagoes entre o avo e o neto. Permite ao autor manipular a arma que esta na base do seu impulso criador: a critica. Digo aqui critica nao confinada ao que a geragao de Ega de Queiroz entendia pela palavra, mas critica no sentido valeryano de outro lado do espelho, de analise implacavel contigua a criagao, critica no sentido em que Baudelaire dizia que todo o grande poeta continha em si um critico. E Ega de Queiroz, um pouco malgre lui, e um poeta. Os Maias e um grande romance sobretudo pela carga de poesia secreta que dele se solta como um perfume. Carlos nao se conhece, nao sabe exactamente quern e; desorientagao e a palavra que melhor lhe cabe. Ha ansiedade nessa desorien-

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222 Alberto de Lacerda tacao. Filho de uma idade que desde o Romantismo, e sobretudo desde Baudelaire vive obcecada com a introspecgao, Carlos mira-se, e, tanto quanto pode ver nele proprio, vislumbra um vazio fundamental a que o livro chama por vezes, e pela boca de varios personagens, diletantismo. Nao e bem diletantismoe um vazio, e uma ausencia. Essa ausen cia, essa morte em vida, e pessoal e colectiva. E a ausencia sonambulica de um pais decadente obcecado com as glorias do sec. XVI. Se a au sencia fosse absolutaisto e, sem o orgulho impertinente do passadotalvez possibilitasse reconstruir a partir de zero. Mas nao, o fantasma que e Carlossem vontade, sem vocagao, inteligente mas destituido de profundeza e gravidadee um fantasma opulento: arbitro de elegancias, rico, viajado, belo, sedutor. Impossivel partir de zero quando, o que noutro pais seria um ornamento banal dos circulos mundanos, em Lisboa toma foros de um semi-deus. A irradiagao de Carlos na alta roda de Lisboa e a irradiacao de um fenomeno, de um genio que se manifestara de um momento para o outro. Esse momento nunca chega a surgir. Nao deixa de haver em Carlos alguma coisa do Conselheiro Acacio e do Pacheco das Cartas de Fradique. Dirao: mas por que nao haveria de ser o jovem um ente feliz, satifeito com o que tern? Nao, nunca, por pertencer a epoca que aspira a uma transformacao profunda da sociedade, porque ele proprio, porta-voz que e ate certo ponto do autor, aspira, com mais ou menos sinceridade, a essa transformacao. Tem-se criticado a falta de incisao romanesca, de vida propria, na criagao de Carlos da Maia. Em tempos tambem assim pensei. Mas inclino-me a crer que dentro da estrutura complexa e rigorosa da vasta maquina dos Maiasmaquina foi termo utilizado pelo proprio Ega a proposito do livroo elemento de vazio, de ausencia no heroi do romance e um elemento profundamente perturbador que so o enriquece. E um vazio baco, incomodo. E o vazio de um pais esgotado, inerte, narcisista; e o vazio terrivel de quern tern consciencia que esta vazio. E um vazio que obriga o leitor portugues a interrogar-se gravemente. Carlos e infeliza infelicidade do Tedio, do vazio do Tedio, personagem gigante do livroporque e um ser dividido, filho de uma epoca em que a analise ou conduz a lucidez e a acgao, ou a desorientagao esteril, a angustia ou, mais langorosamente, ao spleen. Carlos e um blase, um exilado em relacao a epoca, um principe mimado e ocioso que estaria perfeitamente a vontadeausente qualquer farpa interna de sentimento de culpano sec. XVIII ou na Renascenga. Vejo-o facilmente na pele de William Beckford, amoral, dissoluto e excentrico, multi-milionario, que a Inglaterra expulsou e o sec. XVIII

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Os Lusiadas e Os Maias 223 portugues recebeu de bracos abertos com adolescentes acessiveis e uma cozinha incomparavel e abundantissima que nessa altura se praticava nos conventos. Tipico de um personagem frivolo da alta sociedade do tempo, o grande desgosto do fim da vida de Beckford foi nunca ter conseguido ser apresentado na corte portuguesa: nao estamos longe dos comicos melindres e aspiracoes de ordem mundana, sofridos por vezes ate a agonia, de alguns dos personagens dOs Maias. Afonso da Maia nao conhece o tedio, nao e um ser dividido, nao sofre de ansiedade. Porque? E um homem que pertence inteiramente ao seu meioo meio aristocraticoe a sua epoca, um sec. XVIII que ele arrasta, sem dar por isso, pelo sec. XIX. E tao naturalmente grand-seigneur de uma outra epoca, com uma tal simplicidade e ausencia de snobismo, que essa nota, por assim dizer exotica, constitui um dos grandes factores da sua poderosa seducao. Inseguro, Carlos da Maia e desdenhoso e snob (o snobismo e sempre uma inseguranca), e nao resiste a uma certa ostentacao. Nao tern a bondade do avo, que apesar do seu sentido inato da hierarquia, o faz tratar da mesma maneira o marques de Souselas, o Vilaca, e o gato Bonifacio. Temos, pois, Os Maias como o tratado falhado da educagao de um principe e da regeneracao de um pais. Um principe e um pais sobre o qual pesa, esmagadoramente, o passado. A metafora de velha casa como carga do tempo acumulado ate limites imemoriais e um dos triunfos do livro. Sobre o tempo neste romancetempo interior, tempo personagem, tempo proustianoescreveu Joao Gaspar Simoes passagens memoraveis no seu livro indispensavel sobre Eca de Queiroz.4 Alias, devo possivelmente a Gaspar Simoes a inspiracao para este ensaio quando ha anos li, sem concordar mas com uma especie de sobressalto, esta frase acerca dOs Maias: "a mais perfeita obra de arte literaria que ainda se escrevera em Portugal depois de Os Lusiadas."5 O Ramalhete e uma das grandes criagoes poeticas da literatura portuguesa. O Ramalhete e Portugalpais muito antigo, oprimido por um pessimismo profundo, por um derrotismo doentio. Nao foi sempre assim; essa apagada e vil tristeza, como lhe chamou Camoes, data, se bem interpreto uma passagem de Gil Vicente no Triunfo do Inverno, sobretudo do reinado de D. Joao III. O no da identidade por tuguesa deslocou-se, depois da tao rica, mas nao difusa, experiencia medievalpara o prodigio esgotante das Descobertas. O cansago e a decadencia sobrevieram tao rapidamente que quase obscurecem o apogeu. Assentou arraiais o mitoque e a propria realidade brutal de um pais pequeno esmagado por uma empresa gigantesca (as des cobertas e um vastissimo imperio) superior as suas forcas. Os Lusiadastratado da educagao de um principe? Porque nao?

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224 Alberto de Lacerda Numa tapecaria dramatica (ao mesmo tempo pictural e sonora) o cortesao-poeta desdobra perante o adolescente histerico que era D. Sebastiao a historia exemplar de Portugal, um modelo nao muito diverso das vidas edificantes de Plutarco. O poema assumiriae as sumeproporcoes didaticas e moralistas. A ironia e que o virtual, virtualissimo, pedagogo do principeCamoes, um dos maiores poetas do mundopossivelmente nunca pos os pes na corte nem enxergou as feigoes jesuiticas e fanaticas, com uma certa beleza perversa, do jovem rei demente. Embora nao seja o heroi, a sombra de D. Sebastiao atravessa quase todo o poema. Paira por sobre a narrativa um pouco como Afonso da Maia no romance queirosiano, tres seculos mais tarde. A presenga do jovem rei nOs Lusiadas e das mais complexas; ao nivel imediato ha o aspecto menos nobre da dedicatoria do poeta a caga de umas coroas, aspecto alias banalissimo na epoca; mesmo assim consegue evitar a quase abjecgao de Shakespeare nas dedicatorias ao Conde de Southampton. Ha o aspecto mais importante de uma figura de carne e osso que e, em vida, o simbolo, a responsibilidade, embora nao tenha provado ainda ser a garantia, do momento mais alto de um povo, momento que apesar de relativamente recente comeca a ser engolido pela expressao fatidica "passado glorioso". Ha o terceiro aspecto, miasmatico e mais dificil de definir, que da a D. Sebastiao nao sei que halo sinistro desde aquela estancia sexta do primeiro canto: E vos, 6 bem nascida seguranca Da Lusitana antiga liberdade, E nao menos certissima esperanca De aumento da pequena Cristandade; Vos, 6 novo temor da Maura lanca, Maravilha fatal da nossa idade, Dada ao mundo por Deus, que todo o mande, Para do mundo a Deus dar parte grande;6 "Lusitana antiga liberdade" rima estranhamente com "maravilha fatal da nossa idade". Eu sei que "fatal" tern conotagoes semanticas diferentes da carga malefica que hoje em dia damos a palavra, mas ja Faria e Sousa deu uma interpretagao surpreendente ao verso, o que mostra a ambiguidade incomoda do seu sortilegio verbal. Lembra-me o "emblema fatal" de que fala Mallarme no celebrado poema a memoria de Theophile Gautier; "6 de notre bonheur, toi, le fatal embleme!" A maravilha fatal da nossa idade, o Adonis virgem da Companhia

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Os Lusiadas e Os Maias 225 de Jesus que se ira sacrificar como num rito pagao, em Alcacer Quibir, e ele semi-deus, semi-Cristo na superstigao popularque nos vai fazer perder a "Lusitana antiga liberdade" em 1580, exactamente ha quatrocentos anos. Este suicidio colectivo perpetrado obstinadamente pelo monarca tern uma origem: um homem que recusa enfrentar a realidade, que se recusa a ver "claramente visto", um homem que re volve "na mente pressurosa", como diria Camoes, as figuras reais e imaginarias da Idade Media. Nao e um imperador da Renascenga, consolidando, fincando os novos horizontes territoriais e culturais que inauguraram realmente a Idade Moderna. Nao: D. Sebastiao e um demoniaco senhor feudal apostado numa cruzada totalmente egotista e anacronica. Trata-se de um suicida que perpetra um crime colectivo. O pais vai freudianamente expiar o seu fanatismo narcisista, a sua repressao sexual. D. Sebastiao representa o contrario tragico e grotesco da ligao realista de Camoes. Portugal do sec. XIX, sobretudo o destrambelho igualmente tragico e grotesco do ultimo decenio, e o contrario do ideario realista de Ega de Queiroz. Expressoes como ver "claramente visto" e "saber de experiencias feito" poderiam ter sido escritas pelo Ega. Parece-me, quanto mais releio o poema, que a figura de D. Sebastiao lhe e muito mais central do que se imagina. Quando Camoes termina a sua obratres quartos de seculo volveram ja sobre a descoberta da India. Ojovem monarca constitui uma esperanga e o poeta e porta-voz angustiado dessa esperanga de que consiga manter em bases solidas as descobertas e as conquistas dos seus antepassados imediatos. "Tomai as redeas vos do Reino vosso": diz ele ao rei no primeiro canto num torn que nao deixa de ser estranho. Mas o pessimismo entranhado do autorque partilha com Ega de Queiroz surge abruptamente no final do primeiro canto, como um dos motivos do poema: Oh! Grandes e gravissimos perigos, Oh! Caminho da vida nunca certo, Que, aonde a gente poe sua esperanga, Tenha a vida tao pouca seguranga! No mar, tanta tormenta e tanto dano, Tantas vezes a morte apercebida; Na terra, tanta guerra, tanto engano, Tanta necessidade avorrecida! Onde pode acolher-se um fraco humano,

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226 Alberto de Lacerda Onde tera segura a curta vida, Que nao se arme e se indigne o Ceu sereno Contra um bicho da terra tao pequeno?7 Essa antinomia e quase chocante pois o leitor ainda guarda muito vivas as cores do portico do poema, hiperbole patriotica levada as fronteiras do paroxismo. Os Lusiadas e uma celebragao e ao mesmo tempo a critica dessa celebragao. Nada de mais estranho num poema epico. Lado a lado com a adulagao ao monarca reinante, Camoes, descaradamente, denuncia a entourage perniciosa e corrupta de que D. Sebastiao se deixa rodear: Nem creiais, Ninfas, nao, que fama desse A quern ao bem comum e do seu Rei Antepuser seu proprio interesse, Imigo da divina e humana Lei. Nenhum ambicioso, que quisesse Subir a grandes cargos, cantarei, So por poder com torpes exercicios Usar mais largamente de seus vicios; Nenhum que use de seu poder bastante Pera servir a seu desejo feio, E que, por comprazer ao vulgo errante, Se muda em mais figuras que Proteio. Nem, Camenas, tambem cuideis que cante Quern, com habito hones to e grave, veio, Por contentar o Rei, no oficio novo, A despir e roubar o pobre povo! Nem quern acha que e justo e que e direito Guardar-se a lei do Rei severamente, E nao acha que e justo e bom respeito Que se pague o suor da servil gente; Nem quern sempre, com pouco experto peito, Razoes aprende, e cuida que e prudente, Pera taxar, com mao rapace e escassa, Os trabalhos alheios que nao passa.8 E nao critica apenas a entourage do Rei; critica o proprio rei, quase directamente, na sua neurotica paixao pela caga, e o seu desinteresse

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Os Lusiadas e Os Maias 227 por mulheres, o que pora em mortal perigo o proprio pais nao lhe dando um legitimo sucessor lusitano: Ja sobre os Idalios montes pende, Onde o filho frecheiro estava entao, Ajuntando outros muitos, que pretende Fazer hua famosa expedigao Contra o mundo revelde, por que emende Erros grandes que ha dias nele estao, Amando cousas que nos foram dadas Nao pera ser amadas, mas usadas. Via Acteon na caga tao austero, De cego na alegria bruta, insana, Que, por seguir um feio animal fero, Foge da gente e bela forma humana; E por castigo quer, doce e severo, Mostrar-lhe a fermosura de Diana. (E guarde-se nao seja inda comido Desses caes que agora ama, e consumido). E ve do mundo todo os principais Que nenhum no bem pubrico imagina; Ve neles que nao tern amor a mais Que a si somente, e a quern Filaucia insina; Ve que esses que frequentam os reais Pagos, por verdadeira e sa doctrina Vendem adulagao, que mal consente Mondar-se o novo trigo florecente. Ve que aqueles que devem a pobreza Amor divino, e ao povo, caridade, Amam somente mandos e riqueza, Simulando justiga e integridade. Da feia tirania e da aspereza Fazem direito e va severidade. Leis em favor do Rei se estabelecem; As em favor do povo so perecem.9 Poema epico: celebragao de herois, algados a semi-deuses, e nao meditagao amarga sobre as fraquezas demasiado mortais de tais he rois ou semi-deuses. Tanto mais inusitada e eminentemente moderna

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228 Alberto de Lacerda a juxtaposigao de endeusamento e de critica quanto Camoes nos quer convencerna sua exaltagao poeticaque o desinteressante Vasco da Gama e parecidissimo com os herois de Virgilio e Homero e que nao pode cantar Sebastiao porque, sublime rei como o poeta lhe chama, nao se atreve a tanto. Ougamos parte da estrofe: E, enquanto eu estes canto, e a vos nao posso, Sublime Rei, que nao me atrevo a tanto, Tomai as redeas vos do Reino vosso: Dareis materia a nunca ouvido canto.10 O poema acaba com uma serie de conselhos cheios de apreensao, conselhos dirigidos ao Rei, mas que mais parecem os conselhos de um pai liicido, afectuoso, perfeitamente conscio das fraquezas terriveis do filho. Permitam-me ouvir nestas ultimas estancias do poema como que a voz interior, torturada, de Afonso da Maia tentando dirigir-se ao irresponsavel neto Carlos da Maia. Os Lusiadas assentam sobre uma obsessiva mitificagao da historia e do povo portugues. Ha no poema de Camoes, alternadamente, e por vezes abruptamente, um extase, uma exaltagao mitica, e logo a seguir uma queda, ou elegiaca, ou acusatoria, ou simplesmente lamentosa, ou uma combinagao das tres, como na singularissima fala do Velho do Restelo, um dos mais enigmaticos trechos da literatura portuguesa. E que tudo quanto o Velho diz e uma destruigao sistematica e irrespondivel da base heroica do poema. Camoes, dialecticamente e baudelairianamente, e o critico mais feroz do seu entusiasmo epico. Os MaiasOs Lusiadas. Ougamos o romancista falando do seu livro a Luis de Magalhaes: "Eu continuo com Os Maias, essa vasta ma chine, com proporgoes enfadonhamente monumentais de pintura a fresco, toda trabalhada em tons pardos, pomposa e va e que me ha de talvez valer o nome de Miguel Angelo da sensaboria." u Convenhamos que sao termos um tanto ou quanto epicos com que Ega de Queiroz descreve Os Maias. Mas os dados da sua tapegaria dramatica sao ou-tros. Em vez da paixao patriotica de Camoesde proporgoes wagnerianasha no Ega AOs Maias uma esperanga renovadora bem vaga simbolizada pela geragao de Carlos da Maia e Joao da Egatransposigao ironica da geragao de 70e nao e preciso recordar como no romance acaba essa esperanga. E uma curva em ultima analise ele giaca que ao nm de centenas de paginas termina com os dois amigos falhadosCarlos e Joaointerrompendo um dialogo de desalento extremo, a correrem, como se fosse uma resposta ao enigma da vida, para um transporte publico.

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Os Lusiadas e Os Maias 229 Sim, duas obras profundamente pessimistas sobre essa coisa exquisita, essa sensagao intransmissivel e incomoda que e ser portugues. E no entantoaparte os meritos literarios diversos de uma e outra obra, Os Lusiadas e Os Maiasa medida que as tenho relido, uma outra dimensao se tern erguido: sao dois livros obcecados com a identidade de Portugal e da criatura portuguesa. Duas obras pessimistas? Sim e nao. A curva dOs Maias e menos dramatica que a dOs Lusiadas alem da razao obvia que Camoes e um genio superior a Egaporque parte de uma esperanga e acaba numa desistencia ironica e elegante, ao passo que Os Lusiadas vai de um triunfo majestoso a uma serie de meditagoes amargas disseminadas pelo poema, a comegar logo no primeiro canto. As duas obras tern eminentemente a ver com o passado, com a ambiguidade terrivel do tempo revolvido, perdido ou nao, dependendo dos temperamentos, dependendo dos paises. Afonso da Maia e o passado, e ai que vive; o anacronismo e-lhe perdoado devido a sua bondade quase mitica. A bondade e tema tao raro na literatura universal, que a critica, perante essa formidavel, enternecedora criagao romanesca, nao deu por isto: Afonso e um anacronismo, um gentleman do sec. XVIII, dir-se-ia de antes da Revolugao Americana e da Revolugao Francesaquase nao faz sentido dizer que traiu os ideais libertarios professados na juventude. Carlos da Maiapseudomoderno, pseudo-revolucionarioacaba por cair nas ratoeiras todas de um nome e de uma fortuna passivamente herdados. D. Sebastiao, Afonso e Carlos da Maia, se me e permitida a metafora delirante, sao um pouco como Orfeu; nao resistem a olhar para tras, e com esse olhar retrogrado, passadista, cobarde, fatidico, fazem regressar Euridice-Portugal a escuridade dos infernos, e sao eles proprios esquartejados, ou em Alcacer Quibir, ou na ignominia, na abjecgao, ou na esterilidade. Mas os mitos sao ciclicos: e assim que sobrevivem. Portugal-Euridice ainda ha pouco ressurgiu mais uma vez a luz do sol nao numa manha de nevoeiro mas numa madrugada da Primavera de 1974. Escrutando em Os Lusiadas e em Os Maias as duas constantes portuguesas do impeto fogoso e do pessimismo morbido, desistente, sera possivel concluir que essas duas obras-primas se situam porventura alem de uma visao pessimista ou optimista. O efeito ultimo, a ligao profunda que os dois livros nos deixam e que e, sim, imprescindivel absorver o passado, nao ha crime nenhum em ama-lo, mas que essa absorpgao e esse amor so se justificam como alicerces para o edificio que todos os homens e todas as mulheres tern a obrigagao de construir: o presente.

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230 Alberto de Lacerda Notas 1. Ega de Queiroz, Os Maias, 26a ed. (Lisboa: Livros do Brasil, s.d.), p. 12. 2. Ibid., p. 13. 3. Alexander Coleman, Ega de Queiroz and European Realism (New York: New York University Press, 1980), p. 202. 4. Joao Gaspar Simoes, Vida e Obra de Ega de Queiros (Lisboa: Livraria Bertrand, 1973). Nao menos notavel e a versao resumida deste longo volume, intitulada Ega de Queiros (Lisboa: Editora Arcadia, 1961). 5. Joao Gaspar Simoes, Vida e Obra de Ega de Queiros, p. 574. 6. Luis de Camoes, Os Lusiadas, ed. Emanuel Paulo Ramos (Porto: Porto Editora, s.d.), 1,6. 7. Ibid., I, 105-6. 8. Ibid., VII, 84. Como todos nos, devo muito ao que nos abriu os olhos nesta materia o precioso Camoes Panfletdrio de Antonio Sergio inserto no IV vol. dos seus Ensaios. 9. Ibid., IX, 25-28. 10. Ibid., I, 15. 11. Citado por Joao Medina, Ega de Queiroz e o seu Tempo (Lisboa: Livros Horizonte, 1972), pp. 201-2.

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Contributors Norwood Andrews, Jr., is professor of Spanish and Portuguese at Texas Tech University and the author of several studies on Portuguese and Brazilian literature. Rene Conception is assistant professor of Spanish and Portuguese at Queens College, CUNY. His study of the hagiological elements in Ega de Queiroz is forthcoming. Graca Silva Dias is a researcher at the Instituto Nacional de Investigacao Cientifica in Lisbon. She is coauthor of Os Primordios da Maconaria em Portugal (4 vols.) and has also published Antonio Aleixo: Problemas de uma Cultura Popular and De Gil Vicente a Camoes: Culturas e Mentalidades. Jose Sebastiao da Silva Dias is professor of the history of ideas at the Universidade Nova de Lisboa. He has published Correntes de Sentimento Religioso em Portugal (2 vols.), A Politica Cultural da Epoca de D.Joao HI (2 vols.), Portugal e a Cultura Europeia, and Os Descobrimentos e a Problemdtica Cultural do Seculo XVI. Peter Fothergill-Payne is associate professor of Romance studies at the University of Calgary. He has written a number of studies on the in terplay of politics and literature in sixteenthand seventeenth-century Portugal. The two most recent are to be found in the Adas of the IV Reuniao Internacional de Camonistas (Ponta Delgada) and the Congresso Internacional sobre os Descobrimentos Portugueses e a Europa do Renascimento (Lisbon). The late Frederick C. H. Garcia died in October 1984. He had been professor of Portuguese at the U.S. Military Academy at West Point since 1959. His last publications were Aquilino Ribeiro: um Almocreve 231

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232 Contributors na Estrada de Santiago (Lisbon, 1981) and (with Edward F. Stanton) The Uruguay: The Richard F. Burton Translation of Basilio de Gama's "0 Uraguai" Alfred Hower is professor emeritus of Portuguese and Spanish at the University of Florida. He has published articles and reviews on Luso-Brazilian and Spanish subjects and co-translated (with John Saunders) Antonio Olavo Pereira's novel, Marcore. He has coedited (with Richard A. Preto-Rodas) Cronicas Brasileiras: A Portuguese Reader and Quarenta Historinhas e Cinco Poemas by Carlos Drummond de Andrade. Alberto de Lacerda teaches comparative literature in the University Professors Program at Boston University. He has published five books of poetry in Portuguese, two of them translated into English, and es says on literary matters. The Imprensa Nacional in Lisbon is publish ing his collected poems in several volumes under the title of Oferenda. Harold V. Livermore is professor emeritus of Portuguese and Spanish and head of the Department of Hispanic Studies at the University of British Columbia. His History of Portugal was awarded the Camoes Prize in 1947. His works also include Portugal and Brazil: An Introduc tion (1953), History of Spain (1958), and Origins of Spain and Portugal (1971), and he has just completed Camoes, from the Lyrics to the Lusiads. A. H. de Oliveira Marques is professor of history at the Universidade Nova de Lisboa. He is the author of History of Portugal (1976) and of numerous other books and articles on Portuguese history, especially on the medieval and twentieth-century periods. He has taught at several American universities, including the University of Florida (1966-69). William Melczer is professor of comparative literature at Syracuse University. His scholarly work is divided between the history of ideas of the Renaissance and the history of art of the Middle Ages. His pub lications concern, among many others, Petrarch, Michelangelo, Leo Hebraeus, Vico, and Palladio. His book on the Bronze Door of Barisano of Trani in Ravello is in press. Joseph C. Miller, professor of history at the University of Virginia, is engaged in studies of the history of Angola before 1800 and the com parative history of slavery and the slave trade. His publications in clude Kings and Kinsmen: Early Mbundu States in Angola (1976) and nearly forty other studies.

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Contributors 233 Gerald M. Moser is professor emeritus of Spanish and Portuguese at the Pennsylvania State University. He is on the advisory boards of the Luso-Brazilian Review and the executive council of the African Liter ature Association. He has published studies on Portuguese themes and was guest editor of the fall 1982 issue of Research in African Liter ature, a special issue on the Lusophone literatures. Richard A. Preto-Rodas is professor of Spanish and Portuguese and director of the Division of Language at the University of South Flor ida. He is the author of Rodrigues Lobo: Dialogue and Courtly Love in Renaissance Portugal and Negritude as a Theme in the Poetry of the Portuguese-Speaking World. He has published several articles on LusoBrazilian and Baroque Spanish themes and coedited (with Alfred Hower) Cronicas Brasileiras: A Portuguese Reader and Quarenta Historinhas e Cinco Poemas by Carlos Drummond de Andrade. He is also a contributing editor for the Handbook of Latin American Studies. Jose Honorio Rodrigues is a member of the Academia Brasileira de Letras, the Instituto Historico Brasileiro, and other historical institutions. He is the author of over sixty books and pamphlets, including Teoria da Historia do Brasil (5th ed.); A Pesquisa Historica no Brasil (4th ed.); Historia da Historia do Brasil; Independencia: Revoluqao e ContraRevolucao (5 vols.); and the revisionist Conciliaqao e Reforma no Brasil: um Desafio Historico-Politico (2d ed.). His Aspiraqoes Nacionais: Interpretaqdo Historica was translated by Ralph E. Dimmick as The Bra zilians: Their Character and Aspirations. Irwin Stern is lecturer in Portuguese and Brazilian literatures at Co lumbia University. He is the author of Julio Dinis e o Romance Portugues (1860) and many other studies of contemporary Portuguese fic tion and coeditor of the forthcoming Modern Iberian Literature: A Li brary of Literary Criticism. Fred Gillette Sturm is professor and chairman of philosophy at the University of New Mexico. He is past president of the Society for Iberian and Latin American Thought, on the board of directors of the Hispanic Enlightenment Society, and an honorary member of the Instituto Brasileiro de Filosofia. He has held Gulbenkian, Fulbright, and Social Science Research Council fellowships for research in Por tugal, Brazil, and Mexico. His publications are concerned with IberoAmerican philosophy and intellectual history. Jack E. Tomlins is visiting professor of Portuguese at the University of Maryland, College Park. He has translated works by Mario de An-

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234 Contributors drade, Wilson Martins, and Jorge de Sena and has published articles on modern Brazilian poetry and continental Portuguese prose. George D. Winius is professor of history at Leiden University, a board member of the International Seminar on Indo-Portuguese History, and co-editor of Itinerario. He is the author of Fatal History of Por tuguese Ceylon and of Diogo do Couto and the Portuguese Black Legend and (with B. W. Diffie) coauthor of Foundations of the Portuguese Empire, 1415-1580.