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A relation, or journal, of a late expedition, &c.

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Title:
A relation, or journal, of a late expedition, &c.
Series Title:
The Florida and the Caribbean Open Books Series
Creator:
Kimber, Edward, 1719-1769 ( author )
TePaske, John J ( John Jay ), 1929-2007 ( editor )
Place of Publication:
Gainesville
Publisher:
University of Florida Press
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Language:
English
Physical Description:
1 online resource (xliv, 36, 7 pages). : ;

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Subjects / Keywords:
1743 ( fast )
Florida ( fast )
Genre:
Personal narratives. ( fast )
bibliography ( marcgt )
non-fiction ( marcgt )
autobiography ( marcgt )
Personal narratives ( fast )

Notes

Bibliography:
Includes bibliographical references and index.
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System requirements: Internet connectivity; Web browser software.
Funding:
Funded through the Humanities Open Book, which is jointly sponsored by the National Endowment for the Humanities (NEH) and the Andrew W. Mellon Foundation.
Statement of Responsibility:
[by] Edward Kimber [with an introduction and index by] John Jay Tepaske.

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University of Florida
Holding Location:
University of Florida
Rights Management:
This item is licensed with the Creative Commons Attribution Non-Commercial No Derivative License. This license allows others to download this work and share them with others as long as they mention the author and link back to the author, but they can’t change them in any way or use them commercially.
Resource Identifier:
035637490 ( ALEPH )
1008970139 ( OCLC )
9781947372160 ( ISBN )
Classification:
F314 .K46 1976 ( lcc )

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A Relation, or Journal, of a Late Expedition, &c.

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A Relation, or Journal, of a Late Expedition, &c. LibraryPress@UF,

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Reissued rf by LibraryPress@UF on behalf of the University of Florida nis work is licensed under atCreative Commons Attribution-Noncommercial-No Derivative Workstb.r Unported License. To view a copy of this license, visitthttps://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-nd/b.r/.tYou are free to electronically copy, distribute, and transmit this work if you attribute authorship.tPlease contacttthe University Press of Florida (http://upress.u. edu)tto purchase printteditions of the work. You must attribute the work in the manner specied by the author or licensor (but not in any way that suggests that they endorse you or your use of the work). For any reuse or distribution, you must make clear to others the license terms of this work. Any of the above conditions can be waived if youtreceivetpermission from the UniversitytPress of Florida. Nothing in this license impairs or restricts the authors moral rights. ISBN -f-b-f(pbk.) ISBN -f-b-f-r (ePub) LibraryPress@UF is an imprint of the University of Florida Press. University of Florida Press f Northwest fth Street Gainesville, FL ff-r http://upress.u.edu Cover : Map of the West Indies, published in Philadelphia, fr. From the Caribbean Maps collection in the University of Florida Digital Collections at the George A. Smathers Libraries.

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The Florida and the Caribbean Open Books SeriesIn rf, the University Press of Florida, in collaboration with the George A. Smathers Libraries of the University of Florida, received a grant from the National Endowment for the Humanities and the Andrew W. Mellon Foundation, under the Humanities Open Books program, to republish books related to Florida and the Caribbean and to make them freely available through an open access platform. ne resulting list of books is the Florida and the Caribbean Open Books Series published by the LibraryPress@UF in collaboration with the University of Florida Press, an imprint of the University Press of Florida. A panel of distinguished scholars has selected the series titles from the UPF list, identied as essential reading for scholars and students. ne s eries is composed of titles that showcase a long, distinguished history of publishing works of Latin American and Caribbean scholarship that connect through generations and places. ne breadth and depth of the list demonstrates Floridas commitment to transnational history and regional studies. Selected reprints include Daniel Brintons A Guide-Book of Florida and the South (f), Cornelis Goslingas e Dutch in the Caribbean and on the Wild Coast, (f), and Nelson Blakes Land into WaterWater into Land (fr). Also of note are titles from the Bicentennial Floridiana Facsimile Series. ne series, published in f in commemoration of Americas bicentenary, comprises twenty-ve books regarded as classics, out-of-print works that needed to be in more libraries and readers bookcases, including Sidney Laniers Florida: Its Scenery, Climate, and History (f) and Silvia Sunshines Petals Plucked from Sunny Climes (fr).

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Todays readers will benet from having free and open access to t hese works, as they provide unique perspectives on the historical scholarship on Florida and the Caribbean and serve as a foundation upon which todays researchers can build. Visit LibraryPress@UF and the Florida and the Caribbean Open Books Series at http://ufdc.u.edu/librarypress Florida and the C aribbean Open Books Series Project Members @ Judith C. Russell Laurie N. Taylor Brian W. Keith Chelsea Dinsmore Haven Hawley r Gary R. Mormino David C. Colburn Patrick J. Reakes f Meredith M. Babb Linda Bathgate Michele Fiyak-Burkley Romi Gutierrez Larry Leshan Anja Jimenez Marisol Amador Valerie Melina Jane Pollack Danny Duy Nichole Manosh Erika Stevens

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nis book is reissued as part of the Humanities Open Books program, funded by a grant from the National Endowment for the Humanities and the Andrew W. Mellon Foundation.

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BICENTENNIAL COMMISSION OF FLORIDA. Governor Reubin O'D. Askew, Honorary Chairman Lieutenant Governor J. H. Williams, Chairman Harold W. Stayman, Jr., Vice Chairman William R. Adams, Executive Director Dick J. Batchelor, Orlando Johnnie Ruth Clarke, St. Petersburg A. H. "Gus" Craig, St. Augustine James J. Gardener, Fort Lauderdale Jim Glisson, Tavares Mattox Hair, Jacksonville Thomas L. Hazouri, Jacksonville Ney C. Landrum, Tallahassee Mrs. Raymond Mason, Jacksonville Carl C. Mertins, Jr., Pensacola Charles E. Perry, Miami W. E. Potter, Orlando F. Blair Reeves, Gainesville Richard R. Renick, Coral Gables Jane W. Robinson, Cocoa Mrs. Robert L. Shevin, Tallahassee Don Shoemaker, Miami

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[iv] Mary L. Singleton, Jacksonville Bruce A. Smathers, Tallahassee Alan Trask, Fort Meade Edward J. Trombetta, Tallahassee Ralph D. Turlington, Tallahassee William S. Turnbull, Orlando Robert Williams, Tallahassee Lori Wilson, Merritt Island

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GENERAL EDITOR'S PREFACE. THE War of Jenkins' Ear which erupted in 1739 pitted Britain against Spain, and one of the prizes was Spanish Florida. The war received its whimsi cal name from an English smuggler, Robert Jenkins, who was captured years earlier off the Florida coast and whose ears were cut off by his Spanish captors. When he displayed these remarkably preserved pieces of his anatomy to the members of Parliament, they were outraged at this shameless Spanish atrocity. It so inflamed British public opinion that war seemed the only way to revenge the eflErontery, restore the national pride, and at the same time expand Britain's em pire in North America. The war gave General James Edward Ogle thorpe, British governor of Georgia, the oppor tunity that he had been seeking. When Spaniards raided Amelia Island and killed two Georgians, the general gathered his forces and marched into Florida, ravishing the countryside that he passed through. During the winter of 1740, he collected 900 British troops and nearly 1,000 In-

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[vi] dians for an attack on the Spanish garrison in St. Augustine. Oglethorpe had no difficulty taking Fort St. George on the St. Johns River, and Forts Diego and Mosa quickly capitulated. St. Augus tine was another matter. The Spanish were secure behind the thick coquina walls of the Castillo de San Marcos, and the British did not receive the support that they had expected from Carolina. In a letter written June 16, 1740 to Lieutenant Governor Bull of South Carolina, Oglethorpe noted: "We cannot besiege the Town by Land and Water with so small a force." With the ap proach of the hurricane season, the British, in July, 1740, withdrew their forces to Savannah. Once more, St. Augustine had stood firm against an adversary. It was now Spain's turn to draw blood. Pri vateers plied up and down the coast, thirty Eng lish prizes were taken to St. Augustine, and plan tations in Carolina and Georgia were plundered. In the summer of 1742, the Spanish took the offensive under the command of Governor Man uel de Montiano. The plan was to move by land and sea against Georgia and to avenge the assault against St. Augustine by "sacking and burning all the towns, posts, plantations, and settlements of the enemy." Oglethorpe, in the meantime, was strengthening his line of fortifications stretching southward from Frederica. He repaired old batteries, erected new ones, and improved the intri cate system of interlocking communications. He was as prepared as possible when a large Spanish flotilla appeared off St. Simon Island on July 4, 1742. There were 2,000 in the invasion force, the largest ever to appear in that area. Oglethorpe had fewer than 700 men to defend Frederica. Undaunted, he displayed capable military leader-

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[ vii] ship, and in the battle which became known as Bloody Marsh, he completely routed the Spanish. Fearing the worst, Montiano hastily re-embarked and returned to St. Augustine. The Spanish had lost a golden opportunity to thwart the enemy. The next year the Spanish made a hostile over land demonstration toward the St. Johns River, but Oglethorpe rushed southward with part of his regiment, with reinforcements from Virginia, and with a contingent of Indian allies. The Span iards were driven back behind the walls of St. Augustine. Oglethorpe used many wiles, but he was unable to lure his opponents into the open, and once again frustrated, he returned to Frederica. Thus ended the dream of the British that they could acquire Florida by military conquest. In July, 1743 Oglethorpe returned to England, saying farewell to the colony he had founded. Two short decades later, in 1763, England would acquire Florida throu gh the political arrange ment s included in the Treaty of Paris. What seemed impossible on the battlefield was accom plished around the diplomatic table. After years of turmoil and bitter skirmishing, the Union Jack was unfurled over Florida, now a part of Eng land's North American empire. The bloody conflicts of the eighteenth century involved Europe's great powersBritain, Spain, France, Prussia, and the Austro-Hungarian em pire. The overseas colonies of these countries, like British Georgia and Spanish Florida, were but insignificant pawns in an international chess game. The decisions which affected the lives and futures of the settlers on the American frontier were made thousands of miles away. The conflict which pitted Florida and Georgia against each other in the 1740s has not been extensively stud-

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[ viii ] ied or chronicled by either American or Euro pean historians. One of the few accounts is by Edward Kimber who arrived in Georgia, January 7, 1743, and spent the next fifteen months in the service of General Oglethorpe. He was a member of the force which made the assault on St. Augus tine, and his eyewitness account was published under the title, A Relation, or Journal, of a Late Expedition to the Gates of St. Augustine, on Florida. As Professor John TePaske of Duke Uni versity points out in his introduction to the fac simile edition of Kimber's report, the "Relation speaks for itself and needs few comments." It is the story of the raid written by a participant, and it supplies detailed information which is no where else available. Besides the Relation, Pro fessor TePaske has also included in his introduc tion the letter written by Governor Montiano to the Spanish minister of marine and the Indies, Jose del Campillo. In it Montiano gave his ver sion of the British attack and the Spanish defense. John Jay TePaske is a graduate of Michigan State University and of Duke University. A re cipient of a Ford Foundation Fellowship at the University of California, Berkeley, in 1962-1963, he has served as visiting professor at the Univer sity of Washington and the University of Texas. A member of the history faculty at Duke Univer sity, he is the author of The Governorship of Spanish Florida and the editor of Three American Empires, The Character of Phillip II: The Prob lem of Moral Judgments in History, and Explo sive Forces in Latin America. The paper that he presented at the First Annual Florida Bicenten nial Symposium at the University of Florida in 1972 is included in the volume, Eighteenth-Cen tury Florida and Its Borderlands (Gainesville,

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[ix] 1975). Professor TePaske's articles have appeared in scholarly and professional journals in the United States and Mexico. Edward Kimber's Relation is one of the twentyfive facsimile volumes of rare, out-of-print Florida history in the Bicentennial Floridiana Facsimile Series. It is being published by the Florida Bicen tennial Commission as one of its major Bicenten nial projects. The titles in the series were selected to represent the full spectrum of Florida's rich and exciting 450-year history. Scholars like Pro fessor TePaske, with a special interest in and knowledge of Florida history, were invited to edit each volume, write an introduction, and com pile an index. The goal of the Florida Bicenten nial Commission in publishing the facsimile series is to make a lasting contribution to the scholar ship of Florida and American history. SAMUEL PROCTOR General Editor of the BICENTENNIAL FLORIDIANA FACSIMILE SERIES University of Florida

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INTRODUCTION. THE Southeast was for more than three centuries the center of a bitter contest for empire in North America. From Ponce de Le6n's discovery of Florida in 1513 to its acquisition by the United States in 1821, England, France, Spain, and ulti mately the United States contended with one another for control over the area. To 1670 the Spaniards prevailed. After several failures to es tablish a foothold in Florida early in the sixteenth century, the Spanish rose to a French challenge. In 1565 they established a permanent settlement at St. Augustine, destroyed the three-year-old Huguenot outpost at Fort Caroline on the St. Johns River, and annihilated the remnants of the French force at Matanzas Inlet south of St. Au gustine at the same time.1 Two and one-half years later Dominique de Gourgues got revenge for the events of 1565 when he terrorized the new Spanish settlement, but that was his only accomplishment. He could not prevent the ex pansion of the Spanish colonial effort in the Southeast. Relying on a vanguard of Franciscan

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[xii] missionaries and a few soldiers, the Spaniards extended their control over most of present-day Alabama, Florida, and Georgia. By the middle of the seventeenth century, the Franciscans boasted 26,000 converts among the Indians of the area.2 In 1670 the founding of Carolina by the Eng lish opened a new chapter in the struggle for empire. With lavish gifts of rum, guns, and other merchandise, the English began eroding the mis sionaries' influence over the Indians and destroy ing the chain of Franciscan outposts which had served as the bulwarks of Spanish control. By 1700, in fact, the Carolinians and their Indians had effectively reduced Spanish control over the natives to a few small villages around St. Augus tine and Apalache. During Queen Anne's War the English scourged Florida. In 1702 they almost destroyed St. Augustine, and in 1704 they swept through Apalache to the west near the Gulf Coast, forcing the evacuation and destruction of Fort San Luis. Border raids by Carolinians, Spaniards, and their Indian allies grew more fre quent and more bitter. Even after Queen Anne's War ended in 1713, the frontier was continuously restive as England continued her relentless ex pansion south from Charleston.3 Still another threat to the Spanish in Florida came in 1732 with James Oglethorpe's settlement of Georgia. Adept at gaining Indian allies, Ogle thorpe inspired Indian raids on Spanish Florida. In 1740 during the War of Jenkins' Ear the Geor gia governor mounted a massive siege of St. Au gustine, but as in the attack of 1702, the English failed to shake the Spanish from their position on the Bahama Channel. Indecision, bungling, and lack of coordination by the English, a daring middle-of-the-night raid by the Spanish on Ogle-

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[ xiii ] thorpe's positions north of the town, and timely relief from Cuba forced the English to give up their assault.4 Oglethorpe's siege led to Spanish reprisals. In 1742, the governor of Florida, Manuel de Mon-tiano, launched an all-out offensive against Fort Frederica on St. Simon Island. In the end he was no more successful than Oglethorpe at St. Augus tine two years earlier. Unable to take advantage of superior numbers of men, ships, and arms, Montiano proved indecisive and diffident, par ticularly after an English victory at Bloody Marsh south of Frederica in July, 1742. Like Oglethorpe, he had to retreat and make excuses for his failure to his angry superiors in Havana and Madrid. Almost immediately, in September, 1742, Ogle thorpe counterattacked, but a storm broke up the English fleet anchored off the bar of St. Augus tine, and the Georgians retired.5 But they re turned again in March, 1743, in the raid described by Edward Kimber in A Relation, or Journal, of a Late Expedition to the Gates of Saint Augus tine, on Florida. Edward Kimber, 1719-1769. Edward Kimber, says one biographer gratui tously, did nothing more in life than eke out "a scanty subsistence by compiling for booksellers, and died, worn out with such drudgery, in 1769."6 Kimber might well have retained this rep utation for posterity; but his great-great-grand son Sidney AN Kimber, a curious Georgia bib liophile Leonard L. Mackall, and a Harvard litterateur Frank Gees Black have rescued him from this pitiful epitaph.7 That he was something

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[ xiv ] of a drudge cannot be denied: he was an expert corrector, editor, genealogist, compiler, and indexer. He was also, however, a soldier, journalist, novelist, and poet of considerable talent and imagination. Edward Kimber was greatly influenced by his father Isaac, a man of modest reputation in Lon don literary circles. Born in Berkshire in Decem ber, 1692, Isaac received an excellent education, first studying language under a John Ward at Gresham College and then taking work in philos ophy and divinity to qualify for the Baptist min istry.8 That his grandfather on his mother's side was a Baptist divine may well have led him into this calling.9 Isaac was a failure in the ministry, lasting only six years. His first parish was in London, Paul's Alley, Barbican, and there he earned a reputation as a dull preacherhe read his sermons. In June, 1724, after two years in London, Isaac became assistant pastor in a Baptist church in Nantwich, Cheshire. Three years later he re turned to London to take a post as assistant minister of two small parishes. When the two united the following year, he voluntarily or un willingly gave up the active ministry, but what ever the reason, he simply was not suited for preaching and parish work.10 Isaac Kimber's first secular venture was the editing of a new periodical, The Monthly Chron icle, to compete with the widely read Gentlemans Magazine. He was a good choice as editor and well fitted for the task because in order to supplement his meager parson's salary, he had for several years corrected for various London printers and editors. The Monthly Chronicle lasted more than four years (January, 1728, to May, 1732), and after it suspended publication,

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[xv] Isaac became editor of the more prestigious Lon~ \don Magazine, a post he held until his death in 1755.11 Besides editing, he was involved in a number of other cultural endeavors. He wrote history and biography, supervised compilation of a Latin dictionary, and for a time took over a school formerly run by his old professor, John Ward.12 Isaac had at least two sonsEdward and Richardwho were both close to their father. They may have been so close because of the need to care for Isaac's wife and their mother, who went insane and remained a trial to the family for over twenty years.13 Of Edward Kimber's youth and education little is known. Born in 1719, he grew up among his father's dissatisfied Baptist parishioners and the literati who wrote for The Monthly Chronicle and The London Magazine, Except for primary school, Edward was educated by his father, a learned and exacting tutor. As part of his education, Edward assisted in editing and writing for The London Magazine, contributing short poems, essays, obituaries, and the like. That Isaac and his son Edward wrote so much themselves may have been caused by the mbre prestigious Gen tleman s Magazine's having a corner on the serv ices of the better known writers. Also The London Magazine may not have had the money to pay its authors.14 At twenty-three Edward Kimber left England for America. Why he made the journey is not clear, but probably he had enlisted in Ogle thorpe's service. At the same time he may have been seeking wider experiences on which to draw later for his novels and essays. Whatever the reason, he left Gravesend for New York in the fall of 1742, arriving some six weeks later, on Novem-

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[ xvi ] ber 1. Resting for two weeks in New York, he sailed on the sloop Newbould for Maryland and Virginia. At Yorktown two days before Christmas he boarded another vessel, the Bradley Lucas, which arrived in Georgia January 7, 1743. Here Kimber spent the next fifteen months in the serv ice of Governor Oglethorpe.15 Jottings in his diary, articles published later in The London Magazine, and the Relation pro vide at least some clues to his activities in Amer ica. Almost immediately after his arrival in Geor gia, he joined Oglethorpe's band of soldiers and Indians for the assault on St. Augustine, which he details in the Relation. Upon his return to Frederica, he evidently remained in military serv ice (there are no entries in his diary from Janu ary, 1743, to March 23,1744) and traveled about the colony. He went to Savannah and also visited an orphanage run by George Whitfield, the re vivalist preacher of the Great Awakening. Pre disposed to think of Whitfield as bigoted and uncharitable, Kimber changed his mind when he observed conditions at the orphanage where he found the forty young people of both sexes neatly dressed and well fed. Whitfield, Kimber ob served, inculcated "Sobriety, Industry, and Fru gality" among those in his charge.16 Edward left Georgia in late March, 1744. Moving northward, he visited Beaufort and Port Royal Island and reached Charleston on April 10. Ten days later he embarked for England on The Two Sisters, which arrived at the Orkney Islands on June 9, and Leith, near Edinburgh, June 15. A week later Kimber sailed for Gravesend, finally reaching London and home in July, 1744.17

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[ xvii ] In America, Kimber wrote down his impressions, which were later published in The London [Magazine in 1745 and 1746.18 Based on his voy age from New York to Georgia and his return by way of Charleston, the articles appeared under various pseudonymsAmericus, Cimber, Cynicus, and Historicusand provided valuable commen tary on conditions at that time in the southern colonies. He described coastal Georgia: "The Marshes and Savannas extended along their Borders, dispos'd with so seeming a Regularity, as to make the whole prospect look like one continu'd Canal, the Effect of the most studious Contrivance: Whilst at a distant View you take in a large Tract of hoary Woods, interspers'd with verdant Spots that bear the Semblance of the most refreshing Meadows: rustick Grottos, rugged Caverns, mossy Caves, and cooling Cells, seem to border their Sides. Here the lofty Oak, with all his kindred Tribe, clad in robes of an tique Moss, seems, by its venerable Appearance, to be the real Monarch of the Woods; the Cedar, sweet as the Cedar of Lebanon., the towering evergreen Pine, the fragrant Hickary, the mourn ful Cypress, and here and there the triumphant Laurel, are seen in full Lustre, and preside over an Infinity of lesser Products, that seem to venerate, beneath, their more advanc'd and distin guished Neighbors. The savory Sassafras Shrub perfumes the Air, the Prickly-Pear Shrub offers his tempting Fruit to the Hand, but wisely tells you, by the Points that guard it, not to indulge to Excess; the delicious Mulberry, the swelling Peach, the Olive, the Pomegranate, the Walnut, all combine to furnish out the Paradisaical Ban quet."19

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[ xviii ] He was floridly eloquent in his descriptions of wildlifedeer, mockingbirds, larks, mullet, cat fish, oysters, and the "dreadful Alligator/' He was also acutely aware of the pesty insects. Mos quitoes had the bite of a rattlesnake and were to be suffered along with the sandflies, ticks, and cockroaches. Savannah impressed him as a health ful place. Here, unlike Charleston, rain water dried up quickly and left "no noxious Steams" to cause agues (10-13, 18). He also described conditions in other southern colonies. In Maryland he observed that English factors had so severely abused tobacco farmers that they were shifting from tobacco to grain and livestock production for export to the West Indies (35). In Maryland, Virginia, and the Carolinas he was astonished at the number of "Colonels, Majors, and Captains" he encountered; mili tia officers were so numerous that the colonies seemed a "Retreat for Heroes." But his astonish ment turned to disgust when he saw these men at muster. They were unsightly, unkempt in their diverse uniforms, and undisciplined. In fact, he claimed that their appearance would nauseate him forever after at the sight of a sword or mili tary sash (36). On slavery Kimber was adamant. "Thou worst and greatest of Evils," he wrote, "I view thee in the Semblance of a Wretch trod upon by ermin'd ancjl turban'd Tyrants, and with poignant, heartbreaking Sighs, dragging after thee a toilsome Length of Chain, or bearing African burdens" (40). Kimber was very impressed by Virginia, the most opulent of the colonies he visited. For his palate he found excellent wines, brandies, and rum, even bottled English port. Trade was brisk in Virginia, and her people consumed prodigious

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[ xix ] quantities of beef, pork, and grain. He was im pressed too with the magnificence of the houses in Yorktown, and thought they were the equal of the best at Saint James. But he could not say the same for the coaches drawn by horses of varying colors. In one case he was appalled to see black, white, and chestnut horses in the same harness. Roads in Virginia were among the best he had ever seen, "infinitely superior to most in England?' (59-60). Yorktown impressed him more than Williamsburg, "a most wretch'd contriv'd Affair for the Capital of a Country, being near Three Miles from the Sea in a bad Situation. There is nothing considerable in it, but the Col lege, the Governor's House, and one or two more, which are no bad Piles/' He termed William and Mary College a "Resort of all the Children, whose Parents can afford it" (60, 47). The students had excellent, cultured teachers, but the college was not equal to those in Massachusetts. Youth in the South, stated Kimber, were "pamper'd much more in Softness and Ease than their Neighbours more Northward" (48). Students did not study as hard nor were they as polite. He blamed this on parents who allowed their children "to consort with young Negroes, which insensibly causes them to imbibe their Manners and broken Speech" (48). Taverns were numerous "and much frequented" to taint the morals of the young. "Schemes of Gain, or Parties of Gaming and Pleasure, muddy too much their Souls and ban ish from amongst them the glorious Propensity to doing good" (60). His return to England did not end Kimber's military career, and he continued periodic service at least until the end of 1748. In September, 1745, for example, he served for two weeks aboard

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[xx] the Success, a warship of forty guns, relieving a Captain George Dunbar. His command consisted of four sergeants, three corporals, one drum, fiftynine privates, thirty-three women, and twelve children. In all, he notes, between March 10, 1743, and December 4, 1748, he received almost one hundred pounds for various periods of mili tary or naval service.20 Kimber also married after his return from Georgia, probably in late 1744 or early 1745. His wife, Susanna Lunn Kimber, bore him at least one son, George Thorpe Kim ber, but otherwise little is known of his personal life.21 Besides occasional periods of military service, Kimber continued to write, compile, and edit. He also obtained a modest reputation for eight novels, published between 1750 and 1765.22 They all followed the same pattern. Each was written in the first person as fictionalized autobiography, purportedly based on the author's papers or diary. All the novels were anonymous. All of Kimber's heroes were patterned more or less on Henry Fielding's Tom Jones, with outlandishly coincidental encounters, narrow escapes, hilari ous amorous adventures, mistaken identities, and bawdy characters. Some drew heavily from Kim ber's American experiences, particularly The Life and Adventures of Joe Thompson and The His tory of the Life arid Adventures of Mr. Anderson. That they were eminently readable for English men of the mid-eighteenth century is clear from the number of editions published. Joe Thompson went through six English printings; Mr. Anderson, six; James Ramble, two; David Ranger, three; Neville Frowde, three; The Happy Or phans, three; Maria, four; and William Goldsmith, three. Kimber's books were also read in

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[ xxi ] Europe. Joe Thompson was published in Paris, Frankfurt, and Leipzig; and William Goldsmith appeared in French translation.23 InJhis time Kimber was considered little better than a third-rate novelist. He wrote far too rap idly and insisted upon following the pattern of his first novel, Joe Thompson. He thrived on the melodramatic; and morality, justice, and good ness always triumphed for his heroes after severe challenges from immorality, injustice, and evil. One modern observer, however, finds some re deeming qualities in Kimber's books. For the so cial historian, he states, Kimber's descriptions of colonial America, life in a Fleet Street prison, and English tradesmen are excellent. Perhaps too, says this critic, if Kimber had taken more time to learn the art of the novel and had not been diverted by his compiling and editing, he might have improved his technique and at least approached second-rate status. Above all, how ever, Kimber's novels redeem him from his repu tation as a drudge. He obviously had a lively imagination, keen sense of humor, an eye for the ridiculous, and a romantic sensibility.24 What were the other activities that kept him from being a good novelist? He wrote for The London Magazinepoetry, essays, travel ac counts, obituaries, and similar itemsand he assisted in the editing. For these jobs he earned one pound a week. He also compiled indices for the periodical in 1752, 1753, and 1754, pocketing three pounds each for these endeavors. Then, in 1755, when his father died, Edward became edi tor, serving in this capacity until his death in 1769.25 Kimber engaged in a host of other activities, some of little consequence. He prepared lists of fairs with dates for England and Wales,

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[ xxii ] compiled almanacs, wrote a handbook for gar deners, rendered advice to fishermen in an an gler's magazine, drew up a guide for women letter writers, edited parliamentary debates for publication, and worked on lists of the English peerage,26 Whether he made a meager living at such tasks or was well paid is not clear, but he was not poor. Kimber obviously had the disci pline and the knack for his Grub Street endeavors compiling indexes, garnering genealogical in formation, correcting the copy of others, and making concordances. Thus his reputation as a drudge. Yet viewing his whole career, one sees another side to Edward Kimber, a man with a multiplicity of interests, who was energetic, crea tive, and vital. That he died in 1769 worn out with the drudgery of compiling and correcting may have been partially true, but Kimber's other achievements belie this epitaph. The Raid on St. Augustine. Kimber's Relation speaks for itself and needs few comments. Published in 1744 under a pseudonym (G. L. Campbell, v. E. K.), it appeared in the form of a letter written to the Reverend Mr. Isaac Kr in London. In many respects it re sembles Kimber's later novels, especially in its anonymity and narration in the first person. In its style the Relation is very much like the "Ob servations" on America which appeared later in The London Magazine, both flowery and effusive. In the main, however, Kimber narrates the course of events from February 26 to March 31, 1743, as a participant in the Florida expedition. Only at the end when he eulogizes Oglethorpe's cour-

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[ xxiii ] age and greatness does he deviate from straight forward narration of this small episode in the inter-colonial struggle in the Southeast.27 Still, despite the fact the Relation speaks for itself, it can be understood far better against the back drop of events unfolding in Georgia and Florida during the War of Jenkins' Ear. When Oglethorpe first came to Georgia in 1732, he was discreet in his relations with his Spanish neighbors. While wooing Indian allies with rum, guns, and presents, he was cautious at first not to incite them against the Spanish. He knew that Indian raids on Spain's settlements in Florida would only inspire retaliatory attacks on his own infant colony, and he tried to restrain the Carolinians from antagonizing the Indians against the Spaniards, lest he have to bear the brunt of an assault by the vengeful Floridians.28 By 1738, however, he felt secure enough to become more aggressive, and less constrained about inhibiting his Indian allies. During the summer of that year, Lower Creeks raided Spanish settlements around St. Augustine and moved up the St. Johns River to the twin forts of Pupo and Picolata west of St. Augustine. Here the Creeks ravaged the stock ades and killed two soldiers.29 Uchizes under Oglethorpe's urging followed soon after, blocking the trail between St. Augustine and Apalache and investing Spanish Indian villages west of the pre sidio of Fort San Marcos.30 A counterattack by Spanish Indians on Amelia Island in November, 1739, resulted in the killing and mangling of two unfortunate English woodcutters but accom plished little else.31 With the outbreak of the War of Jenkins' Ear in the Southeast, these border skirmishes gave way to more extensive fighting. In January, 1740,

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[ xxiv ] Oglethorpe sent a force of two hundred Creek, Chickasaw, and Uchize warriors and a few High land Rangers up the St. Johns, again to Pupo and Picolata. Here the Highlanders and Indians killed twelve infantrymen before they sent the Spanish garrisons of the two blockhouses scurry ing back to St. Augustine.32 With this as his pre lude, the Georgia governor launched a major invasion in the late spring of 1740. With over sixteen hundred men, seven warships, and forty small dugouts, he aimed to oust the Spanish from Florida once and for all. The story of that attack has been well told elsewhere,33 but in the end Oglethorpe failed. Although his siege of St. Au gustine lasted less than a month (June 13 to July 4, 1740), his inability to coordinate his troops and naval forces, the impregnability of Fort San Marcos, a surprise Spanish attack on English positions north of St. Augustine, and relief ships from Cuba all combined to frustrate the Geor gian's attempt to take Florida. Edward Kimber put the blame elsewhere: Oglethorpe, he wrote, "was betray'd and neglect'd by the mean Caro lina Regiment, and many of the Men of War."34 In the summer of 1742 the Spaniards took their turn at all-out offensive. Under Governor Manuel de Montiano, they brought together a force of nineteen hundred men, five large menof-war, and forty-nine small boats, all intended for an assault on Fort Frederica, focal point of English power in Georgia. As had Oglethorpe in Florida two years earlier, Montiano failed. His invasion attempt in June and July, 1742 was frus trated by his own timidity, bad weather, lack of familiarity with the terrain, a decisive English victory at Bloody Marsh south of Frederica, and lack of supplies. In the end Montiano's only ac complishments were the burning of two English

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[ XXV ] blockhouses on Cumberland Island and some fields on St. Simon and Jekyll islands. In Spain Jose del Campillo, Minister of Marine and the Indies, was furious and railed against Montiano's "poor leadership, lack of diligence, and ineffi ciency."35 Thus, in 1740 and 1742 the English and Span ish had each launched a major oflFensive. Both had failed, and with Montiano's defeat at Bloody Marsh, the complexion of the war in the South east changed. Hostilities turned into smbll raids and counterraids by tiny bands of whites and Indians on each side, and marked an end to costly large expeditions. The failures of 1740 and 1742 and subsequent events have led one ob server to state that the struggle in the Southeast in the wars of the 1740s consisted of "a great deal of grandiloquent marchings back and forth, much mismanagement, bad luck, and disappoint ment on the part of both sides, so much as to make it appear at times like a comic opera."36 That it seemed farcical for contemporaries is clear from the comments of one disillusioned Boston rhymester: From Georgia to Augustine the General goes; From Augustine to Georgia come our foes; Hardy from Charleston to St. Simon hies, Again from there to Charleston back he flies. Forth from St. Simons then the Spaniards creep; 'Say Children, Is not this your Bo Peep?37 The Raid from English Sources. For Oglethorpe the raid on St. Augustine in 1743, which Edward Kimber described in the Re-lation, was an attempt to retaliate for the Spanish

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[ xxvi ] assault on Frederica in July, 1742, but more im mediately, to avenge the Yamasee raid on the trading post, Mount Venture, on the Altamaha in November, 1742. In the latter attack Yamasees had burned the main house at Mount Venture and had taken five prisonersfour rangers and an Indian servant. Compassionately they had left the commandant's wife and her young baby be hind. But on the way south, on some provocation, the Yamasees suddenly killed two of the prisoners, turned back to the trading post, and mur dered the mother and her infant daughter. On the return trek to St. Augustine, however, the Indian servant escaped and notified Oglethorpe of what had happened. The Indian reported and rumors were rampant in both St. Augustine and Fredericathat the Spaniards were girding for another major offensive against Georgia. Ogle thorpe responded by sending Captain John Wil liams and Lieutenant Colonel Alexander Heron north to Carolina, Virginia, and Maryland to seek recruits. Williams ultimately returned with 30 cavalrymen, Heron with 211 infantrymen, Ed ward Kimber among them.38 Besides these new recruits Oglethorpe received aid from the Lower Creeks and their chief, Chigilly. Previously these Indians had been reluctant to join the English in attacks on Spanish settle ments; now they were eager for revenge on the Yamasees for their destruction of the trading post at Mount Venture, which had been so useful to them.39 By the end of February Oglethorpe had assembled a detachment of 200 of his own regulars, the 211 soldiers recruited by Heron, the 30 cavalrymen, some Scotch Highlanders, a few sailors, and 80 (70?) Lower Creek warriors. To transport this force, he procured the guard

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[ xxvii ] schooner, Walker, and two private schooners, The Sea Flower and Elizabeth. Although not a large enough force to oust the Spaniards from St. Augustine, Oglethorpe believed it capable of blocking at last the incursions of the Spaniards and their Indian allies on Georgia.40 The expedition departed Frederica on Sunday, February 27, to the thunder of a twenty-one-gun salute. Those not embarking on the larger ocean going vessels made their way south in the small scout boats and piraguas, following the inland waterway south toward the St. Johns. On March 3 and 4 Oglethorpe ordered his men to disembark on Amelia and Cumberland islands for a respite, while he continued with an advance party. On the south bank of the St. Johns he established a base camp and sent word back to his men at Fort Prince William to join him. At the same time he obtained additional naval support from the yawl Success, commanded by a Captain William Thomson, who reported also that he had en countered two large warships out of Jamaica, the Kent and the York, with seventy and sixty guns respectively. They were in the area hoping to seize the galleon and small ship bound from Ha vana to St. Augustine with supplies and money for the Florida garrison.41 By March 9 all of Oglethorpe's troops had gathered at his camp on the St. Johns to prepare for the assault on St. Augustine/Meanwhile, the eighty Creek warriors moved toward the presidio to reconnoiter the area, where they hoped to cap ture a live prisoner to provide Oglethorpe with information on the strength of the Spanish garrison. Advancing to the western bank of the Piego River near Fort San Marcos, the warrior band ambushed a Spanish longboat filled with a troop

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[ xxviii ] of twenty men and two officers who were escort ing a band of forced laborers digging sod to shore up the hornworks of the fort. In the am bush the Indians killed one soldier and five of the forced laborers; one officer, eleven soldiers, and six laborers were wounded. The two soldiers taken prisoner were mutilated and then scalped in retaliation for the one Indian killed by a Span ish musket. Although the skirmish had occurred j close enough for Montiano to hear the musket fire, he could not retaliate; he lacked the pira guas needed to cross the Diego River. The next day, however, he dispatched a search party, but the cavalry force found nothing. The Indians had retired north after the ambush.42 The Indians reached Oglethorpe's encampment on the St. Johns on March 11 and presented the governor with five scalps, a severed hand, and a number of severed arms. They claimed that they had killed over forty Spaniards. In return for these macabre gifts, Oglethorpe proffered wine and food, and then invited them to join him in his projected attack on St. Augustine. All but four refused and left the English camp for their villages to the north.43 Undeterred by the defection of the seventyfive Lower Creeks, Oglethorpe went ahead with his plans. His strategy called for his forces to march close to St. Augustine, to send a few sol diers and Indians under the guns of the presidio as bait to lure Montiano's cavalry footsoldiers out of the sanctuary of Fort San Marcos, and finally to ambush and defeat them, much as he had done at Bloody Marsh in 1742. He knew that one rea son for his failure in 1740 was the Spaniards' refusal to come out and fight. Now he hoped to entice them into open country where he and his

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[ xxix ] forces would have the advantage. Leaving their camp on the St. Johns on March 14, the English forces marched south along the Atlantic beach, spending their first night on the dunes along the coast. The next morning they moved inland, heading southwest along an old trail to deserted Fort San Diego. By the following day they reached a site called the Grove, about five miles northwest of St. Augustine, where they stopped briefly to rest and quench their thirst. Pressing on; they advanced to within three miles of the presidio, but at this juncture Oglethorpe sud denly was forced to change his plans. One of his men had deserted to the Spaniards, eliminating the element of surprise and causing Oglethorpe to order a forced march northward where he could refashion his plans without endangering his men.44 On the hard march north Oglethorpe had an other inspiration. He believed that once the de serter poured out information on the strength and position of the English troops, Montiano would come out in force to attack. Thus, on March 17 he ordered his sleepless, insect-ridden men to prepare another ambush for the expected Spanish assault. But the Spaniards never mate rialized. Montiano preferred to stay within the friendly confines of Fort San Marcos. Frustrated and outraged, Oglethorpe tried to force the Span iards into the ambush. With six rangers he rode to the very walls of San Marcos, but this only caused several terrified sentries to rush inside the presidio. Montiano was evidently willing to let Oglethorpe's force roam the area unmolested and unchallenged.45 With no one to fight, yet not strong enough to besiege San Marcos, Oglethorpe was in a quan-

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[ XXX ] dary. His way out was a decision to remain in the area three more days, hoping that Montiano would ultimately make a move. Returning to his main force, he ordered his men to remain at their positions ready to meet a Spanish attack. Again, the desertion of one of his men forced a change in his plans, and on March 18 he called for an immediate retreat lest his forces be caught in a trap, and then they broke camp and headed back to the St. Johns.46 Oglethorpe was probably wise to retire, since the deserter provided Montiano with precise in formation on both the size and strength of the English expedition. He also exposed Oglethorpe's plan to take a live prisoner from whom he could extract information on Spanish forces in St. Au gustine and destroy Montiano's cavalry in am bush. More than that, the deserter said that one hundred Caveta Indians would arrive in April to reinforce the main body of Oglethorpe's troops. Montiano also learned of the naval strength of the British expeditionthe galiot at the bar of the St. Johns with fourteen guns of nine, six, and four-pounds caliber; the two piraguas with four cannon; several others with two and three; the six launches; and the two large men-of-war lying in wait for the subsidy and supply ships from Cuba.47 Although the retreat back to the St. Johns on March 18 marked the end of major land operations, it did not mean the termination of lesser ventures. On March 19, for example, Highlanders under Lieutenant Charles MacKay took a scout boat, the Darien, up the St. Johns to Fort Pupo to see if the blockhouse had been rebuilt and rein forced. At the same time twenty newly arrived Creeks went out in search of Spanish scalps near

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[ xxxi ] St. Augustine, but when they approached the town, they closed with a band of Spanish Yamasees and were badly beaten. On March 25 still another band of fifty Cherokees, Upper Creeks, and Lower Creeks trekked south to get revenge on the Yamasee, but this time neither the Spanish Indians nor the Spaniards would come out to fight.48 Despite his frustrations on land, Oglethorpe was still eager to use his naval superiority. On March 21, for example, three vessels, including the British man-of-war Rye under Captain Charles Hardy, the galley Charlestown under a Captain Lightfoot, and the frigate Success under Captain William Thomson, anchored near Oglethorpe's command post on the St. Johns. In the conference which ensued the governor proposed that they singe the Spaniards' beards once more by invad ing Santa Anastasia Island. The Spaniards pas tured their cattle on the island, and Oglethorpe saw the opportunity to cut off the meat supply for the town and presidio. The three ships could be used to cover the landing of his troops and take them off after they had slaughtered the cattle. Hardy refused to participate, but Thomp son proved more cooperative and agreed to es cort and cover the boats containing the eightyman English and Indian invasion force. On March 28 they made their first attempt to land on the island, but the surf was too high, and they had to give up. Two subsequent attempts on March 29 and 30 failed for the same reason, forcing Oglethorpe once more to forsake his plans. Thus, with the forces still remaining in the area, he departed for home with little to show for his efforts.49

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[ xxxii ] The Raid from Spanish Sources. With some embellishment from Spanish sources, the foregoing constitutes a somewhat fuller ver sion of what Edward Kimber saw as a participant in the English raid on St. Augustine in 1743. But the episode has another side as well, that of the timid Manuel de Montiano in Fort San Marcos, fending off Oglethorpe's thrust into Florida. For Montiano the attack of the Spanish Yamasees on Mount Venture late in November, 1742 was cru cial. In his version of the raid he reported that Indians friendly to the Spaniards had assaulted the blockhouse on the Altamaha (he said the English name was Tamaja). Inside they found five English cavalrymen, one Indian, a woman, and her infant daughter. Three of the soldiers died during the initial fighting, leaving as pris oners two horsemen, the Indian, the wife of the commandant, and her child. After imbibing a vast quantity of wine, the Indians then burned the blockhouse and threw all the goods that they could not carry with them into the Altamaha River. With two English soldiers and the Indian as prisoners, they left Mount Venture for St. Au gustine. The Indian, it appeared, was happy to be captured by the Spaniards and to leave Eng lish tutelage, but this was only a cover. After four days he escaped into the woods. The Yamasee had no idea where he had gone.50 When the Indians arrived at St. Augustine early in December, Montiano immediately inter rogated the two cavalrymen. They reported that 1,000 troops were in Charleston awaiting the ar rival of Admiral Edward Vernon, who would take them south to join James Oglethorpe for another siege of St. Augustine in the spring of

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[ xxxiii ] 1743. Vernon would command the naval forces, Oglethorpe the land army. Where the 1,000 men in Charleston had come from was not clear to the English prisoners.51 That the English intended a major offensive in 1743 was also confirmed by the commandant of Spanish Pensacola52 and an Irish artilleryman serving in the Havana garrison who obtained his information from a British sailor from Providence.53 (This is a good example of how rumors spread in mid-eighteenth-century Florida.) In fact these rumors had proved so compelling that the governor of Cuba, Francisco de Giiemes y Horcasitas, sent three hundred troops to Florida under Lieutenant Colonel Juan Pichon and a large quantity of wheat, meat, vege tables, and other supplies.54 Montiano reacted by fortifying the Matanzas Inlet with a permanent stone installation erected on the soft mud of the island commanding the entrance to the bar. At the presidio he worked feverishly to strengthen the earthworks around the inland approaches to Fort San Marcos.55 In fact the party of soldiers and forced laborers surprised in the Creek am bush at the Diego River were digging sod for the hornworks of the fort. This, then, was the situation in St. Augustine at the time Oglethorpe launched his attack in March, 1743. It is clear that both Montiano and the governor of Cuba expected a major siege, much like that of 1740. They did not know that Oglethorpe planned something less, and this may explain Montiano's reluctance to engage the In dians and English forces roaming so freely in the woods north of St. Augustine. Fortunately we also have a Spanish version of the events de scribed by Edward Kimber. Montiano gave his side of the episode in a letter to the Spanish Min-

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[ xxxiv ] ister of Marine and the Indies, Jose del Cam-pillo:56 Sir: In a letter of March 12 Your Excellency in cludes a written testimony of Don Domingo de la Cruz in which he shows his surprise at learning that the English in Carolina are preparing an expedition that he believes is aimed at this presidio. He also informs Your Excellency about the illegal contacts which resulted during the ex change of prisoners, despite a promise of Parliar ment to the contrary. He argues that when the same thing occurred here we zealously observed the agreement made between the two crowns, and this particular fact ought to obligate them to subscribe more closely to the agreement.57 Now, I will say to Your Excellency how surprised I was on March 11th to see a frigate and two galiots passing in front of this presidio. Then, on the 21st a troop of eighty Indians friendly to the English surprised a detachment of twenty men, one sub-lieutenant, and a sergeant, who were protecting the forced laborers employed in dig ging up sod for the hornworks being erected for the greater security of this presidio. The Indians killed one soldier and five forced laborers; seri ously wounded the officer, sergeant, eleven soldiers, and six forced laborers; and captured two soldiers, whom, according to the testimony of a deserter, they also murdered in a barbaric fashion. Unfortunately, despite their proximity to the fort, I could not come to the aid of this party, not only because of the suddenness of their as sault but also because our piraguas were on the other side of the river and there was no way to ferry our troops across. The next day cavalrymen

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[ XXXV ] went out to reconnoiter the area. They found a trail and indications that a large number of men had been there waiting in ambush, posted at the only spot where a land detachment could have come to the aid of our men if the Indians had not retired as soon as they made their attach But God saved us from this trap whose effects would have been so fatal and impossible to prevent at that moment. The next day on the 22nd a frigate was seen to the north, and subsequently another two, ply ing the waters near the coast on the 24th, 26th, 27th, and 28th. On the 28th the deserter already cited entered this presidio. He said that Oglethorpe had three hundred men from his regiment in the vicinity, that he had come with the object of taking a live prisoner and destroying our cavalry. He knew that our horsemen sally out whenever there is some abnormal activity in the area and that they often reconnoiter as far north as the St. Johns River. To this end he brought thirty cavalrymen and twenty-one Scotch Highlanders in addition to the Indians. Moreover, the deserter believed he [Oglethorpe] had another scheme as well: he was waiting for one hundred Caveta Indians and Colonel Cook who would arrive in April as rein forcements for his troop in order to lay siege to this presidio. When the deserter arrived at the St. Johns, there was one galiot with fourteen guns of nine-, six-, and four-pound caliber; one large piragua with four guns; another with one four pounder; some smaller vessels; and six long boats. The captain of a frigate which crossed the bar, ad vised Oglethorpe that one vessel of sixty guns and another of fifty, which they had not been

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[ xxxvi ] informed of before starting out, were in coastal waters close by, lying in wait for the ship which ought to bring the subsidy for the presidio. The 29th and 30th the two frigates and the galiot stayed close in, and at dusk three other ships appeared, but their courses could not be determined. With these vessels in the vicinity and trusting the deserter because he gave such a true, con sistently clear picture of the strength of their forces, I did not take any action to counter Ogle thorpe's audacious activities except on the 29th to send out a party of Indians, accompanied by two Spaniards, to reconnoiter their encampment and bring back news of what they saw. Upon their return to this presidio after five days, they informed me that Oglethorpe had penetrated into this area with the same number of men the de serter had given me. Accordingly, they inferred from the trail they left that they had retreated but only to the St. Johns where it was impossible to seize a sentry because their camp lay in the open with a great many men in the vicinity. Out side the mouth of the bar lay two frigates and a galiot, and inside the bar, the galiot and other piraguas and launches to which the deserter had already referred. Upon their [the Spanish Indians] return here at ten in the evening of the 2nd, three leagues from this presidio, they encountered a group of enemy Indians headed toward the St. Johns. Once our Indians became aware of their pres ence, they lay in wait in ambush and successfully fired on them with light muskets. Our men really did not know how much damage they did. Al though three enemy Indians lay dead and thougjh the remainder of their force scurried into the

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[ xxxvii ] woods, our party did not want to stop to ferret them out because they did not want to risk the loss of any more men. Still, they believed the enemy Indians were very badly battered since they did not return our fire. As a result of all that has been discussed so far, I can finally inform Your Excellency what I have been able to discover about the ships which have just been seen near this place. There are three frigates, four galiots, and two flatboats, which have sailed off in different directions. Later on the 8th one frigate, four galiots, and two flatboats approached this bar and that of Matanzas. Be lieving they were going to attack that fort, I dis patched four galiots to stop them from entering the mouth of the river. Because the English rec ognized the difficulty of their venture, or for some other reason that cannot be explained, they re tired on the 10th without having made an assault. A large number of Indians remained in this vicinity. I conjectured from what the deserter said that they were waiting for General Ogle thorpe and were there to join his regular troops. Although their activities were not sufficient cause for concern, I still could not ignore Oglethorpe's overall design, especially if he were awaiting additional aid that would enable him to carry through his original plan. Thus, I maintained the necessary vigilance, communicating everything that occurred to the governor in Havana so that with this knowledge he could take those actions which appeared conducive for better serving the king and assuring the security of this presidio. I have requested the governor of Havana to provide the galley and other ships as support for the galiots which defend the entrance of this bar in case the enemy comes to lay siege to this pre-

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[ xxxviii ] sidio. The Lieutenant General [governor of Cuba] sent this galley with a 106-man crew. It entered the harbor on the 4th of this month. Happily there were no enemy vessels nearby to see it until it had dropped anchor in the bay. For now that is what I wish to bring to Your Excellency's attention so that Your Excellency can inform the King. I desire that God guard the esteemed person of Your Excellency for many years. St. Augustine, Florida, April 13, 1743 Your most obedient servant, Don Manuel Montiano [rubric] Montiano's superiors were outraged at his cow ardice and indecisive action. After consultation with Philip V, Campillo bitterly rebuked the Florida governor. He accused Montiano of not doing his best to maintain the security of the presidio and of neglecting his responsibilities by not taking reprisals on the English and their Indian allies when they appeared near the fort. In Campillo's view, Oglethorpe had taught Mon tiano and his men a good lesson, and the next time the king hoped the Florida garrison would be better prepared to face an attack.58 Montiano was in no better standing with the governor of Cuba, Juan Francisco de Giiemes y Horcasitas. Guemes had sent reinforcements0 men under Lieutenant Colonel Juan Pichonand other kinds of aid, but to no good purpose. He saw little hope that the incompetent Montiano could accomplish anything against Oglethorpe, who had already shown up Montiano's ineptitude at Bloody Marsh. As a result Guemes was recalling Pichon and his men. In one last word he stated angrily: "Your

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[ xxxix ] Excellency should understand how disagreeable these events are for me because of the way in which steps were taken to overturn what I in tended and conceived and put forward for the best interests of the king/'59 In short, Montiano had not fulfilled his responsibilities. But he was not recalled. In fact he stayed on in Florida six more years, strengthening the defenses of the pre sidio and improving relationships with the Indians. When he left St. Augustine in 1749, he was actually rewarded with the governorship of Pan ama and the presidency of the audiencia60 there, evidence that his superiors had short memories.61 Although only an episode in the larger contest for empire in the Southeast, the Oglethorpe raid in March, 1743 marked the end of an era. First, after 1743 no more serious attempts were made either from Georgia or from Carolina to dislodge the Spaniards from their positions in St. Augus tine, Apalache, and Pensacola. In fact one Eng lish officer stated forlornly, the Spaniards "make the greatest Jest, Burlesque, and ridicule of all our Expeditions from Cartagena to Augustine." Second, the lessening of tension between Florida and the English colonies after 1743 reflected a shift in the balance of power in the Southeast. The English had learnedby hard experiencethat they could not uproot the Spaniards in Flor ida, yet they could contain them within the con fines of the Florida peninsula. Now a more serious threat came from the French in Mobile and Natchez and from their coureurs des bois working among the Indians in the interior. Third, the In dians themselves began changing their stance in the face of the three-cornered imperial struggle in the Southeast. From Queen Anne's War to the

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[xl] Oglethorpe raid in 1743, the English had domi nated the Indians, won them over as allies, and used them effectively against the Spaniards. Oc casionally there were defections, like the Yamasee in 1715, but overall the Carolinians and Georgians were masterful in gaining the friend ship of the natives. After 1743, however, the Indi ans began to see the advantages of playing off the English against the Spaniards or French, to accept offers for their friendship or neutrality from the highest bidder. And the Indians often changed their minds. This helped the governor in St. Augustine, and the number of Indian raids declined sharply. In the end Montiano and his successors were able to strengthen their hold on Spanish Florida. In fact, by 1763 when a diplomats' treaty turned the colony over to the English, Florida was in a stronger defensive position than ever before.62 The Spaniards had prevailed in the face of many adversities. JOHN JAY TEPASKE Duke University Notes. 1. The standard general account of the discovery and col onization of Florida to 1574 is still Woodbury Lowery, The Spanish Settlements within the Present Limits of the United States, 1513-1574, 2 vols. (New York, 1901, 1905). On the French in Florida one should consult Charles E. Bennett, Laudonniere and Fort Caroline: Documents and History (Gainesville, Fla., 1964). David L. Dowd reviews the his toriography of the French in Florida in the introduction to Jean Ribaut, The Whole ir True Discovery of Terra Florida (Gainesville, Fla., 1964), a facsimile edition of the London publication of 1563. Another useful reprint (of the 1587 edi tion) is Rene Laudonniere, A Notable History Containing Four Voyages Made by Certain French Captains into Florida, ed. M. Basanier, trans. R. Hakluyt (Larchmont, N.Y., 1964).

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Mi] See also Rene Laudonniere, Three Voyages, trans. Charles E. Bennett (Gainesville, Fla., 1975). For Pedro Menendez de Aviles and the founding of Florida see Gonzalo Solis de Meras, Pedro Menindez de Avilis: Adelantado, Governor, and Captain-General of Florida, trans. Jeannette Thurber Connor (DeLand, Fla., 1923); in the introduction to a fac simile edition of Menindez (Gainesville, Fla., 1964) Lyle N. McAlister reviews the historiography of the Spanish in Florida; Michael V. Gannon, The Cross in the Sand (Gainesville, Fla., 1965); Bartolome Barrientos, Pedro Menindez de Avilis, Founder of Florida, trans. Anthony Kerrigan (Gainesville, Fla., 1965). 2. The best study on mission expansion is John Tate Lanning, The Spanish Missions of Georgia (Chapel Hill, N.C., 1935). See also the dissertation of Robert Allen Matter, "The Spanish Missions of Florida: The Friars versus the Governor in the Golden Age," University of Washington, Seattle, 1972; Matter, "Economic Basis of the Seventeenth-Century Florida Missions," and "Missions in the Defense of Florida,' Florida Historical Quarterly 52 (July, 1973): 18-38, 54 (July, 1975): 18-38. 3. The source for this period is Verner W. Crane, The Southern Frontier, 1670-1732 (Ann Arbor, Mich., 1929). 4. On the siege of 1740 see Collections of the Georgia His-torical Society, vol. 7, pt. 1 (Savannah, 1909); The Saint Augustine Expedition of 1740: A Report to the South Carolina General Assembly, Reprinted from the Colonial Records of South Carolina with an Introduction by John Tate Loaning (Columbia, S.C., 1954); Larry E. Ivers, British Drums on the Southern Frontier: The Military Colonization of Georgia, 1733-1749 (Chapel Hill, N.C., 1974), op. 90-132; John Jay TePaske, The Governorship of Spanish Florida (Durham, N.C., 1964), pp. 139-46. 5. For the Spanish invasion of Georgia see Ivers, British Drums, pp. 151-73; TePaske, Governorship of Spanish Florida, pp. 146-52; Collections of the Georgia Historical Society, vol. 7, pt. 3 (Savannah, 1913). 6. Dictionary of National Biography (DNB), s.v., "Kimber, Edward." 7. Sidney A. Kimber, "The 'Relation of a Late Expedition to St. Augustine/ with Biographical and Bibliographical Notes on Isaac and Edward Kimber," in The Papers of the Bibliographical Society of America (Chicago, 1934), 28:81-96; Kimber's introduction to A Relation, or Journal, of a Late Expedition to the Gates of St. Augustine, on Florida (Boston, 1935), pp. iii-viii, a reprint of the 1744 edition. Leonard L. Mackall, "The Wymberley Jones De Renne Georgia Library by Its Librarian," Georgia Historical Society 2 (June, 1918): 63-86. Frank Gees Black, "Edward Kimber: Anonymous Nov-

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[xlii] elist of the Mid-Eighteenth Century," Harvard Studies and Notes in Philology and Literature 17 (1935): 27-42. 8. Alexander Chalmers, ed., The General Biographical Dictionary: Containing an Historical and Critical Account of the Lives and Writings of the Most Eminent Persons in Every Nation; particularly the British and Irish; from the Earliest, Accounts to the Present Time (London, 1815), 19:348-49. 9. S. Kimber, "Biographical Notes," p. 94. 10. Chalmers, Biographical Dictionary, p. 349; DNB, s.v. "Kimber, Isaac." 11. Chalmers, Biographical Dictionary, p. 349. 12. Ibid., pp. 348-49; DNB; S. Kimber, "Biographical Notes," pp. 94r-96. 13. DNB. 14. S. Kimber, "Biographical Notes," p. 82; Black, "Anony mous Novelist," p. 80. 15. S. Kimber, "Biographical Notes," pp. 82-83. This ar ticle contains a copy of Edward Kimber's notations on his itinerary in America. 16. Edward Kimber, "Itinerant Observations in America, Reprinted from the London Magazine, 1745-46," in Collec-\ tions of the Georgia Historical Society (Savannah, 1878), 4:15-18. 17. S. Kimber, "Biographical Notes," g. 83. 18. When originally published, the 'Observations" were out of order and did not follow Edward Kimber's original itinerary in America. Kimber points this out in a note in the "Observations," pp. 63-64. 19. E. Kimber, "Observations," p. 10; succeeding refer ences (page numbers) to this source appear within paren theses in the text. 20. S. Kimber, "Biographical Notes," p. 83. 21. Ibid., p. 88. 22. Listed are the titles and dates of publication of Kimber's novels. The Life and Adventures of Joe Thompson: A Narrative Founded on Fact; Written by Himself, 2 vols. (London, 1750). The History of the Life and Adventures of Mr. Anderson; Containing His Strange Variety of Fortune in Europe and America; Compiled from His Own Papers (London, 1754). The Life and Adventures of James Ramble, Esq.; Interspersed with the Various Fortunes of Certain Noble Personages Deeply Concerned in the Northern Qpmmotions in the Year 1715; From His Own Manuscript, 2 vols. (London, 1754). The Juvenile Adventures of David Ranger, Esq.; From an Original Manuscript Found in the ColWction of a Late Noble Lord, 2 vols. (London, 1756). The Life and Extraordinary Adventures of Capt. Neville Frowde of Cork; Written by Himself (London, 1758). The Happy Orphans: An Authentic History of Persons in High Life, 2 vols. (London, 1759). Maria: The Genuine Memoirs of an Admired

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[ xliii ] Lady of Rank and Fortune and Some of Her Friends (London, 1764). The Generous Briton, or the Authentic Memoirs of William Goldsmith, Esq., 2 vols. (London, 1765). See also Black, "Anonymous Novelist," for a full discussion of the novelstheir literary merit and place in English life in the mid-eighteenth century. 23. Black, "Anonymous Novelist," pp. 28-29. 24. Ibid., pp. 36-42. 25. S. Kimber, "Biographical Notes," pp. 88-90. 26. DNB; S. Kimber, "Biographical Notes," pp. 88-94, which lists most of what Edwara Kimber wrote and edited and in some cases gives the sums of money he received for his work. 27. E. Kimber, Relation, pp. 34-35. 28. James Oglethorpe to the Duke of Newcastle, Frederica, April, 1737, London, Public Record Office, Colonial Office Records, 5:654, pt. 1 (hereafter cited as CO). 29. Testimonio sobre haber arribado a este presidio tres Ingleses fugitivos de las colonias, vecinos de esta naci6n: ano de 1738, August 23, 1738, Seville, Spain, Archivo General de Indias (hereafter AGI), Santo Domingo, Leeajo 2541. 30. Carta del gobernador de la Florida at rey, March 10, 1740, ibid. 31. James Oglethorpe to the Duke of Newcastle, Frederica, November 15, 1739, CO 5:654, pt. 1. 32. James Oglethorpe to the Dlike of Newcastle, Frederica, January 22, 1739/40, CO 5:654, pt. 1; see also Ivers, British Drums, pp. 92-104. 33. See Ivers, British Drums, pp. 105-32; TePaske, Governorship of Spanish Florida, pp. 139-46. 34. E. Kimber, Relation, p. 34. 35. TePaske, Governorship of Spanish Florida, pp. 146-52; Ivers, British Drums, pp. 151-61. 36. E. Merton Coulter, A Short History of Georgia (Chapel Hill, N.C., 1933), p. 48. 37. Quoted by Coulter, ibid. 38. Ivers, British Drums, pp. 174-75. 39. Ibid., p. 176. 40. E. Kimber, Relation, pp. 6-7; Ivers, British Drums, p. 176. 41. E. Kimber, Relation, p. 10. 42. Ivers, British Drums, p. 177; Carta del gobernador de la Florida a Don Jos6 del Campillo, St. Augustine, April 13, 1743, AGI, 87-3-12, no. 60, in the Stetson Collection, P. K. Yonge Library of Florida History, University of Florida, Gainesville (hereafter cited as Stetson Collection). 43. Ivers, British Drums, pp. 177-78. 44. Ibid., pp. 179-81; AGI, 87-3-12, no. 60, Stetson Col lection. 45. Ivers, British Drums, p. 181.

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[ xliv ] 46. Ibid. 47. AGI, 87-3-12, no. 60, Stetson Collection. 48. Ivers, British Drums, pp. 181-83. 49. Ibid. 50. Carta del gobernador de la Florida a Don Jose del Campillo, St. Augustine, December 7, 1742, AGI, 87-3-12, no. 55, Stetson Collection. 51. Testimonio del Cacique Pedro Chislala, St. Augustine, December 4, 1743, ibid. 52. Carta del gobernador de Cuba a Don Jose del Campillo, Havana, April 4, 1743, AGI, 87-3-12, no. 57, Stetson Collection. 53. Ibid. 54. Carta de los oficiales reales de la Florida al rey, St. Augustine, July 19, 1743, AGI, 58-1-34, no. 76, Stetson Col lection; see also AGI, 87-3-12, no. 57, Stetson Collection. 55. Carta del gobernador de la Florida al rey, St. Augustine, March 20, 1743, AGI, 87-3-12, no. 51, Stetson Collec tion; see also Carta del Pedro Ruiz de Olano al rey, March 20, 1743, AGI, 87-3-12, no. 115, Stetson Collection. 56. AGI, 87-3-12, no. 60, Stetson Collection. The dis crepancies in dates between Montiano's account and Kimber's narrative may be explained by the difference in calendars. The English used the Julian calendar, the Spanish, the Gre gorian. Translation by J. J. T. 57. Here Domingo de la Cruz refers to an agreement be tween the Spanish and English that during any exchange of prisoners there be absolutely no contact between the sailors or officers effecting the exchange. This was intended as a means of preventing Protestant heresy from penetrating Florida. 58. Carta de Don Jose" del Campillo a Don Manuel de Montiano, gobernador de la Florida, San Ildefonso, October 11, 1743, AGI, 87-3-12, no. 60, Stetson Collection. 59. Carta del gobernador de Cuba a Don Jos6 del Campillo, Havana, June 4, 1743, AGI, 87-3-12, no. 48, Stetson Collection. 60. An audiencia was a court of appeals and advisory body for the governor in Panama. 61. Despacho del rey al gobernador de la Florida, Novem ber 15, 1748, AGI, Santo Domingo, Legajo 2541. 62. For Spanish defense and Indian policy in Florida after 1743, see TePaske, Governorship of Spanish Florida, pp. 15457,214-26.

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A RELATION, O R; JOURNAL, Of a late EXPEDITION to the Gates of St. AuguftiWi on Florida: Conduced by The Hon. General JAMBS OGLETHORPE, with a Detachment of his Regiment, &c, from Georgia. In a LETTER to the Reverend Mr. ISAAC KR in London. By a Gentleman, Voluntier in the faid Expedition. L O N D O N: Printed for T. ASTLEY, at the Rofe9 in St. Paul's Church-Yard. M.ncc.xiav.

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A RELATION, O R JOURNAL, Of a late EXPEDITION, &c. Camp, at Frederica, July zg, 1743. Dear and Honoured Sir, TO make amends for the many Impertinencies I have utter'd in the epiftolary Way, fince I have been abfent from Great Britain-, I fhall honour my felf, by relating to you a late Expedition we have made on Florida, under our great and good General-, an Expedition, you will find, as great in its Formation, as important in its Defign; and as falutary in its Effefts, to this Frontier Co lony, and the whole North America, as it was bold and hazardous in its Execution. And tho' the rankling Malice of a few vagabond Carolinians hath, in publick Papers, dar'd to infult their Preferver and Saviour, on the Account of that Incurfion; yet the difcerning Eyes my Lines will be fubmitted to, will brufh off the Filth of Pre judice^ and Defamation, and either make them afham'd of their Ignorance, or dread the EfFedts of their impotent Efforts, to taint the Reputation of the Man, who has fo lately fav'd them from A 2 Fire

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[4] Fire and Sword, and flood between them and all the Miferies of a powerful Invafion. You will perceive, in the Courfe of my Letter, the various and uncommon Hardfhips, our Way of making War in America fubje&s us to; Hard fhips equal to thofe, that the Soldiers of Cato endur'd amongft the parch'd Sands of Libya \ or thofe of Charles XII. among the dreary, frozen Forefts of Ruffia Hardfhips unknown, nor thought of, in your modifh Campaigns in Flan ders ; and capable, on the bare Reflexion, to fhock the Soul of a Hpk Hero. What are our Tents; but the firft fpreading Beach, or rifing Sand-hill, or perhaps, now and then, the fuperior Comfort of a lofty Tree, or a Palmetto Shade ; whilft the hardeft Marches, beneath the Fire of the Mid-day Sun, are fucceeded with unwholefome, noxious Dews, attended with Vermin of all Sorts, that poifon Reft? Our Drink, not even the tranflucent Wave; but the firft muddy Marlh-Water we can find, or perhaps Water little frefher than that from the Sea. Our Provifions, carried on our Backs; unattended with BaggageWaggons, or Sumpter Horfes ; our Officers with out any Equipages, but their Swords and their Partifans; and a General himfelf, partaking the fame Fatigue as the meaneft Soldier: Yet under all this, a Chearfulnefs feldom difcover'd in Soldiers, and a Flow of Spirits, uninfpir'd by any Thing, but a natural Vivacity and Courage, and a temperate and hardy Way of living; an Ardoui for Battle, that is inexpreffible, and difcovers it felf in the Eyes of the meaneft Centinel. This is a fhort Trait of General Oglethorpe** un daunted Regiment; of whom it may be faid, with 4ddifon, We War's whole Arty each private Soldier knows; And with a General's Tbirft of Conqueft glows. i Genera

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[5 1 General Oglethorpe after the brave Defeat of the formidable Invafion of Georgia, by the Spaniards, in July 1742, receiv'd repeated Advices of their Pre parations for another and more powerful Attempt on that Colony for which they were provided with Tranfports, at the Havannah, and Augufiine, and were i beating up for Voluntiers all over Mexico and Peru. The Governor of the Havannah was to command in I the Expedition, and his Excellency had private InI formation, that they would be at leaft ten thoufand ftrong. He at the fame Time had Information, that their late Loffes had much weaken'd the Garifon of Augufiine, who were daily expefting Recruits and Provilions from Old Spain, the latter of which they were alfo in Diftrefs for; notwithftanding which, they had form'd a Camp at Diego. To divert the fanguine Hopes of the Spaniards to make a Conqueft of this Province; to ftiew them that he was ftill alive, and as un daunted at the Head of his Handful of Men, as they could be with their Thoufands; to confine them and pen them up within the Walls of their Caftle, by harrafling them with continual Alarms, and thereby inducing them to believe he had had powerful Afliftanccs from Home; and to deter them from attempting again to vifit a Spot, which had been fo fatal to them, was his Excellency's laud^ able Defign, in undertaking the Incurfion of March 1743; when, with an unheard-of Boldnefs, he penetrated fifty Miles into the Enemy's Coun try, encamp'd under the very Walls of the Caftle of Augufiine, beat up their Out-Cehtries, and in^ fulted a Garifon of two or three thoufand Men, without their daring to (hew themfdves out of their Cover; and all this perform'd with only two hundred regular Troops, and about three hundred Provincial Forces, by Sea and Land. So terrible is the Name of Oglethorpe, and fo truly baneful his

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[6] his Regiment to the Spaniards in America* 'Tis plain, from the Belief this Expedition gave them, that we were re-inforc'd, and in high Spirits and good Condition to receive them, they put off their intended Invafion for another Year; in which Time, we may have the Happinefs of his Excel lency's returning with fuch Supports, as will not only defend us from their moft powerful At tempts, but retort upon them the Mifchiefs they have done to this Colony. On Saturday, Feb. 26, 1742-3, The Detachment of the Regiment, intended for the Expedition on Florida, appeared under Arms at Frederica; when their Arms and Accoutrements were examined, and every one receiv'd his Complement of Cartages, and was order'd to provide himfelf with a Haver-Sack and Water-Bottle, for the March. Afterwards they march'd out of the Town, and each Platoon fir'd at a Mark, be fore his Excellency, for the Prize of a Hat and Matchet, to the Man who made the bed Shot at an hundred Yards Diftance, in the Foffe round the Fortifications. He afterwards gave Beer to the Soldiers, and order'd the Whole to be ready to proceed by nine the next Morning. A Command of Men, two Days before, was embark'd on board the Ship Succefs, Capt. tfhomfon, who this Day went over the Bar, to cruize off Augufiine. If in the Sea-faring Part of this Journal, Sir, you perceive a Difference of Stile, ufual to that Profeffion ; you will find the Diverfity not unentertaining, when Things of that Kind can't well be deliver'd in another, or better Dialedt. Sunday, Feb. 27. The whole Detachment, Rangers, V. embark'd on board the Guard Schooner Walker, Capt. Davis, and the two hir'd Schooners, Sea-

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Sea-Flower and Elizabeth* at ten in the Morning* under the following Officers-, viz. Capt. William Norton; Lieut. Paul Demere* Lieut. James Wall* Enfign Samuel Mac Kay* Enfign Sol. Chamberlaine* Enfign Peter Merrier* Enfign White Outerbridge* Enfign John Stewart: And with them, Adjutant William Robin/on* Quarter-Mafter Thomas Rofendale* Mr. Patrick Hourtein* Commiffary. At two, Weigh'd, and fell down below the Point-Guard* faluting the Town with twenty-one Guns; Wind S.W. Monday* Feb. 28. At feven, A. M. Weigh'd again, with little Wind at N. At eight, P. M. came to an Anchor, beyond Jekyl-Creek*. Tuefday* March 1. At fix, A.M. Weigh'd again, and at Noon ftruck on a Bank near the Dividers-r (where, as, in lhort, all over the Country, are many Banks of excellent Oyfters -,) but foon got off; and the Wind blowing hard at W. N. W. we could not clear the Banks; but the Schooners in Company got to Fort-William* from whence Capt. Norton fent us a Pilot. Wednesday*March 2. At one, A.M. We weigh'd with a frefh Gale at N. W. but, foon after, ftruck on a Mud-Bank, where we lay till eight, and then hove off, with the Tide of Flood, and got under Sail, with the Wind at N.N.E. (The Reafon of our Jekyl-Ifland, from whence this Creek derives its Name, is oppoute to the South End of St. Simons, and makes with it the Entrance from Sea into St. Simons Sound. The Creek is a Strait, between that and St. Andrew's Sound; fo called, from a Settlement of that Name, formerly on the IJland of Cumberland, which it wam'd. It is the Property of Capt. Horton, whofe Houfe and Cattle thereon, were deftroy'd by the late Invafion. The Defcription of one of thefe Iflands infers that of all the reft, and in fhort, of the whole Colony: So that I fhall not en large here, but defer any Thing on that Head, till I fend you an Account at large of St. Simon*s IJland. A few Rangers are at prefent fettled on JekyL It is about nine Miles long* and thice Miles and an half"broad.

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[8] t>ur fo frequently running a-ground, was the ex treme Length of our Veffel, which was too long to tack in thefe Inland-Straits, where the Channel is very narrow ; tho* the Sounds, as they are call'd, are almoft large enough to bear the Appel lation of Seas.) At Noon, the General, Lieut. Goldfmitb, and Enfign Wanfeky with a Detachment from the Virginian Recruits ; and Capt. Carr, with Part of his Marine Company *, appeared in Sight, and pafs'd us; and fome Time after, Lieut. Maxwell, his Excellency's Aid-de-Camp, Lieut. Charles Mac Kay, with Part of the Highland Provincial Company, and feventy-five of the Indian Warriors, in the fmall Perriaguas and Scout-Boats. At two, P. M. we came to an Anchor off FortWilliam on Cumberland-IJland f, and join'd the reft of thef Fleet: Little Wind N.N.E. and fmall Rain. fhurfdayj This Provincial Company is quarter'd at 0ieir Captain's fine Plantation, call'd the Hermitage, on the Main, about twenty Miles from Frederica, which is defended, fince it was deftroy'd by the Spaniards, by four Quadrangular Wooden-Forts. His Lieutenant is Mr. Kenneth Bailey, who was taken Prifoner at MouJa3 and efcap'd from Old Spain to England. At the fame Time was taken alfo, Capt. John More Mackintojh, of the Highland Com pany mentioned above, now in England, Enfign Ronald Mac Donald, and Mr. James Mac Queen. f Cumberland-IJland is about ten Miles S. W. of St. Simon's, and is, perhaps, the moll pleafingly fruitful Ifland on the Frontiers; it is oppofite to Amelia, and the Main, and is wafh'd-on one Side by the Ocean, and on the other, by St. Andrew's and Amelia Sounds. Formerly a Part of it was fettled by the General, and was call'd St. Andrew's, &c. being defended by a fmall wooden Fort, which was deftroy'd laft Summer by the Spaniards. Some Rangers are, at prefent, quarter'd on that Spot. The Shores, as all thofe of America, and particularly of this Part, prefent you with the View of a fine Beach, rifing into a Ridge of Sand-Hills, and terminating the Sight with thick Woods, or green Marines, which are not altogether unentertaining in Profpeft. At the South Extremity of the Ifland is feated fort-William; which, when the Spaniards came before it, was only a rude quadrangular Houfe, furrounded with Logs or Puncheons, and quite unprovided for a Defence againfl a numerous Enemy: How-

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[9l Thurfday, March 3. This Morning Orders came for the Forces to land for Refrefhment and the Sea-Officers went to found the Bar, which oppofes it felf to the Entrance by Sea into this Harbour, caird Amelia Sound. This twenty-four Hours, for the moft Part dark ^nd hazy Weather, with fmall Rain and N. E. Winds; the reft fine and clear, with little Winds S. S. E. Friday, March 4. The Officers and their De tachments land this Morning, with all their Arms and Accoutrements. At ten, Lieut. Demerit and Enfign Stewart, with the Grenadiers, are boated over the Sound, and encamp on the Ifland Amelia *; where Scrugs and Williams^ with the Rangers, were encamp* d before. Eleven P. M/ The General and B his However, the Spaniards* after attacking it for three Hours, with lixteen Sail of Ships and Galleys, and firing inceflantly, (which was anfwer'd from within, with what Cannon and Small-Arms they had,) thought proper to fheer off. Enfign Alexander Stewart commanded the fifty Men in the Fort, the reft being ordered to Frederica, under Enfign Thomas Goldfmith, now a Lieutenant, ere the Spaniards appear'd before the Fort. It is now repair'd and new Works added to it, fo as to make it a ftrong enough Place. It has two eighteen Pounders, on a Ravelin before the Fort, upon curious moving Platforms, that they can bring to bear any Way; a four Pounder, and fome Swivels. The Outworks of the Fort are, in Form, a regular Pentagon; the Rampart twelve Foot high, and about fifteen Foot thick, of Sand, fupported by Puncheons. The Charge is committed to Mr. Stuart, now a Lieutenant, who for his Bravery and Condudt was commiffion'd its Fort-Major. It is garifon'd by about fifty Men, and fix Non-commiffion'd Officers, under an Officer; who are every Month reliev'd from Frederica, the Head-Quarters of the Regiment. It entirely commands the moil Southerly En trance into Georgia, and is about feventy Miles from St. An-guftine, and forty from Frederic a* This Ifland is about twentyfive Miles long, and twelve broad. The Ifland Amelia is an uninhabited Itland, about nineteen Miles long, and four broad, full of Game, and wild Beaits. St. George's, and Talbo^s, which will alio be mention'd, are two other fmall defert Iflands to the South, oppoilte to St. W.an*% ; on the former of whicn was a Fort, at the firit Settling of the Co lony. Our Rangers frequently fcour thefc liiaiids.

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[ io ] his Retinue* with the Officers, Recruits, Rangers* and Indians, -fail'ck in the fmall Cr^ft, for 5/. Juan's* from whence they frequently fend out Parties for Intelligence. Saturday\ March 5. The Grenadiers being order ed from Amelia, Capt. Horton review'd the De tachment on the Parade behind the Fort. At three after Noon, an Exprefs arrived from the General* with Advice that all was well. At eight* another Exprefs arrived to the Commander in Chief. Sunday, March 6. At ten in the Morning 5. Cole-rnan% one of his Excellency's Servants, arriv'd Exprefs, and informed us, that the General and his whole Corps were arrived fafe at St. Warf%, where they were encamp'd; and that the Indians were gone to Auguftine, in order to knap Prifoners, and gain Intelligence. At eleven, the Detachment embark'd again, being oblig'd to wade to the Boats up to their Middles, the Wind fetting on Shore. At twelve, a Ship was feen off the Bar, which fent in its Yawl, and prov'd to.be the Succefs, Capt. Thorn/on, who informed us, he had met with a feventy, and fixty Gun Ship, the Kent, and York, Captains Coates and Mitchell, who were order'd from Jamaica, to cruize for a Galleon and Pay-Ship, from the Havannah, bound to St. Auguftine. Wind tort at S. W. In our old Birth all this Night. Monday, March 7. Six P. M< we weigh with our Conforts; at ten, ftand over Amelia Bar, to Sea, with frefli Gales at W. and flying Clouds, and Iteer E. S. E. Eight Feet the moft Ihoal Water, on the Bar, at half Flood. At two, P. M. come to an Anchor clofe to St. Juan's Bar; at three, P. M. the General's Cutter came off to us, with David Fellows, his Coekfwain, and the Crew, to help u in; at five D5 the General came off, in his otter Cutter, and order'd us to (land in with 1 the

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r] the Morning Flood. It continues blowing very hard all Night. We fee many Fires up the Coun try, which we take to be Signals of Alarm by the Enemy. Tuefday, March 8. This Morning the Wind blowing very hard at N. W. we housed our Guns, and lafh'd our two nine Pounders to the Maft, putting our Swivels into the Hold. We got down our Fore-Top-Sail, Crofs-Jack, and CrotchetYards, and made every Thing ready, left we fhould be drove from our Anchors, and blown out to Sea. At Night more moderate, Wind W. andN. W. Wednefday^ March 9. This Morning the Wind being moderate at N. W. Fellows went afhore in the Cutter, and brought off Word, that ths General had been alarm'd by five or fix Guns having been fir'd ; but finding that we could not get in, fent Word he would aflift us, when the Weather permitted, which we hope will foon. At nine A. M. his Excellency came off with two other Boats, to tow us in: He himfelf founded the Bar, feveral Times; but finding, that the Sea ran high, and there was but eight or nine Feet Water, we ftay'd till Time 6f half Flood. At ten, Wind at N. E. and hazy Weather; we lying clofe to the Bar, and two Sand-Hills bearing W. Southerly. At Noon we all weigh'd and got in, with little Winds at E. N. E. and hazy. We fleer'd in W. W. by N. and W. N. W. nine or ten Fathom Water, and came to Anchor about a Mile within the Bar. Fires and Smokes all up the Country. Williams^ and fome of his Rangers are fent over to St. George's. Pleafant Weather, with little Wind, at S. S.E. It may not, here, feem impertinent, to remark a Circumftance, which may appear pretty odd in B 2 Europe-,

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[ 12 ] frarope-, which is, that the Soldiers of this Regi ment are, perhaps, alfo, as good Sailors as there are to be met with; fome, in particular, really understanding that Profeffion from its very Principles. This Knowledge is acquired by the many Marine and Boat-Services they have been en gaged in-; for, his Excellency has not only conftantly harrafs'd the Enemy by Land, but has per petually terrify'd them by his Sea-Cruizes, boldly attacking all their Veflels that came in his Way ; in which Expeditions, his Soldiers have been detach'd, and have, frequently, either bang'd or piunder'd the Spaniards. A Sloop of their taking you have now in England* which brought to Eu rope Capt. George Dunbar, and Lieut. Cadogan, of this Regiment. The many Boat-Services are occafion'd by the Situation of this Southern Fron tier, divided into a Parcel of Iflands, on which feparate Commands are ftation'd, or frequent ly fent -, which require many little Voyages; the Particulars of fome of which, and the Acci dents that have happen'd in them, would afford much Entertainment. JoinM to the Qualities of the good Soldier, and able Sailor, they are, alfo, expert Fifhers, and moft excellent Huntfmen; Characters of great Importance, and abfolutely neceflfary in this Country. In one Week, at ForifVilliam, only four Men of the Command, purely for Diverfion, caught, to my Knowledge, with Lines, fifteen hundred Weight of Fifh; as, Bas, (which is as large as a Salmon) Mullet, Drum, and Slingre: And this is very common. On Wednefday* March 9. At two in the After noon, we landed at St. Matted*s on Florida; and, after being review'd, (and the General's making a Speech, in which he gave us an Account of the Expedition we were upon-,) his Excellency order'd fome Barrels of Beer to be given to the Soldiers

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['Si Soldiers; when we took up our Quarters on the other Side of a Sand-Hill, or Ridge, overgrown with Palmettos, and divers Kinds of Weeds, in a Savannah, defended on all Sides by a Wood; whofe only Vacuities were fome few Glades, made by the Entrance of a Creek, which in feveral Meanders gently roll'd its Waves from its Source, the River St. Wdn's, till it enter'd the Lake dePou-pa9 now called Oglethorpe's Lake. At one End of this Savannah, the neareft to the Entrance of the Lake, and on the River Side of the Sand-Hills, the General fix'd his Head-Quarters; his Tent, by Day, being a Kind of an Alcove, that fome neighbouring Shrubs had formed on each Side; and his Retreat by Night, a Palmetto-Hut, which alfo held his Provifions, and other Lumber: His Servants building themfelves Shades of Boughs, &c. on each Side of him. There did this great Man, feated on a Buffalo's Skin, pafs the Hours, whilft encamp'd here, (which were vacant from his daily Journeys along the Beach, or in the neighbouring Woods, for Difcoveries,) in inftructive Leflbns to the Officers and Gentle men of his Dctac hment ; and their Vifit gene rally concluded with a Dinner, or Supper from his Kitchen, (a Wood-Fire in the Neighbourhood of his Hut,) composed of barbecu'd Pork, Poul try, which he had on board his Veffels; or Filh, of which large Quantities were catch'd in the aforefaid Creek, which ran before his Hut, and fo pafs'd, after feveral ferpentine Turnings, into the Wood, on the contrary Side of the Savannah. At the other End of the Savannah, we clear'd a Paffage, from St. Juan's Beach, into it, thro5 a thick, mournful Wood, which had been robb'd of Leaves and Growth, by former Indian Fires; in which was placed an Advanc'd Guard of fifteen Men, and an Officer, whofe Gentries could difcover,

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[ 14 3 ver, not only every Thing that approach'd us by Land, that Way, but, alfo, whatever pafs'd the Bar, or appeared on the neighbouring Shores. Qn the Sand-Hills, South, and juft by his Excellency's Quarters, our Main-Guard, was pofted, whofe OutCentries could difcover all Veffels from the North ward ; and from whence, every Thing behind us might be defcry'd on its firft Appearance. The Rangers were, with their Horfes, encamp'd in a fmall Clofe near the Soldiers of the Regiment i whilft the new Recruits and Marines, with the Highlanders, either encamp'd on the Beach, or kept on board their refpeftive Boats. Whilft in this Situation, our Men built themfelves fmall Huts, divided themfelves into feparate Mefles, and with the utmoft Decorum enter'd into all the CEconomy of Families. The Woods fell at their repeated Strokes, for Firing and Building and the whole Place began to look like an in habited Country. Every Officer had a Hut, at the Head of his Platoon; and, fo, was ready to quell any Diforder that might arife. Their Provifions confifted of Rice, Beef, Flour, and Mo-loffes, which were delivered for two or three Days at a Time, by the CommifTary and QuarterMafter, from on board the Store-Schooner; where a Man of every Mefs repair'd to fetch it, for himfelf and Comrades. Their Drink was Water, as was the General's, and the reft of the Officers, from the Wells we had dug round the Camp; which, to fay the beft of it, was brackilh, green, muddy and {linking. Frequently, when bad Hufbandry had exhaufted our Provifions before the Time of a Supply, our Men would go out to fifh, and oyfter: And lo! the whole Camp was overfpread with the marine Inhabitants. Thurfday^ March 10. This Day Capt. Fbomfon appear'd off /. Juan's Bar. All well in the Camp. Fires

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t '5] Fires up the Country, as ufual. 3Tis impofllble to exprefs, what a diftant gloomy Profpeft, fo many Fires at a great Remotenefs in an Enemy's Country occafion: A Painter can only exprefs the Scene. Friday', March n. The Drums beat to Arm* at nine, and we remain'd in that Pofture till twelve at Noon, expe&ing immediately to march; but had, then, Orders to retire to our Huts. The General's Policy was, and is, very obfervable, in the frequent Alarms his People receive, and the frequent Motions he obliges them to make 5 know ing very well, that the Ruft of Inactivity and Idlenefs too foon corrupts the Minds, and ener vates the Body of the Soldier. To this are, perhaps, owing, the many different Fatigues, his Regiment goes thro* in Georgia, which he is always promot ing; as, clearing Roads, draining Swamps, Marlhes, &c. which fo harden'd and ftrengthen'd the Ro man Legions, who have left, from the Time of C
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[ i6 ] Men in it, under the very Walls of the Caftle, killing about twenty of them, and over-fetting the reft who alfo had met with Death, but for the continu'd Fire of their great Guns. It feems, that they were Pioneers, and were going, under an Officer, to dig Clay for the King's Works. We heard them long before they came in Sight, by the melancholy Notes of their warlike Death-houp. For the Spaniards having kill'd one of their People, they, as ufual with them in that Cafe, gave no Quarter, and therefore brought his Excellency no Prifoner; which was what he earneftly defir'd. To give you a lively Idea of what occurs here, of thefe Sons of the Earth, I premife .feme Defcription of their Figure, Manners, and Method of making War. As to their Figure, 'tis generally of the largeft Size, well proportioned, and robuft, as you can imagine Perfons nurs'd up in manly Exercifes can be. Their Colour is a fwarthy, cop per Hue, their Hair generally black, and fhaven, or pluck'd off by the Roots, all round their Fore heads and Temples. They paint their Faces and Bodies, with Black, Red, or other Colours, in a truly diabolic Manner; or, tofpeak more rational ly, much like the former uncultivated Inhabitants of Britain* whom Tacitus mentions. Their Drefs is a Skin or Blanket, tied, or loofely cart, over their Shoulders* a Shirt which they never wafh, and which is confequently greafy and black to the laft Degree; a Flap, before and behind, to cover their Privities, of red or blue Bays, hanging by a Girdle of the lame \ Boots about their Legs, of Bays alfo; and what they call Morgiflbns, or Pumps of Deer or Buffalo Skin, upon their Feet. Their Arms, and Ammunition, a common Trading-Gun; a Pouch with Shot and Powder ; a Tomahawk, or Diminutive of a Hatchet, by their Side a ScalpingKnife, Piilol, &V. But, however, you'll fee their Drefs,

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[i7] Crefs, by thofe the General has carry'd to Mng-land. As to their Manners, tho* they are fraught with the greateft Cunning in Life, you obferve little in their common Behaviour, above the brute Creation. In their Expeditions they hunt for their Provifion, and, when boiled or barbecu'd, tear it to Pieces promifcuoufly with their Fifts, and devour it with a remarkable Greedinefs. Their Drink is Wei-tuxee, or Water, on.thefe Occafions; but, at other Times, any Thing weaker than Wine or Brandy, is naufeous to them \ and they'll exprefs their great Abhorrence by fpitting it out, and feeming to fpew at it: All which is owing to the Lofs of their native Virtues, fince the Europeans have enter'd into* all Meafures for trading with them; for, view them without Prejudice, you will perceive fome Remains of an ancient Roughnefs and Simplicity* common to all the firft Inhabitants of the Earth; even to our own dear Anceftors, who, I believe, were much upon a Level with thefe Indian hunt ing Warriors, whom his Excellency has fo tam'd, fince his being in America^ and made fo fubfervient to the Benefit of the Englijh Nation. When they make an Incurfion into an Enemy's Country, they decline the open Roads and Paths, and only fcout along the Defiles and Woods, ready to pop on any Prey that {hall appear in the open Country ; whom they attack with terri ble and mournful Cries, that aftonifh even more than their Arms. If none of their own Party is kill'd, they take Prifoners all they can lay Hands on; but if on the contrary, they give no Quarter. Before they go to War, they undergo the Cere mony of Phyficking, which is done very privately in the Receffes of fome hoary Wood, remote from the Eyes of any white Perfon ; and generally em ploys a Day or two : Then performing the CereC inony

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[ i8 ] mony of their War-Dance, they are ready to be* gin their Work. Thefe two laft mention'd Cere monies feem to be a Mixture of the religious and the political. Their Medicine is a Kind of red Pafte, fcfr. &V. but of what made, the Lord above knows. So much will ferve for the Purpofe of this Re lation; and for a full Account of the religious and civil Affairs, &c. of thefe natural Sons of America^ a farther Account of their Manners, and other enter taining and curious Articles, I refer you to the many good Accounts that have formerly been given, by many creditable Authors or to a Converfation with a very worthy and agredable young Gentleman, now in England with his Excellency, whom, I hope, you'll fee, Thomas Marriotte^ Efq; who underftands thefe People better, than any one I ever knew. Imagine to your felf a Body of fixty or feventy of thefe Creatures, marching in Rank and File, (and by their martial Figure, and Size, forming, or extending a Front equal to that of two hundred Men,) with the mournful Howls and Cries, ufual on the Occafion, and every now and then popping their Pieces off, which was anfwer'd by the Main-Guard, as they pafs'd, in a continually refum'd Fire. His Excellency was feated, to receive them, under fome neigh bouring Trees, on a Buffalo's Skin, furrounded by his Officers; when every one approaching him, he (hook them by the Hand, welcom'd them home, in the Indian Tongue, and thank'd them for the Service they had done him. The War Captains, or old Men, he retain'd; who being feated, had three Hogs, Fifli, Oyfters, Bread, Beer, and divers other Refrelhments given them; when they inform'd his Excellency, there was no Camp at Diego: And then his Excellency propos'd their marching again to Augufiine^ with him and his People;

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f*9l 5)Ie; but, whether they had been handled more everely than they reprefented, or, whether they were terrify'd with the great Guns4 fcfc. they feem'd not much inclin'd to it; and feeing that the General ufed a few Perfuafions for that End, they qbjefted to his fmall Number, told him, they could fhift well enough, but were not pleas'd with the white Mens Method of going to War. They knew, as they exprefs'd it in their Tongue, that his Men were angry and full of Blood; but their red Paffion would drive them into many Dangers, &V. They retir'd and made themfelves drunk, that Evening, and thought no more of their Loffes or Exploits. The General fitting among them, and acquiefcing with their Manners, in their Cups, they promis'd to march with him; but what they faid, feem'd forced, and he de clined their Aid. The Nights are very cold, and the Dew wets us thro' and thro'; fo that we arc oblig'd to keep Fires all round our Huts. The Difference between the intenfely heated Day, and the raw, chilly Night, attended with fuch heavy Dews, muft have a very noxious Influence upon the human Body. Saturday, March 12. This Morning, Mr. Willi am Abbot arrived Exprefs from Capt. Lieutenant James Mac Kay, Commanding-Officer at Frederica> in a Canoo, bringing a Packet, which arrived from England, by the Way of Charles-Town^ for his Excellency. He acquaints us, all is well at home. We remain quietly in our Camp. The Indians want to return to Frederica, miffing their favourite Liquors; we having nothing to give them but Beer. Sunday, March 13. Abbot is difpatch'd again to Frederica. Amongft his other News, he brought Word of the taking of one Preber9 a German, in the Creek Nation, who had endeaC 2 vour'd

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[ 20 J vour'd to fet the Indians againft the Englijhy an3 feemed, by fome Papers found on him, to be a fubtil Jefuit Miflionary. He was brought five hundred Miles, by Order of Capt. Kent, of Fort Augufta, to the General at Frederica, where he is confined by Capt. Mac Kay. He will, no Doubt, be heard much of in England, for he was natura lized in Carolina. Monday, March 14. One Combes arrives from Frederica in a Perriagua, who is immediately clapp'd in Irons, by his Excellency's Order, on board the Walker; he having trifled away his Time, and, by making twelve Indians, who were coming with him, drunk, occafion'd their flaying at Amelia* from whence they returned to Frederica. At three in the Afternoon, the General was beat thro* the Camp; half an Hour after, the Affembly, and immediately the Troop; when the whole prepared to march. His Excellency left the Veflels at Anchor off St. Wan**-, and, on board the Walker* a Party commanded by Lieutenant Thomas Gold-fmith, to aflift in fecuring his Retreat, if needful; and the Sick, under the Charge of Mr. Watkins* a Surgeon, Voluntier in the Expedition, Of all the Indians, only four, viz. the famous Tooanowi, Sloffkazv, and two more accompany'd us ; the reft Jetting off, in the Morning, for Frederica. At four, we reach* d the Horfe-Guards, about a Mile below our Camp, a Place on the Beach, where the Spaniards, before the Siege of St. Augufiine, kept a Party of Cavalry, at a Look-out, which is now deftroy'd. At this Place, a Boat had landed fome Barrels of Beer, which was diftributed at a Pint a Man; and fuch an unexpe&ed Bounty from the General, wonderfully elated the Soldiers. We march'd brifkly from this Place, ftill along St. Juan's Beach, till the Cover of Night brought .s to the firft Frefh-Water Camena (or Creek, as

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[IIJ as 'tis callM by our Augufiim Veterans) where we halted; and mounting the Sand-Hills, lay under Arms, in a Bottom, between two Ridges, mount ing a Double-Guard, till the next Morning. The fiery Heat of the Sun, darting its Beams on us, which were refle&ed back by the Sand, and almoft fcorch'd and blinded us, during this After noon's March of fourteen Miles, was fcarce bear able, by fuch of us, as were new ones at this Trade; nor could we have flood it, but that the refrefhing Breeze from the Sea chear'd our Spirits. The Water we brought in our Can tines, and Bottles, was boiling hot; and our Arms burnt us, when we touched the Steel. His Excellency, and his Horfemen rode before; and in our Van, march'd the Highlanders, and Capt. Horton with his Grenadiers; whiJft the Rear was brought up by the new rais'd Virginians, under Enfign Wanfel. In the Night the Sand blew on us from the Hills, and, together with the hateful Dew, made our Lodging more uncomfortable than can be defcribed. Tuefday, March 15. Arriving, after an Hour's March, to the Road that leads to Diego, we ftruck into it, from the Beach, and had then a Profpeft of the neighbouring Country. 'Twas with the utmoft Satisfaftion, Ifurvey'd this Part of the fineft Land in North America, which feem'd quite open, and was only, here and there, diverfify'd with rifing Hummocks of Trees and leafy Thickets, which ferv'd to enliven the variegated Scene. In fhort, I began to fancy myfelf in Britain, whofe Paftures and Meadows are ftill fo frefh in my Mind; whilft an Infinity of uncommon Birds were chanting their wild Notes on every Bufh and Brake. Happy, unhappy Spaniards! PofTefs'd of the fineft Coun tries in the World, you lofe them by your Covetoufnefs and Pride! Our Thirft, each Man's Wa ter

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[] ter being expended, began to be very fevere; fa that the General fooi} order'd an Halt m a Marfh, where we refrelh'd with Provifion, and futh muddy Water as the Place afforded, at about ten o* Clock in the Morning. Here it muft be noted, that every Perfon carried his own Provifion, (in his Knap-fack, or Haver-fack, on his Back, Officers and Gentlemen not excepted,) of which, we had for feven Days, at the Allowance of a Pound of Bifcuit, and ten ounces of Cheefe per Man; which, with Beef, if the Men chofe it, was, and is the ufual Allowance. At one, we refum'd our Rout (and by the Narrownefs of the Path wereoblig'd to march one a-breaft) thro' this fine fallow Country, which, before the Siege of Auguftiney was replete with lowing Kine, and bleating Flocks of Sheep; but fince that, they allow no Settlements in the Country, and keep all their Cattle on the MatanfaS) continually in fear of another Invafion; leaving this fine Land defert and uncultiva ted. At three, we* arriv'd at the Place, where formerly the Houfe of Don Diego Spinoza flood, which was garifon'd by the Spaniards* and is com monly known by the Name of Fort Diego. It was taken by the General, when he laid Siege to the Caftle, and the Garifon and Owner of the Houfe made Prifoners of War. There are ftill fome Ruins of it left, as a great Crofs, Trench, and Slaughter-Houfe for Cattle. It muft formerly have been a very fine Eftate but is now quite deferted. In our Way to this Place, we march'd thro* feveral Bogs and Swamps up to our Bellies. At half an Hour after three, we reach'd a thick Wood, (after having pafs'd a large Creek, at low Water; which, had the Tide been in, would have taken us up to the Neck,) where his Excellency halted us, for fome Refrefhment, and where \?e had Plenty of Water, thick, and ft inking enough, from

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t *3 ] from a .neighbouring Marfh. His Excellency's Prudence and Conduct is highly to be admir'd ift halting his Men at proper Times, in fhady Places, where Water may be had; which, indeed, is the Secret of preferving Men in thefe hot Climates j and the contrary of which, perhaps, deftroy'd fo many in the Weft-Indies. Here our Men found out the Contrivance of putting Orange-Peel into their Bottles, which temper'd the Water's Heat, and, by its generous Bitter, imparted a noble Warmth to the Stomach. The Oranges were found by the Indians^ for they grow wild in this Coun try. The Heat of the Day being over, we march'd thro* feveral fcrubby Marfhes, and Savannahs, and over a large Creek, which haply was at low Water, till we arriv'd at a Kind of a Pine-barren (falfely and abfurdly fo call'd, from producing nothing but thofe Trees;) where we encamp'd, or rather lay on our Arms, all Night; his Excellency taking up his Quarters in a hollow Thicket, to the Right of his People. All this Day's March, we faw the Melancholy Spots the Indians had fet Fire to, which, in fome Places, had fpread near a Mile, deftroying all before it, and leaving whole Forefts in Ruin. Thefe, it feems, were the Fires we difcover'd at Sea; which were not made by the Ene my, but our own Indians: And following this Policy, his Excellency fet Fire to the Woods, before we march'd from the aforefaid HaltingPlace ; that the Enemy might be deceived, and think we were ftill there. When we were fettled in our Encampment, a Number of Men were detach'd to dig Wells, for we flood in great Want of Water; and feven or eight were immediately funk, which fupply'd us very well; but the Water was brackilh. We are in great Hopes the Spaniards will come down upon us. Guard as ufual. Several of the new Men, not being capable to hold out, were fent

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1*4] fent back, under the Care of a Corporal. We reckon our felves thirty Miles from St. Wan\ and twenty from Anguftine. Wednefday^ March 16. We continue our March, till we arrive, at twelve at Noon, fcorch'd to Death, and in great Want of Water, to a Place caird the Grovey which truly merits that Name; where there is a running Brook of the fineft Water I ever drank. In this Morning's March, moftly thro* Pine-barrens, diverfify'd with many entertaining Profpe&s, and the Sight of a Milli on of Paroquets and other Birds peculiar to the Place, feveral of our Men fail'd, and were taken up by the Horfes: It was fo hot, we were almoft barbecu'd, and we met with no Water. Being fo near the Enemy, his Excellency, in every open or expos'd Place we march'd thro', order'd Captain Horton to form us, and fo march in Rank and File, as long as the broad Road continued. This Brook, we are now folacing our felves by, this charming reviving Rill, is feated between two large Pine-barrens, in a Kind of a Bottom, which is quite obfcure, from the Thickets that defend, it, on the Side of Augufiine\ and on the other Side, a moft delicious Grove of Cyprefs, Laurel, &c. extends its leafy Honours, into the Air, af fording a fine, lhady Retreat, from the broiling Beams of the Sun. Here our People, throwing afide their Arms and Clothes, gave Way to the pleafmg Reft it afforded them ; whilft the cryftal Stream was inceffantly quaffed, and every divert ing Difcourfe or mirthful Interlude, fo common with Soldiers, took Place which charmed the Ge neral, who \yas delighted to fee the ufual, natural Flow of Spirits in his Men, unaffifted by ought, but a Vivacity and Chearfulnefs, infpir'd by na tive Courage, Vigour, and Health. 'Twas here, that, feated under an Oak, his Excellency treated i his

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[25l his Officers, and other Gentlemen, with Ham, and a Glafs of Wine each ; but more particularly, with his pleafing and inftru&ive Difcourfe. Two Inftances of the Worth of his Regiment occurr'd at this Place, which I muft not omit. One of the Soldiers fcooping a Hornful of Water from the Brook, when we firft arriv'd, cry'd out in a Rapture, Here's Sack! Sack, my Lads! The General pleafed with the Fellow's Obfervation, call'd him to him, gave him a Piece of Money; and, mingling fome Wine with his Water, drank to him. The other Inftance ftiews the excellent Decorum they are under, and Readinefs to en counter all Dangers ; and was this, that one of the Centries from the Guard, on the other Side of the Brook, had the Misfortune to have his Piece go off, at Half-Cock; inftantly the Whole ftarted up, and, without Diforder or Confufion, imme diately form'd tbemfehesy under their feveral Officers, without the leaft Word of Command. At five, we again fet forward, and march'd over a large, and prodigious long Pine-barren, (melted continually with the igneous Rays dart ing without Intermiflion on our Heads,) which was fo regular an one, as to appear more like a wide, extended, regular Grove, than fo wild a Place. Half Way thro\ fuch a Stink arofe, as almoft ftruck us all to the Ground, which no one could imagine the Source of; at laft, a Pole-Cat, like ours in Europe, but more remarkable in its horrid Scent, was perceived, and kill'd, after a long Chace, by our Horfemen: This Circumftance occafion'd a great deal of Mirth. We had feveral Alarms in this Place; as, thinking we beard Guns fir'd, and Hallowing at a Diftance j but difcover'd nothing. We form'd on this Oc:afion, four or five Times. Marching thro* the Woods is rather more incommodious than the Beach, on account of fo many Stumps and PalD mctto

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j>6] metto Roots, as we meet with, which bruifc cisr Feet, and often occafion us to tumble down. To wards Evening we came up to feveral Defiles of Thickets, &c. which made us cautious of an Ambufcade; but we pafs'd them, without being at tacked, and arriv'd in the broad High-Road leading to Augujline^ at about eight o* Clock, ac counting ourfelves about one Mile from the Ruins of the fatal Mou/a, and three from St. Auguftinc. We ftruck off from the Road, into a Savannah on the Right \ where a Double-Guard being mounted, and Centries placed, we laid down on our Arms, to take fome little Repofe, after fo long a Day's March in the latter Part of which, we met with no Water and here, when we dug Wells, none could be had that was drinkable ; but, how ever, Neceflity obliging, we ftrain'd it from the Mud, thro* our Teeth and Handkerchiefs; and, in fome Meafure, thereby cool'd our heated Throats. Here we could plainly hear the Tattoo beat in the Caftle of St. Augujline, and our moft advanc'd Centries could hear theirs challenged. At three in the Morning, a falfe Alarm being fpread, that one of the Guard had deferted, the Adjutant was ordered filently to wake us, and we march'd, with as .great Circumfpeftion and Caution as poflible, back to the Entrance of the afore-mentioned Defiles, before the Break of Day, she Grenadiers bringing up our Rear. Tburfday, March i 7. Halting at Day-Break, we form'd, in a fmallMarfh,onboth Sides enclos'd with thick Woods at whofe Entrance grew a Multitude of large Palmettos. Amongft them the General ordered a Vacancy to be cut, in Form of an half Moon, capable to conceal his Men from View, and here he was refolv'd to wait for the Enemy, if they ftiould have the Courage to venture from their Walls. Lieut. James Wall commanded an Advanc'd-Guard, and was ordered to let the Whole

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1*7] Whole of their Number pafs, before he difcover'd himfelf, and then to attack them in the Rear, and drive them up into our Teeth; when, if they had ventur*d to come, five hundred could not have efcap'd Death. In this Station, we were almod devour'd with Vermin, and diftrafted for Want of Water; which, after digging in the Wood, we could hot find. His Excellency, and fix or feven Hbrfemen, in order to decoy them out, rode from hence as far as the Out-Centries of the Spaniards, who retir'd, without firing, into the Caftle, purfu'd by him to the very Walls. But find ing nothing could provoke them to appear, he re turned, propofing to lie in the fame Pofture for two or three Days, and to fend out frequent Parties to the very Gates of the Town. However, this Defign was baulk'd, by the Defertion of one Eels> of Col. Cook's Company; a Fellow, who was difcontented, and knew our Number, Difpoiition, and every Thing, which the Relation of could in duce them to fally upon us. He was purfued, but had hid himfelf in the Woods; from whence, he afterwards went to the Enemy. Finding our Situation, by this, would be too dangerous, his Excellency order'd the Whole to march, himfelf always bringing up the Rear. At eight o9 Clock,we enter'd the long Pine-barren, when our Indians difcovered a fine, cool Spring, at the Root of a large Oak; the very Mention of which occafion'd feveral of our Men to., defert their Arms, and run towards it; for which, two of them were tied Neck and Heels, as an Example to the reft. We all march'd up to this charming Place, this Mofaic Stream, gladen'd, as the Jfraelites were on a like Occafion; and after drinking and filling our Bottles, refum'd our March, and at five in the Afternoon arriv'd at the Grove, where we halted, and boiled Dumplins, of fome Flour his Ex cellency had on one of his Horfes, which he geneD 2 rouflv

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[ *8 3 roufly distributed to the Men. Then fetting for* ward, we arriv'd at Night to the afore-mention'd Wood, near Diego, after fo prodigioufly fatiguing a March, of more than twenty Miles; in which, Numbers dropp'd down thro' the exceffive, tortur ing Heat, and fainting Labour, and were forc'd to be brought up on the Horfes, which follow'd. Friday, March 18. The Mens Feet are very* much blifter'd, and even our old Marchers jaded to Death and arriving on St. Juan's Beach, that hard Ground, after marching thro' the Woods, batter'd our Feet extremely. However, we march'd brilkly, under all thefe Difadvantages, and arriv'd at four o' Clock to our former Camp, at St.Warts, and again took Poffeffion of it, with Drums beat ing, and found the Veffels and all fafe. Juft be fore, arriv'd two Boats from Frederica, with Provifions and twenty Auxiliary Indians of the Creek Nation, who were difpatch'd by Capt. Mac Kay9 and forwarded by Fort-Major Stewart, at FortWilliam. By them we were inform'd, that all was well at Frederica. Saturday, March 19. The Rangers and their Ilorfcs were this Morning ferry'd over to Talbot', in order to proceed home; and Lieut. Mac Kay, with his Highlanders, was fent in his Boat up the Lake de Poupa, or Oglethorpe, to fee if the Spani ards had begun to repair the Fort of that Name, and that of Piccalatta ; the former of which was kept, during the Siege of Augufiine, and garifon'd by the General, firft, under Lieut. Hugh Mac Kay, fince deceas'd; next under Enfign Cathcart, and afterwards under Enfign Anthony Morelon, fince a Lieutenant. At the Raifing the Siege, it was demolifhed by Capt. Dunbar. We boil three Days Allowance of Beef. In the Afternoon, the aforefaid Indians fet out for St. Augufiine, on an Expe dition. Several Complaints being utter'd of the Badnefs of the Beef and Water* his Excellency, to

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[ *9 1 to let a good Example, eats and drinks nothing elfe. Sunday, March 20. Two more Boats arrive from Frederica> with Cherokee Indians \ and foon after a Schooner, with the Upper-Creeks* Cujfttaes, Ocuni's, and Cowhatfs; Part of whom left us, and returned to Frederica, as before related; and fome of the Tal~ poofes, Tuckababbe and Savamee Nations, who came to aflift the General, making in all feventy. Va rious Conjectures are pafs'd of his Excellency's Intentions, and the Men feem to be uneafy for Want of AdHon. Our prefent Poft, if the Spani ards have any Souls, muft be very dangerous, and all Precautions are taken to receive them in a proper Manner, An Indian Conjurer prophefies they will be down upon us this Night; and there fore, to humour thofe People's Superftition, a Double-Watch is kept; and another Advanc'dGuard mounted under Enfign Chamberlaine, as far off as the Horfe-Guards. Monday, March 21. The Rye Man of War, Capt. Hardy, and the Charles-Town Galley, Capt. Lightfoot, on a Cruize from Charles-Town, and the Succefs, Capt. Thomfon, appear off the Bar; and the latter fends in his Boat for Provifions, which are fent him; and Lieut. Maxwell, the General's Aidde-Camp, is fent in his Excellency's Cutter, to Capt. Hardy, to propofe to him to cover the Land ing of his Forces on the Metanfas or St. Anafiatia* where he propos'd a Defcent, to kill their Cattle, and take their Slaves; which would, confequently, ftarve the Town. All well in the Camp, and on board the Vefiels. Tuefday, March 22. Mr, Maxwell return'd with Capt. Hardy9s Anfwer, which inform'd his Excel lency of the Danger he imagin'd there would be in the Attempt, and in fine, urged that he could not pafs the Limits of the Cruize he was upon, after a Store-Ship, which was expe&ed from the Havanna. JVednef-

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[ 3 ] Wednesday, March 23. Lieut. Ronald CampHlU of the Walker\ is fent on fome Bufinefs to Capt. Thorn/on ; and Capt. Davis, to Commodore Hardy. The Siege of Auguftine, and the continual Incurfions fince made by his Excellency, having quite render'd the open Country, from St. Mathitts to Auguftine, ufelefs to the Spaniards, (and fpoil'd their ufual Methods of decoying our Negroes from Carolina, and elfewhere; whence, in Numbers, they ufed to defert to them, before the Settlement of Georgia, and were, on embracing their Religion, inflated in certain Lands, which they held of that Government;) they kept all their Cattle on the Metanfas or St. Anaftatia, guarded by Slaves. The Deftru&ion of thefe would have produc'd fatal Effe&s to the Spani ards ; and the Hazard of it made it one of the boldeft Attempts that has of late been heard of: For the Troops muft have been landed on a Beach, where the Sea ran Mountains high with the leaft Breath of Wind, and under the very Cannon of the Caftle, and where the Ships are every Mo ment in Panger of being blown from their An chors and driven on Shore; (and tho% at the Siege of Auguftine, the brave Major Alexander Heron, fince made a Lieutenant Colonel, by Bre vet, in the Abfence of Lieutenant-Colonel William Cook, at the Time of the late Invafion, where he fo much diftinguifh'd himfelf, landed here; yet his Boats were moftly over-fet, Numbers loft their Arms, and fome few narrowly efcap'd lofing their Lives.) What a Difappointment was the not fucceeding of this Scheme, to us all ? which would have given us Auguftine almoft without a Siege, and perhaps had given their Galleys to us without a Blow. At four o* Clock, the Indians, that went on Saturday to Auguftine, return'd, having been no farther then the Grove, where they were repuVd by the Yamafees% who, it feems, were out,

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[3i 3. and one of them wounded. They appeared prodigioufly jaded and fatigu'd. Tburfday, March 24. The Rye, and Charles-Town Galley return to their Cruize, Capt. *Thomfon remain ing off the Bar at Anchor. The General refolves, even with what VefTels he has, to go to the Metanfas. Friday', March 25. Fifty Indians kt out on ano ther Incurfion to Augufiine, after phyficking, and performing the War-Dance, with more Ceremony than I ever faw them. Saturday', March 26. At Noon his Excellency embark* d in the Walker, with forty Soldiers, befides the Ship's Crew, and forty'-fix Indians, who were rcfolv'd to go on this Sea-Expedition with him; which was an extraordinary Offer from them, and fhow'd their Value for the General, whom they call their Father. Captain Carr was left, with his Scout-Boats, to wait for thofe Indians who went by Land. The Remainder of the Detach ment cmbark'd in the other Boats. The rude Manners of the Indians on board, who without Ce remony took up the Cabin and all the Convenicncles, for Lodging, and their Arms, and Lum ber, were fomewhat irkfome, efpecially confidering their Naftinefs; however, as his Excellency himfelf was pleafed with lying roughly on the Deck, all the Voyage, no body elfe had the leaft Reafon to complain. Sunday, March 27. At feven A.M. we weigh with little Wind at S. S. W. and foggy. From the Sand-Hills our Courfe was E. S. E. over the Bar. At ten A. M. all the Fleet got over the Bar, confifting of one Ship, four Schooners, and feven fmaller Veffels, as Perriaguas,fcfr. At Noon Captain Thomfon bore off N. N. E. diftant about three Leagues: We fend his Boat with Provifions, and man our Long-Boat, to weigh an Anchor he left behind him ; but the Buoy-Rope broke* and they came without it. The Wind blowing frelh at 2 S.W.

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[32] S. W. the General order'd the fmaller Veflel* to bear away to Frederica, inland, and the reft of us kept plying to Wind-ward. At feven P. M. we all come to an Anchor in feven Fathom Water, off Talbot Inlet, with little Wind at S. W* the Ship four Miles to Leeward. Monday, March 28. At fix A, M. we all weighed, with the Wind at Weft, and moderate but could not fee the Succefs. At eight D, the Wind chop*d to W. N. W. At nine defcry a Sail, which we give Chace to, and clear Ship for fight ing-, at eleven Dp, come up with her, and find her, to our Difappointment, Captain Thorn/on^ who came on board to the General, and inform'd him of the Death of his Lieutenant, Mr. Baine, and the Illnefs of Lieutenant Sterling, Officer of the Command on board. The Wind continuing at W. N. W. we all fteer in for Augufiine Bar, clear Weather; at three, P. M. we are clofe in with the faid Bar, where we fee two Sloops; we keep clofe along Shore, and the General, taking two of the Indian Chiefs, went in his Cutter to fee if he could land his Men on Anafiatia\ but found it was not poffible, the Sea ran fo high. We defcry on the Beach one Spaniard on Horfeback, and two other Scouts on Foot, who fire a Muflcet. We plainly open Auguftine Town and Caftle, which make a pretty Appearance from Sea, feemingall to be built of white Stone: We ftand clofe in with the Metan$asr where we fee one Galley 5 and the Wind ihifting to N. N. W. we ftood off and on all Night with eafy Sail. The Indians begin to be tired of the Sea, and want fadly to be fet on Shore; which being impoffible, his Excellency ftrives to divert their Minds, by amufing them with fuch Curiofities as he had on board, fhewing them the Nature of the Ccmpafs, s?f, at which they exprefs'd a very natural and beautiful Surprize and Amaze ment. Tuefday,

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C 33 1 Tar/day, March 29. This Morning being mo* derate, and the Wind at N. N. E. we flood clofe ift with the Mei'anfas. At Noon the Enemy irtade a large Smoke, when by an accurate Obfervation we Found the Metatifas-Bar to lie in Lat. 29. 32'. N. Wind at N. E. We ftand to the Northward, and fee a long Galley lying within the Bar. At four P. M. there being but little Wind at E. we got out our Oars, and clear'd Ship for fighting, the General encouraging the Rowers by handling an Oar himfelf; but Night coming on before we got the Length of the Bar, we could do nothing; only the General fent his Cutter to fee \krhat was to be difcover'd. They foon returned, being able to fee nothing but the Galley, and ac quainting his Excellency, that the Eafterly Sea ran Mountains high on Shore : So there being no Poffibility of landing, we ftood on and off all Night, the WindS. E, Wednefday^ March 30. At one A. M. we tack'd and ftood in for the Land; at three D, ftood off, it inclining to be calm; at eight D, made a Sig nal to fpeak with the Mafters of the Tranfports, Mac Kmfie^ Warren^ and Nunez; and we all ftood in for St. Auguftine-Bar> with little Wind at E. and hot Weather. We fee lying within the Bar, one Galley and two Half-Galleys, who not daring to venture out, the General would have landed and attacked them from Shore; but found it imprac ticable ftill, the Sea ran fo high: So finding it impoflible to land, after alarming and infulting the whole Coaft by Sea, as he had their Caftle by Land, he ordered to bear away for St. Juan's. Little Wind at S. E. we fet all our fmall Sails. At five P. M. the General fent his Aid-de-Camp on board the Succefs, with Orders for her and the other Veffels to make the beft of their Way home. At eight D, we came to an Anchor off 67. Juan'sE Bar,

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C 34 3 Bar, in nine Fathom Water, with the Wind at S. E. and moderate. Thurfday, March 31. At fix A. M. weigh'd and ftood in clofe for the Bar. At feven D, his Excel lency wentafhore in his Cutter-, and foon after we fct the Indians on Shore, firing thirteen Guns as they went over the Side. Beer was given afterwards to our Men, and under the Difcharge of our Cannon, we named the Mount at the Entrance of this Bar, OGLETHORPE'S MOUNT. The Indians not being return'd from Auguftine, the General waits for them; and therefore at the Return of our Boat, we weigh'd, Wind at S. S. E. At three P.M. we were a-breaft of Fort-William, and fired two Guns, as the Signal. At fix D, ftood over the Bar of St. Simon's into the Sound, and found the Succefs on her Station. We proceeded diredtly for Frederica, and at nine at Night landed there; the other Veffels being arriv'd fafe the Morning paft. A few Days after, the General return'd with the Remainder of his Party, and all the Indians; thofe who went to Auguftine, not having taken any Prifoner, nor feen a Spaniard without the Walls; fo much were they terrify'd with our late At tempts. And fince this, feveral Parties of our In dians have been out, to their very Gates, and kept the Watches in the utmoft Panic and Fear, bringing his Excellency three or four Prifoners, at different Times, all whom he has carried to England with him. When I refieft upon General Oglethorpe's great Qualities, and his indefatigable Zeal in ferving his Country; his many hazardous and painful Expedi tions (particularly that of the Siege of Auguftine, in which he was betray'd and neglefted by the mean Carolina Regiment, and many of the Men of War i) and his late glorious Defeat of the Spa-

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[35l nijh Invafion of Georgia: When I reflect on his breaking a good and vigorous Conftitution, to ren der the Perfons under his Command, eafy and happy; his extending his Coftipaffion to theMiferable of all Sorts, and in fhort, his Poffeflion of every Civil and Military Virtue; I am fhock'd, that Envy itfelf dare mean to taint his Chara&er with its foul Blaft: But what Merit is Proof againft fome foul Tongues, and fouler Hearts; when God himfelf cannot efcape them? But he will foon prove to them, that there are other Qualities than Impudence, and a Knack at Slander, requir'd for the Taflc of oppofing his excellent and iuft Mca-fures. From an impartial Survey of his Anions, the Tendency of which^ I have, perhaps, had many Opportunities to contemplate, I can't forbear to fing with Addifon, only with the Va riation of the Perfon, Oglethorpe*,? Alls appear divinely bright, And proudly Jhine in their own native Light. Raised of them/elves, their genuine Charms they boafi \ And tbofe who paint them trueft, praife them moft. I can't relinquilh my Subjedt, Dear Sir, with out juft touching on the Chara&er of a young Gentleman, who was left Commander in Chief at Frederica, in the General's Abfence, Captain-Lieu tenant James Mackay\ who at an early Age, and in a Service, where the Marrow of the Mi litary is hardly acquirable, has eftablifhed the Re putation of an able and experienc'd Officer: But that Encomium, you'll find, falls far fhort of the reft of his Qharafter, when I inform you, that to the fweeteft Temper, is join'd the moft generous Soul. Couragious, juft virtuous, humane, kind, and temperate, he bleffes all who know hitn, and reftores the Golden Age wherever he appears: And 'tis not barely Gratitude for Favours received, that dr^ws

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[36] draws from me this Panegyric; but the. Convidtion I am under, that he deferves this, ami more, from all that evet had the Honour to bo acquainted with him. I conclude, Honoured Sir, with esprefii&g &e lame Sentiments of Gratitude to a Gewrfeman who has been the Solace and Tutor $f cwty Hour I have fpent in this Country, aftd to whom I owe all the little military Knowledge 1 may* or fhall be poffefsM of. To explain whom I rnean^ may I be continually deferving of tho Friendfhip of Lieutenant Anthony Mwehn% (afl whofe Defire this Journal was at firft undertaken;) a Gentleman as amiable an4 ufefui in his private (phara&er, a$ he is by the Cpnfeflion of tH$ }^eft Judges acknowledged co be, in his Capacity f a good and able Officer. I long to embrace you, to throw rfiyfelf at your Feet; but you'll allow fome Time to the Working? of a laudable Ambition, m& to the Defire I have to render myfelf worthy theFaVQur and Prote&ion of fo great a Man, a* General Oglethorpe > to deferve which, is to defsxVe all that's good in Life. Tho* you have loft, fa* 9 Time, your dear E-&*-**, fs% y&a may ever expeft the fame tender* requifif# $ftd 4o kegards from him, who* the* rnKwio-cliAint, in Sentiment will always be like hifll v &H& ta you, to w&oro I owa ail I,am, or pafie& m my Mind, Ever mofi duttf&\ obedient > *n$ affeffionatc* G. L. CAMPBELL* v. E.K,

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INDEXES. Index to the Relation. Abbott, William, 19 Amelia Island, 8n, 9, 10, 20 Amelia Sound, 9 America, 8n, 18 Bailey, Kenneth, 8n Blaine, Lieutenant, 32 Cadogan, Lieutenant George, 12 Campbell, G. L., 36 Carolina, 30 Carr, Captain, 8, 31 Cathcart, Ensign, 28 Cato, 4 Chamberlaine, Ensign Solomon, 7, 29 Charles XII, 4 Charleston, 19 Charles Town Galley, 29-30 Cherokees, 29 Coates, Captain, 10 Coleman, S., 10 Combes, 20 Cook, William, 27, 30 Cowhatis, 15-18, 29 Creeks, 19, 28 Cumberland Island, 7n, 8 Cussitaes, 29 Davis, Captain Caleb, 6, 30 Demere*, Lieutenant Paul, 7, 9 Dunbar, Captain George, 12, 28

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[2] Eels, desertion of, 27 Elizabeth, 7 England, 8n, 12, 17, 18 Europe, 11, 12 Fellows, Cockswain David, 10-11 Florida, 3 Fort Augusta, 20 Fort Dieeo, 5, 18, 21, 22, 28 Fort Picolata, 28 Fort San Marcos, 16, 26, 32, 33 Fort William, 7, 8, 9n, 12, 28, 34 Frederica, 6, 7, 9n, 19, 20, 28, 34 Georgia, 9n, 15, 30 Goldsmith, Thomas, 8, 9n, 20 Great Britain, 3 Hardy, Commodore Charles, 29-30 Havana, 5, 10, 29 Hermitage Plantation, 8n Heron, Lieutenant Colonel Alexander, 30 Highland Rangers, 8, 9n, 10, 11, 14, 21, 28 Horton, Captain William, 7, 10, 21, 24 Hourtein, Commissary Patrick, 7 Jamaica, 10 Jekyl Creek, 7 Jekyl Island, In Jesuits, 20 Kent, Captain Richard, 20 Kent, 10 Libya, 4 Lightfoot, Captain, 29 MacKay, Lieutenant Charles, 8 MacKay, Lieutenant Hugh, 28 MacKay, James, 19, 35 MacKay, Ensign Samuel, 7 MacKensie, 33 Mackintosh, Captain John More, 8n Mariotte, Thomas, 18 Matanzas Bar, 32-33 Matanzas Inlet, 22, 29, 30, 31 Maxwell, Lieutenant Edmond, 8, 29 Mercier, Ensign Peter, 7 Mitchell, Captain, 10

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[3] Morelon, Lieutenant Anthony, 28, 36 Mosa, 8n, 26 North America, 3, 21 Nunez, 33 Ocunis, 29 Oglethorpe, General James, 5, 8, 11, 15; eulogy of, 34r-36; fails in landing at Matanzas, 33; leads force on St. Augus tine, 20-28; orders men back to Frederica, 32; personal traits, 4; prudence in handling men, 23; qualities of his regiment, 4; receives Cowhati Indians, 18-19; reputation in Florida, 5; sets camp at San Juan, 10-11 Oglethorpe's Lake, 13, 28 Outerbridge, Ensign White, 13, 28 Poupa, Lake de, 13, 28 Pryber, Christian, 19 Robinson, Adjutant William, 7 Rosendale, Quartermaster Thomas, 7 Russia, 4 Rye, 29-30 St. Andrews Sound, In, Sn St. Augustine, 5, 9n, 10, 15-17, 20, 24, 26, 28, 30, 32-34 St. George's Island, 9n, 11 St. Mathias, 12 St. Simon Island, In St. Simon Sound, In, Sn San Juan, 9n, 10, 14, 20, 24, 33 San Juan River, 13 San Juan's Bar, 14, 33 San Juan's Beach, 13, 21, 28 San Mateo, 30 Santa Anastasia Island, 29, 30, 32 Savannees, 29 Scrags, 9 Sea-Flower, 6-7 Sloffkaw, 20 Spain, 8n Spinoza, Diego, 22 Sterling, Lieutenant George, 32 Stewart, Ensign Alexander, 9n Stewart, Ensign John, 7, 9 Stuart, Fort-Major, 9n, 28 Success, 6, 10, 29, 33 Talbot's Island, 9n, 32 Talpooses, 29

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[4] Thomson, Captain William, 6, 10, 14, 29, 30-32 Tooanowi, 20 Tuckabahhes, 29 Upper Creeks, 29 Walker, 6, 20, 30, 31 Wall, Lieutenant James, 7, 26 Wansele, Ensign, 8, 21 Warren, 33 Watkins, Surgeon, 20 Williams, Captain John, 9, 11 Yamasees, 29 York, 10 Index to the introduction Alabama, xii Altamaha River, xxvi, xxxii Amelia Island, xxiii-xxiv, xxvii America, xv Americus, xvii Apalache, xii, xxiii, xxxix Bahama Channel, xii Barbican (London), xiv Beaufort, xvi Berkshire, xiv Black, Frank Gees, xiii Bloody Marsh, xxiv, xxviii Bo Peep, xxv Boston, xxv Bradley Lucas, xvi Campbell, G. L., xxii Campillo, Jos6 del, xxiv, xxxiv, xxxviii Carolina, xii, xxvi Carolinas, xviii Cartagena, xxxix Cavetas, xxx, xxxv Charleston, xii, xvi, xvii, xxv, xxxiii Cherokees, xxxi Cheshire, xiv Chickasaws, xxiv Chigilly, xxvi Cimber, xvii Cook, Lieutenant Colonel William, xxxv Creeks, xxiv

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[5] Cruz, Domingo de la, xxxiv Cuba, xiii, xxiv, xxxiii, xxxvii-xxxviii Cumberland Island, xxv, xxvii Cynicus, xvii DaHen, xxx Diego River, xvii, xxxiii Dunbar, Captain George, xx Edinburgh, xvi Elizabeth, xxvii England, xi, xvi Fielding, Henry, xx Florida, xxii, xxiv, xxxix Fort Caroline, xi Fort Picolata, xxiii, xxiv Fort Pupo, xxiii, xxiv, xxx Fort San Diego, xix Fort San Luis de Apalache, xii Fort San Marcos, xxiii, xxiv, xxvii, xxix, xxxii, xxxiii Fort William, xxvii France, xi Franciscans, xi Frankfurt, xxi Frederica, xiii, xxvii Gentleman's Magazine, xiv, xv Georgia, xii, xvi, xxiii, xxiv, xxvii Gourgues, Dominique de, xi Gravesend, xv, xvi Great Awakening, xvi Gresham College, xiv Grub Street, xxii Guemes y Horcasitas, Juan Francisco de, xxxiii, xxxvii-xxxix Hardy, Captain Charles, xxxi Havana, xiii, xvii, xxxiii, xxxvii Heron, Lieutenant Colonel Alexander, xxvi Highland Rangers, xxiv, xxvi, xxix, xxx, xxxv Historicus, xvii Huguenots, xi Jamaica, xxvii Jekyll Island, xxv Kent, xxvii Kimber, Edward, xli-xliii, xxv, xxxi; activities in America, xvxix; assessment of career, xxii; education, xv; description of

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[6] the Southeast, xvii-xix; description of slavery, xviii; mar riage, xx; military service, xvi, xix-xx; novels, xx-xxi; Oh-servations, xvii-xix; pseudonyms, xvii; Relation, xiii, xxii, xxv; writer, xv, xx-xxii; youth, xv Kimber, George Thorpe, xx Kimber, Isaac, xiv-xv, xxii Kimber, Sidney, xiii Kimber, Susanna Lunn, xx Leipzig, xxi Leith, xvi Lightfoot, Captain, xxxi London, xiv, xvi London Magazine, xv, xvi-xix Lower Creeks, xxiii, xxvi-xxix, xxxi Mackall, Leonard L., xiii MacKay, Lieutenant Charles, xxx Madrid, xiii Maryland, xvi, xviii, xxvi Matanzas Inlet, xi, xxxiii Mobile, xxxix Monthly Chronicle, xv Montiano, Manuel de, xiii; attack on Georgia, xii, xxiv-xv; defeat at Bloody Marsh, xiii; description of Oglethorpe's raid in 1743, xxxiv-xxxviii; strategy, xxviii-xxix, xxxi; later career, xxxix Mount Venture, xxv, xxxii Nantwich, xiv Newbould, xvi New York, xvi Oglethorpe, General James: assembles expedition to Florida, xxvi-xxvii; at Bloody Marsh, xxiv; founding of Georgia, xii, xxiii; expedition to Florida, 1743, xxv-xxxi; siege of St. Augustine in 1740, xii, xiii, xxiv Orkney Islands, xvi Panama, xxxix Paris, xxi Paul's Alley (London), xiv Pensacola, xxxiii, xxxix Philip V, xxxviii Pichon, Lieutenant Colonel Juan, xxxiii, xxxviii Ponce de Leon, Juan, xi Port Royal Island, xvi Providence, xxxiii

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[7] Queen Anne's War, xii Rye, xxxi St. Augustine, xi, xii, xiii, xxiii, xxiv, xxv, xxvii, xxxiii, xxxix St. James (London), xix St. Johns River, xi, xxiii, xxvii-xxviii, xxxi, xxxv-xxxvi St. Simon Island, xiii, xxv Santa Anastasia Island, xxxi Savannah, xvi-xviii Sea-Flower, xxvii Spain, xi, xxv Success, xx, xxvii, xxxi Tamaja, xxxii Thomson, Captain William, xxvii, xxxi Tom Jones, xx Two Sisters, xvi Uchizes, xxiv United States, xi Upper Creeks, xxxi Vernon, Admiral Edward, xxxiii Virginia, xvi, xix, xxvi Walker, xxvii Ward, John, xiv-xv War of Jenkins* Ear, xii, xxiii West Indies, xviii Whitfield, George, xvi William and Mary College, xix Williams, Captain John, xxvi Williamsburg, xix Yamasees, xxvi, xxxi-xxxii, xl York, xxvii Yorktown, xvi, xix


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