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Apalachee the land between the rivers
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The Florida and the Caribbean Open Books Series
Hann, John H. ( author )
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1565-1763 ( fast )
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Indians of North America -- Florida ( fssh )
Apalachee Indians ( fssh )
History -- Florida -- Spanish colony, 1565-1763 ( lcsh )
Florida ( fast )
History -- United States, Florida ( fssh )
Native races -- History -- United States, Florida ( fssh )
Apalachee Indians
Florida -- History -- 1565-1763
Florida -- History -- Spanish colony, 1565-1763
Indians of North America -- Florida -- History
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History of the Apalachee Indians of Florida.
Includes bibliographical references (pages 415-435) and index.
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Funded through the Humanities Open Book, which is jointly sponsored by the National Endowment for the Humanities (NEH) and the Andrew W. Mellon Foundation.
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John H. Hann.

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The Florida and the Caribbean Open Books SeriesIn the University Press of Florida, in collaboration with the George A. Smathers Libraries of the University of Florida, received a grant from the National Endowment for the Humanities and the Andrew W. Mel lon Foundation, under the Humanities Open Books program, to repub lish books related to Florida and the Caribbean and to make them freely available through an open access platform. fe resulting list of books is the Florida and the Caribbean Open Books Series published by the Li braryPress@UF in collaboration with the University of Florida Press, an imprint of the University Press of Florida. A panel of distinguished schol ars has selected the series titles from the UPF list, identibed as essential reading for scholars and students. fe series is composed of titles that showcase a long, distinguished history of publishing works of Latin American and Caribbean scholar ship that connect through generations and places. fe breadth and depth of the list demonstrates Floridas commitment to transnational history and regional studies. Selected reprints include Daniel Brintons A GuideBook of Florida and the South (), Cornelis Goslingas e Dutch in the Caribbean and on the Wild Coast, (r), and Nelson Blakes Land into WaterWater into Land (). Also of note are titles from the Bicentennial Floridiana Facsimile Series. fe series, published in r in commemoration of Americas bicentenary, comprises twenty-bve books regarded as classics, out-of-print works that needed to be in more librar ies and readers bookcases, including Sidney Laniers Florida: Its Scen ery, Climate, and History (r) and Silvia Sunshines Petals Plucked from Sunny Climes (). Todays readers will benebt from having free and open access to these works, as they provide unique perspectives on the historical scholarship


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fis book is reissued as part of the Humanities Open Books program, funded by a grant from the National Endowment for the Humanities and the Andrew W. Mellon Foundation.


Contents Figures vii Tables viii Foreword, by James J. Miller ix Preface xi Introduction 1 1. The Famed Land of Apalachee 5 2. Villages and Missions of Apalachee and Apalachicola 24 3. Apalachee Culture and Customs 70 4. Apalachee Political Structure 96 5. The Apalachee Language 118 6. The Apalachee Economy 126 7. The Population of Apalachee 160 8. Apalachee and Its Neighbors 181 9. San Luis: Village, Fort, and Mission 194 10. Alienation and Demoralization, 1682-1702 227 11. Indian and Spanish Interaction and Acculturation 237 12. Destruction of the Missions and Dispersion of Their People 264 13. Exile and Extinction of the Apalachee 284 Appendixes 1. Chronology for San Luis and Apalachee 319 2. Translation of the Ball Game Manuscript 328 3. Villages in Apalachee during the Mission Era (with variant names and spellings) 354 v


VI Contents 4. Mission Villages to the West of Apalachee Province 356 5. Apalachee Mission Villages, Their Population, and Distances between Villages 357 6. Apalachicola Villages with Which the Apalachee Had Contact 362 7. Some Apalachee Names 365 8. Explanatory Notes for Figure 2.1. 371 9. Spanish Weights and Measures and Their U.S. Equivalents 376 10. Standard Spelling for Native and Spanish Names 377 11. A Catalog of Native Leaders 378 12. Variant Versions of Colonel James Moore's Letters about His Assault on Apalachee 385 Glossary 399 Bibliographic Essay 409 Bibliography 415 Index 437


Figures 1.1. Tribal areas of the lower Southeast 6 1.2. The Wytfliet map of Florida and Apalache, 1597 8 2.1. Southern part of Apalachee province showing locations of mission villages 34 2.2. The Alonso Solana map of 1683 44 3.1. Tribal groups of Timucua 72 3.2. Apalachee ball game post and legends 75 6.1. Missions and trails of North Florida 150 9.1. The fort among the Apalachicola 204 9.2. Fort palisades and blockhouse drawn in accord with the dimensions given by Landeche (1705) and Williams (1827) 222 9.3. The Stuart-Purcell map of 1778 224 vn


Tables 2.1. The mission list of 1655 29 2.2. The mission list of 1657 29 2.3. Fernandez de Florencia's mission list of 1675 35 2.4. Bishop Calderon's mission list of 1675 36 2.5. Leturiondo's mission list of 1677 41 2.6. Marques Cabrera's mission list of 1680 45 2.7. Bishop Compostela's mission list of 1689 50 2.8. List of villages with attendant priests, 1690 51 2.9. Florencia's visitation list of 1695 52 2.10. The mission list of 1697 55 2.11. Comparison of mission lists of 1695, 1697, 1675, and 1677 56 2.12. Ayala's visitation list of 1698 58 2.13. Lists as indicators of village locations 64 7.1. Population estimates for Apalachee 162 7.2. Population by mission in 1675 and 1689 171 12.1. Comparison of Moore's letters and Spanish and French reports 272 vin


Foreword NEARLY forty years have passed since the pioneering excavations of John Griffin at the site of the seventeenth-century Spanish mission of San Luis, re ported along with Hale Smith's excavations at the Ayubale mission site in Jefferson County and Mark Boyd's translation of contemporary Spanish docu ments. Their book, Here They Once Stood, published by the University of Florida Press in 1951, laid out a solid foundation for subsequent archaeologi cal and historical study of Florida's mission period and contributed signifi cantly to the development of what has now come to be known as historical archaeology. In their preface, Boyd, Smith and Griffin expressed the hope "that similar studies will be conducted, to the end that the documentary sources may be enriched by the data recovered by excavation and the archaeo logical objects may be enlivened by the insight provided by contemporary documents." In 1983, when the site of San Luis came into public ownership, the Flor ida Department of State was charged with the responsibility of researching, interpreting and managing the 50-acre property for the public benefit. We were presented with the unique opportunity to develop a long-term program of archaeological and historical research that would not only improve our under standing of Florida's early Spanish history, but also present the story of the Apalachee missions to the public through exhibits, educational programs, and publications. San Luis Archaeological and Historical Site has now been open to the public for more than three years, and thousands of visitors have toured the grounds, viewed the excavations in progress, and, we hope, left with a better understanding of Florida's Indian and Spanish history. Much work re mains to be done before San Luis achieves its full potential as a center for Spanish Colonial research and interpretation, but John Hann's book represents IX


X Foreword a milestone in the long-term effort to understand and present to the public a full account of seventeenth-century life in the Apalachee province and follows directly out of the task defined so long ago by Boyd, Smith, and Griffin. Apalachee: Land Between the Rivers grew out of an initial review of read ily available documents and translations about the site of San Luis that was intended simply to guide the archaeologists in their general understanding of the site and the interpretation of the preliminary archaeological excavations. In the middle 1970s, John Hann had translated excerpts of documents related to the Apalachee missions to supplement the results of earlier archaeological work at a number of mission sites conducted by B. Calvin Jones and L. Ross Morrell. As the potential of the documents became more apparent, the scope of the project increased, and John Hann took on the task of organizing his results into a book-length manuscript. The importance of the completed study was recognized by Jerald Milanich, Bullen Series editor, in 1985, and the manuscript was accepted for publication soon thereafter. The Bureau of Ar chaeological Research is pleased to join the Florida State Museum in making this book available to the public. Apalachee presents the fullest account available of any indigenous Florida Indian tribe and illustrates how profoundly Spanish and Indian cultures in Florida were interrelated in the seventeenth century. Although the documen tary record is rich, the book provides an account of the famed Apalachee In dians that depicts a way of life much different from their aboriginal way of life before Spanish contact. It is clear from this study that the Apalachee Indians, the Franciscan missionaries and the Spanish soldiers comprised a complicated triangle, each side possessing its own cultural system of goals and desires. As we approach the quincentennial celebration of the first European contact with the Native American people of the New World, much attention will be focused on Florida's early history. We may now recognize from Hann's work the rich and complex nature of at least one aspect of this history and perhaps appreciate more fully the life of the Spaniard and the Indian in early Florida. James J. Miller Florida Division of Historical Resources, Bureau of Archaeological Research


Preface AMONG Florida's historic sites from the First Spanish Period, San Luis de Talimali probably ranks as the most important after St. Augustine. It was the site of one of the largest of the mission centers, home to a Spanish garrison and the governor's deputy for the area, location of an impressive fortification, jumping-off point for Spanish contact with the natives to the west and north west of Apalachee, and abode for a small number of Spanish ranchers. From at least the middle of the seventeenth century until the destruction of the mis sions in 1704, the province of Apalachee headed by San Luis contained the majority of Florida's missionized Indians. Population figures from 1675 indi cate that Apalachee by then held more than three-fourths of Florida's mission population. The 50-acre property on which was located much of the core area of San Luis has been purchased for the people of the State of Florida under the Con servation and Recreation Lands Trust Fund program. Management of the property and responsibility for its preliminary development as a historic and archaeological site have been entrusted to the secretary of state through the Division of Historical Resources under the terms of a lease from the trustees of the Internal Improvement Trust Fund. The site, opened to the public in March 1985, is to be explored systematically under the guidance of Gary Shapiro, director of archaeology, and under the supervision of Jim Miller, chief of the Bureau of Archaeological Research. This work had its genesis in the immediate need for a compilation of cur rent knowledge about the Apalachee Indians, the activity that took place in Apalachee during the historic period, and the fate of the province's people after the destruction of the missions in 1704. Based on historical sources and on published archaeological research on Apalachee sites, this study is de signed to serve as a guide for the archaeologists exploring the site of the fort, XI


Xll Preface mission, and village of San Luis, for the personnel charged with interpreting the site for the general public, and for scholars and the general public who would like to learn more about the aboriginal and the European inhabitants of this area of northwest Florida during the historic period. In the use of this work it should be kept in mind that the principal corpus of research on which it is based was tailored to meet somewhat narrow specifi cations, namely, primary sources providing information on site location and appearance and data of ethnographic interest. Although available published documents and secondary sources have substantially lessened the handicap, this study is only a first step toward what the subject deserves and needs. It is offered in the spirit of the remark attributed by Henry Dobyns to Sherburne F. Cook that "One either uses such data as may be available and learns some thing, however inadequate, or abjures such data and learns nothing." Further research is needed in the various collections of Spanish documents held by the P. K. Yonge Library of Florida History of the University of Flor ida, in the transcriptions made by John Tate Lanning held by the Library of the University of Missouri at St. Louis, and in the holdings of the archives of Cuba and Mexico. Ultimately there is need for a search in the Archive of the Indies and in the other repositories of documents from the First Spanish Pe riod for additional material on the Apalachee region and for specific docu ments mentioned in, but not found in, existing microfilm and photostat collec tions held in the United States. Current investigation at the San Luis site offers a unique opportunity to explore the native dwellings and the council house of an Apalachee mission site under circumstances that could be particularly rewarding. Neither the dwellings nor the council house of a principal mission village has been ex plored. The San Luis site is particularly interesting because of indications that it became the location of the native village associated with the Spanish gar rison and the mission of San Luis about 1656, a generation after the establish ment of the first mission in the region. If indications prove true, and if it was not the site of an existing village, it will provide an unparalleled opportunity to search for changes in village layout, building style, and technique intro duced under Spanish influence. There will be opportunities for comparisons with the results of explorations at one of the Patale sites, results that are being prepared for publication by the Bureau of Archaeological Research. An even greater potential for comparisons may arise from the ongoing exploration of two Patale sites under the direction of Rochelle Marrinan of the Department of Anthropology of Florida State University. Because one of the Patale sites ap pears to have been abandoned relatively early in the mission period, the por trait of native life that its exploration reveals could serve as a foil against which to assess the magnitude of the Spanish-influenced changes at San Luis


Preface xin after 1656. These projects, in conjunction with other work under the direction of the Bureau of Archaeological Research and Florida State University's De partment of Anthropology, promise a new age of discovery for the Apalachee region, based on the foundation established over the past two decades by the work of state archaeologists L. Ross Morrell and B. Calvin Jones. On the problem of how to spell the native component of the village names and other Indian terms, I have adopted my version of what seemed to be com monly used spellings in the documents consulted. My standard spellings of such native words are included in the glossary and appendixes. This standard will be adhered to in the body of the text. But in reproducing the various mis sion lists, I have spelled the village names as they appear on my 1976 tran scriptions of the lists. Variant names given to the mission villages and some of the variant spellings of the native components of those village names are noted in appendix 3. For the spelling of Spanish names, where diversity also occurs, I have adopted a standard version, choosing the variant that most closely ap proximates modern usage unless that variant was rarely used by the person concerned or by his contemporaries. The initial research for this study was performed at the P. K. Yonge Li brary of Florida History in 1976, when I prepared a series of translations and synopses of documents dealing with Apalachee for Florida's Division of Ar chives, History and Records Management. I gratefully acknowledge the un stinting assistance that I received from the P. K. Yonge Library's director, Elizabeth Alexander, from her staff, and, during a two-week visit in 1985, from Bruce S. Chappell, archivist. Except for that visit, my recent research has been confined to the holdings of the Florida State Library and the Florida State University Library, supplemented by what is available at the former through interlibrary loan. I am grateful for the assistance of the staffs of both libraries. I wish to express my gratitude as well to the director of the Manu script Division of the Library of Congress, the South Carolina Division of Archives and History, and the Public Records Office, whom I contacted by mail in an unsuccessful effort to get closer to the original copies of Colonel James Moore's two letters describing his destruction of most of the Apalachee missions. I am most grateful for the encouragement and support I have re ceived from Randall Kelley and Ross Morrell, director and assistant director, respectively, of the Division of Archives, History and Records Management during the time this book was written; Jim Miller, chief of the Bureau of Ar chaeological Research; Louis Tesar, who painstakingly read the initial draft of this study; Charles Poe, who has prepared the illustrations; and Calvin Jones, Gary Shapiro, and many other colleagues in the Bureau of Archaeological Re search and in the Museum of Florida History, who have made their expertise available.


Introduction AMONG Florida's inland areas, the Tallahassee hills region is one of the few that has attracted Indians since their first appearance in Florida. From early times this land between the Rivers Ochlockonee and Aucilla served as the eastern anchor of what archaeologists designate as the Northwest culture area, comprising all the lands from Mobile Bay east through Apalachee Bay to the Aucilla River and inland to the vicinity of the Alabama and Georgia borders. As Florida's natives developed more advanced cultures and more complex so cieties, the region around Tallahassee remained one of the areas of most in tense activity. That process culminated when the region became the locale for one and possibly two major Mississippian ceremonial centers. After the de cline and abandonment of those centers, this land between the rivers con tinued to hold a large population even though most of the rest of the Northwest culture area was depopulated as the prehistoric period was coming to an end (Milanich and Fairbanks 1980). As the historic period began, the Apalachee controlled that area of favored land. They were described thus in a recent general survey of Florida archaeol ogy: "Historically the most important group in the Northwest region was the powerful Apalachee, settled on the red clay hills near where Tallahassee now stands. The fertile clay and loam soils of the hills supported the heaviest, most concentrated population in the state" (Milanich and Fairbanks 1980:24). The first Spaniards to explore Florida extensively were drawn to the same region. Panfilo de Narvaez journeyed north to the province from Tampa Bay in 1528. Hernando de Soto wintered there from October 1539 until early March 1540. In the second quarter of the seventeenth century, the region became the center of intense mission activity by Spanish Franciscan friars. From the midseventeenth century, Apalachee was clearly the most important of the Florida 1


2 Apalachee mission provinces, and, within Apalachee, San Luis was the most important of the missions. For half a century the mission village of San Luis de Talimali headed that province of 14 or 15 missions and over 40 settlements. It occupied one of the commanding hills in the Tallahassee area, two miles west of the present state capital complex. From the appointment of the first deputy-governor for Apa lachee in the 1640s, the site apparently was the residence of that officer and from the mid-1650s housed the small garrison as well. The principal chief of what was then known as San Luis de Inhayca established his village there in 1656 in order to be near the Spaniards. From that time the site contained a church for the natives, a convent for the friars, a cemetery, an Indian village of unknown size, a principal council house, and a ball court. Soon thereafter it acquired a blockhouse described as "a fortified country house" that served as the deputy governor's residence. In the 1670s, and perhaps earlier, a num ber of Spaniards who were not soldiers settled there to establish ranches or to trade in the products of the province. Its elaborate fort was built only during the last decade of the mission's existence in response to the growing threat from the English in South Carolina and from the neighboring non-Christian Indians who had come under the Carolinians' influence. In 1675 the mission of San Luis held 1,400 natives out of the province's total of over 8,000, making it the largest mission center in the province. But this population was spread over its satellite villages as well as the principal village of San Luis de Talimali. As Spain's westernmost outpost in Florida until almost the end of the sev enteenth century, San Luis and the province it headed were the stepping-off point for numerous exploratory or commercial or military expeditions into the region west and northwest of Apalachee. When the Europeans arrived, the Apalachee lived in somewhat permanent villages, relying heavily on agriculture for their subsistence. Controlling the territory between the Aucilla and lands some distance beyond the Ochlockonee River, they were a distinct group, politically and culturally, recognized as such both by themselves and by other Indian groups far to the south. As a result of the fierce and determined hostility the Apalachee manifested toward the first Spanish intrusions into their territory in the second quarter of the sixteenth century, the Spaniards made no additional attempts to contact them until early in the next century. By that time the Apalachee's self-suffi ciency had abated enough to permit some among them to request the presence of Franciscan friars in some of their villages. Although friars began visiting the easternmost villages in Apalachee in 1608, the authorities did not launch a formal effort to evangelize the province and to bring it into the Spanish ecumene effectively until 1633, when they dispatched two friars to begin such


Introduction 3 an effort. Five years later the first soldiers made a temporary appearance. During the early 1640s, the Spanish effort expanded significantly, occasioning a revolt in 1647 in which the insurgents torched seven of the eight mission complexes in existence and killed three friars and the governor's deputy and his family. A loyal Christian element enabled the Spaniards to regain control soon thereafter, and during the following quarter century the Apalachee ap pear to have been thoroughly Christianized. A number of non-Apalachee groups entered the province during that period, most of whom also formed mission villages there. As in other frontier areas of the Spanish Empire, the mission was the Crown's principal agency for winning the allegiance and obedience of the natives. In the years following the discovery of the New World, the popes gave the Spanish and Portuguese monarchs control over the church there in all matters except doctrine and internal discipline; in exchange, the Crown pledged to promote and support the evangelization of the natives. The Crown controlled the flow of missionaries, paid their passage to Florida, furnished them a stipend as if they were soldiers, and bore some of the cost of equipping the mission churches. Despite the church's transformation into an agency of the Crown under this regime, relations between the friars and the Crown's po litical authorities were frequently stormy. This was particularly true in Apa lachee, where the presence of the soldiers and the locus of control and disci plining of the natives became seriously contended issues. After the virtual completion of the conversion of Apalachee by the early 1670s, the friars and the political authorities began to look west and northwest to the natives beyond Apalachee's borders; but the arrival of the first English settlers at Charleston during the same period thwarted these efforts at expan sion. Ignoring the century-long presence of the Spaniards at St. Augustine and the string of missions along the Georgia coast, the British monarch, in a charter granted to the proprietors of the Carolina colony, set the new colony's southern limit below St. Augustine to encompass almost all of the Florida na tives and missions then under Spanish control. This charter set the stage for a quarter century of conflict that was to cul minate in the destruction of all the missions beyond St. Augustine. Averse to submitting to the disciplined life of the missions and to the surrender of much of their native culture that this entailed, and attracted by the prospect of En glish trade, most of the Creek tribes to the north and northwest of Apalachee threw off their allegiance to the Spanish monarch by preemptorily ousting the friars who appeared and welcoming the English traders. The Florida governors' efforts to counter these moves with threats and force led to open hos tilities and the migration of many of the Creek to sites closer to the English settlements where they might strengthen their ties with the English and be less


4 Apalachee subject to Spanish pressures. The appearance of the French on the lower Mis sissippi late in the century and their founding of Mobile at the start of the new century made the Carolinians even more determined to eliminate the Spanish presence in Florida before the two Latin rivals could join forces to block the English drive toward the Mississippi and the Gulf of Mexico. The outbreak of the War of the Spanish Succession provided the excuse for an overt move against St. Augustine and the missions. By mid-1704 most of St. Augustine, except for the fort, and all but two or three of Apalachee's mis sions had been destroyed. Many of the missions' inhabitants had been killed, enslaved, or forced to migrate, and many at San Luis's garrison had been killed or captured. Under the threat of additional attacks by a superior enemy, the remaining soldiers and most of the remaining natives abandoned the province. After a brief review of what is known about prehistoric Apalachee, I will explore the encounter between the Apalachee and the first European intruders, the establishment and growth of the missions among the Apalachee, the cul ture and customs of the historic Apalachee, their political structure at the vil lage level, their language, the mission economy, population trends, interac tion and acculturation of Indian and Spaniard, the demoralization of the natives that paved the way for the destruction of the missions, and the disper sion and extinction of the Apalachee as a distinct people.


Chapter 1 The Famed Land of Apalachee The Province of Apalache, which had great fame wheresoever we went.Hernandez de Biedma 1904(2):5 BIEDMA'S description of Apalachee aptly reflects the experience of the first Spaniards to explore inland in Florida in 1528 under Narvaez and in 1539 under de Soto. When Narvaez found Indians with articles of gold at the head of Tampa Bay, he inquired of them where the gold had come from. They indi cated by signs a province called Apalachen, far from there, giving the Span iards to understand that it was very rich (Nunez Cabeza de Vaca 1966:24). Eleven years later Hernando de Soto was lured northward by the same tale. This fabled land of Apalachee stretched less than 40 miles from east to west and no more than that from north to south (figs. 1.1, 1.2). It comprised the land from the west bank of the Aucilla River to a little west of the Ochlockonee and from the Gulf coast to the vicinity of the Georgia border or a little further. Despite their confinement to this circumscribed portion of North Florida, the Apalachee's name became attached to the most important geo graphical feature of the eastern United States, the Appalachian Mountains. The mountains were identified by that name at least as early as the 1560s by Rene Laudonniere. William R Cumming noted that "During the last quarter of the sixteenth century this name became the most popular designation for the southeastern area; it continued to be used by continental geographers until well into the eighteenth century, when it appears as a kind of generic term for the Indian country back of the foreign settlements" (1958:10). The people of Apalachee whom Narvaez and de Soto met were renowned for their valor and ferocity as well as for their prosperity. As de Soto's men moved northward, the natives close to that region warned the Spaniards that 5


6 Apalachee Fig. 1.1. Tribal areas of the lower Southeast. the Apalachee "would shoot them with arrows, quarter, burn, and destroy them" (Vega 1951:175). The predictions proved accurate. The de Soto chron iclers commented repeatedly on the persistence and ferocity of the Apalachee attacks throughout the months they wintered in that land (Fernandez de Oviedo y Valdez 1904:89; Vega 1951:254-259). On leaving the Apalachee's territory, so vivid was these Spaniards' remembrance of that unrelenting fe rocity that, when they reached neighboring Altapaha, Garcilaso recorded that


The Famed Land of Apalachee 7 de Soto "resolved to be the first to examine this new land because he wished to ascertain if its inhabitants were as cruel and warlike as those of Apalache" (Vega 1951:267). Another Spaniard, who began a long captivity among Flor ida's Indians only a few years after de Soto's expedition, saw a different side to the Apalachee character. He paid them even greater tribute in a remarkably prophetic prediction about their mission potential: "They are archers; but by sending them cloth by an experienced and capable linguist their friendship may be easily won. They are the best Indians in Florida; superior to those of Tocobaga, Carlos, Ais, Tegesta and the other countries I have spoken of" (d'Escalante Fontaneda 1976:38). The people who were the recipients of these tributes were descendants of the Fort Walton peoples of the region and possessed a culture similar to that identified with the Mississippian ceremonial centers. The Apalachee territory possessed at least two multimound centers, one near Lake Jackson and the other near Lake Miccosukee. Like the better-known Moundville and Etowah complexes, these centers are believed to have been abandoned a short time before the Europeans arrived. However, only the Lake Jackson mounds have been investigated enough to permit any dating. The Lake Miccosukee mounds possibly could date to the Woodland period. The persistence of the fame of the Apalachee when Narvaez and de Soto landed in south Florida may have been the result in part of the afterglow from a more glorious time when the authorities at one or the other of these centers held sway over a larger territory than that controlled by the historic Apalachee (B. Calvin Jones, personal communication, April 19, 1984; Payne 1981:29-31). With this perspective the "gold" was probably ornaments of hammered copper, which were found as grave goods at Lake Jackson. Some interpret the lack of specific mention of mounds in association with the Apalachee villages visited by Narvaez and de Soto as confirmation not only that the centers had been abandoned but also that the villages had been moved farther south in the Tallahassee hills, where most of the missions appear to have been located. Those who take that position point out that the chroniclers did record the existence of such features elsewhere (Tesar 1980:174, 181). Others interpret Garcilaso's mention of mounds at Osachile as an indication that they were to be found everywhere in Florida in proximity to the major villages in view of the chronicler's statement that "It is fitting that we describe the location and plan of the town of Osachile with the idea of giving some conception of the site and arrangement of the rest of the towns of this great kingdom called Florida ... as they differ little or nothing from each other" (Vega 1951:170). Just prior to and during the early historic era, the Apalachee had some ceramic influences from late Lamar peoples from central Georgia with whom


Fig. 1.2. The Wytfliet map of Florida and Apalache, 1597. From a copy in the Florida State University Library.


The Famed Land of Apalachee 9 they had probably merged (Milanich and Fairbanks 1980:193-199; Tesar 1980:169-171). John Scarry, characterizing this transition as the Velda phase, suggests that the changes in the ceramic assemblage may indicate social and political turmoil and a shift in external alliances. Such upheaval forced an abandonment of the mound centers and of the use of exotic sumptuary goods such as the celts and copper plates found in Mound 3 of the Lake Jackson site. Despite this turmoil, however, this Apalachee chiefdom encountered by the first Europeans remained a prestigious complex chiefdom under the new rul ing faction (Scarry 1986). Like many others among the tribes of the South east, the Apalachee spoke a Muskogean language. Most scholars believe it to be a dialect of the Hitchiti spoken by a number of the tribes living imme diately to the north of the Apalachee territory in historic times (Milanich and Fairbanks 1980:228). The reports of the de Soto expedition in particular provided the earliest details of the Mississippian maize-growing culture that characterized Apa lachee and the Southeast in general at that time. Those reports are especially important in that they portray the culture before it had been affected substan tially by the European intrusion, except possibly for Europeanand Africanintroduced diseases. With the exception of d'Escalante Fontaneda's memoir, the records have so far revealed no other contact between Europeans and the Apalachee until early in the seventeenth century. It is possible that survivors from shipwrecks made their way to Apalachee, as Fontaneda claimed to have done. Archaeologists report Spanish artifacts in some late Fort Walton sites in Apalachee. These, of course, could have been obtained by trade with the na tives of South Florida, where shipwrecks commonly occurred, or could have come from the Narvaez or de Soto expeditions (Milanich and Fairbanks 1980:227). The shortage of personnel and the remoteness of Apalachee were doubt less partly responsible for this long hiatus in the Spaniards' contact with the Apalachee. An even more important reason was the markedly hostile recep tion of both the Narvaez and the de Soto expeditions. All of the accounts of these two expeditions highlight the hostility of the Apalachee. Garcilaso's pithy tribute sums up the Spaniards' reluctantly admiring recollection of this people: "By these incidents, one may perceive the savagery and at the same time the audacity of the Indians of that province, for certainly their actions proved that they knew to dare and not to fear" (Vega 1951:250). As the seventeenth century began, for reasons not known, many native groups in the Florida and Georgia hinterland began to express interest in giv ing obedience to Spain's monarch and in being Christianized (Lopez 1602; Pareja 1602). In November 1607 two friars reported that "even villages in Apalachee are now requesting ministers" (Pareja and Penaranda 1607). Per-


10 Apalachee haps some of the natives were impressed by the tenacity with which the friars continued their work after the massacre of five of their number in the Guale rebellion of 1597, or perhaps they admired the stoic calmness with which the murdered friars met their fate. For others, the interest reflected renewed politi cal strife between contending elite factions (Scarry 1986). For some, perhaps, it was fear that the military odds were about to turn against them as they saw perennial enemies acknowledging Spanish sovereignty. The fearful natives had no cause for alarm. Spanish policy discouraged anything more than token arming of the natives. Crown directives forbade of fensive alliances even with Christian natives and severely restricted even de fensive involvement in native wars. The governor reported in 1608 that he had sent forces to Potano to assist the Christian natives there, because a large number of pagan Indians were advancing to make war on them; the Crown was moved to issue this cautious instruction: "Tell him how it has been ordered that, if a battle breaks out, the people whom he has sent are to position them selves in such a way that under no circumstances will it be necessary for them to wage an offensive war, and, that they are to do only what is necessary to support and defend the natives who are vassals of His Majesty." The instruc tions counseled moderation, prudence, and reflection in such actions and closed with the reminder that the king wished to spread the gospel "without recourse to arms and soldiers and only by means of the ministers and preach ers of the gospel, who, when they wish to undertake these conversions are to go alone without an escort of soldiers" (Ibarra 1608). The redoubtable Fray Martin Prieto led the first renewal of contact with the Apalachee in 1608. Only one year after his arrival in Florida in 1605, he and a companion had set out to begin the evangelization of the Potano. His companion was cowed by the hostility and threats of the natives, and Fray Prieto mercifully sent him back to St. Augustine a few weeks after their ar rival. For the next five or six months Fray Prieto labored alone, making daily visits to three of the four villages in the district to teach the catechism. He endured jostling, jeers, and taunts from the majority of the natives for some time before the number who came to learn began to grow. By 1607 he had baptized over half the people in those three villages, and another friar was engaged in the conversion of the fourth. Buoyed by that success, Fray Prieto began making frequent visits to the neighboring Timucua province of Utina. As the friars began an intensive effort in 1608 to Christianize all of western Timucua, he saw that region's long-standing war with Great Apalachee, as he described it, as an obstacle to the progress of their work. Despite some initial opposition to the project from the head chief of the Utina, he resolved to try to end the war. Fray Prieto dispatched two Apalachee prisoners held by the Timucua at


The Famed Land of Apalachee 11 Cotocochuni to Apalachee ahead of him to inform its people that he was com ing on a mission of peace. He followed them to Ivitachuco, the easternmost Apalachee village, accompanied by the head chief of Utina, the chiefs of the Timucua villages in the vicinity of Apalachee, and 150 warriors from Potano and Utina. He found the entire population of the province led by some seventy chiefs assembled there to greet him and estimated the crowd at over 36,000.l The peace mission received a friendly reception. Ivitachuco's seventy-year-old chief, opening the conclave, spoke at great length in favor of peace. Fray Prieto then presided over a meeting of the chiefs of the two peoples, all of whom agreed on peace. As the most important of the Apalachee chiefs and as host, the Ivitachucan leader addressed the assembly anew, expressing his joy that peace had been established. After they had feasted, the assembled Ap alachee chieftains appointed the cacique of the village of Inihayca to visit the governor at St. Augustine (Ore 1936:114-117). An account of these events written by the governor in 1609 indicates that the chief of Inihayca was the brother of the chief of Ivitachuco. Although Fray Prieto reported that half or more of Apalachee's numerous population desired to become Christian, no permanent Spanish presence in the province was established for another 25 years. Intermittent contact con tinued, at least to 1612 and probably thereafter, although on a reduced scale. In that year Fray Lorenzo Martinez, superior of the Florida Franciscans, re ported that the friars visiting Apalachee were receiving warm appeals to estab lish a permanent presence there. When informed that there were no mission aries available to serve them, the Indians insisted that the friars set up a cross before leaving and indicate a site where they might build churches to be ready when the friars should become available (Martinez 1612). That the Ivitachu can mission was dedicated to San Lorenzo might mean that a church was built there at the time and so named as a tribute to the Franciscans' superior who had lobbied the king to support the immediate evangelization of the Apalachee (Martinez 1612). San Francisco de Ocone is another site where a church was likely erected. In 1657 its inhabitants claimed that theirs was the first place in Apalachee where Christianity had been established (Rebolledo 1657a). Fray Martinez reported that the Franciscans' decision to defer establish ment of a permanent mission enterprise among the Apalachee was based not 1. Following the opinion that prevailed among scholars when he wrotethat Florida's native population was never largeFather Maynard Geiger suggested that Fray Prieto may have erred considerably in estimating the number of chiefs and the size of the crowd. If, however, the term was used loosely to include both the chief and his second-in-command, 70 should be a conservative figure. A 1647 document mentions that Apalachee then had over 40 chiefs. The subsequent listing of the mission villages and their satellites verifies the reliability of the latter figure. Modern scholars are disposed to accept such estimates of the population's size.


12 Apalachee only on the lack of manpower but also on the distance involved, the conse quent problem of supply, the need for soldiers in a fortified post to lend sup port, and the unruliness of some of the Indians, who did not obey their chiefs well.2 And the friars hinted that there was opposition to the coming of the priests (Martinez 1612; Pareja, Martinez, et al. 1617). The governor was more explicit. He noted that in Apalachee the chiefs were not given much respect, and that for this reason the friars had twice been forced to leave (Fernandez de Olivera 1612b). Meeting as a body five years after the governor's statement, the religious gave more detail concerning these problems. The governor has decided not to send any religious to Apa lachee because it is so far away and because it is necessary to locate a settlement or blockhouse with soldiers in that land for support and so that there would be foodstuffs for the religious, especially because it is impossible to carry those provisions overland from ... St. Augustine or to assist them or to support them with what they need. And for this [reason] the religious, who went to see the land have returned, in addi tion to the fact that some of the Indians obey their chiefs poorly, and the chiefs would like to gain control of their Indians with the aid and sup port of Your majesty. (Florida Friars in Chapter 1617) They went on to note that there were friars working along the frontier with Apalachee who were intent on learning the language of their province. That some of the chiefs were among those most desirous of a permanent Spanish presence in order to bolster their control over their tribesmen was doubtless one of the reasons for the hostility shown to the friars. Other reasons for that hostility were indicated by Fray Luis Geronimo de Ore when he stressed the need for soldiers: "In Apalachee the priests ... are not able to have peace with the Indians, for there is much for which they should be taken to task; for instance the extirpation of their immoral practices which are of the worst kind" (Ore 1936:118). Efforts to prohibit polygamy and casual sexual unions were a major source of friction between the friars and the natives. The Guale rebellion 20 years earlier had been sparked by a friar's attempt to deprive the heir to a major chieftainship of his rights of suc cession because he would not abandon his polygamous habits after becoming a Christian. In his statement, the governor also cited the lack of guarantees that the friars would be protected from hostile caciques and Indians, noting 2. Lack of manpower does not seem to have been a valid reason, inasmuch as over 20 new friars had arrived just a few weeks before.


The Famed Land of Apalachee 13 also the ample opportunity for conversions closer to St. Augustine. This was probably a reference to the missionization of the Utina, Potano, and Fresh Water Timucua, which was well under way at the time (Fernandez de Olivera 1612b; Milanich and Proctor 1978:71-77). It is not clear whether all the talk of the need for soldiers to accompany the friars represented a change in royal policy or whether it was simply another illustration of the colonial officials' policy of obedezco pero no cumplo."3 In any event the two friars who began the permanent effort to Christianize Apa lachee in 1633 went without an armed escort (Rebolledo 1657a: 109). Presumably these transitory contacts continued until the launching of that effort on October 16, 1633. That Pedro Munoz and Francisco Martinez, the two friars entrusted with that mission, were described by Governor Luis Hor ruytiner as knowing the language like natives indicates that they had some experience there. Such contact is also reflected in Bushnell's observation that, since 1625, Timucua Alta (Utina and Ustaqua) and Apalachee had served as primary sources of maize for St. Augustine. Governor Horruytiner's remarks, as well as those of his immediate successors, suggest that the prospect that the Apalachee would solve St. Augustine's chronic food and labor shortages was an important consideration in his launching of the permanent mission effort (Bushnell 1978b:4; Horruytiner 1633; Menendez Marquez and Horruytiner 1647; Vega Castro y Pardo 1639a). Fray Muiioz appears to have been an ex cellent choice for the mission. Presumably he was young, as he had arrived in Florida only in 1626. During the 1657 visitation, when the governor encour aged criticism of the friars that would undermine their effort to thwart his policy of expanding the Spanish military presence in Apalachee, Fray Munoz was one of the two friars singled out for praise by the natives. The chief of Ivitachuco spoke of him as having catechized them with great love. Such was the esteem in which he was held there that one of the village's leaders adopted the name Pedro Muiioz as his own (Rebolledo 1657a: 100-101). Nothing is known of the circumstances that surrounded the arrival of these two friars. Indeed, with the exception of the years 1655-1657, the first 40 years of the Apalachee mission period are largely a great void. Available documents do not even indicate which of the native villages were the first to receive the friars' attention. It is likely that a village such as Inihayca, whose chief went to St. Augustine in 1608 to pledge the province's loyalty to Spain's monarch, would be among the first to be missionized. This may be reflected in the choice of San Luis as the Christian name of the village in tribute to Luis 3. Obedezco pero no cumplo means "I obey but do not enforce." Recourse was had regularly to this principle to ignore royal orders on the grounds that the king would reverse an unwise decision once he became aware of its harmful consequences.


14 Apalachee Horruytiner, the governor who launched the mission effort in Apalachee. Ivitachuco, because of its geographic position, its political importance, and its role in the events of 1608, seems another likely site for one of the first missions. That the chief of Ivitachuco in 1657 was the only Apalachee then given the title of "don" and that Ivitachuco possessed two of the four literate Ap alachee among the ruling class (Rebolledo 1657a: 100) might also be inter preted as indications of its primacy and early missionization.4 The only mission whose foundation date has been determined is San Cosme and San Damian de Cupaica. In 1639 Cupaica's chief (described as the lord of over 200 vassals), accompanied by two Indian leaders, journeyed to St. Augustine to be baptized, with the governor as his godfather. The chief, christened Baltasar, was then given a friar. It is not clear whether he was an additional friar or a reassignment of one of the two already in the province, whose number had not been augmented as late as 1639 (Vega Castro y Pardo 1639a). This mission appears to have been given the incumbent governor's name, Damian. If that were the case, it could be an additional indicator that San Luis was an early foundation, possibly named for Luis Horruytiner, who governed from 1633 to 1638. The first report on the progress of the conversions was made in 1635. Out of a reputed population of 34,000 the report claimed 5,000 baptisms, a total that seems rather inflated (Friar 1635). In 1639 the governor reported over 1,000 baptisms, remarking that conversions were increasing there more rap idly than elsewhere (Vega Castro y Pardo 1639a). The first soldiers followed the friars to Apalachee about 1638, in the gov ernorship of Damian de Vega Castro. The chiefs' remarks during the 1657 visitation indicate that soldiers had been present for many years, although not continuously. They apparently remained in or near Apalachee for most of the time until 1651, when the interim governor, Pedro Benedit Horruytiner, with drew them at the insistence of the friars, who claimed that the soldiers were a hindrance to the progress of their work. When the Apalachee revolted in 1647, the soldiers appear to have been stationed at Governor Ruiz de Salazar's wheat farm between Ivitachuco and Asile. It is not clear whether the soldiers had any common domicile in these early days. They spent part of their time visiting some, but not all, of the villages in the province. On those occasions they were lodged and fed in the village's principal council house as any other guest would have been (Rebolledo 1657a:passim, 1657b:40-42; San Antonio et al. 1657a: 107-109). 4. The other two literate Apalachee were San Luis's militia captain and the royal interpreter Diego Salvador, whose village of origin is not indicated. The clear, firm signatures of the two Ivitachucans, reflecting confidence and long practice, contrast sharply with the nervous scrawl of the captain from San Luis.


The Famed Land of Apalachee 15 It is possible that trouble among the natives brought about the dispatch of the first soldiers in 1638. Barcia noted for that year that "The Indians of Apalachee warred on the Spaniards, and the governor of Florida opposed them with few men. But despite the small number of men the governor was able to secure from the fort, he humbled the Indians' pride, forcing them to withdraw to their provinces, where he continued to pursue them to good effect" (Gonzalez de Barcia Carballido y Zuniga 1951:218). Most authorities have assumed that Barcia was talking about the 1647 revolt and assigned it to the wrong year, as he does not mention that revolt. This is probably the case as there is no reference to a revolt in 1638 in the extant primary sources. But the conjunction of the Barcia reference and the sending of the first soldiers raises the possibility that there was some minor disturbance during that year that pro vided the pretext for the dispatch of the first soldiers. The deputy governorship for Apalachee was created in the mid-1640s. In May 1643, shortly after being nominated, Governor Salazar Vallecilla asked for the authority to appoint a lieutenant-governor. The first one was appointed after he arrived in Florida in April 1645. This man, Claudio Luis de Florencia, reached Apalachee in time to perish, along with his wife and children, in the 1647 uprising (Benavides 1722; Royal Officials 1647a; Ruiz de Salazar y Vallecilla 1643, 1645). One of the problems flowing from the establishment of the Apalachee mis sions and the placement of soldiers there was that supplies for both groups and gifts for the Indians had to be sent via a long overland route. These gifts played a role in converting the natives and securing their loyalty to Spain. Even greater problems arose from the transport of Apalachee's surplus produce to St. Augustine and Havana and from the opening of trade with other tribes to the west and northwest of Apalachee. As early as 1637 Governor Horruytiner commented that the mission effort could not survive or progress unless a suit able port was found on the Apalachee coast. He reported that he had been sending pilots overland to Apalachee to take soundings, using locally obtained canoes to search for a feasible landing spot for oceangoing vessels (Horruy tiner 1637). Two years later, on April 8, 1639, Horruytiner's successor, Gov ernor Castro y Pardo, dispatched a frigate that made the first run from St. Augustine to the Apalachee coast in fewer than 13 days, opening the prospect that St. Augustine's chronic shortage of foodstuffs could be relieved by easy access to Apalachee's abundance (Vega Castro y Pardo 1643). The establishing of a port in Apalachee proved to be a mixed blessing for St. Augustine. Ships began sailing directly between Havana and the Apalachee coast. In 1643 the governor complained that such ships, coming ostensibly to bring supplies to the missionaries, were taking on cargoes of Apalachee's produce without paying taxes on it (Vega Castro y Pardo 1643). More to the


16 Apalachee point, the friars had become competitors with the governor and his soldiers, who served as his factors, in this trade with the Apalachee and with neighbor ing tribes to the west and north. This commercial competition was one of the important elements that generated the bitter feelings between the clergy and the soldiers and that reached a climax in the mid-1650s under Governor Rebolledo (Rebolledo 1657a:passim). As part of his plan for the development of Apalachee, Governor Castro y Pardo opened contacts with the province's neighboring tribes in an effort to bring peace to the region and thereby expand the possibilities for trade. In 1639 he ended a war between the Apalachee and the neighboring Chacato, Apalachicola, and Amacano,5 commenting that this achievement was particu larly extraordinary because the Chacato had never before been at peace with anybody. He strove less successfully to curb incursions by Indians called Ysisca or Chisca,6 whom he portrayed as being especially warlike and nomadic, wandering freely through the entire area then comprising Spanish Florida. At that time a group of them reportedly journeyed 200 leagues to St. Augustine to render obedience to the Spanish monarch (Vega Castro y Pardo 1643). Several years later members of this tribe helped spark a revolt against the Spaniards in Apalachee. Governor Castro y Pardo's successor continued the policy of reaching out to bring the neighboring tribes into obedience to the Spanish authorities, going in person into the province of Apalachicola (Leturiondo 1672; Ruiz de Salazar y Vallecilla 1657). Sometime in the first half of the 1640s the mission effort among the Apa lachee expanded dramatically. In mid-1643 the governor reported optimis tically that conversions there were increasing greatly (Vega Castro y Pardo 1643). Before 1647 the number of friars had risen to eight, and eight of the village chieftains out of a total of more than 40 had become Christians, allow ing the establishment of doctrinas in their villages (Royal Officials 1647a). Although there is no direct evidence to that effect, probably most, if not all, of the chiefs mentioned as converts were principal chiefs. All the doctrinas vis ited by the governor in 1657 were in principal villages. Early in 1647 a serious uprising halted this progress and briefly eliminated the Spanish presence. Three of the friars perished along with the governor's lieutenant and the lieutenant's family. The rebels torched seven churches and convents along with the mission crosses. The revolt began on February 19 in the new frontier mission of San Antonio de Bacuqua. Those who perished apparently had assembled there to celebrate the feast day of the mission's pa-5. The Amacano had expressed interest in being Christianized when the friars arrived in 1633. 6. He described the Chisca as not having any known settlements and as living in the wilderness. A generation later one large band of them shared a large palisaded settlement in West Florida with some Chacato and Pansacola.


The Famed Land of Apalachee 17 tron saint. Five friars were able to escape because of assistance from some of the Christian natives. Some of the sources said that the soldiers had escaped because they were out in their wheat plantings. They escaped probably be cause those plantings were located on Governor Salazar's wheat farm, which lay on the eastern border of Apalachee rather than in Apalachee proper on land belonging to the chief of Asile (Benavides 1722; Royal Officials 1647a, 1647b; Ruiz de Salazar y Vallecilla 1657).7 The available records do not indicate where the Spaniards who survived the revolt fled while the rebels were in control of the province. It is likely that they retreated well into Timucua territory. On learning of this debacle, the authorities at St. Augustine hastily dispatched a force of 31 soldiers, who re cruited 500 warriors in Timucua as allies. Before this force reached Apalachee a much larger rebel force engaged them in a struggle that lasted from eight o'clock in the morning until five o'clock in the afternoon.8 The Spaniards claimed to have put the rebels to flight finally but said that, having exhausted their shot, they made no attempt to pursue them. They left a considerable quantity of lead on the battlefield, having fired 2,700 balls from their 30 mus kets in the course of the day. In fact, the Spaniards, leaving the insurgents in control of the province, returned to St. Augustine believing that additional forces would have to be recruited in Cuba. They speculated that a number of expeditions might be necessary to bring the region back under control and that a permanent garrison of 30 to 40 soldiers might be needed to maintain calm once it had been restored. At the time of the uprising, Francisco Menendez Marquez, one of the royal officials who had been governing Florida in lieu of the suspended Gover nor Ruiz de Salazar, was in Guale to deal with the unrest that disturbed that province also. On his return, while plans were being formulated to raise a larger force to retake Apalachee, Menendez Marquez hastened to western Timucua with a few troops. He hoped to see what could be done, in conjunc tion with the loyal Christians there, to contain any additional rebel forays into that province. On arriving at the frontier, he learned that the rebels had been struck with fear from their losses in the recent encounter and had been dis heartened by the rapidity of the Spanish response. The rebels had not antici pated such a rapid response, inasmuch as the Spaniards' Timucua allies were then occupied with the planting of their crops. The non-Christianized Ap alachee and their Chisca allies had hoped for sufficient time to consolidate 7. It was apparently less than a league from the Apalachee border. But as some of the royal offi cials at this time considered Asile to be part of Apalachee, the farm is spoken of in some documents as being in Apalachee. 8. The rebel force was described variously as more than 8,000 and as "a multitude." The 8,000 figure is, no doubt, an exaggeration.


18 Apalachee their support among the Christian Apalachee and to form alliances with other non-Christian provinces to resist the reassertion of Spanish control. Em boldened by this intelligence and desiring to thwart the rebels' strategy, Men endez Marquez secretly crossed into Apalachee, with 21 soldiers and 60 Timucuan warriors whom he felt could be spared from the spring planting. Within a month, supported by the loyal Christians in Apalachee, he persuaded the rebels, both Christians and non-Christians, to surrender and to hand over the leaders of the revolt for trial. Twelve of them, who were considered most guilty, were executed in Apalachee, and 26 others were sentenced to some years of forced labor in the royal works. The rest received a general pardon granted in exchange for the province's obliging itself (in the words of the Spanish officials) to send the Indians that were indicated to them for the repartimiento9 for the royal works and tasks connected with St. Augustine's fort, to which they had been unwilling to subject themselves prior to this, for which they were greatly needed, because most of those from the other Christian provinces had died off, leaving these poor soldiers now unable to sustain their families, because they had no one to make some plant ings of corn. (Menendez Marquez 1648; Menendez Marquez and Horruytiner 1647; Royal Officials 1647a, 1647b; Ruiz de Salazar y Valle cula 1647) In reporting this denouement, the Spanish officials commented that the col lapse of the uprising had stimulated a rekindling of Christian fervor among the faithful and had moved many of the non-Christians to seek baptism, noting that now they were raising crosses everywhere with the same joy and enthusi asm with which they had burned them shortly before. By February 1648 the seven burned churches had been rebuilt. The authorities lamented the lack of clerical manpower to translate this fervor into conversions, noting that only two friars could be sent to replace the three who had been killed and the five others who had died there since their arrival (Menendez Marquez 1648; Men endez Marquez and Horruytiner 1647). The sudden expansion of the missions and the fears that it aroused among the unconverted and recently converted, along with the increasing labor de mands flowing from the growth of the Spanish presence and the economic ac tivity it generated, created a climate favorable to the outbreak of revolt. The instigation for the uprising came from the non-Christian Apalachee and from 9. A system of forced paid labor for a specified time, developed to extract labor deemed neces sary for the common good from natives culturally unaccustomed to providing it voluntarily or consistently.


The Famed Land of Apalachee 19 Chisca in the area. The latter used threats of death to press the Christians into joining them. The available documents do not reveal what success they had among the Christians, but the Spaniards were fearful that their efforts might meet success, alluding to the fact that many were new converts and as fickle in nature as some of the earlier converts from that province. Some probably had accepted the new faith without a full understanding of the change in the old customs and life-style that their decision entailed. Once they had made such a commitment, many of the friars were not at all hesitant about insisting that it was irrevocableeven to the point of chasing down apostates who fled to the woods or to neighboring tribes in order to maintain their old ways. One gover nor, who was particularly interested in winning over the Chisca to a Spanish allegiance, saw that their nomadism and warlike ways would make them ideal bounty hunters for bringing back fugitive Christian natives (Moreno Ponce de Leon 1648a, 1648b; Royal Officials 1647a; Vega Castro y Pardo 1639b). In their postmortems, the Spaniards attributed the uprising to a variety of causes. Friars pointed to the fears aroused by the beginning of Spanish settle ment and farming activity and to the increasing labor demands it entailed. Officials and soldiers leveled the same charges at the friars and spoke also of some of the friars' abusive treatment of the Indians, especially of the Indian leaders. They indicted the friars as well for their outlawing of many of the natives' traditions such as their ball game, dances, and recourse to the shaman. The declining number of gifts distributed by the Spanish authorities had added to the dissatisfaction. The importation of supplies for the expanding missions and for the soldiers, the growing volume of trade goods, and the shipping out of the region's produce all led to the increased use of the Indians for the unpopular work of cargo bearing. Governor Ruiz de Salazar's wheat, corn, and cattle operation was indicated as a major source of the natives' grievances. The steady decline of the population of the older mission areas of Timucua and Guale brought mounting pressure for Apalachee participation in the repartimiento labor system (Moreno Ponce de Leon 1648a, 1648b; Perez 1646; Royal Officials 1647a, 1647b; Ruiz de Salazar y Vallecilla 1645, 1657; Vega Castro y Pardo 1643). The diverse reports to the king on the principal causes of the natives' un rest set off a debate that raged for more than a decade and manifested a stead ily widening division of opinion among the Spaniards in Florida. It is epito mized in a remark of one of the soldiers in Apalachee in 1657: "The damned priests [are so opposed] to what the Spaniards, or to put it better [to what] your excellency does and proposes" (Rebolledo 1657a: 116). Some of the friars stressed the greed of the governors and the presence of the soldiers, al leging that they were merely factors for the governors for the assembling of stores of corn, beans, and skins for shipment to St. Augustine and a burden on


20 Apalachee and bad example to the natives. The friars accused most of the governors, from Castro y Pardo on, of this abuse, singling out Salazar y Vallecilla as the worst offender. His large cornand wheat-growing farm received particularly sharp criticism from the friars, who eventually secured its dismantlement by an elected acting governor. The friars accused Governor Vallecilla of using unnecessary official trips as a cover for forcing the natives to carry supplies to his ranch on the pretext that the work requested was for the service of the king. Although the governor had brought in a few slaves from Cuba for this enterprise, the transport of its supplies and produce as well as the work on the ranch itself required Indian labor also. The friars charged these governors with bringing the natives to St. Augustine loaded down as though they were horses or mules. On one such expedition under Vallecilla's successor, they al leged that, of the 200 who set out from Apalachee, no more than ten returned to their homes, the others having died of hunger and exposure either in St. Augustine or on the trail (Bushnell 1981:81-82; Gomez de Engraba 1657a: 127-128, 1657b: 128-129; Matter 1972:254-257; Moral et al. 1657; Moreno Ponce de Leon 1648a; Royal Cedula 1651). In the wake of a 1656 rebellion in Timucua, some friars lodged similar charges against the in cumbent governor, Diego de Rebolledo (Matter 1972:185-186; Rebolledo 1657a: 107-124). The governors, and Rebolledo particularly, responded in kind, accusing the friars of many of the same charges by eliciting complaints against the friars from the native leaders. Governor Rebolledo's visitation record is a litany of such charges. Although that record leaves the impression that the Apalachee received some coaching from the governor, it also makes it evident (if it is reliable) that some of the friars were at times equally consumed with greed at the expense of the Indians and equally unconcerned with their health and welfare, dispatching the natives on trading expeditions into nonmissionized territory under onerous circumstances, insisting that the natives trade only with them and not with the soldiers, and forbidding the natives to trade directly with the merchants on the ships from Havana. When the ships arrived, friars allegedly attempted to buy up all the trade goods they brought and then sell them to the Indians at twice the price the Indians would have paid at dockside. Then, to make matters worse, those friars required the Indians to transport to the coast without pay the foodstuffs and skins they accumulated in this commerce; the lay traders on the ships were accustomed to compensate them for their labor in moving those goods to the coast (Matter 1972:257-258; Prado 1654; Rebolledo 1657a:passim). Not unexpectedly, these conflicting charges left the authorities in Spain nonplussed about who was truly at fault and what remedies should be adopted. In 1648 the Crown approved the dispatch of 200 horses from Cuba which, a


The Famed Land of Apalachee 21 friar reported, the island's inhabitants had offered to donate to relieve Florida's natives of the increasingly onerous cargo bearing (Moreno Ponce de Leon 1648b; Royal Cedula 1648). But there is no evidence that these horses reached Florida. To resolve the continuing disputes and confusion, the Crown in structed a treasury official at St. Augustine, Jose de Prado, to investigate the trouble secretly, without advising the governor of his commission. Prado at tributed the revolt principally to the Indians' resentment of the abusive use of them as cargo bearers. Among the Timucua (and probably among the neigh boring Apalachee as well), cargo bearing was regarded as particularly odious and was relegated to the women, the young, and, above all, to so-called her maphrodites. The last group was particularly despised and was given various unpleasant tasks. It was probably the association of cargo bearing with this last group, as well as the hardships involved, that made that labor so resented by the proud native who considered himself a warrior and a man. Prado sug gested bringing in 50 mules as a long-term remedy. For the short term, after observing that some continued cargo bearing was essential to supply St. Au gustine and its soldiers with food and to bring supplies to the friars, he sug gested an immediate prohibition on using the Indians to carry trade goods. He rejected the friars' allegations against Governor Vallecilla's grain and cattle operations. But he agreed that the other charges made by the friars were well founded, particularly the complaints that sometimes in cold weather the na tives died on the trail from the exertions to which they were subjected. He noted that only rarely were they paid for their work, and then it was with something of little value such as a knife. Despite the Crown's order of secrecy, Prado gave the governor an oppor tunity to defend his conduct. He asked Rebolledo for his comments concern ing these grievances voiced by the natives and by the friars in their behalf. Prado enclosed the governor's reply in his report to the king. In that reply, the governor, while professing a concern for the Indians' welfare, maintained that the customary use of Indian labor was a practical necessity in order to main tain the colony. Although it is not clear if Prado showed his report to the gov ernor, Rebolledo's conduct during the 1657 visitation indicates that, by that time at least, he was aware of its tenor. The Apalachee leaders' unanimity, under Rebolledo's apparent guidance, in portraying the soldiers as no less than angels and in asserting that they never imposed on the Indians in any fashion seems to be a directed response to Prado's charge that when the governors sent out soldiers, the Indians were required to sustain them and to work for them without pay. The complaints against the friars' trading activities seem to be similarly inspired. The friars charged that the governor invented the com plaints against them to deflect attention from his own misdeeds and to make the friars seem responsible for the revolt in Timucua. So striking is the con-


22 Apalachee trast between the saintly conduct attributed to the soldiers and the disreputable conduct ascribed to some of the friars that the reader is left with the feeling that the soldiers should have been wearing the friars' robes and that many of the friars were fitter candidates for the barracks or even for prison than for the religious life (Prado 1654; Rebolledo 1657a:passim; San Antonio et al. 1657b). That Rebolledo was capable of falsifying such evidence is suggested strongly by the Council of the Indies' appraisal of the complaints against the governor by soldiers as well as by friars (Council of the Indies 1657a, 1657b: 130-135). Most of the traditional secondary sources speak of a second uprising in Apalachee in 1656 or 1657, in conjunction with the revolt that broke out in Timucua in 1656. That the Timucuan revolt did not spread to Apalachee is clear from primary sources. In September 1657 six friars reported that Tim ucua launched its revolt expecting that Apalachee would join in and that Ap alachee had indeed been on the verge of revolt itself. That it did not join they attributed to God in "inspiring one of the most important of the chiefs of that province not to go along with the decision of the rest, who had already resolved [on revolt], and to seek to calm them" (San Antonio et al. 1657b). Soldiers commissioned by Governor Rebolledo to investigate rumors of im pending trouble (and also probably to look for fugitive Yustaga) reported un equivocally that all the rumors of imminent revolt in Apalachee were in ventions of the priests, for the purpose of thwarting the governor's plans to enlarge the military force there and to build a fort. One soldier remarked that "this is the sum total of the uprising in Apalache, because I do not find any other"; another, in playing down the threat of revolt, attributed the rumors to "Timucuan gossips who have assumed that they [the Apalachee] are ready to revolt because they asked them to" (Rebolledo 1657a: 118). And the governor himself, writing in 1657 about his having 26 of the leading Apalachee as his houseguests, stated clearly that their loyalty was the principal reason that Apalachee did not participate in the recent revolt in Timucua (Rebolledo 1657a: 112). The absence of revolt in Apalachee at this time was reflected equally clearly in a 1664 note to the king in which some friars protested the continued presence of the soldiers, whose main function, they maintained, was to conduct trading expeditions to the non-Christians. The burdens this activity placed on the Indian, they complained, was the main reason for the recent uprising in Timucua and for moving Apalachee to the &dgc of revolt at that time (Franciscan Friars 1664). The threat of revolt in the province seemed to have been real, or at least was so perceived by some of the friars. During this crisis, six friars hastily departed for Havana on a ship that was lost at sea (Rebolledo 1657a: 112). During this decade of conflict, Florida's natives were traumatized as well by a series of epidemics that killed uncounted thousands between 1649 and


The Famed Land of Apalachee 23 1659. Up until 1657, Apalachee was not as severely affected as were Guale and Timucua (Moreno Ponce de Leon 1651; Rebolledo 1655, 1657a:lll; Ruiz de Salazar y Vallecilla 1650). Late in 1659 the incoming governor re ported that a recent epidemic of measles had killed 10,000 Indians. If that figure is accurate, many of the victims must have been Apalachee. In 1657 Governor Rebolledo had remarked that the epidemics prior to that year left few people in either Guale or Timucua (Aranguiz y Cotes 1659; Rebolledo 1657a:lll). Governor Rebolledo himself was one of the casualties of the decade of conflict. The Council of the Indies was gravely alarmed by the 1656 revolt and by the demographic disasters that preceded and followed it. Moved by the criticisms leveled at the governor by the friars and by others, the council, in June 1657, took the unusual step of recommending the immediate removal and imprisonment of Governor Rebolledo, blaming him for having created a situation that seemed to threaten the total loss of the Florida missions (Coun cil of the Indies 1657a). The council reiterated its recommendation a few weeks later, despite a plea by Rebolledo's agent in Spain that the Crown sus pend its decision. In the name of justice and equity the agent insisted that Rebolledo have an opportunity to defend himself and that his accusers first be required to furnish proof of their allegations (Council of the Indies 1657c: 135-138). The deposed governor had no opportunity to vindicate himself, dying shortly after he had been imprisoned. Although this period was not the "Golden Age" that it has been called (Gannon 1983:49; Spellman 1965), as the 1650s drew to a close a period of accommodation appears to have begun that was to last for a quarter of a cen tury or so.10 The encounter phase between Spaniard and Apalachee had ended. The mission system and the Spanish military presence in Apalachee appeared to be solidly rooted and acquiesced to by most of the natives despite the loss in 1657 of so many friars versed in their language. A decade later a Spaniard boasted that the area west of St. Augustine through the province of Apalachee had been Christianized thoroughly. The authorities began to push the "rim of Christendom" westward and northwestward to embrace the Chacato and the Apalachicola, who, as early as Governor Ruiz de Salazar's visit to their ter ritory in the mid-1640s, reputedly had expressed an interest in being cate chized (Leturiondo 1672; Ruiz de Salazar y Vallecilla 1657). A routine had been established that persisted until it was disturbed and then destroyed by the Carolinians and by the native neighbors of the Apalachee who entered the En glish orbit. 10. The period 1660-1675 is one of those for which the least amount of documentation of events occurring in the missions is available.


Chapter 2 Villages and Missions of Apalachee and Apalachicola Thenceforward the country was well inhabited, producing much corn, the way leading by many habitations like villages.Elvas 1904:47 In addition to the principal town, there were many more scattered throughout the vicinity at a half-league, one, one and a half, two and at times three leagues apart. Some comprised fifty or sixty dwellings and others a hundred more or less, not to mention another great number which were sprinkled about and not arranged as a town.Vega 1951:184 ALTHOUGH de Soto and his men spent five months wintering in Apalachee, the chroniclers of that sojourn provided little information about the settlement pattern there that is more specific than what is contained in epigraph to this chapter. Unlike references to the other areas in which they tarried or even to many through which they passed rapidly, few of the Apalachee villages are described in any detail, and only four or five are mentioned by name: Ivita chuco, the province's eastern portal; an intermediary village or villages re ferred to by the names Uzela and Calahuchi; a western village identified vari ously as Anhayca Apalache, Iniahico, and Iviahica; and a settlement named Ochete, six leagues from Anhayca on the way to the coast.1 Ivitachuco and Anhayca became mission centers a century later, but Ochete, Uzela, and Cal-1. This distance is taken from the Fidalgo de Elvas's original Portuguese edition of 1557 rather than from the English translation by Buckingham Smith, which gives the distance as 8 leagues. The Fidalgo edition placed Anhayca 10 leagues from the coast. 24


Villages and Missions of Apalachee and Apalachicola 25 ahuchi were never mentioned by those names during the mission era. One of the chroniclers described Anhayca as the seat of the lord of all that country (Elvas 1904:46-47; Fernandez de Oviedo y Valdez 1904:78-79; Hernandez de Biedma 1904:6-7; Vega 1951:175-184). Both the archaeological evi dence and later historical documents confirm the image of a territory heavily sprinkled with sizable villages, hamlets, and individual farmsteads. De Soto reached Ivitachuco only a few hours after crossing the Aucilla River (Fernandez de Oviedo y Valdez 1904:79). It appears to have been a settlement of some importance even then as it is one of two settlements named by the four de Soto chroniclers whose work has survived. Garcilaso described it as a village of 200 large, strong houses, noting that it contained many small ones as well, which lay about the center like suburbs. He described Anhayca as having 250 large houses. In describing the settlement pattern, the chron iclers agree in general that it consisted of rather small villages dispersed over the countryside with some located close to one another, as satellites to a main village. They also agree on seeing individual isolated homesteads scattered among the planted fields, which are portrayed as extensive (Elvas 1904:47; Vega 1951:138, 184). Villages do not appear to have been fortified with palisades. Neither the Narvaez nor the de Soto account mentions palisades in Ap alachee, and de Soto found it necessary to add some sort of fortification to the village he chose for his winter quarters (Vega 1951:193-194). The same general pattern seems to have persisted until a century later, in the early years of the mission era, and to have remained substantially in tact until the destruction of the Apalachee settlements in 1704 (Rebolledo 1657a:passim; Solana 1687a: 17; Solana 1702). The houses are pictured as made of thatch of grass or palm leaves. The de Soto chroniclers noted that the Apalachee structures were more like those in east and south Florida than those belonging to their Hitchiti and Muskogee relatives to the north. They observed an abrupt change in the style of the habitations beginning with the first village de Soto encountered after heading north from Apalachee (Elvas 1904:53; Hernandez de Biedma 1904:9-10). Although general agreement marks the early descriptions of Apalachee, some striking divergences emerge as well. Cabeza de Vaca's Apalachee differs notably from that presented by de Soto's chroniclers. Garcilaso's Anhayca Apalachee was a settlement of 250 large, good houses, surrounded by many smaller villages scattered about the countryside at varying distances. The sat ellite villages ranged in size from 50 to 60 up to approximately 100 dwellings (Vega 1951:184). The Fidalgo's narrative paints a similar image of a main town surrounded by satellite villages, remarking that "the Campmaster, whose duty it is to di vide and lodge all the men, quartered them about the town at a distance of half


26 Apalachee a league to a league apart." The image of a relatively compact main town is suggested by the Fidalgo's comment that "on Saturday, November 29, in a high wind an Indian passed through the sentries and set fire to the town, two portions of which were instantly consumed" (Elvas 1904:47). Cabeza de Vaca's settlement of Apalachen, supposedly the largest in Apalachee, is a hamlet of 40 "small and low houses reared in sheltered places out of fear of the great storms that continuously occur in the country"; its buildings were made of straw and surrounded by "dense timber, tall trees, and numerous water pools where there were so many fallen trees and of such size as to greatly obstruct and impede circulation" (Nunez Cabeza de Vaca 1964:25-26). In Cabeza de Vaca's Apalachee, ponds and lakes appear to have been every where. There were ponds near the village of Apalachen where they stayed, and there was another village on the other side of one of those ponds. The Indians used those bodies of water to attack and retreat, and Narvaez's men were unable to cope with those tactics. Cabeza de Vaca considered the country to be inhabited thinly (1964:25-29). It is possible that Cabeza de Vaca's appreciation for the land was distorted by the enfeebling illness that afflicted the Spaniards and by their failure to find the gold that they had been led to expect. Although it was midsummer when they were in Apalachee, he inexplicably described the land as very cold (Nunez Cabeza de Vaca 1964:27). The de Soto accounts made no mention of ponds or lakes in the area as a whole or in the various villages, and they made no comment on fallen timber or difficulties in moving about. Those accounts describe the land as populous. Garcilaso was struck by the differences be tween the accounts. He suggested that the Narvaez expedition may never have penetrated far from the seacoast but had remained in the rough and swampy lowlands where the woods were dense and passage was difficult, conditions even de Soto's men commented on when they went in search of the coast from Apalachee (Vega 1951:185-186).2 The site of the Anhayca Apalachee, where de Soto wintered, has not yet been identified, but almost all researchers agree that it is located in the Leon County area (Tesar 1980(1):338). Louis Tesar, author of a 1980 study of this problem, concluded that it is somewhere in the vicinity of Tallahassee, ruling out the San Luis de Talimali mission site as well as the Lake Jackson site fa vored by earlier authorities (Tesar 1980(1):301). In interpreting the chron icler's estimates of the distances they had traveled, Tesar relied exclusively on the 2.63-mile legal league. If he had employed the common league of 3.45 2. Garcilaso, of course, was not an eyewitness to the events and places that he was describing, but he interviewed a participant extensively and had access to the manuscripts prepared by two additional eyewitnesses, Juan Coles and Alonso de Carmona.


Villages and Missions of Apalachee and Apalachicola 27 miles, used at times in the sixteenth century, he would have put this site far ther west than he thought possible when he excluded the San Luis and the Lake Jackson areas as possibilities. One of the names applied to de Soto's winter quarters, and possibly both names, survived into the early mission period. The name Anhayca Apalache, applied by the Fidalgo to the region's head village, reappears in the account of Fray Prieto's peacemaking foray into Apalachee territory in 1608, which was described in chapter 1. On that occasion the chiefs assembled at Ivitachuco delegated the chief of Inihayca to go to St. Augustine to give allegiance to the Spanish authorities. Friar Maynard Geiger, who translated this account of the event, commented that Inihayca probably was the Anhayca Apalache men tioned by the Fidalgo (Ore 1936:115-117). The name reappeared almost a half century later in the account of Governor Rebolledo's 1657 visitation of the province. That account lists the mission villages by their native names for the first time. San Luis was then called San Luis Xinayca, a rendering almost identical with the Inihayca of 1608, and on a second occasion in the same document it was called San Luis Nixaxipa (Rebolledo 1657a).3 Just as the de Soto chroniclers' Anhayca was probably a garbled version of Inhayca, their Iniahico or Iviahica could also be representations of Nijajipa, as apprehended by European ears new to the speech of Florida's natives. The later name of San Luis de Talimali appears in the records only in 1675. Prior to the start of the mission period, there is no other significant men tion of Apalachee or its people. The only statements are some passing and questionable references to Apalachee's limits, the number of settlements it contained, and its population. In 1601 the governor spoke of Apalachee's bor ders extending to the vicinity of Panuco in Mexico. In 1608 a friar described the province as having 107 towns. A 1617 estimate placed the population at about 30,000 (Geronimo 1617; Lopez 1602; Mendez de Can^o 1601b; Penaranda 1608). As noted earlier, there is a pronounced lack of identification of individual Apalachee villages both for the period of informal contacts be tween 1608 and 1633 and for the first 22 years after the commencement of the formal mission effort in 1633. The records reveal the establishment of the San Damian de Cupaica mission in 1639 after the baptism of that village's chief in St. Augustine. That the Bacuqua mission was founded before 1647 is known from its having been the site where the Apalachee uprising began on February 19 of that year. Seven other missions, unnamed, existed at this time. All but one were put to the torch during the rebellion. The mission of Ivitachuco is mentioned in a 1651 deed drawn up there 3. In seventeenth-century Spanish, the letter x could represent either ay' or an r. Inasmuch as the Muskogean languages did not have an r, the names most likely are Jinayca and Nijajipa.


28 Apalachee giving Governor Ruiz de Salazar's son title to the lands on which the governor had founded his wheat and cattle ranch. The chief's literacy indicates that the mission had been in existence for some time. The governor's hacienda was described as bordering "on the new place of Bittachuco," which suggests that the village had been moved recently (Benavides 1722; Ruiz de Salazar y Val lecula 1657; Vega Castro y Pardo 1639b). It is to be presumed that the eight missions that existed when the revolt began at Bacuqua included all but two of the nine missions named on the first formal listing of the Apalachee missions in 1655. Two of those eight missions of 1647 were Cupaica and Bacuqua. San Luis, Ivitachuco, and Ocone probably constituted another three of these early missions, and Patale seems to be a likely candidate. Recent archaeological exploration of one of the two known Patale sites indicates that it belongs to the early mission period and that it was abandoned by about mid-seventeenth cen tury. Presently there is no basis for conjecture on which two of the remaining four known to have been founded by 1655 (Aspalaga, Ayubale, Ocuia, and Tomole) were already established in 1647. In the absence of any evidence that the Florida inland missions followed the reduction approach common in other mission regions at this time, it has usually been assumed that the friars erected their churches and convents in the preexisting principal villages. (Reduction involved the concentration of na tive populations at sites usually chosen by the priests to facilitate conversion and acculturation. The priests provided the means of subsistence initially to attract the natives.) For Apalachee in particular, the size of the principal villages, the sedentary nature of the people, the compactness of the territory, and the density of its population all militated against the adoption of a reduction approach. Later, after the missions had been established, some Apalachee mission villages moved. San Antonio de Bacuqua moved in 1657, avowedly because of the exhaustion of the soil and of easily available firewood at the existing site (Rebolledo 1657a:90-91). More is known about the reasons for the moving about of Timucua's people. Timucua's experience suggests that most of Apalachee's other site changes probably were dictated by secular rather than religious authorities or by the natives' own economic interests. The earliest list, composed after the beginning of the mission effort in Ap alachee, is a relatively complete catalog of the Apalachee missions and their distances from St. Augustine (table 2.1). The 1657 list (table 2.2) reveals that Bacuqua was the only such site omitted from the earlier list. Bacuqua may have been omitted because it had neither a church nor a friar (when the gover nor visited the village in 1657, its chief noted that the village had neither). Alternatively Bacuqua may have been left off the 1655 list merely because it was not meant to be a complete enumeration of the missions that had been


Table 2.1. The mission list of 1655 Distance from St. Augustine Village (leagues) San Miguel de Asile (Timucua) 75 San Lorenzo de Apalache [Ivitachuco] 75 San Francisco de Apalache [Oconi] 77 La Conception de Apalache [Ayubale] 77 San Josef de Apalache [Ocuia] 84 San Juan de Apalache [Aspalaga] 86 San Pedro y San Pablo de Apalache [Patale] 87 San Cosme y San Damian [Cupaica] 90 Coaba in the Apalache chain of mountains 150 San Luis de Apalache 88 San Martin de Apalache [Tomole] 87 SOURCE: Diez de la Calle 1659. NOTE: There are some differences among the versions of this document in the Lowery Collection, the Buckingham Smith Collection, and M. Serrano y Sanz's Docu-mentos historicos. In the Lowery version, San Lorenzo is said to have a popula tion of 2500. The mission at Coaba does not appear on Lowery's and Smith's lists. Both Lowery and Serrano y Sanz give Patale as San Pedro y San Pablo de Kpal. Table 2.2. The mission list of 1657 Principal village Satellites San Damian de Cupaica Nicapana, San Cosme, San Pedro, Faltassa, San Lucas Santa Maria de Bacucua Guaca San Pedro de Patali Ajamano,3 Talpahique San Juan de Aspalaga Pansacola, Sabe, Nipe (or Jipe or Sipe) San Luis de Xinayca or Nixaxipa Abaslaco, San Francisco San Martin de Thomole Ciban, San Diego, Samoche San Joseph de Ocuya Sabacola, Ajapaxca, Chali San Francisco de Ocone San Miguel Santa Maria de Ayubale Cutachuba San Lorenc.0 de Ybitachuco San Juan, San Pablo, San Nicolas, Ajapasca SOURCE: Rebolledo 1657a: passim, a. Possibly Ayamano.


30 Apalachee founded up to that time. At least two Timucua missions founded before 1655 were not mentioned and possibly more (Hann 1986; Rebolledo 1657a:90-91). The missions' distances from St. Augustine are probably only rough esti mates rather than accurate measurements. It is somewhat puzzling that Asile, supposedly located east of the Aucilla River,4 is given the same distance from St. Augustine as Ivitachuco, situated west of the river. From later lists, the two villages are known to have been two leagues or 5.2 miles apart. Table 2.1 is the only mission list whose origin or raison d'etre is un known. It appears in a rare work published in 1659 by a cleric known to have served in Guatemala, not in Florida. The village list of 1657 stems from Gov ernor Rebolledo's visitation of the province during January and February of that year. It is the most complete of the lists in that it mentions not only the ten principal villages that were mission sites at that time but also at least 25 of their satellite villages, indicating the head village within whose jurisdiction they fell. Christian and native names are given for the ten principal villages. Sixteen of the satellite villages are identified by native name alone, the other nine only by saints' names. Altogether, the list identifies 35 of the more than 40 settlements said to be in the province a decade earlier. In subsequent docu ments one additional principal village and possibly four other satellite villages are mentioned, for a total of 40 (Florencia 1695; Leturiondo 1678; Paiva 1676). Such a large number of villages in Apalachee's compact territory suggests a continuation of the settlement pattern depicted by the de Soto chronicles more than a hundred years earlier, that is, main villages surrounded by satel lite villages. Despite the depletion of the population by epidemics, this pat tern seems to have persisted to the end of the century, in contrast to most of Timucua where the number of villages shrank steadily. As noted, the native portion of the name of the head village, San Luis de Jinayca, is almost identical to that of de Soto's time, Anhayca. Despite the similarity in names, the Jinayca of 1657 probably did not occupy the same site as did de Soto's Anhayca. Correspondence appended to the 1657 visitation record reveals that the chief of San Luis had moved his village the previous year (Rebolledo 1657a: 116-117). Nonetheless there is an intriguing possibil ity that the Spaniards chose the San Luis site as their headquarters because it had such a historic association. It seems probable that for their own security the Spaniards would have chosen a location in the general vicinity of the prin cipal chief's earlier village. The 1657 documents make no specific mention of San Luis as the head village, although there are intimations that its chief played a leadership role. This role might be inferred, first of all, from the Spanish decision to locate the 4. Calvin Jones has identified a mission site west of the Aucilla River as an Asile site.


Villages and Missions of Apalachee and Apalachicola 31 garrison and the blockhouse there. Several letters by Spanish soldiers in Ap alachee indicate that the San Luis chief was in some way a leader of the province. At the same time, other passages indicate that decisions were reached in a collegial fashion by a vote of all the chiefs. One of the soldiers' letters re veals that other Apalachee chieftains were jealous of the chief of San Luis because of his relationship with the Spaniards. Moreover, his leadership of the Apalachee opposition to involvement in the recent revolt in Timucua caused ill feelings toward him among the Yustaga and among the Apalachee who sympathized with their plight (Rebolledo 1657a: 115-119). Although there is no concrete evidence pointing in that direction, Governor Ruiz de Salazar's choice of the lands between Asile and Ivitachuco as the location for his ha cienda and, particularly, his stationing of the soldiers on the ranch might be interpreted as an indication that he had intended to make the Ivitachuco region the site of Spanish headquarters for the province. The 1647 killing of the lieu tenant and his family may have cast a cloud over western Apalachee. The 1657 record also provides the Christian names of a number of the leading Indians of each village. It names the chief of the principal village, if he was present, and the chiefs of the satellite villages. For several of the vil lages the name of the inija, or second in command, was also noted, and occa sionally the names of additional leading men were catalogued. The governor visited only the principal village of each jurisdiction, requiring the chiefs and other leading men of the satellite villages to appear before him in the principal lodge of their head village. Governor Rebolledo seems to have invited only the leaders to his assemblies (Rebolledo 1657a:passim), in contrast to the 1694 visitation in which all or most of the population seems to have participated. This 1657 visitation record also contains a number of anomalies. Re bolledo concluded his visitation of Apalachee at Asile, recording it as under the jurisdiction of Apalachee, although elsewhere Asile has been clearly iden tified as a Timucua village. Bacuqua was identified as Santa Maria de Bacuqua, but on all subsequent lists the name appeared as San Antonio de Bacu qua. The name change may have accompanied the village's move to a new site. During the visitation the settlement's leaders received permission to move the village to another site one-half league away. San Luis was referred to by two distinct native names, Jinayca and Nijajipa. When Rebolledo arrived at Aspalaga, the leaders were away for the Junumelas.5 Rebolledo left word that Aspalaga's leaders should appear at San Luis on January 22, 1657, the day set for the visitation there. At that session, the village was first referred to as San Luis de Jinayca. When the Aspalagans assembled there, the name was rendered as San Luis de Nijajipa. In 1657 only 5. Probably the Hurimelas, or fire-hunt, described by Bishop Calderon.


32 Apalachee two satellites were mentioned for San Luis, Abaslaco and San Francisco. A generation later San Luis was said to have three satellites, San Francisco, San Bernardo, and San Agustin. In the 1680s it was spoken of as having four vil lages under its jurisdiction. Because the 1657 list represents an itinerary recording the visitation day at each mission, some inferences about village location can be drawn from it. The governor began the visitation at Cupaica (presented in 1655 as the far thest from St. Augustine) and proceeded to Bacuqua, Patale, Aspalaga, San Luis, and Tomole, in that order, before going to the more easterly villages. There the order of visitation was Ocuia, Oconi, Ayubale, and Ivitachuco. The governor visited Tomole on January 23. Almost two weeks passed before he resumed the visitation at Ocuia on February 5. Common sense suggests that the governor chose this itinerary because the first six villages were relatively close together in the western part of the province, and in going from Cupaica to Bacuqua to Patale and to Aspalaga he did not pass over any other villages. On several later itineraries, the visitation of Aspalaga was associated with the easterly group and sandwiched between Ocuia and Oconi. This change sug gests that Aspalaga had been moved eastward before the appearance of the next mission list a generation later. For the period 1657-1672 there is almost no documentation for the prog ress of the Apalachee missions. Two remarks during the period suggest that there was a lull in missionary activity for a time and that little progress was made in advancing conversions. Initially this may have been a result of the loss of six friars who drowned when they left Apalachee for Havana during the troubled days of the 1656 uprising in Timucua. A 1672 document states tersely that all the Indians from Apalachee eastward have been Christianized in contrast to the Apalachicola to the west. Although completely non-Christian, they had sworn obedience to the Spanish Crown and traded peacefully with the soldiers from Apalachee who frequented their villages. By 1672 the number of Apalachee mission villages had grown by one, to 11 containing 8,000 to 9,000 Indians served by 11 friars. The new village was Santa Cruz de Capoli, also known as Santa Cruz de Ychuntafun or Santa Cruz y San Pedro de Alcantara de Ychutafon (Diaz Vara Calderon 1675; Franciscan Commissary General 1673; Leturiondo 1672; Moreno 1673). The 11 villages were all of the strictly Apalachee mission villages. After completing the missionization of the Apalachee, the friars began to reach out to other groups both within the province of Apalachee and in the territory to its west and northwest, the so-called province of Apalachicola, parts of which at times were referred to as the province of the Chacato. Dur ing Governor Ruiz de Salazar's visit to that province in the 1640s, both the Apalachicola and the Chacato reportedly had requested friars. In the


Villages and Missions of Apalachee and Apalachicola 33 early 1660s bands of Chacato again requested baptism (Diaz Vara Calderon 1675:8-9; Hita Salazar 1675b; Ruiz de Salazar y Vallecilla 1657; Valverde and Barreda 1674). It is reported that subsequently a large unidentified band of Indians who lived far to the west (and were probably Creek) also requested that missionaries come to live among them. At the invitation of the Franciscan provincial, some 3,000 to 4,000 of this unidentified band were said to have come from a distance of 100 leagues to form a chain of nine settlements along the Apalachicola River six leagues from the sea. The villages were described as two leagues apart from each other but with the first and the last separated by a distance of only eight leagues. One of the friars reporting this development commented that the pro vincial, aware of the lack of friars in Florida, went to Havana to find some. The provincial dispatched Fray Alvaro de Navia and Fray Andres de Armas to Florida, seemingly to establish a mission among the migrants. However, no further mention is made of villages, people, or missions in this area along the lower Apalachicola, not even in Bishop Calderon's letter, despite the fact that he went out of his way to learn about the tribes to the west and northwest of Apalachee and to list their villages if possible. The only mention of a mission that could conceivably be a fruit of his effort is that of Santa Cruz de Sabacola, which was founded on the Apalachicola River at about that time. However, it was on the upper part of the river, and its inhabitants appear to have come down from a site on the Chattahoochee. The friar refers to the river on which these newcomers settled as "a river which is called 'of Apalachee' which is six leagues distant from the sea toward the west," undoubtedly the Apalachicola or one of its tributaries (Franciscan Commissary General 1673; Moreno 1673). There are some striking parallels between these 1673 references and the data from the Lamhatty account as presented by Swanton (1922:130-31). In a recent survey, Nancy Marie White found no historic period aboriginal sites in the middle and lower valley of that river, noting that "Curiously enough, few historic aboriginal sites have been located from about the mid point of the valley and downstream. strangest of all there is no evidence for Lower Creek/Seminole occupation" (White 1986:7). At the same time, mission activity was initiated among several groups of non-Apalachee Indians living within the territory of the Apalachee: the Tama, Yamasee, Capara, Amacano, and Chine. The result was the establishment of a number of new missions in Apalachee and in the territory to the west of it in 1674 and 1675. The documents give no indication of how long these nonApalachee groups had been living within the province. In 1633 the Amacano were mentioned as having approached the province seeking baptism, but there is no further reference to them until the 1670s. From their own land the Tama had asked for friars as early as 1619 (Diaz Vara Calderon 1675:8-9; Hita


Fig. 2.1. Southern part of Apalachee province showing locations of mission village s (see appendix 8). A = definite identification of mission site. # = location of site based on documentary sources.


Villages and Missions of Apalachee and Apalachicola 35 Table 2.3. Fernandez de Florencia's mission list of 1675 Mission San Luis San Damian de Acpayca San Antonio de Bacuqua San Pedro de Patale San Joseph de Ocuya San Juan de Aspalaga San Francisco de Oconi Conception de Ayubale San Lorengo de Ybitachuco Candelaria (La Tama and Yamassee) San Martin de Tomole Santa Cruz de Ytuchafun Assumption of Our Lady Nativity of Our Lady (?) San Nicolas de Tolentino San Carlos Populatior 1400 900 120 500 900 800 200 800 1200 300 700 60 300 40 100 Chacto 300 Chacto i Location (1 league from there to) (2 leagues to) (2 leagues to) (4 leagues to) (1.5 leagues to) (1 league to) (0.5+ league to) (1.5 leagues to) (1.5 leagues to Asile) (1.5+ leagues from San Luis and 2 leagues to) (2+ leagues to) (on the path to the sea from San Luis for Capara, Amacano, and Chine) (2 leagues from San Luis to a river by which one goes to the Province of Apalachicole) (10 leagues from the river and 4 leagues to) (both missions are no more and two religious are in these two places) And on the said River of Sta Cruz another SOURCE: Fernandez de Florencia 1675a. NOTE: Referred to in the text also as the lieutenant's list. Salazar 1675b; Salinas 1619). It is possible that the Tama and at least some of the Yamasee moved into the province soon after 1662. In that year the gover nor reported that a group of Chichimeco who said they were from Jacan wreaked havoc on Guale and then passed to the provinces of La Tama and Catufa. The new missions first appear in two 1675 lists. One, prepared by Ap alachee 's lieutenant, Juan Fernandez de Florencia, was forwarded to Spain by Governor Pablo de Hita Salazar (table 2.3). The other was the product of the episcopal visitation made by Gabriel Diaz Vara Calderon (table 2.4). Tables 2.3 and 2.4 represent the development of the western Florida mis sions at their height, and being from the same year they invite comparison. A quick glance at the lists reveals discrepancies in the distance between some villages. The bishop, who appears to have been less precise than the lieutenant in giving distances, rounded all his distances to whole numbers. The lieuten ant, at times, gave the distance in half leagues or, when the fraction was


36 Apalachee Table 2.4. Bishop Calderon's mission list of 1675 Mission Location Asyle (2 leagues to) San Lorenzo de Hibitachuco (first village of this province; 1 league to) La Conception de Ayubali (1 league to) San Francisco de Oconi (1 league to) San Juan de Aspalaga (2 leagues to) San Joseph de Ocuya (4 leagues to) San Pedro de Patali (2 leagues to) San Antonio de Bacuqua (2 leagues to) San Damian de Cupahica (also called Escambi; 1 league to) San Luis de Talimali (the largest of all; 1 league to) La Purificacion de Tama (called Yamases; 1 league to) San Martin de Tomoli (2 leagues to) Santa Cruz de Capole (also called Chuntafu) Assumpcion del Puerto (4 leagues from Tomoli; inhabited by Chine, Pacara, and Amacano) Missions in the Province of Apalachicolia La Encarnacion a la Santa Cruz de Sabacola (12 leagues from the River Agna) San Nicolas (a Chacato mission; 9 leagues from Encarnacion on the northern frontier; about 30 inhabitants) San Carlos (a Chacato mission; 3 leagues from San Nicolas; about 100 inhabitants) SOURCE: Diaz Vara Calderon 1675:8-9. a. The bishop placed the boundary between the provinces at the Agna River, which is the Ochlockonee. small, used the expression 1+ or 2+ leagues. However, not all the differences can be explained in this fashion. Equally obvious are some differences in the names of the missions. The bishop's Purificacion de Tama is the same mission as the lieutenant's Candelaria. Assumpcion del Puerto (of the Port) and As sumption of Our Lady appear to be the same mission. The two lists also differ in that the lieutenant's list includes Nativity of Our Lady, which does not ap pear on the bishop's list. A last point on which the two lists differ is the size of the population of the Chacato missions. The discrepancies concerning Candelaria are the easiest to account for. The bishop claimed to have founded the mission of Purificacion de Tama in 1675 on February 2, which is Candlemas Day or the feast of the Presentation of the Christ-child in the Temple. For the mother of Jesus this was the occasion for the Jewish rite of purification, so we have the differing names of Purifica-


Villages and Missions of Apalachee and Apalachicola 37 cion and Candelaria. In the matter of distances the bishop locates Purification de Tama one league from both San Luis and San Martin, whereas the lieuten ant placed Candelaria one-half league from San Luis and two leagues from San Martin. The larger discrepancy of one league between the two lists for Candelaria's distance from San Martin may have occurred because this new mission was composed of two distinct villages, one for the Tama and another for the Yamasee, and because the two authors chose different villages as their points of reference. The difference could also have resulted from the bishop's use of round numbers, as the lieutenant placed Candelaria a little more than one-half league from San Luis. Indeed all of the discrepancies involving dis tances in Apalachee are small enough to be accounted for in this fashion. In addition to their minor difference in the rendering of the name of As sumption of Our Lady, the bishop and the lieutenant disagreed about the time of its founding. The lieutenant said 1674, the bishop 1675. It is likely that the mission was established by the friars in 1674 but that the church was conse crated by the bishop on January 27, 1675. He would probably have considered the date of consecration as the official date of its founding, embellishing the truth a bit in claiming credit for having established the mission. The two au thorities differed as well in their rendering of the name of one of the groups who lived at this mission. The bishop gave their name as Pacara, the lieuten ant as Capara. The lieutenant also noted that the mission was composed of three separate villages. The two authorities differed as well in their description of the Chacato missions. The lieutenant placed San Nicolas ten leagues from the Apalachicola River compared to the bishop's nine leagues. The lieutenant placed San Nico las and San Carlos four leagues apart, the bishop three. The lieutenant gave the two villages far larger populations than did the bishop. In view of the lieu tenant's familiarity with the area, his estimates of the distances were probably more reliable. He was corroborated in 1693 by Governor Torres y Ayala in his account of his overland trek from San Luis to Pensacola Bay. However, the governor's companion, Fray Barreda, who also knew the land well, having founded the mission at San Nicolas, put the distance at eight leagues. The divergences in population figures are easier to explain. The lieuten ant's figures probably represent the villages' populations when the missions were founded in mid-1674, whereas the bishop's figures represent either the number of Christians he confirmed or the resident population at the time of his visit in 1675. Because there was revolt at those missions in the fall of 1674, much of the population had probably left before the bishop arrived. That reality is reflected in the lieutenant's remark that both missions "are no more." The abandonment of these missions by both the friars and the natives was confirmed two years later by the Apalachee's account of their 1677 expe-


38 Apalachee dition against a Chisca settlement in western Florida. The expedition passed the site of both villages, reporting that the villages had been abandoned and implying that they had been abandoned for some time. By the time of the ex pedition the Chacato had established a village within Apalachee. It was proba bly composed of the Christian remnant from the two missions who feared at tack from the Chisca, who had been involved in the trouble at those missions (Barreda 1693:267; Diaz Vara Calderon 1675:8-9; Fernandez de Florencia 1675a, 1678; Torres y Ayala 1693a:230-231). A last point on which the two lists diverge is the fourteenth mission men tioned by the lieutenant. The bishop did not mention the lieutenant's Nativity of Our Lady, and the lieutenant referred only obliquely to the bishop's Santa Cruz de Sabacola. It is probable that Nativity of Our Lady was founded after the bishop's departure; the lieutenant stated that it was founded in 1675. It did not appear on any subsequent list, and its precarious situation at the time of its founding seems to be implied in the lieutenant's remark that it "today has very few people which may be as many as forty persons" (Fernandez de Flo rencia 1675a). There seems to be no ready explanation for the lieutenant's fail ure to mention the Sabacola mission more clearly. Its founding was contempo raneous with the founding of the Chacato missions. The friar, whose assault by disgruntled natives touched off the Chacato revolt, retreated to the Saba cola mission after surviving being attacked with a hatchet. But it is Sabacola that the lieutenant referred to in his closing line: "And on the said River of Sta. Cruz another [friar]" (Fernandez de Florencia 1675a, 1675b). The two lists from 1675 are among the more informative of the mission lists. The familiar name San Luis de Talimali first appeared on the bishop's list. The bishop spoke of San Luis as the principal village of the province. He described it as the residence of a military officer who lived in a country house defended by pieces of ordnance and a garrison of infantry. The lieutenant gave the population of each mission in round numbers, which presumably repre sent the population of the principal village and the satellite villages under its jurisdiction. Accordingly, the figure of 1,400 for San Luis does not indicate the size of San Luis alone because those 1,400 people were distributed over at least three satellite villages as well. It is not clear at this time whether it will ever be possible to determine the manner of distribution of that population for any of the Apalachee villages. Communal structures on Apalachee mission sites have not been excavated sufficiently to discover whether their size might be a guide to the size of the village they served or if there is any correlation between the size of these structures and the documented population of the villages in 1675. Bishop Calderon's description of the principal council house as large enough in most vil lages to accommodate 2,000 to 3,000 persons suggests a certain uniformity


Villages and Missions of Apalachee and Apalachicola 39 and a size that was more than adequate for the entire population of Apalachee's largest mission jurisdiction in that era. Investigation of the site of the council house at San Luis revealed a huge structure easily capable of containing the adult portion of the population of 1,400 in 1675 as well as a substantial num ber of guests (Shapiro 1985b; personal communication 1986). Unfortunately there is no similar description of the size of the mission churches that would indicate whether they were designed to shelter the entire population of a par ticular mission. Bishop Calderon's remark that "They attend mass with regu larity at 11 o'clock on the holy days they observe" might be interpreted to suggest that the churches were that large. However, the published results of the archaeological exploration of the Aspalaga site suggest a church that would be small for a mission that had 800 people within its jurisdiction in 1675. Allowing 2.25 square feet per person, one would find it difficult to fit 400 persons (standing) in the portion of the structure that is believed to have been the church proper. On the other hand, the larger churches of the two Patale sites appear to be more than adequate for the 500 persons listed for Patale in 1675 (Diaz Vara Calderon 1675:13-14; B. Calvin Jones, personal communication 1985; Morrell and Jones 1970; Shapiro 1985a). The distances between villages given on these 1675 lists provide a rela tively clear view of the spatial distribution of the principal villages. Although the 1675 image coincides generally with the less precise ones of 1655 and 1657, it differs sharply from the earlier ones in reference to Aspalaga. What ever Aspalaga's location earlier, both 1675 lists place it in the eastern con stellation of villages between Ocuia and Oconi and closer to the more easterly Oconi than to Ocuia. In 1675 a four-league gap separated Ocuia from Patale, its nearest neighbor in the western constellation. On the 1655 list Aspalaga was two leagues farther away from St. Augustine than was Ocuia and nine leagues farther away from St. Augustine than was Oconi. At 86 leagues dis tance, Aspalaga was only one league closer to St. Augustine in 1655 than was Patale at 87. Governor Rebolledo's passage from Patale to Aspalaga projects the same image. One must conclude that, between 1657 and 1675, Aspalaga was moved eastward by a considerable distance. One might also conclude that Ocuia was moved eastward to some degree. In 1655 Ocuia was seven leagues farther from St. Augustine than was Oconi. By the lieutenant's calculations, in 1675 Oconi and Ocuia were only 2.5 leagues apart. A comparison of the 1675 lists with the list of 1655 also shows different distances between Cupaica and San Luis. In 1675 the two villages were one league apart. In 1655 Cupaica was two leagues farther from St. Augustine than was San Luis. As Calvin Jones has observed, the 1655 figures are proba bly rough estimates, so no conclusions can be reached about such relatively minor differences. But inasmuch as it is known that San Luis Jinayca was


40 Apalachee moved in 1656, the difference might indicate the radius within which the ear lier site of San Luis was located. The difference suggests that in 1656 the new San Luis was moved west or west-northwest of the old site. The lieutenant's list itself presents some problems that require comment. The last part of the name of his fourteenth mission, Nativity of Our Lady, is abbreviated and is not very legible. The first part of the abbreviation clearly is "Nra." for Nuestra, followed by what appears to be "ge." Boyd, in transcrib ing this passage, rendered it as "La Natividad de Nra. Gratia" as though it were written out thus rather than abbreviated. Because "Nativity of Our Grace" does not sound like a plausible name for a mission, I have presumed that what appears to be "ge" is a badly copied "Sra." for "Senora-Lady." In the same footnote Boyd remarked that the Spanish text here and in the two paragraphs following apparently contained instances of omissions and garbling attributable either to the lieutenant or to some copyist. For example, Boyd assumed that the river mentioned in association with Nativity of Our Lady as being two leagues from San Luis was the Apalachicola, and he ob jected with reason that this possibility was absurd. He commented that "This leads to the suspicion that the word 'veinte' was omitted from before 'dos.' A statement of twenty-two leagues would be reasonable." Boyd seemed to over look the fact that the Ochlockonee was two leagues distance from San Luis. Though one would not normally say that one went to the province of Apala chicola by way of the Ochlockonee, the Ochlockonee is on the way to that province. In addition, 22 leagues seems to be too great a distance to accom modate the Apalachicola as the river in question. On his 1693 trip to Pensacola Bay, Governor Torres y Ayala described the distance of the trail from the Ochlockonee to the Apalachicola as 12 leagues, as did Bishop Calderon (Boyd 1948:186). In the same footnote Boyd observed further, concerning the lieutenant's remark about the Chacato missions that "They are no more," that it "does not make sense with its context." In fact, it makes excellent sense; those missions among the Chacato had been abandoned, as has been noted. In 1675 the province possessed only eight friars to serve the fourteen mis sion centers within Apalachee. Those friars ministered to a total population of at least 8,220 natives, 640 of whom were non-Apalachee. Although only a little more than two years had elapsed since the composi tion of the 1675 lists, only 12 of the 17 missions of 1675 were visited by Do mingo de Leturiondo (table 2.5). One nonmission village that was not men tioned in 1675, the Tocobagan settlement at Wacissa, was also visited. Eleven of the 12 missions were the traditional missions inhabited by Apalachee, and Taman Candelaria was the twelfth. Leturiondo began the visitation by holding a general assembly of the lead ers of all the villages at Tomole. The record does not indicate whether he held


Villages and Missions of Apalachee and Apalachicola 41 Table 2.5. Leturiondo's mission list of 1677 Mission or village Date visited Satellites mentioned Nuestra Seiiora de la Candelaria Dec. 24, 1677 de la Tama San Luis de Talimali San Cosme y San Damian de Cupaica San Antonio de Bacuqua San Pedro y San Pablo de Patale San Joseph de Ocuya San Juan de Aspalaga San Francisco de Ocone Santa Cruz de Ychutafun Nuestra Senora de la Conception de Ayubale San Lorenzo de Hivitachuco Place of the Tocopacas San Martin de Tomole (General Dec Dec Dec Jan. Jan. Jan. Jan. Jan. Jan. Jan. Dec 29, 1677 31, 1677 31, 1677 2, 1678 3, 1678 5, 1678 6, 1678 7, 1678 9, 1678 9, 1678 22, 1677 Assembly) SOURCE: Leturiondo 1678. a particular visitation at Tomole before proceeding to Candelaria and, in order, the other villages indicated on this list, closing with the visitation of the Tocobagan settlement. The record of the visitation contains more details on that closing session than on most of the others. Leturiondo described the Tocobaga as living along the channel of the Wacissa River "mixed together with other nations" whom he did not identify. He held a formal visitation in this village even though it was not a mission center. He chided its people for not yet having become Christian, even though they had been living among Christians for many years. The Tocobaga replied that they had not resisted becoming Christians but that no one, lay or clerical, had come to teach them the new faith. As a consequence, they continued, they had only a confused knowledge of the good news it brought. Even so, they pointed out, at least 18 or 20 of their number had become Christians on their deathbeds and had been buried in the church of Ivitachuco. The motive for Leturiondo's visitation of this nonmission village appears to have been an order he carried from the governor commanding the Tocobaga to close the channel of the Wacissa (and possibly to move from that region), lest they be captured by the English or other pirates and be forced to serve as guides for an attack on the missions by that route. Leturiondo accepted the Tocobaga's arguments that they were safer living San Francisco, San Bernardo, San Agustin Nicupana, Yfalcasar Culcuti Samoche, San Diego


42 Apalachee along the Wacissa in one large group than they would be in smaller settlements scattered along the coast. They indicated that they would be in scattered smaller settlements if they were forced to abandon their role as the transport ers of the produce from eastern Apalachee and western Yustaga that was sent to St. Augustine by canoe via the Suwannee route. They noted that the main channel was already closed off with trees and that they were able to slip in and out by a concealed side channel. Leturiondo counted 348 men, women, and children who inhabited this Tocobaga village. Although Leturiondo included this non-Christian village on his itinerary, he failed to visit at least two villages of Christian non-Apalachee that were probably in existence at the time of his visitation of the province. One was the Chine settlement mentioned on the 1675 lists, and the other was a Chacato settlement that had been formed a little to the west of San Luis after 1675. They may have been included in the visitation at San Luis since both were located on lands under the jurisdiction of its chief. Only two months before Leturiondo's arrival, the existence of these settlements was revealed when San Luis drew recruits from them in September 1677 for an expedition against the Chisca. The Apalachicola village of Santa Cruz de Sabacola on the west bank of the Apalachicola River was not mentioned by Leturiondo either, even though it still existed at the time of the attack against the Chisca. In view of these omissions, it is not clear what conclusions can be drawn from Leturion do's failure to mention either the village of the Assumption of Our Lady or that of the Nativity of Our Lady, both of which appeared on the 1675 lists (Fernandez de Florencia 1678; Leturiondo 1678). Although the reference is enigmatic, the continued presence of Yamasee in the province is implied in the visitation record. In the document appointing Leturiondo as visitor, Governor Hita Salazar included these words: "and he commissioned him that in the place of San Luis of the Province of Apalachee, where there resides and lives some Yamasee chiefs and Indians, that he join them all together and hold a visita, just as in the rest of the places." This pas sage could mean that the Yamasee were living at San Luis or on lands that were within the jurisdiction of San Luis. In 1675 Yamasee were mentioned as being part of the Mission of Candelaria, which may have been established on lands under the jurisdiction of San Luis. The visitation record reveals the continued existence of the satellite vil lages attached to each Apalachee mission village. It states that each main vil lage had three or four smaller satellite villages joined to it and, using San Luis as an example, mentions San Francisco, San Bernardo, and San Agustin as its satellites. Cupaica's Nicopana and Faltassa appear again as do Tomole's Samoche and San Diego. The record shows Culcuti as an additional satellite for Aspalaga beyond those mentioned in 1657.


Villages and Missions of Apalachee and Apalachicola 43 The regulations that Leturiondo promulgated at the end of the visitation restricted the Indians' freedom of movement from village to village. Anyone desiring to move had to obtain permission from the chief of his village and from the lieutenant in Apalachee. Moves to the frontier village of Bacuqua, however, were excepted to some degree on the grounds that it was open to attack and, therefore, in need of people; it had only 120 inhabitants in 1675. Such moves in the past, Leturiondo noted, had been motivated too often by a desire to escape the consequences of some crime or to evade work or other community responsibilities. Leturiondo selected Tomole as the site for the general assembly of Ap alachee 's native leaders with which he opened the visitation. In his announce ment of the meeting, Leturiondo stated that there the leaders might freely voice any complaints, petitions, or suggestions for the improvement of condi tions in the region that they wished. Under his guidance, the assembly's prin cipal business was the reopening of discussion on the measure outlawing the Apalachee's ball game (see chapter 3 and appendix 2). Each of the chiefs spoke on the issue in turn in an order corresponding to the ranking of their villages. The chief of Ivitachuco was the first to speak, but unfortunately the record did not indicate the order in which the other chiefs appeared. The dis cussion closed with a renewal of the prohibition of the game. Leturiondo also used the occasion to thank those who had taken part in the recent campaign against the Chisca and exhorted them to act with equal valor in such chal lenges that might arise in the future. He urged the Apalachee to show mercy to any who surrendered and to the women and the children, authorizing that they be held as slaves of their captors. He declared that any who had enslaved rather than killed them were legitimate norocos, whose preeminence was to be respected.6 The list in table 2.6 is one of the two that have been most widely dissemi nated. Swanton (1922:110) reproduced it but omitted the term Senor that pre cedes the missions named for male saints. He rendered Aspalaga as Ospalaga but presented Ocuux as Ocuia without comment. Significantly this listing con firms the continued existence of two of the non-Apalachee missions in Apala chee that Leturiondo had failed to mention in 1677, the villages of the Chine and of the Chacato. That the Chine mission was known by the name of San Pedro in 1680 suggests that the Chine had moved from Assumption del Puerto, which they had shared with the Amacano and the Pacara in 1675. As sumpcion, referred to in 1675 as on the road to the sea, is believed to have 6. As the syntax of his statement is rather muddy, it is not clear whether this is what he said or whether he was simply declaring that those who participated in the campaign should be con sidered norocos (warriors who had killed three people).


^^^^M^^^^^M dA*^ -*&*A 0kJ J&~wvi&irpgiic fkJfai&S'Maims '&/?:,;?> Fig. 2.2. The Alonso Solana map of 1683. Source: Chatelain 1941, map 7.


Villages and Missions of Apalachee and Apalachicola 45 Table 2.6. Marques Cabrera's mission list of 1680 Senor San Lorengo de Ybithachucu Nuestra Seiiora de la Purissima Conception de Ajubali Senor San Francisco de Oconi Senor San Joan [sic] de Aspalaga Senor San Joseph de Ocuux [sic] Senores San Pedro y San Pablo de Patali Senor San Antonio de Bacuqua Senores San Cosme y San Damian de Yecambi Senor San Carlos de los Chacatos: a new conversion Senor San Luis de Talimali Nuestra Seiiora de la Candelaria de la Tama: a new conversion Senor San Pedro de los Chines: a new conversion Senor San Martin de Tomoli Santa Cruz y San Pedro de Alcantara de Ychutafun SOURCE: Marques Cabrera 1680. been in the vicinity of Wakulla Springs (B. Calvin Jones, personal communi cation, April 19, 1984). Such a location might well put it in the vicinity of de Soto's Ocute. In 1677 the Chine settlement was at a place called Chacariz lying within San Luis's jurisdiction (Fernandez de Florencia 1678). It is possible that the fear of an English attack expressed by Leturiondo at Wacissa in 1677 had led to the abandonment of Assumption for more secure locations farther inland. In 1680 the Chacato mission probably occupied the site just west of San Luis, where it is shown in the 1683 Solana map (fig. 2.2). The continued absence of Assumption and of Nativity of Our Lady from this 1680 list suggests that these missions may have ceased to exist at least as early as late 1677. The continued absence of the Sabacola mission will be discussed later. The Solana map of 1683 The 1683 map is the only graphic portrayal I have seen of Apalachee's settle ment pattern that was made while the missions were flourishing.7 The map (fig. 2.2) has been attributed to an Alonso Solana. That such maps were scarce in Spain is suggested by the Crown's request for this map. The loss of St. Catherines Island and the Florida government's plans for the reoccupation 7. I have seen references to a map of Florida drawn in the late 1660s, and there is mention in one of Bishop Calderon's letters of a map having been drawn during his visit.


46 Apalachee and resettlement of the island gave rise to the Crown's request for a map drawn to scale by which to assess the advisability of the Florida governor's sugges tion. The evidence for Solana's qualification for the task and for the desire to portray Apalachee accurately is minimal. On forwarding the completed map to the Crown, Governor Marques Cabrera himself vouched for the accuracy of the latitudes and ground distances, remarking that he had been on Florida's Gulf coast and traveled through Apalachee and Timucua. The map's portrayal of the Apalachicola River is somewhat disconcerting, however, with its turn to the west where it should have forked into the Flint and the Chattahoochee, which do not appear on the map. Perhaps the best that can be said for the map is the remark by the person who has researched its genesis: "The map he [the king] asked for was a superbly drawn sketch rather than the accurate scaled map he desired. Yet, despite shortcomings, Solana's map gave quite a fair idea of the extent of the king's dominion overseas. More important, however, it re corded for posterity the knowledge that the men at St. Augustine had of the land under their jurisdiction in 1683" (Arana 1964:258-266). The map's portrayal of the 11 traditional Apalachee villages and Taman Candelaria conforms to the pattern reflected in the 1675 lists. The Chacato village of San Carlos is placed just to the west of San Luis, where later docu mentary evidence put it. The map also depicts a number of mystery villages. One was given the name Medellin, which appears in no other source. In view of its location, Medellin could be the Chine mission, which is not mentioned by name in the legend. The three other mystery villages are identified simply as Indian settlements, all west of Apalachee. The one close to the coast in the vicinity of present-day Carabelle, just to the west of a short stream named the Rio Chachave, may have been a Tocobaga village, as early eighteenth-century maps show one in that area. The village north of the Apalachicola River may have been either the Chacato village or the Sabacola village known to have been located in that region at that time. The next document giving a picture of Apalachee's village pattern is a 1687 register of the Indian carpenters who worked on a ship-building project on the Tacabona River toward the coast. It lists the workers by name, giving their village of origin, the number of days they worked, and the wages they received. Although it obviously was not meant to be a complete listing of the villages, all of the 11 traditional Apalachee missions were represented except Aspalaga. No carpenters were drawn from the non-Apalachee villages. Cupaica was identified by the name Icabf. In an associated document San Luis was mentioned as having four satellite villages at this time (Chuba 1687:31; Matheos 1687a:77; Vi Ventura 1686:67).


Villages and Missions of Apalachee and Apalachicola 47 The Evanescent Sabacola One of the mysteries of this period is the fate of what seem to be a number of villages bearing the name Sabacola that appear and then disappear. Bishop Calderon mentioned a non-Christian village on the Apalachicola River that formerly was called Santa Cruz de Sabacola el Menor (the Lesser). The bishop had dedicated the church there on February 28, 1675, at which time the mis sion's name had been changed to La Encarnacion a la Santa Cruz de Sabacola. Residing there by that time, according to the bishop, was another group of Sabacola whom he identified as "the Great Cacique of the province, with his vassals from Sabacola el Grande" (the Greater), whom the bishop had con verted. The bishop expected that the new mission would become a large town inasmuch as the Apalachicola villages along the Chattahoochee 30 leagues to the north had expressed an interest in becoming Christian. Among those vil lages was another Sabacola (Diaz Vara Calderon 1675:9). This Sabacola mission was located on the upper Apalachicola, just below the confluence of the Flint and the Chattahoochee. Swanton, however, noted that native tradition placed this tribe nearer the Gulf coast at some period in its history, observing that the tradition seems to be supported by the Lamhatty map and by the journal of a Spanish captain who explored the coast from St. Marks to Pensacola in 1693. Lamhatty, Swanton stated, appears to give the name Sabacola to the Choctawhatchee, while the Spanish captain recorded that the eastern mouth of the Apalachicola was called "Sabacola" (Milan Tapia 1693:288). It is not clear what conclusions can be drawn from such nomenclature, as Apalachee itself had a village named Sabacola and another named Pansacola, and the aforementioned Spanish captain gave the name Chicasses to the Choctawhatchee and noted that the Ochlockonee was known as the Claraquachine (Milan Tapia 1693:283, 291). Swanton also identified the 1675-era village of Nativity of Our Lady on the Ochlockonee with the Sawokli, his name for the Sabacola, but he did not give his grounds for that assumption (Swanton 1946:180). When the expedition against the Chisca stopped at the Sabacola mission in 1677, the settlement was referred to simply as Santa Cruz, the name that the Spaniards sometimes gave to the Apalachicola River. Baltasar, the village chief, identifying himself as a recent but fervent convert, joined the expedi tion with six of his warriors. Correlation of the trail references given at this time with those furnished by Governor Torres y Ayala in 1693 indicates that the Sabacola mission was located on the west bank of the Apalachicola close to the point where the Apalachicola divides into the Chattahoochee and the Flint (Barreda 1693:266-267; Fernandez de Florencia 1678; Torres y Ayala 1693a:230). The mission was not mentioned during Leturiondo's visitation,


48 Apalachee which occurred only several months after the return of the anti-Chisca expedition. In 1679 Fray Juan Ocon, who had been pastor of the above-mentioned Sabacola mission in 1675, was sent with two recently arrived friars to estab lish a mission at the village of Sabacola on the middle Chattahoochee a few leagues below the falls. Three days after their arrival, they were ordered out by the cacique of Caveta, who was the head chief of the Apalachicola. Gov ernor Salazar instructed his lieutenant in Apalachee, Juan Fernandez de Florencia, to make no reprisals against the Apalachicola and to continue to treat them as friends (Bolton 1925a: 119; Hita Salazar [1679], 1680a; Royal Officials 1680). His successor, however, the more militant and irascible Juan Marques Cabrera, sent two friars accompanied by 11 soldiers back to Sabacola. They were received in a hostile fashion and withdrew after a few months of waiting for the Indians' attitude to change. Governor Cabrera's threats led to a compromise under which the Christianized Sabacola moved downriver from the middle Chattahoochee, where the Apalachicola villages were then clus tered, to the confluence of the Flint and Chattahoochee. There they estab lished a mission of Santa Cruz de Sabacola near a recently formed Chacato mission called San Carlos de los Chacatos (Bolton 1925b:46-47; Marques Cabrera 1682). Some, if not all, of the inhabitants of this new village came from the Chacato village near San Luis, which is known to have been aban doned sometime before 1694 (Florencia 1695). Bolton and Lanning seem to treat the Sabacola mission of the 1680s as an entirely new foundation, making no reference to the evanescent mission of 1674-1677 that was located on or near the same spot. The Solana map of 1683 does not register a Santa Cruz de Sabacola or a Chacato mission at the confluence of the Flint and Chattahoochee, though it shows an Indian settle ment there. During these years the upriver village of Sabacola El Grande ap pears to have been abandoned completely by its inhabitants. Bolton referred to the chicasa of Sabacola El Grande in discussing the two forays through the Apalachicola country in 1685 by Antonio Matheos, the governor's lieutenant in Apalachee. In mentioning the village chiefs who accepted Matheos's invita tion to parley with him at Caveta and the four recusant chiefs whose villages Matheos burned, Bolton made no mention of Sabacola except to indicate that Matheos had crossed the Chattahoochee at Sabacola on his second expedition (Bolton 1925b:47, 51, 79; Lanning 1935:177-178). In 1686, Marcos Delgado, leading an expedition westward in search of La Salle's followers, crossed the Apalachicola River near the confluence of the Flint and the Chattahoochee. In his report, he mentioned only the village of Christian Chacato. However, the lieutenant in Apalachee, writing to the gov ernor some weeks later to report on the expedition, stated that he had heard


Villages and Missions of Apalachee and Apalachicola 49 nothing since Delgado left Sabacola and that none of the Sabacola Indians that Delgado had taken with him as porters had yet returned to their village (Boyd 1937:22, 6). Sabacola reappears on a 1689 mission list in hybridized form as San Carlos de abacola. As the name San Carlos had earlier been attached to a Chacato mission in the area, the name change of the Sabacola village might indicate that the settlement's 30 families were drawn from both tribes. It should be noted, however, that in the area there was a separate village of 70 families named San Nicolas de los Chacatos (Ebelino de Compostela 1689). In 1690 the village was identified as Savacola Chuba or Big Sabacola, but it was not mentioned on the mission lists of 1694, 1697, or 1698 (Quiroga y Losada 1690b). When Governor Torres y Ayala passed through this region in 1693, he crossed the Apalachicola at the site of the Chacato village, but neither he nor Friar Barreda made any mention of the Sabacola in their journals (Barreda 1693:266-267; Torres y Ayala 1693a:230). It is not clear that any conclusion can be drawn from this omission, however, as Savacola Chuba was located a little above the confluence of the Flint and the Chattahoochee. In 1694 the Chacato village on the Apalachicola was attacked by a force of 50 warriors who were Sabacola, Apalachicola, and Tiquepache. The attackers killed five of the Chacato and carried off 42 to sell to the Carolinians as slaves. The survivors took refuge at Escambe, which was apparently still located west of the Ochlockonee. Only Chacato were mentioned as being among the refu gees (Florencia 1695; Torres y Ayala 1695). Swanton noted that just over a decade later, the Sabacola themselves were carried off by hostile Indians al lied to the English (Swanton 1946:180). The implications of Diego Perm's remark in 1716 about the linguistic affil iation of the Sabacola are unexplored at present. After noting that Caveta and Casista spoke Muskogee, Pena stated that the rest of the Lower Creek villages spoke the same language, except for Sabacola which had a distinct language and also spoke Apalachee (Boyd 1949:25). The bishop's tabulation of the mission villages (table 2.7) agrees substan tially with the 1680 list and with that projected by the 1683 map. San Carlos de los Chacatos is the only mission in Apalachee that appeared on those two earlier lists and is not found among the bishop's count of the Apalachee missions. The attachment of the name "San Carlos" to the Sabacola village sug gests that some of the Chacato from San Carlos in Apalachee may have settled there. Neither San Nicolas nor Sabacola was mentioned on the 1680 list or the 1683 map. The list was composed by the bishop on the basis of information that he had requested from the priests of his diocese so that he might inform the king of the composition of the diocese. To convert the number of families into individuals, the bishop noted that he multiplied the number of families by


50 Apalachee Table 2.7. Bishop Compostela's mission list of 1689 Village San Lorenzo de Hivitachuco Concebcion de Ayubale San Fran Oconi San Juan de Aspalaga S n Joseph de Ocuya Sta Cruz de Hichutafun San Martin de Tomoli Nra. Senora de la Tama San Pedro de los Chines San Luis de Talimali Sn Pedro y S Pablo de Patali S Antonio de Bacucua San Damian de Yscambi Total New province San Nicolas de los Chacatos San Carlos de abacola Total Number of families 200 250 80 50 200 30 130 80 30 300 120 50 400 1920 70 30 100 SOURCE: Ebelino de Compostela 1689. five. The Chacato probably abandoned the site in Apalachee soon after the drafting of the 1683 map, as documents associated with the Delgado expe dition of 1686 show the presence of both the Chacato and the Sabacola along the upper Apalachicola River at that time. A comparison of the population figures supplied by the bishop with those given by the lieutenant in 1675 raises some intriguing questions that will be discussed in the chapter on Apalachee population. There is no indication of the reason for the concentration of clerical manpower in only five of the fourteen villages known to exist at that time (table 2.8). Although a governor early in the seventeenth century had advo cated the concentration of friars in only a few villages, the scant available evidence on clerical assignment indicates that generally one friar was as signed to each mission. In a 1690 document on clerical assignments, it was mentioned specifically that the villages of the Chacato, the Chine, Ocon [sic], Capoli, Bacuqua and the Tocobaga settlement at Wacissa did not have a friar. Aspalaga, Tomoli, Ocuia, Cupaica, and Tama were not mentioned at all, al though the place identified as "Convent of San Pedro" probably was associ ated with Cupaica. Cupaica had a satellite village named San Pedro. Its 400 families would seem to have required the stationing of a friar there, particu larly as the village seems to have been located west of the Ochlockonee River


Villages and Missions of Apalachee and Apalachicola 51 Table 2.8. List of villages with attendant priests, 1690 Village Priests Convent of San Luis Antonio de los Angeles, Pedro Galindez, and Martin de Alacano Convent of Ayubale Pedro Lacaxo Bernal and Diego Gonzalez Convent of San Pedro Leon de Lara and Francisco de Nogales Convent of Patali Francisco Camacho and Luis de Se^ar (Cezar) Convent of Savacola Chuba Pedro Hace and Matheo de Arguelles Convent of Ybitachuco Francisco de Bargas (Vargas) and Miguel Martorell at that time so it did not have access to the services of a friar from one of the missions that was staffed. Two friars, one each from Ivitachuco and San Luis, were mentioned as having recently requested changes of assignment. Fray Gonzalez had found San Luis unhealthy, and Fray Alacano had been unhappy during his stay at Ivitachuco. The time appears to have been one of low morale among at least some of the friars in Apalachee, and it was a period of sharp dissension be tween the friars and the governors. The governor was sharply critical of the recent transfer to Rome of a Fray Juan Angel from the Tama mission, alleging that he was one of the few friars skilled in its people's language. Tama's new pastor, the governor complained, soon impelled most of his parishioners to flee to the woods by his brutal use of the whip on errant natives (Luna 1690a, 1690b; Quiroga y Losada 1691a). The visitation record from which the list in table 2.9 is drawn is perhaps the most useful of the three available for Apalachee. As the product of a vis itation, it represents an itinerary like those of 1657 and 1677. The 14 villages mentioned appear to be a complete tally. As noted earlier, the Chacato village on the Apalachicola had been attacked before the visitation, and the survivors were domiciled temporarily at Escambe. The refugees informed the visitor that, after they had made a trip to some unspecified destination, they wished to reoccupy the site on which they had lived some time earlier, which was onehalf league from San Luis on land that was within that village's jurisdiction. To that end, the leaders of San Luis prepared a formal agreement making the Chacato a free gift of the use of the land for farming but imposing some obli gations and limitations on the hunting of game and gathering of wild fruits and nuts. It is not known whether they reoccupied the site near San Luis. The village of the Chine appears under a new name, San Antonio rather than San Pedro. This change may indicate that since 1689 it had moved to a new site. The visitation record reveals another probable moving of the site of Escambe.


52 Apalachee Table 2.9. Florencia's visitation list of 1695 Village or ranch Description San Cosme y San Damian de Escambi San Antonio de Bacuqua Ranch of Our Lady of the Rosary San Pedro y San Pablo de Patali San Joseph de Ocuia Ranch of San Joseph de Upalucha San Francisco de Oconi Hivitachuco Nuestra Senora de la Conception de Aiubale Santa Cruz de Capoli San Juan de Azpalaga San Martin de Tomoli Nuestra Senor de la Candelaria San Antonio de los Chines San Luis de Talimali Ranch of San Juan de Ochania Refugee Chacato living there Property of Marcos Delgado Fray Manuel de Mendoza its friar; Usunaca Sebastian, chief of Ichasli, living there Property of Joseph Salinas Visitation for Wacissa's Tocobaga held at Ivitachuco Only 20 men, some elderly House of Pedro Torres was half a league distant from it Its satellite, Abaslaco, mentioned; refugee Chacato at Escambi arranged to reoccupy the site of their former village half a league from San Luis Property of Juan Sanchez de la Paz Cuchillada SOURCE: Florencia 1695. The journals from Governor Torres y Ayala's overland trek to Pensacola Bay in 1693 indicate that at some time before that date Escambe had moved from its location one league north of San Luis to a site that was three leagues north west of that provincial headquarters and one league west of the Ochlockonee River. Nothing is known of the circumstances of that move except that it was made after 1686. At the time of the 1686 Delgado expedition, Escambe seems to have been still east of the Ochlockonee. During the 1694-1695 visitation Escambe's chief requested permission to return to the site that Escambe had occupied earlier, presumably the site one league north of San Luis. That it moved to that location is not certain, however, as the visitation record does not provide any information about the location of the former village site. On a


Villages and Missions of Apalachee and Apalachicola 53 1697 list, Escambe was still situated three leagues from San Luis and two from Bacuqua. That could be interpreted to indicate that Escambe still lay west of the Ochlockonee. It would mean a move by Bacuqua, though, because two leagues was the distance between Escambe and Bacuqua when Escambe was only one league from San Luis. In requesting the permission to move, Escambe's chief complained that the soil at the present site was too sterile to produce enough to feed the village. The visitor assented to the move on the condition that the village leaders gave consent (Barreda 1693:266; Boyd 1937; Florencia 1695; Menendez Marquez and Florencia 1697; Torres y Ayala 1693a:230; Torres y Ayala and Royal Officials 1697). A unique feature of the 1694 list is the mention of a number of Spanish ranches. The ranch owners are identified, and the locations of some of the ranches in relation to certain Indian villages are indicated because the Indians had lodged complaints that the stock from those ranches was damaging their crops. The location of the residence of one other Spaniard is indicated. The chief of Bacuqua complained that herds belonging to three Spanish ranchers, Diego Ximenez, Francisco de Florencia, and Marcos Delgado, grazed close to his village and destroyed its crops. Patale's chief lodged a simi lar complaint against Delgado's stock. Delgado's ranch of Our Lady of the Rosary appears to have been established by 1677 on the site abandoned by Bacuqua in 1657. In response to the visitor's orders, Delgado moved his ranching operation to a chicasa of Patale that was four leagues from San Luis and about one and one-half leagues from his former ranch site. Ximenez chose as his new ranch site a chicasa of Escambe, located three leagues from San Luis and five leagues from his former ranch. That site points to the transOchlockonee Escambe as the probable location of the new ranch. Francisco de Florencia used his influential family connections to continue grazing his cattle without concern for the natives' crops (Hinachuba and Andres 1699: 24-26; Ponce de Leon 1702:27-29; Zuiiiga y Zerda 1700a:84, 89, 96). Like the 1657 visitation record, that of 1694-1695 presents the names of a number of chiefs and leading men of the Apalachee villages. It also pre serves the names of twenty-nine ordinary Indians who were living apart from their wives because of their work in areas outside of Apalachee. As might be expected, the easternmost village of Ivitachuco had the greatest number of absent husbands, a total of nine. San Luis seems to have had no married men away from home who were missed by their wives. An unspecified number of single men were also indicated as working outside of the province on a con tract basis. By this time, some of the leading Indians as well as the Spaniards pos sessed farms and cattle ranches in areas that were at some distance from their


54 Apalachee own villages. This fact is reflected in the visitor's prohibition of the presence of single women at such places to serve the peons and married women at such places unless they were accompanied by their husbands. Among the other regulations issued by the visitor, one forbade the Indians from moving from villages on the royal road to villages not on the road, but none of the villages in either category was identified. At this time, Escambe, Bacuqua, and Patale seem to have been on the frontier of the province on the trails used by the neighboring non-Christian natives who came to Apalachee to trade. One of the visitor's regulations ordered those villages not to detain such non-Christian Indians when they arrived but to hurry them on to the lieu tenant at San Luis. In a 1702 document, Ocuia was also mentioned as being on the frontier and as being "away from the road" as well. At that time, the lieutenant suggested that Ocuia should be removed to the road to make it more accessible to relief in case of attack (Romo de Urisa 1702). That it was a tar get for attack in 1703 would seem to confirm its remoteness. The 1697 list (table 2.10) has some interesting anomalies to plague the archaeologist's attempts to locate and identify village sites. It does not reflect the projected resettlement of the Chacato spoken of during the Florencia vis itation. This may mean that they had not yet returned from the planned trip they mentioned in 1695 or it may simply signify that the rebuilt village had no church and that they attended Mass at nearby San Luis or at the place of the Chine, who probably spoke the same language as the Chacato. It is easier to evaluate the anomalies in the 1697 list when it is compared with the lists from 1675, 1677, and 1695 (table 2.11). The 1677 and the 1695 lists are itineraries. Tomole was the starting point in 1677 because the general assembly was held there to open the visitation. The 1675 list is that of the lieutenant, Fernandez de Florencia. Numbers be tween settlement names represent the distances in leagues between those settlements. In 1695 Florencia held a visitation of the Tocobaga, but he had them travel the one league from Wacissa to Ivitachuco rather than go to their village, as Leturiondo had done in 1678. Assumption, which was the home of the Chine in 1675, was on the path to the sea from San Luis and, according to Bishop Calderon, four leagues from Tomole. The first and most obvious of the anomalies in the 1697 list (table 2.10) that giving the distance from San Luis to St. Augustine as 80 leaguesis the easiest to explain. On the 1655 list that distance was given as 88 leagues. In 1697 the distance was not intended as a measure of the exact location of San Luis but as a general statement of the median distance of the province from St. Augustine. On a number of occasions, that figure of 80 leagues was used when the person was speaking of Apalachee in general. A striking anomaly on the 1697 list is the distance between Bacuqua


Villages and Missions of Apalachee and Apalachicola 55 Table 2.10. The mission list of 1697 Name of mission Location Attendant priest San Luis Escabi Vacuqua Ocuya Oconi Vitachuco Ayubale Capoli Patale Aspalaga Tomole La Tama Place of the Chines Asile 80 leagues from St. Augustine 3 leagues from San Luis 2 leagues from Escabi 9 leagues from Vacuqua 3 leagues from Ocuya 2 leagues from Oconi 1 league from Vitachuco 3 leagues from Ayubale 1.5 leagues from Capoli 1.5 leagues from Patale 1.5 leagues from Aspalaga 1.5 leagues from Tomole 0.5 leagues from Tama 2 leagues from Vitachuco Fray Joseph de Rueda Fray Pedro de Aze Fray Manuel de Mendoza Fray Pedro Galindez Fray Luis de Vargas Fray Juan de Villalva Fray Rodrigo de la Barrera No friar No friar Fray Joseph Valero Fray Salvador Buerno Fray Doningos Santos Fray Francisco de Leon No friar SOURCE: Torres y Ayala and the Royal Officials Menendez Marquez and Florencia 1697. (given in table 2.11 as Vacuqua) and Ocuya, a full nine leagues. Since both 1675 lists show that distance to be only six leaguestwo from Bacuqua to Patale and four from Patale to Ocuyait is obvious that either Bacuqua or Ocuya had moved at some time during the 22-year interval. An arresting fea ture of this anomaly is that the jump was made directly from Bacuqua to Ocuya while Patale was mentioned in association with Capoli, Aspalaga, and Tomole. On almost every earlier list the order was Cupaica, Bacuqua, Patale, and Ocuya. This change may indicate that Patale had slipped southward or that Bacuqua had been moved so far north that it was no longer practical to proceed from Bacuqua to Ocuia by way of Patale. Such a possibility is strengthened by the 1698 visitation record. The visitor's hasty trek through the province took him from Ocuya to Bacuqua to Cupaica and thence to San Luis, Tomole, Aspalaga, Patali, and Capoli, in that order. Another anomaly of the 1697 list is the placement of Aspalaga. In 1675 Aspalaga and Patale had been five and one-half leagues apart with Ocuya be tween them as a buffer. On the 1697 list Aspalaga and Patale are only one and one-half leagues apart. In 1675 and on most other lists Aspalaga was brack eted between Ocuia and Oconi. On the 1695, 1697, and 1698 lists, Ocuia and Oconi follow each other directly, while Aspalaga is sandwiched between Pa tale and Tomole on the latter two and between Tomole and Capoli on the first.


Table 2.11. Comparison of mission lists of 1695, 1697, 1675, and 1677 1695 Escambi i Bacuqua i Patali i Ocuia i Oconi i Hivitachuco i Aiubale i Capoli i Azpalaga i Tomoli i Candelaria i Chines i San Luis 1697 San Luis it 3 Escabi it 2 Vacuqua it 9 Ocuya J/T3 Oconi it 2 Vitachuco iti Ayubale it 3 Capoli it 1.5 Patale it 1.5 Aspalaga Tomole it 1.5 La Tama j/ro.5 Chines 1675 San Luis iti Acpayca Bacuqua it 2 Patale it 4 Ocuya it 1.5 Aspalaga Oconi it 0.5+ Ayubale it 1.5 Ybitachuco Ytuchafun it 2+ Tomole it 2 Candelaria it 0.5+ San Luis it Assumpcion 1677 Tomole i Tama i San Luis i Cupaica i Bacuqua i Patale i Ocuya i 0 Aspalaga i Ocone i Ychutafun i Ayubale Hivitachuco i Tocopacas NOTE: Numbers between settlement names are distances in leagues. Bishop Calderon's list of 1675 gives a distance of 4 leagues from Tomole to Assumpcion.


Villages and Missions of Apalachee and Apalachicola 57 This change definitely suggests that Aspalaga had slipped southward. In 1716, however, Diego Pena, who seems to have made a point of mentioning the missions whose ruins he passed, listed only Tomole and La Tama for the three-league stretch between Patale and San Luis. That Aspalaga had been moved at some time is confirmed by a 1704 document telling of the second assault on Apalachee during that year. In describing an encounter with the enemy, the lieutenant mentioned that one of the enemy casualties was a rebel Apalachee whom he identified as Pedro, son of the cacique of Aspalaga the old (Solana 1704a:50-55). And the visitor's sojourn at the ranch of St. Joseph of Upalucha in 1695 between his visits to Ocuia and Oconi suggests that that ranch may have been established on the former site of Aspalaga that lay be tween those two missions. An additional possible discrepancy between this 1697 list and those of 1675 involves the distance between Tomole and Capoli. Both 1675 lists gave the distance as two leagues. In 1697 the trek from Capoli to Tomole by way of Patale and Aspalaga covered four and one-half leagues. This route, of course, may not have been the most direct one, but it was the one taken in reverse order by the visitor in 1698. Although the extrapolation of the distance between Tomole and San Luis from the data of the 1675 and the 1697 lists gives the same result of two and one-half leagues in both instances, this result is possibly at odds with Irving Leonard's rendition of a 1693 statement by Fray Barreda. On coming to the Apalachee coast with Governor Torres y Ayala, the friar gave the following account of their passage to San Luis: After getting into port, we landed and took lodgings in some wretched huts where we remained until boats were brought from the province to transport us to a village within the same jurisdiction called Tomoly. This hamlet, where we spent Corpus Christi day, is about six leagues from Apalachee through beautiful open pine groves. In the afternoon of the holy day of our Lord mentioned, the journey was made to the village of San Luis de Talmaly through a district furrowed with ploughed fields two leagues from Tomoly. (Barreda 1693:265) The resolution hinges on what the friar meant by Apalachee. Here the term seems to refer to their point of embarkation on the coast, but, usually, the term was used to signify San Luis or the mission area in general. The last listing of the mission villages before their destruction (table 2.12) originated from an extraordinary visitation of the provinces of Timucua and Apalachee apparently in response to the volume of complaints that the gover nor was receiving. The governor instructed Captain Juan de Ayala y Escobar


58 Apalachee Table 2.12. Ayala's visitation list of 1698 Place San Lorenzo de Ibitachuco Ayubale Oconi Ocuya Bacucua Escabi San Luis Thomoli Espalaga [sic] Patali Capoli Day in February visited 12 13 14 14 14 15(?) 15 16 16 16 17 Chief Field Master Don Patricio Ygnhac Chuba Ushina(?) Coaleixo Hina Alonso Osunaca Lorenzo Usuhaca(?) Mexia Hina Bicente Osunaca Andres Osonaca Alonso Osonaca Benito (no names given) Hina Chuba Adrian Headmen Niquichasli Antonio and Aque Ju MiChasle Ebanjelista and Hina Adrian Osonaca Ju and Hina Alonso Ymixa Mexia and Cui Bernardo Hina Felipe Esfana Labentura and Bis(?) Bautista Michasli Francisco and Mila Ysfani Alonso Ysfania Alonso and Cui Patriburio Ysfani Bentura and Bi Ju Sabacola Feliziano and Cui Esteban SOURCE: Ayala y Escobar 1698. NOTE: JU probably stands for Juan.' to gather information secretly from the village headmen and from the Indians in general concerning the propriety of the lieutenant's conduct toward them. The questioning of the leaders of the 11 traditional Apalachee missions elic ited no complaints whatsoever against the incumbent, Captain Jacinto Roque Perez, or against the other Spanish residents of the province. The native leaders, doubtless, were taken aback when they saw whom the governor had dis patched to look into their complaints against a number of members of Apala chee's Spanish community. Inasmuch as some of the worst abusers of the Indians were the numerous Florencias, the family of Lieutenant Roque Perez's wife, the imperious Juana Caterina de Florencia, and, inasmuch as the visitador, Ayala, was himself related to the Florencias by marriage, the reticence of the natives is understandable. They knew that complaints to Ayala would not bring relief and that they might bring retribution from the lieutenant against those who complained.


Villages and Missions of Apalachee and Apalachicola 59 It is not clear whether Ayala y Escobar's restriction of his visitation to the 11 settlements inhabited by Apalachee is an indication that the Tama and Chine villages' leaders attended the visitation at San Luis without being noted in the rather brief record left by the visitor. The ineffectuality of Ayala y Escobar's visitation is reflected vividly in an early 1699 letter to the king. In it the chiefs of Ivitachuco and San Luis re ported that the natives of San Luis had withdrawn from that village into the woods because their places had been seized for the Spaniards and because they were subjected to continual demands for unpaid labor at the houses of the lieutenant and of other Spanish settlers. That Joachin Florencia saw fit to in spect three of the ranches in 1694-1695 probably indicates that each had a sizable work force. Don Antonio Ponce de Leon, a friend of the Apalachee Indians and a spokesman for them, also mentioned having seen "in the vicin ity of San Luis the houses of the Indians located at a league's distance because their building sites and fields have been taken by the Spanish settlers" (Hinachuba and Andres 1699). In their letter to the king the chiefs voiced a number of additional grievances. They complained that, after having been required to build the fort at San Luis with their own tools and without compensation for their labor (even having to supply their own food), they were then compelled to use the remain ing timbers to build houses for a brother-in-law of the lieutenant and for other Spanish settlers at San Luis. The chiefs also stated that, at the instigation of the incumbent lieutenant, a former lieutenant there, Captain Juan Fernandez de Florencia, had established a ranch of cattle, swine, and horses that was wreaking havoc on the Indians' fields. They added that those fields had also been damaged by the stock of two of Florencia's brothers-in-law who resided with him (Hinachuba 1699; Hinachuba and Andres 1699). A subsequent letter indicated that the governor's lieutenant had done nothing to remedy the prob lems highlighted in the 1694-1695 visitation despite the visitor's orders that within a specified period all such ranches would be removed to a minimum distance of three to four leagues from such villages, as the law required (Ponce de Leon 1702). The chiefs' letter brought a relatively prompt response from the monarch. He ordered the governor to investigate their allegations and to act decisively to bring an end to such abuses, if they existed, as he presumed they did (Royal Cedula 1700). But nothing effective seems to have been done by the royal au thorities in Florida. Early in 1702 Don Antonio Ponce de Leon found it neces sary to write to the king anew, informing him that the destruction of the Indians' crops by the Spanish settlers' cattle continued unabated and that the Indians continued to be impressed to work for the Spaniards without compen sation. Ponce de Leon reported that during the inspection no charges were


60 Apalachee placed before Ayala y Escobar because he was related by marriage to the abusers of the Indians in Apalachee and that when he left the Indians were greatly discontented. This report refers to a second extraordinary visitation entrusted to Ayala y Escobar in 1701 to investigate the charges made by Apa lachee 's two principal chiefs in their 1699 letter and by Ivitachuco's chief alone in a subsequent letter. In view of the ties between those settlers and the authorities, Ponce de Leon suggested that the only effective remedy would be the removal of the Spanish settlers from the province (Ponce de Leon 1702). St. Augustine's pastor had made the same recommendation about two years earlier in a printed memorial to the king (Leturiondo 1700). By contrast, action had been taken by this time to move two of the offend ing Spanish ranches that provoked the complaints of the natives during the 1694-1695 Florencia visitation. Marcos Delgado's ranch, situated between Patale and Bacuqua, had been moved rather promptly to a chicasa of Patale and his herd of swine to a spot five leagues from San Luis. By 1699 the ranch of Diego Jimenez had been relocated five leagues away from its former site to occupy a chicasa of Escambe, which was three leagues from San Luis. Francisco de Florencia, the third rancher against whom the natives of Bacu qua had complained during the visitation, made no move to relocate his ranch, however. He was confident, apparently, that the lieutenant, to whom he was related by marriage, would not enforce the decree against him even though the visitador, Joaquin de Florencia, had made the lieutenant subject to a 50-ducat fine for nonenforcement of these decrees (Florencia 1695; Hinachuba 1699; Ponce de Leon 1702; Zuiiiga y Zerda 1700a:84, 86, 89, 92-93). It is possible that, to avoid compliance with impunity, Francisco de Florencia and the lieu tenant availed themselves of the legal pretext that Florencia did not own the land on which he ran his cattle. During the residencia of Governor Torres, that argumentthat the records did not show that Florencia possessed such a ranchwas used to justify the governor's not having acted to see that the ranch was relocated (Zuniga y Zerda 1700a: 16). Between 1701 and 1714, Spain and much of Europe were embroiled in the struggle over the succession to the Spanish throne and for its resources in Eu rope and throughout the world. The Crown's supervision of developments in the overseas territories was impaired severely, especially in peripheral areas such as Florida. It was a time when the local Spanish authorities were most in need of the loyal support of the natives, especially in areas where the prox imity of hostile English settlements and Indians allied with the English pre sented a serious challenge to the Crown. In Apalachee the natives were griev ously alienated and severely demoralized not only by the abuses of the Spanish settlers but also by a string of other developments that had begun in the early 1680s, which shall be examined in chapter 10.


Villages and Missions of Apalachee and Apalachicola 61 Writing immediately after the destruction of the missions, the Spanish au thorities at St. Augustine spoke of there having been 14 villages in Apalachee on the eve of this calamity, but they did not identify them (Council of War 1704). On the basis of the 1695 and 1697 lists, there could be 15 villages to be accounted for, if one counts the Tocobaga settlement and if one presumes that the Chacato refugees at Escambe in 1694 carried out their plans to settle near San Luis after taking their projected trip. No Chacato village is mentioned in the 1697 or 1698 lists, but documents dating from 1699 and 1702 indicate the presence of Chacato in the area in those years (Hinachuba 1699; Zuniga and Zerda 1700a, 1702). Ocuia may not be included in the 14 because it had been destroyed earlier in 1703. The Spanish authorities may not have counted the Tocobaga settlement in making their calculation because it was not a mis sion site. In any event, the authorities interpret the somewhat muddy English and Spanish records on the destruction of the Apalachee missions to indicate that all of the missions except San Luis and Ivitachuco were either occupied or destroyed between 1703 and mid-1704, when the few surviving Spaniards and the Apalachee Indians who remained loyal withdrew from the province, con sidering their position there untenable. The Spaniards themselves destroyed San Luis and its fort before retreating at the end of July 1704. Ivitachuco had escaped attack by paying a ransom to Colonel James Moore. It is presumed that its inhabitants destroyed it when they joined the other survivors in with drawing from the province (Boyd 1951:12-18; Bushnell 1979:9-13; Jones 1972). When the Spaniards and the natives at Ivitachuco and San Luis withdrew from the province, the only natives mentioned as remaining were a few of the former inhabitants of Escambe. They welcomed the third invasion force of 1704, which was already on its way to the province when the Spanish remnant abandoned San Luis. Two days after the Spanish withdrawal, that force ar rived, killing or imprisoning those remaining from Escambe (Zuniga y Zerda 1704d, 1704e:65-68). Except for the Chacato who migrated to Mobile, little is known of the fate of the non-Apalachee who had been living in the province. The governor iden tified Tama as one of the missions whose people were carried off by the invaders. Another mission, which he called Ocatoses, suffered the same fate; its identity is not known (Zuniga y Zerda 1705). As the Chine village was only one-half league from San Luis, its people may have survived and been in cluded among the Chacato who moved westward. The Tocobaga may have survived the initial onslaughts of 1704 because they were non-Christian and were shielded by their proximity to Ivitachuco. If they remained in the area, they probably fell victim during the subsequent years to one or another of the


62 Apalachee raiding parties that pushed deeper and deeper into central and southern Flor ida. By 1711, as the insatiable English demand for slaves propelled the invad ers to the very tip of the peninsula, even the Keys Indians had learned to fear the name Yamasee (Valdes 1711). When the Spaniards returned to St. Marks in 1718, they found no more than two dozen Tocobaga in the area; these Tocobaga had pledged allegiance to the chief of Caveta in a bid for survival. Fearing that this pledge would not protect them from death or enslavement at the hands of the Cavetans, the Spanish commander dispatched several soldiers to Wacissa via Ayubale to bring the Tocobaga to San Marcos (Primo de Rivera 1718a). One year after the abandonment of the province, Admiral Landeche, after marching to San Luis from St. Marks, conducted a brief reconnaissance of the part of Apalachee in the vicinity of the former headquarters. He left a rough map showing the locations of St. Marks and the villages of the Chinos [sic], Escambe, and Bacuqua in relation to the fort at San Luis. At San Luis he found part of the stockade still standing but no trace of the nearby villages to which he sent infantry details accompanied by persons familiar with the re gion. They simply accepted on faith, he said, their guide's statement that there had been villages at those sites (Landeche 1705). On its face, the admiral's statement seems to mean that there was absolutely no trace of the former villages, but that does not seem to be the case. Americans who visited San Luis in the 1820s and 1830s claimed to have been able to see some signs of the San Luis settlement even then. Diego Pefia appears to have been the first Spaniard to traverse the province after its destruction. On his 1716 journey to the country of the Apalachicola, he listed a considerable number of former mission sites that he passed or on which he camped for the night. He mentioned in this abbreviated list of the former mission villages the following chicasas (Boyd 1949:15): Ivitachuco and Ayubale, presented as being one league apart, after which he passed Capoli on his way to Patale, where he camped for the night, and on the next day passing Tomole and La Tama, while covering the three leagues to San Luis, where he spent the following night, journeying on the next day to the prairie of Ocalquire (Lake Jackson prairie), which extends for more than a league, where they saw over 300 buffalo and a few cows, and where they camped for two nights because of the heavy rain be fore passing on to


Villages and Missions of Apalachee and Apalachicola 63 Escambe, where they spent the night, it having taken them all day to cover the distance of one plus leagues because of the difficulty they experienced in crossing the Rio de Lagna (Ochlockonee), but making four leagues the next day to camp near a pond, after crossing the Rio de Palos (Little River), while following the old road to Savacola, the chicasa of which was now the place of Chislacasliche, which they reached after marching one league to the Flint at its juncture with the Apalachicola and crossing the Flint and going on about half a league farther. In telling of his overland trek to St. Marks, Jose Primo de Rivera men tioned in 1718 only the chicasa of Tomole where he stopped to hunt (Primo de Rivera 1718a). In discussing a plan for reestablishing an inland Spanish settle ment in Apalachee on the site of the former village of Tama, a document in cluded in a 1732 letter to the king by Governor Antonio de Benavides lists 13 of Apalachee's former mission villages and nine of the Timucua villages that were on the royal road. For Apalachee it noted that (Benavides 1732) The thirteen places of Apalachee Indians of which the said province was composed are the following and they are 1, 2, 3, and 4 leagues distant from one another. In the duplicate: San Luis Bagugua Patale Chines Chacattos Chatos Latama (place chosen for the settlement and store[?]) Tomole Ocuia 6 Cuya Espalaga Espalaga Ocone 6 Cone Capole Aiobale Ayubale Y Bitta chuco Bitachuco The words "In the duplicate" are written in English, presumably by Buck ingham Smith while he was making the copy of the document. It is not clear


Table 2.13. Lists and itineraries as indicators of village location and sequence 1655 mission list leagues from St. Augustine Azile Ivitachuco Oconi Ayubale Ocuia Aspalaga Patale Tomole San Luis Cupaica 75 75 77 77 84 86 87 87 88 90 1657 itinerary January 17 January 19 January 19 January 20 January 22 January 23 February 5 February 6 February 6 February 7 February 8 Cupaica Bacucua Patale Aspalaga San Luis Thomole Ocuia Oconi Ayubale Ybitachuco Azile 1675 mission list of Calderon leagues to Asyle Hibitachuco Ayubali Oconi Aspalaga Ocuya Patale Bacuqua Cupahica San Luis Tama Tomoli Tomoli 2 1 1 1 2 4 2 2 1 1 1 2 4 Hibitachuco Ayubali Oconi Aspalaga Ocuya Patale Bacuqua Cupahica San Luis Tama Tomoli Capoli Assumpcion del Puerto


1675 mission list of Hita Salazar 1677 itinerary 1680 mission list of Marques Cabrera No date December 22 December 24 December 29 December 31 December 31 January 2 January 3 January 5 January 6 January 7 January 9 January 9 San Luis Tomole Candelaria San Luis Cupaica Bacuqua Patale Ocuia Aspalaga Oconi Capole Ayubale Ivitachuco Tocopacas Ybithachucu Ajubali Oconi Aspalaga Ocuux Patali Bacuqua Yecambi San Carlos de los Chacatos San Luis Tama Chines Tomoli Ychutafun San Luis Cupaica Bacuqua Patale Ocuya Aspalaga Oconi Ayubale Ivitachuco San Luis Tama Tomoli San Luis on the leagues to 1 2 2 4 1.5 1 0.5 + 1.5 1.5 0.5 + 2 2+ Cupaica Bacuqua Patale Ocuya Aspalaga Oconi Ayubale Ivitachuco Azile Tama Tomoli Capoli Assumption of (continued on next page)


2.13 (continued)_ 1689 mission list of Compostela Hivitachuco Ayubale Oconi Aspalaga Ocuya Hichutafun Tomoli Tama Chines San Luis Patali Bacucua Yscambi San Nicolas de los Chacatos San Carlos de abacola 1693 itinerary 1694 itinerary leagues to San Marcos Tomole San Luis Ilcombe Chacatos village Chacatos village Calistobe Spring Tomole 6 San Luis 3 Ilcombe 12 NW to Chacatos village 1 Palos or Taluga River 5 Calistobe Spring 5 former site of San Nicolas SOURCE: Leonard 1939. November 19 November 19 November 20 November 20 November 20 November 20 November 21 November 24 November 26 November 28 November 28 December 1 Hivitachuco Aiubale Capoli Aspalaga Tomoli San Luis Tama Escabi Bacuqua Patale Ocuia Oconi NOTE: This itinerary is the route taken by the official who preceded Joaquin de Florencia to set the time for the visitation of each village and to make the preliminary announcements.


1694 visitation itinerary of Florencia November 25 November 27 November 27 November 29 November 29 December 1 December 2 December 3 December 4 December 5 December 6 December 7 December 7 December 7 December 9 No date December 10 Escabi Bacuqua Delgado Ranch Patali Ocuia Upalucha Ranch Oconi Hivitachuco Aiubale Capoli Aspalaga Tomole Candelaria Chines San Luis Ochania Ranch San Luis General Assembly 1697 mission list leagues to San Luis Escabi Vacuqua Ocuya Oconi Vitachuco Ayubale Capoli Patali Aspalaga Tomole La Tama 3 2 9 3 2 1 3 1.5 1.5 1.5 1.5 0.5 Escabi Vacuqua Ocuya Oconi Vitachuco Ayubale Capoli Patali Aspalaga Tomole La Tama Chines 1716 itinerary of Diego Pefia Ivitachuco Ayabale Capoli Patale Tomole La Tama San Luis Ocalquire Prairie (Lake Jackson) Ochlokonee River Escambe Across mouth of the Flint River Savacola (Chislacaliche's Town)3 a. This settlement was located a little above the confluence of the Flint and the Chattahoochee rivers about a half league from the west bank of the Flint on the former site of the settle ment of Christian Sabacolans. Diego Pena mentioned stopping for the night at Patale, San Luis, the Ocalquire Prairie, Escambe, and Savacola (Boyd 1949).


68 Apalachee whether the names were duplicated in this fashion in the original. For some reason Cupaica was omitted from the listing. In a curious document written in 1740, a scribe at St. Augustine described the Apalachee countryside, suggesting the division of Florida into entailed estates to be awarded along with titles of nobility in order to attract European settlers. Departing from Fort St. Marks and heading north toward the lands of Caveta, he wrote that his route took him through sandy and swampy flax fields suitable for cattle to the chicasa of the Chacato, which was six leagues from the fort at St. Marks. From there to San Luis there was a league of clayey farmland dotted with hills. And from San Luis to the River of the Chacato8 and the mouth of the Flint it was 12 leagues. He then described the land start ing from St. Marks and heading toward Ivitachuco along the road to St. Au gustine as seven leagues of low and marshy flax lands good for cattle. Then, using Ivitachuco as his point of reference, he remarked that in the vicinity of that settlement there had been other villagesAyubale, Capoli, Aspalaga, Patale, Bacuqua, Tomole, La Tama, and Santa Cruzwhich were spread over eight leagues of very fertile lands, and there were others named Escambe, Ocuia, and Ocone inhabited by Apalachee, and also the Chacato, the Ocata cos (?), and the Tabacos (?) (Castilla 1740).9 Summary Until disaster struck in the form of invasions in 1704, Apalachee's 11 mission centers inhabited by Apalachee and the four mission villages of the Tama, Chine, and Chacato and the Tocobaga settlement had demonstrated remark8. This is probably the Chattahoochee, which may have been named for the Chacatos. In one early document it was spelled Chactahoochee. There are other interpretations for the origin of the name, one, that it is from the Creek for "red," which is chate, as in Iste-chate, "red man" (see Hawkins 1982b:7). 9. The last two names, Ocatacos and Tabacos, are not very legible, so this rendering is open to question. The name Ocatacos is quite close to Ocatoses, one of the five places mentioned by the governor as among those whose inhabitants were carried off by Moore. By a process of elimination it may be adjudged to be a geographical place-name for the village of the Chine, which is the only known village or people not mentioned here by Castilla by its usual name, particularly as he includes Ocatacos among the non-Apalachee. The Tabaco are possibly meant to be the Tocobaga. And it is worthy of note that he specifically mentions Ocone as being a settlement of Apalachee. Because the Chine on several occasions were associated with maritime navigation, and because their village was designated as being on the road to the sea, this name may mean "water" people or some other such association with water. There is a remote possibility that Tabaco may be a corruption of Tavasa. On one occasion late in the mission period some of the Tavasa expressed interest in moving into Apalachee, and the Lamhatty account put some Tavasa near the Lower Apalachicola before 1706 (Swanton 1922:130). In 1707 Indians named Ocatazes allied to the Spaniards lived just outside the fort at Pensacola.


Villages and Missions of Apalachee and Apalachicola 69 able staying power, contrasting favorably with other mission areas. Most of the other areas were prostrate demographically and losing villages steadily within a half century or less of the onset of their missionization. Only Timucuan Yustaga seems to have paralleled Apalachee in longevity. Although the overall number of villages in Apalachee remained stable, there is evidence that a number of them relocated. During the mission era, Cupaica, Bacuqua, Patale, Aspalaga, San Luis, and the Chine and the Chacato are known to have moved. There is good evidence that Ocuia moved as well. As shown in table 2.13, until 1689, mission lists followed a pattern in the enumeration of the missions, whether the lists were derived from a known itinerary or not: Cupaica to Bacuqua to Patale to Ocuia to Aspalaga to Oconi to Ayubale to Ivitachuco as the primary route and Cupaica to San Luis to Tama to Tomole to Capoli to Ayubale to Ivitachuco as a secondary route. The beginning of a shift in the pattern is discernible in the 1689 list and is revealed fully in the 1697 list in which Patale and Aspalaga are linked with Capoli and Tomole rather than with Ocuia and Bacuqua. In the later lists, the early sec ondary route appears to have achieved primacy.


Chapter 3 Apalachee Culture and Customs THE AVAILABLE documents provide little information about the culture and customs of the Apalachee before the mission era, but we do know that theirs, like most southeastern tribes, was a matrilineal society. Positions of authority, such as the chieftainship and the post of inija or second in com mand, passed not to the son of the deceased chief but to his nephew, the son of his eldest sister (Leturiondo 1678; Matheos [1687b]). Despite some Spanish criticism of the practice, the custom seems to have survived intact until the destruction of the Apalachee villages in 1704. In contrast to the Timucua and Guale during the mission era, there is no indication that an Apalachee woman ever succeeded to the chieftainship or other leadership posts. The Apalachee were matrilocal as well; husbands seem to have been required to reside in the village of their wives unless the wife consented to a different arrangement (Florencia 1695:63-64). Under the matrilineal system among the Apalachicola, responsibility for custody, education, and discipline of the children, as well as the provision of clothing for them, rested completely with the mother and her family; the fa ther was not involved. Presumably this was also the case among the Apalachee (Hawkins 1982a:83-84). The survival of this custom was possibly reinforced by the absences of many husbands who had long-term contracts to work out side the province, leaving their wives and children to fend for themselves at home. In 1695 the visitor Florencia forbade married men to accept long-term employment that took them away from their families, broadening article 4 of the constitution of the 1682 diocesan synod, which forbade the employment of married Indians in St. Augustine under such conditions (Leon n.d.). But there is no other evidence that the Spanish authorities sought to impose the Chris tian ideal of paternal responsibility on the matriarchially oriented Apalachee. It was common for the Apalachee to scalp their enemies killed in battle, as it was for the southeastern Indians in general. The attempt by some anthropol70


Apalachee Culture and Customs 71 ogists to argue that scalping was not indigenous lacks historical foundation. The de Soto chronicles establish clearly that the Apalachee scalped their Eu ropean victims during their first contact with the intruders. Christianization of the tribe led to some curbing of the practice, but its survival is reflected in its prohibition by the Spanish authorities as late as 1701 (Zuniga y Zerda 1701). A notable example of its disuse is the 1677 campaign against the Chisca by the warriors of San Luis and Escambe. On that occasion the native leaders resisted pressure from their men to allow scalping of the slain enemy (Fer nandez de Florencia 1678). One reason for the survival of the practice was the link between the achievement of warrior status, known as tascaia, and the killing of an enemy. Exhibition of the slain enemy's scalp was the standard manner of demonstrating one's prowess and right to be admitted to the warrior class. It was the custom to display such scalps in the main council house and to hold a scalp dance to celebrate the warrior's deed. During the dance the warrior wore a crown fashioned out of birds' beaks and the hair of deer and other wild animals. Advancement within the warrior ranks to the status of noroco and nicoguadca depended on killing additional enemies, three scalps to attain the former, ten for the latter, three of which had to be taken from a warrior above the entry-level rank. The nicoguadca of the Apalachee may have been the equivalent of the Apalachicola's "Great Warrior." After the ceremony the warriors attached the scalps to their bows or to a staff. This round of kill ings became self-perpetuating: it was incumbent on the victim's village or clan to avenge his death by slaying someone from the killer's family, village, or clan (Garcia 1695; Junta of War 1705; Leturiondo 1678; Pena 1706; Zuniga y Zerda 1701). Just before the destruction of the missions, St. Augustine's pas tor recorded the survival of these customs: The Indians of those provinces, and principally the Apalache, have been and are the most valiant of all those lands. Thej also use some hatchets that they bear attached to the leather belt worn about the waist [en la petrina] with which they remove the scalp of those whom they kill and they carry it to the council house on a pine branch as an indication of their victory. There they hang it up and they dance the war dance for many days. They are so bloodthirsty that, if some Indian from their vil lage is killed by one from another, they do not rest until they revenge the killing either on the one who did it or on someone else from his village. In order to give battle they dress themselves elaborately, after their usage, painted all over with red ochre and with their heads full of multi colored feathers. (Leturiondo [1700]: 199-200) The best-known feature of Apalachee culture is sports, particularly one of their ball games. They had at least three different games: the game of chunkey,


r*"*^ Loc \of / Ipg ^^v ation 7igure N 5? % ':--...,,,, ^ North Fig. 3.1. Tribal groups of Timucua.


Apalachee Culture and Customs 73 which they shared with a number of other tribes;1 a ball game for women played with cane rackets; and the game known best by its Spanish name, el juego de pelota, or, simply, the ball game. The title of the ball game manu script (appendix 2), from which our knowledge of the game derives, pro claims that the Apalachee shared the game with the neighboring Yustaga from time immemorial (fig. 3.1). All the Timucua as far east as Potano seem to have been addicted to the sport (Leturiondo 1678). The coastal Timucua's game pictured by the French was distinct. Boys played a milder intramural version of the Apalachee game. Considerable information on this game has survived because of the re search done by two literate Hispanicized natives, who served as interpreters, and the animosity that San Luis's pastor developed toward the game in the mid-1670s. The marked non-Christian religious overtones of the pregame cere monies and the game itself and the superstitious practices associated with both, along with the game's brutality, aroused the suspicions and eventually the hostility of many clergy. As early as the 1650s and probably earlier, some friars had forbidden their parishioners to play the game. In response to the natives' complaints, Governor Rebolledo (during his 1657 visitation) explic itly forbade the clerics to ban this native game. In 1675, appalled by the bru tality exhibited in the milder juvenile version of the game, which he had wit nessed, Bishop Calderon reinvigorated the opposition to the game by issuing a ban on playing it. But Friar Juan de Paiva, then the pastor at San Luis, per suaded him to rescind the ban. Possibly inspired by this incident or by Friar Paiva, the two interpreters then conducted an inquiry into the origins of the game and the ceremonies and customs associated with it. They incorporated their findings in a report, usually referred to as the cuaderno, or notebook, that was critical of the game. Perturbed by scruples over the wisdom of his intercession with the bishop, Friar Paiva began to observe the game more critically. Influenced by his observances and above all by the two interpreters' report, Friar Paiva became convinced that the game was evil in itself and in its consequences. Inspired by this change of heart, he wrote a treatise condemn ing the game. He based the treatise largely on the interpreters' findings but incorporated his own observations as well, and he developed new arguments to win wider support for its prohibition throughout the province. Juan Fer nandez de Florencia, then the governor's lieutenant in Apalachee, lent his sup port to the effort to eliminate the game. Nonetheless, elements in both the native and the Spanish communities continued to defend the game and to press for the lifting of the new ban. When Domingo de Leturiondo arrived for his visitation of the province, held in the village of Tomole in late 1677, he 1. Quisio is the term used for it in the ball game manuscript. It is not clear whether this is the Spanish or the native name for the game.


74 Apalachee made the issue of the ball game the principal business of the general assembly of all the leaders of the province. Lending his support to the campaign against the game, he incorporated Friar Paiva's manuscript into the visitation record.2 The ball game was a village affair. Its pregame ceremonies and prepara tions involved the entire community. Of the raising of the ball post and the ceremonies surrounding it, Friar Paiva remarked, "It was their greatest fes tival." Although referring to the Creek, the following comment aptly captures the spirit and intensity with which the Apalachee approached the game: "Far more than a sport, the intertown ball games called by the Creek 'the younger brother of war' provided ways for young men to gain honors in time of peace" (Green 1979:10). Among the mission-era Apalachee this function probably assumed even more importance as Christianization and the Spanish promo tion of peace between them and the neighboring tribes lessened the incidence of warfare for almost half a century. Green suggested as well that the Creek game served to maintain peace and solidarity among the people of a single town (Green 1979:10). It is interesting that those who opposed the banning of the Apalachee game in the mid-1670s advanced a similar argument as a reason to justify the continuation of the games. The ball game was also an integral part of the aboriginal religious obser vance. In particular, the ceremonies surrounding the raising of the goalpost had strong religious overtones, moving Friar Paiva to characterize the pole as "this ballpost of the devil." Similarly, the preparations for the game included a number of prescribed rituals suggestive either of religious associations or su perstitious beliefs. The practices indicative of the latter were viewed as neces sary to guarantee or at least to enhance the chances of victory. Although most of the practices with religious associations had fallen into disuse, they were a major factor in the friars' hostility toward the game. The ball game also provided an outlet for the natives' penchant for gam bling. Wagers made on the outcome of the game ranged up to a family's entire possessions, including even its food supply for the winter. In this aspect and in those which made it a substitute for war, the Apalachee ball game seems to have some possible parallels with the Aztecs' Xochiyaotl or Flowery Wars and with the game played on the well-known Mayan ball court. The basic components of the game were a tall goalpost (fig. 3.2) sur mounted by an eagle's nest containing a stuffed eagle and a few shells; a small hard buckskin ball, slightly larger than a musket ball, filled with dried mud into which human hair was occasionally mixed; and two teams of varying 2. Unless indicated otherwise by a footnote citation, all the information presented here on the ball game was drawn from the writer's transcription of the Stetson photostat of the ball game manuscript contained in the 1677-1678 Leturiondo visitation record. In this chapter, information drawn from that source is not explicitly referenced to that transcription. The entire text of the ball game manuscript appears in appendix 2.


Apalachee Culture and Customs Fig. 3.2. Apalachee ball game post and legends. size. The number of players varied with the size of the villages playing, but sides of 40 or 50 were typical. In contrast to the parallel games of the Creek and the Timucua, no instruments but the human hand and foot were used to propel the ball. The foot was used exclusively for hurling the ball at the post. The players dressed only in a deerskin loincloth. They painted their bodies in colors associated with the dominant clans of the town, at times using a fetid greasy stew as the vehicle for the body paint, and they braided their hair. Ap parently one strike (point) was awarded each time the post was struck with the ball propelled by the foot. If the ball lodged in the eagle's nest, the feat


76 Apalachee counted for two strikes. Victory went to the first team to achieve eleven strikes. At the start of the game all the players bunched together on the field, as Friar Paiva put it, "like a clump of pine cones," waiting for a village leader to toss the ball to them. As soon as someone caught the ball, a general melee ensued as the rival hordes of players struggled with one another to possess it. This mob scene was graphically portrayed in the ball game manuscript: And they fall upon one another at full tilt. And the last to arrive climb up over their bodies, using them as stairs. And, to enter, others step on their faces, heads, or bellies, as they encounter them taking no notice [of them] and aiming kicks without any concern whether it is to the face or to the body, while in other places still others pull at arms or legs with no concern as to whether they may be dislocated or not, while still others have their mouths filled with dirt. When this pileup begins to be come untangled, they are accustomed to find four or five stretched out like tuna; over them are others gasping for breath, because, inasmuch as some are wont to swallow the ball, they are made to vomit it up by squeezing their windpipe or by kicks to the stomach. Over there lie others with an arm or a leg broken. [See appendix 2 for complete trans lation of this section.] Some of those described above as being stretched out like tuna apparently were prostrated by the heat. The game was played only during the summer, starting at midday or two in the afternoon, probably because of its association with the placation of the deified forces of nature vital to a good crop. Father Paiva described the players' faces as ruddy, as if they were aflame, and said buckets of water were used to revive them. The friar saw in this action one of the causes of the natives' high mortality, remarking, "What kind of remedy is this, when they have their pores open in this fashion? How can these wretches stay alive thus? Accordingly, they are destroying themselves and this nation is being extinguished. And all this is only a sketch." Violence often was not confined to the game itself. Paiva reported that of five successive games at San Luis, "not one concluded without becoming a live war," which apparently spread to the spectators. Only the presence of soldiers, he concluded, prevented serious incidents. Among the injuries pro duced by the brutality of the game, he catalogued broken legs, permanently maimed hands, broken ribs, and the loss of sight in an eye. It was not un known, he affirmed, for people to be killed in the course of the game, assert ing that he was aware of two such deaths in the plaza of San Luis. Friar Paiva went on to mention that those who defended the game argued that it was good policy for some villages to be in conflict with others and that


Apalachee Culture and Customs 77 this was merely healthy competition and not something morbid. Bushnell sug gested that this intervillage rivalry had become intense by 1677, especially between San Luis and most of the rest of Apalachee. According to Bushnell, this rivalry was responsible for the cold shoulder shown San Luis's call in 1677 for volunteers for a punitive expedition against the Chisca of western Florida who had been making hostile forays into Apalachee (Bushnell 1978b:9). Only the chief of nearby Cupaica responded, bringing 70 warriors with him. Ayu-bale, Tomole, and Aspalaga contributed a total of six men, who went without any encouragement from their chiefs. The two non-Apalachee settlements of the Chine and the Chacato, which were located on lands belonging to San Luis, furnished eight and ten men, respectively (Fernandez de Florencia 1678). The official report on this expedition gives no explanation for the other villages' disinterest, but Hawkins's remark concerning the decisions for war among the Creek suggests another possible explanation: "It is seldom a town is unanimous, the nation never is; and within the memory of the oldest man among them, it is not recollected that more than one half the nation have been for war at the same time or taken as they express it, the war talk" (Hawkins 1982b:72). Proceeding in accord with a prescribed ritual, villages formally chal lenged each other to a ball game. The messenger was to appear in the guise of a raccoon.3 He wore a raccoon's tail and something like horns on his head. He painted his face red and his body black with superimposed streaks of red, with the result, as Paiva put it, that he appeared to be the devil himself. The mes senger carried some noisemakers with him, such as rattles, small bells, or cowbells. If the rival village accepted his challenge, he would return to his village on the run, sounding the rattle and bells with great eclat. If the chal lenge were declined, he slunk back quietly with his instruments tied to a pole slung over his shoulder. Paiva does not indicate how often these challenges were presented or accepted, except obliquely, remarking that the Spanish au thorities had to intervene at times so that the playing of the game did not lead to the neglect of the crops. The friar did not indicate whether the messenger's colors described here were peculiar to San Luis or were used by messengers from all the villages. The colors used by the players themselves differed from village to village and, apparently, were based on the colors of the animals that were totems of the predominant clans in the village (Bushnell 1978b: 13). In preparation for the game, an elaborate series of rituals was observed in order to avoid defeat and to enhance the chances of victory. These rituals con stituted a set of rules to be obeyed. The first rule required the players to assem ble in the main council house or around the goalpost to maintain a vigil during 3. The Spanish word used here, tejon, means badger. But, inasmuch as the badger is not known to have been an inhabitant of the region in historic times, raccoon seems to be a more appropriate translation.


78 Apalachee the night before the game, talking very quietly and occasionally howling like wolves. Flat, low benches made of hollowed-out logs were placed there so that they might sit facing the village with which they were to play. For the placing of the players' seats during the game itself, recourse was had to the interpretation of the dreams of several elderly men who would be awakened early in the morning to be questioned on the nature of their dreams. A new fire was to be lit and then reserved for the preparation of the ceremonial onsla, or gruel, for the usinulo ("beloved one") and for lighting his tobacco. Before the game this fire was carried out to the playing field and placed in front of it. Except for a prescribed number of spoonfuls of onsla, the usinulo was to fast on the day before the game and to smoke a special mixture of tobaccos com posed of the natives' acchumafino and atabac. The chief was to fast on the night before the game, taking only copious amounts of carina, a tealike bev erage, and smoking the same mixture as the usinulo. The chief was to advise the players during the night, exhorting them to risk their very lives in the quest for victory. The players, in turn, were to ply the chief steadily with cacina to the point of making him nauseated. The team was to enter the field with a few less than the agreed-upon complement of players. If this move induced their rivals to suggest that they complete the roster by choosing some young men from the bystanders, their chances for winning were improved. The people of the village were also supposed to maintain a vigil known as "sleeping the ball." If any of the villagers felt misgivings about their chances for victory, they could enhance their odds by burying a scalp under the rivals' goalpost. If they threw the scalp into their rivals' fire, that would serve as an even more effective charm. Collectively, this array of charms to influence the game's out come was known as the chacalica. To nullify these charms, the rival village would adopt countermeasures known as the chacalica chacalica.4 The most striking of these measures was the preparation of a fetid stew made by cooking a turkey, squirrel, or raccoon for three or four days. This foul, greasy mixture would be blended with the clays the Indians used to paint themselves. The object of this was to upset their rivals and thereby neutralize the rivals' magic as the players began to pass out. A less odiferous countermeasure sometimes resorted to was a potion of finger-length sticks tied in a bundle and cooked in a pot of special cacina. The number of sticks equaled the number of players on the rival team. The cacina for this ceremony was to be made from leaves of trees in the inland forests rather than from the coastal plant that was customarily used. This magic was supposed to make the opposing players weak. While the game was in progress, the pot had to be kept covered or the team would certainly lose the game. 4. In the ball game manuscript, this native term is followed by its equivalent in Spanish, the contra de la contra or "the against, or counter, of the counter."


Apalachee Culture and Customs 79 For the raising of the ball post, an even more elaborate ritual, pregnant with religious symbolism and magical formulas, was prescribed. The goal post depicted in the Paiva manuscript is like a flagpole on its lower portion and has the appearance of a flat Christmas tree on the upper portion. The edges of the upper portion are adorned with a series of equidistant sassafras pegs, five to a side. Suspended from the outer edge of each peg is what ap pears to be a short tassel, and inscribed below each of the ten pegs in a mi nuscule script is the word atari. The other inscriptions on this drawing are in Spanish, so this word is probably Spanish as well. The letter r in the word seems to rule out its being an Apalachee name. Although there appears to be no such word in modern Spanish, it may well be an obsolete derivative of the verb atar, meaning "to tie," and may indicate that the grapevines used to raise the post were tied to those pegs or that the decorations placed on the post were tied there. The top bears an eagle's nest, a stuffed eagle, and some small spiral shells. Paiva's remark "because a pole like the one you see, this is set up in all the places, with the baubles with which they decorate it and which they hang from it" seems to indicate that additional insignia adorned the post. The pre scribed ritual for raising the post had to be observed meticulously in order to avoid bad luck for the villages in the games played under it. Once the post was raised, it was probably left in place until it was brought down by the forces of nature. The posts appear to have been struck by lightning frequently. Paiva reported that during the late 1660s and early 1670s, lightning struck and burned the posts at San Luis, Bacuqua, and Patale. This event is especially fitting as there was an association in the Apalachee pantheon between the game and its goalpost and the gods identified with rain and thunderstorms. One of the myths recorded by Paiva suggests that a purpose of the games was to assure adequate rains for the crops. The rituals for setting up a goalpost were elaborate. Once the pole's basic frame had been assembled, but before the sassafras pegs were attached, the crown was to be put in place facing the east. The hole for raising the pole had to face west. The eagle atop the pole also had to face the setting sun. Only grapevines were to be used in raising the pole. These were in memory of the vines used by the game's patron, Nicoguadca, to divert the snakes in one of the trials he endured. For some time before the raising of the pole, warriors were to dance around the pole to the sound of a drum, occasionally howling like dogs, at other times barking, and at still others making wolflike noises. In one of the earlier translations of this passage, these warriors were presented as having to dance to the sun with a tambourine. However, the Spanish text here is very clearly "Avian de estar las tascaias vailando al son de um tamboril al rededor al palo," meaning to the sound of a drum around a pole. For the actual raising of the post, groups of men and women were to pull on the vines from different sides. The warriors were to continue their dance

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80 Apalachee during the raising of the pole, and they were to be joined by six women and by six additional warriors. During this ceremony no woman was to remain in her house. A young unmarried woman, carrying the lacrosse-like stick used in the women's ball game, was to perform some unspecified ceremony beneath the pole in memory of Nicotaijulo, the mother of Nicoguadca. As the pole was about to be set in place, the usinulo was to pay reverence to the pole in a cere mony known as the gua. Placing his hands together as a Christian would to pray, the usinulo uttered the word "gua" three times, then poured a libation of cacina to the pole. He also performed other unspecified rituals at this time. Paiva viewed the rituals performed by the usinulo as an idolatrous worship of the pole and of the gods of lightning and rain with which it and the game were associated. A final rule stipulated that a human skull or scalp be placed at the foot of the post in honor of Ytonanslac, the founder of the game and the pa tron of the players. The ritual for the raising of the pole also prescribed that a dance be held on the night before that event. For that evening the usual taboos governing sexual conduct were suspended. Paiva described this feature of the ceremony: "As a guarantee of good luck for the season, any man had carte-blanche to touch, fondle, etc. any of the women who came, whether they were married or single." The headman, he remarked, went about exhorting the women not to defend themselves against these advances lest the village lose all the games it played under that pole and lest their husbands and brothers and leaders thereby lose everything they owned, referring to the natives' custom of mak ing substantial wagers on the outcome of the game. The musketball-sized missile used in the game was to be made of buckskin from the animal's hooves in order to give the one who caught the ball the speed of the deer. During the mission era, Sunday afternoon was the favorite time for the game. The sources say nothing about the size or preparation of the playing field. The observation that the players often had their mouths filled with dirt as they struggled for possession of the ball indicates that it was cleared of vegetation rather than grassy. There are indications as well that the village's central plaza was the playing field, as it was with the Creek later. Neutral fields were chosen on occasion, possibly to lessen the distance to be traveled by the "visiting" team. The ball game manuscript mentions a game between San Luis and Ivitachuco having been played at Ocuia. The entire population of the village customarily attended the game. Paiva commented in shocked tones about the lack of family supervision and togetherness that char acterized these outings. Once it was announced that there was a ball game, they all foolishly ran to see it. They went whichever way they chose. The husband took off by

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Apalachee Culture and Customs 81 one path, the wife by another. And if they had a daughter or sons, each one chose his own path, except that they all went to see the ball [game]. The husband did nothing to prevent his wife or his children from going with whomever they pleased and to wherever they pleased. [See appen dix 2 for complete translation of this section.] Such conduct would be incomprehensible to seventeenth-century Spanish so ciety, whose self-respecting members closely circumscribed the movements of wives and daughters and chaperoned them almost everywhere they went. The emptying of the villages was also an occasion for thefts from the de serted dwellings. Their open doorways were covered at most by a few branches, useful only for keeping out animals. If Friar Paiva is to be believed, not all the prospective players were eager to participate. They often had to be cajoled into playing by entreaties or by a gift of something with which to wager. Skilled players were especially pam pered. To keep them in the village, they were given a house, their fields were planted for them, and their misdeeds were winked at by the village authorities. Paiva's account of the ceremonies associated with the game as well as his litanies detailing its evils are straightforward and informative. The manuscript is less satisfactory as a source of information on the symbolism, mythology, and religious overtones of the ball game and its appurtenances. In particular, his account of the myths concerning the origins of the game in the tribe's re mote past are disjointed and confusing. The following is the basic story line of that mythic account. In the days when all the Apalachee were non-Christian, there were two chiefs who lived in neighboring villages. One bore the name Ochuna Nicoguadca, which signifies the lightning bolt. The other, Ytonanslac, was an elderly and wise leader. (Paiva indicated that his name also was identified with one of the native gods.) Ytonanslac had an orphaned granddaughter, Nicotai-julo, whose name signified "woman of the sun." Every day she was sent by the village leaders to fetch water. In the course of this employment she be came pregnant and gave birth to a son and hid him among some bushes, where the panther, the bear, and the blue jay found him. Having introduced the mythic protagonists, Father Paiva proceeded with the story. And they brought him to Itonanslac, his great-grandfather. And they told him how his granddaughter, Nicotaijulo, had given birth to that child. He then ordered that they should not say anything to anybody or reveal that his granddaughter had given birth. He was given the name Chita. They do not know what it means, nor have I been able to discover it. He was reared to the age of twelve with this name, and [then] it was

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82 Apalachee changed, and he was given another, which was Oclafi, Baron of water. This is their way of speaking. He was reared with that name until the twentieth year. And [then], it was taken from him and he was given an other, which was eslafiayupi. Neither did they know what this one meant.5 They say they are ignorant of it. The which young man excelled everyone in courage and in his skill with the bow and arrow and the game of quicio [chunkey], which all these nations play, which is [played] with two long poles about three yardsticks in length and a flat and round stone. Ochuna Nicoguadca harbored suspicions that that young man was the son of Taijulo, because his shamans had told him or prognosticated, as we would say, that the son to which Nico taijulo gave birth was des tined to kill him. And in order [to learn] if perchance this was so, he tried to see if he might kill him. And he set the following three traps for him, so that he might perish in one. Take note that the Ytonanslaq had commanded his great-grandson that, concerning everything that they ordered him to do or that hap pened, that it was important for him that he should let him know about it before he obeyed it. And, accordingly, [when] he was ordered first, that he should go to a certain place, where there was a large and very deep sinkhole, that he should obtain flints there for arrowheads, and that they should not be from any other place, the young man went at once and told his great-grandfather of what they were ordering him [to do]. And he said to him, son, this spring is very deep. You cannot obtain the flints from it without risking your life. He gave him some beads [made] of shell and told him to give those beads to a little bird that would be there diving and ask for the flints from it. And so he went, gave it the beads, and asked it for them [the flints]. And it gave them [to him], and he brought them to Ochuna Nicoguadca. [See appendix 2 for complete translation of this section.] Ochuna Nicoguadca then gave his nemesis two more dangerous tasks to per form. The young rival was to bring some bamboo for arrow shafts from a canebrake filled with venomous snakes and some fledgling eagles from a certain treetop nest. When Eslafiayupi, aided by the advice of his great grandfather, returned unscathed and successful, Ochuna Nicoguadca con cluded that he could not kill him in this fashion and then arranged that they 5. Evelyn Peterson suggested that Father Paiva's native informants may well have known the meanings of these names but would not tell the uninitiated because they occupied so exalted a niche in the Apalachee's mythology.

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Apalachee Culture and Customs 83 should play the ball game. This portion of the myth ends with the comment "This is how it had its beginning and it is in this fashion." At this point in the manuscript Paiva digressed to explain, at length, how the challenge was presented, how the game was played, and other aspects of the game. On returning to the story line, he recounted that "His players hav ing come together, Ytonanslac gave them the rules so that they would not lose." After listing the first four of those rules, Paiva resumed the story line. They entered the plaza and, on being asked if their people were as sembled and at full strength, those on Ytonanslac's side said "no," that they were short so many people. The rivals told them that they should choose from those young men who were in the vicinity. They called to eslafiayupi, the son of Nicotaijulo, he who killed the eagle and tricked the snakes, etc., and who gave the appearance of being ill, leaning up against a post, wrapped with a cloak of feathers. And upon his entering the game, the battle was begun. And when those of Ytonanslac had reached seven, eslafiayupi let out a thunderous roar and they were all terrified. And eslafiayupi was recognized for Nicoguadca, who is the Lightning-flash, son of Nicotaijulo and of the sun, who is nico. And since then it has remained for an omen that the first who arrived at seven would win because Nicoguadca helped him. And the rivals lose heart at once. And they were accustomed to tell this story every night, some times in the council house and sometimes under the ballpost. [See ap pendix 2 for a complete translation of this section.] The next paragraph is confusing because Paiva uses pronouns without clearly establishing their antecedents and because the protagonists share the name Nicoguadca. Consequently, the various translators of this manuscript have differed in their renditions of this paragraph. According to my reading of the Spanish text, the story proceeds as follows: After having lost at the ball [game], Ochuna Nicoguadca challenged Nicoguadca to play at el quisio [chunkey], which is the game, which at the beginning, I said all these nations play, which is with a stone and two poles, for, as I say, he challenged Nicoguadca, and having won from him all that he had, they say that he tried to ensnare him and he pre tended to the aforesaid Ochuna Nicoguadca that he was thirsty and wanted to go to drink. And they say nicoguadca hit the ground with the stick's sharp end [and] made water spring forth, and said to him, "Drink." At this point he pretended to need to relieve himself. And Ni coguadca fashioned a little thicket for him and said, "Over here." And

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84 Apalachee finally he said he was going to light a tobacco and entered into a house and opened a hole [in the wall] and fled to Apalachocolo. And Nico guadca then went in search of him with his warriors. And they say that he formed much fog, cold mists, [and] frost, etc. But despite it all he vanquished him and killed him and his warriors. And his vassals fash ioned the ball pole for him that is shown here on this page. [See appen dix 2 for a complete translation of this section.] Others who have wrestled with this muddy text have presented versions of this episode that differ from mine to some degree. (The Spanish text of this para graph appears in appendix 2 for those who wish to translate it for themselves.) If my rendition of the Spanish text is correct, it indicates that at the end of the struggle it was the younger Nicoguadca who perished rather than Ochuna Nicoguadca, whose death at the hands of the younger man had been foretold by the older man's shaman. Such a resolution of the plot seems contrary to the logic of a traditional European story line, which would call for victory by the new Nicoguadca. Influenced perhaps by such a consideration, Bushnell pre sented a version of this episode in which Ochuna Nicoguadca pretended to be thirsty (Bushnell 1978b: 11). In my transcript of the Spanish text, there is no question that it was the younger Nicoguadca who pretended to be thirsty. The phrase "fingio al tal Ochuna Nicoguadca que tenia sede" (he pretended to the said Ochuna Nicoguadca that he was thirsty), assuming it is a faithful rendi tion of the original text, can only mean that Ochuna Nicoguadca was the indi rect object of the verb fingio, "he pretended." Concerning the regular use of the preposition a before nouns denoting definite persons, which are used as direct objects, George E. McSpadden comments in his Introduction to Span ish Usage, "Because of the flexibility of Spanish word order, this personal a construction is often the means of distinguishing the object from the subject. It is therefore most important to be able to recognize and use this construc tion" (1956:50). The a can serve the same function before nouns used as indi rect objects. Also in Bushnell's version of the pursuit passage, Ochuna Nico guadca, rather than the younger Nicoguadca, was caught and killed by his rival. On this point, Bushnell admits that her interpretation is conjectural be cause of the unclear pronoun references in the text and, I would add, the fact that the rivals shared the name Nicoguadca. I agree with Bushnell that any interpretation of the pursuit passage must be conjectural. Some of the problems with this text probably result from its being a myth that was translated into Spanish from Apalachee, in which the interpreters probably recorded it, by a friar whose polemical work was in spired by a certain amount of passion. Accordingly, it is difficult to determine definitively which Nicoguadca triumphed. A strict adherence to the rules of

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Apalachee Culture and Customs 85 grammar and the maintenance of logical sequence would make the younger Nicoguadca the author of the various strategems for escape and the one who fled and was caught and killed by the elder one, Ochuna Nicoguadca. On the other hand, the logic of the story line would favor victory by the younger one, for the pole was dedicated to Ytonanslac. To effect this, his and the young Nicoguadca's vassals would have to have survived. I lean toward the younger Nicoguadca as the one who triumphed. Whichever Nicoguadca emerged as victor, in the wake of the elimination of one of the Nicoguadcas, the vassals of the victorious Nicoguadca fashioned the goalpost in his honor.6 The myth concludes in this fashion. When Nicoguadca wished to die, he called together all his leaders to inform them that he was going to die, telling them that whoever wished to become Nicoguadca and to remain in his place had to kill seven tascaias or warriors and three hitas tascaias (a special cate gory of warriors). Having done so, he would be Nicoguadca. At this point Friar Paiva interrupted the narrative with a related anecdote. As my children have told me, those from San Luis that not long ago there died an Indian named Talpagana Luis, who had a staff or club the size of a benoble, and on the tip of the said pole, some scalps, and some painted. And I asked who [or possibly, what] that was. And they told me that he [or it] was Itatascaia and now they have confessed to me that he was Nicoguadca. While I was priest of this doctrina, the year of seventy-one, I left [to become] guardian of the convent of St. Augustine. And during this time, while the Reverend Fray Francisco Maillo was its priest, this In dian died, and they still tell me that he said he would have to come back and burn the ball post. As though by the just judgments of God Our Lord, a lightning bolt fell that year and burned that of San Luis. And another year, another fell and burned that of Bacuqua, it having hap pened two years before that another had fallen in Patale and burned an other pole? [sic], [See appendix 2 for a complete transcription of this section.] Returning to the story of the Nicoguadca's death, Friar Paiva reported that Nicoguadca instructed his vassals that as soon as he died, they should put his body in some big pots with squash, melons, and watermelons, fill the pots 6. Here Bushnell has "erected the palo de pelota," and Peterson has "invented the ball post." If either phrase is taken literally, it would seem to suggest that they played the first game without a goalpost. This in turn raises the question of how they achieved a score. It probably means simply that they dedicated the existing one to the god Nicoguadca and decorated it in some fashion to indicate that.

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86 Apalachee with water, and boil them well so that he might be converted into steam, in order that, when they had planted their fields, he might remember them and return to give them water. He said, "And accordingly, when you hear it thunder, it is a sign that I am coming." Paiva closed with the remark "And thus, they say, did he go, and that he did it. And up to the present, they, and particularly the old ones, continue to believe that when it thundered Nicoguadca was on his way to give them water." From this paragraph it is clear why the friars asserted that this ball game had religious overtones and symbolism. It seems to have been associated with the forces of nature, through the sun-god, the rain-god, and the lightning-boltgod, the most vital powers to an agricultural people. Among the Creek a thunder-god enjoyed a prominent position in the pantheon. The suggestion of his successive incarnations in noted human warriors might imply that Nicoguadca was a messenger of the gods or a lesser godbut was still a very im portant personage to placate, both to ensure rain and to avoid harmful light ning strikes, definitely a consideration for a hilltop-dwelling people in an area prone to cloud-to-ground lightning. From the viewpoint of European theogony, there is an unusually strong element of human volition in the trans mogrification of the ambitious superwarrior into Nicoguadca. When the reigning Nicoguadca was ready to die, he assembled his leaders and told them that whoever wished to become Nicoguadca should follow certain steps. Sev eral references to sun and lightning suggest that they associated the lightning bolt or its god with the sun-god and recognized it or him, or both, as a har binger of rain. The second incarnation of Nicoguadca in the ball game origin myth is the offspring of the sun and the "Woman of the sun,"7 and the name for the sun, Nico, is part of the name for the lightning bolt, Nicoguadca. That the game was played only during the summer and that it was so identified with the sun-god and rain-god suggest that the playing of the game was not only a form of sport and a means of projecting a village's power and enjoyment of divine favor but also was designed to assure good crops. Paiva had always had some misgivings about the game, but in view of the royal policy forbidding interference with native customs that were not con trary to Christian law, he had not felt that his qualms were sufficiently grave to warrant prohibition of the game. When Bishop Calderon banned the game in 1675, Paiva had even intervened in support of the game, persuading the bishop to rescind the ban. However, because he had observed the game more 7. Laudonniere noted that the Timucua used the expression "daughters of the sun" but gave no indication that the term had any special religious connotation. Among the Inca, those among the "chosen women" who were consecrated to the service of the sun god became "Virgins of the Sun" or Mamacuna, and their high priestess was considered the wife of the Sun (Mason 1957: 181).

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Apalachee Culture and Customs 87 closely and inquired into its origins and the practices associated with it, he began to have second thoughts about his stand before the bishop. He also per ceived potentially disastrous political consequences resulting from the intervillage hostility awakened by the game. His concern is evident in his remark that in 1676 "the province was on the point of being lost, all as a result of this game. My conscience began to bother me with the weight of scruples con cerning them [his reasons for defending the game] and to make me respon sible for everything that could happen." Bushnell attributed Paiva's concern in this matter to the 1675 Chisca-influenced revolt among the newly converted Chacato and to a Chisca raid on Ivitachuco in 1676. The friar had been di rectly involved in the revolt, having served as a peacemaker to bring it to an end (Bushnell 1978b:8; Hita Salazar 1675a). The raid on Ivitachuco and other attacks by the Chisca in the vicinity of San Luis had kept the inhabitants of that region in a continual state of alarm during the spring and early summer of 1677. These attacks were the principal motive for the Apalachee's retaliatory expedition against the Chisca after the harvest that year (Fernandez de Florencia 1678). Although the authorities used the unrest among the Chacato as an argument for fortifying the port of Apalachee to instill respect among the Apalachicola, the unrest does not seem to have been the threat Paiva believed it to be. If the threat had been that serious, both Ivitachuco's failure to participate in the retaliatory expedition and the lieutenant's lack of involvement in it seem inexplicable, despite any ill feelings toward San Luis because of its performance on the playing field. Nevertheless these threats influenced Friar Paiva's position on the game's harmlessness, and he began to question various village interpreters about the game. Two of the interpreters in particular, Diego Salvador, the government's interpreter, and Juan Mendoza, parish interpreter and a native leader at San Luis, worked diligently to assemble information on this topic.8 Salvador, who wrote the report, consulted the chief of Samoche (a satellite village of Tomole) and an inija of Oconi as his major sources. Mendoza turned to his fa ther, who told him the entire story, having witnessed the raising of a post in San Diego (another of Tomole's satellite villages). In light of their having to consult older authorities, rather than relying on their own experience, and be cause the friars apparently had contact with little beyond the playing of the game itself, we can assume that many of the pregame ceremonies and rituals surrounding the raising of the ball post had fallen into disuse. Diego Salvador had been on the scene in a leadership role since 1656 at least, having served as royal interpreter in the 1657 visitation of Apalachee and Timucua. The In8. There is some confusion concerning the position of Mendoza, who is referred to as chief of San Luis by Bushnell. I believe the holata in his name was a surname rather than a title of office. His position will be discussed in more detail in chapter 4.

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88 Apalachee dians who opposed the extinction of the game advanced the argument that the ceremonies recorded by Diego Salvador had once existed but were no longer practiced. Undoubtedly certain vestiges of these ceremonies did survive, par ticularly some on the night before the game, such as staying awake all night, howling like wolves, and kindling the new fire, all of which Paiva said he or other friars had witnessed. In reference to the "sleeping of the ball" he re corded that, in a certain village to which he had gone one Sunday as a sub stitute for the absent pastor, he found the Indians in despair over their chances of winning an upcoming game. They attributed their recent losses of two suc cessive games to their having abandoned that pagan practice. They said they were denied the chance to try a Christian substitute because the church was closed to them on Saturday night. Paiva also recorded that he had seen the painting of the body of the runner sent to present the challenge to a game to a rival village. He also noted that upon witnessing the raising of a ball post with grapevines, he offered ropes to the Indians. They declined the offer, saying the grapevines were stronger and used also in memory of the hoops that Eslafiayupi made to distract the snakes. Fortified with this research, Paiva began his campaign for the formal abo lition of the ball game. At an assembly of the leaders of San Luis and its satel lite villages, Diego Salvador read the account of his and Juan Mendoza's findings, and Paiva proposed that they quit the ball game, presenting his own arguments. After a delay they acceded to his request but apparently with some reluctance. Bushnell speculated that Paiva then composed a first draft of the extant ball game manuscript using the notebook of Diego Salvador and Juan Mendoza and his own reminiscences. He did this to win the support of the governor, his agents, and the Franciscan provincial for a ban on the game that would include all of Apalachee and Yustaga (Bushnell 1978b: 13-14). In the meantime, his campaign met with some success among other Indian leaders, as a number of caciques pulled down the ball posts in their villages and erected crosses in their place. The governor's deputy for Apalachee, Captain Juan Fer nandez de Florencia, summoned the native leaders to a meeting and conveyed the governor's appreciation for the steps they had taken. Diego Salvador as sured the Indians of the validity of Paiva's charges against the game, and then a number of the sympathetic leaders spoke, affirming their belief in Diego Sal vador's assurances. Nonetheless, strong opposition to the proscription of the game continued. The dissidents argued that the game as then played had been stripped of its pagan superstitions and religious connotations. While rejecting that argument out of hand, Paiva, in a moment of candor, admitted that the game was so strongly rooted in the native mores that its complete abolition would require a prolonged effort, one equal to that necessary for the natives to reject seeing the shaman when they were ill. A joint effort over time by the

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Apalachee Culture and Customs 89 lieutenant and the priest was needed to instill fear in the Indian through the certainty of reproach and punishment in the wake of any transgression. At this point, Bushnell suggested, Paiva met the strongest resistance to his crusade from Spaniards rather than from Indians. As evidence she cited Paiva's reference to a letter sent to the governor: "They tell me that it is one of the reasons that they wrote to the governor, asking that he not abolish the game. I do not know that it is true. I only know that it was told to me by a trustworthy person." The writers of the letter argued that it was good politics "that some places should be at odds with others" and develop fierce rivalries and suggested that, if the Indians' game was taken from them, they would refuse to work or dig their fields (Bushnell 1978b: 14-15). In the ball game manuscript there is no clear antecedent to indicate whether the "they" who wrote the letter were Indians or Spaniards. In her translation of this passage, Peterson identified "they" as Indians. Inasmuch as there is no antecedent re ferring to Spaniards but only to Indians, the rules of grammar favor Peterson's interpretation. The argument given, however, seems to be one that would more likely be advanced by Spaniards. Furthermore, a statement by Paiva from an earlier paragraph seems to support Bushnell's argument to some de gree at least: "And despite all this, [its abolition] has not failed to arouse its controversies. Not on the part of the Indians." It is likely that opposition to the game's abolition was voiced by members of both communities. Bushnell theorized that the emergence of the Spanish opposition to his campaign provoked Paiva to compose a revised version of the ball game manuscript, emphasizing the social evils resulting from the game rather than its pagan overtones, which he had stressed in the putative earlier version. Using the techniques of biblical Higher Criticism, she based this judgment on internal evidence in the extant ball game manuscript, which she perceived as showing two fairly distinct layers. She remarked that "As completed on 23 September, 1676, the Pelota Manuscript, with its Salvador-Mendoza source, and what might be called its 'Proto' and 'Deutero' elements, is as end lessly fascinating and disputable as an ancient scroll. Certainly, it is a trans lator's nightmare; full of flashbacks and derailings, copyists' errors, garbled syntax and unanchored pronouns, not to speak of smatterings of Apalache, Timucuan, and Latin" (Bushnell 1978b: 14-15). Having worked with that manuscript, I can heartily agree with the latter part of her observation. Inter esting as her theory of "Proto" and "Deutero" is, however, I believe that other simpler alternatives can explain adequately the difficulties and peculiarities of the manuscript. Obviously, it was written in haste, combining elements from the interpreters' account and Paiva's reminiscences and current observations, when Paiva's passions on the subject were inflamed. These circumstances would account for many of those problems of garbled syntax and disjunction.

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90 Apalachee Other syntactical problems might be attributed to the writers' languages. The interpreters' report was probably written in Apalachee, and the extant copy of the ball game manuscript was prepared by a Spaniard fluent in the Apalachee tongue (Captain Juan Fernandez de Florencia, who, perhaps, was thinking in Apalachee in dealing with some of these passages). The one extant example of a translation from Apalachee, the letter to the Spanish monarch written on January 21, 1688, by the chiefs of Apalachee in their native tongue and trans lated literally by the friar who put it into Spanish, illustrates the problems of syntax that might arise. Opposition to the abolition of the game appears to have remained strong despite Paiva's energetic campaign, the support it received from the governor, lieutenant, and provincial, and the cooperation of many chiefs, who replaced goalposts with crosses. Paiva's account of the meeting of the chiefs convoked by the lieutenant indicates that it was designed as much to squelch that op position as to commend the chiefs who had heeded Paiva's admonitions. When Domingo de Leturiondo began his formal visitation of the province in De cember 1677, abolition of the game was his major topic at the general assem bly of all the caciques and leaders in Tomole, where he opened his inspection of the province. After acknowledging their discontent and speaking in favor of the elimination of the game, he invited each of the chiefs to express his feel ings freely so that the matter might be resolved definitively. Beginning with the chief of Ivitachuco, who spoke first, they all agreed that there was justi fication for abolition of the game and suggested that opposition came mainly from the professional players, who made it their principal activity. Buttressed by that support, Leturiondo, acting in the governor's name, again declared the ball game outlawed throughout the province of Apalachee. At San Luis on December 6, Leturiondo requisitioned the copy of the ball game manuscript that had been made by Florencia so that he could include it among the official papers of the visitation in order that future generations would know why the game had been abolished. It is not clear whether Leturiondo's prohibition of the game was effective or not. Paiva had reported confidently in 1676: "Blessed be God. The game has been abolished with all love and calm. The Indians themselves with loud voices [recognize] how good this is for their souls as well as for their bodies." The fact that just over a year later Leturiondo saw fit to reopen the debate suggests that the game had not disappeared everywhere. There is some evi dence that Leturiondo's prohibition was no more successful than Paiva's. The next governor, Juan Marques Cabrera, informed the Crown early in 1681 that, shortly after assuming power, he had accomplished what none of his predeces sors had been able to: he got the Indians to give up the playing of the ball game simply by explaining to them its diabolical content. In view of that scant

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Apalachee Culture and Customs 91 effort, one might legitimately wonder whether he was any more successful. The memory of the game was still sufficiently alive in 1682 to merit a repeti tion of its condemnation at the synod of the Diocese of Santiago de Cuba (Bushnell 1978b: 18; Leon n.d.). In the 1694 visitation of the province, one of the inspector's routine exhortations to the assembled villagers was "Let them declare whether they practice and maintain among themselves any customs and abuses from their past that results in harm to their souls, and whether they keep the orders and prohibitions that have been issued concerning the ball game, and whether they have ordered them kept." In the course of the inspec tion there was no complaint or record that the ball game was still being played anywhere in the province of Apalachee. When the visitador Leturiondo carried his campaign against the game into western Timucua, he found the leaders of the provinces of that region far less compliant than their Apalachee neighbors. On arriving at San Miguel de Asile on January 10, 1678, he summoned the chiefs of Yustaga to a general assem bly to be held on January 15 at San Pedro de Potohiriba.9 Early in that meeting Leturiondo suggested that, inasmuch as the ball game had been proscribed in Apalachee, it would be fitting that it should cease in Yustaga as well. He pointed out that, on the supposition that it was the same game, it could be presumed to contain the same evils. The Yustagan leaders promptly informed him that their version of the game was not tainted by the superstitions that surrounded the one played in Apalachee. Leturiondo ignored this reply and appealed to them as people who had long been Christians to set an example, lest their continuing to play should weaken the resolve of the Apalachee and sow discord. The Yustaga held firm, arguing that they had no other games or entertainment to fill the void that would result from the extinction of an in stitution so deeply rooted in their past. Among them, they insisted, the game was played without contention, violence, or frauds. Bowing to their persis tence, Leturiondo agreed to leave the resolution of the matter to the political and ecclesiastical authorities at St. Augustine. The Yustaga pledged to sus pend the playing of the game until they heard from those authorities. Bushnell said it is not known what decision those authorities reached, but one would expect them to have supported Leturiondo, if he had pressed the issue. Both Governor Cabrera's letter and the 1682 synodal proscription of the game indi cate that the proscription applied to all of Florida. When Leturiondo intro9. In her article on the ball game, Bushnell stated that he "summoned the chiefs of Ustaqua and Utina to San Pedro de Potohiribe." In the visitation record I saw no evidence that anyone other than the leaders from Asile, San Matheo, Machaba, and Potohiriba attended that general as sembly at Potohiriba. However, they may well have done so, as there was no mention of a general assembly having been held for Utina during the visitation of its individual villages. For the Potano region, by contrast, such a general assembly was held.

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92 Apalachee duced this issue at another general assembly held at San Francisco de Potano, the leaders gathered there also firmly opposed his prohibition of the ball game. Again both sides agreed to leave the resolution of the question to the authorities at St. Augustine (Bushnell 1978b: 16-18; Leturiondo 1678:587-610). This development suggests that all the western Timucua, not merely the Yustaga, shared the game with the Apalachee. Spanish documents reveal the Apalachee's continued resort to the shamans who served as healers, whom the Spaniards called curanderos, but none of the references describe their practices for healing clients. The Spaniards se verely punished those who used their services, at times with sentences of forced labor (Paiva 1676). These shamans were among the native dignitaries whose fields were tilled by the community labor pool. In their drive to eradi cate the healers' practices and the Indians' continued recourse to them, the Spanish authorities forbade the provision of this financial reward to the shamans (Florencia 1695:51). Despite the Spaniards' antipathy, the shamans seem to have survived until the destruction of the missions in 1704. As late as 1694-1695, Florencia included the following among the regulations he pub lished at the conclusion of his visitation: "15ththat they are not to consent to, tolerate, or conceal curing after the pagan manner; and if any one of the natives practices it, let him be punished at the discretion of the lieutenant; and let the cacique see to this with great vigilance; and they are not to sow or dig the field for such curanderos as is the practice" (Florencia 1695:87). Dancing played a major role in the social life of the Apalachee, serving ceremonial or ritual functions, as in the ceremonies accompanying the raising of the ball post, as well as providing amusement for the participants. There are no descriptions of their dances, however. The most frequent mention of dancing is in regard to the persistent attempt by friars to prohibit or curtail it severely. The Spanish authorities prohibited some of the dances as lewd and indecent but protected the natives' right to continue others, despite the desire of some of the friars to prohibit all the traditional dances. Only in Lent was all dancing prohibited. Despite the friars' surveillance some of the dances con sidered lewd even by the Spaniards appear to have survived until the end of the seventeenth century. Bishop Calderon noted that the friars attended such festivities "in order to prevent indecent and lewd conduct." Florencia found it necessary to repeat the prohibition in 1695 and to stipulate that the lieutenant should summon the responsible cacique for punishment "each and every time that they practiced them and consent to them" (Dias Vara Calderon 1675:13; Florencia 1695:87). The ball game manuscript indicates that body painting for ceremonial pur poses was practiced by the Apalachee. Its use by warriors going into battle is indicated in this passage: "In order to give battle they [the Apalachee] dress

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Apalachee Culture and Customs 93 themselves elaborately, after their usage, painted all over with red ochre and with their heads full of multicolored feathers" (Leturiondo 1700). The use of body painting at other times is not mentioned, but it seems likely. It may even have been a general practice, as it appears to have been among the neighbor ing Timucua. There is no indication that the Apalachee practiced the more permanent tattooing of designs on the body attributed to the Timucua by the French in the 1560s. The degree to which body painting survived the pres sures of acculturation is unknown. The remark of the French who observed that the Apalachee exiles at Mobile had little of the savage about them except their language might indicate that body painting had fallen into disuse by the end of the mission era. The presence of various shell ornaments for arm and leg bands, ear pins, and gorgets at Fort Walton sites in the area indicates that similar items were used by the Apalachee in historic times (Smith 1956:123). The use of beads made out of snail shells is mentioned in passing in the ball game manuscript. One of the important traditional customs of the Indians of the Southeast, the busk, or green corn, ceremony, inexplicably is not mentioned in the records as a celebration by the Apalachee. Because of the native religious rit uals associated with such a ceremony, it would have been viewed with hostility by the friars, and, accordingly, would probably have been prohibited or regu lated. One would expect to find complaints by the native leaders about these restrictions at one or another of the visitations, yet none is stated. The exiles at Mobile are said to have held a great celebration accompanied by Catholic religious services, feasting, dancing, and the wearing of masks. The French and the neighboring tribes were invited to this event to commemorate the feast of St. Louis (San Luis), just as it was the Creek custom to invite other towns to the busk ceremony. St. Louis's feast day falling late in August was possibly close enough to the busk season to have absorbed and replaced the native cere mony. And San Luis's position as head town would have facilitated the process (Hudson 1976: 293, 366). There are also indications that the Iberian churches' Fiestas Juaninas were adopted by the Apalachee.10 These semisecular and semireligious celebrations, occurring in late June, could also have been occa sions for the Christianization and absorption of the busk. A major feature of the busk ceremony, the kindling of the new fire, had a strong rival in the Catholic ritual for Holy Saturday, which involves a ceremonial kindling and blessing of the new fire symbolizing Christ's resurrection and the new dispen sation associated with it. The existence of this Christian counterpart would 10. The Fiestas Juaninas were a celebration held in honor of four saints, John, Peter, Paul, and Anthony, whose feasts fell in the month of June in the church calendar. The feast of St. Peter and St. Paul was a holy day of obligation for the Christian natives of Spanish Florida (Leon n.d.).

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94 Apalachee have facilitated abandonment of the native ceremony without any major resistance. Not much is known about the marriage practices of the Apalachee before the mission era. Presumably they shared the mores of their Apalachicola cous ins concerning marriage, divorce, adultery, polygamy, and concubinage. Hawkins observed that among the Apalachicola, when a man desired to marry, he sent a female relative such as his mother or sister to make the pro posal to the female relations of the woman whom he had selected. If she and her maternal relatives assented, the prospective bridegroom then displayed his abilities as a provider by assembling a blanket and whatever other articles of clothing he could produce and by assisting his wife in the planting of her crop, by building a house, and by securing some meat through the hunt. He placed all of these in the possession of his future wife or her family. Once the woman's family accepted the proposed match, he could go to her house as soon as he chose, but it appears that before they were considered so fully married that the penalties for adultery could apply, the wife had to accept his offering from the hunt and prepare and serve it to him before witnesses. If his wife consented, a man might take more than one wife. Before marriage a woman was permitted to enter casual unions as she chose. Once a firm marriage alliance was estab lished, there were harsh penalties for adultery if the family or clan of the ag grieved party chose to press the matter (Hawkins 1982b:73-74; Hudson 1976: 198-201). For Apalachee, the evidence is equivocal. In mission times, at least, some Apalachee seem to have had a more relaxed attitude toward this failing. The irascible lieutenant in Apalachee for much of the 1680s, Antonio Matheos, remarked in shocked tones: And not holding it as a matter of pride, they do not consider it an out rage that their wives commit adultery. And the most they do in that case is to advise the lieutenant, and, on punishing the delinquents, they re turn to their houses with their wives and often in the company of the offender, as I have seen and witnessed many times, with such calmness and lack of embarrassment that it is as if such a thing had never oc curred. (Matheos 1687b) The visitors' constant warnings that the native authorities should be vigi lant in preventing and punishing concubinage suggests that casual unions among the unmarried were permitted (Florencia 1695:50-52; Rebolledo 1657a:91). On the other hand, friars in Apalachee, arguing against the pres ence of soldiers, described Apalachee men as "most jealous" about their wives, daughters, and sisters (Moral et al. 1657). Among the Apalachicola, at least until the marriage produced children, divorce was easy to obtain on the

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Apalachee Culture and Customs 95 request of either partner during the period of the busk each year. A man could not marry anyone within his own clan or in his father's lineage (Hawkins 1982b:73). Because of the Christian precepts in the matter and their contrast with these native practices, under the closely supervised mission regime profound changes were imposed on the Apalachee's customs. The degree of this control is reflected in a 1695 regulation by the visitor Florencia. He remarked that he had been informed that on the farms and cattle ranches of both the Spaniards and the natives in Apalachee married and single women were present to serve the peons. He noted that this had already been prohibited because of the scan dals and offense to God and harm to souls that it occasioned, and he ordered that only married women accompanied by their husbands be permitted to live or work under such circumstances. Husbands, similarly, were prohibited from accepting any long-term employment that separated them from their wives and families, and Spaniards, Negroes, and mulattos were forbidden by the 1682 synod to detain married Indians sent to St. Augustine beyond the time prescribed under the repartimiento (Florencia 1695:87; Leon n.d.).11 Abortion appears to have been practiced among some of North Florida's Indians, if not among the Apalachee. During the 1694 visitation, at San Matheo in Timucua, Florencia passed judgment on a married woman living apart from her husband, who had been denounced for having terminated sev eral pregnancies by aborting them with verudises that she took for that pur pose because of the anxiety that she was experiencing. He imposed no penalty for her past offenses, but he left instructions that she was to be given 50 lashes and to have her hair cropped if she repeated the offense (Florencia 1695: 91-92). 11. The sixth and nineteenth regulations he issued for Timucua provided, respectively: "Let them not consent to married Apalachino Indians being in this province under the penalty of 25 ducats to be paid by the chiefs and the lieutenants who consent to it, but, rather, let them make them return to their villages that they may lead a conjugal life with their wives" and "During Lent, let the lieutenants take care to gather together all the Apalachino Indians in these parts and to send them to their native lands so that they may go to Confession and let it be with one of their companions; and, afterward, if they wish, they may return, provided they are not married."

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Chapter 4 Apalachee Political Structure THE SIXTEENTH-CENTURY accounts of Spanish contacts with the Apa lachee reveal little about the political structure of their territory. Two large villages, Ivitachuco and Anhayca Apalache, seem to have anchored either end of their densely settled area. Numerous other villages seem to have been scat tered around these eastern and western termini in the form of rough arcs or semicircles reaching toward one another. A relatively unsettled and unculti vated area separated them (Elvas 1904:46-47; Fernandez de Oviedo y Valdez 1904:78-79; Hernandez de Biedma 1904:6; Vega 1951:181-184). The clumping of the mounds of the earlier period in two major complexes near Lakes Jackson and Miccosukee also suggests that, if the mounds were con temporaneous, the Apalachee were divided into an eastern and a western component. The chief of the western terminus, where de Soto wintered, was spoken of as the lord of that country, and Ivitachuco was characterized as being subject to Apalachee. Inasmuch as the Spaniards found Ivitachuco in flames and ap pear to have had little contact with its people after the initial hostile encounters, there is no evidence to show that its chiefs then occupied the leadership position, in prestige at least, that they enjoyed during mission times. It is in teresting to note that the size of the village depicted by Garcilaso, 200 large houses and many small ones (Vega 1951:138), indicates that it was a settle ment second only to Anhayca Apalache in size, which Garcilaso described as having 250 houses. The mention of Ivitachuco by all of the chroniclers might indicate that it made a special impression on their minds beyond its being the first Apalachee village they encountered. Garcilaso spent the better part of nine chapters describing events that occurred at Ivitachuco. It is difficult, however, to ascertain what parts of Garcilaso's account represent flights of fancy. His remarks about Ivitachuco and his account of events there must be 96

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Apalachee Political Structure 97 approached with particular caution because they differ sharply in many details from the accounts presented by other chroniclers. Most disconcerting is his placing Ivitachuco a considerable distance to the east of Apalachee and his description of the time of the burning of the village, which differs from that recorded by the other de Soto chroniclers. Their narratives tell us nothing about the nature of the overlordship wielded by the chief of Apalachee. There is no indication that he was able to organize the people of the province for a massive effort to drive out the Spaniards. The natives' attacks seem to have been mounted independently by each village unit. There is evidence, however, of a tight cultural unity among the villages, and this probably had some political foundation. None of the Apa lachee broke ranks to come to terms with the intruders. The natives of faraway regions of Florida saw them as a homogeneous regional unit and referred to them as Apalachee rather than as Ivitachuca, Anhayca, or Uzela. De Soto's followers were impressed by the natives' pride in being known as Apalachee. This unity was probably a pale reflection of the political situation that pre vailed in an earlier time, that of the Fort Walton peoples. Then the Lake Jack son complex was the headquarters or "capital city" of a Mississippian culture whose chief, archaeologists believe, was at the apex of a political structure that was more strongly centralized than it appears to have been in de Soto's time (Milanich and Fairbanks 1980:197). In a recent paper, John Scarry described that political structure in some detail. The "Lake Jackson phase," he believes, existing "from the twelfth through the fifteenth centuries," was a complex chiefdom for much of its exis tence and distinguished by "a well-developed settlement hierarchy with four or more classes of settlements" and a clear distinction between the elite and commoners. The grave goods associated with the elite burials from Mound 3, he noted, "included specialized craft items, symbols of office and parts of uniforms. Many were manufactured outside the Lake Jackson chiefdom or consisted of nonlocal materials. They demonstrate that the rulers of the Lake Jackson chiefdom participated in a prestige economy that included the elite of other systems. They were sumptuary goods, intended to identify the chiefs, remind everyone of the presumably divine source of their power, and reinforce the distinctions between the chief and his subjects" (Scarry 1986). Indications are stronger for a political system unifying the villages when friendly formal contacts between the Spaniards and the Apalachee were initi ated at the start of the seventeenth century than those reflected in the de Soto chronicles. When Friar Martin Prieto, accompanied by a number of Timucua chieftains, came to Ivitachuco in 1608 to negotiate a peace between the war ring Apalachee and Timucua, allegedly the entire population of the province assembled there to welcome the visitors. Once peace had been agreed upon,

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98 Apalachee the assembled Apalachee chieftains in concert delegated the chief of Inihayca to go to St. Augustine to visit the governor. The Inihayca chief was apparently a brother of the Ivitachuca leader, who spoke for the province at this assembly (Ibarra 1609; Ore 1936:114-117). The rule of these two leading towns by brothers might indicate that their family or clan represented something of a noble line. This view conforms to the pattern Hawkins attributed to the Apalachicola, that the mico, "peace leader," and the great warrior, "war leader," were often brothers or brothers-in-law (Hawkins 1982a: 15). Unfortunately, we do not have surnames for many of the chiefs or many indications of blood ties among the chiefly class, particularly for this early period. Most of those that we do have involve the family that was dominant at Ivitachuco. In the Rebolledo visitation the Ivitachucan leader signed his name as Don Luis Ybitachucu. In 1688 one of his successors signed his name as Don Bentura Ybitachuco, holahta, while his successor signed his name vari ously as Don Patricio Hinachuba, Don Patricio Ynhac Chuba, and Nan hula chuba, don Patricio (Ayala y Escobar 1698; Bushnell 1979:17; Chiefs of Apa lachee 1688; Hinachuba and Andres 1699; Rebolledo 1657a: 102). These sur names are probably metamorphosed forms of Ybitachuco. In 1677 a Bernardo Hinachuba was the principal cacique of Cupaica, while one of the important leaders at San Luis in the period 1677-1678 was Don Matheo Chuba (Fer nandez de Florencia 1678; Leturiondo 1678:547; Solana 1687b:28-29). The Rebolledo visitation also indicates that other members of this family held positions of power, namely, Gaspar, the chief of Asile who was an uncle of the chief of Ivitachuco, as were Andres, the cacique of San Juan (a satellite vil lage of Ivitachuco), and Lourengo Moreno, the captain of Ivitachuco's militia. The same source identifies Don Luis Ybitachuco as "the greatest and most important of all the cacique-nephews of the said Andres and Lourenco" (Re bolledo 1657a: 101-102, 112), implying that there were additional nephews holding chieftainships at that time. In 1694 an Adrian Hinachuba was in stalled as the principal chief at Santa Cruz de Capoli as successor to another Patricio Hinachuba, who died in 1687 (Florencia 1695:69). The choice of the name Andres for the man who was chief at San Luis in the 1690s could indi cate a connection with the Asile-Ivitachuco line, as might also the fact that in 1657 the chiefs of both San Luis and Ivitachuco bore the name Luis. However, the 1690s Andres was an Usunaca, not a Hinachuba. Usunaca is the other na tive surname that appears repeatedly in the second half of the mission period among the chiefs and would-be chiefs. During the mission period the two chieftainships of San Luis and Ivita chuco or their incumbents, or both, seem to have enjoyed a higher status than those of the remainder of the villages. The chiefs of both were referred to repeatedly as the most important among the chiefs of the province. Leaders

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Apalachee Political Structure 99 such as Matheo Chuba and Juan Mendoza who served at San Luis in leader ship roles, without being chief in name, also received designations as the province's most important leaders (Chuba 1687:31; Guerrero 1687:104-105; Luxan 1687:111-113; Roque Perez 1687:32-33). It is not clear whether it is significant that Ivitachuco's chief is the only one indisputably known to have been a chief, who used the title holata rather than the more common Arawakian-derived term cacique introduced by the Spaniards. It is worthy of note that in the one text in Apalachee that we have, the term holahta is used to designate the king as their "great chief," thus, Pin holahta chuba pin Rey (lit erally, "Our chief great, our King"). Holahta was also applied to the governor in this document. The other village chiefs who were able to sign their names used the term cacique to designate their positions (Chiefs of Apalachee 1688). The origin of the title holahta is open to question as this term was used as well by the Timucua. The sixteenth-century Guale, by contrast, as well as the later Muskhogean-speaking Creek, used the term mico. The term used most commonly by the Apalachee was the Arawakian term cacique. The relative status of the chiefs of these two most important centers is more difficult to resolve. For the mission period there seems to be little doubt that the chiefs of Ivitachuco enjoyed a higher status than did the chiefs of San Luis. Tesar has suggested that Ivitachuco possibly secured this position for itself as a distributor of Spanish goods to the rest of the province. Although there is no documentary evidence to support this supposition, it could explain Ivitachuco's apparent rise in status over the heir to de Soto's Anhayca. It is noteworthy that as early as 1608, Ivitachuco's chief was referred to as "the greatest of all." The chief of Ivitachuco is referred to as the most important of all the Apa lachee chiefs far more often than is the leader of San Luis. The beginning of a 1699 letter to the king by the chiefs of Ivitachuco and San Luis clearly reveals each chief's status: "Don Patricio Hinachuba, the principal cacique of the Province of Apalachee, and Don Andres, cacique of San Luis, in the name of all the province, and for themselves" (Hinachuba and Andres 1699). As a cosignatory, Don Andres acknowledged the status of principal chief of the prov ince claimed by Don Patricio. Equally compelling is the evidence from the 1677 debate held by the visitor Leturiondo on the abolition of the Apalachee's ball game. The chiefs addressed the assembly in the order of the ranking of their villages. The chief of Ivitachuco was the first to speak (Leturiondo 1678:541-542). In a 1702 letter to the king, Antonio Ponce de Leon, a Span iard who served as a spokesman for the Indians, similarly designated Don Patricio as "the greatest of all the caciques of the Province of Apalachee" (Ponce de Leon 1702). It might be noted as well that in the 1657 visitation, Ivitachu-

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100 Apalachee co's chief was the only one ennobled with the Spanish title of don. Only in later times were all the chiefs and at least some of the other leaders accorded that status. The components of the names of the town and the family Ivitachuco and Hinachubamay also indicate their stature.1 Chuba and chuco mean "great" or "powerful." There is some indication that hina means "power." If Brian Boniface is correct that the name of the Timucuan town Ivitanayo means "white lake" in Timucuan (Boniface 1971:110), then the name Ivitachuco might mean "Great White" in the sense of principal White, or Peace, Town. This interpretation is tenuous inasmuch as another source has associated the color black with Ivitanayo, illustrating the pitfalls of such efforts. The de Soto chroniclers' assessment of Anhayca's chief as lord of that province may be unreliable as the judgment of newcomers. And if the institu tion of War and Peace towns prevailed, the war precipitated by de Soto's ar rival would make Inhayca's chief lord of the land as the great war leader. That the 1608 peace negotiations took place at Ivitachuco may also have some sig nificance in this respect, though use of that site may have been a function of its proximity to the Timucuan border. There is no indication that the special status of the leaders of these two villages gave them any power over the chiefs of the other major villages, except the influence inherent in being looked to as leaders. Accordingly, the native political structure at the height of the mission pe riod in the second half of the seventeenth century consisted of 11 largely au tonomous major villages that were also mission centers. The ten known to have been in existence in 1657 had one to five satellite villages that were spoken of as being "within their jurisdiction." It is not clear what power, if any, the chief of the major village exercised over the satellite villages within his jurisdiction beyond the leadership of the district's warriors, the apportion ment of repartimiento labor quotas, and the direction of activities in which the whole community was involved, such as the "fire hunt," or Junumelas, and labor in the community fields. The meager evidence that exists suggests that the villages functioned as oligarchical democracies in which all members of the leadership were on something of an equal footing or, at least, no great gap separated the chief from the other more important leaders. It is not clear what influence, if any, the Spanish presence had in strengthening or diminishing the control of the chiefs over their villages. At the time of the friars' first contacts with the Apa lachee early in the seventeenth century, the governor spoke of Apalachee as a land where the chiefs were not given very much respect. From 1608 to 1612, 1. Ivitachuco is apparently the only Apalachee town that bore the same name as its chief. Elsewhere in Florida, chief and town commonly bore the same name.

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Apalachee Political Structure 101 friars withdrew twice when the chiefs who had invited them to their villages could not control those who were opposed to their presence. As the chiefs' failure may be attributable to many factors, no conclusions can be drawn about its significance.2 One can only note that in Spanish eyes the chiefs lacked power and that that description sounds similar to the situation por trayed by Hawkins concerning the Creek at the end of the eighteenth century. It would then seem likely that the Spanish authorities would support the strengthening of the chief's power in order to facilitate their own task, because their control of the ordinary Indian was exercised through the native leadership. This view is reflected in the visitors' admonition to the villagers to obey their chiefs. On the other hand, the new demands for labor made by the native leader ship to satisfy Spanish needs and the occasional humiliation of native leaders by the friars, the lieutenant, or the lieutenant's haughty wife must have placed strains on the chiefs' abilities to maintain the respect and obedience of their tribes. The only clear image we have of the functioning of the decision making process within the Apalachee's local leadership is reflected in the re port on the 1677 Apalachee expedition from San Luis against the Chisca. Both the decision to launch the expedition and the decisions on attack strategy were made collectively by the leaders after they had held a discussion (Fer nandez de Florencia 1678). In religious matters in mission times, whenever a chief or other leader neglected his religious duties, such as missing Mass for no good reason, the other members of the leadership class functioned as a peer-pressure group to force the errant Christian into line (Fernandez de Flo rencia 1678; Florencia 1695:71-77). The principal chief's position was one of greater dignity as he was always referred to as "the principal cacique of the district." It was he who spoke for the village before the Spanish authorities, and in the chief's absence the spokesman was his second-in-command, the inija, rather than one of the chiefs of the satellite villages.3 Among the Apalachicola, according to Bartram, "The next man in order of dignity and power is the great war chief; he represents and exercises the dignity of the mico in his absence, in council." Bartram does not appear to have noticed the existence of the henihi. Also, it is not clear that the great war chief he refers to is the chief of the major Red, or War, Town. He goes on to observe, "There are many of these war chiefs in a town or tribe, who are captains or leaders of military 2. Gary Shapiro, for instance, suggested that the ones viewed as chiefs by the Spaniards may only have been the ambitious leaders of satellite villages who saw the invitation to the friars as a means of advancing their own interests and that such a usurpation of authority was the cause of the unruliness. 3. The Spaniards used many variant spellings of this term, including hinija, jinija, enija, and inixa.

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102 Apalachee parties." He notes that the mico who goes on a military expedition heads the army and serves as war chief (Bartram 1955:390). For Apalachee there is no explicit mention of a native war chief. On at least one occasion, the natives referred to the lieutenant as their "war chief." It is possible that Juan de Mendoza and Matheo Chuba's anomalous positions at San Luis (they seem to have acted as chief without being chief in name) resulted in part from their being great war chiefs in the sense portrayed by Bartram. Population figures given for the major villages include the population of all the Apalachee villages within the jurisdiction of that principal village. Functions such as the visitation were held in the principal village's council house, and the district's population assembled there. In contrast, general assemblies of the leaders of all the Apalachee villages were not always held at San Luis. Tomole was the site of the one held during Leturiondo's visitation. This political structure probably prevailed in substantially the same form in the premission era, inasmuch as it was the Crown's policy not to interfere with native institutions as long as they posed no threat to overall Spanish con trol or to Christian morals or beliefs. Indeed, the Crown relied on the native political structure on the local level, co-opting it in effect, to maintain its con trol and to supply Spanish demands for labor, goods, and military support. The jurisdiction of the major villages had a definite territorial component. It is revealed in the documentary references to groups of non-Apalachee such as the Chine and the Chacato, whose villages are described on two occasions to be within the jurisdiction of San Luis. There seems to be no justification for speaking of them as "invaders," as some authorities do. It is clear that their presence was acquiesced in or welcomed by the Spanish authorities. In the case of the Chacato, a formal contract was elaborated between them and the cacique of San Luis, spelling out the rights and the obligations of the Chacato and granting them permission to settle within the territory belonging to San Luis, on a site some of them had occupied at an earlier period (Fernandez de Florencia 1678; Florencia 1695:71-73). This concept of specific village lands appears as well in a complaint by one Apalachee village that the inhabitants of a neighboring village were hunting on their lands (Leturiondo 1678:558). What is not clear is whether the lands of the various villages were coter minous or whether, in the less densely settled areas, there were unclaimed lands between those belonging to specific villages. The number of non-Apalachee groups that were allowed to settle in the province suggests that the latter was the case. The political status of these non-Apalachee settlements in relation to the Apalachee among whom they lived is unclear. There are indications that the leaders at San Luis exerted some pressure on the Chacato and the Chine living

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Apalachee Political Structure 103 within their jurisdiction to commit some warriors for the 1677 expedition against the Chisca. The Taman village of Candelaria was about as close to San Luis as the places of the Chine and Chacato, but there is no indication that they were bound to San Luis. The one possible exception occurs in the instructions that Governor Pablo de Hita Salazar gave to Leturiondo for the latter's 1677-1678 visitation of the province. The governor mentioned that there were some Yamasee chiefs and Indians living in the place of San Luis and instructed Leturiondo to assemble them and to hold a visitation among them in the same fashion that he did in the rest of the places. The visitation record contains no other mention of Yamasee. However, Leturiondo's visita tion of Taman Candelaria may have included those Yamasee, as that mission was spoken of in 1675 as made up of Tama and Yamasee. If so, the governor may have been speaking loosely in saying that the Yamasee were living in the place of San Luis, indicating only that they were residing on lands that per tained to the jurisdiction of San Luis. Whatever their status in relation to the Apalachee leaders, these settlements were sufficiently autonomous in the eyes of the Spanish authorities to merit being designated as mission centers and to receive separate treatment during the visitation, in contrast to the satellite vil lages of the Apalachee mission centers. Each of the Apalachee villages, whether it was the major village at the head of the district or one of the satellite villages, had a chief who was the highest ranking native official. The position of chief was hereditary. Under the prevailing matriarchal system, upon the death of a chief his position passed to the eldest of his nephews by his eldest sister, rather than to his own sons. In contrast to some other areas of Florida, there is no evidence that women ever succeeded to chieftainships or to other positions of authority in Apalachee. There is evidence, however, that this principle of hereditary succession was not an ironclad rule. It could be ignored in the face of the covetousness of an ambitious leader or in the case of the unsuitableness of the hereditary candidate. This is illustrated clearly in a case brought before Leturiondo in 1677 during his visitation of Cupaica. Nicolas Tafunsaca, inija of Nicupana,4 claimed the chieftainship of Cu-paica's satellite village of Faltassa,5 alleging that he had been cheated of his birthright about eight years earlier through the manipulations of the incum bent chief, Odunaca Pedro Garcia. Nicolas and an older brother, Feliciano, who had since died, were the nephews of the deceased chief, Tafunsaca 4. Nicupana was another satellite village of Cupaica. 5. In this document the name of the village is rendered as Yfalcasar. Faltassa is the spelling used in the Rebolledo visitation and in a third document subsequent to the Leturiondo visitation record.

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104 Apalachee Martin, who, on his deathbed, had expressly declared them his heirs and made it known that he wished the chieftainship to pass to them. That he found it necessary to reinforce their claim in this manner might suggest that it was not uncommon for the hereditary principle to be ignored. It also suggests that the chief had a voice in determining whether the hereditary principle should be honored. The Tafunsaca brothers had been away when their uncle died, and one of the four leading men of the village, who had served under Tafunsaca Martin, spread malicious reports to make the brothers appear unqualified for the position. He charged the pair with maliciously using their neighbors' hogs as targets to sharpen their skills at archery, and, thereby, he convinced his col leagues that he was a better choice for the post. They elected him as the new chief and presented his name to the lieutenant for approval, saying that he was the rightful heir. The usurping chief's colleagues were not entirely innocent participants; the only one surviving at the visitation in 1677 was deemed worthy of punishment for his part in the affair. When Nicolas returned to Faltassa, he found Odunac installed as chief and determined to remain so. In presenting his case, Nicolas Tafunsaca rounded up an impressive array of witnesses to support his claims. These included the principal chief of Cupaica, Bernardo Hinachuba, and the parish interpreter, Tafunsaca Bauptista, who had been present at the bedside of the dying Tafun saca Martin when he had designated his nephews as his successors. Con fronted with this evidence, even the intruder, Odunaca, confessed his usurpation. As a consequence, he was deposed and Nicolas installed in his place (Leturiondo 1678:547-548). Although the son of an incumbent chief did not enjoy any rights of succession, his position seems to have been one of some prestige, particularly if he were the son of a principal chief. In that case he bore the title of usinulo. Special roles were assigned to him both in the pregame ceremonies for the ball game and in the ceremonies that accompanied the raising of a goalpost. There is a suggestion in the ball game manuscript that in the absence of a son, the post of usinulo might be filled by a daughter of the chief (Paiva 1676). The prominent role of the chief and the usinulo in the rituals associated with the ball game might indicate that the chief and his family exercised priestly as well as political power in pre-Christian times. This dual role may account for the leaders' support of Paiva's campaign to abolish the game. The greater Hispanization of the leaders would have made them more susceptible to his arguments. It seems that much of the chief's work was ceremonial or involved his serving as spokesman for his village, but the documentation on this point is minimal. He presided over the ceremonies preceding the ball game and en couraged the players. During the mission era he spoke for the village at the

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Apalachee Political Structure 105 official visitation and was usually the person who gave speeches. When he was able, he led the native troops in forays against enemies and in defense of the home territory, and again he took the lead in exhorting them to fight with valor. Decisions about whether to launch an expedition and which tactics to adopt in the course of the adventure, however, were discussed with other lead ers and, apparently, reached by a vote of the majority. The chief was respon sible for the disciplining of errant Indians belonging to his village and for se lecting the quota of Indian workers for the repartimiento on public projects and private farms. Although he served as commander-in-chief of the native militia from his village, in Spanish times at least he was not necessarily the professional leader of the military forces. More often than not, that post was occupied by a separate individual who held the rank of captain in the Spanish infantry (Fernandez de Florencia 1678; Florencia 1695; Leturiondo 1678; Matheos 1687b:50-60; Rebolledo 1657a:93,100; Solana 1687a:17-39). The chiefs and the other members of the leadership cadre enjoyed certain privileges of office. The chief had the right to the skins of all the bears killed on the lands under the jurisdiction of his village. Gifts distributed by the Crown, such as guns and clothing, were reserved for the leaders, with the chief, naturally, receiving the most coveted of the gifts. Booty captured in for ays against other Indians or against English traders also was divided among the leaders. The fields for the support of the chief's household and for the households of other members of the leadership group (including the parish interpreter and even, at times, it seems, some of the more skillful ball players) were worked by the common Indians. From these or from other sources the members of this leadership group were sometimes able to accumulate considerable quantities of foodstuffs. For Antonio Matheos's second expedition into the Apalachicola country in 1685 in pursuit of the English traders operating there, the native leaders who took part supplied the food for the force of 600 Spaniards and Indians. They did this in the expectation of receiving a share of the booty as compensation. Chiefs and other leaders were exempt from the labor tribute and from the demeaning forms of punishment such as whipping. A major grievance of the natives that incited the 1656 rebellion in Timucua was that Governor Re bolledo ignored the privileged status of the native leaders. He ordered them to come to St. Augustine to work and to bring three arrobas of food on their backs. The chiefs insisted that as long as they had vassals to do such work, it would be demeaning for them to do so. It is not clear whether these social distinctions were as sharp before the mission era or whether they were inten sified by the Spanish influence. The de Soto chroniclers portrayed the social status of the chiefs of some of Florida's other groups as one of definite privi lege that set them apart from the rest. During the mission era at least, the

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106 Apalachee chiefs claimed the right to alienate village lands that supposedly were not needed by the village. Many of the leadership group were given or assumed the title of "don" which put them into the class of minor nobility (Aranda y Avellaneda 1687:101-113; Florencia 1695; Gomez de Engraba 1657a, 1657b: 127-129). Most of the village's day-to-day administrative duties were handled by the official known as the inija, who was second in rank to the chief.6 In the absence of the chief, he assumed the functions of the chief, at least in serving as spokesman for the other leaders in dealing with the Spanish authorities. He handled such chores as assignments for sentry duty and patrol work and con ducted inspections to see that those duties were fulfilled properly. As chacal he performed such tasks as assigning workers for the commu nity fields and determining the way those fields should be planted, assigning workers for the fields of the padre and the church, and also probably assigning laborers for the repartimiento quota.7 If they were always coterminous, the duties of the inija as chacal seem to have been similar to those of the fiscal in the Spanish cabildo. In documents dealing with Apalachee Province the Span ish authorities seem to have used the terms fiscal and chacal interchangeably, even referring to the royal fiscals as chacales reales (Florencia 1695; Matheos 1687b:50-60; Rebolledo 1657a:96; Solana 1687a: 17-39). There are fleeting indications that in mission times the inija may have been the keeper of the town's records and the tribe's traditions. In their inquiry into the origins of the ball game, the two interpreters mentioned the inijas of Oconi and Ivitachuco as two of their principal sources. In a dispute over the chieftainship of Abas-laco, a would-be chief said Matheo Chuba could attest to the legitimacy of his claim. When questioned by the visitor Florencia, Chuba denied knowing any-6. According to Bushnell the title was applied loosely to chiefs as well. In her article on Patricio Hinachuba, Bushnell mentions that usinulo and inija were among the titles that he used. Of course, it is possible that before becoming chief of Ivitachuco he held the position of inija in some other village as Nicolas Tafunsaca had before his installation as chief of Faltassa. I have seen no evidence of such commingling of titles. 7. It is not clear whether the post of chacal was always held by the inija. These terms do not seem to have been used interchangeably. The documents leave the impression that when an inija is referred to as a chacal, the writer is talking about only one aspect of his duties as inija. For example, in a discussion of one of Lieutenant Antonio Matheos's many interferences with the administration of the village of San Luis, he is reported to have temporarily reduced the number of chacals for San Luis's satellite villages from four to two. He was forced to restore the number to four, bowing to the natives' insistence that one was needed for each village. In the case of the two dismissed chacals there is no indication that they are talking about the inija of those satellite villages. There are indications in this document as well that San Luis itself had subordinate chacales in addition to the inija-chacal. The term chacal is probably of Mexican origin.

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Apalachee Political Structure 107 thing about the matter and referred Florencia to the inija Bentura to resolve the dispute (Florencia 1695; Paiva 1676). Hawkins remarked on the existence among the Apalachicola of an official similar to the inija (whom Corkran calls the henihi), observing that the traders called him the "second man." Hawkins, however, portrays the position as held collectively by a group known as the Enehau Ulgee ("people second in command"), who sat in the mico's cabin on the left. They were in charge of the town's public works, such as the public buildings, the construction of houses for new settlers, and the work in the fields. Preparation of the black drink was one of their special duties (Hawkins 1982a: 15). For the Apalachee there is no equally clear reference to such a collectivity, but the mention of San Luis's possession of four chacales in addition to its principal inija-chacal suggests a similar institution, as does the four-man council at Faltassa that installed the usurper Odunac Pedro Garcia. While Hawkins speaks of the head of this group as "second in command," Corkran comments that among the Creek the Tastanage, or "head warrior," was next to the mico in prestige and influence (Corkran 1967:14). It is possible that in mission times those who held commissions as captains or fieldmasters were the Apalachee equivalent of the Tastanage. As shall be noted shortly, two such individuals at San Luis seem to have enjoyed prestige of that caliber and even to have overshadowed the nominal chief. Another native official of considerable prestige, at least during the mis sion era, was the village or parish interpreter, known as the atequi. For the friars who did not speak the Indians' language, he served as translator for sermons, confessions, catechetical instructions, and other religious activities. He also served as a language instructor for the neophyte missionary and, at times, even directly handled the teaching of the catechism. The San Luis par ish interpreter in the 1670s and 1680s, Juan de Mendoza, appears to have been particularly active in this respect, even serving as acolyte. Indeed, he was so involved with church affairs that, along with Matheo Chuba, he became the butt of Antonio Matheos's gibes about his close clerical ties. The fact that Juan de Mendoza is referred to as one of the province's most important leaders indicates that the position of interpreter also carried some prestige for a leader of his standing to assume the position (Fernandez de Florencia 1678; Matheos 1687b:50-60; Paiva 1676; Solana 1687a: 17-39). In Cupaica in 1669, the parish interpreter was a member of the Tafunsaca family. Two members of this family were chiefs of Faltassa and one of these was inija of Nicopana before assuming the chieftainship. The parish interpreter along with the parish fiscal also served as eyes and ears for the priest, seeing to it that the Indians of the parish satisfied their

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108 Apalachee religious obligations and lived in accordance with Christian moral principles. As compensation for the interpreter's work, the ordinary Indians of the parish tilled one or more fields for his support. In one of his many intrusions into the established routine of the villages, Antonio Matheos attempted to deprive Juan de Mendoza of this reward. On the parish level in some places, the friar had still another lay assistant known as the fiscal. In the one situation where he is mentioned, he had the duty of assigning Indians to run errands for the friar. In this case the errand involved carrying a package to a Timucuan village. The fiscal probably super vised the planting, harvesting, and disbursement of the food supply for the support of the friar and the church. He was probably the Iberian equivalent of the Anglo-Saxon beadle. The post of sacristan was an additional clerical posi tion filled by the natives. In addition to the parish interpreters, there was a special royal interpreter for handling such government business as visitations and judicial inquiries. During the mid-1670s proscription of the ball game, two interpreters, Diego Salvador, the royal interpreter, and Juan de Mendoza, the San Luis parish in terpreter, seemingly on their own initiative, did most of the research that fueled Friar Paiva's campaign for the elimination of the game (Bushnell 1978b:2, 10; Florencia 1695; Leturiondo 1678; Matheos 1687b:50-60; Paiva 1676; Rebolledo 1657a: passim; Solana 1687a:17-39). There is conflicting evidence about the role of Juan Mendoza at San Luis during the 1670s and the 1680s. Bushnell twice identifies him as chief at San Luis. First, she says, "When cacique Juan Mendoza called for volunteers to help San Luis and its satellite San Damian fight the Chisca," and the second mention is, "Juan Mendoza, holata of San Luis, atequi for the church and captain in the militia" (Bushnell 1978b:9-10). A document appearing on page 583 of the Leturiondo visitation (in association with the ball game manu script) was signed Diego Salvador and Holata Juan Mendoza. The latter also signed his name in that fashion a dozen years later in the famous 1688 letter written in the Apalachee language. In Buckingham Smith's facsimile of the Apalachee text it appears as "holahta Ju Mendoza." If one interprets this liter ally to indicate that he ruled as chief at San Luis from 1677 to 1688, some explanations are called for because other documents from this period clearly and positively identify Francisco Luis as the principal chief at San Luis (Chuba 1687:31; Guerrero 1687:104-105). In the face of that and other problems, a more acceptable conclusion seems to be that the term Holata preceding Mendoza's name is a family sur name rather than a title of office. In that same 1688 letter, the chief of Ivitachuco also attached the word holahta to his name, but he used it as a suffix rather than a prefix, thus, "Dn Bra yBita chuco holahta." In rendering

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Apalachee Political Structure 109 these signatures for the Spanish version of the letter, the priest who translated it from the Apalachee presented them in this fashion: "Don Matheo Chuba=holata=Juan Mendoza=Don Bentuxa Casique de Ybitachua=Don Alonso Pastrana" (Chiefs of Apalachee 1688). That the priest chose to trans late one of the holahtas as "cacique," while leaving the other in its native form, suggests that one was a title of office and the other a surname. It is noteworthy that every signer of the 1688 letter except Mendoza was given the title of "don" and that all except Matheo Chuba and Mendoza were given the title of "cacique." Far more telling in support of the assumption that Mendoza's "holata" did not signify chieftainship is the fact that Mendoza is never explicitly identified by the Spaniards as "chief of San Luis" when others in the same passages are identified as "cacique of Cupayca," or "cacique of Abaslaco," or "principal ynixa of San Luis." In those instances, when Juan Mendoza is spoken of or introduced as a witness, he is identified as "the parish interpreter at San Luis," or "an Indian leader," or "Captain Juan de Mendoza." The highest title given him is "one of the province's most important leaders" (Fernandez de Florencia 1678; Guerrero 1687:104-105; Labora 1677:583; Mendoza 1687: 38; Pastrana 1687:34; Don Patricio 1687:38-39). To my knowledge, Men doza never received the title "don" at a time when it was being handed out rather freely to people such as the chiefs of Capole and Patale, as well as to Matheo Chuba. The possibility remains, of course, that he was chief de facto, if not in name, for much of the period and vain enough to assume the title. His devotion to the friars and to the Spaniards would make him a logical choice on their part. Friar Paiva referred to Mendoza and Diego Salvador as "men who were considered the most worthy of trust there have been." In the title to the report on the expedition against the Chisca, the leaders are identified as "principal leaders who are Juan Mendoza, Matheo Chuba, Bernardo, the cacique of Cupayca, and Bentura, the Inija of San Luis." Bushnell stated that Mendoza functioned as chief of the expedition. In the body of the report, the lieutenant Florencia records his appointment of the principal officers thus: "Juan Mendoza, captain of this place of San Luis, and Matheo Chuba, fieldmaster, and Don Bernardo, cacique and captain [italics mine] of the place of San Damian de Cupayca, and Bentura, Ynija of this place." Al though Mendoza is mentioned first on both occasions, he is identified only as captain, in contrast to Don Bernardo. During the attack on the Chisca's pal isaded village, Matheo Chuba assisted by two unnamed captains led the main body of the Apalachee force under the banner, while Captains Bernardo and Mendoza (mentioned in that order) led the attack on the east and west flanks, respectively (Fernandez de Florencia 1678). Prestigious as the position of parish interpreter might be, it seems a little

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110 Apalachee unusual that a man who was principal chief of the important village of San Luis would stoop, in effect, to occupy it. Again in the 1680s documents asso ciated with the removal of the lieutenant Antonio Matheos, Juan de Mendoza is mentioned repeatedly, but he is never given the title of chief. It is the team of Matheo Chuba and the inija Bentura who seem to be acting then as the leaders at San Luis. While being introduced as a witness in the process against Matheos, Mendoza is identified simply as "Captain Juan de Mendoza, who is of the natives of the said province and one of its most important leaders." Even more indicative of his nonchiefly status at San Luis is a complaint made by Mendoza himself. He claimed that Matheos had deprived him of his salary as parish interpreter and had hindered and prevented "the Indians from plant ing for him, as they were accustomed to do, the said lieutenant ordering the leaders [emphasis added] not to consent to this, and saying that if the said Captain Juan de Mendoza wishes to eat, let him plant" (Chuba 1687:31; Matheos 1687b:52 ff.; Mendoza 1687:38; Roque Perez 1687:32-33). As chief he already would have had people to plant for him. While testifying against Antonio Matheos under oath, Matheo Chuba spoke clearly of approaching Matheos in the company of the inija Bentura, the cacique of Abaslaco, and Francisco Luis, whom he identifies as the prin cipal cacique of that place. One of the Spanish soldiers who testified spoke of Matheo Chuba as governor of the said place, but he called Mendoza simply "an Indian leader" and then referred to the "other Francisco, the principal cacique of San Luis" (Chuba 1687:31; Roque Perez 1687:32-33). In 1695, while Mendoza still held the position of captain at San Luis, Usunaca Andres is mentioned clearly as its principal chief (Florencia 1695). This "deposition" of Mendoza from his alleged chieftainship at San Luis does not resolve all the problems concerning its chieftainship during this pe riod. In speaking of the chiefs who went to St. Augustine to complain against the lieutenant, Pedro Luxan, a Spanish soldier who testified against Matheos, characterized Matheo Chuba as "principal cacique of the province" and Bi Bentura, the inija, as "second in rank after the principal cacique." Another Spaniard referred to Matheo Chuba as "a leading Indian and governor of this place." And in telling of Matheos's having put Matheo Chuba and his partner Bentura in irons, the same witness mentioned that the Indians of the village went to consult with the pair as "their heads and governors to ask what they should do." Matheo Chuba himself, on the same occasion that he identified Francisco Luis as principal cacique, styled himself "governor of that place" (Chuba 1687:31; Luxan 1687:111-113; Roque Perez 1687:32-33). That title "governor" provides the solution to the problem. Juan de Pueyo's 1695 visitation of Guale portrays the "governor" as the man who governed the village even though he might not be a cacique or mico or at least

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Apalachee Political Structure 111 not the cacique whom one would expect to be in charge. In the Guale village of Santa Clara de Tupique, the official known as the alaiguita was governor of the village in 1695, even though another man held the hereditary title of mico of Tupiqui. He had been stripped of the power pertaining to the title because of his incapacity to rule. Antonio, the alaiguita of Tupiqui, was given no title except governor and alaiguita (Pueyo 1695:116-120, 125-128). Matheo Chuba's position at San Luis in the 1680s was similar. It is possible that Mendoza played a similar role in the late 1670s, although there is no equivalent documentation to support that thesis. Such leaders' rise to power might suggest that clerical support and friendly relations with other sectors of the Spanish community played a part in their eclipsing of the rightful leader during this era. Both Matheo Chuba and Mendoza were taunted by Matheos for their clerical ties. Chuba, in his testimony, recalled that in one of his encounters with the lieutenant, Matheos remarked, 44 You have been very involved in the convent. It would be best that you become sacristan." Mendoza complained that for two years the lieutenant had con stantly made fun of him for his work for the church as catechist, acolyte, and language teacher to the friars (Chuba 1687:31; Mendoza 1687:38). Both held military commissions from the Spanish authorities. Mendoza's role in bring ing about the outlawing of the ball game probably would have won him addi tional favor in both official and clerical circles, as the lieutenant, Juan Fer nandez de Florencia, supported that move. Matheo Chuba was revealed as enjoying considerable sympathy among the Spaniards in his difficulties with the lieutenant. Their rise to power, however, probably flowed from Chief Francisco Luis's incapacity and the support of other native leaders, as was the case in the alaiguita's accession to power in Tupiqui. If Guale's lieutenant in 1695 is to be believed, the alaiguita was not at all a Hispanophile (Jaen 1695:passim). If the Francisco Luis who was principal chief in the 1680s was the same Francisco Luis who governed in 1657, age or infirmity could have been a fac tor responsible for his retiring ways, though in the mid-1680s he was still fit enough to contemplate a trip to St. Augustine. Both the Apalachicola and the Timucua had provisions for a chief to select an assistant when he so desired, whether for reasons of age, infirmity, or any other cause. Hawkins remarks that among the Apalachicola the chief selected the man who appeared best qualified to him and submitted his name to his counselors, who did or did not approve his choice (Florencia 1695:90-93; Hawkins 1982a:69). The Apala chee probably had a similar arrangement. At San Luis both of the native leaders who overshadowed or replaced the nominal chief in the 1670s and 1680s were leaders in the village's native mili tia. As seems to have been customary for such leaders, they held captains'

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112 Apalachee commissions in the Spanish infantry. In some villages the chief held that com mission. At Ivitachuco in 1657 and in San Luis from the mid-1670s into the 1690s, someone other than the principal chief held that position (Fernandez de Florencia 1678; Mendoza 1687:38; Rebolledo 1657a:93, 100). It is not clear whether this phenomenon of chiefs who did not also lead the villages' warriors antedated the mission era. Corkran, citing Bartram, notes that among the Creek, "It sometimes happens that the king (mico) is war-chief and high-priest, and then his power is very formidable and sometimes dangerous to the liberty of citizens." This attempt to avoid abuse of power may have been a reason for separating the function in the larger, more important towns such as San Luis and Ivitachuco. A number of these militia leaders bore exclusively Spanish names such as Loureno Martin, Antonio Garcia, Juan de Mendoza, and Alonzo Pastrana, who was a chief as well. These four men were also literate, and their Hispanicization and literacy suggest that they may have been products of St. Au gustine's school for interpreters or that some may have been mestizos or that they were natives born and reared in St. Augustine, as was Juan Bernardo Pueyo's Mocama interpreter for the 1695 visitation (Jaen 1695: 169). These four leaders were often mentioned by name and title during the vis itation. A number of other classes of village leaders were noted as being present; they were not identified, just lumped together under the category "other village leaders." They no doubt included some of the prestigious warriors, respected elders, members of the chief's family, and, earlier in the mis sion period, possibly the medicine maker (Bushnell 1978b:2, 10; Leturiondo 1678; Rebolledo 1657a: passim). Hawkins and others reveal that among the neighboring Apalachicola, the mico, or chief, and the heniha, or second-in-command, shared decision mak ing with a band of numerous counselors made up of the important warriors, active and retired, the members of the mico's family, the important assistants of the heniha, and other elders of distinction. Among the Apalachee, repre sentatives of these groups undoubtedly were to be found among the anony mous "other leaders." As far as is known, however, there appears to be among the Apalachee no parallel to the elaborate political architecture that character ized the Creek square ground with its four separate cabins: one for the mico and his counselors on the west side with its open front facing east; one for the warriors on the north side; one for the beloved men on the south side; and one for the young people on the east side. In addition, the Creek had another nearby public building known as the rotunda; it served at times as a meeting place for the mico and his counselors and as a ceremonial center for dancing and for certain religious rites. In warm weather the Creek used the square ground and the cabins around it for such activities, but in cold weather they

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Apalachee Political Structure 113 retreated to the rotunda (Fernandez de Florencia 1678; Florencia 1695; Hawkins 1982a: 68-72). Among the Apalachee the principal council house appears to have been used for all of these functions year-round. In his descrip tion of a typical Florida village, the only major communal structure men tioned by Bishop Calderon was the council house, or great bujio. It was round, built of wood, and covered with straw, and it had a very large opening at the top. "Most of them," the bishop commented, "can accommodate from 2,000 to 3,000 persons." He added that they were "furnished all around the interior with niches called barbacoas, which serve as beds and as seats for the caciques and chiefs, and as lodgings for soldiers and transients. Dances and festivals are held in them around a great fire in the center" (Diaz Vara Cal deron 1675:13). The 1985 and 1986 excavations at San Luis have revealed just such a circular structure 36 meters in diameter. Paralleling the exterior wall below the edges of the niches or barbacoas, the 1985 excavation unearthed 19 cob-filled smudge pits spaced at regular intervals. The expectations that this feature would be found all the way around the interior wall were borne out during the 1986 excavation. The remains of the principal fire indicate that it was placed on the same level as the floor rather than in a fire pit. The fire remains were so shallow that they would have been lost had that portion of the site ever been plowed (Gary Shapiro, personal communications, October 1985, May 1986). This structure is remarkably similar in detail to the one portrayed by Bartram for the Creek, including the large, evenly spaced cen tral support posts and benches around the inside of the exterior wall (Shapiro 1985b: 16-18). In the council house it was the prerogative of the chief to sit on the principal barbacoa or bench (Florencia 1695:66-67). In theory, the native leaders were free to manage their day-to-day affairs without interference from the Spanish authorities, civil or religious. In practice, the governor's lieutenant in Apalachee did intrude at times in the daily affairs of the village, especially in San Luis in such matters as disciplining the Indians and directing labor. The friars, to an even greater degree, seem to have interfered in these matters of Indian administration. The Indian leaders could and often did complain to the lieutenant and to the governor about the friars' intrusions, especially during the governors' visitations. Intrusions and abuses of power by the lieutenant or by the governor himself were more difficult for the Indians to deal with and took longer to remedy. If the governor proved to be unresponsive, they could appeal to the other royal officials in St. Augustine and ultimately to the king, either through the friars and secular clergy or through the royal officials. When the volume of complaints was serious enough, it sometimes brought about the removal of a lieutenant, the deposi tion of a governor, or, in one case, a harried governor's desertion of his post (Bushnell 1981:135; Solana 1687a: 17-39).

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114 Apalachee As the governor's deputy, the lieutenant was the supreme authority in the province, exercising executive, legislative, judicial, and military power. He was responsible for maintaining the loyalty of the natives, securing good order, defending the province, promoting economic growth, dispatching labor levies to St. Augustine, providing justice, and resolving disputes. To meet the last two responsibilities, he was to make a circuit of the settlements under his jurisdiction every four months. The major guarantee for his proper fulfillment of these duties was the visitation of the province by the governor or by an inspector delegated by the governor. This visit took place once during the governor's term and consisted of an inquiry into the state of affairs in the prov ince that provided an opportunity for the natives to voice any complaints they might have against the lieutenant, the soldiers, the friars, or their own leaders. When the complaints were serious and numerous, the governor might send a special inspector to hold an inquiry without waiting until the regular visita tion. But as the lieutenant was appointed by the governor, more often than not such a move was merely a gesture to deter criticism. That the friars could go over the head of the governor and appeal directly to the authorities in Spain was an additional check (Florencia 1695; Leturiondo 1678; Rebolledo 1657a: passim). Throughout the Habsburg period, churchmen in the New World were able to make their views known to people in Spain who had influence in the decision making process. For most of the reign of Charles II (1665-1700), that entree to the "corridors of influence, if not of power," as John Lynch expressed it, was even greater (Lynch 1964(2):230). At the death of Philip IV, Charles, the heir to the throne, was a sickly four-year-old child, mentally disturbed and mentally subnormal. Because those conditions lasted for most of his life, even as an adult he never controlled the government in any real sense. Lynch noted that "Government was first controlled by his mother, the queen regent. As she was weak of character and scrupulous of conscience, she inevitably took counsel of her confessor, not only on faith and morals, but also on matters of government" (Lynch 1964(2):237). This confessor became one of the last of a line of seventeenth-century validos, or favorites, who functioned as prime ministers. Although he was soon ousted because of his unacceptable origins (he was Austrian by birth and not a member of the aristocracy) and the aristocracy soon moved into the political vacuum created by Charles II's inca pacity, the church remained one of the most privileged sectors of society. Its upper ranks were filled largely by members of the aristocracy (Lynch 1964(2): 229-230, 236-237). The available documentation does not reveal whether the Spanish authori ties ever intervened to remove any of the native leaders of Apalachee from their positions. One suspects that some native leaders were involved in the 1647 uprising. If so, it is likely that they were among those executed or sen-

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Apalachee Political Structure 115 tenced to hard labor. Such circumstances would seem to be the only ones in which the royal officials could safely remove an Indian leader and not leave themselves open to complaints and eventual punishment in the wake of the residencia to which all Spanish officials were obliged to submit. Among the powers given to Leturiondo for his 1677-1678 visitation was "the full and ample jurisdiction in his Majesty's name to punish, install in office or remove caciques." Equally difficult to assess is the impact of the Spanish intrusion on altering the natives' political system or on influencing ascension to the post of cacique in cases where the designated heir lost out to a usurper. At some point in the mission period, if not from its beginning, it appears to have become custom ary for a village council to secure an approbatory nod from the governor's deputy before a new cacique was installed. What happened if the governor's lieutenant withheld or threatened to withhold that nod of approval? In the case of the disputed chieftainship of Faltassa, the usurper, who held power for eight years before being removed by the visitor Leturiondo, had been installed with the approval of the lieutenant. During the 1694 visitation, Joaquin de Florencia dealt with a complaint from Hinachuba Adrian, the legitimate heir to the head chieftainship of Capoli, that he had not been given possession of that post. The visitation record does not explain why that had happened or how long the delay had been. But on receiving testimony that Adrian's claim was justified, Florencia ordered his installation as chief. It is difficult to assess the political effect of the conferral of military titles such as captain and field master on selected native leaders. The interpreter Juan Mendoza held the rank of captain. He was referred to by one Spaniard as "one of the most important leaders." Matheo Chuba held the title of field mas ter, as did Luis de Ybitachuco in 1651. Bernardo Hinachuba was both head cacique and captain at Cupaica. Don Andres, the successor to the lackluster Chief Francisco Luis, was issued the title of "governor" (Florencia 1695; Leturiondo 1678; Rebolledo 1657a:93, 100, 1657b; Solana 1687a:17-39). One wonders if he sought it so that he would not be similarly overshadowed. Another Spanish-introduced novelty that may have had some political im pact was the art of writing. Several of the more influential and active leaders at the cacique and subcacique level were literate. All of the Ivitachucan chiefs whose names we know were literate, as were Juan Mendoza, Diego Salvador, and Matheo Chuba, although judging from his nervous scrawl, the latter was not very adept or practiced at writing. For whatever reason, the pattern of native leadership seems to have be come more complex at San Luis during the 1680s.8 There were chacals at San 8. Of course, we may simply have more detailed knowledge of the leadership for this period, rather than an indication of change.

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116 Apalachee Luis distinct from the inija. Bip Bentura was referred to as principal inija and head chacal. The title "principal" seems to imply the existence of another inija. He may have been Matheo Chuba, who, at times, seemed to be doing work normally done by an inija. Of course, the other inija or inijas may have been those of the satellite villages. One possible reason for the development of a more complex leader ship structure may have been the stepped-up military activity from the middle 1670s into the 1690s, especially during the late 1680s. This activity necessi tated the prolonged absence of many of the leaders who were responsible for the direction of the day-to-day activities of the village. The natives of San Luis, naturally, were called on to participate in many of these expeditions. Matheo Chuba and Bentura along with Juan de Mendoza and the chief of Cupaica, Bernardo Ynachuba, were the principal organizers and leaders of the 1677 expedition against the Chisca. San Luis's chief is not even mentioned in connection with that enterprise. Chuba and Bentura orchestrated the barrage of complaints against Antonio Matheos that effected his removal as the gover nor's deputy, and they were among the principal targets of his tyrannical acts (Fernandez de Florencia 1678; Leturiondo 1678; Solana 1687a: 17-39). A significant political consequence of the Spanish intrusion was a more regimented existence for the natives, whether they were leaders or workers. During the latter part of the mission era at least, Indians journeying to St. Augustine were required to carry passports showing that they were authorized to be away from their villages. Similarly, before returning to their villages, upon completing whatever work or business they had been sent to do, they needed a document or signature from the governor. The potential for abusing the system, should a governor want to keep a worker there beyond his time, is obvious. Theoretically at least, Indian leaders needed the permission of that official even when they wished to lodge a complaint against an official such as the lieutenant, Antonio Matheos. One wonders whether the very seeking of that permission was an attempt to intimidate the errant official into mending his ways. The lieutenant's permission was required as well for travel to the villages of non-Christian natives to the west and northwest, but that require ment was probably less of a restraint because the traveler did not have to pass any Spanish control points or worry about meeting Spaniards at his destina tion, unless the deputy governor happened to have soldiers there on a trading mission (Quiroga y Losada 1691a). This regimentation extended to other as pects of the natives' life once the mission regime had been well established. Permission of the authorities was required to move from village to village and from villages on the royal road to others that were not on that road. Another annoying facet of this regimentation was the labor repartimiento's requirement that the ordinary Indian be available periodically for compulsory,

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Apalachee Political Structure 117 compensated labor, either for government projects or on the farms of Spanish soldiers. As most of the government building projects and most of the soldiers were at St. Augustine, the laborer selected for this service was required to move temporarily to that center where, in most cases, he would live in some sort of temporary shelter. While performing such mandated labor the native was not able to bargain concerning the compensation he would receive but was paid the relatively low wage set by the authorities. Wages were often de valued further by the employer paying the Indians in goods rather than moneywhich allowed the employer to inflate the value of the goods or, even worse, pass off goods of little or no utility or of the poorest quality, which no one else wanted. Indians selected for the duty of carrying the bedding and other baggage for soldiers traveling on orders of the governor received no com pensation at all unless the soldier voluntarily chose to give the porter some thing. The restriction on the natives' travel to St. Augustine is doubtless one of the factors that permitted the Spanish settlers to eliminate most of the native competition from the trade in hogs, chickens, butter, and bacon, etc., during the last years of the seventeenth century (Leturiondo [1700]: 177-179, 183). The only effective way the natives could escape this regimentation was to take the drastic step of leaving their homeland to live with some neighboring tribe, a psychologically wrenching experience, as well as a dangerous one. This regimentation and the exploitation associated with it as well as Spain's failure to provide adequately for the defense of the region were all elements contributing to the departure of so many of the Apalachee with Colonel James Moore in the wake of his 1704 attack on the province. For a catalog of native leaders whose names appear in the records and available biographical data, see appendix 11.

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Chapter 5 The Apalachee Language TO DATE, only one text of any length in the Apalachee language has surfaced to serve as an indicator of the linguistic ancestry of its speakers and as a guide to situating Apalachee within the broad family of Muskogean languages. That text is a letter to the Spanish king written by the chiefs of Apalachee in 1688 and was translated at that time into Spanish by Fray Marcelo de San Joseph. The text and the translation were published more than a century ago by Buck ingham Smith, who also provided an English translation of the Spanish ver sion of the letter. The Spanish version, fortunately, was a literal translation designed, as Fray Marcelo put it, to present it "just as it is and sounds' (San Joseph 1688). The only other current source of knowledge of the language is a few isolated words, many of them from Friar Paiva's ball game manuscript. Caution must be used in dealing with the Indian words used by the Spaniards in describing things in Apalachee, for some of those words are Arawak or Timucua rather than Apalachee. The Stetson Collection has photostats of a Spanish copy of the letter, which differs considerably in spelling from the version reproduced by Buck ingham Smith. The differences are quite numerous and follow a pattern that seems to rule out the possibility of their being attributed to random errors on the part of the transcriber. There may be other documents in the Apalachee language buried in Span ish or Cuban archives. In A Migration Legend of the Creek Indians, Alfred Gatschet mentions the reputed existence of two such documents in a Cuban archive. Other documents originally written in the Apalachee language are the ball game manuscript, composed in the mid-1670s by two literate Apalachee who served as interpreters (Bushnell 1978b: 10), and, almost contempora neous with it, the 1677 report on the expedition against the Chisca, written by Captain Juan Fernandez de Florencia, the governor's deputy in the province. 118

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The Apalachee Language 119 Florencia recorded the native leaders' report to him on their return, taking it down in their language. Over the years there has been considerable diversity of opinion concerning where Apalachee belongs in relation to the other languages of the Muskogean family. Swanton, comparing the Apalachee and the Apalachicola who lived in the town of Apalachicola, describes the latter as Hitchiti-speaking, the former as speaking a dialect distinct from Hitchiti within the Southern Division of the general Muskogean family (Swanton 1922:11, 130). Milanich and Fairbanks, on the other hand, identified the language as Muskogean, commenting that "most researchers agree that their language was a dialect of Hitchiti, which today is the language of the Seminoles" (Milanich and Fairbanks 1980:228). Kathleen Deagan considered the Apalachee to be affiliated linguistically with the Hitchiti group of Muskogean languages (Deagan 1976). The Handbook of American Indians holds the Apalachee to be "linguistically more nearly re lated to the Choctaw than to the Creek" (Haas 1978:282). Gatschet concluded that "The Hitchiti, Mikasuki and Apalachi languages form a dialectic group distinct from Creek and the western dialects, and the people speaking them must once have had a common origin." He went on to suggest that the prov ince of Apalachee probably once included "the upper part or the whole of the Chatahuchi river basin" (Gatschet 1969:74-76). Crawford observed that "Apalachee was perhaps closer to Alabama and Koasati than to the other Mus kogean languages" (Crawford 1975:26). This view seems to be borne out by the statement of one of the Frenchmen who had contact with the Apalachee refugees in Mobile soon after they arrived there; he described their language as a mixture of Alibaman and Spanish (McWilliams 1953:135). Mooney held that Apalachee was closer to Choctaw than it was to Creek, while Toomey, in the same vein, compared a specimen of the Apalachee text with other Mus kogean languages and noted that Apalachee has its roots in Choctaw, re sembles Hitchiti in its structure, and differs phonetically "from Northern Choctaw very much as does Houma and Alibamu." He concluded that Ap alachee became separated from Old Choctaw at least several centuries before the arrival of Columbus (Crawford 1975). In her article "The Position of Apalachee in the Muskogean Family," Mary Haas presents what seems to be the most reasoned analysis of the rela tionship of Apalachee to its related languages within the Muskogean family. She divided the extant Muskogean languages into a Western Division, con taining only Choctaw and Chickasaw, and an Eastern Division, embracing all the rest. Starting from Proto-Muskogean forms, she illustrated two of the major phonological considerations that are the basis for distinguishing a West ern and an Eastern Division within the family of Muskogean languages. Then she showed with several Apalachee words that it follows the pattern of Hitchiti,

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120 Apalachee Creek, Seminole, and Alabama-Koasati, rather than the pattern of Choctaw. Having established that Apalachee belongs to the Eastern Division, she turned her attention to either finding its closest relatives within that Eastern Division or establishing that it represents a subdivision by itself. In the Eastern Divi sion she noted three subdivisions, Alabama-Koasati, Hitchiti-Mikasuki, and Creek-Seminole. She then showed that Apalachee probably belongs with the first, or Alabama, subdivision, based particularly on the fact that the other two subdivisions always suffix personal pronominal elements used in the con junction of active verbs, while Apalachee, along with Alabama-Koasati and Choctaw, prefixes such elements. The subject seems to merit more study; her arguments mention certain anomalies that show other elements linking the subdivision to Choctaw and linking it more closely to the other Eastern Divi sion languages. Overall, however, the evidence seems to place it in the Ala bama-Koasati subdivision. In a final elucidation she noted that in this Ala baman subdivision, Apalachee is one of three separate languages, whereas the other two subdivisions contain only slightly variant dialects of one language. She concluded that Apalachee may be closer to Alabama proper than to Koasati but that she did not have sufficient material on Alabama to confirm her suspicions (Haas 1978:282-293). Mark F. Boyd's articles on the Diego Peiia expeditions provide some in sights on the relationship between the language of the Apalachee and that of some of the native peoples with whom they had the closest contact. Diego Pena's remarks establish clearly that Apalachee was related closely enough to Hitchiti as to be serviceably understandable to the Hitchiti-speakers among the Apalachicola. On his first expedition in 1716, Diego Pena's Apalachee in terpreter, the Spanish ensign Don Diego de Florencia, addressed the Apala chicola for him (Boyd 1949:23-25, 1952:113-114, 117). During his second expedition, however, he employed two interpreters. One, a Spaniard trans lated his words into Apalachee, and the other, Adrian, the chief of Bacuqua, translated the Apalachee version into Uchisi (Boyd 1952:117). Uchisi is be lieved to be a Hitchiti tongue. Considering the length of their contact with the Apalachee, the Spaniards made few comparisons of the Apalachee language with the tongues of the neighboring tribes. In 1673 two friars mentioned the need in St. Augustine for religious personnel who understood the languages of Apalachee, Timucua, and Guale so that the needs of the Indians there might be addressed. They remarked that the three languages were so different that few of the friars understand all of them (Somoza and Madrigal 1673). A letter from the early 1690s implies that Taman was sufficiently distinct from Apalachee to rule out the use of a friar versed in the latter to meet the needs of the Tama at Candelaria. Governor Quiroga complained about the transfer to Rome of Fray

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The Apalachee Language 121 Juan Angel, whom he characterized as skilled in the Tahaman (Taman) lan guage. Because of the lack of priests who knew the tongue, Quiroga remarked that the mission remained without a friar for one and a half years, during which time many of the Tama fled to the woods (Quiroga y Losada 1690b). There are some fragmentary references to the relationship between Apa lachee and Timucuan. The languages were sufficiently distinct to require the first missionaries who contemplated working in Apalachee to learn the Ap alachee language (Horruytiner 1633). However, the two languages seem to have shared a few words. In 1695 there was an investigation into the reported disappearance and possible murder of a putative Christian Chacato woman in the Timucua village of San Pedro de Potohiriba. For the questioning of the Yustagan and the Apalachee witnesses, separate interpreters were used for the two tongues (Garcia 1695:172 ff.). On the other hand, during Rebolledo's vis itation of 1657 and Leturiondo's inspection of 1677-1678 the same inter preter was used for both Timucua and Apalachee; this use seems to have been made possible by the linguistic skills of the royal interpreter, Diego Salvador, a literate Apalachee Indian. During Leturiondo's visitation, Salvador served also as the interpreter at Candelaria, then inhabited by Tama and Yamassee. It is not clear whether this occurrence was an indication of his linguistic skill or of the fact that the lan guages of the Tama and Yamassee were close enough to Apalachee to make a separate interpreter unnecessary. It is possible that the leaders of those tribes had learned sufficient Apalachee to understand Diego Salvador's presentations of the visitor's questions and orders. In the 1694 visitation, another Apalachee interpreter, Hubabat Gaspar, also served in the Taman village. If the Tamans spoke Hitchiti, as Swanton suggested, it might explain the use of the same interpreter. Hubabat served as interpreter in the Chine village as well. Unfor tunately, there is no mention of the name of the interpreter for the 1694 visita tion of the Tocobaga (Florencia 1695; Leturiondo 1678; Rebolledo 1657a; Swanton 1922:83). The Chacato language appears to have defied Diego Salvador's skills. Dur ing the inquiry into the 1675 Chacato revolt, he was part of a two-man inter preting team; he translated the Spanish official's words into Apalachee so that a Chacato versed in Apalachee, a man named Chacta Alonso, could then translate them into the Chacato tongue (Fernandez de Florencia 1675a).1 Similarly in 1694, for the questioning of the Chacato temporarily domiciled at Escambe, a separate interpreter was employed rather than Hubabat Gaspar (Florencia 1695:56-57). On the other hand, in the course of the 1677 Apala-1. As this inquiry was a judicial process, it is possible that higher levels of communication skills were required by custom or law.

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122 Apalachee chee expedition against the Chisca, a number of Christian Chacato recruited as guides became discontented over the privations they were forced to endure and began to discuss plans among themselves for deserting the expedition. The Apalachee within earshot were able to understand them (Fernandez de Florencia 1678). The Choctaw presumably spoken by the Chacato may have been related closely enough to Apalachee to be grasped by the Apalachee. It is, however, more likely that some of the Apalachee had had enough contact with the Chacato living among them to be conversant with their tongue. The fact that Pansacola was a common Apalachee surname as well as the name of an Apalachee satellite village suggests some affinity between the two people or their language. The sparse evidence concerning the affiliation of the Chacato is difficult to evaluate. They appear to have been closely associated with the Pansacola, and a brief reference to them by Governor Juan Marques Cabrera seems to imply that they were closely related (Marques Cabrera 1686a). Some authorities identify the Chine as a branch of the Chacato. The Chacato seem to have been closely related politically to the Chisca as well, and, if one accepts the theory that the Chisca and the Yuchi or Uchee are the same people, then they are in close association with the mostly Hitchiti-speaking lower towns among the Apalachicola. Lanning, in particular, made this point, remarking that the Chacato, when first reported by the Spaniards around 1639, were described as living near the middle course of the Chipola River and west of the Apalachi cola. He then pointed out that "Their history was tied up, however, with the Georgia tribes" (Lanning 1935:171). There is, in addition, the evidence from the oft-repeated tale of the Cha cato woman in the era of the destruction of the missions.2 She first brought the news of the genocide planned for the Apalachee by the Apalachicola and their English mentors. About 1701 she had been carried off from Apalachee to the Apalachicola country by a Christian Sabacolan. While living in the village of Achito, she witnessed a meeting of all the leaders of the Apalachicola towns. In this meeting the Apalachicola planned the extermination of the Christian Apalachee in conjunction with the English move in 1702 to eliminate the Spanish presence at St. Augustine (Albuquerque 1703). Her ability to under stand a detailed account of their campaign plans suggests that she had a good grasp of the language of the Apalachicola, perhaps because it was similar to her own or perhaps because she had become skilled in Apalachee during her stay among its people. It is possible that her knowledge of Apalachee enabled her to understand the Hitchiti-speaking Apalachicola. Of course, there is yet 2. The woman returned to Apalachee with her story in October 1702, just after the disastrous rout of the Spanish-led 800-man Apalachee force at the Flint River by an English-led Creek force.

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The Apalachee Language 123 another possibilitythat her information came via the Sabacolan who had carried her off. During Leturiondo's visitation of the Tocobaga village of Wacissa, the Tocobaga's language defied Diego Salvador's skills. He was part of the inter preting team on that occasion, but he was also joined by Manuel Ruiz, described as being of the Tocobaga's tongue. Presumably he also knew Timucua or Apalachee. In 1695 there was no mention of an interpreter being used for the Tocobaga. In his comments on the languages of the various Apalachicola settlements, Diego Pena, after remarking that most of the southernmost towns spoke the same language (Hitchiti), noted that Sabacola had a distinct language. He then added that they also spoke Apalachee (Boyd 1949:25), giving no indication of the reason for their bilingualism. Contemporaneously, Governor Juan de Ayala y Escobar identified Chislacaliche (Cherokeeleechee) as chief of the province of the Uchise (Ayala y Escobar 1717b:36, 53). Swanton identified him as chief of Apalachicola (1922:13132; 1946:92). Inasmuch as many of the Indians of the Southeast, as members of the gen eral Muskogean family, were related linguistically, they shared a number of words whose form had not changed substantially from their Proto-Muskogean roots. The most familiar examples are some of the words for officials such as inija, which was shared by the Apalachee, the Chacato, and the Apalachicola. The word for "favored son of the chief," usinulo, was also shared by the same three groups, although, in both cases, with a slight variance in form among the Apalachicola. The word for "interpreter" used by the Spaniards was ate-qui for the Apalachee and Chacato, yatiki for the Creek, and athequi for the Timucua. The word for "principal chief," holahta, was shared by the Apala chee and the Timucua. Chuco, the Apalachee word for "great" or "prin cipal," appears in a number of slightly variant forms in the languages of the neighboring tribes. Is-te-puc-cau-chau thlucco, Hawkins noted, was the Creek term for "Great Leader" and Tustunnuggee thlucco their term for "Great Warrior" (Hawkins 1982b:70, 72). It appears again as a variant in Bar-tram's title of "Mico Chlucco" for the Long Warrior, King of the Seminoles. In the organization of the reprisals against those most responsible for the 1597 revolt in Guale, one of the places in Georgia to which the mico of Asao appealed for aid was Ytochuco. Swanton (1922) identified it as a Gualean town. Although the word for "former village site," chicasa, was different than the one used by the Timucua, ycapacha, the number of words shared by the Apa lachee and the Timucua raises some questions, particularly because most authorities consider the Timucua to be a non-Muskogean people. As soon as he crossed into Apalachee, Pena began to use the word chicasa rather than the word ycapacha, which he had used for the sites of former Timucua villages.

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124 Apalachee Ivitachuco is paralleled by Timucua's Ivitanayo. Mutual influences can also be inferred from the title of the ball game manuscript, which said the game was traditional in Apalachee and Yustaga, and in their sharing the custom of building round structures rather than the rectangular structures of most of their neighbors. In mission times the Spaniards almost invariably spelled the name of the province Apalache. On a number of occasions when the name was being used by native speakers or by Europeans steeped in the Indian tongues, the name is rendered as Abalache. It is spelled in this way by Fontaneda, by the friar who translated the one extant text in Apalachee, and by the Apalachee chieftains who composed that text in their native tongue. In the native script it is written and broken as "Aba lah chi." Over the years various individuals have advanced interpretations of the meaning of such tribal names as Apalachee, Caddo, and Calusa. Swanton gave the meaning of Apalachee as "people on the other side" (of a river, pre sumably, he adds), or "allies" (Swanton 1946:216). Bartram stated that the Creek's name for the king of England was Ant-apala-mico-chucco, meaning "the great king over or beyond the great water" (Bartram 1955:388), which seems to support Swanton's suggestion. J. Clarence Simpson, working on the assumption that the words from which Apalachee was formed might have had the same meaning in Apalachee as in Choctaw, advanced two words from the latter as possible keys to the significance of the name. The first is Apelachi, "help or helper," which by extension could include "ally." The other is Apelichi, "the place in which to rule, preside, or govern." Simpson considered the last to be the most plausible, based on the Fidalgo de Elvas's assertion that the chief of Anhayca Apalache was lord of all that country (Simpson 1956:24). One scholar has suggested that a slight variation on that meaning could be "people of the center," which is particularly interesting because of its pos sible association with the earlier Lake Jackson ceremonial center. However, it is perilous to attempt to divine the meaning and significance of native terms from languages that are no longer spoken and for which there are few surviv ing words. One of the more striking illustrations of the potential pitfalls of such ventures are the two absolutely contradictory suggestions concerning the meaning of the name of the Timucuan settlement of Ivitanayo. Boniface sug gested that the name meant "White Lake," and Simpson stated that Gatschet believed Ivitanayo to be a Timucuan name meaning "Black Lake" (Simpson 1956:62). The letter in Apalachee does not give us any indication as to whether their name for God the Creator paralleled the Apalachicola's "Master of Breath." Although the name of God appears a number of times, the Apalachee writer invariably used the Spanish Dios rather than whatever equivalent word they

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The Apalachee Language 125 may have had in their own tongue. This usage contrasts with their usage of the word "king," which appears in both the Spanish form rey and the native holahta chuba. This use of the Spanish word Dios may indicate that they lacked a concept of the divinity close enough to the Judeo-Christian concept to be adequate, or simply that the friars frowned on any association of the Christian concept with the native one.

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Chapter 6 The Apalachee Economy WHEN THE FIRST Europeans arrived, the Apalachee were already a seden tary people, depending primarily on agriculture for their food supply but also relying on fish, game, and wild fruit and nuts to supplement what they grew. In contrast to the Spaniards' reports that the natives of coastal Florida and Georgia led a nomadic existence for several months each winter as they searched the woods for food, there is no mention of such a practice among the Apalachee. Possibly it was this sedentary trait that made Fontaneda see them as excellent mission material. The Spaniards found Apalachee, in comparison to the surrounding regions, to be rather densely peopled. So great was the region's reputation for productivity among the Indians of peninsular Florida that they reported it to the Spaniards as an incentive for them to move to the north. On reaching Apa lachee they found those reports to be true. The chroniclers of the de Soto ex pedition remarked on the extensive fields of corn, beans, squash, and other vegetables that they encountered along the roadside, and although it was still early in the fall they also found caches of dried venison. Their decision to winter there was based largely on the adequacy of the stored supplies of foodstuffs, which they were able to seize within a relatively short distance of the Apalachee's head village, appropriated for their winter quarters. The natives' clothing was minimal, a deerskin loincloth for the men and a skirt woven of Spanish moss for the women. For the winter cold they had cloaks or capes of animal skins or furs. They made garments also from fibers extracted from the roots and bark of various trees and from the feathers of birds. Neither the first explorers nor the Spaniards of the mission era provide much information about the native techniques for producing their abundance of foodstuffs. The best source of information is the observations of Bishop 126

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The Apalachee Economy 127 Calderon. He noted that the natives cleared the fields of grass and weeds dur ing January by setting fire to them. The original clearing of trees and under brush probably was done in a similar fashion, reminiscent of a process used by the American aborigines as far away as southern Brazil. The method, the socalled coivara, "swidden" or "slash-and-burn" technique, is still practiced at times by the caboclos of Brazil's backlands. It involves cutting most of the larger trees, ringing the remainder, and cutting the underbrush. When the area has dried sufficiently, it is burned to leave the land clear for planting. Bishop Calderon reported that such preparation of the fields was combined with a form of hunting called hurimelas, in which much of the village's population would surround the area to be burned and slay the deer, wild ducks, and rabbits fleeing the fire. Inasmuch as the bishop was talking about the Chris tianized Indians of Florida, in general, that name may not be the Apalachee name for the practice. There is an apparent reference to this practice during Rebolledo's visitation, when it was called Junumelas; it also took place in January (Diaz Vara Calderon 1675:12-13; Rebolledo 1657a:92). The bishop mentioned that the planting was done in April, observing that the ground was prepared by the men and that the sowing of the seed was done by the women. The Europeans' wheat was planted by the natives in October and harvested in June. He noted that everyone in the community worked to plant the chiefs' fields. Friars in Apalachee described the planting and cultivating as involving a "first, second, and third caba (digging)" and the guarding of the fields as an integral part of farm work (Moral et al. 1657). There is no mention of the tools used by the Apalachee to prepare the soil, but they probably used a mat tocklike instrument similar to the one the Timucua are described as employ ing. The Spaniards introduced an iron mattocklike hoe. The Apalachee cultivated tobacco and gathered the leaves of the yaupon holly growing near the coast for the preparation of cacina, a tea that also had ceremonial uses. They had no alcoholic beverages and even during mission times did not adopt them; the bishop noted that their only drink other than cacina was water, remarking specifically that they did not touch wine or rum (Diaz Vara Calderon 1675:12-13; Laudonniere 1975:15; Paiva 1676:576). Corn was consumed in a number of ways: as a lye-hominy porridge made with ashes, in little cakes made of cornmeal, in a thin gruel, onsla, or a thick gruel, atole, and, on journeys, as toasted or parched corn flour. Like the Apalachicola, the Apalachee probably had several varieties of corn, each used for a different purpose. Adair noted that the Apalachicola had three varieties: first "the smaller sort of Indian corn, which usually ripens in two months," which they planted as soon as the weather permitted; second, one that was "yellow and flinty, which they call hommony-corn"; third, "the largest, of a very white and soft grain termed bread-corn" (Adair 1930:435-437). Whether coinci-

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128 Apalachee dentally or not, Alonso de Leturiondo noted that for the payment of the tithe in Florida, maize was divided into the three categories of "principal maize, second class [maize], and then that of the puny ears (de redrojd)" observing further that "of these three categories, they only pay on the principal." Al though the ears of the second category were smaller, this kind of maize or dinarily was produced in far greater quantity than was the principal maize (Leturiondo [1700]: 191). Late-eighteenth-century observers of the Apalachicola mention a number of boiled soft breads made by combining the green corn or flour extracted from the corn with chestnuts, beans, or sweet potatoes. Thin cakes mixed with bear oil were baked on thin broad stones or broad flat pieces of pottery made for that purpose. After extracting the oil from hickory nutmeats, the residue, or "milk," was combined with flour to make a nutbread (Adair 1930:437; Diaz Vara Calderon 1675:12; Fernandez de Florencia 1678; Garcia 1902:192; Hawkins 1982b:26; Paiva 1676:576). The Apalachee proba bly had similar foods. The prominence of the cazuela bowl among the pottery remains suggests that stews were common in their diet. In the 1650s a wrath ful friar from Patale smashed a number of pots of food being prepared for guests who had been invited from San Luis to a repast at Bacuqua before at tending a concurrent fiesta at Patale. The bishop seems to suggest that nor mally only the well-to-do could afford game and fish as part of their diet (Diaz Vara Calderon 1675:12-13; Rebolledo 1657a:90). Some indication of daily food consumption is given in two references to daily portions that the natives considered to be short rations. Fray Alonso Moral stated that it was the general practice of employers of the Indian work ers sent to St. Augustine to give them "very short rations such as only two pounds of corn a day." In 1693 Governor Torres y Ayala mentioned that the Apalachee who accompanied him to Pensacola Bay asked to be allowed to return to their homes soon after they arrived there, expressing dissatisfaction with the rations they received when the food supply began to run low. The governor said the ration was the same as that issued to the Spaniards up to then, "two pounds of ground corn and a pound of meat" (Moral 1676; Torres y Ayala 1693a:238). Those who have viewed or examined skeletal remains of mission-era Apa lachee have remarked on their apparent robustness. One interesting source of such information that is to be published derives from Widmer's study of re mains from one of the Patale sites. Preliminary analysis of a limited number of skeletal remains suggests that the population represented in his study was composed of healthy individuals with an adequate diet (Widmer 1985). By contrast, Widmer's preliminary analysis of burial remains from Lake Jackson that belong to the late Fort Walton period indicates that even the high-status individuals among those ancestors of the mission Apalachee were not as well

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The Apalachee Economy 129 nourished as were ordinary individuals of the mission period (B. Calvin Jones, personal communication, June 1985). Speaking of the mission Indians in general, Bishop Calderon remarked, "They are fleshy and rarely is there a small one" (Diaz Vara Calderon 1675:12). Similarly, Clark Spencer Larsen's detailed analysis of remains from St. Catherines Island found marked signs of dietary stress for the precontact agri cultural period as compared to the pre-agricultural period. But there was pro nounced stress as well among the mission-era Guale of the island and "a de cline in quality of life and overall well-being," although paradoxically some data suggest that "there may have been a rebound, especially with regard to body-size and bone strength (cross-sectional geometric properties) and demo graphic parameters" (Larsen 1987:7-9). In addition to corn, Alonso de Leturiondo mentioned a number of other sources of starch utilized by the natives: Other types of roots and fruit also grow there, which are called Ache, Zebaca, and Pinoco, which the Indians use a great deal, even though they have the regular wheat of that land, which is maize; but they are so strong and poisonous that, if they do not process them very well, the people burst open, as two Indians did burst open four years ago because they did not properly prepare the small fruit of the Pinoco. But the root of the Ache, which is similar to the Yucca, well processed, yields a flour whiter than that from wheat; and, by pounding it in a hand mortar, throwing water on it, the pungency and poison is removed, and it is pos sible to make everything from the dough that can be made from wheat, without one being able to distinguish them either in the whiteness or in the flavor. And it is a very good bread and much more desirable than that which is made from maize, but if it is not processed well, the dough comes out very black, and, if the pungency is not removed, the mouth is set afire and they are in danger of bursting; and the removal of this root or tuber requires a lot of work because it grows in mudholes (varieties) full of water, and the entire tuber has so many roots, like a horse's mane or like hair, that in order to pull it out of the ground some very strong levers are needed. Likewise, the Indians make bread from the bitter acorn. (Leturiondo [1700]:201-202) In 1646 a friar mentioned ache in a similar context, noting that when food was scarce at St. Augustine, the Spaniards braved hordes of mosquitoes to go out to the ponds in search of ache roots (Perez 1646). Almost a century earlier both Fontaneda and Laudonniere reported a substantial trade in a certain root from which an excellent bread could be made. This root was grown in a fresh-

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130 Apalachee water lake called Sarrope (Larson 1980:199; Lorant 1965:58). The ache may have been the Uc-lau-wau-he-aha, or bog potato, of the Creek described by Hawkins as growing in old beaver ponds in thick, boggy places. These appear to have been usually gathered rather than planted. Despite Leturiondo's detailed description of ache and the processing it re quired, the plant's identity is difficult to establish. The name ache resembles d:hi, the Mikasuki Seminole word for tuber or enlarged root (Sturtevant 1954:437). This suggests zamia, which was used for coontie, but ache's aquatic habitat rules it out. Many of the more obvious edible roots from aquatic habitats known to have been used by the Indians, such as Wapato or Arrowhead (Sagittaria), sweet flag (Acorus calamus) and groundnut (Apios), are ruled out by their lack of one or more of the characteristics Leturiondo attributed to ache such as toxicity, pungency, hairy roots, and difficulties of extraction. Wapato and groundnut were boiled or roasted like a potato rather than converted into flour (Fernald and Kinsey 1958:86-89, 121-122, 252-255; Medsger 1957:169-170, 173-175, 187-188; Widmer, personal com munication, March 3, 1986). The more common smilax fail the test because they are inhabitants of dry or sandy soil and produce a red flour rather than a white one, although Hale Smith did produce a white flour from one variety (Fernald and Kinsey 1958:141-142; Medsger 1957:198; Smith 1951d:139). Tuckahoe or green arrow arum and golden club {Orontium aquaticum) seem to come the closest to meeting the requirements of aquatic habitat, pungency, processing, hairy roots, and use for flour (Fernald and Kinsey 1958:113-116, 119-121; Medsger 1957:196-197). Leturiondo also describes the gathering and processing of cacina, remark ing that the name of the drink comes from the small tree the leaves of which are used to make it. The leaves were roasted or parched in jars {hollas) over a fire. Then, according to Leturiondo, "They break it up and when it is well ground up they pour water on it and they let it boil, and then they filter it and drink it hot" (Leturiondo [1700]:202). Preparching the leaves is further sug gested by another incident involving a surly friar. The friar, deciding that there was an undue delay in serving him his draught of cacina in the council house at San Luis, set about with a cudgel to smash both the jars in which it was brewed and the jugs in which the roasted cacina was distributed (Rebolledo 1657a). The Spaniards of Florida became as addicted to this drink as did their counterparts in Paraguay and on the pampas of the Rio de la Plata and of southern Brazil to the similar native tea known as yerba mate. For the cere monial consumption of cacina associated with the ball game, an inland forest variety of the yaupon was used rather than the coastal shrub (Leturiondo [1700]:202; Paiva 1676:570). The popularity of the coastal variety is no doubt reflected in the name Cazina Point given to one of the headlands at the mouth

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The Apalachee Economy 131 of the St. Marks River (Milan Tapia 1693:283, 304). It is not clear whether the distinction made by the natives corresponds to the modern botanical distinc tion between Ilex vomitoria Alton, or yaupon, and Ilex cassine L. ,* or dahoon holly (Hu 1979:25-37). Spanish sources use the name cacina rather than the currently popular "Black Drink" employed by the Carolinians. Another native beverage, used particularly for refreshment and for nour ishment on journeys, was made by infusing in water a meal composed of ground nuts, maize, dried persimmons, and blueberries. Said to check both hunger and fatigue (Leturiondo [1700]: 202), it is probably the refreshment referred to as tolocano. In his recent work on Native American population, Henry Dobyns pointed to acorns as one of aboriginal Florida's major potential food sources (Dobyns 1983:69-70). Use of acorns by various Florida tribal groups and by the Span iards themselves in times of need is well documented (Garcia 1902:190-192; Larson 1980:186; Leturiondo [1700]:202; Perez 1646). Identifying the acorns used specifically as "bitter acorns," Alonso de Leturiondo described the pro cessing of those acorns for making bread. After the husks had been removed the acorns were ground in a hand mill and the resulting meal was buried un derground in pits, a practice that removed the bitterness and other harmful elements. The purified meal was then formed into small loaves and placed on "something like wooden spits that were placed over the fire." When cooked, Leturiondo attested, the bread was sweet and delicious (Leturiondo [1700]: 202). Not all Spaniards found acorn bread so palatable. In 1595 a group of starving shipwrecked Spaniards found the Gualean variety so sharp tasting and bitter as to be inedible despite their hunger (Garcia 1902:191-192). Al though the Apalachee were renowned as the most intensive cultivators of maize in Florida during the Mississippi period (Larson 1980:214), they relied on acorns as well. In the early 1650s, an Apalachee chieftain objected to Gov ernor Ruiz de Salazar y Vallecilla's cattle operation on the coastal lowlands below Asile and Ivitachuco because it threatened foodstuffs obtained from that area, such as acorns and palm berries (uva de palms) (Manuel, Chief of Asile [1654]; Medina 1651). In 1716, Diego Pena observed that the chicasas of the mission villages of Apalachee contained many fruit trees, listing acorns among the products of those orchards along with figs, peaches, pomegranates, quinces, persimmons, and chestnuts (Boyd 1949:18). The Apalachee probably extracted cooking oil from those acorns. The Apalachicola are known to have used both the acorn and the hickory nut for that purpose, and Hawkins specified that he saw red oak acorns used for oil. After drying the acorns on reed mats and hulling them, they beat the acorns 1. Some authorities deny that there is any botanical distinction (Hudson 1979).

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132 Apalachee into a fine powder in a mortar and then mixed the powder with water. After letting this mixture stand overnight, they used a feather to skim off the oil that rose to the top. A bushel of acorns yielded about one pint of oil (Hawkins 1982b:31). It may be only coincidence, but the front area of the present San Luis archaeological site, where part of the village was located, had a consid erable number of red oaks as well as hickories; most of the red oaks were lost in a hurricane in late 1985. Oil from hickory nuts was produced similarly except that the nutmeat flour mixed with water was kneaded and the oil was removed as it rose to the top. Hawkins found this oil as pleasant to the palate as olive oil. It was expensive, however, compared to butter (Hawkins 1982:38). Others have mentioned cooking as part of the process for the extraction of the oil. Lard and butter are the only cooking fats or oils mentioned in the Spanish records for Apalachee. It is likely that after the introduction of hogs and cattle, animal fats largely replaced the expensive labor-intensive oil from nuts, which probably became a luxury item used only on special occasions. Although lard and butter are mentioned among Apalachee's exports, the one reference that we have to the Apalachee's use of these commodities occurs in the financial record of a galley-building project on the Tacabona River. Two of the three foodstuffs purchased for consumption by the natives were lard and beans (Leturiondo [1700]:200; Matheos 1687a:50-60).2 Both Adair and Hawkins mentioned the use of bear oil or lard for cooking. Adair added that during its rendering it was mixed with plenty of sassafras and wild cinnamon to keep it sweet from one winter to another (Adair 1930:437, 446). In view of the prevalence of sassafras in the Apalachee's territory, their use of it for the same purpose seems probable. With the introduction of the hog, acorns assumed greater indirect impor tance as a food source because they were a major element in the hog's diet. Acorns were also an important food for Apalachee's deer. The fabled productiveness of the Apalachee region was one of the prin cipal reasons for the launching of Spain's formal effort to Christianize the people in 1633. Apalachee's surplus, it was hoped, would remedy St. Au gustine's chronic food shortages, especially on occasions when the supply ships bringing the annual subsidy were lost or delayed. On the Indians' side, the interest in being Christianized also had both a material and a spiritual basis. Before the mission era the Apalachee probably had already acquired a taste for European goods obtained by trade with neighboring Indians who had contact with the Spaniards or with Spanish shipwrecks. From 1608 on, doubt-2. Corn was the third item purchased. Manteca, which I translated as lard, could be translated as butter also. There is no mention of meat.

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The Apalachee Economy 133 less, some such goods were received as gifts by chiefs and other leaders who visited St. Augustine to pay their respects to the governor and to pledge their allegiance to the king. The Crown allocated a certain sum annually for such gifts to the natives, having learned from its experience with the formidable Chichimec of northern Mexico that winning the natives' submission with gifts was far less costly and more effective than subduing them by force. It is not known how soon after the arrival of the Spaniards in Apalachee in 1633 the formal introduction of European crops, fruits, stock animals and fowl began. Based on discoveries elsewhere, however, it is probable that some of these introductions antedated the permanent European presence, particu larly items such as hogs, chickens, and peaches that found ready acceptance among the natives. Mark Williams's exploration of the Joe Bell site, at the junction of the Apalachee and the Oconee rivers in a relatively remote section of north-central Georgia, revealed peach pits to be the second most common plant food remains from the second quarter of the seventeenth century (Wil liams 1984:425-427, 434, 456). He has indicated that peaches had spread so rapidly among the natives that when the English arrived at Jamestown in 1607, the Indians of that region had already acquired them via trade routes extending back to Spanish Florida (personal communication). In his treks through the Creek country Hawkins frequently noted the existence of peach trees in settlements. It is known that the Apalachee's contact with the Spaniards led to a con siderable expansion of the variety of fruits and vegetables produced in the re gion. Before the arrival of the Europeans the natives had gathered grapes, nuts, persimmons, plums, and blackberries, drying some of the last two for winter use. They gathered and toasted the leaves of the yaupon holly for their tea, and they grew tobacco. After contact with the Spaniards, in addition to wheat they grew barley, peas, chickpeas, sugarcane, new strains of tobacco, figs, strawberries, sweet nuts, chestnuts, pomegranates, peaches, persimmons, quinces, cultivated varieties of grapes, and other fruits. There is no mention of whether wine making was attempted in the region or whether cit rus fruits were introduced (Boyd 1949:18; Castilla 1740; Leturiondo [1700: 200-201]; Paiva 1676). A possible indication of the early introduction of items such as hogs and chickens is that, as early as the governorship of Damian de Vega Castro y Pardo (1638-1645), trade between Apalachee and Cuba had grown suffi ciently to move the royal officials at St. Augustine to press for the stationing of customs officers at St. Marks. The officers were to collect duties on the goods shipped in and out of that port and to block the introduction of contraband goods. Unfortunately for our knowledge of that trade, those officers did not remain there long. Later the governors' lieutenants in Apalachee were di-

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134 Apalachee rected to collect duties from the visiting ships, but there is little evidence that those injunctions were carried out (Bushnell 1981: 81-82; Rebolledo 1657a: 89, 120-121). It is not known whether early trade involved the introduction of anything more than the usual cloth, tools, glass beads, bells, and flour, which were among the principal items that the natives desired and the Spanish authorities were willing to furnish. In 1675 Bishop Calderon mentioned knives, scissors, axes, hoes, hatchets, large bronze rattles, glass beads, cheap blankets, coarse cloth, clothing, and other trifles as the most common articles of trade (Diaz Vara Calderon 1675:13). The earliest mention of the introduction of European crops and animals other than the hogs and horses brought by Narvaez and de Soto occurred in connection with Governor Salazar Vallecilla's experimental wheat farm, which flourished from 1645 until 1650. Six square leagues had been allegedly put under cultivation. For this operation the governor had im ported two experienced slaves, eight horses and mules, 11 yokes of draft oxen, a millstone, and the necessary plows and harrows. Upon the death of the governor, the operation was purchased for the Crown by his successor, but upon his death shortly thereafter, at the request of the Franciscans, his suc cessor dismantled the operation. The Franciscans blamed the governor's operation and the presence of Spanish soldiers similarly engaged in wheat planting for the uprising in Apalachee in 1647. Although this wheat planting is spoken of at times as having taken place in Apalachee, it occurred on the province's eastern border rather than in Apalachee. However, the planters re lied heavily on native labor for their operations, and some of that labor came from Apalachee. Although the black slaves, farm tools, and most of the stock were auctioned off when the ranch was dismantled, it is not clear who ob tained control of these items. Wheat produced by the governor was saved for seed, and corn grown on the ranch was consumed by the workers. The seed for starting the plantings was imported from New Spain, but some of the wheat from the last planting was harvested by the friars and the Apalachee chiefs. From that time on, wheat appears to have been grown in Apalachee on a small scale to meet local needs and for occasional export to Havana (Bush nell 1981:82; Rebolledo 1657c, 1657d:230-234, 310-316, 355-360; Royal Officials 1647a). The Crown approved the importation of 200 horses from Cuba in the late 1640s to relieve the Indians of cargo-bearing, but there is no evidence that these horses reached Florida. At some time before 1657, the friar Miguel Sanchez, who had been stationed at Ocuia, had a horse and some other stock at the mission, the first reference to the presence of European farm animals in Apalachee since de Soto's stay there. Until sometime after the mid-1650s, not many horses or mules had reached Apalachee. Their absence and the conse-

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The Apalachee Economy 135 quent abuse of the Indians as cargo bearers were the reasons most often given for the 1647 uprising, and it was a frequent complaint of the natives during Rebolledo's 1657 visitation of the province (Franciscan Friars 1664; Prado 1654; Rebolledo 1657a:97-98). Indeed, horses seem to have been scarce at that time even in the original centers of Spanish settlement. A horse was worth 100 pesos in Florida in 1651; by 1682 their value had fallen to 25 pesos (Bushnell 1978a:429; Rebolledo 1657d:230-234). Horses for the wheat farm were imported from Cuba, and eight were sold for 100 pesos each when the farm was dismantled. It is not clear how quickly effective steps were taken to meet Florida's need for transport animals, but during the last quarter of the century, horses were sufficiently numerous in Apalachee to have become an article of trade between the Apalachee Indian leaders and the Apalachicola. According to the Spanish authorities, the Apalachicola sought horses primarily for sale to the English traders as packhorses. A number of the complaints presented to the visitor Florencia in 1694-1695 involved damage to the native villagers' crops from horses and other stock from the ranches of a number of Spanish settlers. Other com plaints (involving the selling and trading of horses, making and loaning of pack saddles, and breaking in of horses) reflect the ownership of horses and cattle by either individual Indian leaders or by their villages; the village of Ocuia and an individual Indian from the village of Patale are mentioned as the owners of cattle. This visitation record also mentions Indian chiefs as the owners of cattle ranches (Florencia 1695; Zuniga 1702). Just after the turn of the century the ownership of horses had become sufficiently widespread among the chiefs to enable the governor to ask the chiefs to furnish 25 horses and be confident that they would be forthcoming (Boyd, Smith, and Griffin 1951:45). Nevertheless, as late as 1693, the newly arrived governor, Laureano de Torres y Ayala, making preparations at San Luis for his overland expedition to Pensacola Bay, remarked how difficult it was to transport corn and other cargo, which he had brought from Mexico, from the port of St. Marks to San Luis because of the shortage of horses. On that expeditiohiie used 76 horses, most of them collected in Apalachee. In contrast with imported corn, meat for the expedition was purchased in Apalachee: more than two tons of salt beef, three steers for consumption by the infantry on their march from St. Marks to San Luis, and three calves for consumption while the troops were in San Luis. By this time cheese was being manufactured in the area as well, and 22 cheeses were purchased for the trip. The supplier of these victuals was the Spanish rancher Marcos Delgado. In his journal Governor Torres y Ayala mentioned that as soon as the corn was brought up to San Luis "it was sent out to several villages in this locality where milling is done so that it could be

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136 Apalachee ready as soon as possible for the expedition" (Torres y Ayala 1693a:229; Delgado 1693:254). It is not clear whether San Luis lacked the facilities for such milling (other than the Indians' mortar and pestle) or that it could not handle the quantity involved in the short space of time available. At midcentury Gov ernor Ruiz de Salazar had imported millstones from the Canary Islands for his wheat farm. Torres y Ayala's account indicates that the raising of cattle and the use of beef and dairy products was well established in Apalachee by the early 1690s. The development of the cattle industry and the production of a number of other foodstuffs for sale to St. Augustine and elsewhere seem to have occurred even earlier in Apalachee. So vigorously had the Indians' production of hogs flourished that by 1670 an Apalachee hog could be purchased in St. Augustine for about four pesos, the cost of a poncho or middling woolen blanket. As early as 1651 four pesos a head was paid for the 45 hogs from Governor Ruiz de Salazar's farm. Writing about 1700, Alonso de Leturiondo remarked that in the period before 1670, stimulated by the demand for their produce, the In dians had increased greatly their stock-raising, hunting, and planting and gathering to supply bacon, butter, nuts and other goods for St. Augustine. In the 1670s, however, a number of Spanish families acquired land in Apalachee, encouraged by a governor who reputedly saw it as a way of reducing the num ber of "useless mouths" in his poverty-stricken city. Hoping to corner the market on such produce, especially that for hogs, the new settlers began to raise hogs and also to buy them from the Indians. If they could achieve a monopoly, they could raise the price for hogs in St. Augustine. When necessary, they used violence or other pressure to secure their ob jective, taking advantage of the Indians' natural reticence in dealing with Span iards and their fear of the consequences if they crossed someone who was well connected. As a result of the settlers' maneuvers, pigs, which sold for four pesos in 1670, rose steadily in price to 10, 16, 20, and even 25 pesos by 1700. Many of the natives were pressured out of hog production and trading; those who persisted began to charge as much as the Spaniards did for hogs shipped to St. Augustine, but those who were forced to sell the hogs in Apalachee at the monopolists' low prices became increasingly disenchanted, forming, Le turiondo noted, "a poor opinion of the Spaniards." The result was a steadily decreasing supply at a continually rising price (Leturiondo [1700]: 177-178). During his visitation in the mid-1690s, Joaquin de Florencia attempted to deal with supply problems by issuing regulations for trade with St. Augustine. First, he stipulated that the lieutenants were not to consent to changes in the prices for the products of the land or for other goods unless the item was one for which such changes were customary. He also stipulated that the chiefs were to be charged with this concern. Second, he ordered that the natives be

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The Apalachee Economy 137 encouraged to raise every type of stock, large and small, as long as they did not do it in an area where the stock might harm the cornfields. His regulations did not resolve the problems of short supply and high prices. Writing about six years later, Leturiondo suggested that the only remedy would be the re moval of all Spaniards from Apalachee, other than the soldiers and the friars, and a prohibition on the soldiers' trading hogs. The raising and selling of hogs would be left to the Indians under a system of controlled prices whereby the price would be returned to and held at the four-peso level (Florencia 1695; Leturiondo [1700:178-179]; Rebolledo 1657d:230). The prohibition of trad ing by the soldiers was probably well founded. In the inquiry in 1686 into the conduct of the infamous Antonio Matheos, one of the soldiers, Lorenzo Guerrero, testified that he had been sent to the Apalachee villages by Matheos to buy pigs and hens for the lieutenant's table and for making lard, which Ma theos sold. It was implied that the governor was involved in these dealings, because he had sent the trade goods used to purchase the pigs and hens (Gue rrero 1687:104-105). While the price of hogs spiraled upward, the price of cattle was falling in Florida. In 1651 the large plow-oxen from Governor Ruiz de Salazar's farm sold for 40 pesos each. In 1693, in Apalachee, Marcos Delgado had received eight pesos each for his three steers and three pesos each for the calves; the hide alone brought four reales, or one-half peso (Delgado 1693:254; Re bolledo 1657d:230). According to Bushnell, by 1702 a Florida steer was worth only two pesos (Bushnell 1978a:429). The reason for the difference in prices is not entirely clear. Apalachee did not supply beef to St. Augustine. The La Chua ranch in Timucuan territory was the city's main source of meat. Hides and tallow ap pear to have been the principal export products of Apalachee's cattle industry, and Havana provided the market for them. According to Boniface, the statis tics on these exports indicate that at least as early as 1675, before the arrival of the civilian ranchers in Apalachee, there were already sufficient cattle in the province to permit 150 hides and 150 arrobas (3,800 pounds) of tallow to be sent to Havana. Because such hides were used commonly to wrap bundles of tobacco and other commodities in this era, the production was probably considerably larger. Early in 1681 another ship was loaded with 700 hides at St. Marks. In 1685, a ship carried away 100 of Apalachee's chickens, 110 hams, 35 jars of lard, 300 deerskins, 44 bushels of corn, and 60 arrobas of pine tar (Boniface 1971:150, 200-201). There is no indication in the avail able records that cattle on the hoof were sold to the neighboring Apalachicola, although horses were. In 1698-1699 the nine Spanish cattle ranches in Apa lachee paid a tax of 61 calves to the Crown. The Indian cattle owners were exempt from this tax (Boniface 1971:147).

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138 Apalachee In describing Spanish ranching practices in Florida, Boniface noted that in spring and summer, cattle evidently were pastured on the seasonally flooded grasslands referred to as savannas (Boniface 1971:147). Once the corn had been harvested, the cattle could be turned loose to forage in those fields. In the 1690s the natives of several villages complained that foraging was taking place while the corn was still growing. In the winter it was the custom to allow the cattle to retreat into the woods to forage on the browse and on the weeds and grasses that would escape frosts longer than in the open fields. Ordered to move his cattle, hogs, and horses from the vicinity of Bacuqua and Patale within a three-month grace period, the rancher Marcos Delgado used this practice as an excuse to request that the grace period be extended to six months, affirming that "at the moment [early December] all the cattle are in the woods, incapable of being conveyed to different lands and because only in the spring can this move be made on account of the abundance of pasture." He specified the month of May as the suitable time for this move (Florencia 1695:79). Springtime apparently was the time for rounding up and branding these open-range cattle. The calves were not branded until they were one year old (Boniface 1971:150). Under the law such ranches had to be at least three leagues distant from any native village. For the new site for his ranch Delgado asked for a grant of 1.5 leagues of land near a region known as Nicasoco or Usobile, where he was already pasturing a herd of wild horses.3 This site, he affirmed, was more than four leagues distant from all the villages (Florencia 1695:79). Delgado obeyed the order to move his cattle, having asked the governor on December 16, 1695, for lands to which to move his stock-raising operations. During the residencia for Governor Torres y Ayala, a number of witnesses testified that Del gado had indeed moved his ranch. Two witnesses specified that the move had been made to lands belonging to the chicasa of Patale, which was four leagues from San Luis and approximately 1.5 leagues from the site of his former ranch. That it was sufficiently remote from the native villages seems to be indicated by the fact that he is not mentioned in either of Patricio Hinachuba's letters as an owner whose cattle were still wreaking havoc on the villagers' crops (Hinachuba 1699:26-27; Hinachuba and Andres 1699:24-26; Zuniga y Zerda 1700a:84, 89, 96). In the course of the residencia the accountant Juan de Pueyo certified that in 1690 Delgado had supplied 20 young steers valued at 200 pesos for the 3. In the deed for Governor Ruiz de Salazar's wheat farm, some woods bearing the name Nicasoco were mentioned as the farm's northern boundary. If this was the same Nicasoco as the one mentioned by Delgado, his request was denied because the site of his new cattle ranch was only four leagues from San Luis on a former site of Patale.

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The Apalachee Economy 139 garrison then stationed at the fort in Apalachicola as payment for the four leagues of land for his first cattle ranch. Presumably, he was granted a similar expanse on his move to the former site of the village of Patale. Pueyo also recorded that Delgado had paid an additional 50 pesos for another league of land in Patale, which was, undoubtedly, the separate ranch five leagues from San Luis to which he moved his herd of swine. The visitor granted Delgado's request that he be allowed to keep his house where it was at that time, which was listed on the 1693 bill of sale as Bacuqua (Florencia 1695:79; Zufiiga y Zerda 1700a:31-32). The implication of his re quest is that his house was somewhere on his existing ranch; it was probably outside of the village but within the jurisdiction of Bacuqua. Before learning of the site to which Delgado had moved his ranch, I had speculated that the site of the village of Bacuqua, abandoned by its inhabitants in 1657, probably would have been an attractive one for a ranch headquarters a generation later and that Delgado's first ranch might have been located there. It would have a source of water nearby for both humans and animals. Heavy cutting of fire wood in the vicinity of Bacuqua had deforested the immediate area, so the abandoned fields would probably have been slow to return to forest since there were few standing trees nearby to reseed them. Because the site of the first ranch was only one-half league distant from the new one, the first residence could be said, without straining logic, to be at Bacuqua. Both Delgado's ranch and another one recorded as having been relocated at this time were moved to the abandoned sites of former villages.4 This relocation seems to support my surmise that such locales would be ideal for ranching. Throughout the greater part of the mission period, the most important economic product and export of the Apalachee region seems to have been the labor exacted of the natives under various pretenses by the friars, the soldiers, the Spanish settlers, and, most important, the Spanish authorities in the name of the crown. During the first 15 years of the mission era, the Apalachee firmly resisted pressure from the authorities to accept the labor repartimiento and thereby assume the obligation to provide laborers for government building projects in St. Augustine and for working the lands of the soldiers there. Dur ing these early years both the friars and the governors managed to persuade the native leaders who had become Christians to provide some Indians to serve as cargo bearers. These Indians carried the soldiers' bedding and sup plies and brought in the goods needed to sustain the friars and to equip new 4. Diego Ximenez was the other Spanish rancher recorded as having moved his operation in compliance with the visitor's orders. Ximenez chose the chicasa of Escabi that was three leagues from San Luis and five leagues distant from the site of his earlier ranch. Ximenez was recorded as having made his request for the new lands at Escabi only on December 24, 1699, four years after he was ordered to move.

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140 Apalachee churches and convents. During the first few years, when there were only two friars and five or six soldiers at most, this service probably was not a major imposition. The demand for porters undoubtedly became more onerous as the clerical population expanded in the early 1640s, as Governor Salazar Vallecilla's expedition into the Apalachicola country established commercial rela tions between the Spaniards and those tribes, and as his large wheat farm was being established. Under some pretext considerable numbers of Apalachee were induced or forced to work on the establishment of the governor's am bitious enterprise. This labor certainly was one of the factors responsible for the uprising of 1647. That revolt, in turn, gave the Spanish authorities the opportunity to break the Apalachee's resistance to the labor repartimiento. As punishment for the revolt and the killing of the governor's deputy and family and three of the friars, 12 Indians were executed and others who were deeply involved in the uprising were sentenced to terms at forced labor. As reparation the chiefs agreed to furnish a yearly contingent of paid laborers to assist the Spaniards at St. Augustine under the repartimiento labor system. The Spaniards viewed ordinary natives as a labor pool for them to exploit in exchange for the protection afforded the natives by Spanish arms and for the alleged benefits of Christianity and European culture. When the Apala chee chieftains agreed to supply the labor forces, they had considered it only a temporary expedient in reparation for the revolt and for the destruction asso ciated with it. But the Spaniards continued these demands yearly, until the destruction of the missions in 1704. As the native populations of Guale and Timucua dwindled, the labor burden was borne to an increasing degree by the Apalachee. Their participation in the labor repartimiento contributed to the decline of Apalachee's population because it exposed the workers to new dis eases in St. Augustine at a time when they were weakened by the rigors of carrying heavy cargo on their backs for 200 miles and because they were sepa rated from their wives for prolonged periods of time. In 1676 Fray Alonso Moral, a 33-year veteran of the Florida missions, provided the following graphic portrait of the evils associated with this labor system: All the natives of those provinces suffer great servitude, injuries, and vexations from the fact that the governors, lieutenants, and soldiers ob lige them to carry loads on their shoulders to the Province of Apalachee and to other areas and also to bring loads from those regions to the fort of St. Augustine. And it usually happens that to enhance their own in terests they pretend that this work is in Your Majesty's service, without paying them what is just for such intolerable work. And if now and again they give them something for that reason, it is a hoe or an axe or a

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The Apalachee Economy 141 cheap blanket or some other thing of such slight value to pay for their work, which involves carrying a cargo on their shoulders from the fort to the Province of Apalachee, which is eighty leagues distant, and the same to return. And in addition to this, in order to employ them further, they detained them in St. Augustine for as long as they wish with very short rations, such as giving them only two pounds of corn a day and giving them for pay, at the most, one real for each day of work, which sum is usually given them in the form of old rubbish of little or no value or utility to them. Add to this the further vexation or injury of being snatched by force from their homes and villages, not only for tasks at the fort but also for work for private citizens, and this in the rigor of winter (when they come naked) or in the middle of sum mer, which is when they are most occupied in the labor of their crops on which solely depends not only their sustenance and that of their wives and children but also the victuals necessary for the relief of the gar rison. Each year from Apalachee alone more than three hundred are brought to the fort at the time of the planting of the corn, carrying their food and the merchandise of the soldiers on their shoulders for more than eighty leagues with the result that some on arrival die and those who survive do not return to their homes because the governor and the other officials detain them in the fort so they may serve them and this without paying them a wage. This is the reason according to the commonly held opinion that they are being annihilated at such a rate. (Moral 1676) Complaints against such abuse of the Indians in Apalachee were made by the friars as early as the 1640s. In the early 1650s the treasurer confirmed the validity of the friars' charges. During the Rebolledo visitation of 1657 the In dians themselves spoke up against this exploitation. The chief of Cupaica, for example, while pledging that his vassals were ready to do their part in the king's service and to assist the friars, said that his tribesmen were willing to go for the planting at St. Augustine but that they objected to being required to carry cargo while going to fulfill that duty. "For which reason," he observed, "even though thirty or forty Indians from each jurisdiction might wish to go of their own will, half of them forsake it, fearing the loads there have always been, since these provinces gave their obedience to His Majesty" (Rebolledo 1657a: 87). Some of the friars appear to have been among the worst offenders in this exploitation. The same chief of Cupaica, Baltasar, went on to remark that even though the friar who served them in 1657 was "very attentive in excusing them from the continuous freight-carrying, the predecessors have troubled them greatly in this particular, fetching them fifty at a time for cargo,

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142 Apalachee both to the city of St. Augustine and for loading frigates at the port for this province. And [they have acted] in the same fashion in sending them to the provinces of the pagans of Apalachocoli and Chacatos to barter for deerskins and other things, on which trips some have died by the wayside without con fession, because of the excessive work involved in it" (Rebolledo 1657a:87). Some of these friars apparently tried to monopolize the trade with the In dians as well, forbidding the Indians to barter with the soldiers or the mer chants from St. Augustine. When ships arrived at St. Marks the friars pur chased all the trade goods that the ships brought, then sold them to the Indians at twice the price the Indians were accustomed to pay when they bought di rectly from the shipboard merchants. As an added injury, the friars required the Indians to carry the trade goods up from the port and to carry the proceeds from the trade back to the port without being paid for their work; if the ship board merchants had handled the trade, they would have paid the Indians for such work. Although three of the six provisions in the regulatory code issued by Gover nor Rebolledo dealt with these abuses, they do not seem to have had much effect except in diminishing abuses by the friars. These regulations provided that no Indian be obliged to go burdened to the fort of St. Augustine, as has been the custom until now, unless there first precedes an order for it from the governor except for the bedding and provisions of any sol dier who is dispatched by his excellency, and the case in which some Indian voluntarily desires to carry a load, which he may do, on his being paid for his just work, and in no other way likewise, that no person may prevent or impede the said Indians from being able to trade freely with any Spaniards whatsoever, and let them be paid for what they carry to the sea; and let no person leave to trade with the neighbor ing pagans without first having permission from the said sefior governor or from his lieutenant who resides in those provinces. (Rebolledo 1657a:89) These regulations still imposed some burden on the Indians and left con siderable discretion to the governor's lieutenant in Apalachee. Shortly after the visitation, friars in Apalachee noted that the natives were annoyed at having to feed the soldiers without being paid and also at the lieutenant's order that each mission plant from 50 to 100 pounds of maize for the soldiers' suste nance and in some places two jugs of wheat as well (Moral 1657). The regula tions issued in the wake of the 1694 visitation imposed even greater burdens on the Indians and explicitly stated the natives' obligations under the labor repartimiento. Once the needs of the fort at St. Augustine had been met from

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The Apalachee Economy 143 the pool of laborers made available under the repartimiento, all the Spaniards living in Florida as well as the members of the garrisons who had family to support were to be given Indians from the remaining pool of available laborers to work their fields, on condition that the Indians be paid punctually for their work. On the matter of cargo bearing, the new regulations stipulated "that no person whatsoever, of any whatsoever state, quality or condition he may be, is to have the Indian carry for him, unless he pays him for his work; and to the soldiers who come and go on the service of His Majesty, there is to be given only one so that he may carry his bed and supplies; let them [the soldiers] give them what they may have without oppressing them or annoying them for it; and to those who may come on their own private business, to deal and con tract that which they freely wish to give them" (Florencia 1695:87). Among all these forms of compulsory labor, that of cargo bearing was the one to which both the natives and the friars objected most frequently and strenuously. In addition to the rigors involved, it appears to have been an espe cially demeaning type of labor for the natives, although it was well established before the arrival of the Spaniards. Boniface noted that, among the Timucua, those engaged in such labor apparently formed a despised class, portrayed by the French at Fort Caroline in the 1560s as berdaches, "transvestites," who adopted the dress and social role of women in the Indian tribes (Boniface 1971:180-181). This class was found among other tribes as well, and it is likely that the Apalachee were aware of its association with cargo bearing even if they did not have such a class (Hudson 1976:269) The introduction of Spanish settlers in Apalachee in the 1670s led to many evils beyond those already discussed.5 Stock from the Spanish ranches de stroyed the crops of some of the native villages or required the maintenance of a constant guard to fend off the animals. Although the visitor in 1695 ordered a number of the ranches moved to points more distant from those villages, his orders were ignored with impunity by some relatives and friends of the au thorities. It became customary for many settlers to compel Indian men and women to work for them, often without pay. Juana Caterina de Florencia, the wife of deputy-governor Jacinto Roque Perez, was one of the worst offenders in this regard, requiring the village of San Luis to furnish six women for the grinding of meal every day without payment, another Indian to bring in a daily pitcher of milk from the country, and other services. She even slapped the face of one hapless chief who failed to bring her the expected fish one Friday. One 5. There is a possibility (but no evidence to date) that the Spanish settlement in Apalachee began before the 1670s. Governor Rebolledo's plans for the expansion of the garrison and for the building of a fort there in the 1650s included the establishment of a civilian Spanish community as a bulwark against what was perceived as a growing threat from an expansive and revolutionary Cromwellian England.

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144 Apalachee of the worst cases reported involved the entrepreneur Marcos Delgado, who carried off three women by force from the village of Candelaria to work on his ranch. To the village leaders' request for their release, he replied that he had the previous visitor's permission to keep them there. The Taman leader's peti tion to the visitor that he order the Spanish settlers to refrain from carrying off women by force to serve against their will suggests that it was not an uncom mon occurrence. This same leader complained that another of the women of his village, Chuguta Francisca, had been dismissed by the adjutant Diego Ximenez without being paid, after having served him for a time and worked as well in the preparing of the meals at his ranch (Florencia 1695; Hinachuba 1699:26-27; Hinachuba and Andres 1699:24-26). Within the village economy itself, additional labor demands were made on the ordinary Indians who did the work. They were expected to sow separate fields of corn and wheat for the support of the priest and the children who lived at the convent and to finance the purchase of ornaments and vestments for the church. They worked still other fields for the support of the widowed, the poor, the incapacitated, and the soldiers while they were on expeditions. They also had to plant and care for fields for the chief and the other leading men as well as the parish interpreter and some of the leading ball players dur ing the time that the game was permitted. The villagers also assumed the obli gation of supplying their priest with meat, fish, and firewood. In 1677 Do mingo de Leturiondo, as visitor, added still another burden to many of the villages by calling for the establishment of a school to be supported by the planting of yet another field by the community labor pool (Florencia 1695; Leturiondo 1678; Matheos 1687b:50-53; Solana 1687a: 17-39). The records reveal little about the status of the chiefs at the various levels as collectors or payers of tribute and as administrators of the communal food supply. The evidence that some of the principal chiefs were able to amass con siderable quantities of foodstuffs seems to suggest that they levied tribute from the chiefs of the satellite villages under their jurisdiction as well as from the people of their own village. For one or more of Deputy-Governor Antonio Matheos's expeditions into the Apalachicola country in search of the English traders, some of the Apalachee chiefs provided the provisions for a sizable force of Spaniards and natives. Their compensation was to be a share in the expected booty. On other occasions chiefs in Apalachee sold quantities of grain on credit to officials at St. Augustine (Florencia 1695; Guerrero 1687: 104-105; Matheos 1687b:52). The best source on the economic position of the principal chiefs and on the possible tributary relations between them and the most prestigious provin cial chiefs are the accounts of one of the many conflicts between Matheos and the native leaders at San Luis, Matheo Chuba and Vi Ventura. At some point

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The Apalachee Economy 145 during Matheos's administration, when the community granary at San Luis was empty, the lieutenant attempted to persuade the native leaders to support his proposal to borrow grain from another village on the understanding that the loan would be repaid from the following year's harvest from the commu nity field at San Luis. The two native leaders were asked apparently to act personally as cosigners, in effect, for the repayment of the loan. When Matheos broached the idea, the native leaders appear to have assented. But on learning that Matheos had struck a deal with the chief of Cupaica to borrow 150 arrobas of corn (almost two tons), Matheo Chuba and Vi Ventura reversed themselves. Alarmed, perhaps, at the size of the loan, they expressed misgiv ings about the wisdom of such a step, as they put it, "because they did not know whether they would gather the wherewithal to pay for it from the said community field" (Chuba 1687:31; Matheos 1687b:52). If we presume that the corn proffered by Cupaica's chief was from his per sonal stock rather than from Cupaica's communal supply, it would indicate, first, that he was in control of a considerable quantity, especially since he ex pressed a disposition to lend even more if it were needed. The incident might also possibly be construed as an indication that San Luis's chief did not collect any tribute from the other principal chiefs in virtue of his position as head chief, at least during mission times. If Cupaica's chief owed any annual tribute payment to San Luis, that in itself would seem to have been at least a partial guarantee of the loan's repayment. On the positive side, there is no evidence that the chiefs of either San Luis or Ivitachuco received tribute because of their position of preeminence among the chiefs. That the chiefs had considerable though not exclusive control over the dis tribution of the contents of the community storehouse is reflected in a 1695 regulation issued by the visitor Florencia. It provided that the community grain supply be held under a double lock. The chief was the custodian of one of the keys. The other was to be in the hands of a native elder chosen by the lieutenant. The regulation spelled out clearly the uses to which these provi sions could legitimately be put: for poor widows and orphans, for feeding the Spanish soldiers while they were on His Majesty's service, for the purchase of ornaments for the church and tools for the service of the council houses, for feeding those who tilled the community field, and for seed for planting. The account of another conflict between Matheos and Matheo Chuba and Vi Ventura suggests that in the mind of Matheos there was some commingling of the communally owned provisions and the personal possessions of those leaders that would justify their being requisitioned for the commonweal in emergencies. During the same or some other shortage of corn in the commu nal storehouse, Matheos ordered Vi Ventura, as inija, to find some to restock that granary. When he reported that there was none to be had, Matheos or-

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146 Apalachee dered the confiscation of the small supply Ventura had in his own granary and dispatched soldiers to collect it. On seeing the small amount Ventura had for his family, the soldiers, more compassionate than their commander, left it un touched, informing Matheos that they had found none. Matheos badgered Matheo Chuba similarly, insisting that he sell a cloak of some value that he owned in order to buy corn to restock the communal granary (Bentura 1687: 37-38; Chuba 1687:31; Florencia 1695; Matheos 1687b:52 ff.). It is not pos sible to ascertain whether there was any foundation in law or custom for Matheos's demands on the goods of the leaders or whether, more likely, it was just another example of the arbitrary behavior that led to his removal from office. The one available detailed accounting of the requisitioning of labor in Apalachee suggests that the burden was distributed rather equitably. The larger villages of San Luis, Escambe, Ocuia, and Ayubale each supplied three carpenters, Ivitachuco and the midsized villages of Patale and Tomole each provided two, and the smallest settlements, Bacuqua, Capoli, and Oconi, pro vided only one each. Aspalaga was not represented, and neither were the vil lages of non-Apalachee (Matheos 1687a:77). More such paysheets must be found before any firm conclusions can be drawn on this topic. It is likely, however, that such demands for labor were heavier at San Luis than elsewhere in the waning years of the mission era because so many of the Spanish ranch ers were based at San Luis and because it was the seat of government and of the garrison, Accordingly, it is probable that the inhabitants of San Luis bore the brunt of providing the labor to cut lumber for the fort in 1688 or 1689, which was then allowed to rot while the carpenters were diverted to build a short-lived fort on the Chattahoochee. Inasmuch as Governor Torres y Ayala launched his expedition for the exploration of Pensacola Bay from San Luis, the village probably supplied many of the natives who accompanied that ex pedition. When the same governor resurrected the project to build a fort at San Luis, the Indians were called upon anew to cut lumber and to build the blockhouse. Because they were near at hand, San Luis's inhabitants probably had to furnish a larger than average contingent. Upon completing the block house, they were pressured into using the lumber left over to build several houses for the deputy-governor's brother-in-law and other Spanish settlers. These continual demands for labor, uncompensated as well as compensated, and the requisition of some of the natives' houses and fields were responsible for the withdrawal of the natives from that village in the late 1690s to a site in the woods a league distant from their former homes (Boyd, Smith, and Griffin 1951:21-30; Torres y Ayala 1693a:229-237). Throughout the Spanish New World the repartimiento labor draft gradu-

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The Apalachee Economy 147 ally gave way to a free labor system that was transitional to the emergence of the debt-peonage system of labor procurement. By the time of the destruction of the missions, that process had begun among the Apalachee. In time and with the steady decline of the population of Timucua and Guale, the Apala chee who wanted to escape the more onerous burdens imposed by the repartimiento labor pool, to secure better wages, and to perform work such as ranch ing that was more to their liking began to contract voluntarily to labor on a ranch or farm or in the service of an individual. Such employment, for a more or less lengthy period of time, often was at some distance from their home villages. During the 1694 visitation one of the most frequently voiced com plaints in almost all of the Apalachee villages was the plea of abandoned wives that measures be taken to compel or secure the return of long-absent husbands who were working in Timucua, Guale, or St. Augustine. Twentynine Indians were identified by name as having left families behind to work outside of the province (Florencia 1695). The single men so absent, who may have been similarly numerous, were not mentioned, on the whole. Another device used to escape the labor draft was to move within the province to a village outside of the jurisdiction of one's home village, especially to a satel lite village, which was not on the royal road. Such moves were prohibited in the 1694 visitation. Others simply moved into the woods away from the settle ments, and some fled to British territory (Florencia 1695; Hinachuba 1699: 26-27; Hinachuba and Andres 1699:24-26; Leturiondo [1700]: 198). The consequencesa reduction of the productive population within the prov inceproduced a reduction in the size of the labor pool available for the repartimiento and, thus, a heavier burden for those remaining who were called on more frequently. Although the visitor Florencia forbade married men to leave their families to work outside the province, it is not clear how effectively the regulation was enforced. A number of additional factors that had some impact on the economy of the Apalachee region merit investigation: (1) payment to the soldiers of the garrison in Apalachee and to the friars from the situado, the irregularly fur nished subsidy from royal funds in Mexico, which paid most of the salaries and other expenses involved in maintaining the Spanish presence in Florida; (2) payments in goods from the special fund for providing gifts for the Indian leaders; (3) trade of the Spanish authorities, the friars, and the Indians with the non-Christian Indians in the territories bordering on Apalachee; (4) trade to and from Apalachee with Havana and St. Augustine; (5) the productive im pact and the extent of the activity of the Spanish settlers and the soldiers in Apalachee; and (6) the degree to which tithes were collected by the friars from their Indian charges and how the funds were used. Unfortunately, little work

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148 Apalachee has been done on the economy of the Apalachee region, and few documents dealing with these topics have been made easily available. What follows is the fragmentary information that is available currently. Tools, glass beads, small bells, flour, occasionally firearms, and, above all, cloth seem to have constituted the bulk of the goods brought into Apala chee by the Spaniards as trade goods or as gifts to the Indians. On the whole the Spanish authorities sought to restrict the distribution of firearms to the Indians of their territories, but by the mid-1670s a considerable number of firearms seem to have reached Apalachee by way of the trade with Cuba. In the 1677 expedition against the Chisca, the villages of San Luis and Cupaica each provided 15 harquebusiers for a force of about 190 Indian warriors (Fer nandez de Florencia 1678). About a decade later Governor Marquez Cabrera commented that the Indians were acquiring firearms from the ships docking at St. Augustine, observing that he would not try to take away the guns already acquired but that he would see to it that this trade was ended (Marquez Cabrera 1686). About 1700, Alonso de Leturiondo remarked, concerning the Apalachee, "Their arms are the bow and arrow, which they handle with great skill, and, today, they use firearms as do the Spaniards, and, in Apalachee, they maintain their arms as well as do the best trained officers" (Leturiondo [1700]:199). A remark in 1680 by the governor that cloth was what passed for currency in Apalachee seems to have been well founded (Hita Salazar 1680b). The leaders of the expedition against the Chisca were rewarded with gifts of cloth. The clothing among the booty found in the English traders' warehouse near Caveta during Antonio Matheos's second 1685 foray into the Apalachicola country was distributed to the native leaders present. A number of the unpaid debts and disputes resolved by Joaquin de Florencia in 1694 involved the trad ing of cloth or garments. An early eighteenth-century memorandum account ing for 500 yards of jergueta (a coarse woolen cloth) sent to San Luis's deputygovernor gives the value of various items in terms of yards of cloth (Boyd, Smith, and Griffin 1951:46-48; Florencia 1695; Guerrero 1687:104-105; Hita Salazar 1678b; Vega 1687:107-108). Deerskins also seem to have served as currency. The penalty to be paid by chiefs for the violation of one of the regulations issued by the visitor Florencia in 1695 was a fine of 12 deerskins (Florencia 1695). The trade in deerskins was probably never large in Spanish Florida because Spain never provided the kind of market that existed among the English and French. There is evidence that some Spanish currency was in circulation in Apalachee. Some of the financial disputes brought before Florencia in 1694-1695 seem to have been resolved by payment in pesos. Marcos Delgado, who pro vided some of the victuals for Governor Torres y Ayala's overland expedition

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The Apalachee Economy 149 to Pensacola Bay, was paid 170.5 pesos in pieces of eight. Those who supplied the horses and pack saddles were paid in a similar fashion, as were the natives who made the trek to Pensacola Bay as warriors, scouts, or workers to open the trail and tend to the horses. For this enterprise the governor brought more than 3,000 pesos with him from Mexico. Of course not all of it was spent on the expedition, but the surplus was to remain in Florida and be discounted from the subsidy. The Indian carpenters who worked on the building of a gal liot on the River Tacabona during the 1680s and those who supplied corn and made or supplied the hardware were paid apparently in pesos (Delgado 1693: 254; Florencia 1695; Matheos 1687a:77; Torres y Ayala 1693a, 1693c:229, 257, 259). Rum, a trade item generally much in demand in the eighteenth century, is rarely mentioned before the destruction of the missions. Bushnell suggests that upon the opening of the Suwannee River just after the mid-seventeenth century for trade with Menendez Marquez's La Chua ranch, some of the ships from Havana brought rum that was distributed in Apalachee (Bushnell 1978a: 424). But such cases, if they occurred, must have been rare; complaints against this item do not appear in any of the visitation records or letters by the friars. Speaking about Florida's mission Indians in general, Bishop Calderon stated positively, "Their only drink is water, and they do not touch wine or rum." He also mentioned cacina as one of their beverages (Diaz Vara Cal deron 1675:12). Apalachee's trade with St. Augustine followed three separate channels (fig. 6.1). The first and oldest was the overland route via the Royal Road, which was based on existing Indian trade paths. The second and most impor tant for heavy and bulky goods was the sea route around the tip of the penin sula, a voyage of about 700 miles, which took two weeks when conditions were favorable. The third was part maritime, part fluvial, and part terrestrial. Native canoes ferried supplies from the Wakulla River, St. Marks, or the Wacissa along the Gulf coast to the mouth of the San Martin River (Suwannee), ascending this stream to some point in the vicinity of its confluence with the Santa Fe; then the cargo continued on to St. Augustine via the royal road on pack animals or on human backs. There are no statistics available to show which route was most commonly used. Although Boniface characterized the maritime route as St. Augustine's major supply channel from Apalachee, he also states that the Suwannee route was preferred because of the difficulties and dangers of the sea route (Boniface 1971:167-169, 172-177). St. Augustine's first commercial contact with Apalachee probably followed the prehistoric Indian trail. Boniface noted that in Florida these native paths were probably of greater importance than in other parts of North America be cause Florida's underlying limestone had left the region with a dearth of fluvial

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The Apalachee Economy 151 channels for canoe transportation. The Spaniards improved these trails suffi ciently to allow the rapid passage of military patrols, dispatch riders, pack animals, and eventually even oxcarts (Boniface 1971:174-176). Bushnell ob served that in the 1680s, Enrique Primo de Rivera obtained a contract for hauling provisions between St. Augustine and western Timucua and Apalachee. With the professed objective of relieving the natives of the onerous task of transporting the clothing, the vestments, and the royal stipend sent for the friars, he offered to carry these things to their destination for the sum spent by the Crown each year for the corn given to the Indians who did that work. He said that, if necessary, he would accept payment in clothing, at cost, from the royal stock on hand in St. Augustine, estimating that corn was worth four reales per arroba. He was also responsible for making the road passable and succeeded in doing so for the stretch extending eastward from San Luis as far as the vicinity of present-day Gainesville. Because Rivera failed to make the part between San Francisco de Potano and St. Augustine equally passable, Governor Quiroga y Losada appears to have suspended the contract, and as far as the available records indicate no further work was done to improve the road or to reinstitute this service (Bushnell 1981:105; Quiroga y Losada 1688a:221-223). The western portion of the road remained passable. When the Spaniards and the remaining Apalachee abandoned the province in the summer of 1704, the church ornaments that were salvaged and other baggage from San Luis and from Ivitachuco were carried by oxcart as far as San Francisco de Potano. There the baggage from San Luis, which was to con tinue on to St. Augustine, was transferred to mules and packhorses (Bushnell 1979:12-13; Solana 1704b). There is no clear statement of the route followed by the royal road in its passage through Apalachee, either graphically or in the form of an itinerary. The earliest useful maps showing the native trails date from the eighteenth century. Presumably they preserved the Spanish trails in part at least. Late in the mission period Ocuia was mentioned as not being on the royal road. The following reconstruction of the road is based on the route that appears most frequently in the mission lists and our knowledge of sites identified with most of those missions. Some attention has been paid as well to the topography surrounding those sites and to the location of the eighteenth-century trails. On these bases we can presume the trail to have run from Cupaica south-southeast to San Luis and then to Tama, Patale, Capoli, Aspalaga, Oconi, Ayubale, and Ivitachuco, the eastern terminus within the province. Based on the itineraries and on eighteenth-century trail maps, however, there seems to have been a northerly trace that was part of the trail into west Florida and that ran east ward from Cupaica to Bacuqua and then Patale. Eighteenth-century maps show this route as the main trail and the one through San Luis as a spur. Bacu-

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152 Apalachee qua was possibly a crossroads for separate trails that passed to the north and the south of Lake Jackson. The northern trail led to a crossing on the Flint River and thence to the Apalachicola's country. The southern trail linked Bacuqua to Cupaica. From there it led to the crossing of the upper Apalachicola at the site of the Christian Sabacola's village that was later occupied by Christian Chacato. From there the trail headed toward the 1674 site of several Chacato villages in the vicinity of Marianna and thence westward to the ter ritory occupied jointly by Chisca, Chacato, and Pansacola. Eighteenthcentury maps show another major trail that proceeds southward from Apala chee near the Gulf coast and parallels that coast. Mission era sources make no mention of such a trail, but it may be the route that Navaez followed in his trek toward Apalachee. Soon after the establishment of the first missions in Apalachee, Governor Horruytiner began sending pilots overland to the Apalachee coast to take soundings from native canoes in a search for a suitable landing spot and a channel that would make it accessible to oceangoing vessels. His successor informed the king that on April 8, 1639, the first ship sailed from St. Au gustine and came in sight of the Apalachee coast in under 13 days (Horruy tiner 1637; Vega Castro y Pardo 1639b). How many ships followed it during the 65 years until the destruction of the missions is unknown. In the early 1650s, while Pedro Benedit Horruytiner served as interim governor, four or five shiploads of foodstuffs were brought from Apalachee to St. Augustine to meet needs arising from delays in the arrival of the situado. There are indica tions that from the beginning the greater accessibility of the Havana market made it more attractive to those who were exporting Apalachee's surplus produce. In the 1650s Governor Rebolledo found it necessary or profitable to for bid the export of produce to Cuba until St. Augustine's needs had been met (Rebolledo 1657c, 1657d). Rebolledo's critics portrayed his restrictions on trade as monopolistic in intent (Council of the Indies 1657a, 1657b: 131-132). Boniface noted that the ships using the sea route to St. Augustine had to contend "with the variable currents, reefs, and shoals along the Gulf coast of Florida, not to mention the ever-present dangers from storms and pirates." He observed also that St. Augustine suffered a chronic shortage of ships, fre quently having to rely on the launch that was used to lighter goods across the harbor bar for the longer voyage to St. Marks and Havana. It may only be coincidence, but on two out of three occasions when pirate ships stopped at St. Marks, they encountered Spanish vessels there (Boniface 1971:173; Leturiondo 1678:584; Olds 1962).6 6. Records show that the enemy ships arrived in the mid-1650s, in June 1677, and in March 1682. The last two intruders captured trading ships there.

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The Apalachee Economy 153 The few records available highlight the difficulties of shipping in this area. In December 1646, Captain Juan Francisco de Florencia successfully brought the frigate San Martin from Apalachee to St. Augustine with supplies for the garrison. A generation later the frigate of Ignacio de Losa, requisitioned by the governor while it was in Apalachee so that it might bring a load of badly needed corn to St. Augustine, was forced by a storm to beach on the Calusa coast. At that time lack of rain had eliminated St. Augustine's corn harvest and the royal frigate was late. When that frigate arrived a month later, it was dis patched to Apalachee to take on a load of corn (Guerra y Vega 1668a, 1668b; Leturiondo [1670]). The available records do not indicate whether its voyage was more successful than that of de Losa's ship. The only guide to the nature of Apalachee's trade with St. Augustine is a document reproduced by Mark F. Boyd indicating that in 1703 Apalachee sent 1,238 measures of corn and 150 of beans to St. Augustine by way of two sloops.7 The same document indi cates that other individuals brought two hogs, 32 chickens, eight deerskins, and eight arrobas of tallow, without indicating the mode of conveyance or the route followed (Boyd, Smith, and Griffin 1951:46-47). Boniface mentioned the Suwannee River as the preferred water route for sending produce from Apalachee to St. Augustine, but he did not indicate the volume of this trade. From the late 1670s at least, the Tocobaga handled the shipment of goods on the Suwannee River portion of this maritime-fluvialterrestial route (Boniface 1971:174, 199, 218). The Leturiondo visitation record reveals that the Tocobaga who settled in Apalachee at Wacissa played a role in this trade. When Leturiondo persuaded some Yustaga to move east ward to found the new village of Santa Rosa de Ivitanayo on the royal road between San Francisco de Potano and the river crossing at Salamototo, he contracted with those Tocobaga to transport the migrants' corn and other goods by that fluvial route as far as a place called Pulihica. The chief of Santa Fe pledged to move those goods the remaining distance by horseback. The few available records indicate that for coastal navigation westward from St. Marks the Spanish authorities relied on the Chine. When the Chine's presence in Apalachee was first mentioned, they were living in association with Pacara and Amacano at the mission of Asuncion del Puerto, said to be on the path to the sea, four leagues from Tomoli (Diaz Vara Calderon 1675:8-9; Hita Salazar 1675b; Leturiondo 1678:596, 598-599). The name of the mission and its stated distance from Tomoli suggest that it was on or near the coast, possibly near St. Marks or in the vicinity of Wakulla Springs. Later references to the 7. Boyd interprets measure to mean fanega, which he defines as a bushel or slightly more. Boniface, citing Boyd as his source, inflates the 1,238 measures of corn into 1,800 bushels, the 150 measures of beans to 230 bushels, and the 8 arrobas of tallow into 2,000 pounds.

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154 Apalachee Chine mission give different names to their village and definitely place them inland from the coast closer to San Luis; they are still located south of that mission on the road to the sea, indicating that they may have played a role in the maritime activity originating on Apalachee's coast or at least served as the province's fishermen. Not enough information is available on the Apalachee economy to permit confident judgments about the purchasing power and the standard of living of either the average Apalachee native of the working class or the members of the leadership element. Similarly there is little data on the cost of necessities or of the iron tools, firearms, powder, cloth, beads, and bells introduced by the Eu ropeans. The most we can have currently is a fragmentary glimpse of the natives' earning power and the prices of a number of common items at a specific time. The daily wage of those compelled to labor under the repartimiento re gime was one real per day plus a ration of food. As the wage was often paid in goods chosen at the discretion of the employer, many workers probably did not receive the full equivalent of the reales due to them. Frequently the goods were items of little utility or poor quality, which the worker would find diffi cult to barter or sell if he wished to dispose of them (Leturiondo [1700]: 187-189; Moral 1676). On the occasions when workers were compensated fairly in cash or in its just equivalent in goods that were in demand, most of what the worker earned probably could be used to purchase desired European com modities or livestock, inasmuch as workers received a minimal food ration. The length of the usual repartimiento labor stint in Florida is not known. Such projects as the building of the various forts at St. Augustine and the planting, tilling, and harvesting of crops for soldiers at the fort with families to support were the most common uses of the repartimiento labor. In Mexico, each adult male had to be available for about 45 days per year, usually a week at a time at various intervals. At any one time, only a small proportion of the men from a village were supposed to be called upon, and ideally heads of families were to have time free to cultivate their own fields (Meyer and Sher man 1979:170). For labor at St. Augustine some of these regulations were impractical and were probably ignored. Fray Moral's criticisms of the abuses of the system and the 1682 synod's third article suggest that the workers were often kept in St. Augustine beyond the legal time period at the whim of the authorities (Moral 1676; Leon n.d.). For the building of the first fort at St. Marks around 1680, however, these rules appear to have been followed. The governor reported that the work force was being rotated every eight days (Hita Salazar 1680b). Those engaged as carpenters in the mid-1680s for the building of the galliot on the Rio Tacabona

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The Apalachee Economy 155 worked a minimum of 10 days and a maximum of 31 days. Twenty-three days was the most common stint. Of the 21 carpenters, 10 put in that number of days on the project. Because this work took place during the planting season, it and the cutting of the lumber created hardships for the natives. These hard ships were one of the items in the litany of complaints lodged against Antonio Matheos. Whoever converted 200 pounds of iron into nails and a set of chains on the galliot project received 11 pesos for the work. The iron cost 14 pesos, exceed ing the cost of the labor for transforming it into the finished products. The two women who prepared food and the two young men who ground corn appear to have been paid less than the others. The four of them conjointly received 57 reales, about 14 each if the division were made equally. Although the number of days they worked is not specified, presumably they were there for the same three-and-a-half to four weeks as most of the workers. The rations that were purchased consisted only of corn, beans, and butter. Twenty pesos were spent on corn and three on the butter and beans. In terms of wages paid and food stuffs purchased, this one project put 110 pesos or 882 reales into the local economy (Matheos 1687a:77). Presumably those working voluntarily on a contract basis away from their communities received a somewhat higher compensation than the one real per day earned by the carpenters. During the 1694 visitation Ocolasi Lorenzo, who had worked for an unspecified time planting for a Spaniard, complained that his employer still owed him nine pesos for his work. A native from Cupaica placed a claim of 15 pesos for a pack saddle he had made for the royal works. Another native mentioned 6 pesos as the fee owed him for breaking in a young mare (Florencia 1695). The following is a selection of the price or equivalent value of a number of items in Apalachee during the last two decades of the mission era. 4 bundles of tobacco for 2 pesos 8 bundles of tobacco for a shovel a mare for 30 pesos a bronze image of Our Lady for 8 reales or 1 peso a painted wooden tray for a hatchet a fowling piece for 2 harquebuses a lined coat or cloak for a blanket, a pound of powder and 16 strings of thick beads (Florencia 1695) 1 real, or 1 day of compulsory labor, bought 5 pounds of salt beef 3 pesos or 3 1/2 weeks work for a calf big enough to eat

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156 Apalachee 8 pesos for a steer (1693) 2 reales for a cheese 4 reales for a cowhide (Delgado 1693:254) 25 pesos for a stallion and about half that price for a draft ox (Bushnell 1981:28) 16 to 20 pesos for a hog versus 4 pesos prior to the early 1670s (Leturiondo [1700]: 177-178) 20 yards of jergueta for 80 measures of corn 15 yards of jergueta for 15 measures of wheat 2 deerskin for 1 yard of jergueta 4 chickens for 1 yard of jergueta 36 measures of corn for 9 yards of jergueta 25 pounds of tallow for 1 yard of jergueta 2 hogs for 8 yards of jergueta (Boyd, Smith, and Griffin 1951: 46-47). The last of those figures, one hog for 4 yards of jergueta, establishes the price of jergueta as one peso per yard based on the old price of 4 pesos per hog. That price is corroborated by Alonso de Leturiondo who gave the going price of jergueta in Florida as one silver peso, commenting that it cost the merchant only 2 reales per yard in Mexico and another real to place it in Florida. A conga mestiza, or middling fine woolen blanket, sold for 4 pesos in Florida, an ordinary blanket for 2 pesos, and a fine quality blanket for 8 pesos. He gave the price of maize during times of shortage at 3 pesos per arroba or about one real per pound. In the mid-1650s, Governor Rebolledo allegedly bought maize and beans in Apalachee for 2 reales per arroba but sold them to the Crown for the soldiers in St. Augustine for 8 reales (San Antonio 1657b). He listed the price per yard of various cloths: Rouen linen at 12.5 silver reales; ordinary Bretana (a fine linen) at 8 to 10 reales; coarse Tlascala flannel {bayeta) at 20 reales; Castilian flannel at 4 or 5 pesos; Granadan taffeta at 14 to 20 reales; and Tlascalan palmilla (a blue woolen cloth) at 3 pesos. A pound of rice sold for 2 reales, an ounce of vanilla for 6 to 8 reales, a 4-5-pint flask of aguardiente for 5 pesos, and a pair of shoes for 12 or 14 reales. Whether these prices were typical is not clear; Leturiondo referred to them as tremendously inflated as a result of shortages, often artificially created (Leturiondo [1700]: 188-189). Some indication of the change in prices and of the cost of various manufactured articles is provided by a list from the early 1650s that gives the

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The Apalachee Economy 157 sums paid for various items and persons that were sold when Governor Ruiz de Salazar's wheat farm was dismantled: 22 large plow-oxen sold for 40 pesos apiece 8 stallions and mares at 100 pesos each 45 head of swine at 4 pesos each a large wooden serving table for 4 pesos a used whetstone at 8 pesos 6 wooden benches for 6 pesos a lamp for 1 peso a machete urbarrena and a short thick lance at 4 pesos 3 wooden beds for 6 pesos 13 pieces (?) of used iron for 117 pesos 4 used spades for 8 pesos 7 used axes for 21 pesos 3 chisels for 2 pesos 2 hammers for 5 pesos 4 barrels for 4 pesos 3 cazuelas with feet for 9 pesos (cazuelas de manos) 2 saws and 1 handsaw for 5 pesos 2 used tablecloths for 5 pesos a pewter plate for 2 pesos 2 machetes for 4 pesos 2 chocolate-stones for 5 pesos [a cylindrical stone for grinding the chocolate] 8 used iron spurs or goads for 24 pesos 2 iron chains for 8 pesos an Angolan Black named Ambrozio, 30 years of age, for 500 pesos a mulatto named Francisco Galindo, who at present is the superin tendent of the said hacienda, for 600 pesos These examples demonstrate that a member of the chieftain class who en gaged in the raising of horses, cattle, and hogs could accumulate a significant amount of wealth from such an enterprise. Because they were free from the tax imposed on Spanish ranchers, we do not know the size of their herds. One source of potential wealth that was not available generally to the Apa lachee was the enslavement of their fellow Indians, which the Creek used effectively in their trade with the English. Long before the Spanish missionization of Apalachee, enslavement of the natives had been outlawed by the Crown. In frontier and primitive areas it was tolerated, however, and on

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158 Apalachee several occasions was authorized by Florida's governors, in part to discourage the practice of scalping and the wanton slaughter of women and children who were taken prisoner. There is no evidence that any such prisoners were brought back as slaves from the 1677 expedition against the Chisca, but in the 1695 raid into Apalachicola country in retaliation for the Apalachicola's at tack on San Carlos de los Chacatos, about 50 natives were captured in one of the villages that was taken by surprise. Those who had captured them were permitted to keep them as slaves (Torres y Ayala 1695:224-227). The few statistics available on exports from Apalachee also do not reflect any massive slaughter of deer or of fur-bearing animals for their skins such as occurred among the natives who traded with the English settlers. Even in postmission times, when the authorities dealing with the Creek had established a store at St. Marks in the hopes of inducing the natives to commit themselves to a Spanish allegiance, the governor complained that not only were they unable to match the English prices but that the skins did not have the same marketability either in Cuba or in Spain as they had in the North (Montiano 1746). Among the Indians of the Southeast in general, the major portion of the hard work of the farm and household seems to have fallen to the women. While the men prepared the soil for planting, they seem to have spent much of the rest of their time in the hunt, at war, or in the discussion of village affairs in the council house or square ground. Of Florida's Indians, Bishop Calderon remarked in 1675, 'They are fleshy, and rarely is there a small one, but they are weak and phlegmatic as regards work" (Diaz Vara Calderon 1675:12; Hawkins 1982a:21, 55-57, 478, 1982b:71; Hudson 1976:264-265, 312-313). Among the eighteenth-century Creek this attitude seems to have inten sified, if anything, as a result of the gifts with which the competing European nations plied them and of the emphasis on hunting and warfare to secure skins and pelts and scalps to trade to the English settlers for the European goods on which they had become dependent. Hawkins found them strongly resistant to the government's plans in the late 1790s for settling them down as farmers and stockmen. By contrast the Apalachee, like the Cherokee, seem to have adjusted rather easily to working on a steady basis at farming, ranching, and carpenter ing, much as would European farmers and workers. The French at Mobile were particularly impressed by the industriousness and the dependability of the Apalachee who migrated there in 1704. The Carolinians also commented favorably on the willingness to work and the discipline of those who accom panied Colonel Moore to the English territory earlier that same year ([Bien ville] [1726]:536; Hawkins 1982a:67; Higginbotham 1977:192; Johnson et al. 1708; Raphael 1725(2):482). The fleeting glimpses we have of the province's economic life in the 1680s and 1690s, and to some extent even earlier, project

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The Apalachee Economy 159 a similar picture (Florencia 1695; Leturiondo [1700]; Solana 1687a: 17-39). Naturally the mission regime and Spanish demands had much to do with this. But a question arises: Was there already some development under way before the mission period as a result of the Apalachee's heavy dependence on agricul ture and sedentary existence that predisposed them to accept these changes without much resistance?

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Chapter 7 The Population of Apalachee THERE IS considerable diversity of opinion on the size of Florida's aborig inal populations during the two centuries after their first contacts with Euro peans and Africans and the pathogens that the intruders introduced. Until the 1970s the conservative approach of authorities on the Indians of the Southeast suggested a small population for Florida and for Apalachee in particular dur ing the protohistoric and the early historic or mission periods.1 Henry Dobyns noted that Daniel G. Brinton set the tone in the mid-nineteenth century by maintaining that the aboriginal population for all of Florida never was much higher than 10,000 persons and by dismissing as hyperbole the chroniclers' accounts that de Soto's forces faced that many warriors in one encounter (Dobyns 1983:50). Brinton's point of view seems to have put a straitjacket es pecially on those writing from ethnographical and anthropological perspectives. Until the 1970s it seems to have kept most of them from even consider ing the possible validity of data that did not conform to this premise. For the early part of this century Dobyns observed that this bias included historians as well, remarking that "Early twentieth-century anthropologists and historians showed a pronounced (and unjustified) tendency to regard Colonial popula tion reports as uniformly exaggerated" (Dobyns 1983:51). Accordingly, two authorities on the Southeast, James Mooney and John R. Swanton, suggested a relatively small population for the region, and their es timates for Apalachee were no exception. In his Indians of the Southeastern United States, map 3 (seemingly covering the period 1600-1650), Swanton credits the Apalachee territory with a population of 5,000. He rejected as 1. The term protohistoric will be used in the sense assigned to it by Henry Dobyns in his 1983 book, Their Number Become Thinned. He used it to signify the 1512-1562 period of intermit tent contact between Florida's natives and the Europeans prior to the beginning of sustained contact. 160

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The Population of Apalachee 161 grossly exaggerated the friars' estimates of 16,000, 30,000, 34,000, and so on (see table 7.1). He conceded that in the late sixteenth century it might have been 1,000 higher than his estimate (Swanton 1922:118, 1946:4, 91). This low figure is still echoed by some. Kathleen Deagan (1976) suggests a figure of 5,000 to 6,000 during the mission period. Such low population estimates for Apalachee leave little scope for the devastating impact of various diseases, introduced by the Europeans and Africans, on Florida's natives who had no immunities to them. The work of Woodrow Borah and Sherburne Cook on the demographic destruction suffered by various Indian populations of Latin America indicates that the same diseases must have made serious inroads in Florida as well, even though the devastation may not have been as severe. Influenced by Borah and Cook's pioneering work, modern scholars such as Charles Hudson and J. Leitch Wright have begun to postulate a larger popu lation for the Southeast in general. Milanich and Fairbanks place the popula tion at the time of the Narvaez and the de Soto expeditions at a minimum of 25,000, but they keep faith with Swanton by noting that "By the height of the mission period, about 1675, this number had declined to about 5,000" (Milanich and Fairbanks 1980:230). Dobyns suggests still larger populations for Florida as a whole, and, by extension, for Apalachee. Using diverse tech niques he hypothesized two possible aboriginal population figures for the early sixteenth century. Using what he characterized as standard demographic and ecological techniques, he arrived at 697,000 persons as a likely total among the Timucua, Calusa, and Apalachee. On the basis of detailed ethnohistorical regional analysis, he hypothesized the possible existence of a total population as high as 919,600 for those three groups before disaster struck in the form of a series of pandemics and epidemics resulting from Old World pathogens to which the American natives were susceptible. He identi fies 722,000 of that total as Timucua and 97,600 as Calusa, leaving 100,000 as the hypothetic population of Apalachee in 1517. Working with the hypo thetical Timucua figures, he theorized a 95 percent decline in that people's population within the first century of their exposure to the new diseases, positing a total of only 36,750 Timucua in 1618 (Dobyns 1983:204-208, 293-294). Although Dobyns did not apply this measurement to the Apalachee, it is curious that the same procedure would reduce the hypothetical 100,000 Apalachee to the 5,000 posited by Swanton and by Deagan. The assessment of the validity of Dobyns's theses is beyond the scope of this work and my present capabilities. I believe, however, that his population estimates are too high, particularly because no archaeological evidence shows the concentration of populations in large villages that such expansive demo graphic estimates would seem to demand. His ideas on Florida demography do at least make it clear that protohistoric Florida possessed a much larger

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162 Apalachee Table 7.1. Population estimates for Apalachee Year ca. 1517 1570 1590s ca. 1600 1608 1612 ca. 1617 1633 1638 1673 1675 1675 1676 1689 1703-1704 1704 1704 1704 1704 1705 Estimated population 100,000 20,000 6,000 At least 25,000 Over 30,000a Innumerable 30,000 16,000 16,000b 8,000-9,000 8,220 ca. 10,520 5,000 ca. 9,600 ca. 8,000 2,000 5,700 7,000-8,000 10,200+ None left in Apalachee Source Dobyns Lopez de Velasco Swanton Milanich and Fairbanks Fray Martin Prieto Governor Fray Luis Geronimo Governor Friar Friar J. Fernandez de Florencia Bishop Calderon Friar and Swanton Ebelino de Compostela Spanish authorities Swanton Deagan French sources Wright Assessment Probably too high Too low Much too low Realistic Realistic A little too lowc Realistic d Too low Too low Too high a. Based on his estimate of the size of the crowd assembled to greet him. b. A parish census, it possibly included only mission villages. c. Florencia apparently was of this opinion, but as a village-by-village, round-figure estimate by Apalachee's lieutenant it is probably among the most reliable. d. Based on an estimate of Apalachee's share of the total number of confirmations that were recorded individually. population than traditional authorities have accorded it. I am skeptical also of Dobyns's assessment of the impact of the various epidemics that he theorizes spread quickly from Mexico or the Caribbean Islands to Florida and of the evidence on which he has based some of these epidemics. He is on particu larly weak ground when he uses such evidence as a seemingly offhand remark by Juan Fernandez de Florencia when he was explaining to the governor why he had used round-figure estimates rather than a censuslike technique for his 1675 tabulation of the population by village: "I have not taken a census and they die daily, for which reason, I have said a little more or less" (Fernandez de Florencia 1675a). While admitting that Fernandez meant this statement to be understood somewhat figuratively, Dobyns went on to argue, "Still it is indicative of an epidemic in progress, even if Fernandez merely supposed that

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The Population of Apalachee 163 Native Americans died frequently" (Dobyns 1983:281). Nonetheless, works of Dobyns and others do establish that the population estimates by the friars and by the Spanish officials for Apalachee can no longer be rejected out of hand. Based on the population established for Apalachee in 1675 by the Florencia list and by the number of confirmations reported by Bishop Calderon for that same year, it seems reasonable to accept the figure of 25,000 Apalachee for the early seventeenth century, when peaceful contact began on a more or less regular basis between the Apalachee and the Spaniards. Milanich and Fairbanks suggest that figure as the province's early protohistoric population. Any lower figure, particularly Swanton's postulate of a mere 5,000, would leave no room for the devastation of the population that is known to have oc curred from periodic epidemics, the stresses imposed by the Spaniards' labor demands, and the social trauma resulting from the disruption of the Indians' traditional pattern of living. One of the models developed from the studies of population decline in Mexico posited a minimum of about a 90 percent decline before the popula tion level stabilized in the mid-seventeenth century. Inasmuch as the contact in Apalachee was not as prolonged or intense or exploitative and Apalachee's population was not as densely congregated, the decline of its population would probably not have been that steep. The Apalachee's direct contacts with the Spaniards of the Narvaez and de Soto expeditions may not have been disastrous epidemiologically simply be cause they were almost entirely of a hostile nature. Such close contact, when it occurred, usually led to quick deaths in battle before any germs could spread. The fighting and, even more, the loss of much of their food supply doubtless took a toll. Sooner or later the Apalachee's trade encounters with neighboring tribes that had closer contact with the Spaniards must have intro duced some of the new diseases, if they had not been got directly from the men with Narvaez, de Soto, or Lucas Vasquez de Ay lion. The de Soto chron iclers record that some settlements in the territory of Cofatichique had been depopulated before de Soto's arrival. For this protohistoric period Dobyns provided no hard evidence of epidemics that had broken out among the natives of Florida but offered only speculation that Calusan visitors to Cuba could have brought back smallpox or other viruses to which the natives had had no exposure (Dobyns 1983:250, 254-259) or that disease carriers traveled over land from Mexico along native trade routes. Cabeza de Vaca records that Nar vaez and his men became ill shortly after they left Apalachee for Aute. The timing of this unspecified illness, which surfaced only long after their arrival in Florida, suggests that it was picked up locally as they trudged through the swamps and ponds of the coastal lowlands (Nunez Cabeza de Vaca 1964:

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164 Apalachee 34-36). In the reports from the 1559 attempt by Tristan de Luna to colonize the Gulf coast, Dobyns sees evidence of the disappearance of many of the flourishing Indian chiefdoms described by the de Soto chroniclers. He con cluded, "The general collapse of the good society that Native Americans had known for centuries in the brief period of twenty years indicates that demo graphic catastrophe struck the peoples of the Southeast between 1542 and 1559" (Dobyns 1983:267-268). Whatever was the impact of such cataclysms on the population in Apalachee, some of the first estimates of about 30,000, made by the early seven teenth-century friars, were probably accurate. Based on findings for Latin America's Indians and others, there had to be at least 25,000 Apalachee to allow the survival of about 7,500 three-quarters of a century later, particularly since, once the mission era had begun, the province must have had some di sastrous epidemics because of close contact with Europeans and blacks as well as some spillover from documented epidemics that ravaged neighboring Timucua.2 Epidemics from Timucua must have become a serious problem after the introduction of the labor repartimiento in 1647, as it required large numbers of Apalachee to travel overland through Timucua for periods of work in and around St. Augustine. The hardships of the trip itself, intensified by the heavy cargoes they were assigned to carry, took a heavy toll on the natives. The earliest recorded eyewitness estimate of the Apalachee population places it at more than 30,000. This number is supposed to have assembled at Ivitachuco in 1608 to welcome the first friars on their peace-making mission (Ore 1936:116). In 1612 the governor described Apalachee as a land "where there are innumerable people." Another friar's estimate in 1617 also put the population at about 30,000 (Fernandez de Olivera 1612b; Geronimo 1617). In 1633 the governor estimated the population at more than 15,000 or 16,000 (Horruytiner 1633), probably a realistic figure for that time, because it was seconded by a friar writing in 1676 about the rapid decline of the population. He mentioned that a church census for 1638 listed the population at more than 16,000, whereas the Lenten census of 1676 showed only 5,000 left in the province (Moral 1676). Two years after the governor's estimate, a friar posited a probably unrealistic level of 34,000, claiming that 5,000 had already been Christianized (Friar 1635). The author of the 1676 census seems to have un derstated the population to emphasize his point, as he was writing to Spain to stress the need for the appointment of a Protector for the Indians in Florida (Moral 1676).3 Earlier in the 1670s a Franciscan official, asking for more 2. The available records contain few references to epidemics that had occurred in Apalachee, but beyond a doubt some of those recorded for Timucua spread to Apalachee. 3. The Protector was a special official within the bureaucracy whose duty was to look out for and defend the interests of the natives. The Crown refused to sanction the appointment of such an

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The Population of Apalachee 165 friars for Florida, mentioned that eleven settlements had already been formed in Apalachee containing 8,000 to 9,000 Indians (Franciscan Commissary General 1673). Swanton and those who follow his population estimates accept the 5,000 figure as valid but reject the one for 1638 cited by the same friar. They give no explanation for accepting one and rejecting the other. The acceptance of the figure of 5,000 in the context in which it occurs seems to require some justi fication. From the preceding year of 1675 there are two seemingly more reli able estimates of Apalachee's population that establish a figure well above 5,000. In the same phrase in which Swanton remarks that "The most reason able is an estimate of 5,000 made in 1676, though it is possible that a hundred years earlier there were a thousand more," he goes on to observe, "and Mooney suggests 7,000 in 1650, including a few other tribes, while Governor Salazar's mission by mission estimate made in 1675 gives a total of 6,130" (Swanton 1946:91).4 How Swanton derived that total from Governor Hita Salazar's list remains a mystery (see Swanton 312: table 2): for some reason he understated by more than 2,000 the total population given on the list. On that list, drawn up for the governor by Juan Fernandez de Florencia, the popula tions given for the 11 missions inhabited by the Apalachee add up to 7,580. The three villages of non-Apalachee that were mission centers contained an other 640 natives (Fernandez de Florencia 1675a), for a total of 8,220. The total number of natives in the province at this time was probably another three hundred or so higher still, inasmuch as the Tocobaga were already settled at Wacissa, near Ivitachuco. They were not mentioned by Florencia because their village was not a mission center then or later. By 1677 some Tocobaga 20 or sohad been buried at Ivitachuco because they had become Christians on their deathbeds (Leturiondo 1678:561-563). The lieutenant's listing of the population, which was done in round figures, mission by mission, by a man who was on the scene, merits more credence than the friar's global estimate written in Madrid and cited in a polemical context in which he was trying to emphasize the plight of the natives. The validity of Florencia's figures as evidence of a population consider ably larger than 5,000 is supported by the other population indicator from 1675. In that year Bishop Calderon administered confirmation to 13,152 na tives in the four provinces of Guale, Timucua, Apalachee, and Apalachicola (Diaz Vara Calderon 1675:12). Inasmuch as mission activity had begun in Apalachicola only during the preceding year, almost all of those confirmed official for Florida (except on an ad hoc basis when a native accused of serious crime needed a "public defender"), maintaining that existing officials were capable of serving as "Protector". 4. This is the Florencia list referred to earlier in this chapter.

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166 Apalachee would have been from the three older provinces, and about four-fifths of that total were from Apalachee. Governor Salazar's listing of the population of the three provinces, village by village, gives a total of only 10,260. All or part of several of the coastal villages, whose population contributed to that total, were non-Christian and would not have been part of the bishop's 13,152 who were confirmed. So possibly as many as about 10,520 were confirmed in Apa lachee in 1675 (Diaz Vara Calderon 1675:12; Fernandez de Florencia 1675a). Bushnell mentioned that the authors of the governor's census thought that the figures that they arrived at were low (Bushnell 1978b:4-5): perhaps they did not count those working in St. Augustine and on the ranches or the placeless persons of mixed blood, who might not be counted as members of the Indian community even though they lived among the Indians. Unfortunately for purposes of comparison, the other listing of the villages' population, from 1689, gives the number of families per mission rather than the number of individuals, a total of 1,920 families (Ebelino de Compostela 1689). The three principal mission provinces of Guale, Timucua, and Apalachee had a total of 2,696 families. The census was made by the friars at the request of their bishop so that he might inform the king of the population of the various parts of his diocese of Santiago de Cuba. The bishop translated the total by families to individuals by assuming an average of five persons per family.5 For Apalachee that would signify a population of about 9,600 indi viduals, exclusive of the Tocobaga because nonmission villages were not in cluded in this census. The two mission villages to the west of Apalachee (San Nicolas de Los Chacatos and San Carlos de Sabacola) contained another 100 families. The figures registered by the bishop both for Apalachee and for the other provinces raise some serious questions, which no one, to my knowledge, has yet ad dressed or even remarked upon. The figure of 9,600 is 1,380 above the 8,220 given for 1675 by the lieutenant's list, for a time period for which the conven tional wisdom maintains that there was a steady decline in the population. Of course, as noted, the 1675 census probably understated the population. The figure of 10,520 confirmed in Apalachee, extrapolated from Bishop Calderon's statistics, would allow for a decline of about 1,000 in the province's population over that 15-year period. Another disturbing feature of this 1689 census is its reversal of another trend that is usually taken for grantedthe more rapid decline of the popula tion in Guale and Timucua than in Apalachee. In 1675 Apalachee contained slightly more than 80 percent of the total population of those three provinces. 5. Kathleen Deagan (1978) used the figure of 4.5 persons per family to compute the numbers of individuals.

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The Population of Apalachee 167 In this census, Apalachee's portion fell to 72 percent of the total. Even more incomprehensible, if one accepts these 1689 figures and the bishop's assump tion of five persons per family, is the indication that the populations of both Guale and Timucua were rising in absolute terms. This development is par ticularly contraindicated for Guale; both historical and archaeological records seem to show it losing population during this interval as a result of English attacks and disease. Governor Salazar listed 12 settlements in Guale in con trast to the six mentioned on the bishop's 1689 list. As a result of the pressures from the Carolinians and from the natives allied with them, many of the Christianized natives from Guale moved into eastern Timucua during this pe riod while others migrated inland or to English territory shortly before 1689, during the governorship of Marques Cabrera (Deagan 1978:105-107). This subject, accordingly, needs considerably more study. The location of some of the parish censuses that seem to have been made periodically, if not annually, during Lent might be an invaluable aid for resolving these problems. If one accepts as reasonable the bishop's figure of 9,600 people in Apala chee's missions in 1689, and if one allows for similar attrition over another 15year period, the estimates of a population of about 8,000 in 1703-1704 be fore the missions' destruction are probably close to the actual numbers. In mid-July 1704, while pondering the decision to abandon the province in the wake of the destruction of most of the missions in Apalachee, the Council of War held at St. Augustine posited a population of 8,000 in the 14 mission villages just before they were destroyed (Council of War 1704:56-59). This figure no doubt included the losses suffered during the year and a half of strife that served as a prelude to the climactic conflicts of January-July 1704: at least 200 warriors (possibly up to 400) lost in October 1702 at the rout that occurred on the Flint;6 an unknown number of casualties from the Apalachicola's 1703 raid in which Ocuia was destroyed and probably a major portion of the approximately 500 prisoners taken in that attack; and the 170 recorded as having died in an epidemic that swept San Luis in that year (Albuquerque 1703; Romo de Urisa 1702; Zuniga y Zerda 1704a:48-50). Although no men tion is made that the epidemic spread to other villages, it seems unlikely that it would be confined to that one village in view of the proximity of so many of the other settlements and of San Luis's role as the headquarters settlement. Here, as in their earlier estimates, authorities differ on the size of Apala chee's population at the start of 1704. Swanton maintained his conservative approach: "The figures given by Moore (1,300 free Indians plus 100 slaves) and Bienville (400 Indians) indicate that there were about 2,000 at the time 6. An 800-man Spanish-led Apalachee force on its way to a reprisal attack on the Apalachicola encountered an English-led Apalachicola force that was moving down for a raid on the missions. The Apalachee fled in panic after stumbling into a trap set by their foes.

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168 Apalachee when they were destroyed (1704)" (Swanton 1946:91). Once again Swanton seems to have maintained a selective approach in his use of population statistics. Although he mentioned that Bienville, writing from Mobile, stated that the English had killed or made prisoner 6,000 or 7,000, Swanton added, "The English estimate is not far wrong" (1946:90). Inasmuch as Bienville wrote this letter on September 6, 1704, presumably after having talked with the Apalachee who had just arrived in Mobile, Swanton's out-of-hand rejection of Bienville's estimate seems to require some explanation, particularly because the same estimate was made by the Spanish officials when the surviving Apa lachee in French and Spanish territory are included. It is not clear if Swanton was aware of the more expansive claims made by Moore in his second letter.7 The Library of Congress copies of both of Moore's letters were cited by Verner Crane, whose work Swanton had consulted. Deagan (1976), in a brief item in a population table, is more expansive here than Swanton. Her estimate is based on Boyd's calculations from the figures cited by Colonel Moore in his two letters. In a rough approximation of Boyd's figures, Deagan presents the population in 1702 as 5,700, observing in a footnote that this is "A rough estimate based on Moore's enumeration of captured and killed Indians (5,500) with an additional 200 who escaped." Her figure of 5,700 fails to take into account the considerable number of Apalachee who remained in the province until the second wave of attacks in June and July, long after Moore had re turned to South Carolina with his captives. J. Leitch Wright presents the most expansive estimate: "It is not possible to be precise about the fates of all the Apalachees. Most of them, probably 10,000 or more, ended up in Carolina as slaves or tributaries." His 10,000 do not include the Apalachee who fled to Mobile and to Timucua in July 1704. He estimates that about 200 remained in Apalachee amid the charred missions (Wright 1981:114-115). Another approach to calculating a rough estimate of Apalachee's total population is to use 1,500, the number of native warriors in the province in the wake of the 1702 disaster on the Flint. Inasmuch as the leader of the expe dition who gave that figure mentions that only 300 returned with him, his esti mate probably did not include the additional 200 whom Bushnell records as having straggled back later "without so much as their breechclouts" (Bushnell 1979:7; Romo de Urisa 1702). Using 1,700 as the number of relatively ablebodied males as the base for a rough projection, one could reasonably calcu late a minimum population of more than 6,000 at the beginning of 1703. On the assumption that the men led more dangerous lives, there must have been at least 2,000 women to match those 1,700 men, and the other 300 or so who 7. Swanton cited only the B. R. Carroll version of Moore's letter to Governor Johnson taken from a Boston newspaper.

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The Population of Apalachee 169 were probably working out of the province. Choosing the arbitrary but seem ingly reasonable estimate of 1,200 of those women as married and fertile, and two children per couple, would point to a population of 6,400. Disabled war riors and the elderly would add to that total. If one uncritically accepts the figures given by Moore, they also suggest a population approximating the 8,000 level. In his second letter Moore claimed that he brought away 300 men and 1,000 women and children to be settled as free allies in the Carolina territory, that he killed or enslaved 325 men, and that he enslaved 4,000 women and children, for a total of 5,625 people (Moore 1704b:888-891).8 When Moore departed, probably sometime in Feb ruary 1704, there was still a native population of some significance left in the province. Ivitachuco and Escambe appear to have escaped Moore's attack more or less unscathed. San Luis suffered some casualties and some deser tions as well, but its population was probably still relatively intact. Patale was still in existence and, along with Aspalaga, bore the brunt of the second attack in June and July 1704. Consequently, significant portions of their inhabitants are not included in Moore's figures. Much of the population of the village whose inhabitants had fled survived into 1705. Even a few of the Ocuians sur vived to take part in the final encounters of June and July (Council of War 1704:56-59; Guzman 1704:61-64; Solana 1704a:50-55; Zuiiiga y Zerda 1704b:55-56, 1705). Using the 1689 census of families and making allow ances for considerable attrition of the population in the interval by decreasing the number of Ivitachuco's families from 200 to 125, Oconi's from 80 to 40, Escambe's from 400 to 250, San Luis from 300 to 200, Patale's from 120 to 60, and Aspalaga's from 50 to 25, this still leaves 700 families, which would project a total population approaching 3,000 at a minimum.9 Added to Moore's 5,625, this remnant provides a figure relatively close to the 8,000 posited by the Council of War. Admittedly, there is a considerable element of speculation in this approach to establishing the size of the population in 1704. Particularly troubling is the questionable reliability of Moore's accounting and the round figure of 8,000 advanced by the Council of War. However, these multiple approaches and sources always arrive at a figure in the vicinity of 8,000, which suggests that it is possibly a reliable estimate of the size of the population. In any event, it seems indubitable that the estimate of 2,000 or so that some have advanced as the number of natives in the province on the eve of the destruction of the mis sions is much too low (Bienville 1704:27; Swanton 1946:91). 8. As noted in detail in chapter 12, there are serious reasons for doubting the validity of Moore's claim of having taken 4,000 women and children as slaves. 9. San Luis is mentioned as having 200 families at the time of the evacuation of the province (Boyd 1951:70).

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170 Apalachee The available records do not provide even a hint of the degree of mestization that occurred between the Apalachee and the Spanish soldiery. As a gar rison site, San Luis would likely be the one most affected. Some attention has been given to mestization in St. Augustine, but the findings do not permit any useful inferences for San Luis. The visitors' repeated proscription of con cubinage suggests that it was common. In view of the social predominance of the Spaniard, the result must have been a significant number of mestizo pro geny in places where Spaniards were present. The emigres to Mobile made an obscure reference to this phenomenon as one of their reasons for wishing to stay among the French, remarking that at San Luis they had not been masters of their wives and noting that since they had been living among the French it had not been a problem. This could have been simply a reference to the Span ish settlers' insistence that the Apalachee women do various chores for them, but that is not a likely prospect. One aspect of population changes in Apalachee during the mission period that merits attention is the differing trends from village to village. Some vil lages declined abruptly in population, while others rose sharply or showed moderate declines or increases that left the relative ranking of the missions by size considerably different in 1689 from what it had been in 1675 (see table 7.2). There is no ready explanation for this phenomenon. The 1675 list shows San Luis with 1,400 people as the most populous mis sion in Apalachee, followed by Ivitachuco with 1,200.10 Ocuia and Cupaica jointly held third place with 900, Ayubale and Aspalaga shared fourth with 800, and Tomole with 700 was in fifth place. The remaining missions in de scending order were Patale with 500, Oconi with 200, Bacuqua with 120, and Capole with 60. The settlements inhabited by non-Apalachee all ranked with the smaller villages showing populations of 300 or fewer. The 1689 tabulation gives the number of families per mission rather than the number of individuals. To facilitate comparison, the bishop's estimate of five persons per household will be used to expand the count by families into one by individuals. Even a quick glance at the result reveals a perplexing melange of changes, both absolute and relative, during the 14 years that sepa rated the two head counts. San Luis, although gaining slightly in population in absolute terms, slipped into second place with 300 families or 1,500 indi viduals, losing out to Cupaica, which, with 400 families, had more than doubled its size since 1675. At 250 families (1,250 people), Ayubale showed strong growth as well, moving into third place. Ivitachuco's moderate decline to 200 families (1,000 people) caused it to slip into a tie for fourth place with 10. One version of the 1655 list mentions Ivitachuco as having a population of 2,500. Popula tions are not given for any of the other missions in 1655.

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The Population of Apalachee 171 Table 7.2. Population by mission in 1675 and 1689 1689 Mission San Luis Ivitachuco Cupaica Ayubale Ocuia Tomoli Patale Oconi Tama Bacuqua Aspalaga Capole Place of the Chine Nativity of Our Lady San Nicolas de Tolentino San Carlos San Nicolas de los Chacatos San Carlos de abacola 1675 Families 1400 1200 900 800 900 700 500 200 300 120 800 60 300 40 100 Chactos 30a 300 Chactos 100a 300 200 400 250 200 130 120 80 80 50 50 30 30 70 30 Persons 1500 1000 2000 1250 1000 650 600 400 400 250 250 150 150 350 150 a. Figures given in 1675 by Bishop Diaz Vara Calderon. Ocuia. Although Ocuia showed a moderate increase of 100 individuals to reach 1,000, it fell a notch in relative terms from its tie with Cupaica for third place in 1675. Aspalaga suffered a massive loss: its 800 people of 1675 shrank to 250, tumbling it from a tie for fourth place to a tie for eighth with Bacuqua. Although Tomole declined by 50 to 650 people, it remained in fifth place, and with a moderate increase of 100 to the 600 level Patale stayed in sixth. At populations of 400 and 250, respectively, both Oconi and Bacuqua doubled their size during this interval. Capoli remained the smallest village inhabited by Apalachee, although it grew spectacularly from 60 to 150. However, such growth is not reflected in a complaint by Capoli's chief in 1694 asking that four errant husbands working in St. Augustine be required to return to their wives. He stated that these men were missed by the village as well as by their wives because the village had no more than 20 men, some of whom were elderly (Florencia 1695:66-67). Among the non-Apalachee, Tama grew by 100 to 400, while the Chine mission declined by 50 percent from 300 to 150 persons (Ebelino de Compostela 1689; Fernandez de Florencia 1675a). The reasons for these changes, and above all the reasons for the lack of a

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172 Apalachee pattern, remain a mystery. Although one would expect uniformity in a region as compact as Apalachee, the sharp decline manifested by a few missions is possibly attributable to the differential impact of epidemics, which hit some settlements more severely than others. There is some evidence that intervillage contacts may not have been as frequent as one might think in view of their proximity to one another. In looking closely at events at Patale and San Luis in the last week or so before Patale's destruction in July 1704, one is struck by the fact that, even though Patale was captured by an English-led Creek force on the night of June 23 and its convent was burned at that time, San Luis became aware of it only five days later (Solana 1704a:50-55). While Cupaica's people lived on a site west of the Ochlockonee River, they may have enjoyed an isolation that protected them from the ravages of some epidemics. More disturbing are the absolute increases in the population of villages such as Cupaica that went counter to the general trend toward decline. In the case of Bacuqua, it is known that the authorities were encouraging its growth because of its small size and its position as a frontier village. It is possible that similar encouragement was given to Cupaica, which also occupied an exposed position, particularly in its trans-Ochlockonee location, in regard to the Apalachicola with whom relations were deteriorating during the 1680s. The very remoteness of such sites may have attracted migrants from other villages or from neighboring peoples. That there was some population movement from one village to another is reflected in a 1694 regulation requiring the permis sion of the governor's deputy for such moves in the future, on the grounds that some of those moving did so to escape the consequences of crimes or mis demeanors they had committed in their home villages. The same regulations prohibited moves to villages such as Ocuia that were not on the royal road (Florencia 1695). The relative remoteness of such sites may have freed their inhabitants from some of the more importunate and unauthorized demands for labor from Spanish settlers, soldiers, and the governor's deputy. While situated west of the Ochlockonee, Cupaica would have offered such attractions. The posting of a sentinel at the river would have allowed ample time to send a warning to scatter into the woods to escape such a labor draft while the official concerned was searching for a means to cross the river. Such locations facilitated migra tion out of the province when disenchantment with Spanish rule became se vere enough. A considerable but unspecified number did just that, migrating to Apalachicola country during the administration of the unpopular Antonio Matheos, just as many Yamasee left Guale for English territory during the same period. It is likely that the Apalachee wife of the so-called Emperor Brims of the Creek as well as the Apalachee wife of one of his sons were part of that emigration. Matheos's successor was able to induce most of the mi grants to return to their home villages.

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The Population of Apalachee 173 Although the relative stability of Ocuia's population might be attributed to the protection from imported pathogens offered by its remoteness, such an argument loses much of its force in the face of Patale's similar stability. It ap pears to have occupied something of a crossroads position on several trails within the province and on one heading north out of the province. The drastic decline in the population of the Chine mission may indeed be a function of its location "on the road to the sea from San Luis," as it was described on one mission list. That would make it a prime target for shipborne maladies intro duced at St. Marks. Tomole's slight decline in population may have happened for a similar reason, as it was at least occasionally a way station for travelers from St. Marks to San Luis (Barreda 1693:265; Fernandez de Florencia 1675a). As some of the 1675 inhabitants of the Chine mission were Yamasee, the decline may also be attributed in part to their departure to Candelaria to join the Tama, with whom they seem to have had some affinity. The changes in the Chine mission's name suggest that it moved to a new site on such occasions, and a move might have led the Yamasee to affiliate with another village. Ivitachuco's decline might also be attributable in part to its exposure to dis ease as the eastern gateway to Apalachee for all the Spaniards coming over land from St. Augustine as well as for natives returning from their labor stint in St. Augustine. Some of Aspalaga's abrupt decline may be associated with dissatisfaction with a second move of the village site that may have occurred after 1675. As noted earlier, the mission appears to have been moved at some time between 1657 and 1675 from a position west of Ocuia to one east of it. There is some indication that, late in the mission period, Aspalaga may have slipped farther south. On the two 1675 lists, Aspalaga is bracketed between Ocuia and Oconi, and during the 1677 visitation Leturiondo stopped there between his visits to those places. In the 1694 visitation the Upalucha ranch was the visi tor's stopping place between Ocuia and Oconi, and he passed to Aspalaga from Capoli, then from Aspalaga to Tomole. In the 1698 visitation Ayala went to Aspalaga from Tomole. It is possible that the Aspalagans were shunted farther south to make way for that ranch. The existence of discontent among the As palaga is indicated by the fact that the son of the chief of "Old Aspalaga" was among those who joined the Creek attackers of his fellow tribesman in 1704 (Florencia 1695; Solana 1704a:50-55). Several of the late eighteenth-century maps show the site of Aspalaga at the confluence of the St. Marks River and one of its tributaries. But, curiously, they show a second village site farther north bearing the name Yapalaga or Ypalaga (Tesar 1980,1:331, 334). This might indicate that in one or another of the mission's moves some of its inhabi tants remained on the old village site or returned to it later, having become dissatisfied with the new one. Even though there is no documentary support, the most plausible source

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174 Apalachee for the impressive growth of villages such as Cupaica, Ayubale, and Bacuqua is the immigration of non-Apalachee into these villages, in a process similar to that which is known to have taken place in eastern Timucua. Several archaeologists have suggested such immigration as an explanation for this growth. There apparently is archaeological evidence for this intrusion in some of the Apalachee villages such as Patale. If there was a Yamasee tribe known as the Ilcombe, as Swanton maintained in 1922, that fact might indicate that both Cupaica's growth and the reference to it as Ilcombe late in the mission period were the result of a heavy influx of Yamasee. However, little evidence supports that thesis, and Swanton does not mention the "Yamasee Ilcombe" in his 1946 work. The references in the Carolina records to the Ilcombe, who were in South Carolina from 1706 to 1711, indicate clearly that, whatever may have been their tribal affiliation, they had recently come from "enemy territory," that is, either Spanish or French territory. In summary, all of the unexplained anomalies associated with this 1689 population listing suggest that it needs more study. In his cover letter the bishop revealed that his list was based on registers that he had received from the pastors of the diocese so that he might fulfill a royal order for an account ing of the parishes and of the number of parishioners, Spanish and Indians, in the diocese (Ebelino de Compostela 1689). One of the demographic questions whose resolution apparently must await archaeological research is the manner of distribution of the population be tween the principal village and the satellite villages of each missionary center and, concomitantly, the distribution of people between those villages and the surrounding countryside under their jurisdiction. For example, the 1,400 people indicated as inhabitants of San Luis in 1675 were distributed in four or five separate villages, San Luis and its three or four satellites, and in isolated homesteads or small clumps of homesteads scattered through the countryside. Currently, there is no documentary or archaeological evidence available that reveals how those people were apportioned among the villages or how many belonging to one of those villages lived at the village center and how many lived scattered through the countryside as seemingly portrayed in two remarks by the Fidalgo of Elvas: [from Ivitachuco] "Thenceforward the country was well inhabited, producing much corn, the way leading by many habitations like villages. The Campmaster, whose duty it is to divide and lodge the men, quartered them about the town, at the distance of half a league to a league apart" (Elvas 1904 (1):47). For the head village of Anhayca Apalachee to which the latter remark refers, the opportunity to discover the size and the distribution of its sections likely has been lost under Tallahassee's parking lots, stores, houses, and public buildings. But the current work on the central site of Anhayca's political successor, San Luis, and on the Patale site offers an

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The Population of Apalachee 175 opportunity for possibly determining how much of the population lived at or close to the mission center. Possession of such information would be a start toward answering some other questions. There is surprisingly little documentary evidence about the epidemiologi cal mechanisms by which Apalachee's and Florida's populations were reduced so drastically. Only three of the references to epidemics seem definitely to re fer to Apalachee. In 1657, Governor Rebolledo indicated that Apalachee had been affected by the epidemics that ravaged Timucua and Guale during the years immediately preceding, noting, however, that the effect had been less drastic in Apalachee. He remarked that there were few Indians left in Guale and Timucua because so many had died in recent years "with the sickness of the plague and of small pox" and that even in Apalachee the population had diminished (Rebolledo 1657a:111). This is a reference to the smallpox epi demics that ravaged Florida for at least ten months in 1655 (Rebolledo 1655). It is not clear whether the governor meant to include the unidentified epidemic of 1649-1650 as well. In 1703, it is recorded that 170 people perished in an epidemic at San Luis. Although the third reference is not so unequivocal, it is reasonably certain that Apalachee is being referred to in Governor Torres y Ayala's 1693 report to the viceroy from Pensacola Bay that "the state of these provinces of Florida is exceedingly bad and they are suffering from the same epidemic as in New Spain" (Torres y Ayala 1693b:223). When he wrote, the only parts of Florida that the governor had seen were Apalachee and the territory between it and Pensacola Bay. It seems reasonable to assume, how ever, that most of the epidemics that swept Timucua had an impact on Apalachee, particularly in the seventeenth century. At least two separate epidemics struck Florida between 1613 and the be ginning of 1617, carrying off half the natives who had been converted as well as a considerable number of soldiers. The evidence appears in two sources. The first is a note (in English) in the Lowery transcripts: "Owing to the unhealthfulness of the country many of the soldiers sicken and die."11 Lowery's extract (in Spanish) from a January 1617 note by the Florida friars in chapter is more informative. We find that from four years ago down to the present, there have died on account of the great plagues and contagious diseases that the Indians have suffered, half of them, in the which Your Majesty has had a very great part in the growth that was given to heaVen. For with the help of the twenty-two Religious which Your Majesty sent... to these regions 11. Lowery's note is based on a 1615 letter by Governor Juan Trevino Guillamas. Lowery tran scribed only a sentence or two in Spanish from that letter.

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176 Apalachee five years ago, a very rich harvest of souls for heaven has been made in the midst of this great number of deaths. There remain alive up to eight thousand Christians, at least, probably more than [eight than] less. (Trevino Guillamas 1615; Florida Friars in Chapter 1617) Although Dobyns mentions the statement by the friars, noting that they ob served that "half of the Native Americans there had perished of repeated epi sodes of epidemics and contagious diseases [italics mine]," he seems to argue that there was but one protracted epidemic, which he identifies on rather weak evidence as bubonic plague. Smallpox, he argued, spreads to all susceptible individuals very quickly, whereas the plague, because of its dependence on a flea vector, typically does not spread rapidly to all susceptible individuals in a linear fashion (Dobyns 1983:278-279). That smallpox did not spread in this fashion in Florida is indicated by Rebolledo's reference to the 1655 outbreak. Writing in October of that year, he observed that over the previous ten months there had been "a series of smallpox plagues which have affected the coun try" (Rebolledo 1655). In Dobyns's line of argument, bubonic plague ac counts better for the length of this calamitous episode than smallpox would. However, simply taking at face value the friars' reference to "great plagues and contagious diseases [italics mine]," the protracted nature of this demo graphic disaster could be explained by the numbers of plagues and diseases. The use of the words plagues and contagious diseases and of plurals for both seems to indicate that at least two distinct maladies were involved and that multiple episodes of each or more than one plague and more than one disease were involved. The information in the available documents does not permit identification of the "plagues and contagious diseases." In view of the pro tracted nature of these epidemics and in view of the fact that they seem to have involved western Timucua, it seems to be all but certain that Apalachee was affected by one or more of them. The documents record the outbreak of a second epidemic in 1649 and 1650 that carried off a number of Spaniards, including governors, treasury officials, company commanders, and friars. Dobyns identified this pestilence as yellow fever, basing his conclusion largely on the heavy toll it took among the European population and on the belief that this plague was then raging in various parts of the Caribbean basin, including Cuba. Bushnell suggested that typhus might have been involved as well in this epidemic. Swanton states that the documents do not reveal whether the illness also spread to the natives (Bushnell 1978a:419; Dobyns 1983:279-280; Swanton 1922:338). Dobyns's assumption that it did seems reasonable, particularly in view of the remark by one of the friars that during 1649 and 1650 many of his colleagues had died of the plague (Ponce de Leon 1651). Chatelain recorded that the 1655 smallpox

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The Population of Apalachee 177 outbreak carried off all the Crown's black slaves (Chatelain 1941:56). Of the same epidemic, Rebolledo wrote that its impact on the natives had been so great that they could not be counted on for labor to bring needed lumber from the nearest forests for the repair of the fort at St. Augustine: The necessary wood must be cut and brought from the forests by Indians. This necessitates too much work for them as the distance which it must be carried on their shoulders is long. I now consider this manner of bringing it impossible because of the high mortality rate which has been the result of a series of plagues of smallpox which have afflicted the country for the last ten months. Many died as a result of this and of the trials and hunger which these unfortunate people have suffered, and the province is quite destitute. (Rebolledo 1655) In 1659 the incoming governor reported that a recent epidemic of measles had killed 10,000 of the natives. A second document, referring to events that occurred in the late 1650s, mentions that the western Timucuan missions of San Francisco de Potano, Santa Fe, San Martin, and San Juan de Guacara had been depopulated by the combined effects of a pestilence and the fighting and flight to the woods associated with the 1656 rebellion in Timucua (Aranguiz y Cotes 1659; Leturiondo [1670]).12 Although it is not entirely clear if the pestilence referred to is the smallpox or the measles outbreak, or both, the fact that the governor moved to reestablish these communities only at the end of 1659 suggests that the measles epidemic was the major factor. The prox imity of the mentioned towns to Apalachee and the fact that some of the rebel Timucua sought refuge and support in Apalachee seem to assure the spread of the illness or illnesses to Apalachee. Still another plague was recorded as having caused so great a mortality in 1672 as to hinder the progress of work on the fort at St. Augustine. In this context the acting governor wrote in 1674 that the natives were "weak and unfit for this type of work and there are few of them because of the con tagion that occurred two years ago" (Boniface 1971:108). This illness remains unidentified, though Dobyns suggests influenza as a possibility on the basis of reports that New Mexico had suffered an outbreak of some pestilence in 1671 that killed both natives and cattle (Dobyns 1983:286). Dobyns posited still another epidemic in Apalachee and Timucua in 1675 12. The document is a report drawn up in Spain commenting on the service record of Captain Juan Fernandez de Florencia. It states that on November 19, 1659, Florencia was ordered to go to the provinces of Yustaga and Timuqua to repopulate and resurrect the settlements that had become depopulated because some of the natives had died from the plague and others had fled to the woods.

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178 Apalachee on the basis of Juan Fernandez de Florencia's remark concerning the exacti tude of his count of the mission populations. Florencia explained that they were not a census or head count but a round-figure estimate, as head counts were pointless inasmuch as "they die daily." Admittedly his remark could in dicate an epidemic in progress, but, as noted earlier, it is rather tenuous evi dence for such an assumption. Even more tenuous is Dobyns's inference of the possibility of another epidemic in Apalachee in 1686. His evidence is the oc currence of a typhus epidemic in Guatemala during that year and Marcos Delgado's report that, during the expedition he headed that year, half its members came down with fevers. Dobyns suggested that the typhus epidemic could have been widespread throughout Spanish North America (Boyd 1948:188; Dobyns 1983:282-283). For the 1613-1617 epidemic Dobyns indicates a 50 percent mortality rate, for that of 1649 a rate of about 33 percent. He says the rate for the other epidemics is unknown (Dobyns 1983:283, table 27). If the governor's estimate of 10,000 victims for the 1659 epidemic is accurate, it indicates high mor tality. Dobyns suggests that the impact of the 1659 epidemic might have been heightened by the appearance of influenza as well as measles. For the sixteenth century Dobyns suggests strongly the possibility that Florida's natives were affected by the first great smallpox pandemic that spread from the Caribbean islands and Central Mexico between 1519 and 1524 and that they suffered a 50 percent mortality from it. He suggests almost as strongly that the pestilence that the de Soto chroniclers said had depopu lated a number of Cofitachique towns one or two years before de Soto's arrival had probably spread to Florida's natives as well. He also suggests that a con siderable number of additional epidemics may have occurred during the cen tury, but he offers no hard evidence in support of his assertions (Dobyns 1983: 254-260, 262-264). Nonetheless, the spread of the first smallpox epidemic from Cuba to Florida is a distinct possibility. In the first half of the eighteenth century, natives from the Keys and from the Tequesta region seem to have made frequent trips in their dugouts to Cuba without incident, showing that such trips were feasible. Archaeological evidence for sixteenth-century con tacts between the natives of South Florida and those of Cuba increases the likelihood that such contagion did occur, with the same disastrous results. In the first half of the sixteenth century, the native populations of many of the Ca ribbean islands were all but extinguished, principally through such epidemics. Of course, once the French and then the Spaniards established themselves on the Atlantic coasts of Georgia and Florida, the possibility of contagion in creased enormously. As a layman in the field of epidemiology, I wonder whether, in light of Apalachee's and the Southeast's rather scattered settlement pattern, epidemics would always have spread as widely or whether they would

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The Population of Apalachee 179 have had the same intensity as they did in crowded, urbanized Central Mexico. Considerable protection would have been provided by the extensive un populated buffer zones that seem to have separated the territories of many of the people of the Southeast. The juxtaposition of Apalachee's eastern frontier and Yustaga's western villages was definitely an exceptional situation, but the variety and multiplicity of epidemics suggested by Dobyns, and the frequency with which French and English as well as Spanish ships landed along the coasts from Florida to South Carolina, indicate that at least one epidemic did have a calamitous impact on Apalachee during the sixteenth century. To date, no archaeological evidence shows the numerous groups of sizable populations that would have been called for to support Dobyns's postulate of repeated halving of the population in the 100 years between 1517 and 1618 (Dobyns 1983:283-288). He suggests that during that time a hypothetical 722,000 Timucua were reduced to a mere 36,750, largely by disease (Dobyns 1983:287-288, 293). Working backward from the 16,000 for Apalachee given by two sources in the 1630s and using Dobyns's "Schematic Recon struction of Approximate Depopulation Trend of Florida Native Americans, 1519-1617," one would come up with a population of 261,000 Apalachee at the start of that period (Dobyns 1983:287). Such a total is far greater than that which Dobyns himself seems to suggest, but even the 100,000 he indicates as Apalachee's population at the beginning of the protohistoric period would re quire a very large number of sizable villages. To date, archaeologists have not encountered the remains of even one village in Apalachee that contains more than a few houses on one site. On the other hand, the archaeological and the historical study of the sixteenthand seventeenth-century settlement patterns of Florida's natives are still in what might be termed "the Age of Discovery." Although Apalachee is one of the areas along with Potano that has received the most attention, there has been no extensive work as yet on the native hous ing portion of any Apalachee village for that period. In the supposedly popu lous province of Utina, only two mission sites have been located. There is currently no ready formula for resolving this discrepancy between the conclu sions suggested by the documents and demographic theory and the evidence drawn from the archaeological site exploration, which points in the opposite direction. In his work on the Creek frontier, David Corkran suggests one settlement pattern that would allow for a large population in Apalachee and be compat ible with the archaeologists' failure to uncover any extensive concentrations of artifacts. It shows the dwellings scattered four to a block in ten block-sized rectangles around the square ground and the adjacent chunkey yard (Corkran 1967:8). A village of 1,000 inhabitants formed in that fashion would have its dwellings spread over a vast area, particularly if all the blocks were not imme-

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180 Apalachee diately contiguous. Surface-collecting surveys conducted over the area in cluded in such a "village" might well produce so few artifacts as to lead one to believe that no sizable villages existed. Archaeologists hope that the forthcoming excavations of the presumed vil lage areas at the center of the San Luis and the Patale sites will provide infor mation helpful for at least a start toward the resolution of this problem. A 1985 year-long survey of approximately 60 square miles around one of the Patale sites by Stephen Bryne revealed a "notable" "intensity of settlement in this small area. Some 117 sites were identified." They ranged from farm steads to hamlets to villages to towns (Marrinan and Bryne 1987:6). Both the documents and the hypotheses advanced by Dobyns concerning the popula tion-carrying capacity of Florida's fauna and flora for a people who were sig nificantly dependent on horticulture in addition to hunting and gathering sug gest a population that numbered in the tens of thousands. That there was initially a large population is reflected in the Spanish offi cials perplexity over the high rate of mortality that had already occurred by the start of the mission era in Apalachee. After observing that Florida lacked the usual mechanisms of harmful exploitation that were major causes for such mortality, namely, the encomienda, the obraje, or workshop, and the mines, the governor in 1630 remarked that Florida's Indians are "the best treated in America because they do not pay tribute. A few work in the soldier's sowings, but are paid for their labor. The Crown spends much money in gifts to the caciques each year, so that the Indians are the least worked and the best treated in the Indies, yet they die here as elsewhere" (Boniface 1971:81-82). One of the more impressive indicators, perhaps, of the relative density of Apalachee's population, even during the mission period, and of the intensive exploitation of its agricultural potential is Captain Daniel E. Burch's observa tion in 1823 while he was establishing the route for the Pensacola-St. Au gustine highway: "That part of Florida between the Ocholockony and Suwan nee rivers appears to have once sustained a dense population, as the forest is entirely of second growth wherever the lands were susceptible to cultivation. There are also appearances of the lands having been cultivated in several places east of the Suwannee" (Burch 1823:93).

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Chapter 8 Apalachee and Its Neighbors AMONG the natives of south and central Florida with whom the first Spanish expeditions were in contact, the Apalachee had a reputation for bellicosity and military prowess. In their reactions to both the Narvaez and the de Soto expeditions they lived up to their fame. Despite the prolonged presence of both expeditions in their territory, the Apalachee never came to terms with the intruders. In contrast to some of the other tribes the Apalachee continued to harass the Spaniards until the intruders departed (Fernandez de Oviedo y Valdez 1904:80; Hernandez de Biedma 1904:5; Nunez Cabeza de Vaca 1964: 12-13, 24, 30). Garcilaso recorded that when the survivors of the de Soto expedition recounted their experiences with the Apalachee, 'They com mented upon the fierceness and unconquerable passion disclosed by the In dians of Apalache" (Vega 1951:627). This warlike reputation must have pre served them reasonably well from disastrous incursions by neighboring peoples because those neighbors spoke with respect of the Apalachee's fight ing skill, and there were no fortifications around the Apalachee villages at this time, in contrast to the earlier period of the mound builders. Nonetheless, hostilities between the Apalachee and their neighbors seem to have been perennial. At the time of the Narvaez expedition, the Apalachee were at war with the neighboring Timucua (Nunez Cabeza de Vaca 1964:22, 29). When the Spaniards renewed contact with them early in the seventeenth century, the Apalachee were again, or still, at war with those neighbors (Ore 1936:114-117). In the 1630s, at the time of the establishment of the first per manent mission there, the Apalachee were at war with various neighbors to the north and west of their territory despite the considerable distance that seems to have separated the diverse tribal settlements on this side (Vega Cas tro y Pardo 1639b).1 1. The de Soto accounts depict the nearest settlement to the north as a minimum of three days' journey in contrast to the Timucuan settlements of Yustaga Province, which were quite close. 181

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182 Apalachee One cause of this endemic warfare was the existence of a warrior caste among the Apalachee and some of their neighbors. As it was with the Apalachicola, the first step toward entry into that caste was probably to be accorded a war name. That distinction could be achieved simply by being present at an encounter in which an enemy scalp was taken (Hawkins 1982a:70). Among the Apalachee, one who had achieved warrior status was known as tascaia. Entry into that class and advancement within its ranks depended on one's kill ing specified numbers of the enemy. The taking of one scalp sufficed for one to become a tascaia. Some of the ranks were noroco, hita tascaia, and nicoguadca. Three scalps earned one the rank of noroco. To achieve the status of nicoguadca, the warrior had to have killed seven tascaias and three hitas tascaias. The practice of scalping appears to have been closely associated with this system of military rank. Exhibiting a scalp, telling the details of the encounter in which it was taken, and ceremonial dancing with the scalp were traditional proofs furnished by the warrior in support of his claims for advancement (Garcia 1695:174 ff.; Paiva 1676). Scalping was one of the aboriginal customs that most perturbed the Spaniards, and they urged the adoption of some other criterion for advancement within warrior ranks (Garcia 1695:174 ff.; Zuniga y Zerda 1701:35-36). Nevertheless, it was so strongly rooted in the mores of the Apalachee and some other Florida Indians that it survived throughout the mission era. The Spaniards succeeded, at least initially, in abating the continual inter tribal warfare, playing the role of peacemakers between the Apalachee and some of their neighbors. The principal purpose of the first Franciscan foray into Apalachee territory in 1608 was ending hostilities between the Apalachee and the western Timucua, hostilities that the friars viewed as an obstacle to success with the Timucua. Peace was established at a mass assemblage of the Apalachee population and their leaders at Ivitachuco that same year (Ore 1936:114-117). A generation later, shortly after the launching of the formal mission effort in Apalachee, the Spaniards again served as peacemakers, end ing the existing hostilities between the Apalachee and the neighboring bands of Chacato, Yamasee (Amacano), and Apalachicola (Vega Castro y Pardo 1639b). After that success, the major remaining threat to peace in the region was a group identified by the Spaniards as Chisca. The Spaniards characterized them as a warlike people originally from New Mexico who gloried in their bellicosity and who wandered freely through the various provinces of the Southeast.2 Although the authorities then were hopeful of persuading them to 2. De Soto a century earlier had encountered elements of this nation in north-central Mississippi. His chroniclers designated them as Quisquis. The accounts of the Juan Pardo expeditions of the 1560s place them in the Appalachian Mountains of Tennessee between the Nollachucky

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Apalachee and Its Neighbors 183 settle down as allies of Spain (Vega Castro y Pardo 1639b), their efforts failed. Less than a decade later some Chisca incited the pagan Apalachee to revolt in an abortive effort to throw off Spanish control and to halt the growing Christianization of the tribe (Royal Officials 1647a). For the rest of the mission pe riod the Chisca were to remain a thorn in the side of the Spaniards and of the Christianized natives of these western regions, whether they were Apalachee, Chacato, or Chine (Fernandez de Florencia 1675b, 1678). With this one exception, the arrival of the Spaniards initiated four decades of generally peaceful relations between the Apalachee and their non-Christian neighbors immediately to the west and northwest. Trading expeditions from Apalachee, organized either by the friars, the soldiers, the Spanish authorities, or the Indian leaders, appear to have gone to the villages of the Apalachi cola with some regularity (Leturiondo 1672; Rebolledo 1657a:87, 89). In 1672, Captain Domingo de Leturiondo reported that the Indians of the prov ince of Apalachicola were submissive to the governor's lieutenant in Apalachee; he said that soldiers went regularly to Apalachicola villages and that it was possible to trade among them with complete security. In the late 1640s Governor Bento Ruiz de Salazar himself journeyed to the Apalachicola coun try (Leturiondo 1672; Rebolledo 1657d). In the early 1660s the governor's deputy in Apalachee, Pedro de Ortes, accompanied by a body of infantry, set out to explore the province of the Chata (apparently, the Choctaw), which was believed to be beyond that of the Apalachicola. He dispatched a courier to contact the Chata when he reached Casista, then the last place in the province of Apalachicola, and four caciques came to Casista to pledge obedience, but they told him not to advance into their land because they were short of food. Accepting their evasion, Ortes left that exploration for another time, giving the visitors some beads and the corn that he had so that they might plant it (Ramirez 1687:108-110). As a consequence of the growing English presence in South Carolina, at the time that Leturiondo wrote so confidently, developments were occurring that would soon interrupt that peaceful intercourse. Apalachee and the ter ritory beyond it suddenly assumed greater importance, at least in the eyes of the Spanish officials in Florida, as a barrier to the spread of British influence River and the Wautaugun and Holston rivers and identify them as a source of gold or copper for the natives to the south and east (DePratter, Hudson, and Smith 1983:132-134). Testimony taken by Governor Canzo in 1600 from two Indian women native to that interior region, which they left as girls at the time of the second Pardo expedition, also identified the Chisca Mountains as a source of gold and silver ornaments used by their people. In addition they described the Chisca as very white, ruddy, and blue-eyed with red or reddish blond hair and as natives who went about clothed and resembled Flemings. Alonso de Leturiondo, talking about the Chisca, referred to them as Caribs.

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184 Apalachee into the interior and, above all, against their pushing to the Gulf of Mexico from their coastal base in South Carolina.3 In 1674, for the first time, the friars moved to establish a permanent presence among the Chacato and the Apalachicola to the west-northwest of the province of Apalachee. They estab lished three missions, one on the Apalachicola River, just below the con fluence of the Flint and the Chattahoochee rivers, to serve some of the Sabacola who had expressed an interest in becoming Christians, and the other two farther west-northwest in the vicinity of Marianna in the Chacato villages of San Nicolas de Tolentino and San Carlos de Yatcatani.4 The site of San Nicolas was a large cavern described as capable of housing more than 200 people; it contained a large spring and was well lit from three natural apertures in the walls of the cave (Barreda 1693:267-268; Diaz Vara Calderon 1675; Hita Salazar 1678b; Torres y Ayala 1693a:231, 255). Both San Nicolas and San Carlos were exposed sites and consequently were short lived. A revolt arose there in 1675 because those who wished to remain pagan resented the friars' pressure on them to become Christians and especially be cause the friar at San Nicolas rebuked two warriors, one for adultery and the other for polygamy, and moved to strip the latter of three of his wives. The revolt involved an attempt on the friar's life inspired by elements from both villages. As in the 1647 Apalachee revolt, the Chisca were deeply involved. One of the ringleaders, Juan de Diosale, was referred to as a great tascaya, the son of a Chisca, greatly feared because he was part Chisca and had a following among the Chisca, some of whom were always to be found at his house. In enlisting support, the plotters threatened the recalcitrant that they would have the Chisca come and kill them all.5 Upon the arrival of a relief force from Apalachee under the governor's deputy, the conspirators fled to a prearranged refuge at Tavasa. To prepare such a retreat for themselves, in case it should be needed, they had sent gifts both to Tavasa and to Achito. Although several of them later returned to be tried, and, although the majority of the villagers remained loyal, the governor, writing in August 1675, considered the mis sions there terminated. He probably regarded them as indefensible because of their distance from San Luis. Sometime before the fall of 1677, the inhabi tants of both Chacato missions near Marianna abandoned their settlements. In 3. Conversely, the English settlers saw the Spanish presence, especially in Apalachee, as an obstacle to their thrust to the Gulf and into the lower Mississippi valley. 4. There is passing reference to a third settlement, San Antonio. It appears to have been a small village, and it was not a mission center but only a visita. 5. At this time, Chisca, Chacato, and Pansacola (or some of them at least) were living in amity. The Chisca settlement much farther west, which was the target of an Apalachee expedition two years later, was shared with Chacato and Pansacola.

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Apalachee and Its Neighbors 185 that year an Apalachee expedition that stopped at both sites spoke of them as abandoned and deserted. They carefully reconnoitered the village of San Carlos, however, looking for Chisca, observing that they used it regularly as a stopping place on their raiding expeditions (Fernandez de Florencia 1675b, 1678; Hita Salazar 1675b). For a considerable period of time before 1676, the Apalachee had suffered nighttime raids for slaves by bands of Indians they were unable to identify further than that they were Chisca or Chichimeco.6 Stimulated perhaps by the growing English demand for Indian slaves, the raiders became bolder; in 1676 successive raids against Ivitachuco, against the Chine at Chacariz, and against Cupaica established Chisca as the culprits. Once the crops had been harvested, Indian leaders at San Luis proposed a retaliatory expedition against a palisaded village of the Chisca far to the west. San Luis and Cupaica responded with 160 of the 190-man expeditionary force. Another 18 came from the settlements of Chine and Chacato, which were located on lands that were under the jurisdiction of San Luis. The leaders of the nine other Apalachee villages turned a deaf ear to San Luis's appeal for support, for reasons that were left unexplained in the report on the expedition. Three of those nine villages provided a total of only six warriors, who volun teered without any encouragement from their chiefs. During the night of the eighteenth day out from Apalachee, guided by the Chacato scouts and trail guides, the expedition reached the Chisca settlement. Because the village housed Chacato and Pansacola as well, the Chacato could choose not to participate in the attack on their fellow tribesmen. Five of eight Chacato took that option. Despite the fact that the inhabitants were still awake at three in the morning, apparently dancing around huge fires maintained both within and outside of the palisade, the attackers retained the element of sur prise until almost the last moment, when a Chacato sentinel spotted them and gave the alarm. Having found the village too large to be surrounded (the vil lage was described as being over 300 paces in length per side around the cir cuit of the palisade), they took the village by storm with a mass attack along one side of the palisade, killing and wounding a considerable number of the inhabitants. Many of the enemy were burned alive in the structures in which they had taken refuge. Ultimately the survivors fled across the stream below the bluff on which the village was located. Five Apalachee were killed and 40 wounded. Because of the magnitude of their casualties, the Apalachee made no effort to continue the attack, even 6. This is one of the occasions when the Spaniards (and, in this case, the Apalachee as well) use these tribal names to indicate diverse peoples. Swanton and Anglo-Americans in general con sider Chisca, Chichimeco, and Yuchi to be simply different names for the same people.

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186 Apalachee though the Chisca continued to shoot arrows across the narrow stream into the remains of their village. On the third day after the encounter the Apalachee torched what was left of the village and started home. A troop of Chisca who came out onto the trail to challenge them were dispersed by the inija Bentura from San Luis and the captain Don Bernardo from Cupaica, whose shots struck down two Chisca warriors. Although sanctioned by the lieutenant, this expedition was initiated and organized entirely by the Indian leaders from San Luis and Cupaica. The lieu tenant provided ammunition, powder, and musketballs, but no Spaniards ac companied the expedition, not even a friar to serve as chaplain. Upon its re turn, the lieutenant took down a report on the exploit in the Apalachee tongue precisely as it was given to him by the expedition's leaders. In forwarding that report to Spain, the governor suggested that its leaders be rewarded by the Crown with gifts of clothing, and that request was granted (Fernandez de Florencia 1678; Hita Salazar 1678b; Junta 1680). From that report, from two journals that record a 1693 overland trek from San Luis to Pensacola Bay, and from other sources, it appears that the Apala chee were not accustomed to venturing much beyond the Apalachicola River into the territory directly west of them. Both expeditions relied on Chacato as guides and scouts. When buffalo were encountered, it was the Chacato who killed them (Barreda 1693:272; Fernandez de Florencia 1678; Torres y Ayala 1693a:230, 237). In the winter of 1698-1699, when one of the Spanish settlers at San Luis set out to hunt buffalo, he was accompanied by a band of 40 Chacato (Hinachuba 1699:26-27). These incidents could indicate that the Apalachee were not familiar with buffalo hunting. During this period there do not seem to have been buffalo in northwest Florida any farther east than the area just west of the Chipola River. In his 1686 expedition, Marcos Delgado began to encounter buffalo west of the Chipola River, and it was somewhat farther west that the 1693 expedition first encountered them. A decade or so after the depopulation of the region result ing from the destruction of the Apalachee and the Timucuan missions, Diego de Pena, on his way through those areas to visit the Apalachicola on the Chat tahoochee, reported killing buffalo on repeated occasions from east of the Santa Fe River to the chicasas of the western Apalachee missions and the Lake Jackson prairie. He described those regions as abounding in cattle, particu larly buffalo (Boyd 1949:14-18). The Apalachee also showed unfamiliarity with the sympathetic magic em ployed by the Chisca. On their trip homeward they encountered four shells placed in a clearing along the trail together with some pots of boiled herbs. They had to consult the Chacato on the meaning of that assemblage; the Chacato informed them that it was a charm designed to prevent their finding

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Apalachee and Its Neighbors 187 their way back to their own land so that they would die of hunger on the trail (Fernandez de Florencia 1678). The Indians' report on this expedition clearly illustrates the difficulties ex perienced when sizable bands of warriors struck out at enemies who lived some distance away. The Apalachee appear to have been able to carry regular rations for no more than four of five days of travel beyond their base of operations. It took them three days to reach Santa Cruz de Sabacola on their trek from Apalachee; they spent two days there to reprovision themselves. Four days after resuming their march west-northwest, they had exhausted their food supplies except for a little tolocano. They consumed a handful of it at midmorning, and that was their only sustenance for the next two days, after which they ate nothing for a day or so until they killed a cow buffalo. Having con sumed it before they reached their destination, the Chacato, less committed to the expedition's goal than the rest, began to complain among themselves of the hunger and toil. They murmured that the Apalachee were boys who did not know how to fight, who would flee on coming face to face with the Chisca and imperil the lives of all. They made plans to abandon the enterprise by slipping away in the morning soon after they returned to the trail. Having overheard their plans and complaints, the Apalachee leaders admonished them to endure the difficulties with Christian resignation, warning them that they would carry them on by force, if necessary, until they had guided them to the Chisca settle ment. On their return trip a relief column from Apalachee met them with food the day after their stopover at one of the abandoned Chacato villages (Fer nandez de Florencia 1678). This Apalachee initiative against the Chisca was a prelude to two decades of conflict that began in 1685 and culminated in the destruction of the mis sions and the depopulation of the province. After that campaign, the Christian Sabacola, whose chief, Baltasar, had joined the expedition with a small con tingent of his warriors, seem to have found it advisable to return to their vil lage site along the middle Chattahoochee with their fellow Apalachicola. This move led to the dispatch of three friars in 1679 to establish a mission there, which also bore the name Santa Cruz de Sabacola.7 The friars' leader was the veteran Fray Juan Ocon, who had been the pastor of the earlier village of Santa Cruz de Sabacola in 1675 when the wounded friar from the Chacato mission sought refuge there. Only a few days after their arrival at Sabacola the friars were ordered out by the cacique of Caveta, who was the head chief among the Apalachicola. They complied, and Governor Salazar instructed his deputy in Apalachee to accept the friars' expulsion with good grace and to continue to treat the Apalachicola as friends (Bolton 1925a: 119; Hita Salazar 7. John Tate Lanning's reference to this effort as occurring in 1680 is obviously in error.

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188 Apalachee 1680a, n.d.; Royal Officials 1680). His more militant and irascible successor, Juan Marques Cabrera, sent two friars back to Sabacola accompanied by 11 soldiers. They were received in a hostile fashion and withdrew after only a few months of futile waiting for the Indians' attitude to change. Governor Cabre ra's threats of reprisals led to a compromise under which the Christianized Sabacola returned downriver to found a new settlement named Santa Cruz de Sabacola, which was a little distance above the confluence of the Flint and the Chattahoochee, about one-half league inland from the west bank of the Flint. By this time their old village site on the west bank of the Apalachicola just below the junction of those two rivers had been appropriated by a group of Chacato, who had formed another mission village called San Carlos de los Chacatos (Bolton 1925b:46-47; Boyd 1949:19; Marques Cabrera 1682). This temporary papering over of the rift between the Spanish authorities and the majority of the Apalachicola was threatened in 1685 when Dr. Henry Woodward and a number of other English traders from South Carolina ap peared among the Apalachicola. The governor's violence-prone deputy in Apalachee, Antonio Matheos, led a force of Spanish soldiers and Apalachee warriors into the Apalachicola's territory. Having set out in September 1685, they passed through the chicasa of Sabacola El Grande and the 11 inhabited towns of Jalipasle, Ocone, Apalachicola, Achito, Ocute, Osuchi, Ocmulgee, Casista, Colone, Caveta, and Tasquique. Angered by the Apalachicola's lack of cooperation in handing over the traders, Matheos wished to burn a number of the villages but was dissuaded by the Apalachee leaders and one of the Spanish soldiers who were with him. He contented himself with consuming or destroying their supplies of food and chickens and with sacking their houses (Bolton 1925a: 121; Ximenez 1687:30). On being informed of the traders' emergence from hiding to circulate freely again in those Apalachicola towns nominally subject to the Spanish Crown, Matheos hastened back in December 1685 with a force of up to 600 Indians and between 30 and 40 Spanish soldiers for a second try at capturing the elusive traders.8 This time he carried orders from the governor to destroy any of the Apalachicola towns that overtly flaunted the Spanish demands for the surrender of the Englishmen and the severance of all dealings with them. With the exception of Chief Pentecolo's village of Apalachicola, the natives adopted the strategy of abandoning their villages upon the approach of Matheos. Despite his use of torture to obtain information concerning the where8. The testimony from a number of the soldiers present in the second expedition varied in some details. The estimates concerning the size of the Indian force ranged between "over 100" to 600. They differed also on the number of deerskins and other pelts expropriated, the quantity and color of the wool socks found in the Englishmen's storehouse, and even on the identity of one of the villages that was destroyed.

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Apalachee and Its Neighbors 189 abouts of the seven English traders, Matheos's only success on this expedition was commercial. In the woods near Caveta he found a storehouse belonging to the English traders, and he appropriated its considerable quantity of deerskins and other pelts and its small amount of trade goods. While he sojourned at Caveta during several weeks of winter rains, trading parties arrived from Tiquipache and Atossi (in the Upper Creek country) to barter an additional quantity of animal skins, guaypiles, and other goods. Through the influence of Chief Pentecolo, the headmen of seven of the Apalachicola settlements (Ocmulgee, Osuchi, Ocute, Achito, Ocone, Jalopasle, and an unnamed small village) were persuaded to meet with Matheos at Caveta in order to pledge to have no further dealings with the English and to be pardoned for past violations of this order. The four northern towns of Colone, Casista, Caveta, and Tasquique refused to appear or to make any such pledges.9 Before his return to Apalachee, Matheos torched these four towns and destroyed their stores of food, causing concern among the Apalachee that this tactic sooner or later would bring retribution in kind on their own villages (Bolton 1925a: 122; Guerrero 1687:104-105; Jorge 1687:110-111; Lanning 1935:178-180; Luxan 1687:111-13; Ramirez 1687:108-110; Vera 1687: 107-108). The majority of the eight towns that reaffirmed their loyalty to Spain appear to have been united linguistically as speakers of some variant of Hitchiti, closely related to the language of the Apalachee themselves, while three of the recalcitrant northern towns spoke Muskogee and the fourth, Tas quique, probably spoke Yamasee (Boyd 1949:25; 1952:113-114, 117; Swanton 1922:215). Although even the destroyed towns soon asked for pardon and mercy, they continued to deal with the English traders, prompting Matheos to launch a third futile expedition in 1686. Under the next governor, who initially tried conciliation and apology for the excesses of his predecessor, all the villages renewed their pledges of allegiance to Spain but also continued to protect the English traders. The Spaniards dispatched two more futile expeditions before building a fort in the midst of the Apalachicola settlements to house a garrison of soldiers and Apalachee Indians to monitor the Apalachicola's compliance with Spain's demands and to be in a position to move quickly against any En glish traders who might appear. In response many of the Apalachicola abandoned their settlements on the Chattahoochee to move eastward to the Ocmulgee, closer to the English.10 9. One witness identified the burned villages as "Cabeta, Casista, Viuchi and Colomo," another as "Osuchi, Casista, Taisquique and Caveta." 10. In the foreword to his 1953 publication of a number of documents on the Apalachee in The Americas, Boyd indicates that considerable numbers of the Apalachicola remained on the Chattahoochee (pp. 459-460).

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190 Apalachee There, by and large, they threw off even the pretense of submission to the Spanish authorities and began the series of raids and attacks in which the mis sions beyond St. Augustine and most of their inhabitants would disappear in just over a decade. At the end of 1691 the governor reported that planting and harvesting had been short because of the continual raids by non-Christian Indians. In 1691 the fort built at such cost in 1689 was abandoned and de stroyed, as the Spanish and Apalachee garrison was ordered withdrawn. Four years later, to retaliate for an attack on the Christian Chacato, Governor Torres y Ayala dispatched a force of seven Spaniards and 400 Apalachee against the new Apalachicola settlements on the Ocmulgee. Finding most of the villages abandoned and destroyed in anticipation of their arrival, they only captured about 50 Indians (Bolton 1925a: 123-125; Lanning 1935:182-184; Quiroga y Losada 1688b:219-221, 1690a, 1691b; Torres y Ayala 1695). Around the turn of the century, peace treaties were worked out by the Apalachee to permit the restoration of trade with the Apalachicola and other neighboring non-Christian tribes. However, this objective was frustrated by the Spanish authorities' severe restrictions on that trade, forbidding the pur chase of anything introduced by the English and the export by the Apalachee of horses, silver, or any other item that the Apalachicola might find market able in their dealings with the English (Ayala Escobar 1701:33-34; Zuniga y Zerda 1702:36-38). Angered by these restrictions, the Apalachicola tortured and murdered three members of an Apalachee mission who had gone to their land with peaceful intentions. This atrocity, together with an Apalachicola at tack on the Timucua's mission village of Santa Fe in the spring of 1702, pro voked the Apalachee to strike back by sending a force of 800 warriors led by a Spanish officer and accompanied by a few Spanish soldiers into Apalachicola country. En route they fell into an ambush set by a smaller but well-armed force of Apalachicola led by an Englishman, which had been on its way to raid some of the missions. In a disastrous rout the Apalachee suffered heavy losses. Most of the 300 who escaped left their arms behind, returning demor alized to await the catastrophe in which the Apalachee mission system would disappear less than two years later (Albuquerque 1703; Bolton 1925a: 126-127; Romo de Urisa 1702). The Colonel Boll map put the toll of killed and captured at 600 (Chatelain 1941:map 8). An undetermined number of the Apalachee were taken prisoner. A Chris tian Chacato woman living in Achito, who reached San Luis several days after the battle, reported that she passed through a place in which the returning Apalachicola force had camped for the night and, from the many withes that they left behind, she realized that they had many captives with them (Solana 1702). Many, if not all, of those captive Apalachee were sent on to South Carolina, apparently for sale as slaves. On January 23, 1703, the Carolina

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Apalachee and Its Neighbors 191 Commons House of Assembly debated whether the Apalachee who were taken by the Cavetans and the English traders were to be considered "plunder to be divided within the Act for raising the sum of two thousand pounds for carrying on an expedition against St. Augustine" (Salley 1934:72-73). The Commons House of Assembly's Journal reported that this motion was voted down but provided no additional information about the fate of those captives. As a prelude to the final assaults of 1704, a hostile force attacked the vil lage of Ocuia in 1703. The governor's note reporting that event has not yet been found. We know of that note from a passing reference in the governor's March 1704 letter to the Crown reporting Colonel James Moore's attack on the province. The governor stated that in the incursions made since the lifting of the 1702 siege of St. Augustine, "San Joseph de Ocuia in Apalachee, Pilitiriva, and San Francisco have all been destroyed and many Indians killed, and in all they have carried off more than 500 prisoners" (Zuniga y Zerda 1704a: 48-50).n In reporting the disastrous 1702 encounter on the Flint, the lieuten ant had mentioned Ocuia as one of the frontier villages (along with Bacuqua and Escambe) that was in danger. He suggested its removal to the road so that it would be more accessible to relief forces (Solana 1702). In contrast to these hostile relations, a number of bands from neighboring tribes were settled peacefully within Apalachee territory, particularly during the mission era. If the Oconee, the group most often mentioned in this re spect, settled in Apalachee, they seem to have come prior to the mission era. San Francisco de Oconi appears on the first mission lists. Its inhabitants claimed that their settlement was the first place in the province into which Christianity entered. The name Oconi attached to the mission appears to be the only reason for considering its inhabitants to be other than Apalachee. It may legitimately be asked if that conclusion is justified. The Spaniards never indicated Oconi's inhabitants as other than Apalachee. This failure contrasts sharply with the pains they took to identify the tribal affiliation of the other non-Apalachee groups who established settle ments there, namely, the Yamasee, the Tama, the Chine, the Capara, the Chacato, and the Tocobaga. Such villages were usually referred to as San Car los of the Chacatos or as San Pedro of the Chines. San Francisco was always referred to as San Francisco of Oconi and never as San Francisco of the Oconees. The fact that two mission villages, generally recognized as Apalachee, had satellite villages bearing the names of other neighboring tribes the village of Pansacola, a satellite of Aspalaga, and Sabacola, a satellite of Ocuiaalso argues against Oconi being other than Apalachee. It might also be noted that in the inquiry into the origins of the Apalachee ball game in the 11. Boyd (1951:188) identified Pilitiriva as San Pedro de Potohiriba. San Francisco was Potano.

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192 Apalachee 1670s, one of the authorities consulted by the two Apalachee researchers was the inija of the village of Oconi. Inasmuch as the Oconee were Hitchiti speak ers like the Apalachee, the use of language cannot resolve this problem, al though it might be noted that the same interpreter was always used to inter view the inhabitants of San Francisco de Oconi as was used in the known Apalachee villages. In addition, in contrast to the villages clearly identified with non-Apalachees, San Francisco de Oconi supplied workers for various purposes alongside the villages that were indisputably Apalachee. In summary, at no time is any differentiation made between the people at San Francisco de Oconi and the other Apalachee, which is something that cannot be said in relation to the villages of the Chine, Chacato, Tama, and other non-Apalachee villages (Diaz Vara Calderon 1675:8-9; Florencia 1695; Hita Salazar 1675b; Leturiondo 1678; Rebolledo 1657a:91, 97-99). In the absence of other evidence and in the face of the Spanish practice of calling attention to the non-Apalachee inhabitants of other alien settlements, it cannot be assumed that Oconi is not an Apalachee village. Presumably, when these non-Apalachee groups settled within Apalachee, the immigrants and the leaders of the Apalachee town on whose lands they settled reached some agreement about the newcomers' rights and obligations. The villages seem to have been jealous of intrusions even with respect to the hunting lands under their jurisdiction (Florencia 1695; Leturiondo 1678).12 As noted earlier, the Chine and Chacato, on occasion at least, were settled on lands belonging to San Luis. The Tama village was also located within the same jurisdiction. On another occasion a band of refugee Chacato was tempo rarily lodged in the village of Cupaica. The one agreement that we have knowledge of governing such intrusive settlements was worked out between the Chacato and the leaders of San Luis. It established the terms for the Chacato's reoccupation of a village site within the jurisdiction of San Luis that they or other Chacato had possessed earlier. The Chacato were granted a free gift of the lands associated with the village site for the purpose of cultiva tion and an unrestricted right to hunt deer, hens, and other birds and animals with the following exceptions and restrictions. They were to hunt bears only in company with the inhabitants of San Luis, and only at a time they set, and were to have their share of the meat only from the animals they themselves killed, that share to consist of breast, stomach, and back. From the better cuts San Luis would allot the Chacato a portion sufficient for the Chacato to fulfill their obligations to their priest. Any bearskin was to go to the cacique of San Luis, as was the skin of any panthers they killed, but the Apalachee did not 12. During the 1677-1678 visitation, Ychutafun's chief complained that people from Oconi were hunting on their land.

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Apalachee and Its Neighbors 193 want any of the panther meat. The hunting of a particular white bird was pro hibited but, should they kill one, they were to present it at the council house and make the customary atonement. The harvesting of grapes and nuts was to be done in conjunction with the Apalachee at times they set. The Chacato could keep what they themselves gathered, and might harvest other fruits whenever it suited them (Florencia 1695). There is some indication that the Tocobaga settlement at Wacissa was es tablished without the prior acquiescence of the Apalachee. In 1678 the visitor Leturiondo instructed the latter not to disturb the settlement, as it rendered great service to the Crown by manning canoes for trade with St. Augustine by way of the Suwannee.

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Chapter 9 San Luis: Village, Fort, and Mission THIS CHAPTER contains a detailed view of the physical layout of the Apa lachee village San Luis de Talimali. As the Spaniards' administrative head quarters, the home of one of the most important chiefs of the province, and the largest of the missions, San Luis merits special attention. It is a measure of its importance that it is the one village whose existence and location were never lost sight of. It probably was typical of the rest of the larger Apalachee villages, except for the features resulting from the presence of the lieutenant and the Spanish soldiers and ranchers. The Christian name of San Luis first appears in the records in 1654 and 1655: It received passing mention in 1654 in a letter written in Timucuan, and it appeared in 1655 as San Luis de Apalachee on the Diez de la Calle list. As noted, the San Luis de Jinayca of 1657 probably represented the same corpo rate entity as de Soto's Anhayca and Fray Prieto's Inihayca. The village's last appearance under that historic name was in 1657. When next mentioned in the available records, 18 years later, it was identified as San Luis de Talimali, the name it retained from that time. To date, no explanation has been advanced for this name change. The name San Luis may indicate that it was one of the earliest of the mis sions founded in Apalachee. It may have been a tribute to the governor Luis Horruytiner, under whom the formal mission era began. Cupaica, founded in 1639, is known to have been named San Damian for the incumbent governor, Damian de Vega Castro y Pardo, who was godfather at the baptism of the vil lage's chief, Baltasar (Vega Castro y Pardo 1639a). Because of the importance of Jinayca as the seat of the "lord of the province" and because of its chief having journeyed to St. Augustine in 1608 to render the province's obedience to the Crown, it would have been likely, along with Ivitachuco, to have been among the first chosen to become mission sites. Jinayca's predecessor, identified only by the name of Apalachen, was de194

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San Luis: Village, Fort, and Mission 195 scribed by Cabeza de Vaca, who was there with Narvaez in 1528, as a town that "consisted of forty small houses made low and set up in sheltered places because of the frequent storms. The material was thatch. They were sur rounded by very dense woods, large groves, many bodies of fresh water in which so many and so large trees were fallen that they form obstructions rendering travel difficult and dangerous" (Nunez Cabeza de Vaca 1966:35). The site seems to be distinct from the one described by the de Soto chroniclers. Garcilaso described the village where de Soto wintered as a "village which consisted of two hundred and fifty large and good houses [with] the habitations of the Cacique, which were located on one side of the town and as royal dwellings had advantages over all the others. In addition to the principal town there were many more scattered throughout the vicinity at a half league, one, and one and a half, two, and at times three leagues apart. Some comprised fifty or sixty dwellings and others a hundred more or less, not to mention another great number which were sprinkled about and not ar ranged as a town" (Vega 1951:184). The Gentleman of Elvas described the village of Anhayca Apalache thus: "The Campmaster, whose duty it is to di vide and lodge the men, quartered them about the town, at the distance of half a league to a league apart. There were other towns ... On Saturday, the twenty-ninth of November, in a high wind, an Indian passed through the sen tries undiscovered and set fire to the town, two portions of which, in conse quence, were instantly consumed" (Elvas 1904:47, 49). This settlement would appear to be a much larger one situated in more open country than the one portrayed by Cabeza de Vaca. And it accords more with the settlement pattern as sketchily portrayed for the mission era. There San Luis was described as surrounded by four satellite villages be longing to its jurisdiction. In 1675 San Luis and its satellites contained about 1,400 people (Fernandez de Florencia 1675a; Leturiondo 1678; Rebolledo 1657a). That same year Bishop Calderon recorded that "In the mission of San Luis resides a military officer in a country house defended by pieces of ordnance and a garrison of infantry" (Diaz Vara Calderon 1675:9). The bishop's "country-house" was probably the blockhouse or strong house, which the chief of San Luis promised Governor Rebolledo that he would build to house the enlarged garrison. San Luis is known from various sources to have possessed a council house. It no doubt conformed to the general description provided by Calderon of a structure built of wood "and covered with straw, round, and with a very large opening in the top." "Most of them," he added, "can accommodate from 2,000 to 3,000 persons. They are furnished all around the interior with niches called barbacoas which serve as beds and as seats for the caciques and chiefs and as lodgings for soldiers and transients" (Diaz Vara Calderon 1675:13). Beyond that reference there is little information available on the housing

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196 Apalachee of the soldiers at San Luis, and little is known about their presence there in the early years of the mission period. It does not appear that soldiers accompanied the first two friars in 1633, although one would have expected them to in view of the repeated remarks in the 1612 era concerning the need for the soldiers because of the natives' hostility toward the friars and the chiefs' inability to control unruly tribesmen. The soldiers Soldiers were not placed in San Luis until 1638, early in the term of the suc cessor to Governor Luis de Horruytiner, the governor who brought the friars to Apalachee in 1633. The garrison remained there as well under the follow ing governor, Benito Ruiz de Salazar, and under his interim successor, Nico las Ponce de Leon. Shortly after the accession of Pedro Benedit Horruytiner as interim governor late in 1651, the soldiers were withdrawn at the request of the friars (Fernandez de Olivera 1612a, 1612b; Martinez 1612; Rebolledo 1657a: 109-110, 1657e).1 At the time of the Apalachee uprising early in 1647, when Pedro Horruy tiner was serving as acting governor, the soldiers of the Apalachee garrison were not in Apalachee proper but were at Ruiz de Salazar's wheat farm near Asile, on the edge of Apalachee, tending to their wheat plantings. It is not clear whether that move was a temporary one or whether Ruiz de Salazar made his ranch the headquarters for the soldiers. Some of the comments con cerning that enterprise indicate that the soldiers were there for much of the time that the farm was in operation, but remarks by the friars picture the sol diers as traveling around Apalachee as commercial agents for Ruiz de Salazar. And, inasmuch as Governor Rebolledo considered Asile to be part of Apalachee, he would not have considered their presence on the wheat farm as an absence from Apalachee. Having been outside of the province when the revolt began, the soldiers escaped unharmed, in contrast to the lieutenant and his family, who were attending festivities at Bacuqua, where the revolt started. There is no indication where or how the lieutenant and his small force were domiciled at San Luis before 1657. Comments made during the Re bolledo visitation indicate that it was the custom of the soldiers to visit and spend time in some of the villages. On those occasions, presumably, they were lodged in the village council house as any other guest would be. The visitation record established that while they were on such trips they were fed by the In dians of the village concerned, but probably, from the time of the lieutenant's 1. Governor Rebolledo's remarks indicate that the lieutenant was also withdrawn from Apala chee at this time.

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San Luis: Village, Fort, and Mission 197 arrival in San Luis in 1645 or 1646, both the lieutenant and the soldiers had a residence and defensive structure. From that time the lieutenant appears to have established his headquarters at the site to which the chief of San Luis moved his village in 1656, because a later document states that the lieutenants had always resided there. Presumably this location was chosen for its eleva tion, the expanse of level land on the hilltop, and the presence of springs along the northeastern base of the hill, and because it was not very distant from the head village of San Luis prior to the 1656 move (Rebolledo 1657a: passim; Royal Officials 1647a, 1647b). That the need for a blockhouse was mentioned in 1612 when the establishment of the permanent Apalachee mission enter prise was first considered makes it equally likely that some such structure was built even earlier, soon after the arrival of the first soldiers. Various secondary sources, such as Chatelain and Lanning, speak of a fort having been built at San Luis between 1640 and 1650; Chatelain adds that it was manned by 12 soldiers but cites only two secondary sources as the au thority for his statement, an article by Boyd and Lanning's Spanish Missions of Georgia. Boyd offers no evidence for his statement, and Lanning presents only a muddled reference to the building of a fort at San Luis, which seems to pertain to the 1650s rather than to the 1640s (Chatelain 1941:133n.9; Lanning 1935:206, 274n.l5). In speaking of the conflict between Governor Rebolledo and the friars in the mid-1650s over the governor's alleged mistreatment of the Indians, Lanning states that "Although Governor Rebolledo contended that he always paid the Indians for the work he required, the friars showed that for ninety-six days of labor on the wood work of the presidio at San Luis de Apalache they received pay for only twenty-five. ... It irked the friars that the governor elected to leave a dozen soldiers in the presidio at San Luis" (1935:206). Lanning does not cite his documentary source for this informa tion but offers only this confusing explanatory comment in a footnote: "Built in the time of Governor Benito Ruiz Salazar between 1645 and 1650" (1935:274n. 15). Lanning's statement raises the question of why, if the fort was built in Governor Salazar Vallecilla's time, there were 96 days of labor on its wood work done at Governor Rebolledo's behest. Lanning's source was a mid-1657 letter to the governor by six of the friars. It establishes that the 96 days of labor involved the preparation of lumber for the fort at St. Augustine (Moral et al. 1657). The primary sources I have read seem to rule out the existence of any fort at San Luis immediately before 1657 and to negate the presence of Chatelain's 12 soldiers during the 1640s. Governor Rebolledo's intensive lobbying of the native leaders in 1657 to win their approval of the expansion of the garrison to 12 men and to gain their acquiescence to the building of a blockhouse there

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198 Apalachee implies that the existing force was considerably less and that there was no blockhouse or fort there before that year. It is possible that deputy governor Claudio Florencia's house was sufficiently well constructed and armed to merit being referred to as a fort; no evidence has been advanced to indicate that that was the case, but logic and common sense seem to point in that direction. Soon after assuming the governorship, Rebolledo began to reverse his predecessor's policy of giving the friars, the only Spaniards in Apalachee, free rein over the natives. His first move was the dispatch of a lieutenant with two soldiers to administer justice to the natives, settle their disputes with one an other, and protect them from what Rebolledo regarded as the excesses of the friars. Some time after this lieutenant's arrival, an English ship reaching St. Marks was able to obtain provisions from the natives in exchange for knives, hatchets, and other goods. On learning of the ship's presence, the governor dispatched a 30-man force under Captain Gregorio Bravo as a temporary ex pedient to bolster the position of his lieutenant, who had rallied the native forces to discourage any intention the intruders might have had of establishing themselves on the Apalachee coast or of moving inland. This incident, along with the developments in England, the 1656 revolt in Timucua, and the fear that the unrest might spread to Apalachee, served Gov ernor Rebolledo as a pretext for a stronger Spanish presence in Apalachee than what the friars desired. He expressed particular alarm over the Puritan domination of England by Oliver Cromwell and his military and conservativeradical gentry in 1653; these elements were the chief Spaniard-haters in En gland and were also the most aggressive in colonizing and piracy. In 1655 an expedition dispatched by Cromwell the preceding year captured Jamaica after suffering a disastrous rout in its attempt to seize control of Santo Domingo. To forestall a similar move against richly endowed Apalachee, Rebolledo felt that the Spanish presence there had to be expanded greatly. That expansion would begin with the stationing of a 12-man force in Apa lachee under the lieutenant and with the construction of a blockhouse. Ulti mately, Rebolledo envisioned the construction of a true fort in addition to the simple blockhouse. He intended a considerable increase in the size of the gar rison once he had overcome the friars' objections and the natives' reluctance. The capstone was to be the creation of a Spanish settlement in Apalachee that would solidify Spain's hold on the food and labor resources of this province, which was so vital for the survival of St. Augustine itself. Without such strengthening of the Spanish presence, he argued, the English enemy could occupy a port such as St. Marks, fortify it, and become strongly entrenched, before the officials at St. Augustine would be able to do anything about it. With such a base, he continued, the English could threaten the treasure fleets

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San Luis: Village, Fort, and Mission 199 and other shipping in the Gulf between New Spain and Havana. He believed that strengthening the Spanish presence in Apalachee would make the prov ince a springboard from which to begin the conversion of the neighboring provinces of the Apalachicola and the Chacato, who had both expressed an interest in receiving friars (Parry and Sherlock 1968:58-61; Rebolledo 1657a:94, 96, 98, 101, 108-114, 1657e). The opposition of the friars and others and their influence with the Crown helped to bring about the deposition and arrest of Rebolledo before he could put much of his plan into operation. During his 1657 visitation of Apalachee, Rebolledo had lobbied its native leaders vigorously to agree to the expansion of the garrison and to the building of a blockhouse. Various chiefs expressed support for the building of such a blockhouse, and the chief of San Luis pledged to build a capacious and strong house for the soldiers. The available documents do not indicate when he fulfilled that promise. The next mention of such a structure was in a letter of Bishop Calderon's, in which he speaks of a strong fortified country house at San Luis (Diaz Vara Calderon 1675:8; Re bolledo 1657a: 94, 96, 98, 101). During the intervening period this structure ceased to be a bone of contention between the friars and the governors and no further lobbying was done for the building, so it appears that the chief fulfilled his promise without undue delay. But the chief balked at raising the garrison to 12 men, alleging a lack of food to meet the needs of additional soldiers because of the difficulties (un specified) of the preceding winter and the disruptions occasioned by his having just moved his village. He suggested that six soldiers and a corporal would be enough for the present (Rebolledo 1657a: 115-118).2 This was a significant setback for the governor. During the visitation, the chief of San Luis was the only Apalachee leader who genuinely approved of the garrison's expansion and took the initiative in asking for more soldiers. Encouraged by the friars, all the Apalachee leaders opposed the governor's plans at a subse quent meeting convoked by the chief of Ivitachuco and held at San Luis (Moral et al. 1657). Although Rebolledo, at the height of the controversy, told the Franciscan provincial that he would return to the regime of two soldiers and the lieutenant until he heard from the Crown on this issue, the governor seems to have forgotten his pledge, keeping a 12-man garrison in the prov ince (Matter 1972:183, 185-186; Rebolledo 1657a: 107-114, 121-123). The friars at this time and for some time thereafter not only opposed the ex-2. This suggestion appears in two of four letters to the governor by soldiers in Apalachee that are appended to the visitation record along with many other items relating to the controversy over the building of the blockhouse and the expansion of the garrison. Pearson (1968: 116-117) attributed this conversation to the chief of Bacuqua, although admitting that the chief was not mentioned in the soldiers' letters.

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200 Apalachee pansion of the garrison but clamored for its complete removal from the prov ince (Franciscan Friars 1664; Moral et al. 1657; Rebolledo 1657a:passim). On the basis of the fragmentary research available on the garrison at San Luis, its size seems to have fluctuated sharply after 1657. Using several notes written in 1659 by Governor Aranguiz y Cotes, Matter reported that in that year the governor spoke of putting up to 30 men in Apalachee (Matter 1972:187). Whether he did so is not indicated, but Griffen commented on one of the documents he listed in his calendar for the Stetson Collection that by 1662 the number had risen to 40 (Aranguiz y Cotes 1662a).3 This sudden expansion undoubtedly was associated with the expedition during that time, led by Pedro de Ortes, to explore the Choctaw country (Ramirez 1687:108-110). By mid-1668 the garrison had shrunk once more to 12 men (Arguellas 1668; Guerra y Vega 1668c). In October 1671, Governor Cendoya reported that Apalachee had a force of 25 men, but just over a year later it was reported as 19 men, a level that it appears to have maintained until at least 1675 (Matter 1972:192-194). At some point before the end of Governor Hita Salazar's term in 1680 the garrison again shrank to 12 men (Hita Salazar n.d.), but by the early part of that year it had risen again to 24 (Hita Salazar 1680c). Bushnell reported that, in response to the growing threat from the Carolinians, there were 45 men in the garrison by 1682 (Bushnell 1978b:2). A more immediate reason for the additional men was the rising tension between the Spanish authorities and the Apalachicola. The tension grew out of the Cavetan chieftain's ejection of the friars who had attempted to establish a mission at Sabacola on the Chattahoochee in 1679 and Governor Marques Cabrera's decision to attempt to reestablish the mission by sending back two friars with 11 soldiers. Although both the friars and the soldiers withdrew after only a few months, because the majority of the Apalachicola remained hostile to the mis sion effort, the garrison was probably maintained at this higher level. Apala chee and the Apalachicola country suddenly assumed greater importance for the Spaniards as the Carolinians began their attack on Guale and their push inland toward the Apalachicola country and as the French drove to establish a presence on the Gulf. The fort at St. Marks The major cause for the expansion of the garrison in Apalachee in 1682 was probably the destruction that year of the short-lived first fort at San Marcos de Apalachee. It had been built several years earlier to protect the coastal approach to the province. As in the mid-1650s, the appearance of an English 3. Matter also gives this number, presumably having obtained it from the document itself.

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San Luis: Village, Fort, and Mission 201 ship in that port in June 1677 had pointed up the need to improve the prov ince's defenses. On this occasion the intruders carried off a frigate belonging to Diego de Florencia with its cargo of deerskins and trade goods. Before dawn on March 20, 1682, another pirate ship anchored off the fort and, on seeing a supply ship behind the fort, resolved to attack. There were only the commandant and a five-man garrison in the fort, and it was taken easily and quickly when someone inside opened its gate to the attackers. Doris Olds speculated that this was not the usual garrison. Ten or twelve Spaniards and a few Indians would seem a more likely number in normal times. By coincidence, Andres Perez, the lieutenant from San Luis, had arrived after nightfall, accompanied by several soldiers and an unspecified number of native warriors.4 Having been denied entry to the fort, the lieutenant and his companions spent the night in the nearby settlement. On learning of the attack on the fort, they beat a judicious retreat inland, leaving those in the fort to fend for themselves.5 In addition to the six defenders, three friars and the captain of the supply ship were taken prisoner in the fort. Two of the friars had come down to meet the third, who had come in on the supply ship. Some of the prisoners, includ ing one of the friars, were soon released to go to San Luis to demand ransom for the freedom of the others. After waiting in vain for about two weeks for the ransom, the pirates departed; they took only the commandant and a young soldier, having released their other prisoners. After about two months at sea, the commandant and the soldier were put ashore in Cuba to make room for three women whom the pirates had captured during a raid on several coastal estates. Before leaving, the pirates stripped the San Marcos fort of everything that was useful and portable and destroyed what they left, including the fort itself (Boyd 1936:4-5; Leturiondo 1678:584; Olds 1962:10-20; Wenhold 1956: 301-314). The details on the building of that fort and on what was done to replace it are shrouded in mystery and confusion. The need for a fort there was suggested as early as 1657.6 Governor Aranguiz y Cotes, in 1659, ap-4. In an article on the fort, Boyd describes the garrison at the time of the pirates' attack as having no fewer than 45 Spaniards and 400 natives. His source for those figures is not clear, but they seem unrealistically high for an area so remote and infrequently visited. It is possible that he interpreted the presence of the lieutenant as indicating that the entire garrison from San Luis was present. 5. Wenhold suggested that the fort commandant's refusal to admit the lieutenant hints at strained relations between the two (1956:309n.9). 6. In their opposition to Governor Rebolledo's plan to build a blockhouse at San Luis, some of the friars suggested that the blockhouse be placed at the port to put distance between the soldiers and the natives. Rebolledo may have contemplated building a fort at the coast in addition to the blockhouse he wanted at San Luis.

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202 Apalachee pears to have been the first governor to press the project, considering it so urgent that he offered to have a fort built there at his own expense. The sus picious Crown authorities demurred, asking for information on the need, the suitability of the site, and, above all, the cost (Olds 1962:6-7). Although suc ceeding governors also supported the project, the Crown did not give its ap proval until June 20, 1676, and then did so without providing any funds for the project. Governor Hita Salazar appears to have made an effort to begin work in the preceding year, but he reported that he had failed because of the lack of financial resources. He estimated that about 10,000 pesos would be needed and sent a list of the itemsbells, knives, beads, and red and blue cloththat would be useful for hiring native labor (Cendoya 1672; Guerra y Vega 1673; Hita Salazar 1675c, 1676). Spurred on by the appearance of pi rates on the Apalachee coast in 1677, Governor Salazar appears to have begun work on a temporary structure with local resources that same year without waiting for the Crown to provide funds (Wenhold 1956:305-306).7 According to Olds, Governor Salazar started to build the fort in 1678 and probably finished it by April 7, 1679 (Olds 1962:14). There is no evidence in the Griffen calendar to pinpoint when the fort was built. The calendar does indi cate that the makeshift fort was in existence by March 1680 and that Governor Salazar was still vainly waiting for authorization, funds, and supplies for building the more elaborate and substantial redoubt that he had proposed (Hita Salazar 1680d). The fort that the pirates destroyed was this temporary struc ture made of logs and painted with lime to make it appear more substantial to someone viewing it from afar. Boyd went on to say that, soon after its destruction in 1682, the fort at St. Marks was rebuilt under the direction of the engineer Juan de Siscara. Boyd even reproduced a tracing of a map from the Buckingham Smith Collection, which he admitted bears no date but which, he stated, was ascribed to April 28, 1685. Boyd speculated that "It more likely is the plan referred to in the letter of Marques Cabrera to Charles II, dated St. Augustine, Oct. 7, 1682," then described the new fort and mentioned Captain Francisco de Fuentes as its first commander. He concluded his remarks with the observation that "We lack information regarding the fate of this fort during Colonel Moore's vic torious raid into Apalachee in the winter of 1704" (Boyd 1936:4-5). The reason for that lack of information is that the fort seems never to have been builtat least in this period. Two documents reproduced by Boyd in his later work on the destruction of the missions seem to establish that fact clearly. The first is a royal cedula dated November 4, 1693, in which the mon-7. Wenhold implies that it was this structure that was captured and destroyed by the pirates in 1682.

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San Luis: Village, Fort, and Mission 203 arch wrote, "We are informed that the Governor Pablo de Hita Salazar in his time constructed a wooden fort in the port of San Marcos, as you may know; and if it is not built as is supposed, you are to build it" (Royal Cedula 1693:20). In response Governor Torres y Ayala, in April 1696, informed the king that the only structure at St. Marks was a wooden watchtower, observing, "Neither did I find the fort built by the Governor Don Pablo de Hita Salazar, as it was burned and cut down by the enemy in the government of Don Juan Marques de Cabrera" (Torres y Ayala 1696:21-22). Had another fort already been built to replace it, the governor would certainly have mentioned it. Nei ther did Governor Torres y Ayala carry out the orders to build such a fort at San Marcos. Various sources indicate that in 1702 and 1704 two soldiers from the San Luis garrison were regularly posted as sentinels at the watchtower at San Marcos. If there were a fort and garrison at San Marcos, it would not have made sense to rotate soldiers from San Luis for such duty. The absence of a fort at San Marcos is stated even more unequivocally in 1688 in the governor's covering letter that he sent with the Apalachee chieftains' letter to Charles II that they had written in their own language. After reporting the chiefs' willingness to build a wooden blockhouse at San Luis, the governor added that they were ready also to build a "stone watch-tower in the port of San Marcos, because it is not suitable for a fort and has no other defense" (Quiroga y Losada 1688c). Although the rift with the Apalachicola was papered over temporarily by the establishment of the Christian Sabacola village just above the confluence of the Flint and Chattahoochee and by the Apalachicola's return to a nominal allegiance to the Spanish Crown, the breach reopened in 1685 after the ap pearance of English traders among the Apalachicola. Over the next four years, Spanish-Apalachee expeditions made five forays into Apalachicola ter ritory in a futile hunt for the traders whose presence was reported to the lieu tenant by the native spies he and the friars had posted there. Although these large armed search parties consisted largely of Apalachee warriors, they gen erally included 30 to 40 Spanish soldiers (Bolton 1925a: 119; Lanning 1935: 176-181; Solana 1687a:17-39). The dispatch of that large a force of soldiers on such prolonged expeditions would seem to have demanded some further expansion of the garrison beyond the 45-man level to avoid leaving the prov ince almost entirely undefended during the interim. The governor is known to have dispatched at least nine more soldiers to Apalachee when he ordered the second foray into Apalachicola country (Crane 1956:35; Luxan 1687: 111-113). That San Luis must have had a relatively large pool of soldiers during this period is indicated by the additional demands that were placed on it. In 1686, at the height of this military activity by the San Luis garrison, Marcos Del-

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204 Apalachee x^vo at*>x &GOL Fig. 9.1. The fort among the Apalachicola. i gado's expedition to search for the La Salle colony also departed from San Luis, drawing a few of its men from there. It eventually returned to San Luis from the Upper Creek country, after hearing from the Choctaw that they would not be able to supply them with any food. In 1689 the building of a fort in the heart of Apalachicola country placed another drain on the force at San

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San Luis: Village, Fort, and Mission 205 Luis (see fig. 9.1). When that fort was completed, 20 Spanish soldiers and 20 Indian warriors remained behind to staff it (Corkran 1967:51-52; Lanning 1935:182-183; Marques Cabrera 1687a; Quiroga y Losada 1690a). Accord ing to Lanning (1935:183), when the fort was abandoned after two years, its 20 soldiers were withdrawn to St. Augustine to be ready for a feared French attack. Alonso de Leturiondo made no mention of such fears, attributing the withdrawal rather to Governor Quiroga y Losada's recognition of "the diffi culties that he had in sending the provisions by a very swift river of the said province of Apalachocoli [and] that no matter how much he cultivated the In dians [there], they did not respond but rather drew apart totally from commu nication with the Spaniards." Leturiondo also noted an additional motive: "Also, seeing how much at risk those few soldiers were in a place where many of the enemy could come against them ... he saw himself obliged to withdraw the soldiers once again after they had suffered many misfortunes and much hunger in the said garrison" (Leturiondo [1700]: 175). Still another factor may have been the Crown's disapproval of his having made this expen diture without its permission. The 1693 overland expedition by Governor Torres y Ayala to explore Pensacola and Mobile bays probably placed even more demands on the military resources of San Luis. By 1702 the size of the garrison had diminished again, to 31, two of whom were always posted as sentinels at the watchtower at St. Marks (Tepaske 1964:108). By the beginning of 1704, however, the number of soldiers at San Luis had risen again to about 47, and on the eve of the cataclysm of late June and early July that number had been increased by 23, recruited from a relief ship from Pensacola. At the time of this final encounter, the San Luis garrison proper numbered 43, two having been killed in the earlier clash with Moore's forces at Ayubale and two, who were taken prisoner, having been burned at the stake. In those final engagements, 12 of San Luis's 43-man gar rison were killed along with 10 of the Pensacolan recruits. Eight of the San Luis soldiers were burned at the stake in Patale, and two died in battle there. Two from San Luis and five Pensacola recruits were killed on their way up from St. Marks, having taken the royal road rather than the river as they had been instructed (Boyd 1951:15; Council of War 1704:56-59; Royal Officials 1704a:59-61; Solana 1704a:5055; Zufiiga y Zerda 1704a:48-50). Upon the abandonment of San Luis the village and the blockhouse were destroyed by fire, but part of the stockade around the village failed to burn (Landeche 1705:82-85). For the remainder of the First Spanish Period there was no further activity at San Luis. In 1705, Admiral Landeche and his force spent two days at the ruins of San Luis (Landeche 1705:82-85). On his trip to the Apalachicola country in 1716, Diego Peiia camped there for the night (Boyd 1949:18), and he probably did so on his other trips to the same region. Around the mid-1720s, a Spanish reconnoitering crew spent some time on the

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206 Apalachee site of San Luis looking for a place to rebuild a fort in the Apalachee heartland as the nucleus for a renewed settlement of the province. They left some stakes driven into the ground to mark the site where the fort was to be built (Montiano 1745), but there is no evidence that any construction followed this activity. A description of the San Luis area None of the extant documents provide much of a physical description of the village of San Luis or of its immediate environs during the mission era. The investigation into the conduct of Antonio Matheos as lieutenant in Apalachee in the 1680s provides several fleeting glimpses of parts of the village or its surroundings. After being upbraided by the lieutenant, one of the Indian lead ers was described as having gone "to his lodge and plaza crying, and that the Spaniards who lived around the said plaza, had consoled him." The image is that of an open square surrounded by Matheo Chuba's house, the houses of a number of Spaniards, and possibly the houses of other Indians (Ximenez 1687:35). This plaza would seem to be distinct from and at some distance from the plaza fronting the main council house of the village, which is where Matheo Chuba's incident with the lieutenant occurred. The fact that the plaza or square is spoken of as that leader's plaza might mean that each leader had his own plaza, also possibly surrounded by the residences of Spaniards living in San Luis. Another of the witnesses in this inquiry, Vi Ventura, principal inija of San Luis, mentioned two incidents that give us a faint glimpse of the village and of its nightly routine: And that on another occasion on getting up at ten o'clock at night, this witness found, in relation to the Indian sentinels that it is the custom to maintain in the council house and plaza of this place, that people were missing, whom I sought out and called, reproaching them and telling them the evil that they did and that they should not let it happen again and that that same night the said lieutenant had punished the said Indians with blows for having found them negligent, and that some days later, when the said lieutentant was walking alone far from the house of His Majesty, the Indian night patrol, seeing him one night at midnight told him [Bip Bentura] in the Council house that they had come upon the said lieutenant, and that, having challenged him 'who goes there', he had not replied, and that then they had approached and recognized the said lieutenant. (Bentura 1687:37-38) This passage indicates a rather extensive open area around the village un less the lieutenant was a very foolhardy individual. The event occurred a few

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San Luis: Village, Fort, and Mission 207 years before the building of the fort and blockhouse. Consequently, the "house of His Majesty" is probably the fortified country house mentioned in Bishop Calderon's letter of 1675. Another description that implies the existence of an extensive stretch of open ploughed fields between San Luis and Tomole appears in a passage from the 1693 journal of Friar Rodrigo de Barreda: After getting into port (San Marcos de Apalache), we landed and took lodgings in some wretched huts where we remained until boats were brought from the province to transport us to a village within the same jurisdiction called Tomoly. This hamlet ... is about six leagues from Apalachee through beautiful open pine groves. In the afternoon of the holy day of Our Lord [Corpus Christi] mentioned, the journey was made to the village of San Luis de Talmaly through a district furrowed with ploughed fields two leagues from Tomoly. (Barreda 1693:265) The playing field for the ball game must have been a major feature of the village landscape. The ball game manuscript indicates that it was close to the main council house and an integral part of the village, and we can assume that it was on high ground. The manuscript recorded that in the three years from 1670 through 1672 the ball posts at San Luis, Patale, and Bacuqua were all struck by lightning and burned. If any analogy can be drawn between the layout of the mission-era Apala chee villages and those of the Creek towns of the late eighteenth century, it should be noted that Corkran, relying on Bartram, shows the chunkey-yard occupying the very center of the village adjacent to the public buildings with the dwellings of the Indians ranged around it in little squares that comprised four family plots per square. These little squares were miniature reproduc tions of the public square and maintained its symmetry. Each family plot con tained one to four buildings. Plots that had four buildings also formed a min iature square in one corner of the family plot. If four buildings were present, they were the winter lodging and cooking room, the granary and food storage area, a combination summer house (upper story) and storage area (ground floor), and a warehouse, the last found only where the proprietor was a wealthy man engaged in trade (Corkran 1967:8). Such may have been the ar rangement around Matheo Chuba's plaza. At the San Luis site a low-raised area is still clearly visible as a circular ridge surrounding a broad flat plazalike area, which the archaeologists explor ing the site have named the "Great Circle." An augur survey revealed a con centration of daub and pottery within the series of low ridges that form the Great Circle and an absence of the same in the flat area. The survey's results suggest that the raised area represents part of the village surrounding the main

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208 Apalachee plaza. Shapiro noted that "A gridded town is suggested by alignments of pot tery and burned clay, especially on the northeast side of the plaza." That sec tion of the village area had a high concentration of Spanish pottery. Almost no Spanish pottery was found in the suspected village area on the southwest side of the plaza, but that area had a large amount of Indian pottery (Shapiro 1985a: 13-14; personal communication, May 1986). Shapiro concluded that "This distribution suggests ethnic (Apalachee vs. Hispanic) and/or economic differentiation within the village." A concentration of pottery, burned clay, and wrought iron nail fragments at the northwest end of the plaza has been suggested as the site of the church and convent. On the oppositesouth eastend of the probable plaza is what is believed to be the site of the council house. This flat platform, perhaps of artificial construction, appears to be sur rounded by borrow pits. The first block excavations there revealed the exis tence of a substantial structure that was probably a round council house 36 meters in diameter that looked very much like the Creek rotunda pictured by Bartram. The 1986 excavations confirmed the conclusions drawn from the 1985 fieldwork on the council-house site. The burned-cob pits under the benches or beds followed the southwest wall to what is presumed to be an entrance facing the setting sun. Cob pits were found along the north wall, though not continuously. A Spaniard described the smaller Gualean variety he had slept on in 1595 as a continuous bed extending all around the wall, raised more than a yard above the ground. In summarizing his conclusions from the data obtained and analyzed to date, Shapiro noted that "Importantly it appears likely that the town as a whole conforms to a gridded plan oriented approxi mately 45 degrees west of north. Although San Luis had many more Apala chee than Spanish inhabitants, the gridded town indicates a degree of planning and administration that conforms more closely with Hispanic than with Apa lachee settlement structure" (Garcia 1902:195; Shapiro 1985a: 12-14, 18-19, personal communication, May 1986). The location of the fort was already known from nineteenth-century ac counts and from earlier excavations. It occupied the northern end of the site. Immediately to the southwest of the fort site, pottery was found to be abun dant in an area that lacked both burned clay and nails. Inasmuch as its advan tageous topographic setting on a high, flat part of the hill seems to rule out its having been a refuse dump, it is believed that the area may have been a marketplace or have had some other nonresidential function (Shapiro 1985a: 11-12). The extant descriptions of the Apalachee's villages mention only two structures for the ordinary Indians' plots, the dwelling and the garita, or food storage area. Bishop Calderon described the native dwelling as round in form, "of straw, without a window and with a door a vara high and half a vara wide." He indicated that the garita stood to one side of the dwelling supported

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San Luis: Village, Fort, and Mission 209 by 12 beams (Diaz Vara Calderon 1675:12-13). It appears to have been ele vated. Again, if any parallel can be drawn, it should be noted that the village of Chisca, Chacato, and Pansacola attacked by the Apalachee in 1677 was described as having "corn cribs and high platforms" where many of the women and children had taken refuge, only to be burned alive there as the structures caught fire (Fernandez de Florencia 1678). Archaeological research has revealed that the dwellings were between 5.5 and 7.5 meters in diameter (John Scarry, personal communication 1985). A fire pit in the center of the house provided sufficient warmth to enable the Indians to sleep without blankets. The bishop described their beds as frames made of reed bars and covered with bearskins (Diaz Vara Calderon 1675:12). In mission times, at least, in addition to the traditional public buildings the principal council house, the church, and the conventthere also was a public granary to hold the foodstuffs for feeding the poor, the orphaned, and the visiting soldiers as well as for equipping and maintaining the church. There is evidence that such public granaries existed in premission times as well (Laudonniere 1975:15). At San Luis with its large garrison this granary would likely have been a structure of considerable importance. It is mentioned in the mid-1680s documents dealing with the disputes between Antonio Matheos and the native leaders at San Luis and also in the regulations issued by Joaquin de Florencia at the termination of his visitation of the province. Ar ticle five of those regulations stipulated that They are to observe and maintain, relative to the community field of each village, that once its produce is collected, it is to be placed in the community storehouse, of which the principal cacique is to have one key and the other, the elder whom the lieutenant of this province names; and its distribution is to be in assistance of the poor orphans and widows, who do not plant a field for themselves and in order to feed the soldiers who go on the service of His Majesty; and in order to buy some ornaments for the church as well as to purchase hoes and hatchets for the service of the council houses and the work of the said field. (Floren cia 1695) In Garcilaso's account of the de Soto expedition, there is reference to what appears to have been a capacious multistoried building in the principal village of a separate district about one league distant from Anhayca Apalache. He records that some of the natives there took refuge in "the highest part of a house which was very different from all the others and appeared to be a temple." It was near the main plaza and large enough to enable them to ride in and out on their mounts (Vega 1951:254-255).

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210 Apalachee Building the blockhouse and stockade at San Luis The first specific mention of plans for the building of a blockhouse in Apala chee dates from 1656-1657, when Governor Rebolledo lobbied the village chiefs to support the idea in order to counter some friars' opposition to it (Re bolledo 1657a:passim). The chief at San Luis responded with a promise to build a "strong and capacious house" for the troops stationed there (Re bolledo 1657a: 116-119). The fulfillment of that promise, presumably, was the fortified country house mentioned by Bishop Calderon. It also probably served as the residence of the governor's lieutenant and is the "government house" referred to in the mid-1680s (Bentura 1687:37-38). In the year 1688 the newly arrived governor, Diego de Quiroga y Losada, approached the Apalachee chiefs with the idea of building a proper fort at San Luis and a stone watchtower at St. Marks. In a dispatch to the king, forward ing letters in the native tongues of Apalachee and Timucua written by the chiefs of those provinces, the governor reported that, as a demonstration of their zeal to excel in serving the king, "all the caciques of Apalache have offered to me that, on my supplying them with tools, they will build a wooden blockhouse at their expense, for the infantry that serves there on garrison duty, along with another stone watch tower in the port of San Marcos, because it is not suitable for a fort and has no other defense" (de Quiroga y Losada 1688c). In their letter the chiefs repeated that pledge but made it clear that the suggestion for the two projects had come from the governor. They added the qualification that the governor had pledged help with not only tools but also assistance with "everything necessary" (Chiefs of the Apalachee 1688). Shortly thereafter the Indians cut and prepared a quantity of lumber for the project, but during the rest of the term of Governor Quiroga the Spanish au thorities did nothing to forward it. Quiroga's successor found that lumber al ready weakened by decay (Torres y Ayala 1696:21-22). Initially, at least, the failure to move forward on the work was probably occasioned by the diversion of many of the region's abler carpenters for the building of the Spanish fort in the Apalachicola country in 1689. Shortly after the accession of the next governor in 1693, the Crown in formed him of the native leaders' pledge to his predecessor and ordered him to carry out the projects. To assure the prompt execution of those orders, the Crown, a few weeks later, instructed the other royal officials at St. Augustine to monitor the governor's execution of those orders and to keep Madrid in formed of his action or inaction in the matter (Royal Cedula 1693:20; Royal Officials 1696:2021). Although those orders were issued in November and December 1693, it was not until October 1695 that construction of the block house began.

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San Luis: Village, Fort, and Mission 211 The available documentation describing the building of the fort or portray ing the structure while it still stood is surprisingly scant. Boyd reproduced a 1696 letter by the governor in which he informed the king that the project had been completed except for a third part of the roof. The only details provided on the nature of the structure were that timber was utilized in its construction, that it then contained two guns, and that it was sufficiently capacious to shelter both the garrison and the inhabitants of the village on nights when the alarm was sounded, a frequent occurrence at that time. To date, the governor's letter of July 3, 1697, reporting the completion of the blockhouse has not been lo cated. From the royal cedula, in which its receipt was recorded, it is known that the governor, after repeating the comment on the fort's capaciousness, again mentioned that it possessed two pieces of artillery, adding that they were placed on two travesos that projected from the house.8 He also informed the Crown that the construction had cost the king 304 pesos and 2 reales (Menendez Marquez and Florencia 1697:22-23; Royal Cedula 1698:23-24; Torres y Ayala 1696:21-22). A report by the treasury officials indicated that almost two-thirds of that sum went for the purchase of nails and for the fabrication of large and small spikes and some necessary tools. They described it as a wooden blockhouse and added the detail that the 2,000 nails purchased were for the shingles for the roof (Menendez Marquez and Florencia 1697:22-23). During Governor Torres's residencia, one of the soldiers who had seen the blockhouse described it as an offensive and defensive fort provided with four bastions with two pieces mounted on top and a wall gun in the guardroom. He testified that its center was made of walls of mud, which he described as "the best material there is for that country," and that it was sheathed all around with boards about three fingers thick, or about two inches (Fuentes 1700:85). The only other somewhat contemporaneous description of the fort, that by Admiral Antonio de Landeche, who visited the site one year after the fort had been destroyed, conflicts with the foregoing in some details. He described the blockhouse as having been sheathed with palm posts rather than with twoinch-thick boards, and he portrayed the posts as having been "masiado con adobes de baro," which Boyd translated as "backed with clay bricks."9 Lan deche 's drawing of the blockhouse shows no bastions at its corners and gives 8. The word travesos, which Boyd left untranslated, appears to refer to a bastionlike structure that would permit the defenders to enfilade anyone approaching the blockhouse. In one of the other contemporaneous descriptions of the fort, the travesos are described as baluartes, "bastions" or "bulwarks." Traverse, the English equivalent, has been defined as "a barrier (as a bank of earth) across part of a defensive area, to give protection from enfilade fire" (Arana and Manucy 1977:62). 9. I have not encountered the word masiado elsewhere. The closest likely equivalent is maci-zado which could be translated as "supported by," "solidified by," or "firmed by."

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212 Apalachee no indication that the roof was shingled. He gave the number of artillery pieces mounted on the blockhouse roof as eight instead of the two mentioned in the testimony given in 1700 (Landeche 1705:82-85 and plates I and II). Upon completion of the blockhouse, work on the fort appears to have stopped. There is no mention of anything other than the wooden blockhouse in the correspondence reporting its completion, so it appears that this may have been all that was envisioned initially. Five more years passed before the start of the construction of the outworks around the blockhouse to convert it into a proper fort. Those outworks consisted of a stockade of upright logs, fronted by a moat and backed by a banquette terreplein. The work on these improvements began in October 1702, after the demoralizing rout suffered by a Spanish-led Apalachee expedition in an encounter with an Apalachicola force on the banks of the Flint (Romo de Urisa 1702; Solana 1702). Shortly thereafter the governor issued orders for the building of a stockade to enclose the church and convent and an additional stockade to connect the convent with that enclosing the blockhouse (Zuniga y Zerda n.d.:44-45). The only indication that some of this work was completed is the report by Lan deche, who observed that "the blockhouse was demolished in such a manner that there remained only some portions of the stockade which ... the flames ... did not reach" (Landeche 1705:82-85). This comment and a drawing by Landeche of the fort and its setting indicate that the stockade around the blockhouse had been completed before the attacks in 1704. At the time that he ordered the building of the stockade around the church and convent, the governor also directed that all the corn held by individuals be collected so that it might be stored in the blockhouse (Zuniga y Zerda n.d.: 44-45). At the time of the destruction of the blockhouse, whatever corn had been stored, if any still existed, was probably not considerable. Depending on the time that it struck, the epidemic suffered by the inhabitants of San Luis in 1703 may have interfered with the planting for that year. Because of the de struction and demoralization created by Colonel Moore's attack during the winter, no corn was planted at San Luis in 1704. The church furnishings An inventory of the church plate and vestments that the Spanish soldiers brought out with them when they abandoned San Luis indicates that many such articles from a number of the missions were being kept at the blockhouse for security, in addition to the corn. In discussing this inventory, Bushnell im plied that all of the inventoried silver and vestments belonged to San Luis. She speculated that, if all the 14 missions possessed amounts similar to that in ventoried by Manuel Solana, the retreating commander, "the portable church

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San Luis: Village, Fort, and Mission 213 property in Apalachee must have been worth over 37,000 pesos before the warsa sum that represented 296,000 days of labor to a common Indian" (Bushnell 1979:12; Solana 1704b:151). It is unlikely that the church at San Luis was as richly endowed as Bushnell's remark implies. First of all, the memorandum drawn up by Solana says that the silver came from the "churches" of the Province of Apalachee. The most telling indication, however, that the silver came from a number of mis sions is the presence of seven monstrances. A single mission church in such a poor and remote area was unlikely to have seven exemplars of this costly and relatively little-used article for religious services.10 Another feature of this in ventory that indicates multiple sources is the repetition of the pattern of sev ens or of numbers close to seven, for example, seven monstrances, seven chal ices with their patens, plus another three with theirs,11 eight lunettes to administer the Viaticum, seven silver storage vessels, seven crosses of peace, six large silver crosses, and six nine-rayed halos for the Infant Jesus (Solana 1704b:151). Fortunately, there also exists something of a guide to the holdings of the average mission with which these figures can be compared. In 1681, on the orders of the governor, an inventory was made listing most of the holdings of the 34 Indian missions in existence. It showed that the average mission pos sessed one silver monstrance,12 two silver chalices, one silver lunet for the Viaticum, and one silver procession cross. In 1681, fewer than half the mis sions had even one silver deposit vessel, and only slightly more than half owned one silver cross of peace. Accordingly, it is improbable that San Luis alone would have seven of each. In 1681 the average mission had either one silver halo or one silver crown. In 1704 sixteen halos or crowns were taken away from San Luis by the departing soldiers. The 1704 inventory mentions 17 silver chrism vials. In 1681 the average mission possessed one and a half 10. The monstrance is used principally during the service known as Benediction of the Blessed Sacrament and for the Exposition of the Eucharist in Processions on Corpus Christi or in services such as the Forty-Hours Adoration. 11. This document is not very legible in places. In translating it, Boyd read the first "their" as "six." Inasmuch as the two words in Spanish, sus and seis, are not that dissimilar, either his reading or mine could be justified. It makes more sense to have as many patens as chalices because they go together in matched sets to hold the host and the wine during Mass. I found the second "theirs" completely illegible but thought it logical. Boyd rendered the word as two, adding after it the word paten. 12. Apalachee appears to have been unusual in this respect as only one of the seven monstrances that were saved was made of silver, the rest of cheaper gilded metal. Strangely, no gilded monstrance was noted on the 1681 inventory, even though its composers saw fit to enumerate lamps and censers of brass, items that would seem to be of less monetary and artistic value than a gilded monstrance.

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214 Apalachee vials (Robles et al. 1681:148-150). Even allowing for some increase in the number of items held by each mission through acquisitions made during the intervening quarter of a century, the conclusion is inescapable that the sacred vessels and other silver items removed in 1704 were drawn from a number of mission stations and not from San Luis alone. Assuming that the furnishings were distributed more or less evenly over the various missions, those two inventories of 1681 and 1704 make it possible to establish the standard equipment of the average mission church in Apala chee at the end of the seventeenth century. As the headquarters mission with a small Spanish community, some of whom must have had some financial re sources, San Luis probably was somewhat more richly endowed than the aver age mission. Even the brutal Antonio Matheos, despite his taunting of the na tive leaders for their intense involvement in church affairs, was religious enough to pledge 100 deerskins from the booty he captured near Caveta to, as one witness put it, "give them as an alms to Our Lady of the Conception, which is in the convent of San Francisco of the village of San Luis de Apalachee," adding, "And, in fact, he gave what they were worth to the steward of the brotherhood of Our Lady" (Guerrero 1687:104-105). Based on those in ventories, the following listing is the standard equipment of the average mis sion church in Florida at the end of the seventeenth century (Robles et al. 1681:148-150; Solana 1704:151): One monstrance, probably of silver, except for the Apalachee missions, where less expensive gilded monstrances seem to have predominated Two silver chalices Two missalsone for Requiem Mass Nine or ten sets of chasuable, stole, and maniple of diverse colors Seven or eight antependiums of diverse colors Six albs of white linen Seven handbells Two or three large bells Eight brass candlesticks One or two copes Five or six altar cloths Seven amices Seven or eight palls Eleven corporals of starched linen Five burses Eleven or twelve chalice veils Two surplices Three or four rochets

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San Luis: Village, Fort, and Mission 215 Five cinctures One long decorated stole One coverlet for the altar One silver lunette for the Viaticum Ceramic or glass cruets and a 50 percent chance of having a set of silver cruets and a silver plate to hold them One or two silver chrism vials (17 of these were among the objects re moved from Apalachee in 1704) One altar lamp, either of silver or brass (As only 12 are listed for the 34 missions, some locally made ceramic ones may have been used in the other missions. Three silver lamps were removed in 1704. If any brass lamps existed, they were left behind.) One silver procession cross, or more probably, one made of less expen sive metal (Only five silver procession crosses were mentioned on the 1681 list, but eight were removed from Apalachee in 1704, indicat ing that there were far more of them in Apalachee than elsewhere.) One thurible, one incense boat, and one spoon for the incense, either of silver or brass. (Some brass censers and boats apparently were left behind in 1704, as only five silver thuribles were removed in 1704.) Two religious banners. One of those at San Luis is known to have had an image of the Blessed Virgin on one side and an image of the cru cifix on the other. Two engravings depicting a religious scene Five or six statues (The convent at San Luis had a statue of Our Lady of the Conception.) Thirteen pictures or paintings depicting Christ or the saints or some reli gious scene Four cornialtares13 A wooden missal stand and, possibly, a fancy coverlet for it One cedar chest for storing vestments Possibly a large chest of drawers for storing vestments One silver crown or halo (The 16 removed from Apalachee in 1704 indi cate that Apalachee's missions had far more than the usual number of these.) Possibly a procession lantern 13. To date I have not discovered the nature of this item. In 1681 there were 149 of them in the 34 missions. Father Antonio G. Leon suggested that cornialtares might be the three alter-cards, containing prayers and the Last Gospel, used formerly at Mass. One was placed at each cor ner and the largest one in front of the tabernacle.

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216 Apalachee Possibly a canopy, and one silver deposit vessel Possibly one silk humeral veil One or more linen hand cloths Possibly one ritual One veil or curtain Possibly a press for making hosts And possibly a mirror, though few places had this item Even a cursory glance at this list shows that, for a relatively poor frontier area, Florida's mission churches were well endowed with needed furnishings. Contrary to the inference made by Bushnell, not all of these were purchased by the sweat of the natives. The Crown supplied many of the basic items, such as chalices and vestments, Bishop Calderon donated some, and some were hand-me-downs from Spain and the richer New World provinces. Both inventories omit a few items that would be part of the normal equip ment of a functioning church. The most striking omission is altar stones, an item that the devout would not want to see profaned. Inasmuch as they con tained the relic of some saint, one would expect that they would have been salvaged or buried, as were the large bells. Because they were usually made of marble, however, their weight may have prevented their being salvaged.14 In view of its survivability, this item will probably be found on sites today, whether it was left in place or buried. Another unexpected omission on both lists is ciboria, the vessels used to hold the consecrated wafers for distribution to the faithful during Communion. The 1681 inventory contains one item, "five gilded sagrarios," that might be ciboria. In view of the small number mentioned, however, and because they were included in the same sentence with items of furniture, namely, holy-water basins and mirrors, these sagrarios were probably gilded tabernacles. Only five holy-water basins are listed on that inventory, but no baptismal fonts were mentioned (Robles et al. 1681: 148-150). As neither brass nor silver candlesticks were mentioned among the items removed from Apalachee in 1704, some made of brass were probably left behind. The 1681 inventory tallied 265 brass candlesticks for the 34 missions. Some of those indubitably were in Apalachee missions. The failure to mention ciboria suggests that those used in Florida were made of some cheap metal with a light gilding on the inside of the cup. It is not clear whether the gilded tabernacles were made of metal or wood, but the fact that they were deemed worthy of mention suggests that they were made of metal. 14. The usual altar stone in more recent times was a square to rectangular slab of marble about one inch thick varying in size from that of a large slice of bread to that of a medium-sized cutting board. It contained a cavity in the center into which the relics of a saint were cemented.

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San Luis: Village, Fort, and Mission 217 The number of items that are mentioned in the 1681 inventory but not on the 1704 list raises some interesting questions, particularly about the fate of the durable items that could not be destroyed entirely by fire, such as brass thuribles, lamps, and candlesticks. At the conclusion of his inventory, Solana stated that there were many more church vestments and furnishings that they could have salvaged had they sufficient horses and people to carry them. He revealed that these articles were "burned and destroyed, except for many bells which remained there buried" (Solana 1704b:151).15 Five weeks earlier, while still in Apalachee, Solana reported that he had ordered the felucca that he had sent to Pensacola bearing the Spanish women and children from San Luis to return to transport the images and ornaments so that they might not have to be burned (Solana 1704a:50-55). But a letter by Pensacola's commandant indi cates that the felucca did not sail from St. Marks until July 23, 1704 (Guzman 1704). That would seem to have precluded a return before Solana's withdrawal and explains Solana's burning of many of the church furnishings. Although the bells are the only things mentioned as having been buried, it would not have been that difficult to bury some of the brass items or even the cedar chests full of the richer vestments and the more elaborate missals. As resistant as cedar is to rot, such chests could have preserved their contents for a consid erable period of time if steps had been taken to keep moisture out. For the period between the destruction of the fort and village of San Luis in 1704 and the development of the property in the nineteenth century sometime after the United States acquired title to the Floridasa number of individuals have left references to features of the site or even brief descrip tions of the surviving remains and the surrounding terrain. The earliest de scription of the ruins, as noted, dates from 1705. Enough of the remains of the fort were still visible then to enable one of Admiral Landeche's subordinates to make a sketch of its appearance and location.16 The admiral noted that parts of the stockade had not been consumed by the flames because of the lack of resin in the wood. Unfortunately, he had little else to say about the status of the remains or the layout of the complex. His comments that his party spent an uncomfortable two days there during the summer rains because they had only shelter enough to protect the arms and the powder gives the impression that few, if any, structures had been left standing. That nature had already regained 15. At least some of those bells were recovered when the Spaniards returned to San Marcos de Apalachee in 1718. 16. In the preparation of that sketch some of the detail probably was provided by the members of the party who had been in Apalachee before the destruction of the missions. Their presence is indicated by the admiral's remark that those sent out to reconnoiter the villages adjacent to San Luis were guided by persons familiar with the region. Nonetheless, serious questions have been raised as to the reliability of the sketch as a true representation of the orientation of the mission and the relative positions of its structures.

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218 Apalachee control of the village sites is indicated by the admiral's remark concerning the inspection of the nearby villages, "of which were found no more trace than the statement of the guide that in those spots they were situated" (Landeche 1705:82-85). If this statement is understood literally, it would raise serious questions about the claims of early nineteenth-century observers that the out lines of the fort and the crumbled walls of the village structures could still be detected. Indeed, the most specific of these descriptions is the latest one, dat ing from the early 1830s, by General E. Parker Scammon, a U. S. army officer: About three miles from the town of Tallahassee, is the ruin of an old Spanish fort, which in by-gone days bore the name of San Luis. Its site is a ridge of land somewhat higher than the surrounding country, bounded on three sides by a narrow stream of running water, and on a fourth descending by a gentle slope, until lost in the thick mazes of a swampy hammock at its base. The crumbled walls embrace an area of near twenty acres of ground, on which may yet be traced the narrow streets of a small village. Three or four hundred yards to the north of the principal work, and connected with it by a covered passage, is a large square redoubt, with small bastions. The ancient parapet has long since crumbled to a mere mound of earth, and borne trees of more than a century's growth, whose decayed trunks now half fill the ditch at its foot. From the remains of an old postern, a path leads down a steep bank, to a small spring of clear water, which was arranged to supply the garrison, when not confined within the walls of the fort. (Scammon 1840:44) One does not know what credibility should be given to this description of the site, as the remainder of this two-paged article is an almost completely fantasized account of the last days of the fort and the Spanish withdrawal, which does not make even an accidental approximation to the truth on any point beyond the fact that the Spaniards abandoned the post. In a flowery style, Scammon wrote of the fort's having been put under attack and strict siege by the natives, then of a treaty with the natives that permitted the Span ish garrison to withdraw toward the Apalachee coast. He concluded with a description of the massacre of the garrison by the natives, who were incensed by an explosion that killed many of them while they were celebrating their victory within the confines of the surrendered fort (Scammon 1840:44). Not one of those statements is true. Scammon probably recorded what he had been told by Tallahasseans of that era concerning the demise of the fort. The two other specific references to

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San Luis: Village, Fort, and Mission 219 the site, those by John Lee Williams and Captain Daniel G. Burch, which antedate General Scammori's account, are marred by equally garbled tales con cerning the abandonment and destruction of the fort. Both accounts were gar nered from an ancient Indian, who claimed to have been a participant in the war in which the missions were destroyed. Inasmuch as Burch was in Tall ahassee about 1823, the Indian would have had to be at least 119 years old just to have been alive at the time of the destruction of the missions. A point that lends a certain credibility to General Scammon's 1833 description of the site is his account of his return to the site in 1865. He remarked that the features he had noted earlier were no longer visible, as both the site and the land around it had long been a cotton field. The preliminary archaeological work carried out in 1984-1985 also suggests the possibility that the village had narrow streets laid out in a grid pattern like that which Scammon had described (Shapiro 1985a: 13, 18). In 1892, reminiscing about the two visits, Scammon wrote: The plan of the work was a square of about one hundred and fifty feet, with a small bastion at one of the angles. The walls had been formed of adobes that now appeared to be only mounds of hard earth, perhaps ten feet wide across the top, and two or three feet higher than the terre-plein. ... On two sides the outer faces of the work were flush with the steep slope of the bluff. On the other two the ditch was yet some two or three feet deep. Though but a few yards distant from a post road, the old fort was completely hidden from it by the foliage of shrubs and trees. (Boyd 1953:466) After reproducing this passage, Boyd observed that Scammon "also de scribed a depression in the earth which appeared as a prolongation of the ditch to the northwest, traceable as far as the Ochlockonee River." He continued, "Although he [Scammon] interpreted this as a covered way to the fort and hence related to the fortification, it more likely was the eroded course of the former Spanish trail to Escambe." Such a depression is still visible on the south-facing slope on the west side of the San Luis property. Boyd noted fur ther that Scammon "told of slight linear depressions, regularly spaced and parallel, about thirty feet wide, visible through the open wood, crossed at right angles by others similar, identified as the streets of a town occupying a large area." Boyd theorized that the "clay wall observed by Scammon was doubtless the banquette backing of the posts of the palisade" and commented further: Of the various early observers of the San Luis site, Scammon furnished the only particulars relating to the detached village area to the south-

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220 Apalachee ward of the stockaded blockhouse. His mention of crumbled walls (evi dently of another banquette) about the village area, which was con nected with the blockhouse by a covered passage, would indicate that orders conforming to Governor Zuniga's memorandum were prepared and executed, and that as executed, the supplemental fortifications were more extensive than originally contemplated.(1953:466-467)17 The richness in the details provided by Scammon's account, the seeming conformity of some of those details with the instructions issued by the Span ish governor, and the fact that some of the features he describes can still be recognized suggest that some part of his description of what he saw in the early 1830s is reasonably accurate or at least worthy of being considered in the archaeological investigation of the site. John Lee Williams and Captain Daniel E. Burch are the authors of the other two early nineteenth-century descriptions of the San Luis site by men who are known to have visited it. At various times Williams described the site as situated on a commanding eminence at the north point of a high narrow neck of highlands surrounded by a deep ravine and swamp On a commanding hill about half way from Oclockney to Talla hassee. The south line of it measured 71 paces, the north 55, the east and west ends about 46. It had bastions near the angles, and in the spring about 50 feet down the ravine, east of the works, we discovered the breach of a six-pound field piece, and near it another piece of the same dimensions, from which the muzzle was broken. Fort St. Lewis was situate [sic] two miles west of Tallahassee. Its form was an irregular parallelogram; the eastern and longest side was 52 paces. Within the moat, two brick edifices had been erected; one sixty by forty, the other thirty by twenty feet. There were bastions at each corner. The outward defenses are extensive. A covered way led to a spring, in a deep ravine, under the northeast wing of the fort. Here we discovered two broken cannon, one of them having only the muzzle broken off; this has been removed to Tallahassee, and again wakens the echoes of the distant hill on days of rejoicing. Many articles of old iron have been discovered about this old ruin. Before it, trees and grape 17. The orders referred to are those ordering the building of a stockade around the church and convent and another connecting that complex with the stockade around the fort. The crumbled walls around the village, of course, might simply be the collapsed walls of the houses and not a banquette.

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San Luis: Village, Fort, and Mission 221 vines grow, in the order in which they were planted: the rows are dis tinctly traced, although overrun with a more recent forest. (Boyd 1939:265-266, 1951:2-3; Griffin 1951:140; Williams 1827:33) The following are Burch's impressions from his visit to the site a few days after Williams's visit there: Fort St. Louis, at least its ruins, situated about 6 miles east of Ockolockony, and N. by W. 25 miles from St. Marks. This place has more the appearance of having been a fortified town than a mere fortification. Fort St. Louis was built on an elevated spot of ground around a hollow, from the bottom of which issue 2 springs that furnish an abun dant supply of water, but which after running but a few yards, again sink into the ground. One of these on being opened by Captain Burch, dis played the wooden box or trunk in which it had been enclosed; they were overshadowed by a beautiful live oak tree. (Boyd 1951:3) Griffin reproduced another anonymous description of the site that was written in 1825: At Fort St. Louis, about 2 miles west of Tallahassee, have been found remnants of iron cannon, spikes, hinges, locks, etc., which are evi dently of Spanish manufacture, and which have not been much injured by the rust. Within the principal fort, for the outworks seem to have been nu merous and extensive, are the ruins of two brick edifices, one was about 60 feet by 40, the other was about 30 by 20. These are in total ruins, and nothing but a mound appears where the walls stood, composed wholly of broken bricks, which have been composed of a coarse sandy clay and burned in the modern fashion. Yet on the very walls of these buildings are oaks 18 inches in diameter. On the same hill, and in fact within the outworks of this fort, are to be seen grape arbors in parallel lines, which still maintain their pristine regularity. (Griffin 1951:141) Even a hasty perusal of these early nineteenth-century accounts and the comparison of them with Admiral Landeche's description of the site reveals that they both agree and disagree on a number of important details. Among the differences, the most significant involve the size and shape of the palisade surrounding the blockhouse. Both the drawing and the dimensions provided by Landeche indicate a regular rectangle, 238.63 feet long on the north and

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222 Apalachee Williams Palisade *!**, r&S$ /-Landeche Palisade o Landeche -J Blockhouse -Williams Blockhouse iNonn 0 40 Feet Fig. 9.2. Fort palisades and blockhouse drawn in accord with the dimensions given by Landeche (1705) and Williams (1827). south sides and 131.6 feet long on its west and east sides. When those dimen sions are used to draw the rectangle to scale, the result is a rectangle that is much more oblong than the one provided on Landeche's map (see fig. 9.2). In the drawing on the map the proportion of the two axes is roughly 3 to 2; in the dimensions given by Landeche it is 9 to 5, indicating a structure that is almost twice as long as it is wide. Williams described the palisade as forming an irregular parallelogram with a south side that was 52 feet longer than the north side. In one statement Williams portrays the east and west sides as of equal length, which would be possible only with a trapezoidal figure. In a second statement, the one in which he described the fort as an irregular parallelo gram, he stated that the eastern side was about 20 feet longer than the western one. Using either of Williams's sets of dimensions, the resultant figure is con siderably less oblong than the one indicated by Landeche's dimensions and, of course, is not a rectangle. Scammon does not appear to have measured the

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San Luis: Village, Fort, and Mission 223 palisaded area, which he described as a square of about 150 feet. The differ ences between these descriptions of the size and shape of the fort are such that they can be resolved only by archaeological exploration of the site. The other major difference between Landeche's and Williams's descrip tions centers on the blockhouse. Landeche described and portrayed it as a single building 85 feet by 57.5 feet faced with palm posts backed by clay bricks with a double layer of planks on its roof. Williams and the anonymous observer (who might well have been Williams) saw the remains of two structures, one 60 by 40 feet and the other 30 by 20 feet (Griffin 1951:141; Williams 1827:33). Both described the structures as made of brick, but the anonymous observer added the detail "burned in the modern fashion."18 Although the overall length and width given by Williams approximates that of the structure described by Landeche, Williams's blockhouse would have a definite jog in its profile, where the smaller building abutted the larger one (following John W. Griffin's suggestion that the appearance of their having been two buildings resulted from the use of bearing walls within the block house to support the roof; Griffin 1951:143144). The resolution of this difference also will have to await the thorough archaeological exploration of the site. One other divergence of some significance involves the palisades other than those around the blockhouse. Landeche's map shows no other defense features except for what appears to be a stockade around the church. The descriptions left by Burch and by Scammon suggest that there were rather exten sive fortifications in the village area as well. Burch remarked that "This place has more the appearance of a fortified town than a mere fortification." Scam mon referred to the village as the "principal work" and indicated that it was connected to the fort by a "covered passage" (Boyd 1951:3; Scammon 1840:49). Although that expression is susceptible to various interpretations,19 it suggests that the governor's orders for the building of a stockade to connect the church complex with the fort may have been carried out. It is worthwhile to note Scammon's observation that the palisade on two sides of the fort was on the edge of a steep decline and that he saw a moat only on two sides of the fort (Boyd 1953:486). One might infer from it that the steep fall-off of the terrain 18. Scammon, on the other hand, agrees with Landeche in describing the bricks as adobes, while the soldier Fuentes portrayed the interior walls as made of mud or clay, which could be an imprecise way of saying adobes. 19. Some have suggested an open or covered trench that would provide shelter from the attackers' fire or one whose approaches could be swept by fire from the fort. The most obvious is a stockade. The diagram for the 1718 fort at St. Marks uses that name, covered passage, to designate the open parade area immediately behind the stockade around the fort.

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Fig. 9.3. The Stuart-Purcell map of 1778.

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San Luis: Village, Fort, and Mission 225 either rendered the moat unnecessary on those two sides or led to such erosion from the clay of the banquette as to fill the moat in the century and a quarter that had elapsed since the destruction of the fort. The absence of a moat on the west side would also offer a possible explanation for failure during the 1948 site exploration to find the west moat with the test trench that was dug.20 Perhaps the most surprising comments of the early nineteenth-century ob servers are the statements that "trees and grape vines grow, in the order in which they were planted: the rows are distinctly traced, although overrun with a recent forest," and that "in fact within the outworks of this fort, are to be seen grape arbors in parallel lines, which still maintain their pristine regu larity" (Griffin 1951:140-141). Presumably the statements had some founda tion in fact or in the perception of the observers, but they are difficult to accept in view of the relatively short life span of fruit trees and in view of the propen sity of unpruned grapevines to form tangled masses of foliage. One would expect that over 120 years many other trees would have grown up to break the pattern and to shade out the less vigorous fruit trees. The eighteenth-century visitors to the San Luis site, after Landeche, pro vide almost no data concerning its appearance. Diego Pefia, who stopped there overnight in 1716, recorded only that he had killed two buffalo there. Lieutenant Pittman visited the site in 1767 and observed about the former fort only that "One can trace out the ditch and theire remains many broken pieces of Ordnance, and an entire bell was taken from thence some little time since by the Indians" (Boyd 1934:117, 1949:18). The location of the village and fort is indicated on the Stuart-Purcell map of 1778 (fig. 9.3), which shows the main trail passing about one mile to the north of the San Luis site. However, a lesser trail branches off the main one about two miles northwest of San Luis, passing by or through the northern edge of the site to connect it with the Semi nole town of Tallahassee Taloofa, which appears to have occupied the site of 20. Another possible explanation is that the test trench dug in 1948 did not extend far enough west to cross the west moat. If I have correctly interpreted Griffin's comments in Here They Once Stood, that may be the case. If Griffin was correct in assuming that his Square 0 was in the east moat, the 180-foot east-west line he marked off from Square 0 plus the 35 feet of trench that was dug westward from the west end of that 180-foot line added up to only 215 feet. At the south wall of the palisade, if one accepts Williams's figures, the east and west palisades were 230.75 feet apart. According to Landeche's figures, the distance between them was 238.63 feet. This distance seems to leave that 1948 trench shy of the west moat, particu larly when one takes into consideration the fact that the distance from the middle of one moat to the middle of the other would be a few feet more than the distance from palisade wall to palisade wall, which Williams's figures presumably represent. There is also the uncertainty as to whether the paces in which Williams calculated the distance represented a standard mea sure or the space that he covered in one step. The results given by the latter could fluctuate considerably, depending on the length of a person's legs and the vigor of his stride.

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226 Apalachee present downtown Tallahassee, astride the Monroe Street ridge from the capitol complex northward. About two-thirds of that Seminole settlement appears to have been north of the southern branch of the Pensacola-St. Augustine road. Perusal of the few published sources dealing with the Tallahassee region during the Second Spanish period proved to be unrewarding. I have not had the opportunity to consult the voluminous archival sources for that period in the P. K. Yonge Library. However, the observations of Bruce Chappell on the scope of those records suggest that they might be a fruitful source of addi tional information on the San Luis site and the sites of some of the other mis sions as well as on human activity in the area during that period.

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Chapter 10 Alienation and Demoralization, 1682-1702 THE SUDDEN collapse of Spain's Apalachee mission system in 1704 before a relatively small force of Englishmen and their native allies resulted from a series of developments from the early 1680s to 1702 that had left the natives of Apalachee alienated and demoralized. Among those factors five were espe cially prominent. One factor was the irrational conduct of Antonio Matheos, the governor's deputy in Apalachee at the start of this period. Another was the steadily in creasing demand on the Apalachee's time, labor, and resources for military and exploratory missions to the west, northwest, and north and for special fort and shipbuilding projects. These demands increased an already heavy and growing burden associated with the labor repartimiento. The third factor was the growing economic competition from and oppression by the Spanish settlers in the province and the governor's restrictions on trade with the Apalachicola. The fourth was the frequently unfulfilled promises to remedy the abuses of which the natives complained. And, last, on the eve of the final attacks came a disastrous rout of a sizable Spanish and Apalachee force that had been dispatched to avenge an Apalachicola attack on the Timucua village of Santa Fe and the Apalachicola's murder of three Apalachee traders. Although the Apalachee probably had reasons enough for discontent be fore the 1680s, their experiences under Antonio Matheos and the governor's deafness to their complaints gave a special edge to that discontent. On at least one occasion Matheos pushed the inhabitants of San Luis to the verge of re volt. His perennial brutality and tyranny impelled a considerable number of the Apalachee to seek refuge among the Apalachicola rather than endure the insults and the cudgelings that he administered so freely, with little provoca tion and without respect for the status of his victims. In one of the most unset tling of these incidents Matheos clapped into irons two of San Luis's principal 227

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228 Apalachee leaders, Matheo Chuba and the inija, Bi Bentura, when they asked for permis sion to go to St. Augustine to complain to the governor about his deputy's conduct. Only those leaders' calming of the agitated Indians who came to ask what they should do and the intercession of some of the Spaniards prevented a possibly serious incident. On separate occasions Matheos directed obscene and insulting words at Matheo Chuba that the latter affirmed left him speechless. After calling a general assembly of the caciques and other leaders, Math eos addressed them as rogues, liars, and cuckolds on learning that those chiefs had written to the governor asking for his removal.1 In fits of anger he often struck caciques and Indians alike about the head with a club that he was accus tomed to carry with him (Solana 1687a:22-23, 28-29, 31-36, 38-39).2 The arbitrariness of his conduct is reflected in the testimony on several of these incidents: And that on one occasion the said lieutenant, Antonio Matheos, said that everyone had to come out for the preparation of the fields and for the work of sowing, and that he had learned that the people had not gone out for it, and that the said governor ynixa was to blame, and that, if in the future the Indians missed the said work, he would hang him. And that some days later, when the said lieutenant was walking alone far from the house of His Majesty, the Indians' night patrol, seeing him one night at mid-night, told him in the council house that they had come upon the said lieutenant and that having challenged him, who goes there, he had not replied, and that then they had approached and recognized the said lieutenant, and that, after having heard the major chacal of the King, he said to the aforementioned lieutenant, your person is the talk of the Indians who met you alone at night. For which the said lieutenant ordered the summoning of the said witness and said to him that they had dared talk about him, which no one was to do, and chastising him with a walnut club, he injured and cracked his head. And that on another occasion the said lieutenant had told him to look for corn for some persons to plant and that the said witness had responded that he did not have any or know whence to look for it. To which he repeated, then go look for it because I order it. And the said ynixa again repeating that he did not have any to spare, he told him to give what he 1. Interestingly, similar charges were made against Guale's lieutenant less than a decade later during the 1695 visitation, and that lieutenant's arbitrary actions led similarly to flight by Guale and Yamasee. 2. The testimony against Matheos's intolerable conduct was given by both Spaniards and Indians.

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Alienation and Demoralization, 1682-1702 229 had in his house. And the said witness replying that if he gave the little that he had, I could not plant for my family. At that the said lieutenant ordered three soldiers to take the corn that he had in his storehouse. And the said soldiers, seeing that it was little, left it, telling him, we will tell the lieutenant that you did not have any. (Bentura 1687:37-38) The sheer volume of the complaints against Matheos forced Governor Juan Marques Cabrera, who had appointed him, to send an inspector to inves tigate them. That he had intended it to be a mere formality to protect himself rather than a serious investigation is indicated in remarks by the man ap pointed to conduct a second investigation into Matheos's conduct: In the city of San Augustin of Florida on the 23rd day of the month of April of the year 1687, the notary, Alonso Solana certifies that on the 18th day of the month of September of the past year of 1686, the captain and sergeant-major, Juan Marques Cabrera, delivered to me an auto provided by His Excellency ... for the inquiry and for the presentation of witnesses, among whom was one Matheo Chuba, an In dian leader of the said province of Apalache, who, on being questioned declared that all the natives of the said province were very unhappy with the said lieutenant because he treated them badly which testi mony, on being seen by the governor moved him to call in the sergeantmajor Domingo de Leturiondo, and in great anger and annoyance he ordered him to reject the said testimony and that the Indians were to be asked to express their opinion only on whether the said lieutenant pre vented them from hearing Mass and attending Christian doctrine and whether he had removed some fiscals from the villages, and, that they were not to be asked anything else, with the said declaration by the said Matheo Chuba remaining in the hands of the sergeant-major. (Solana 1687b:28-29) Shortly after this episode the governor, who was engaged in a controversy with the friars as well, panicked and fled to Cuba. These actions led to the reopening of the investigation under his interim successor and to the removal of Matheos from his post. Two threatening problems that probably contributed to keeping the gover nor and his deputy on edge and led to incessant demands for the Indians' labor were the growing influence of the English from South Carolina on the Apalachicola Indians of the Middle Chattahoochee River, who were nominally vas sals of the Spanish monarch, and the reports of French activity along the Gulf coast and in the lower reaches of the Mississippi valley. To check on the

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230 Apalachee French, Matheos ordered the building of a galliot on the Tacabona River. Al though the Indians who did the carpentry were paid one real a day for their labor, the timing of the project and the haste with which it was launched im posed a severe burden on them. One of the soldiers stated under oath that "it was a considerable hardship for the natives and the other persons who worked on building the galliot; for the said carpenters, he knows, went down to work with their own tools and without food supplies for some days and that between twenty and thirty of the said natives went down to carry the lumber from the forest being absent from the sowing of their fields" (Matheos 1687a:77; Romo de Urisa 1687:22-23). Matheos's report on the expenses associated with this project gives no indication that those who cut and carried the lumber were paid. Work on the galliot was suspended before the vessel was com pleted, and it was never resumed. The Indians eventually removed the nails it contained. To search for the French, Governor Cabrera dispatched Marcos Delgado in August 1686 on an overland trek that was launched from the village of Escambe in Apalachee. The Apalachee contributed 40 warriors under Chief Alonso Pastrana, the head chief of Patale (Boyd 1937:5-6; Marques Cabrera 1686b, 1687a). It is possible that the Apalachee were asked to supply some porters as well.3 In a futile attempt to capture the English traders who began to appear in the Apalachicola towns along the Chattahoochee in 1685, Matheos made three forays into that territory, two of them launched in the last four months of that year. On the first he was accompanied by 250 Indians from Apalachee and on the second by 600. On the second expedition, and probably on the first as well, the Apalachee chiefs supplied the foodstuffs for this force at their own expense. Frustrated by his lack of success in capturing the English traders and angered by the steadfast refusal of the leaders of four of the principal Apa lachicola towns to meet with him or sever their contacts with the English traders, Matheos burned those four towns and destroyed their stores of food. He had wanted to do so on the first expedition but had been dissuaded by the Apalachee leaders and Spanish soldiers with him, who argued that such dras tic action would bring retaliation in kind against Apalachee, particularly be cause one of the towns was Caveta, the village of the head chief of the Apala chicola (Bolton 1925a: 119-124; Guerrero 1687:104-105; Jorge 1687:110-111; Luxan 1687:111-113; Ramirez 1687:108-110; Solana 1687b; Vera 1687:107-108). Before the end of the decade two more expeditions into the Apalachicola country were made, for a total of five (Bolton 1925a: 123-124). 3. Sabacola, apparently procured from the village located near the juncture of the Flint and the Chattahoochee, were the only ones mentioned as serving as porters.

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Alienation and Demoralization, 1682-1702 231 During the same period when the Apalachee were placed under these de mands, they were also bearing an increasing burden under the labor repartimiento. The building of the stone fort at St. Augustine was under way, and pestilence had sharply reduced the native populations of both Timucua and Guale. During the 1680s the flight of the remaining natives in Guale and the attacks of the English and their Indian allies forced Spain to abandon the tradi tional Guale territory. By 1690 the northernmost Guale mission was on Ame lia Island (Wright 1981:111-112), so Apalachee bore the brunt of St. Au gustine's demand for labor for the fort and for the farms of its soldiers and settlers. The expansion of the garrison at San Luis and the growth of Spanish ranching in the province meant additional demands for labor there as well. Nonetheless, the Apalachee chieftains were so relieved to be free of An tonio Matheos and so contented by the new governor's conciliatory gestures toward them and the Apalachicola that they allowed themselves to be per suaded in 1688 to build a substantial wooden blockhouse at San Luis and a stone watchtower at St. Marks on the coast at their own expense, except for the tools, which the governor was to supply (Chiefs of Apalachee 1688; Quiroga y Losada 1688c). But the mismanagement of even the blockhouse project led to friction and discontent. A substantial quantity of wood was cut and made into planking for the structure. But before work could begin, the governor resolved to deal with the problem of the Apalachicola's continued contacts with the English traders by placing Spanish soldiers and Apalachee warriors along the middle Chattahoochee in their midst. There, after two months of labor in 1689, a hundred Apalachee carpenters completed a block house protected by a moated stockade. It was staffed with 20 Spanish soldiers and 20 Apalachee warriors. After an initial pretense of acquiescence to the demands that they sever their contacts with the English, many of the Apalachicola in those villages moved eastward to settle with the Uchee on Ocmulgee Creek to be closer to the English settlements and to escape Spanish supervision.4 As a result of this 4. In a 1953 article introducing some new documents from the era of the destruction of the missions, Boyd noted that it has been the common belief that this move eastward by the Apalachicola represented a general exodus of the natives from the Chattahoochee River valley. He suggests that the emigration was limited to the four towns burned by Antonio Matheos in 1685. Although some of the Apalachicola remained on the Chattahoochee in the early 1690s, the migration to the Ocmulgee River seems to have involved a greater number of towns than the four suggested by Boyd. A 1708 document drawn, up by South Carolina's Council re ported the existence of 11 towns on the Uchisi River. The continued presence of some of the Apalachicola on the Chattahoochee is suggested by incidents that took place in 1701 and 1702. A Spanish and Apalachee force that set out in October 1702 to retaliate for affronts by the Apalachicola headed for the Chattahoochee River, not to the Ocmulgee region as had the 1695 retaliatory expedition. The Apalachicola force that it encountered had been dispatched

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232 Apalachee move they began to be known as Creek among the English and eventually as Yuchi or Uchisi among the Spaniards, from the name of the Chisca settlement that they found already established there; it became a member of the Creek Confederacy. Before long the governor withdrew his forces from the Chat tahoochee, ordering the destruction of the fort, even the filling in of the ditch. With their antipathy toward the Spaniards and the Apalachee thus reinforced, the Apalachicola joined the Yamasee in an active war against the missions of Apalachee and Timucua that would culminate in the almost complete destruc tion of the missions slightly more than a decade later (Bolton 1925a: 124; Quiroga y Losada 1690a; Torres y Ayala 1696:21-22). The arrival of the next governor in 1693 brought renewed labor demands. He proceeded to Apalachee from Mexico to organize a large overland expedi tion to Pensacola Bay and points beyond it, for which the Indians were called upon to provide warriors, porters, and trailblazers (Torres y Ayala 1693a: 230-232). The following year, in retaliation for the frequent raids made by the Apalachicola, and particularly as a reprisal for a recent attack on the Chacato village of San Carlos on the Apalachicola River in which 42 Chris tian Chacato had been carried off, a force of 400 Apalachee and seven Span ish soldiers moved against the Apalachicola. They found all but one of the villages abandoned and torched (Torres y Ayala 1695). The new governor res urrected the plans for the building of a blockhouse at San Luis. The lumber cut earlier had decayed so new wood had to be cut, but by mid-1697 the block house had been completed (Boyd, Smith, and Griffin 1951:20-24). By the 1690s, probably earlier, the growth of Spanish ranching activity, especially in the western reaches of Apalachee province, created a number of economic problems for the natives. In some villages their crops suffered se verely from the free-roaming stock from the ranches. At times the Spanish settlers demanded work from the natives without paying them for it, and occa sionally they even carried off native women to work on their ranches against their will (Florencia 1695; Hinachuba 1699:26-27; Zuniga y Zerda 1700a: 30-32). Before the expansion of the Spanish settlements, a number of enter prising Indians had conducted a flourishing trade in ham, bacon, lard, nuts, and other produce of the province. The Spanish settlers not only began to compete with the natives, but they also forced many of them to sell their produce at low prices, gradually excluding all but the most powerful from the trade with St. Augustine (Leturiondo [1700]; Royal Cedula 1702; Zuniga y from the Chattahoochee River town of Achito. The fact that Achito had just hosted a general meeting of the chiefs of the Creek Confederacy suggests the continued presence of a consid erable number of Creek towns in that region (Solana 1702; Romo de Uriza 1702; Boyd 1953: 468-472).

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Alienation and Demoralization, 1682-1702 233 Zerda 1700:30-32). Both Governor Torres and his successor dispatched a special visitador to investigate the reports of abuse of the natives. The man chosen for both missions was related to a number of the offending ranchers and monopolists as well as to the lieutenant, so the native leaders were reluc tant to voice their complaints to him. Although Governor Joseph de Zuniga in November 1700 ordered his lieutenant to see that all abuses ended, the con tinued complaints of the native leaders and their friends within the Spanish community indicate that little was done. The orders for the redress of these grievances were ignored by royal officials with family ties to the offending parties (Ayala y Escobar 1698; Hinachuba 1699:26-27; Ponce de Leon 1702:27-29). On his second mission the inspector not only did not try to remedy matters but also sharply restricted the potential for renewed trade be tween the Apalachee and the Apalachicola and other non-Christian tribes with whom they had just celebrated peace treaties in part for this purpose (Ayala y Escobar and Solana 1701:33-34; Hinachuba 1699:26-27). An atrocity committed by one of the well-connected Spaniards in Apalachee, Francisco de Florencia, contributed directly both to provoking the Apa lachicola attack on Apalachee and to demoralizing its inhabitants. While on a buffalo hunt with 40 Chacato, Florencia encountered a band of Indians com ing to Apalachee from Taisquique to trade buffalo skins, deerskin shirts, and other goods. Learning where the Indians intended to spend the night, Floren cia and his party fell upon them at midnight, killing 16 of the 24 and carrying off the goods that they had intended to trade. On returning to Apalachee, Flo rencia brought the stolen deerskin shirts to Ayubale to be painted. In reporting this atrocity early in 1699, the chief of Ivitachuco prophesied, "It is certain that the deed is such that all of us will have to pay for these activities" (Hinachuba 1699:26-27). It was probably no accident that when the major assault on Apalachee was launched in 1704, Ayubale was the attackers' first target, even though it was not the most exposed or accessible of the mission villages. The episode that seemed to contribute most to the demoralization of the province was a disastrous rout suffered by its forces in 1702. In retaliation for an Apalachicola attack on the Timucuan mission village of Santa Fe and the earlier murder of three Apalachee traders, a band of 800 Apalachee led by a Spanish officer and accompanied by a few Spanish soldiers set out to attack Apalachicola towns along the Chattahoochee. En route they fell into an am bush set by a band from Apalachicola province that was on its way to attack Apalachee and were defeated disastrously. Only 300 of the Apalachee re turned directly from the fray, and they had had to leave most of their arms on the field of battle. After that disaster the expedition's leader reported that, counting both the boys and the old men, he could now muster only about

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234 Apalachee 1,500 fighting men; he had few arms to equip them, and their morale was low because they expected additional attacks by the Apalachicola (Romo de Urisa 1702; Zuniga y Zerda 1702). On the same day as the ambush, the governor's deputy in Apalachee ex pressed serious concern about the defensibility of the province because its vil lages were so spread out and the houses in each village were scattered widely over a circumference of three or four leagues. In a "circle-the-wagons" pro posal, he advised moving the small frontier village of Bacuqua to a point closer to San Luis and similarly suggested relocating Escambe to a site be tween Tama and Tomoli, one league from San Luis. He also mentioned plans for building a stockade around San Luis. Additional concern about Bacuqua and Escambe grew out of the report of a Christian Chacato woman who had escaped from Achito. She reported that the Apalachicola leaders intended to make those villages their first targets in a projected attack on the province (Al buquerque 1703; Solana 1702). Boyd says that the lieutenant's recommendation to move those two villages seems to have been carried out. He based his conclusion on the 1705 depiction of the fort and village of San Luis and the surrounding terrain by a member of Admiral Landeche's party. It seems to place Bacuqua to the southeast of San Luis rather than north of it, as it is known to have been at an earlier time (Boyd, Smith, and Griffin 1951:plate I). Boyd also based his judgment on the remark by Manuel Solana in July 1704 that Escambe was then within cannon shot of San Luis (Boyd 1953:460-461). If this depiction is accurate, then it appears that Bacuqua had been moved, as suggested by the lieutenant. Ques tions have been raised, however, that throw serious doubt on the assumption that the drawing was meant to be an accurate depiction of the locations of the identified features. The orientation of the San Luis site in relation to Apala chee Bay and to the points of the compass seems to have been distorted by 180 degrees. Not much can be based on the remark about the location of Escambe beyond the fact that the village had been moved eastward from a location west of the Ochlockonee that it had occupied in 1693. Although the inhabitants of Ayubale, the first village attacked by the Apa lachicola in 1704, resisted heroically until they ran out of ammunition, aliena tion and demoralization took a toll on the inhabitants of most of the rest of the Apalachee villages, facilitating the work of the attackers. News of the Apala chee's discontent traveled as far as Charleston. When Colonel Moore broached his plan to attack Apalachee, the South Carolina authorities were encouraged by reports of serious disaffection toward the Spaniards among the Apalachee. The authorities ordered Moore to induce as many Apalachee as possible to relocate voluntarily to British territory by offering them their freedom rather than simply killing or enslaving them, as Moore seems to have contemplated initially. In response to that offer, the entire population of at least two villages

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Alienation and Demoralization, 1682-1702 235 went over to the English-led invaders without a fight. The chief of Ivitachuco bought temporary safety for his people by delivering the church plate and a quantity of foodstuffs to the attackers. Tortures inflicted by the Indians allied with the English on prisoners induced more Apalachee to desert to the invaders, further lowering the morale of the remaining Spaniards and Indians. On the eve of the final major encounter during the second campaign in June 1704, the Indians refused to face the enemy unless the Spaniards agreed to fight with them on foot. In the heat of the battle, a rumor among the Apalachee warriors that the enemy was encircling them caused most of the Indians to abandon the field. So mistrustful did the surviving Spaniards become of their erstwhile allies that most of the Indians who straggled back to the blockhouse at San Luis seeking refuge were turned away unless they had come in the company of a Spanish soldier (Boyd 1951:15-19; Solana 1704a:50-55). The best illustration, perhaps, of the alienation and demoralization among the Apalachee at the time is the frank exchange of views between some of the native leaders and Manuel Solana, recorded by the latter after this second at tack and defeat. Seeing that many of the surviving natives were fleeing to the woods to escape a rumored third invasion, Solana addressed them, warning them that in fleeing to the woods they were going forth to perish. He sug gested that if they wished to leave their lands and property, they would do better to go to the vicinity of St. Augustine, driving their cattle before them. He assured them that the governor would welcome them, if he wrote propo sing this move, and would provide them with lands there. He recorded their frank response: To all of which they replied to me that they were weary of waiting for aid from the Spaniards: that they did not wish merely to die; that for a long time we had misled them with words, [saying] that reinforcements were to come, but they were never seen to arrive; that they know with certainty that what the pagans say, will happen as they say, because all that they have said up to now has been done and that if we do not believe what the pagans say, that we who remain in the blockhouse, they well know, remain to die; that if they go, it will not be to the Spaniards, and if they remain until the return of the enemy, it will be in order [to go] against us, and they will burn us within the blockhouse, while they escape with their lives. (Solana 1704a:50-55) Without any apparent rancor, the Spanish authorities, in ordering the abandonment of the province, acknowledged the justice of that statement: It has also been found that the Indians have been justified in saying they have been expecting one confusion after another, as a consequence of

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236 Apalachee the promises made to them that help would be sent them shortly. Up to this time none has arrived, for none of the promises made them could have been fulfilled. In the repeated invasions made in this region during three years, there have been more than three thousand killed, and a great number of captives have been carried off. (Council of War 1704:56-59) Spain was not in a position to send aid, even if it had wanted to. It was wracked by the War of the Spanish Succession, both a civil war and an inter national war involving Europe's major powers, over whether a French Bour bon or an Austrian Hapsburg would control Spain and the resources of its empire.

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Chapter 11 Indian and Spanish Interaction and Acculturation WHEN FLORIDA'S mission system was destroyed at the start of the eigh teenth century, this corner of Spain's far-flung empire was well on its way to ward the formation of its own culture based on the fusion of Spanish and aboriginal elements. Had the Creek and Carolinian attacks not ended the pro cess so abruptly, Florida's native contribution probably would have had a dis tinctly Apalachee flavor because of the preponderance of the Apalachee among Florida's surviving mission population in 1700. I will look in some detail at this inchoate new culture and at the nature of the contacts between the two cultures that produced the mix. The principal Spanish agents for the modification of the native culture were the friar and the soldier, though the Spanish settlers probably had some influence as well. The mechanism of the natives' influence on Spanish culture in the region is more difficult to define. In part, certainly, it resulted from the isolation and poverty of Florida, the small size of the Spanish population, and its reliance on the natives for domestic service, construction work, and agri cultural labor. To some degree, especially in the more remote areas such as Apalachee, native influence probably flowed from the fraternization between the Spanish soldiery and the native leadership element. In other parts of the Spanish and Portuguese New World, the intermarriage or cohabitation of the Iberian male and the Indian female was a major source of the cultural crossfertilization that has given much of Latin America its distinctive character. For Florida as a whole, and particularly for Apalachee, the role of such al liances in this process is unknown, inasmuch as data concerning the incidence of mestization is virtually nonexistent. The initial contacts between the two ethnic groups in the first half of the sixteenth century gave no inkling of such an outcome. The Apalachee re mained steadfastly hostile to the brutal soldiery of both the Narvaez and the de 237

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238 Apalachee Soto expeditions, showing a single-minded determination to expel the intruders. From his contacts with the Apalachee not long after de Soto's departure, however, Fontaneda saw something in their attitude or character that induced him to make a remarkably accurate prediction. Among all of the Indians of the Southeast of whom he had become aware, the Apalachee seemed to him to offer the best prospect as candidates for Christianization and incorpora tion into the Spanish world, if properly approached (d'Escalante Fontaneda 1976:38). One can only speculate about what moved some of the Apalachee in the first years of the seventeenth century to ask that missionaries be sent to live among them. The desire for European goods probably was an important factor and another likely was their loss of faith in the adequacy of their view of the cosmos in the wake of the decimation of the population by the diseases intro duced by the European and the African. There are indications that the chiefs saw Spanish support as an opportunity to enhance their control which had probably been weakened by the demographic disasters of the preceding cen tury. To the degree that the chiefs functioned as priests, their power would have been undermined because of the erosion of faith in the old ways pro duced by those disasters. The formal process of acculturation began in 1608 with the visit of the first friars to Ivitachuco on a mission of peace, but acculturation probably re mained localized and minimal in its impact until some years after 1633, when the first permanent missions among the Apalachee were established. Thus, any significant blending of the two cultures had progressed for only a little more than half a century before disaster struck in 1704. During those years, the most important Spanish influence resulted from the natives' contact with the Franciscan friars. The term used to denote the principal mission station in each district, doctrina, is indicative of the cultural exchange function exercised by the friars. In a narrow sense the word means the place where the catechism and other basic Catholic beliefs were taught to the Indians. In a broader sense, however, the root of the word indicates that the friars of the doctrina were primarily teach ers seeking to indoctrinate the natives in the rudiments of Spanish civilization, of which the Catholic faith was a basic ingredient. Their teaching encom passed much more than religion, extending to the natives' agricultural prac tices and resources, language, mores, mode of dress, conduct of war, and other matters. Not unexpectedly, Spanish influence on the natives appears to have been most intense in the realm of religious belief and practice. Taken out of con text, an embittered friar's complaint in the late 1680s that the Apalachee had no appreciation of the faith or sense of the law of God and never would might

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Indian and Spanish Interaction and Acculturation 239 lead one to believe that the friars had little impact (Friar at Bacuqua 1687). The testimony of the French, however, who had contact with the Apalachee emigres from San Luis and Escambe at Mobile, indicates that in the practice of their new faith the Apalachee were almost thoroughly acculturated and scarcely distinguishable from Europeans who had been Christians for cen turies ([Bienville] [1726]:536; McWilliams 1953:133-135). It is probable that the emigres from those two villages along with those from Ivitachuco and possibly Oconi, were the most acculturated of the Apala chee because of their contact with the Spanish soldiers and the friars, and in San Luis and some of the other westernmost missions there was additional contact with the Spanish ranchers during the last quarter of the seventeenth century. Ivitachuco probably owed its high degree of acculturation in part to its early Christianization, from 1608 to 1612, to the use of much of its male population in a rotating labor force on the Spanish ranches of Timucua and in St. Augustine, and to its close contact with western Timucua, which had al ready been Christianized before the formal launching of the Apalachee mis sions in 1633. A confident grasp of the essence of the new faith was reflected in the Ivitachuca chief's assessment in 1657 that their current pastor's foment ing opposition to the soldiers contradicted the message and example of charity to all given them by their previous pastor, Fray Pedro Mufioz (Rebolledo 1657a:100-101). In material matters, the Spanish intrusion had its greatest impact in agri culture, not as much in changing the natives' methods of farming or their basic crops as in enriching them. Because of the Spanish influence, the na tives added many new cultigens to their diet and learned new activities, such as the raising of chickens, dairy farming, and animal husbandry in general. No exhaustive work has been done yet to identify the exotic cultigens brought to Apalachee by the Spaniards, but there is archaeological or documentary evidence for the introduction of wheat, barley, chickpeas, European greens, various aromatic herbs, peas, sugarcane, garlic, peaches, pears, medlars, figs, pomegranates, quince, and European grapes (Boniface 1971:123; Castilla 1740; Leturiondo [ 1700]:200-201). Bolton's remark that most cultivated plants then known to Europeans were introduced to the Spanish missions can probably be applied to Apalachee (Bolton 1917:57). The natives seem to have been introduced to the production of chickens and hogs early in the mission period. Indeed, once peace had been established between them, the Apalachee probably began to secure hogs and chickens by trade with the Timucua. It is not clear whether Apalachee was already in the market at mid-century, but the fall of the price of hogs to the four-peso level by 1651, when the stock of Governor Ruiz de Salazar's farm was sold off, suggests that it may have been.

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240 Apalachee Cattle seem to have been slower to arrive. That they were introduced be fore the arrival of the Spanish settlers at San Luis in the 1670s is indicated by export statistics for the middle of that decade, which reveal that Apalachee exported 150 hides and 3,800 pounds of tallow to Havana in 1675. By 1681 the number of hides exported had risen to 700, and in the same year more than 5,000 pounds of tallow were sent to Havana from Apalachee (Boniface 1971:200). One of the friars in Apalachee is mentioned as owning stock at some time before 1657 (Rebolledo 1657a:97-98). Governor Ruiz de Salazar's farm on the border of Apalachee in the last half of the 1640s had a consider able number of hogs, cattle, and plow oxen. In view of the farm's proximity to Ivitachuco, it is possible that some of the hogs were sold in Apalachee. Rais ing chickens and hogs appears to have become widespread among the natives, but the degree to which the ownership of cattle spread among the natives be yond the leadership class, at least on any significant scale, remains unknown. In July 1704, Manuel Solana, in a speech to persuade the remaining natives to withdraw with him to St. Augustine, did mention that they might bring their cattle (Solana 1704a:50-55). The only reference to the production of salted beef and to the manufacture of cheese involves a Spanish rancher from Bacuqua, but some of the natives likely became familiar with these processes as they worked on the Spanish ranches (Delgado 1693:254). The natives were already familiar with smoking and drying meat over a fire, but with the introduction of hogs they also be came acquainted with the use of salt in combination with smoking in the pro duction of ham and bacon. They learned to manufacture lard and butter, and they probably learned the technique of producing jerky if they did not already know it. Although there is no mention of goats or sheep in Apalachee, these ani mals were so much a part of Spanish agriculture that it seems likely that they were introduced. Some had been brought to St. Augustine as early as 1567. On the basis of a 1686 report that the Indians had become proficient in making cordovan leather, Boniface concluded that goats had been introduced in at least one of the missions (Boniface 1971:200). Horses were probably the last domesticated animal to be introduced into Apalachee in any quantity, and apparently they were never numerous. While organizing his overland expedition to Pensacola Bay in 1693, Governor Torres remarked on the scarcity of horses in Apalachee, but most of the approxi mately 70 horses that accompanied the expedition came from Apalachee (Torres y Ayala 1693a:229, 231). Horses were numerous enough in the prov ince in the 1690s to have become an item of trade with the Apalachicola (Ayala Escobar and Solana 1701:33-34; Bushnell 1979:6; Zuniga y Zerda 1702:36-38). The ownership of horses by Apalachee's leadership class is in-

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Indian and Spanish Interaction and Acculturation 241 dicated clearly in the 1694 visitation. One of the civil complaints at Escambe involved the village chief's sale of three horses to one of the Christian Chacato Indians temporarily housed in his village as refugees. Shortly after the turn of the century the governor reported confidently that the 25 horses he had asked the chiefs to furnish for sale to the Crown for a cavalry company would arrive shortly. The visitation record also reveals the existence of communal herds of cattle as well as ownership by individual natives (Florencia 1695). The degree to which the introduction of iron led to the replacement of the natives' wooden or stone farm tools is not clear. The metal hoe (more like the modern mattock) replaced the Indians' wooden tool for digging (Boniface 1971:123), and metal axes and knives seem to have come into common use. The degree to which oxen and the plow were used for turning the soil also remains unclear. On his 1693 trip from Tomole to San Luis, Friar Rodrigo de Barreda mentioned passing through a district furrowed with ploughed fields two leagues from Tomole (Barreda 1693:265). These may have belonged to Spaniards rather than to natives, but the use of the term digging Indians to designate the natives sent to St. Augustine to plant for the soldiers there seems to indicate that, on the whole, they continued to follow their traditional prac tices of tilling the soil even when working for the Spaniards. In addition, the involvement of most of the village work force in the planting of the fields for the maintenance of the priest, for the adornment of the church, and for meet ing community welfare needs points to the persistence of the traditional methods, even for relatively large operations in which the use of oxen and the plow would most likely have replaced them (Bentura 1687:37-38; Roque Perez 1687:32-33). Little information has surfaced concerning the friars' influence in intro ducing the Apalachee to new crafts and skills. A certain amount of ironworking was done in the province. Anvils are known to have been used in some of the villages, and nails, spikes, and tools for construction projects were made on site; but it is not clear whether the blacksmiths were Indian or Spanish. The two blacksmiths who made the hardware for the fort at San Luis were not identified; neither was the maker of the hardware for a galley-building project on the Tacabona, despite the identification of all the Indian carpenters on the project by name and by village of origin (Boyd, Smith, and Griffin 1951:23; Matheos 1687a:77). Inasmuch as nails and spikes were used in building churches and convents, some natives must have learned simple blacksmithing when church building was at its peak. Speaking in a general sense about such activity in more distant mission areas, Governor Quiroga (1687-1693) ob served that the merest beginnings of forges or blacksmiths' shops had been established by the natives many years earlier to eliminate the need for going to St. Augustine to repair small iron tools, but that the natives' poverty prevented

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242 Apalachee them from expanding the shops into more ambitious operations (Quiroga y Losadal688a:221-223). Apalachee is not mentioned specifically as the site of a forge, but in view of its distance from St. Augustine and our knowledge that nails, spikes, and tools were made there, it appears likely that it had a forge or two. That the natives were already familiar with the hammering out of objects made of cop per would have facilitated their acquisition of these additional metal-working skills. They were sufficiently interested in nails, either to use on their struc tures or to rework into something else, to travel to the coast to salvage the nails used in the unfinished ship on the Tacabona. We know that the Spanish presence led to some enhancement of the Apala chee 's skill in tanning leather. Before their contact with the Europeans, the Indians of the Southeast, in general, possessed considerable skill in the dress ing of skins. De Soto's companions spoke with admiration of the well-tanned multicolored skins used by the natives to make moccasins, leggings, and breechclouts. In order to produce soft and pliable leather, they scraped and soaked the skins in water and then treated them with the cooked brains of a deer or some other animal. This treatment produced a fine white leather, but it had the drawback of being unsuitable for exposure to moisture, which caused it to harden and shrink on drying. To be used in moist circumstances, such skins required further treating by smoke and dung. This treatment produced a durable but smelly leather which provoked one European observer to remark that the odor was so unpleasant as to discourage even a rat from gnawing at such skins unless it were blessed with a good stomach (Swanton 1946: 442-447). Swanton's account of the natives' skin-dressing skills does not indicate whether the use of tannin from tree bark was familiar to the Indians before their contact with Europeans. He mentioned their use of water in which red oak bark had been boiled but did not reveal whether the practice had pre historic origins. The natives were not familiar with the use of oil for softening leather (Swanton 1946:335, 443). We can presume that the Apalachee pos sessed similar skills to those characteristic of other natives of the Southeast before the arrival of the Europeans; Narvaez, for example, encountered painted deerskins from Apalachee in South Florida (Nunez Cabeza de Vaca 1964:12-13). Governor Quiroga identified Apalachee as one of the places where some of the natives had acquired the art of producing fine leather and leather of the cordovan-type for making shoes. The raw material was in such short supply in the area, however, that none of the natives practiced the trade on a regular basis. Instead they processed leather only as they needed it for themselves or when there was some demand for it. Quiroga observed that this locally pro-

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Indian and Spanish Interaction and Acculturation 243 duced leather was used by some of the soldiers to make shoes (Quiroga y Losada 1688a:221-223). There is some question as to how widespread this skill was in Apalachee. A request in 1703 by the governor to his deputy at San Luis for 40 tanned hides brought the response that such hides for making shoes were not to be found in the province because enemy incursions had re moved those who possessed that skill (Solana 1703:41). Apalachee chieftains Don Patricio of Ivitachuco and Don Andres of San Luis several years earlier gave a different reason for the departure of at least one tanner. They com plained to the king that the deputy-governor and the Spanish settlers at San Luis had compelled the mico of La Tama, whom they characterized as new in the faith and skilled in tanning, to prepare skins for them without paying him for his work, and that, as a consequence of this injustice, the said chief had deserted to the English (Hinachuba and Andres 1699:24-26). In commenting on the hides exported from St. Marks and other parts of Florida in the 16741694 period, Boniface speculated that they were almost certainly unpro cessed, noting that most were referred to as cueros al pelo (probably raw hides with the hair on) (Boniface 1971:203, 219). These comments about the tanners indicate that, particularly for the dressing of the skins of wild animals, the Apalachee continued to employ the traditional methods with which they were familiar. The friars sought to introduce the Apalachee to the technique of weaving cotton cloth so that they might protect themselves from the winter cold more adequately and dress more decently. The Spanish authorities repeatedly re quested the importation of either Tlascalans or Indians from Campeche to im part this skill to the Apalachee, remarking that cotton was already being grown in the province. But no Indians were dispatched from Mexico for that purpose, despite the Crown's approval of the suggestion on at least one occa sion. What little cotton was grown was produced as a curiosity for amusement or for spinning into thread. The Indians of the Southeast possessed a rudimentary form of weaving but had not developed the shuttle (Council of the Indies 1702; Hita Salazar 1678a; Leturiondo 1673; Royal Cedula 1676; Siguenza y Gongora 1693:162-167). In his description of the Indians encountered at Pensacola Bay, Father Si guenza y Gongora mentioned seeing balls of yarn made from buffalo hair and a well-woven sash made of the same material (Siguenza y Gongora 1693:162-167). The Apalachee doubtless possessed similar skills, but that was the limit of their weaving skills. By the end of the mission period, yarn was one of the products occasionally exported by Apalachee. In January 1703, the governor asked the lieutenant to send him about 600 skeins of coarse yarn along with a number of other items. The lieutenant replied that the yarn was being made and that as much as could be readied would be sent with the labor detail that

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244 Apalachee would be dispatched for St. Augustine's spring planting (Solana 1703:41-42). Bishop Calderon characterized the mission Indians in general as "clever and quick to learn any art they see done, and great carpenters as is evidenced in the construction of their wooden churches which are large and painstakingly wrought" (Diaz Vara Calderon 1675:12). The Apalachee had a reputation as good carpenters. Their placement of the huge major support posts for the San Luis council house reflects both skill and precision. The profiling of two of the postmolds of these deeply rooted posts reveals a difference of only two cen timeters in the distance above mean sea level of the base of these tree trunks (Gary Shapiro, personal communication, May 22, 1986). Much of their skill in working with wood probably antedates the mission period, but it was no doubt enhanced by the acquisition of new iron and steel tools such as the saw, the adze, augurs, and chisels. These new tools do not seem to have altered the natives' methods of constructing their own buildings. The Apalachee's basic architectural styles appear to have remained unchanged through the mission period, but in the building of the churches and convents they followed Euro pean models to some degree. These buildings were rectangular rather than round, like the natives' houses and lodges, and were multiroomed in contrast to aboriginal building styles. Iron nails and spikes were used to fasten together the framework, and hardware such as locks and sliding bolts were attached to the doors of these structures as were metal hinges (Morrell and Jones 1970; Smith 1951a, 1956:56-60, 62-66). Beyond these changes, even these European-inspired structures generally followed the native building style, relying on wattle and daub for the lower part of the side walls and interior partitions and thatch for the remainder of the wall and for the roof. Occasionally, however, planking was used for one or more of the walls. Some of the lumber left over from the building of the fort at San Luis was used by the Indians to build a number of houses for the Span iards in the village (Hinachuba and Andres 1699:24-26; Morrell and Jones 1970:33, 36). In some cases, a stucco finish was applied to the exterior por tion of the wattle and daub wall and then painted white with a coating of lime (Morrell and Jones 1970:35). Without making it clear whether he is talking about a specific group, Alonso de Leturiondo reported that it was the Indians' custom to decorate the walls of their lodges and churches with great natu ralness with multicolored murals depicting their battles and their stories (Leturiondo [1700]). Lime-whitened walls would have provided an ideal background for such artwork. That the Apalachee were accustomed to paint ing on deerskins suggests that their aesthetic impulse also found this outlet. Timucua appears to have been the source of many of the pigments used in the murals, however. Leturiondo noted that the natives extracted "very fine and light powders of all colors which they use to make pigments" from a place

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Indian and Spanish Interaction and Acculturation 245 called Aramazaca on the hacienda of Dona Luisa de Los Angeles y Argiiellez (Leturionda [1700]: 201). For the floors of the church and the convent the na tive practice of using hardened packed clay was followed. Not enough archaeological work has been done on the natives' dwellings and council houses of the mission era to examine the extent of European influ ence on building techniques. Except for the work begun at San Luis early in 1985, no council house of the period has been excavated to establish whether any European novelties were used in these native structures (B. Calvin Jones, personal communication, April 19, 1984). The excavation of San Luis's coun cil house has revealed no nails or spikes. The relative scarcity and cost of metal in Florida probably prevented any widespread use of these items in na tive building projects. The San Luis council house has the configuration of the classic Creek rotunda (Shapiro 1985b; personal communication May 1986). The Spaniards had little impact on the making and use of pottery by the natives. In contrast to the English from Carolina, as Boniface noted, the Spaniards did not supply metal cooking and food utensils to the natives as trade itemsnot surprising inasmuch as the use of earthenware vessels was still a part of the Spanish culinary tradition (Boniface 1971:188-189). Indeed earthernware vessels were still being used for shipping and storage, for ex ample, the famous Spanish tinaja, or olive jar, was used for shipping wine and oil. Accordingly, this area is one where the Spaniards borrowed from the natives, adopting their cooking utensils as well as the foods that were prepared in them. This adaptation is reflected in a letter by the commandant at St. Marks in the mid-1740s mentioning the arrival there of two formerly Christian Sabacola women. He noted that they were of invaluable assistance to the gar rison in making native pottery and in gathering food such as oysters and po tatoes (Montiano 1756). As reflected in this instance the Spaniards' adoption of the natives' cooking and eating utensils was also to some degree a conse quence of the poverty of Spanish Florida and the Crown's failure to keep it adequately supplied. Although missionization did not lead to the displacement of native pot tery, Spanish influence did bring about some changes in it. A distinctive pot tery style linked to the Apalachee missions (but found beyond the borders of Apalachee as well) reached its full development during the mission era. It is known as Leon-Jefferson Ware for the two counties whose boundaries today enclose most of the Apalachee's territory. Initially thought to have belonged exclusively to the mission period, Leon-Jefferson Ware is now believed to antedate the mission era in some of its important characteristics. The annular ring type of base used in various pottery types of Leon-Jefferson Waresuch as Miller Plain, Jefferson Plain, and Mission Red Filmedand the vessel forms on which it was used (plate and bowl) are direct copies of the European-

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246 Apalachee inspired majolica-ware from Mexico found in association with it. The pitcher form and the Miller Plain pitcher handles were also copied from Spanish models. Hale G. Smith observed that it is difficult to say whether these types of vessels were wheel-made (Smith 1951c:26; 1956:63-64, 112, 123-127, 1968:316-319). There apparently is no direct evidence for the introduction of the potter's wheel among the Indians of the region (James Miller and Gary Shapiro, personal communication, April 9, 1984). Other types of clay vessels produced here during the mission period show clearly the natives' continued use of the traditional coil method of manufacture (Smith 1951b: 165-166). There is evidence that some of the pottery made during the mission period was harder than that made earlier, indicating the introduction of improved fir ing techniques. In some cases, there was a decline in the aesthetic quality of mission-era pottery, but, as noted, it was to be expected because this feature was intimately linked with aboriginal tribal lore and religion (Smith 1951a: 129, 1956:26). This decline was not, however, universal. Some attribute it to the disruption of clan ties and traditional village organization that resulted from the Spanish intrusion and from the rapid population decline and to the fact that women (who were the pottery makers) were forced to look beyond the usual sources for their mates (Gary Shapiro, personal communication, October 1984). In contrast to the neighboring Creek, who, under English influence, largely replaced the traditional bow and arrow with firearms, the Apalachee's traditional weapons were not displaced by those of the Spaniards. For most of the warrior class the primary weapons remained the bow and arrow and hatchet. Spanish officials sharply restricted the natives' access to firearms, but there has been a tendency to overplay the effectiveness of their control. The unsupervised trade between Havana and Apalachee provided the Apala chee with significant quantities of arms. Probably all of the native leadership had access to firearms, but the majority of the warriors continued to rely on the bow and arrow. The makeup of the 1677 anti-Chisca expedition probably indicates the degree of the spread of firearms among the Apalachee: 30 of the 190 warriors carried firearms (Fernandez de Florencia 1678). At least two of the leaders had become sufficiently familiar with their guns to have become good marksmen. When the Apalachee started toward home, a Chisca force appeared on the trail. With one shot each, Don Bernardo from Cupaica and Bi Bentura of San Luis killed two of the enemy and put the rest to flight. By 1700 the Apalachee had become familiar enough with the use of firearms to prompt Alonso de Leturiondo to remark that, although their prin cipal weapon was still the bow and arrow, which they handled with great skill, "today they use firearms as do the Spaniards, and, in Apalachee, they main-

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Indian and Spanish Interaction and Acculturation 247 tain their arms as well as do the best trained officers" (Leturiondo [1700]: 199). In the final encounter in 1704 between the Spanish and Apalachee force and the English-led Creek invaders, 93 of the Apalachee warriors carried fire arms and only 60 were archers (Solana 1704a:50-55). Leturiondo went on to remark that the Apalachee "also use some hatchets that they bear attached to the leather belt worn about the waist [en lapetrina] with which they remove the scalp of those whom they kill" (Leturiondo [1700]:199). It is likely that, because of the Spanish influence, that hatchet was often iron rather than stone or that, when an iron hatchet was lacking, an iron or steel knife was used for scalping. There is evidence that a favorite in strument for scalping was a scalpel made from a sharpened reed. The impact of the Spanish authorities' condemnation of the practice of scalping is difficult to evaluate. In the expedition against the Chisca, the Apa lachee leaders were able to restrain their warriors from scalping their victims, but as late as the end of the seventeenth century scalping was still being prac ticed by the Timucua, who had been exposed to European influence for a con siderably longer period than had the Apalachee (Garcia 1695:172 ff.; Zuniga y Zerda 1701:35). As Leturiondo noted, scalping was still in use among the Apalachee as well in 1700. In response to an incident of Timucuan scalping, the governor issued a general order forbidding the practice in the territories under his jurisdiction and specifically mentioning Apalachee as one of the provinces to which this order was directed. As the public display of scalps was closely linked to entry into and advancement within the warrior class, the governor ordered that some other criteria be established for the recognition of warriors' achievements (Zuniga y Zerda 1701:35-36). Equally difficult to assess is the validity of Willey's suggestion that the Apalachee were easily defeated by the Creek led by Moore because "the old war patterns were probably extinguished or suppressed" (Willey 1949:489). From the establishment of the missions among them until the English arrived in South Carolina, the Apalachee had an unwonted period of peace. Undoubt edly, that they were no longer constantly honing their skills as warriors had some impact on their confidence and expertise. But from the 1670s on, they had been blooded repeatedly, and, until the attacks that led to the obliteration of their villages, they do not seem to have been wary of taking the field to seek redress for grievances. In 1700, Alonso de Leturiondo could still write that "The Indians of those provinces, and principally the Apalache, have been and are the most valiant of all those lands. They are so bloodthirsty that, if some Indian from their village is killed by one from another, they do not rest until they revenge the killing either on the one who did it or on someone else from his village" (Leturiondo [1700]: 199-200). The introduction of Christi anity and European civilization doubtless had some effect in diluting the Apa-

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248 Apalachee lachee's warrior spirit displayed so boldly against de Soto and Narvaez in the sixteenth century. Moore's easy victory in 1704, however, was more the result of the Apalachee's inferior firepower and their demoralization from the recent defeat on the Flint and the report of the tortures inflicted on those taken pris oner at Ayubale. In addition, they were greatly outnumbered because they could not bring together in one place their still substantial number of warriors. It is not possible to ascertain the degree to which Christian teaching and the Spanish emphasis on legalism curbed the practice of family, clan, or vil lage retribution for the death of a fellow tribesman. In the formal visitations of the provinces, one of the questions often addressed to the chiefs was whether they had any unpunished crimes such as murder or concubinage to report. Invariably the answer was no. The chiefs' complaints usually involved civil matters or abuse of power rather than crimes of violence or offenses against societal sexual mores. There was one exception, a case, associated with the 1695 visitation of Timucua, involving a scalping that may have been a murder. If it was murder, it was not for revenge. If it was not murder, it indicates that the custom of seeking private justice, even for relatively trivial affronts, was still alive but had been modified to express itself through the Spanish legal system. This interesting case was touched on briefly by Bushnell in her article on Don Patricio de Hinachuba. A Timucua named Santiago from Potohiriba brought to his village a scalp he claimed to have taken from one of four Creek warriors he had encountered in the woods. He was soon accused of having removed it instead from the head of a putative Chacato woman. Accepting the argument advanced by Santiago's public defender, Bushnell suggested that the missing Chacato woman was invented by Don Patricio and the Apalachee who committed perjury for him and that the murder charges were trumped up by Don Patricio to strike back at Santiago. Shortly before this incident, Santiago had stripped some poachers from Don Patricio's vil lage of two bearskins and grease from animals taken on lands belonging to San Pedro. Don Patricio sought to retaliate by leading a number of his warriors into San Pedro to seize from Santiago property equivalent to the lost bearskins and lard. Santiago had rallied enough support from his fellow villagers to thwart Don Patricio's designs. The record of the trial inquiry left me in doubt about whether the story concerning Don Patricio was the invention of a pettifogging public defender or whether, indeed, the Chacato woman was real and had been murdered by Santiago so that he might add another scalp to his bow. When Santiago first appeared with the scalp and his story of its origin, the governor's deputy at Santa Fe appears to have been sufficiently suspicious to launch the investiga tion that provided Don Patricio his opportunity for revenge, if that is what it was (Garcia 1695,172 ff.; Zuniga y Zerda 1700a).

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Indian and Spanish Interaction and Acculturation 249 A disturbing feature of the case is Don Patricio's investigation into it that paralleled and meshed with the inquiry conducted by the lieutenant for west ern Timucua. Don Patricio sent an Ivitachucan to Potohiriba to investigate the case, and this man followed Santiago himself as a witness in the lieutenant's inquiry. Machaba similarly sent an agent to Potohiriba to look into the matter. He found what was believed to be the remains of the Chacato woman at the arroyo called Ygiura Yvita, one league west of Potohiriba on the trail to Ma chaba. The testimonies against Santiago by the Machaban leader and Don Pa tricio's agent were among the most damning. The record of the inquiry at tached to the Florencia visitation does not indicate the outcome of the trial, but testimony given in 1700 by a number of witnesses during Governor Torres's residencia shows that Santiago was found guilty and was serving a sentence of forced labor at St. Augustine for the crime. One hopes that this judicial inquiry was typical of investigations into other crimes or conspiracies, that other prosecutors and public defenders did their work as zealously as they had here, and that other records will come to light to provide valuable insights similar to those provided in this case. This instance shows that Florida's natives had become sufficiently acculturated to move comfortably within the Spanish legal system. The persistence of the custom of private revenge for murder is illustrated by an incident in 1705 in which three Timucua killed three of four Apalachee they encountered on the La Chua cattle range. Diego Pefia reported from Potano that two of the Timucua had fled and that the third had sought asylum in the convent to escape the Apalachee who had come seeking revenge (Pena 1706). On a broader scale the revenge syndrome can be seen as a psychological weapon in intertribal relations. When the Apalachacola attacked an Apala chee village or, in 1702, when they assaulted the Timucua village of Santa Fe, the Apalachee felt, as fellow Christians, a need to strike back in order to pre vent similar attacks on their own villages which they felt would follow unless the Apalachicola were punished (Zuniga y Zerda 1702:36-38).l It is not clear to what degree the native practices associated with the preparation for warthe war dance, the black-drink ceremony, the abstinence from food and sexpersisted under the mission regime. Alonso de Leturiondo mentioned one part of the Apalachee's preparations for battle: "To give battle they dress themselves elaborately after their usage, painted all over with red ochre and with their heads full of multi-colored feathers" (Leturiondo [1700]:200). No such preparations are mentioned specifically elsewhere. The account of the anti-Chisca expedition states simply that, when approaching 1. The Apalachicola had recently killed three Apalachee traders in their midst, a definite consid eration in the Apalachee's decision to strike back.

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250 Apalachee the enemies' palisaded village, "[we] pulled off the trail to a high place to prepare ourselves, to inspect our arms, to pull ourselves together, and all we leaders joined together in consultation concerning what we should do" (Fer nandez de Florencia 1678). In the record of preparations for the expedition, there is no mention of any of these elements. The one practice recorded as having survived was the pep talk or harangue by the Indian leaders to their troops. On the first day of their march out from San Luis, they stopped for a time upon reaching the Ochlockonee to assess their strength and to be ad dressed by their leaders, who reminded them that they were men capable of defending their villages, women, and children and assured them that, because they were Christians, God and his most holy mother would favor them in the upcoming battle. After 18 days on the trail, they found the palisaded village of the Chisca, Chacato, and Pansacola during the night, and their leaders ad dressed a second exhortatory message to them just before the attack at about three in the morning. The influence of the Spanish crusading approach to war and of the mission is reflected in the banner that led them into battle: it was emblazoned on one side with the crucifix and on the other with a portrait of Our Lady of the Rosary, to whom there was apparently a special devotion at San Luis (Fernandez de Florencia 1678).2 The Spanish influence on the native warrior is reflected in the title of the leader of the native militia in most of the villages: captain in the Spanish in fantry, a title of which they apparently were intensely proud. In some cases it was the chief who bore that title, but at San Luis and Ivitachuco it appears to have been held by a leading man other than the chief (Fernandez de Florencia 1678; Rebolledo 1657a). No friar is shown to have accompanied that 1677 expedition as chaplain. In the other military events on which we have detailed accounts, the friars are recorded as playing significant roles. Fray Angel de Miranda directed the defense of Ayubale, and Fray Juan de Parga addressed a lengthy sermon in Apalachee to the troops just before their unsuccessful coun terattack against the forces of Colonel Moore. In 1704, the friars accompanied the forces into battle (Cruz 1705:74-75; Zuniga y Zerda 1704a:48-50). By the time of the destruction of the missions, the Apalachee's speech had been influenced considerably by Spanish. The French who met the emigres in Mobile described them as speaking a mixture of their native tongue and Span ish. Some of the literate leadership, such as the royal interpreter, Diego Sal vador, and the chiefs of Ivitachuco, were probably fluent in Spanish. Con-2. As they were about to attack, the native leaders reported seeing a great light about as high as a man and with a blue spot in the middle. Some sources view this episode as a reflection of the natives' belief in the miraculous. However, it is recounted matter-of-factly with no such ex plicit implication. And indeed it worked against them, as it enabled one of the Chacato sen tinels to spot them and sound the alarm.

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Indian and Spanish Interaction and Acculturation 251 versely, some of the Spanish soldiers, such as the lieutenant in Apalachee in the 1670s, Juan Fernandez de Florencia, were fluent in the native tongue. Many of the friars, on the other hand, do not seem to have become proficient in the language, making necessary the use of interpreters for hearing confessions, teaching catechism, and performing other clerical duties. This failure was a frequent complaint of the governors (Ferro Machado 1688; Higginbotham 1977:194; Quiroga y Losada 1690b). Acculturation led many among the leaders in Florida to abandon the use of their native surnames. More of the leaders in Apalachee seem to have clung to their native names than did those in Timucua. Thus, long after Christianization, one encounters Patricio and Bernardo Hinachuba, Matheo Chuba, Pedro Osunac, and Nicolas and Feliciano Tafunsaca to balance Alonso Pastrana, Juan Mendoza, and Diego Salvador. Among the ordinary Apalachee, preser vation of the native surnames appears to have been the rule, again in contrast to other Christianized groups. The first census after the destruction of the missions, in 1711, showed all but one name in the Apalachee village near St. Augustine to have a native component (Corcoles y Martinez 1711). There was no effort made to force the natives to learn Spanish, a fact reported critically by a visitador in 1688 who lamented that the friars were teaching religion classes to the natives in their own tongue rather than in Spanish (Ferro Ma chado 1688). Medicine appears to have been one field in which the Apalachee resisted acculturation rather persistently. They continued to have recourse to the shaman and sowed a field for him despite the condemnation of these practices by the Spanish authorities. As late as the 1694-1695 visitation, it was found necessary to issue a regulation stipulating that the caciques were "not to con sent to, tolerate, or conceal curing after the pagan manner; and they are not to sow or dig the field for such curanderos as is the practice" (Florencia 1695: 87-88). This continued recourse to the shamans is not surprising in view of the epidemics of European-introduced diseases that swept through the mission villages and in view of the fact that the Europeans probably had little to offer them that was any more effective. Alonso de Leturiondo mentioned two medicinal herbs as the most impor tant in Florida, royal and white itamo and one called chitubexatica by the natives. Everyone carried the latter while traveling, he affirmed, because of its efficacy in promoting the healing of various types of wounds no matter how deep or numerous they might be (Leturiondo [1700]: 200). A century earlier itamo was mentioned apparently under the name "Royal Guitamo" as indige nous to Tama and Ocute in the Georgia piedmont (Mendez de Canzo 1600). In the other parts of the Spanish New World, mestization was a principal source of acculturation of the natives and of their loss of their identity as In-

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252 Apalachee dians. There is little concrete information concerning the incidence of this phenomenon in Apalachee. One suspects that some so-called natives, like the royal interpreter Diego Salvador, who bore exclusively Spanish names, held Spanish military commissions, and were literate and bilingual, may have been the product of an alliance or marriage of a Spanish soldier and an Apalachee woman from one of the tribes' leading families.3 The Spaniards' evident ad miration for the Apalachee would seem to have fostered such alliances. Such a background gave a son the opportunity to become fluent in at least two lan guages or even more if his father were posted to St. Augustine or to the Gualean or Timucuan garrisons, to learn to read and write, and to become rather thoroughly Hispanicized after the fashion of the Inca Garcilaso de la Vega. The only positive references to such mixing of the two groups are of the most oblique character. One of the friars' arguments for removing the soldiers from Apalachee was the suggestion that the presence of unmarried soldiers made the natives concerned for their wives and daughters, while the presence of soldiers with families increased the natives' labor burdens. One of Lieuten ant Matheos's criticisms of the Apalachee men was that, when their wives were caught in adultery, they were not men enough to take vengeance on the offender; rather, once the offender had been officially chastised for his misdeeds, the husband often went home arm in arm with the one by whom he had been cuckolded as though nothing had happened (Matheos 1687b:50 ff.). The most direct reference to this phenomenon is the enigmatic remark by the Apa lachee emigres in Mobile that among the French they were masters of their wives in a fashion that they had not been among the Spaniards (Bienville 1706:25). Sexual mores seems to be one area in which Christianization considerably modified what was regarded as acceptable behavior. There are few references to the customs and taboos of the Apalachee on this subject, but their ethical standards are likely to have been similar to those of their neighbors, about some of whom we have more concrete information. The free-wheeling con duct associated with the dance on the night before the raising of the ball post permitted the men to touch and fondle any women who were there, suggesting that in pre-Christian times the Apalachee probably shared the relaxed sexual mores and weak marriage bonds attributed to the neighboring Apalachicola, to whom they were related culturally (Hawkins 1982a:62). Among the Creek there were no taboos against premarital sex; adultery was forbidden, but 3. It should be noted, however, that the Spaniards were usually careful, particularly in official documents, to designate one's ethnic status correctly. A mestizo would not normally be re ferred to as an Indian. In fact, generally, even a thoroughly acculturated Indian ceased to be referred to as "Indian." He became a "Ladino"; it signified one who was ethnically Indian but culturally European.

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Indian and Spanish Interaction and Acculturation 253 the marriage bond was fragile and divorce easy to obtain. Unsatisfactory marriages were dissolved easily at the time of the Green Corn ceremony (Hudson 1976:200, 232). The existence of polygamy among the neighboring Chacato was illustrated dramatically by the 1675 revolt in the Chacato missions. It was provoked by an overzealous friar's imprudence in stripping a newly converted Chacato of three of his four wives (Hita Salazar 1675a). It is likely that similar customs prevailed among the Apalachee before they were thoroughly Christianized. Some lapses from the new ethical standards are hinted at occasionally in the visitation records in statements that deny the existence of any such prob lems at the time of the visitation and indicate that, when they do arise, the village leaders deal with them promptly. This close control and the assessment by the French that the Apalachee were proper Catholics indicate a rather com plete acculturation in this respect. It seems to be indicated as well by the fre quent complaints recorded in the 1694 visitation by wives whose husbands were away working in other provinces (in one case for ten years) who re quested that the absent husbands be required to return to their villages to re sume their conjugal obligations. In response the visitor decreed that in the future, married Apalachee men were not to work outside of the province and established a heavy fine for caciques and lieutenants who tolerated this prac tice (Florencia 1695). The Spanish impact on many of the complex and central features of Apa lachee culture and society remains unknown because the matter received no attention or earned only the most fleeting reference in the available docu mentation. A prime example is the clan system and the role it played in ques tions of peace and war, in the choice of marriage partners, and in the deter mination of the divisions within the towns. The system did not receive even passing mention except for the possible reference to it in the ball game manu script noted by Bushnell. There, in the presentation of the challenge to a game, the home team was said to have painted themselves black to represent the dark and strong animals such as the panther, wolf, and bear from which they believed their ancestors had sprung. Father Paiva noted that cuy, or "pan ther," and nita, or "bear," were common surnames at San Luis, and Bushnell speculated that the panther and bear clans may have been the most common clans at San Luis (Bushnell 1978b: 13; Paiva 1676). Father Paiva then ob served that the opposing team would paint itself with different colors repre senting other animals such as the deer and the fox (Paiva 1676). If the ball game played as central a role in the life of the Apalachee as it did later among the Creek, and if it was as intimately connected to the division of the realm of the Apalachee into white and red units as it was among the Creek, then the banning of the ball game would certainly have had an impact. But in the ab-

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254 Apalachee sence of documentary evidence one can do no more than indicate that there was some influence and speculate as to its nature. A little more is known of the impact of the Spanish presence on political organization. Whatever the nature of the areawide authority among the Apala chee before they accepted Spanish overlordship, the creation of the post of deputy governor resident at San Luis definitely brought a change. The deputy governor assumed the role of top political official in the province, and the In dian leaders referred to him as their "war captain." He and the governor who appointed him became the final authorities and arbiters in such situations as determining matters of peace and war, settling questions of disputed chieftainships, moving villages and creating new ones, admitting non-Apalachee groups into the territory, and determining the relations of the Apalachee with their neighbors. In theory the governor's deputy was prohibited from interfer ing with the day-to-day administration of the village, but in practice, in the short run at least, there was probably little to prevent such interference. The complaints elicited by the administration of Antonio Matheos in the 1680s are the best illustration of this interference, although his actions ultimately led to his removal when the governor who appointed and supported him fled to Cuba. In contrast to Timucua and Guale, for which Spanish intervention in the choice of chiefs has been documented (Milanich and Fairbanks 1980:225), there is no evidence of Spanish interference in Apalachee, except possibly in the wake of the 1647 uprising. Disputes over a chieftainship did open the door to Spanish intervention and influence, but in the cases that were recorded the Spanish authorities seem to have been conscientious in consulting the native leaders to assure that the rightful claimant, in accord with the natives' customs, was installed (Florencia 1695; Leturiondo 1678:546-547). Charges of substantial interference by the governor's deputy are few, ex cept in the notorious case of Antonio Matheos, whose conduct ultimately led to his removal. His case does illustrate the helplessness of the native leaders and society, short of flight or revolt, against abuses of power by the governor's lieutenant as long as he had the governor's support. This helplessness is fur ther demonstrated by the unsuccessful efforts of the chief of Ivitachuco to se cure redress for the natives at San Luis from the losses and the abuse inflicted on them by the Spanish settlers there. The Crown's good intentions were no match for the inertia of the bureaucracy and the entrenched vested interests of the Spanish settlers, who had numerous ties of blood and marriage to the local bureaucracy (Ayala y Escobar and Solana 1701:33-34; Bushnell 1979:3-5; Hinachuba 1699:26-27; Hinachuba and Andres 1699:24-26; Leturiondo [1700]; Ponce de Leon 1702:27-29; Royal Cedula 1700:29-30; Zuniga y Zerda 1700a:30-32). The situation in Florida illustrates the validity of the maxim that in dealing with their overseas empire the kings of Spain possessed wide vision but short arms (Spain 1873(3):2055).

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Indian and Spanish Interaction and Acculturation 255 The nature of the relations between the friars and natives and the friars' influence over them deserves special attention because of its pervasiveness. Unfortunately, despite the major role the friars played in extending Spanish control over the region and in effecting acculturation, the documentation for their conduct and its influence is surprisingly scanty. Much of what we have is suspect or questionable, at least in its impartiality, as most of it comes from two controversial governors who were at odds with the friars. One of those governors was removed and placed under arrest by the Crown; the other ulti mately deserted his post. Under both there was serious discontent among the natives and much flight from Spanish-controlled territory. The account of Rebolledo's visitation of the province has the first extensive record of relations between the friars and the Indians. With the exception of two friars who received high praise, the Indian leaders were uniformly critical of the friars they mentioned. In contrast the leaders praised the soldiers uni formly. And, surprisingly, they all endorsed the governor's plan to expand the garrison and build a blockhouse at San Luis. One wonders if the actions por trayed were typical of the conduct of most of the friars, and one suspects that the criticism was orchestrated. Only such a supposition seems to account for the contrast between the angelic behavior attributed to the soldiers and the brutal conduct ascribed to the friars. Keeping these reservations in mind, however, the criticisms of many of the friars probably can be accepted at face value, as portraying their general approach to the evangelization and the ac culturation of their Indian charges. First and foremost, the friars did regard the natives as their "charges" once a mission had been established, that is, they could be given minority status with relation to the friar, similar to that between parent and child. As gente sin razon (people incapable of rational behavior) Indians were consid ered legally as minors and wards of Crown and church (Meyer and Sherman 1979:212). The natives' acceptance of baptism was thought by the friars to allow them further rights over the natives: to establish norms of conduct; to discipline the Indian for departures from those norms; and to prohibit longestablished native customs that were an integral part of his culture, such as the ball game, dances, and the native curing rituals, whenever the friar considered them incompatible with the natives' acceptance of Christianity. This minority status was even used as a pretext for some bullying in the pursuit of these goals and to prevent renunciation of their acceptance of Christianity, once that commitment had been made. The Indians' criticisms also reveal that some friars exploited the natives (at times bordering on the inhumane) to help meet the financial needs of the mission or to bring in supplies they felt they needed or that they simply de sired. The Indians' charges of exploitation are most suspect of being spurious, inspired as they were by Rebolledo. He was accused of serious financial abuse

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256 Apalachee of the soldiers and seems to have followed the tyrants' practice of trying to hide his own crimes by accusing his opponents of similar ones. In outlawing customs such as the ball game and even some innocent dances, some of the friars resorted to ridiculing the natives' customs in the presence of Spaniards. A few of the incidents simply reflect bad temper by the friars concerned. The chief at Bacuqua complained that on one occasion the friar from Patale rudely interrupted a celebration to which Bacuqua's leaders had invited their counterparts from San Luis before they went on to Patale for a fiesta. The friar, he alleged, smashed all the pots of food that they had been preparing and sent the celebrants scurrying, without having warned them that they were doing something evil. At San Luis the chief complained that earlier, when the village's leaders ignored their friars' orders forbidding them to give food to the soldiers, the two friars stationed there upbraided the leaders in a manner that offended them deeply. For violating that order one of the friars had whipped Captain Antonio Garcia, a leading man who was a cousin of the chief, and also had laid hands on the chief himself, attempting to throttle him. The chief concluded with an accusation against the incumbent, alleging that this shorttempered friar had smashed their pots for storing cacina along with the jugs they used for making it, when, on one occasion, they did not prepare his bev erage as quickly as he wished. At Aspalaga the chief complained of an equally short-tempered and vio lence-prone priest, whose outburst was triggered when the village ignored his prohibition of even their lawful dances. The chief charged that the prohibition had been delivered in an uncivil and insulting manner. When the friar came to the principal lodge and found the villagers flaunting his order, he seized a cudgel and used it to shower blows on the ribs of a leading man, the chief's brother-in-law, desisting only when his weapon shattered. When the irate friar kicked the chief, who was seated beside the drummer for the dance, the rest of the Indians prudently took to their heels. The chief also accused the same friar of having ordered the whipping of an Indian to the point that he was bathed in blood, merely because the native, pleading illness, had asked the priest's stew ard to excuse him from delivering a package for the priest to a village in Timucuathis despite the fact that the steward had secured another to perform the chore. At Ocuia the chief arraigned a former pastor, Fray Miguel Sanchez, for avarice, noting that he had shipped the convent's corn supply to Havana, sup posedly to buy furnishings for the convent. Instead the villagers saw it trans formed into trade goods, such as beads, glasses, and knives. He accused the same friar of tying Chief Gaspar, of Ocuia's satellite village of Sabacola, to the door of the church and whipping him abusively for having missed Mass because of illness. Ocuia's chief had noted that, even if the Sabacolan leader

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Indian and Spanish Interaction and Acculturation 257 had not been ill, the proper routine was to bring such a lapse to the attention of the principal chief and the other satellite village chiefs so that they might see to it that he fulfilled his religious obligations. Despite this experience the chief mentioned with regret that Ocuia had not had a resident friar for some time. At Ivitachuco the chief paid tribute to a former pastor, Fray Pedro Munoz, one of the cofounders of the Apalachee mission in 1633. He described him as a priest who had taught them with great love, instructed them that they should love their neighbors as themselves, and set an example by feeding arriving soldiers from his own table whenever the Indians were short of food. The Ivitachucan chief's principal complaint was that the current pastor taught the opposite doctrine, forbidding the villagers to give the soldiers any sustenance and discouraging them from doing any work on the roads that would make the soldiers' passage easier (Rebolledo 1657a:passim). To redress the abuses revealed by the various chiefs, the governor, on completing his visitation of the first village, Cupaica, issued a six-point regu latory code: Indians could not be obliged to carry cargo to St. Augustine with out an order to that effect from the governor, except in the case of bedding and provisions of soldiers dispatched by the governor; no one was to forbid the Indians from voluntarily feeding such soldiers; no one was to prevent or im pede the natives from trading freely with any Spaniard; Indians were to be paid for carrying any goods to St. Marks; no trading expeditions were to be sent to the neighboring non-Christian provinces without the permission either of the governor or of his deputy in Apalachee; no one was to forbid or restrict the natives' licit customary dances or to ban the playing of the ball game at its customary time, as long as these diversions did not interfere with their farm work or other necessary occupations; when caciques and other leaders were guilty of transgressions, their punishment was to be left to the governor; and in the buying and selling of the produce of the land, existing prices were to be maintained (Rebolledo 1657a:89-90). That these regulations were issued at the beginning of the visitation sug gests that the governor, on his journey westward to Cupaica, had already talked with the chiefs of most of the villagesadequate reason for regarding the chiefs' complaints against the friars with skepticism. The complaints against Rebolledo sent to the Council of the Indies indicate that many of Flor ida's Spaniards were terrified by this governor. In many cases the chiefs' com plaints are probably not representative of the everyday conduct of a typical friar but rather an elicited response to a governor who had just executed a number of Timucuan Chieftains for the 1656 rebellion. The governor sus pected that some of the Apalachee chiefs might have been in sympathy with the rebels and let it be known that he was ready to forgive and forget; he also indicated that he would be pleased by any horror stories concerning the be-

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258 Apalachee havior of the friars that the chiefs might offer (Council of the Indies 1657a, 1657b: 130-135; Rebolledo 1657a:89-90). For the next quarter of a century there do not appear to have been any similar complaints voiced against the friars. The only mention of mistreat ment of the Indians occurs in a 1664 note by various friars complaining of the soldiers' continued presence in Apalachee and alleging that their principal function has been to conduct trading expeditions to the non-Christian tribes for the benefit of the governors. This trade, the friars maintained, placed a heavy burden on the natives who were required to serve as porters and caused considerable discontent on their part (Franciscan Friars 1664). During the 1677-1678 visitation of Domingo de Leturiondo, the natives voiced no com plaints against either the friars or the soldiers.4 There were three principal issues to which Leturiondo directed his attention: the renewal of the orders for the extinction of the Apalachee's ball game; the restriction of the natives' free dom to move their domicile from village to village, requiring them to obtain the lieutenant's permission for such moves, unless they wished to move to Bacuqua; and the setting up of schools in a number of the villages for the education of the children (Leturiondo 1678). During the governorship of Juan Marques Cabrera, from 1680 to 1687, the volume of complaints of clerical mistreatment of the natives rose once more. The main burden of this governor's complaints involved the friars' pun ishment of chiefs and leaders, as well as ordinary Indians, by whipping and the friars' imposition of unpaid labor on the natives beyond what was required to meet the needs of the community. Whipping was the penalty for transgres sions as trivial as missing Mass on Sunday (Marques Cabrera 1683, 1687b; Royal Cedula 1681). On one occasion, the governor charged, an Apalachee Indian at Oconi died of a whipping ordered by Fray Bias Robles (Marques Cabrera 1686a). The governor also complained that some of the friars in this era were still bent on curbing the natives' penchant for dancing (Marques Cabrera 1683). Marques Cabrera's regular successor, Governor Diego de Quiroga y Losada, continued to criticize the friars' treatment of the Indians. He charged the Father Provincial, Pedro de Luna, with having sent some Indians from Ivitachuco to St. Augustine as cargo bearers without giving them any food or money for the journey. He complained of the indiscriminate use of whipping as a punishment, alleging that the brutality of Fray Domingos Santos, pastor at the village of Tama in Apalachee, had virtually depopulated that mission. 4. Perhaps, more correctly, the complaints that they made were not recorded. In the 1694-1695 Florencia visitation there is mention that in 1677 during the visitation the depredations of Marcos Delgado's cattle had elicited complaints from the natives whose crops were destroyed by those cattle. These complaints do not appear in the record from 1677.

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Indian and Spanish Interaction and Acculturation 259 He also mentioned that three friars (one of whom served in Apalachee) had been withdrawn from their missions for firing shots at their terrified parish ioners (Quiroga y Losada 1691a). In the 1694-1695 visitation, however, the natives themselves voiced no such complaints against the friars. In the one incident involving punishment that was recorded there, the chief of Patale complained that an Indian named Niquichasli Adrian had prevented him from punishing some women. On ad mitting that he had done so, Niquichasli justified his action by pointing out that the matters for which the chief had wanted to punish the women were trivial ones. He revealed that it was actually the priest who had intervened to block the chief, doing so at Niquichasli's behest. The major complaints presented by the natives in this visitation involved requests by wives for the return of absent husbands who had been away from their families for varying periods of time working in Timucua, St. Augustine, and Guale; requests by the natives for the satisfaction of unpaid debts owed them by fellow Indians, Spaniards, and the Crown for sales and trades of goods or services rendered; and requests for action by the visitador to force the Spanish ranchers, whose cattle was destroying their crops, to move the herds far enough away to prevent damage. The visitation revealed that, in addition to the temporary forced labor con tingent drawn off under the repartimiento, a growing proportion of the labor force was being contracted to work outside the province on a long-term basis, in what amounted, for the individual involved, if not his family, to entry into a money economy. The number of the complaints over unpaid debts indicated a significant amount of commercial activity, particularly by the native leaders in the sale of horses, tobacco, and pack saddles and the bartering of firearms, clothing, and other commodities. The visitation also disclosed that some of the chiefs were employing natives from villages other than their own as fore men for their ranching operations. The immediate settlement of some of the unpaid debts by cash payments indicates that some hard currency was in cir culation in this frontier region; so does the prohibition of the export of silver in the trade with the Apalachicola issued a few years later by Governor Zufiiga. The most striking illustration of this monetary acculturation of the Apalachee is the arrest of two of their number in St. Augustine in this period for manufacturing and passing counterfeit tin coins. An understanding of and continued respect for the matriarchal system is reflected in a decision by the visitador. The chief of Oconi requested that one of his vassals, who was married to an Ivitachucan woman, be permitted to move back to Oconi so that he might be installed as their sacristan, because no one in Oconi was suitable for the post. The visitador granted the request but only on condition that the wife freely consented to the move, specifying that

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260 Apalachee such a move was not to be forced on her. The same outlook is reflected in the resolution of the cases of the absent husbands. All of them were required to abandon their jobs outside of the province and to return to their wives. There was no suggestion that the wives should move to the husband's place of em ployment, and for the future no married Apalachee males were to be allowed to accept employment outside of the province under the pain of heavy fines on the chiefs or on the governor's deputy who consented to violations of this rule (Ayala y Escobar and Solana 1701:33-34; Florencia 1695; Zufiiga y Zerda 1700a). Although there were no complaints against the friars about the problems cited in 1657, the visitador did deal with similar issues in the regulations he issued on completing his circuit of the villages. No one except a soldier on official business was to employ a native as a cargo bearer without paying him for his work. Control over the food in the community storehouse was given jointly to the village chief and an elder chosen by the governor's deputy, each of whom would hold a key to separate locks on that structure. Permission of the governor's deputy was required for anyone going to trade with the Apalachicola. The governor's deputy was forbidden to interfere with the chiefs' and elders' administration of their villages. If he found them overstepping their bounds or if they were alleged to have committed some crime, the lieutenant was not to punish them but rather to bind them over to the governor along with the evidence against them. No one was to prohibit the licit dances or even to specify the hour or times at which they might be held, except during the Lenten season when they were not to be held. Whenever the prohibited obscene dances were indulged in, the lieutenant was to discipline those re sponsible. The regulations authorized the assignment of "planting Indians" to the Spanish settlers in the province and to the soldiers of the garrison so that they might produce the food needed to sustain their families, but they stipu lated that the natives were to be paid punctually for their work (Florencia 1695:87-88). An overall assessment of the tenor and the results of the Franciscans' tutelage of the Apalachee is difficult to make. When put to the test by the Anglo-Creek attacks in 1704, a considerable number of the Apalachee were sufficiently disenchanted with the friars or the Spaniards, or both, to join the enemy in their assault on the mission villages or at least to agree, under a certain amount of duress, to relocate to English-held territory. On the other hand, the inhabitants of the villages that were assaulted resisted bravely. When their ammunition ran out and they had to surrender, those singled out by the Carolina-led Indians for torture and burning at the stake endured their suffer ing stoically, solaced by their faith. When the Spaniards decided that the prov ince would be abandoned as no longer defensible, a number of Apalachee

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Indian and Spanish Interaction and Acculturation 261 roughly equivalent to the number that moved voluntarily to Carolinawere sufficiently influenced by the faith the friars had brought to choose freely to remain in Spanish-controlled territory or to migrate to French-controlled Mo bile where they could continue to practice that faith. The best perspective, perhaps, for assessing these criticisms of the friars is that reflected in a 1697 letter to the king by Governor Torres y Ayala. He reported having heard that "there were a very few friars, who, forgetful of their rules and vows," ex ploited their native parishioners, selling bacon, lard, tobacco, and so forth, produced at the doctrina, for their own benefit. But he then assured the king that very few of the religious engaged in such activity and stated that "We consider all the rest to be most exemplary and good doctrineros." In conclu sion, the governor remarked that most of the friars distributed among their parishioners the greater part of the salary given them by the king (Torres y Ayala and Royal Officials 1697). There is little evidence on relations between the Spanish soldiers and the natives and the impact of those Spaniards on them. That certain soldiers were admired and esteemed by the natives probably is indicated by the natives' adoption of Spanish surnames as well as saints' names, for example, Juan Mexia (at least two took his name), Andres Garcia, Lorenzo Moreno, and Alonso Pastrana. It is also shown by the pride with which those natives who held captains' commissions used the title. It is known that some of the soldiers at St. Augustine and Santa Elena married Indians. One suspects that the same occurred in Apalachee, especially when the garrison expanded. An interest ing aside to this subject is provided by the soldiers' view of the Indians evinced in their testimony during the investigations into the conduct of Antonio Ma-theos. In one phase of the investigation, the soldiers who were witnesses were asked what they thought of the veracity and the reliability of the Indian leaders who had testified. The soldiers were divided in their opinions. Some declared that they would not dare to affirm anything concerning the caciques, "as they are very fickle people," or because "now they say one thing, and then they deny it." Others maintained that they were honorable men of good character and reputation and God-fearing men of truth, whose word was equally as trustworthy as that of the Spanish soldiers (Guerrero 1687:104-105; Luxan 1687:111-113; Ramirez 1687:108-110; Ximenez 1687:103). Apalachee dress appears to be a custom that was influenced significantly by the Spanish presence, at least toward the end of the mission period. As late as the mid-1670s, Spanish authorities were commenting on the brevity of the everyday Apalachee attire, noting that the men often wore only a deerskin breechclout and, if anything more, an unlined coat of serge or a blanket and that the women used only a knee-length skirt woven of Spanish moss or a shoulder-to-ankles tunic made of the same material. Bishop Calderon boasted

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262 Apalachee that in 1675 in the three provinces, he had persuaded 4,081 women he en countered naked from the waist up to don the longer version of those garments (Diaz Vara Calderon 1675:12). Just five years later cloth may have begun to reach the province in some quantity. Toward the end of 1680, reporting the progress on the fort at St. Marks, Governor Hita Salazar suggested that goods such as cloth provided the best means of paying the rotating work crews that put in eight days at a time, observing that "Clothing is what passes for money here" (Hita Salazar 1680b). Clothing figured in a number of the unpaid debt claims presented to the visitador Florencia (Florencia 1695). A document from the period of the destruction of the missions records that a 500-yard bolt of cloth was used to purchase a variety of items from corn and beans to tallow and chickens, bearing out Governor Hita Salazar's remark in 1680 about clothing serving as currency in Apalachee (Boyd, Smith, and Griffin 1951: 46-48). A French observer described the Apalachee who migrated to Mobile in 1704 as dressing in the European fashion, the women in cloaks and skirts of silk stuff and the men in cloth overcoats (McWilliams 1953:134-135). This, of course, was their Sunday church dress, but the remark of this observer and others that there was nothing uncivilized about the Apalachee except their hybrid language of Spanish and Apalachee implies that for workdays as well they dressed in the European fashion. One other area of possible European influence during the mission period is the Apalachee's introduction to alcohol. Although there is no mention of it, there seems to be no question that it was introduced in some limited fashion, at least within the Spanish community, and in quantities sufficient for the na tives to have become acquainted with it, those at home and those sent to St. Augustine. The prevalence of blackberries and grapes and other fruit such as peaches would have provided an opportunity for local production of alcohol. But if it was being consumed by the natives to the point of becoming a prob lem, it did not elicit any comment or complaints from the friars or from the Spanish authorities. Bishop Calderon observed positively that the mission In dians did not touch wine or rum (Diaz Vara Calderon 1675:12). In her article on the Menendez-Marquez cattle barony in the Potano region, Bushnell sug gested that rum was introduced there via the ships from Havana that plied the Suwannee. Inasmuch as the same ships often docked at St. Marks as well, it is possible that they brought rum to the Apalachee region. It is not likely, how ever, because the presence of the friars and of the governor's deputy at San Luis would permit much closer surveillance than was possible in the areas of riverine commerce along the Suwannee. In the brief listing of the property lost by Diego de Florencia in 1677, when pirates seized his merchantman at St. Marks, alcoholic beverages were not mentioned (Leturiondo 1678:584). In the period after the destruction of the missions, when Spanish forces

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Indian and Spanish Interaction and Acculturation 263 returned to St. Marks, the authorities began to furnish and to sell rum to the Creek in order to compete with the English for their trade and allegiance. But those authorities remarked on the unpleasantness of having to deal with drunken Indians, and it suggests a frame of mind that probably would have led them to restrict the natives' access to alcoholic beverages in the regimented society of the mission era (Montiano 1738c; Leon 1747). The only reference linking the Apalachee to alcohol involves only two late survivors at St. Au gustine in the dismal postmission era. The governor remarked that all 46 of the Indians at Nombre de Dios were badly addicted to alcohol and were lead ing wretched lives of dissolution and disorder, observing that the continued attachment to Christianity of the Timucua and the two Apalachee among them made them the best of a bad lot (Montiano 1738a). Considering the existence to which these refugees had been reduced by the constant raids of the English and their Indian allies, such a result is not surprising. Burial practices are an obvious area in which mission experience would influence native customs. Except for the Lake Jackson mound era, little is known about premission Apalachee burial practices. Cemeteries have been discovered at the sites of several Apalachee missions. Individual graves were placed in tight rows with the bodies extended and hands clasped or folded across the breast in the Christian fashion. The relatively few grave goods en countered were items of personal adornment and associated primarily with children: multicolored European glass beads, rolled sheet brass beads, and grooved dumbbell-shaped shell pendants. Children usually were buried in a section of the cemetery apart from the adults (Jones 1970).

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Chapter 12 Destruction of the Missions and Dispersion of Their People IN THE short span of the seven months between January and August of 1704, the Apalachee region was stripped of a native population of at least 4,000. Most of the contemporary references speak of a population of 7,000. The attacks responsible for this tragedy have been described as marking "the greatest slave raid ever to occur in the South, or probably in the United States, with the possible exception of de Soto's entrada" (Wright 1981:141). Hun dreds were killed, thousands were claimed to have been enslaved, and more than 2,000 were forced into exile in order to preserve their freedom or their lives.1 About 14 prosperous mission villages and their two dozen or so sat ellite settlements were reduced to ashes along with a number of Spanish ranches. Within a decade of the removal of this human population, buffalo, which earlier had not been found east of the Chipola River, roamed freely over the province's savannas and uncultivated cornfields. In half that time, Englishinspired native slave raiders reached to the Florida Keys to spread terror among the peninsula's remaining aboriginal population. In this exodus, Apalachee's inhabitants scattered to the north, east, and west. The greater part moved north, principally to South Carolina, but some migrated to the Upper and Lower Creek country of Georgia and Alabama. According to some authorities many of those taken to Carolina as slaves were soon exported to the West Indies or to New England (Crane 1956:113-114). Three to four hundred of those who survived the 1704 attacks moved east ward, initially to the Potano region, but continued assaults on them there forced the remnant to seek refuge near St. Augustine. During Moore's attack, 1. Including earlier encounters back to at least 1702, one Spanish official put the death toll at 3,000, but that figure seems too high. 264

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Destruction of the Missions 265 the people of another village escaped briefly by wandering about in the forests of Timucua, but in 1705 they were tracked down and almost exterminated by Indians allied with the English. A somewhat larger group from western Apala-chee, drawn mainly from San Luis and Escambe and from the Christian Chacato, moved westward to Pensacola and Mobile (Boyd 1953:461-462; Bushnell 1979:12-16; Florencia et al. 1707:85-89; Higginbotham 1977: 189-191; Moore 1704b). That group appears to have fared best in that a few of their descendants are known to have survived and to have maintained their tribal identity for more than a century, although eventually they dispersed to Louisiana, Texas, and Mexico, where some of their descendants may yet survive. For the majority of those forced to leave Apalachee in 1704, the path to extinction as a people was a short one. Problems of the documents Composition of a satisfactory account of the destruction of the settlements and of their inhabitants' fate is hampered by the serious inadequacies of the available records. Except in depicting the tortures and deaths inflicted by the English-led native warriors on some captives, Spanish accounts are generally vague and laconic. The English records are equally so and contradictory in addition. Considering the numbers alleged to have been involved in this mi gration, there is relatively little trace of the 1704 influx of Apalachee natives in the records of the Carolina colony. The most important English sources, Colonel James Moore's two accounts of his exploits, create the most serious problems. Moore's accounts, in his letters to the Carolina governor and to the colony's lords proprietors, not only differ from the Spanish reports but also conflict with each other. For example, in the extant versions of his two letters Moore described the number whom he enslaved in Apalachee variously as 100 and as more than 4,000 and the num ber whom he led off as free immigrants as 300 and as 1300. The differences between Moore's accounts and the Spanish reports and between Moore's two accounts involve the number of villages that surrendered unconditionally, the number of villages that agreed to relocate to Carolina in exchange for keeping their freedom, the number of villages whose inhabitants were annihilated, the number of free Apalachee who migrated to Carolina, and the number of na tives who were carried from the province as slaves. Differing versions exist of both of Moore's letters to complicate the prob lem additionally. The discrepancies range from insignificant differences in spelling, capitalization, punctuation, wording, and paragraph division to sig nificant ones involving the numbers of villages and individuals who suffered one fate or another and other substantive matters. There are significant dis-

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266 Apalachee crepancies between two of the three versions of Moore's letter to the governor that are available. The two available versions of Moore's letter to the lords proprietors also contain significant discrepancies, but those latter differences are not as important for the purposes of this chapter as are those in the discor dant versions of Moore's letter to the governor. The most readily available copy of one version of Moore's letter to the governor, that presented by Mark F. Boyd in Here They Once Stood, is marred additionally by serious errors introduced presumably by Boyd's copyist. The discrepancies in the copies of these two letters and the uncritical use that has been made of the letters in some earlier works constitute a valuable lesson in historiography. Boyd's published transcripts are the most accessible source for both of Moore's letters. The other published source, B. R. Carroll's Historical Col lections of South Carolina, contains Moore's letter to the governor. The other sources are manuscript collections at the Library of Congress and at South Carolina's Department of Archives and History, which contain copies or ex tracts of both letters (see appendix 12 for transcripts of all of these versions and of Boyd's copies of the Library's version, marked to show the points at which they differ significantly). None of the available exemplars is an original or known to be directly linked to the original version or versions of these letters. Carroll's copy of Moore's letter to the governor is possibly the oldest. It was derived from a copy of the letter published in May of 1704 by a Boston newspaper. The South Carolina Archives' copies, made in 1895 by W. Noel Sainsbury, an employee of the Public Records Office, are copies of copies made originally in South Carolina in 1737-1738 by Governor William Bull as part of a lengthy series of documents providing information requested by London to refute the claims to Georgia that Spanish authorities were pressing at that time.2 The pedigree of the Library of Congress' copies is more obscure. A Library official wrote that the collection containing its copies was purchased from an unidentified source in 1915 and that the copyist's identity was not known. The Library official revealed that its copies were in a six-volume collection of "transcripts of Great Britain, Board of Trade Spanish Records (Miscellaneous Manuscript Collections)" and suggested that the original materials were British 2. Both of these copies are labeled as extracts. The Archives officials did not know the fate of the letter Governor Bull had used to make the copies he sent to England. The copies of Moore's letters in the Archives appear to have been little used. To my initial request whether they had copies of Moore's letters, the Archives responded that they were unable to locate any copies and that their search for data about the letters revealed that prior to Verner Crane's use of the Library of Congress copies, scholars had relied on the Carroll version. Subsequently, I learned from William Snell's dissertation that the Archives had a copy of at least one of Moore's letters, and I obtained it.

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Destruction of the Missions 267 Board of Trade Records held by the Public Record Office (Hutson 1984). Only one of the Library's letters is identified as an extract, although both cover the same ground as do the Archives' copies.3 Although Boyd cited the Library of Congress' collection as the source of his copies, his transcription of Moore's letter to the governor follows the Carroll version at a few points. Whether the Archives' and the Library's version of either of these two letters had a common ancestor is an open question. Although the Archives' copies, on the whole, have the same wording and word order as do the Li brary's copies, the marked differences in spelling, capitalization, and punc tuation, coupled with several significant discrepancies in wording, raise ques tions that leave the issue in doubt. The wider differences between those two versions and the Carroll version raise more questions that cannot be resolved satisfactorily. At the very least, the nature of the discrepancies suggests that an editor or copyist took considerable liberty with the original text, if it was the same text from which the Archives' and Library's versions may have descended. The significant differences among the versions and Boyd's copies Comparison of Boyd's transcription of Moore's letter to Governor Johnson with the Library of Congress' version reveals several significant errors in Boyd's copy. In the most striking departure from his source, Boyd reduced the five towns that surrendered unconditionally to two towns. The Library's and the South Carolina Archives' versions' rendition of Moore's point of departure as "the Ockmulgees" was changed to "the Ockmulgee" by Boyd, influenced possibly by Carroll's "the Ockomulgee." After describing his defeat of the Spanish garrison's challenge to his invasion, Moore noted that "We have a particular Account of 168 Indian Men Killed and taken in this Fight and Flight. The Apalatchee Indians say they lost 200 wch we have reason to be lieve to be the least." Boyd omitted the words "to be," potentially altering the meaning. In Moore's statement, "The number of free Apalatchee Indians wch are now under my protection," Boyd changed "now" to "not." And, finally, Boyd changed the Library's version's "Pansicola" to "Pensacola."4 3. In response to a request for information, the Public Record Office replied that they found no reference to Colonel Moore's two letters in the standard guides for their material and that they would need more specific references in order to locate them. A search of the "Historical News" section of the American Historical Review for the 1915 period revealed the following note: "The Library has completed for the present its invaluable series of transcripts from British archives numbering about 175,000 folios and is proceeding with similar copying in Paris and Seville" (American Historical Review 21:668). 4. The other versions have Pensacola as well.

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268 Apalachee Comparison of the Carroll version with the Library's and Archives' vi sions reveals significant differences between the Carroll version and the other two. The above-mentioned "free Apalatchee Indians, wch are now under my Protection, bound with me to Carolina, are 300:" of the Library's and Ar chives' versions appear in the Carroll version as "are 1300, and 100 slaves." The ransom paid by Ivitachuco's chief to escape attack by Moore was de scribed in the Carroll version as "his church's plate, and ten horses laden with provisions" in contrast to the Library's version's "his Church Plate & led Horses loaden with Provisions."5 In Carroll, Ivitachuco's chief was called "cassique of the Ibitachka" in contrast to the Library's and Archives' "King of the Attachookas." Similarly the Library's version's "Aiavalla" became "Ayaville" in the Carroll version.6 The Carroll version gave the number of Apalachee killed in Moore's assault on Ayubale as 25 rather than the 24 men tioned in the other versions. Comparison of the copies of these versions in appendix 12 will reveal other discrepancies in the wording that are of lesser importance. In his transcription of Moore's letter to the lords proprietors, Boyd made only one significant change in the Library's version that was his source. To the passage "and put them out of a Capacity of returning back again alone In this Expedition I brought away 300 Men, and 1000 Women and Children have killed," Boyd added a period after "alone" and a comma after "Children." Inconsistently, Boyd placed the period in brackets to show that it was not in his source, but failed to do that with the comma, even though that minor change altered the meaning to say that the 1,000 women and children were brought away rather than killed. It is conceivable that the editor or printer, rather than Boyd, made that change. In his schematic comparison of the statis tics contained in Moore's two letters, Boyd listed the 1,000 women and chil dren as having been killed rather than as having been brought out as free per sons along with the 300 men. Significant discrepancies appear as well when one compares the Library's version of Moore's letter to the lords proprietors to that of the Archives. In the passage quoted in the preceding paragraph "returning back again alone" is "returning back again alive," in the Archives' version; the word "free" ap pears before "300 Men:" and there is a comma after "killed."7 Equally sig nificant discrepancies between the two versions occur in the passage that ap pears in the Library's version as "who cannot now (as I have Seated Our Indians) come at me that way, must they must March thro' 300 Indian Men Our Friends." In the Archives' version "come at me" is "come at us;" the first "must" of "must they must" is "but;" and "300 Indian Men" is "900 5. The Archives version spelled "led" as "lead" and Boyd changed "loaden" to "leaden." 6. The Archives version rendered the name as Aiaivalla. 7. In the Archives version "killed" was rendered as "kill'd."

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Destruction of the Missions 269 Indian Men." Comparison of these versions in appendix 12 will reveal addi tional differences in the wording that are of lesser significance. Analysis of the differences between the Library's and Archives' versions of Moore's letter to the governor and the Carroll version produces neither a ready explanation for the divergences nor even an indication of which is more reliable overall. In some cases the Carroll variant seems the more logical or acceptable, and in other places the Library's and Archives' versions seem cor rect. The Carroll version's date for Moore's arrival before Ayubale (Decem ber 14) is obviously a copyist's error. If one assumes that Moore penned the originals for both the Carroll and the Library-Archives version, then the only logical explanation for the variant forms Moore gave to the name of Ayubale (Aiavalla, Ayaville) and Ivitachuco (Attachookas, Ibitachka) is that he had not fixed firmly in his mind the manner of rendering these unfamiliar names. His use of the title "King" for the chief of Ivitachuco in one version and the title "cassique" in the other also has a plausible explanation. The Carolinians cus tomarily gave the title "King" to the chiefs of important villages. "Cacique" is the title Moore would have heard used by the Indians, particularly the Apalachee who accompanied him on his return to Carolina. This variance sug gests that the diverse versions of this letter were made by Moore at different times and possibly that the copy sent to the Boston newspaper was made by someone other than Moore. The Carroll version's reference to the ransom paid by Ivitachuco's chief as "ten horses laden with provisions" makes much more sense than that of the Library, "led Horses loaden with Provisions." But the agreement here between the Library's and the Archives' version (except in spelling) gives the Library's version credence as well. There is no logical ex planation for the discrepancy between the Library's version and the Carroll version concerning the number of towns whose people were annihilated. Both versions seem to be incorrect on the basis of Moore's statement in his letter to the lords proprietors that the only natives that he enslaved or put to death were those taken in battle or in Ayubale. Although the Library's and the Archives' versions of Moore's letter to the governor agree on the figure of 300 free Apalachee who voluntarily accom panied Moore to Carolina, the 300 seems to be in error. The figure of 1300 in the Carroll version is corroborated by the Archives' version of Moore's letter to the lords proprietors and by another contemporary source, Colonel Robert Quary. Writing from Virginia on May 30, 1704, Colonel Quary made the fol lowing comment on Moore's exploits: This late expedition in South Carolina under Col. James Moore against the Apalacy Indians, was a brave action; and will be attended by this good consequence, to secure that Province from any attempt of the Spanyard or Indian against them by land, this nation of Indians being

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270 Apalachee the chief that the Spaniard depended on for that design. Col. Moore marched with a great body of our friendly Indians and about 50 En glishmen; they killed a great number of the Enemy, brought a great number of them prisoners, besides 1300 that come voluntary with them to live under the protection of ye English Government.8 (Quary 1704:145) Also, as late as 1715, the free Apalachee in South Carolina still numbered more than 600. Copyist's error seems the most plausible explanation for the figure of 300 that appears in the Library's and the Archives' versions and for their omission of any mention of the natives enslaved. Carroll's figure of 100 slaves seems too low, however. Quary alluded to those enslaved simply as "a great number." When mentioned in conjunction with the 1,300 free Apalachee, 100 would not seem to fit that description and it is contradicted by Moore's other statements about the number he enslaved. Those statements range from a low of about several hundred9 through the un specified numbers from the four towns allegedly that surrendered "without conditions" to the extravagant claim of more than 4,000 men, women, and children. The data contained in Moore's two letters presents still other problems. The most serious problems arise from attempts to match the details furnished by Moore about the number of villages that surrendered unconditionally, or were destroyed, or which agreed to relocate with facts established by other sources and with his claims about the number of natives, free and enslaved, who accompanied him on his return to Carolina. He listed 300 men and 1,000 women and children as free migrants; 4,000 women and children as slaves; and 325 men either killed or enslaved, a total of 5,625. Although that total of slave migrants is high, it could be accounted for from the province's general population pool. But the missions recorded reliably as not having fallen to Moore or joined him en masse contained so much of the total population that no combination of the remaining missions could provide the more than 4,000 people Moore claimed to have enslaved. Three of the four most populous settlements (Cupaica, San Luis, and Ivitachuco) were still relatively intact when Moore returned to Carolina. Two others, Patale and Aspalaga, retained enough of their inhabitants to invite an assault by a second group of Creek in June 1704, several months after Moore's departure. Both Moore's account and 8. Quary's source, of course, may have been the Boston newspaper account rather than a communication from Charles Town. 9. The several hundred include the 168 to 200 prisoners taken by Moore at Ayubale and a part of the 200 he claimed to have killed or captured during his encounter with the forces from San Luis.

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Destruction of the Missions 271 a Spanish source document the survival into 1705 of the inhabitants of an ad ditional mission who fled into the woods, accompanied by their pastor Fray Domingo Criado (Bienville 1704:27; Council of War 1704:56-59; Higginbotham 1977:191; Moore 1704a, 1704b; the Royal Officials 1704b:61-62; Solana 1704a:50-55; Zuniga y Zerda 1704a, 1704b:48-50, 55-56). Studying an augmented version of Boyd's schematic illustration of the data contained in Moore's two letters can help in better appreciating the prob lems posed by these conflicting sources and in resolving those problems to the extent that that is possible. Table 12.1 will include the pertinent information from the Spanish and the French sources as well, and with it we can compose a reasonably satisfactory account of the fate of the missions and of their in habitants, using the points of agreement between the sources and the points that are not open to question. All of the sources agree that the first target of Moore's attack, Ayubale, was taken by assault. There is no reason to question his claims of 200 taken prisoner there, 20 to 25 killed in the assault, and an additional 200 taken by the Creek in the outlying portions of that mission. There is no evidence con cerning the fate of the remainder of Ayubale's large population. In 1689, it was reported as having 250 families (Ebelino de Compostela 1689). In report ing its capture in February 1704, Governor Zuniga described it as "one of the largest places in Apalachee" (Zuniga y Zerda 1704a:48-50). In order even to begin to account for the more than 4,000 whom Moore claimed to have en slaved, the remainder of Ayubale's population would have to be included somehow. The major part of the native force of 400 that accompanied the Spanish troops to recapture Ayubale probably was drawn from San Luis, Patale, and Escambe, although only the first two are mentioned in connection with this engagement. In addition to the 168 to 200 Indians Moore mentioned as having been killed by his forces in this second battle, Spanish sources allege that more than 40 of the men taken prisoner were burned at the stake by Moore's Indian allies in the wake of the battle (Cruz 1705:74-76; Fuentes de Galanca 1705:77-78; Solana 1705:79-82). Although Ivitachuco's ransom is not mentioned in the Spanish sources, there is no reason to question Moore's assertion that Ivitachuco's chief agreed to hand over that mission's church plate and some provisions. It seems to be stretching a point, however, to describe this action as a surrender, as Moore does, inasmuch as Ivitachuco's forces remained in control of the village and its people. More likely, in view of his losses in taking Ayubale and in turning back the relief force from San Luis, Moore did not want another encounter with a large and well-defended settlement such as Ivitachuco, particularly since few of his Indian allies showed any disposition to participate in the as-

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Table 12.1. Comparison of Moore's letters and Spanish and French reports Moore's letter to governor Moore's letter to proprietors Spanish and French reports Ayubale taken by assault Ivitachuco makes peace 5 places surrender unconditionally All the people of 3 places are in my company Same Ivitachuco surrenders upon condition 4 places surrender unconditionally All the people of 4 places agree to relocate Part of the people of 4 places agree to relocate; Same San Luis one of the 4 places Destroyed all the people of 2 towns (and 4 towns Killed or enslaved only those taken at Ayubale in the Carroll version) or in battle Burned 1 town, whose people fled Same Ivitachuco survives 5 places destroyed and the people of 2 leave voluntarily Mention that 50 or so Apalachee joined the enemy Vague reference to only 4 places being left and that those who emigrated were established in 4 places People of Ayubale, Tomole, Capoli, Tama, and Ocatoses carried off People of 1 place fled to the woods with Fray Criado

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Only Ivitachuco and part of San Luis are left; 28 to 30 whites left 300 free Apalachee bound with me to Carolina (Carroll version has 1,300 free and 100 slaves) At Ayubale the English captured 52 men and 116 women and children and killed 24 men (Carroll has 25) During the attack on Ayubale, Creeks killed or captured the same number in the plantations Killed 168 to 200 Apalachee in the encounter with San Luis's forces sent to the relief of Ayubale Only 300 Indians and 24 whites are left Enemy came no closer than 2 leagues to San Luis 300 free men and 1,000 free women and children locate to Carolina. Boyd read this as 300 free men relocated and 1,000 women and children killed 325 men killed or enslaved and 4,000 women and children enslaved English took 200 alive and killed 20 at Ayubale More than 600 Christian Indians carried off Some of Patale, Aspalaga, and Escambe's people and the Chacato mentioned as surviving Killed or captured 200 in this encounter Ocuia was destroyed before Moore's arrival

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274 Apalachee sault on the walled compound at Ayubale. He gave his casualties as the reason for not having attacked San Luis. Moore's claims concerning the places whose chiefs and entire populations accepted his offer of freedom of person and property in exchange for their relocating to Carolina find partial substantiation both in the Spanish reports and in other English sources, but his claims and the Spanish sources present other, serious problems. The most obvious discrepancies are in Moore's giving the number of places accepting these terms as three in one letter and four in the other, while the Spanish governor asserted that of the five places de stroyed, the population of two left voluntarily. The figure of four villages seems more reliable because subsequent English and most Spanish sources say the emigres to Carolina were established there in four settlements (Florencia and Pueyo 1704: Wallace 1934(1):202; Zuniga y Zerda 1704a:48-50).10 The discrepancy between the Spanish governor's two villages and Moore's four could be accounted for if two of the places claimed by Moore were satellite villages rather than mission centers. However, the validity of such an assump tion is not easy to sustain in view of the excellence of Moore's intelligence concerning Apalachee; the Spanish governor would not likely consider satel lites as separate entities. Existing records do not permit more than conjecture concerning the iden tity of Moore's four villages. The mention in the Journal of the Commis sioners of the Indian Trade of the presence of the Tomolla King in connection with a dispute over the enslavement of one of his subjects seems to point to San Martin de Tomole as one of them (McDowell 1955:4-5). Some uncer tainty remains, however, in view of a statement in October 1705 by Governor Zuniga in which he lists Ayubale, Tomole, Capoli, Tama, and Ocatoses as places from which people were carried off by the invaders. By elimination, Bacuqua, San Pedro de los Chines, and the Tocobaga settlement at Wacissa seem most likely the other candidates for this category, inasmuch as they are not mentioned either as surviving Moore's attack or as having had their inhab itants carried off.11 Bacuqua, a small, vulnerable frontier town, would have abundant reasons to accept such terms, as would the equally small place of the Chine. Even though the governor spoke of Ocuia as having been destroyed along with several Timucuan villages before Moore's attack, the number of people cited as having been carried off in that 1703 attack suggests that some of its population survived. If so, it could also be a possibility for inclusion as one of the four villages. That Bacuqua was another may be indicated by the 10. One of the Spanish sources says three. 11. An undetermined number of Tocobaga are known to have gone to Mobile at some time before 1718, and there were a few Tocobaga near the coast when the Spaniards returned to San Marcos de Apalachee in 1718.

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Destruction of the Missions 275 fact that Diego Pena encountered its chief, Adrian, as a person of influence among the Lower Creek in 1717 soon after the Yamasee uprising of 1715 in which the free emigre Apalachee in South Carolina also participated (Boyd 1952:116-118, 121, 123, 126: Crane 1956: 170, 180-181). Both of Moore's letters state that part of the people of four towns agreed to relocate in exchange for their freedom,12 and San Luis is specifically men tioned as one of them (Moore 1704a, 1704b). Patale was referred to as a small village at the time of its destruction in June 1704, which may mean that it was another; it had been a medium-sized village of 120 families in 1689 (Fuentes 1705:80; Ebelino de Compostela 1689). The mention of the presence of the Ilcombe King and the recording of a dispute concerning the enslavement of an Ellcombe man in South Carolina might indicate that Ilcombe or Cupaica was another source of these towns (McDowell 1955:4, 60). If one were to include in this category the Apalachee who became rebels, joining in the attack on their fellow tribesmen, Aspalaga might be yet another; the son of the chief of Aspalaga the Old is mentioned as having been killed in an encounter with a loyal Ivitachucan force, along with a rebel warrior from Tomole (Solana 1704a:50-55). It is more likely, however, that the rebels were from a number of villages, drawn from those with particular grievances against the Spaniards and from the social misfits produced by all societies. Manuel Solana reported that the punishment of the Spanish soldiers captured in July 1704 (burning at the stake) was done at the urging of the rebellious Apalachee (Solana 1704a: 50-55). Moore's claims concerning the villages that allegedly surrendered to him unconditionally, together with his assertions about the number of Indians he allegedly enslaved, present the most serious problems. In his letter to Gover nor Johnson, Moore mentioned that only two towns surrendered uncondi tionally; but in his letter to the proprietors, he stated unequivocally that four towns surrendered to him unconditionally, and he provided such rich details that he makes the latter account convincing. In his second letter, he mentions resting at Ayubale for four days after the two battles there because some of his men were neither fit to march nor to be carried. During this pause he reached his agreement with Ivitachuco. On the fifth day he marched to two more forts,13 both of which were delivered to him without conditions, along with their inhabitants, who became prisoners at discretion. After spending the night at one of those places, he marched on the next day to two more forts, both of which were delivered to him with their people without conditions, and 12. The Carroll version says three towns. 13. Moore used this term to describe the walled compound within which the village's church and convent were located.

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276 Apalachee he spent two nights in one of these two settlements. Yet in another passage, Moore stated that he enslaved only those taken at Ayubale and those captured in battle. And his statement that, in endeavoring to bring away free as many Indians as he could he had drastically reduced the plunder his men had hoped for, leads to the same conclusion. However, Moore's version of two villages surrendering in this manner is more consonant with Governor Zuniga's report that when Moore withdrew, he left five places destroyed, the population of two of which had left with him voluntarily. Subtracting Ayubale as well from those five settlements leaves only two as possibilities for unconditional surrender (Moore 1704a, 1704b; Zuniga y Zerda 1704a:48-50). A little more than one and a half years later the governor repeated the assertion that Moore's Indians had carried off the people of five villages, on that occasion identifying the villages as Ayubale, Tomole, Capoli, Tama, and Ocatosis (Zuniga y Zerda 1705). In his earlier letter the governor also affirmed that Moore had turned back when he was two leagues from San Luis (Zuniga y Zerda 1704a:4850). This fact would seem to eliminate Tama as a candidate for unconditional surrender, if it still oc cupied the same site as it had in 1675: In that year Fernandez de Florencia placed it as slightly over one-half league from San Luis, while Bishop Calderon, rounding his figures, gave it as one league (Ebelino de Compostela 1689; Fernandez de Florencia 1675a). If evidence cited earlier is valid, indica ting Tomole as one of the villages whose people left voluntarily, then only Capoli and Ocatosis could be the villages surrendering unconditionally. Re ducing the villages from which slaves could be drawn to these two plus Ayubale poses insuperable difficulties in accepting Moore's claim that he car ried more than 4,000 natives back to Carolina as slaves. Even with four villages that surrendered unconditionally, it is hard to be gin to approach the figure of over 4,000, inasmuch as after Moore's departure three of the four largest settlements (San Luis, Ivitachuco, and Cupaica) were still in existence with a substantial portion of their populations. Capoli was a very small village, having only 30 families in 1689 and only 20 men in 1694 (Ebelino de Compostela 1689; Florencia 1695). The identity of Ocatosis is unknown. Matching geography with Moore's description of his march to the four settlements that he claimed surrendered unconditionally indicates To mole, San Pedro de los Chines, and the Tocobaga village as the most likely possibilities. The place of the Chine was no larger than Capoli, and the popu lation of the Tocobaga was about 300 people (Ebelino de Compostela 1689; Florencia 1695). Geographically both Tama and San Carlos de los Chacatos would be possibilities for this category, but their proximity to San Luis seems to rule them out. The Chacato village is also ruled out because 250 of its in habitants survived both Moore's attack and the June-July campaign to mi grate to Mobile (Bienville 1704:27, 1706:25, [1726]:535).

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Destruction of the Missions 277 Moore's claim that the population of one village fled at his approach is confirmed by Spanish sources (Florencia et al. 1707:85-89). His statement that he destroyed all the people of two towns is not confirmed in any other source (except possibly in the governor's claim that 3,000 natives had been killed) and seems to be contradicted by his own letter to the proprietors in which he said that he did not enslave or put to death "one man, woman or child but what were taken in the fight or in the Fort I took by storm" (Moore 1704a). No town other than Ayubale is mentioned by Moore or by the Span iards as having put up a fight at his approach. Moore's claim that when he left Apalachee only Ivitachuco and part of San Luis survived and that only 300 Indians and 24 to 30 whites were left is pa tently false. Spanish and French sources indicate that substantial portions of the populations of Escambe and of the Chacato still existed along with some part of the population of Patale and Aspalaga. Ivitachuco by itself still had more than 300 inhabitants when the Spanish abandoned the province in July 1704. About 800 residents of the San Luis area migrated to Mobile at this time. Others from Escambe stopped at Pensacola; still others remained in the vicinity of their destroyed villages at the time of the Spanish withdrawal (Bienville 1704:27, 1706:25; [Bienville] [1726]:536; Council of War 1704: 56-59; the Royal Officials 1704a:59-61; Solana 1704a:5055; Zuniga y Zerda 1704b:55-56, 1704c). Moore's claim that he enslaved 4,000 people is suspect on other grounds. First, there is a tremendous disproportion between the number of men and the number of women and children he mentioned. Even taking into account the number of men killed in battle and the probability that men would be more prone and able to flee to preserve their lives and freedom, Moore's figures seem out of proportion.14 The governor's council, in its listing of the Indian slave population in South Carolina in 1708, gave the proportion of 500 men to 600 women and 300 childrenless than two to one, a far cry from Moore's thirteen to one. A more serious problem is the total of only 1,400 Indian slaves in South Carolina in 1708 given by that report, an increase of just over 1,000 in excess of what the colony possessed in 1703. When this number is viewed in light of speculation by Snell and others that most of the Apalachee slaves must have been kept in Carolina, it leaves at least 3,000 of Moore's claimed 4,000 to be accounted for (Snell 1972:60n9, 96, table I). Unfortunately for the resolution of this problem, Snell's statement seems to be pure speculation. The assembly, around the time of the Apalachee expe-14. The fact that the men who were captured were likely to be put to death by their captors was a definite incentive to flight once the battle was lost. Women and children could expect nothing worse than slavery unless illness or injury prevented their keeping pace with their captors. A woman and a child were killed by their Creek captors on this pretext as the second attack force withdrew from the province in July 1704.

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278 Apalachee dition, imposed an export tax of 20 shillings on Indians exported from the colony, but until the Tuscarora War there is only one recorded instance when that duty was paid: for one slave exported to Antigua on May 17, 1703, by Governor Nathaniel Johnson (Snell 1972:60 and appendixes).15 This scarcity of recorded exports seems to be Snell's reason for assuming that most of the Apalachee slaves were retained in South Carolina. Although he records Moore's figure of 4,000 slaves, he makes no attempt to account for the 3,000 who are not reflected in the increase of 1,000 or so in the Indian slave popula tion during that five-year period when more such slaves were brought into Carolina from other parts of Florida and from the Chickasaw raids on the Choctaw. Closer examination of the 1708 report presents a serious challenge to Moore's claim of over 4,000 slaves. The figure of 1,400 Indian slaves appears in a report drawn up by the governor and his council in response to a request from the queen through the lords proprietors for periodic reports on the colony's affairs. In the prologue to the report they state that the information they are furnishing is based on a careful inquiry into the present state and circumstances of the province. Their report begins, "The number of ye inhab itants of this province of all sorts are computed to be nine thousand five hun dred & eighty souls." They break that number down into numbers of free white men, women, and children; white indentured men and women; Negro slave men, women, and children, and Indian slave men, women, and children. The free Indians were not included in the total because the councilors intended to discuss each of those allied groups individually later in the report. In this opening comment, the councilors went on to discuss the changes that had occurred in the makeup of the population during the preceding five years: The freemen of this province by reason of the late sickness brought here from other parts though now very healthy & small supply from other parts are within these five years last part deceased about one hundred free women about forty white serv* for the aforesaid Reasons & having completed their servitude are deceased fifty white servants women for the same reason thirty white children are increased five hundred negro men slaves by importation three hundred negro women slaves two hun dred Indian men slaves by reason our late Conquest over the French and Spaniards and the success of our forces against the Appalaskye and other Indian engagem* are within the five years increased to the number 15. Governor Johnson paid the duty for two such slaves that he exported on that occasion, but the payment for only one was recorded. Snell also notes that there are few legal records indicating the retention of many Apalachee slaves in the colony.

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Destruction of the Missions 279 of four hundred and the Indian women slaves to four hundred and fifty negro children to six hundred and Indian children to two hundred. (Johnson et al. 1708(5):203-204) This statement indicates clearly that, as a result of the raids into Apalachee and attacks on other Indian groups during that period, the Indian slave popula tion increased by no more than 1,250, a total that included others in addition to the Apalachee. Admittedly, nothing is said of slave exports here, but it seems that if they were as massive as would be required to meet the numbers claimed by Moore, they would have elicited some comment in such a detailed report. Data from Spanish sources allow us to say with some certainty that when Moore left Apalachee he had with him the surviving population of Ayubale, Tomole, Capoli, Tama, and Ocatosis. Similarly, from Moore's letters and the Spanish sources, it can be said that the people from Ayubale and probably those from two more villages left as slaves and that those of two other villages left as voluntary emigrants, besides those from San Luis who deserted. The five villages of San Luis, Ivitachuco, Patale, Aspalaga, and Escambe were still existing in some fashion. One village's people had fled to Timucua. It is unlikely that those enslaved by Moore numbered many more than 1,000. The Colonel Bull map of 1738 put the number of Spaniards and Indians killed or captured by Moore at 800 (Chatelain 1941 :map 8). The second attack of 1704 The exclusively Spanish sources for the second attack on Apalachee, in June 1704, are more informative than all the sources for the first assault in January. They indicate that Patale and Aspalaga were captured by the invading forces. Escambe also was occupied and destroyed, but before the attack most of its populace had taken refuge at San Luis on orders of the lieutenant. At this time some outlying part of San Luis also came under attack. Some of the enemy swept around to the south of San Luis, capturing seven Spaniards who had come up from St. Marks on the Royal Road. Concerning casualties among the loyal Apalachee, Manuel Solana reported that the Indians told the cacique of San Luis "that the missing number seven, and that from the village of Es cambe five [are missing]. The number of those who went forth from other villages is not known, nor whether any are missing" (Council of War 1704: 56-59; Royal Officials 1704a:59-61; Solana 1704a:50-55; Zuniga y Zerda 1704b:55-56). When this second enemy force withdrew, only the villages of San Luis and Ivitachuco were left, along with much of the population of Es cambe and at least part of the Chacato population. Except for the cacique and

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280 Apalachee people of Ivitachuco, who remained loyal to the Spanish monarch, the major ity of the remaining natives were thoroughly demoralized and disillusioned with the Spaniards over the disasters that had beset the province under their leadership and over their unfulfilled promises of relief. In view of the reports that their enemies would soon return with a larger force to complete the anni hilation of the inhabitants, some of the remaining natives began to flee to the woods. In reply to a warning from the governor's deputy that in doing so they would only perish in the wilds and to his invitation that they seek refuge at St. Augustine, the natives replied that they were weary of waiting for Spanish aid and reinforcements that never arrived. They remarked frankly that if they left the province, they would not go to another Spanish-controlled area; if they decided to remain, it would be in order to join with the enemy in their attack on the Spaniards in the blockhouse (Solana 1704a:50-55). Shortly after this frank exchange of views, the native leaders of San Luis led a caravan of about 800 nativesmost of the remaining population of San Luis, part of the population of Escambe, the remaining Christian Chacato of Apalachee, and a few non-Christians from a refugee Yamasee villageon an overland trek westward to Pensacola, driving their remaining cattle before them (Higginbotham 1977:191). With them was a Frenchman from Mobile who had brought an invitation from Bienville to settle near that recently estab lished French outpost. These emigres reached Pensacola around July 28, 1704. Eight Spanish families from the San Luis region had already arrived there by sea (Guzman 1704:62-64; Ruiz de Cuenca 1705:70-72). The governor's deputy, on July 8, suggested the abandonment of the province, giving as his reasons the disastrous rout of the Spanish-Indian force that had gone out to challenge the invaders at Patale, the declaration by San Luis's leaders that they would no longer fight alongside the Spaniards, and the ru mors concerning the proximate arrival of a third invasion force. At a Council of War in St. Augustine on July 13, the Spanish officials and officers adopted his suggestion, ordering the immediate abandonment of the province and the withdrawal of its population either to St. Augustine or to San Francisco de Potano, where they might join with the remaining population of western Timucua to form a strong outpost (Council of War 1704:56-59; Solana 1704a: 50-55). At the end of the month San Luis and its blockhouse were destroyed, and the surviving soldiers headed toward St. Augustine with the church treasure that had escaped capture and such possessions as could be carried in the avail able oxcarts. A small band of drovers, who headed for Pensacola with cattle they had bought at San Luis, were overtaken and killed by a band from the third attack force that had reached San Luis on August 2, just two days after the departure of the remnant of the garrison (Zuniga y Zerda 1704d:65-67).

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Destruction of the Missions 281 The retreating soldiers were then only 16 leagues away, at San Pedro de Potohiriba, but the attack force made no attempt at pursuit. At San Pedro the Span ish force caught up with the inhabitants of Ivitachuco, who had set out earlier under their chieftain, Don Patricio de Hinachuba. The portion of Escambe's population that had remained in the province to welcome the invaders was captured or killed (Zuniga y Zerda 1704d:65-67, 1704e:67-68). This assault apparently completed the depopulation of the province. Summary From this analysis of the data provided by the documents and of the contra dictions by which the documents are marred, some conclusions can be drawn concerning the fate of the various settlements during the two attacks of Janu ary and June 1704, but the necessarily conjectural nature of many of those conclusions should be kept in mind. The attack began with the capture of Ayubale by assault. It is likely that most of its large population beyond the 400 or so killed and captured in the assault were also taken prisoner. Consequently, it probably provided the largest contingent of the slaves taken by Moore. Ivitachuco escaped attack and probably served as a refuge for a few who escaped from the more easterly settlements before their surrender. The number of refugees cannot have been large, however, because only about 400 natives were in Ivitachuco at the time of its abandonment, which is not a large number for a town that had once rivaled San Luis in size but had seen a decline in its relative position. It is not recorded whether its inhabitants burned their village at the time of their departure. Unless it had been moved to the vicinity of San Luis, Bacuqua seems likely to have been one of the villages whose chief and populace agreed to relocate to Carolina, although it was never mentioned by name in the records of the attacks. Ocuia reportedly was destroyed before Moore's arrival, but some of its inhabitants apparently survived to participate in the final encounter with the invaders on July 4, 1704 (Higginbotham 1977:191). Accordingly, Ocuians were probably among the natives who joined the final eastward and westward exodus, although it is not clear in which band they departed. The inhabitants of one village fled at Moore's approach, and Moore burned the village. Their reprieve was only temporary, however, because they were sur prised at their Timucuan refuge sometime in 1705, and most were killed (Florencia et al. 1707:85-89; Moore 1704b). Capoli, Tomole, and Tama are men tioned by the governor as settlements whose inhabitants were carried off by the invading Indians (Zuniga y Zerda 1705). Neither Capoli nor its people are mentioned again, but, because it is the next village to the west of Ayubale on the royal road, it was probably one of the settlements that Moore said surren-

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282 Apalachee dered unconditionally. The next town to the west along that road, Tomole, probably was another. Tama's proximity to San Luis seems to rule it out also as one of the villages surrendering unconditionally, and it is likely to have relo cated voluntarily. This surmise appears to be borne out by the reappearance near St. Augustine in the wake of the Yamasee uprising of a village named Nuestra Sefiora de Candelaria de la Tamaja, headed by a Yamasee-speaking chief named Antonio de Ayala and containing some Christian Yamasee (Ayala y Escobar 1717). It is supported as well by Diego Pena's mention in 1717 of the presence of a Christian Taman from Apalachee named Augustus who was headman of some hamlets in the Lower Creek country (Boyd 1952:116). San Pedro and the Chine are not mentioned in the records, but the settlement's proximity to Tama makes it a strong possibility for unconditional surrender or voluntary relocation. Proximity to San Luis would have protected San Carlos de los Chacatos from attack, if it had been reestablished. Its inhabitants mi grated westward with the people from San Luis and Escambe (Higginbotham 1977:191). The Tocobaga settlement is not mentioned in the records from this era, but its population appears to have been destroyed or dispersed. When Spanish forces returned to San Marcos in 1718, they found a very small num ber of Tocobaga on the Wacissa River (Primo de Rivera 1718a, 1718b).16 As people associated with water, they or the Chine may have belonged to the vil lage referred to as Ocatoses. In 1719, two Tocobaga were recorded as having returned from Mobile dissatisfied with their treatment by the French (Gonza lez de Barcia Carballido y Zuniga 1951:374-375). Some of San Luis's population defected to the enemy while Moore was in the province. Mistreatment at the hands of the Spanish settlers and the latters' usurpation of some of their property in the village were undoubtedly the reasons. Inasmuch as the expeditions for the relief of Ayubale and Patale were mounted there, its warriors apparently bore the brunt of the casualties, espe cially in the first of these encounters. Three of its inhabitants, two of them leaders, were singled out for torture by their captors, enduring their ordeal with exemplary faith and courage until they died (Cruz 1705:74-76; Fuentes de Galanca 1705:77-79; Moore 1704b; Solana 1704a:5055, 1705:79-82). The village of San Luis and its fort were destroyed by the Spaniards them selves when they withdrew. The bulk of the mission's surviving native popula tion migrated westward. A few seem to have accompanied the garrison east ward, as indicated by the eventual emergence of an Apalachee hamlet near St. Augustine bearing the name San Luis, with a man named Osunac as its chief. Although such surnames were not confined to any one village, Osunacs or Usunacas are recorded as part of the leadership element at San Luis and at 16. There appear to have been fewer than 25.

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Destruction of the Missions 283 nearby Cupaica (Ayala y Escobar 1698; Corcoles y Martinez 1711; Florencia 1695). Apparently Cupaica was not threatened by the invaders until June 1704. Inasmuch as most of its inhabitants had obeyed the lieutenant's order that they seek refuge in San Luis, only a few were captured or killed when the invaders destroyed Escambe in late June 1704. Some of Escambe's remaining population joined San Luis's in the trek to Pensacola. Others, who remained behind when the garrison left, were killed or captured early in August by a third attack force. Patale and Aspalaga also fell to the invaders during the sec ond attack. Those who survived the assaults on these two settlements were probably either murdered or enslaved, except for two from Patale who even tually escaped to alert San Luis about the presence of this second attack force and its planned assault on Escambe.

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Chapter 13 Exile and Extinction of the Apalachee A GENERAL EXODUS of the surviving Apalachee population resulted from the 1704 attacks on the province. The majority moved northward with the in vaders. The remainder of the surviving population moved eastward to Timucua and the vicinity of St. Augustine or westward to Pensacola and Mobile. The eastward migration The Apalachee who migrated eastward appear to have been among the least fortunate of the groups forced to leave their homeland in 1704. Before the end of 1705, most of the inhabitants of the unidentified village whose people had fled during Moore's attack had been massacred in their sylvan refuge in Timucua. For most of the Ivitachuca who left in July, life would be almost equally short and brutal. Their leader, Don Patricio Hinachuba, initially de clined the governor's invitation to settle them in the vicinity of St. Augustine. Instead he chose to settle his people and a few Timucua below San Francisco de Potano at a place called Abosaya. Don Patricio had advised the governor to concentrate western Timucua's population at San Francisco, which, as the residence of the governor's deputy, had a small Spanish garrison (Bushnell 1979:13; Council of War 1704:57-^58; Home 1705:73; Junta of War 1705; Zuniga y Zerda 1705). This concentration of forces, he hoped, would deter attacks by the marauding native allies of the English, while the abandoned Spanish ranches in the area could furnish meat until crops could be planted and harvested. The fortified main house of one ranch, La Chua, provided ad ditional security, as some soldiers were posted there to secure meat and horses for St. Augustine's garrison, Don Patricio's hopes were dashed within weeks as new bands of raiders struck San Pedro and San Matheo, the two missions north of San Francisco, 284

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Exile and Extinction of the Apalachee 285 and came within view of La Chua's blockhouse, not long after he had com pleted the stockade around his new settlement of Ivitachuco at Abosaya. Al though a French privateer's attack on a plantation near Charles Town moved South Carolina's governor to propose a truce, the respite was brief. Before the end of that winter of 1704-1705, small bands of Creek again began to appear in the vicinity of La Chua. Late in May 1705, Don Patricio informed the governor that he had news from the governor's deputy at San Francisco that enemy forces were coming to destroy both San Francisco de Potano and the new village of Ivitachuco at Abosaya. Don Patricio appealed for provisions, munitions, six muskets, and a dozen Spanish soldiers to help him and his men resist. In response the gover nor dispatched Francisco de Florencia with a small Spanish force (Bushnell 1979:14-15; Hinachuba 1705:473-474; Home 1705:72-72; Ruiz de Cuenca 1705:70-72; Zuniga y Zerda 1704f:68-69, 1705). Soon after Florencia's arrival, Don Patricio journeyed to St. Augustine to lobby for more supplies, leaving Florencia in charge of defending the village. The expected enemy attack, by a force numbering 200, occurred while Ivita chuco's chief was in St. Augustine. On learning of the village's plight, the gov ernor immediately dispatched a relief force of 100 to accompany Don Patricio on his return. Before it had marched very far, that force was twice diverted from its initial goal to deal with additional marauding bands of Creek operat ing closer to St. Augustine. The Spanish force was defeated and dispersed in the second of those encounters. Before the second encounter Don Patricio and his small band of warriors had set out alone for La Chua. On arriving there, they received word from Florencia that they should not attempt to enter Ivitachuco unless they were accompanied by a large force. While vainly awaiting the arrival of the defeated relief force, Don Patricio's band found themselves besieged for a time in La Chua's blockhouse. When Don Patricio was able to reenter his village, he found food in short supply and many of his people ill. At some point during the winter of 1705-1706, Don Patricio and his people abandoned the village for the imagined security of the environs of St. Augustine (Boyd 1953:461-462; Bushnell 1979:14-16; Florencia 1705a: 474, 1705b:474-475; Florencia et al. 1707:87-88; Florencia and Pueyo 1706a:475-476; [Hinachuba] 1705:473-474; Zuniga y Zerda 1705:16). Not all of the problems at Ivitachuco-Abosaya were caused by the enemy. In mid-January 1706, before their departure for St. Augustine, Diego Pena reported from Potano that on New Year's Day, three Timucua, who had gone to La Chua, killed three of four Apalachee whom they encountered there hunting cattle. Although wounded by a hatchet blow, the fourth escaped to tell his compatriots. On arriving at St. Augustine, the refugee Ivitachucans did not set up a

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286 Apalachee village of their own but sought shelter in a number of existing small native villages that had been established a little to the south of the city. There, early in the spring of 1706, Don Patricio and many of his people were killed in a new wave of attacks. Others were taken prisoner, and a few escaped. These attacks were described by the royal officials in terms that implied a Creek de sign to annihilate the few surviving members of the Apalachee nation who had remained loyal to Spain (Bushnell 1979:16; Florencia and Pueyo 1706a: 475-476). During this same interval the two remaining western settlements of San Francisco de Potano and Santa Fe were similarly assaulted. Although they were able to hold out and eventually received relief, they asked for and were granted permission to withdraw to the vicinity of St. Augustine (Florencia and Pueyo 1706b :477-479). This move reduced the Spanish presence in East Florida to a narrow area close to St. Augustine. By the time of the census of January 1711, the 400 or so Apalachee who had left their homeland in mid-1704 with Don Patricio or with the San Luis garrison appear to have been reduced to 48 individuals, 31 men, 11 women, and 6 children (3 boys and 3 girls). The boys belonged to the Chinacossa fam ily. Although the 48 people are listed by name, their villages of origin cannot be identified with certainty. Perusal of earlier listings of individuals reveals that the same surnames are found in several villages. The name of the village, "San Luis de Thalimali alias Abosayan," indicates that its population was drawn from San Luis as well as from Ivitachuco (Corcoles y Martinez 1711). This census's listing of the surviving natives by name reveals the Apala chee 's pertinacity in preserving their native surnames, in contrast to the Ibaja and Timucua, most of whom are listed by Spanish names. Only one Apala chee woman had abandoned her native surname. The others, including the children, bore Christian first names and a native surname (Corcoles y Mar tinez 1711). The Apalachee represented only about 10 percent of the native population clustered within a pistol shot of the fort. The total included 400 Indians, of whom 105 were non-Christians. The other hamlets were Santa Caterina de Guale, composed of Ibaja speakers, Santo Tomas de Santa Fe alias Esperansa, composed of Timucua speakers, Tolomato, San Juan del Puerto, Nombre de Dios, and Salamototo (Corcoles y Martinez 1711). The crushing of the Yamasee uprising in South Carolina, in which the free Apalachee there had participated, brought a new influx of Indians to the vicin ity of St. Augustine. The census taken by the governor in 1717 shows that the number of native hamlets had increased to ten and that several of those listed in 1711 had either disappeared or undergone a change of name. Yamasee pre dominated among the newcomers. In the space of six years the Apalachee population had almost doubled, but it is not clear how many were newcomers.

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Exile and Extinction of the Apalachee 287 The Apalachee village known as San Luis de Talimali in 1711 was known, by 1717, as Our Lady of the Rosary of Abosaia (or Jabosaia). Its cacique in 1717 was Don Pedro de Osunaca, who in 1711 had been listed as "the old cacique." The incumbent in 1711 had been one Hina Juan de Hita. Its popula tion had shrunk by one-third, to 31, but, inasmuch as the 1711 imbalance be tween men and women had been rectified, this decline probably resulted, in part at least, from the departure of some of the mateless warriors. In 1717, Abosaya had one other leading man, twelve Christian women, and three boys and four girls listed as "Doctrina children." Also joined to it were two nonChristian women of the Chasta nation. Apalachee were to be found in a number of other villages. The Timucua village of Our Lady of Sorrows had 20 Apalachee warriors. The non-Christian Yamasee settlement of Pocosapa was listed as the residence of "thirty-four warriors ... of the Apalachino and Timucuan tongues and three Christian women of the Yamasee and Apalachino tongues." The Timucua village of Nombre de Dios had three Apalachee men and four women of that tribe, and the women were described as having been among 16 who came from Salamototo (Ayala y Escobar 1717; Oliveira y Pullana 1716). These other Apala chee raise the prospect that in 1711 there were more Apalachee in the St. Au gustine region than the 48 residents of San Luis, particularly in view of the royal officials' remark that when the Ivitachucans abandoned the Potano re gion of St. Augustine, they did not establish a place of their own but scattered among other tribal hamlets (Bushnell 1979:16; Florencia and Pueyo 1706a: 474-476). The great disproportion between the numbers of Apalachee men and women reflected in these two censuses, together with the lack of children, ob viously portended the rapid disappearance of the Apalachee at St. Augustine as a separate people, particularly in view of the matriarchal structure of most of these southeastern tribes. It meant that the children of the Apalachee men who were forced to go outside the tribe for wives would be identified with their mothers' people. One of the other new villages mentioned in this census bore the name Nuestra Seiiora de Candelaria de la Tamaja. It was peopled by Yamasee, a mixture of some Christian and a considerable majority of non-Christians. The name of the settlement, the tribal affiliation of its inhabitants, the Christian faith of a number of them, and the Spanish name of its principal chief, An tonio de Ayala, all suggest that the Christians among them were former resi dents of the Apalachee village of that name who had fled from South Carolina after the collapse of the widespread Indian revolt initiated by the Yamasee. The chief and 28 others were Christians. Inasmuch as one of them was identi fied as a new Christian, the other 27 presumably were Christians of long standing (Ayala y Escobar 1717).

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288 Apalachee In addition to the natives who came to St. Augustine to settle, the disrup tion of Indian ties with the English produced by the Yamasee revolt brought such other groups as the Lower Creek to St. Augustine as visitors. During 1717 in particular, the city repeatedly hosted parties of Creek that came to pledge or reaffirm their allegiance to the Spanish monarch and to be regaled and feasted at the governor's table. One of the most frequent visitors was Adrian, chief of the former Apalachee village of Bacuqua, who came with a large party of Lower Creek in April. He returned with some of them in July and made the journey again in September, carrying a message to the governor for Diego Pefia, who had been sent by the governor on a mission to win the "Emperor" Brims's firm commitment to the Spanish cause. On the third visit, Chief Adrian was accompanied by 46 other Apalachee from the Lower Creek country. Adrian was an intimate of the pro-Spanish ele ments among the leaders of the Lower Creek, particularly of Chiscalachisle,1 chief of the town of that name built in 1716 just above the confluence of the Flint and the Chattahoochee, and of Chipacasi,2 usinulo and heir to Brims.3 Except for two Bacuquan vassals of Chief Adrian, nothing is said of the town of origin of these Apalachee. At this time a number of Apalachee were living dispersed through the Lower Creek country (Boyd 1952:126; Gonzalez de Barcia Carballido y Zuniga 1951:358; Tepaske 1964:202). Presumably, most, if not all, of them had fled from South Carolina because of their participation with the Creek in the so-called Yamasee War. Emperor Brims's wife was a Christian Apalachee, as was the wife of Chipacasi. As Chipacasi's mother, Brims's wife was probably part of the Apalachee exodus to the Creek country in the 1680s during Antonio Matheos's tyrannical rule as the governor's deputy in Apalachee. That background is probably reflected in her pro-English stance (Corkran 1967:52, 62-63). 1. There are myriad renditions of this name, among them Tascaliche, Chalquilicha, Talichas-liche, Chislacasliche, Chasliquasliche, and, in many of the English sources, Cherokeeleechee or Cherokee-killer. There is some confusion concerning his identity and that of the people of his town, which was built on the site of the short-lived Christian town of Sabacola of the 1680s. Crane (1956:255) identified his people as Creek from Palachocola Town; Corkran said they were Apalachee. The most reliable designation is probably that of the Spanish governor who identified him as chief of the province of the Uchices (Ayala y Escobar 1717:37). 2. This name also appears in many variants such as Tsipacaya, Sincapafi, and, in English sources, as Seepeycoffee. Tepaske refers to him as Brims's nephew, but overwhelming evidence points to Kim as Brims's son. His being named successor to Brims was a departure from the matriarchal line of succession. 3. Brims, alias Yslachamuque, was the principal chief of Coweta and eventually was acknowledged as head chief of all the Creek. Governor Ayala identified him as "Usinjulo and mico heir of the great chieftainship of the province of Cabetta, whom all those nations and vassalls had in the same esteem and veneration as the Spaniards hold the prince our Lord" (Ayala y Escobar 1717:36-37).

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Exile and Extinction of the Apalachee 289 When next mentioned, in 1723, the St. Augustine Apalachee's hamlet was referred to as the village of Moze. A more informative reference stems from the governor's visitation of the native towns in December 1726. San Luis was then the name given to the Apalachee's settlement. It was described as pos sessing a church and convent of straw and a population of 87, of whom 78 were old Christians and the others recent converts. There is no indication of how many of them were Apalachee; 36 were men, 27 women, and 24 children (Benavides 1726). It seems certain, because of the increase in the number of women and the presence of recent converts, that some of them were not Apa lachee. A later source confirms this conclusion, mentioning that a surviving remnant of the Yamasee from the village of Tama had sought refuge with the Apalachee at this time. The Carolinian-inspired genocidal campaign against the Yamasee was at its height in the early 1720s. It received new impetus after 1724, when several Yamasee killed Ouletta, the pro-English son of Brims.4 In a particularly cata strophic attack on November 1, 1725, the Uchise killed many of the Yamasee and carried off others. Plague completed the carnage, leaving Moze with only three inhabitants (Benavides 1727a; Bishop of Cuba 1728; Bullones 1728; Corkran 1967:71; Council of the Indies 1727). Early in 1729, the bishop of Cuba informed the king that the native population had declined to such a point that the numbers in the four surviving hamlets would not suffice to create one doctrina worthy of the name or the money (Bishop of Cuba 1729). Either the bishop was overly pessimistic or St. Augustine received a new in flux of Indians, for a decade later the number of hamlets had doubled to eight, containing 340 natives. The only Apalachee mentioned among the survivors were two males living at Nombre de Dios (Horcasitas y Guemes 1739; Montiano 1738a). At the time of the transfer of St. Augustine to the British, five of the approximately 80 Christian Indians who departed with the Spaniards were Apalachee (Deagan 1976; Gold 1969:81-82). By 1766 only 53 of the Florida natives were still alive (Gold 1969:81-82). What became of them in Cuba is unknown. The northward migration In the destruction and dispersion of the population of Apalachee in 1704, by far the greatest number migrated northward, voluntarily or involuntarily. De termining the numbers involved in that migration and the village of origin of the migrants is difficult. Establishing the fate of the majority of these emi grants is equally troublesome. 4. Until that time, Brims had opposed the break with the Yamasee demanded by the English.

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290 Apalachee The least is known about those who remained among the Creek from the beginning. During the attacks at least 50 Apalachee rebels actively joined the enemy against the Spaniards and their fellow tribesmen. Fourteen of those rebels died in subsequent skirmishes, and four were captured. One of the dead rebels was from Tomole, and another was the son of the cacique of Aspalaga the Old (Solana 1704a:50-55). There were likely additional defections during the last encounter with the Creek, on July 4, 1704, when the Apalachee war riors abandoned the field en masse shortly after the enemy had been engaged. Presumably all of these rebels migrated to Upper or Lower Creek towns and were adopted as members of the various tribes there. In 1717 Diego Pena re ported that the Apalachee as well as the Yamasee were living dispersed among the Creek, rather than concentrated in one or more areas (Boyd 1952:123). The 1708 Carolina census stated that several families of Apalachee were liv ing in some of the eleven towns along the Ochasee River.5 By 1717 their number would have been considerably augmented by the exodus of the Apalachee from South Carolina at the end of the Yamasee War (Crane 1956:254-255). During his 1716 trip to the Apalachicola country, Diego Pena reported the presence of some Christian Apalachee somewhere below the village of Sabacola on the west side of the lands between the Flint and the Chattahoochee and five days north of Chislacasliche's new village just above the confluence of the Flint and the Chattahoochee. They owned some prairies there. One day's journey farther north, he spent the night with other Apalachee who lived on a small farm belonging to the cacique of the town of Apalachicola. The farm was some distance south of that chief's town. Without giving any further information concerning their location, Pena stated that there were many Apalachee in the province at the time (Boyd 1949:20-22, 25). During his 1717 trip, Pena sojourned at a hamlet headed by a Chris tian Taman from Apalachee named Augustus. It lay four days north of the village of Chislacasliche. His next stopping point was a cattle ranch owned by some Apalachee, which was one day's journey from the Taman's village. It was probably the Apalachee-owned prairie two leagues below Sabacola where he had stopped during the preceding year (Boyd 1952:114, 117-118). The fact that one of the upper branches of the Oconee River is known as the Apalachee River suggests that at some time a band of Apalachee lived in that area, particularly as it was once known as the South Oconee River. How ever, none of the archaeological sites in the area has revealed any artifacts indicative of their presence. In the course of his research on the Joe Bell site at the junction of the Apalachee and the Oconee, Mark Williams gave some at tention to the origin of the name "Apalachee" for that river and was unable to 5. Ochasee River is Ochesee Creek, the former name of the Ocmulgee River.

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Exile and Extinction of the Apalachee 291 find any record of its having been used for that stream any earlier than the 1780s. He dated the last native occupation of the Joe Bell site as 1630 to 1675 (Williams, personal communication 1984). The return to Apalachee Some of the Apalachee in the Creek country eventually settled near Pensacola, and from there some soon moved to the vicinity of the new Fort San Marcos de Apalachee established by Jose Primo de Rivera in 1718 (Gonzalez de Barcia Carballido y Zuniga 1951:366, 368, 372-373, 378). The Spanish authorities made repeated efforts to induce the Apalachee of the Creek coun try and some of the Creek themselves to resettle Apalachee, particularly the area of the abandoned missions (Ayala y Escobar 1718; Boyd 1952:199; Primo de Rivera 1718a). Chief Adrian promised that he would round up all the Apalachee that he could and bring them down to found a new settlement near the fort at St. Marks (Primo de Rivera 1718a); there is no direct evidence that he did so, although it remains a possibility. In 1719, while the head chief Juan Marcos was recruiting settlers for Apalachee among the Pensacola Apa lachee, he mentioned that an Apalachee settlement had been established near St. Marks, but there is no indication where those Apalachee came from. As Juan Marcos had just come from St. Augustine it is possible that he had re cruited them from St. Augustine's Apalachee community or from the consider able number of Apalachee from the Creek country mentioned as being in St. Augustine as visitors in September and October 1718. Among the natives, the Yamasee showed the greatest interest in relocating to Apalachee in order to escape the incessant attacks from the Uchise bands partial to the English. In mid-1718, Rivera spoke of the intent, once their crops were in, of a group of Yamasee who had settled at the site of the Chacato village of San Carlos on the Apalachicola to move to the forest of Sarturcha in the vicinity of the fort (Gonzalez de Barcia Carballido y Zuniga 1951:378; Primo de Rivera 1718a). In the 1723 list of the missions, the only natives mentioned as present in Apalachee are the Amapexas, 12 children and 79 adults.6 In the 1726 list, however, the Apalachee reappear along with the Yamasee residents of the village of San Juan, which was served by the fort's church of San Marcos. Its population of 46 included 16 men, 17 women, and 13 children, all but one of whom were Christians. In 1728 it still had between 30 and 40 people. There was a larger village named San Antonio, with its own straw church and convent, containing 146 Yamasee, of whom 48 were recent converts and the remaining 98 non-Christian. It had 66 men, 51 women, and 6. Presumably a band of Yamasee.

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292 Apalachee 29 children (Benavides 1726). By 1728 this village had lost all its women and children and contained only 80 warriors. Now referred to by the name of Ta masle, it had been forced to surrender to the Uchise when its defenders ex hausted their ammunition. The 80 warriors had been able to escape and seek refuge at the fort two leagues away (Bishop of Cuba 1728; Montiano 1745). By 1739 the natives living near the fort at San Marcos were reduced to one village named Tamasle, containing an unspecified number of Catholics and non-Christians (Horcasitas y Guemes 1739; Montiano 1738d). One source in 1736 put its permanent population at 20 to 30 Indians (Auxiliary Bishop of Florida 1736). After 1739 the only mention of Tamasle is a brief reference in a 1747 letter by the governor; he mentions only Yamasee as inhabitants of the village (Montiano 1747). Swanton identifies Tamasle with the Tama-Yamasee, although he leaves open the possibility that its people were Sawokli, his name for the Sabacola (Swanton 1922:12, 1946:180, 189). A year or two earlier the commandant at the fort mentioned the recent arrival of two formerly Christian women, one of whom had two children and the other the widow of the leader of Sabacola. He found them of invaluable assistance in making native pottery and in gathering such food as oysters and potatoes (Montiano 1756). It is pos sible that they were among the five Indians from the towns of Sabacola and Tamasca recorded as having been granted permission to leave for Cuba with the Spanish garrison when it withdrew in 1764 after delivering the fort to the British (Gold 1969:158-159). In the half century after the Spanish return to Apalachee, Spain proved unable to attract or preserve any significant number of natives in the area. One reason was the failure of its authorities to keep their promises to put a settle ment of Spaniards in Apalachee, to build a new fort there, and to equip it with a well-stocked store. This point was driven home sharply by the Creek leader Chocate, citing as an example that at one point a Spanish party had gone to San Luis, marked out an area on which to rebuild the fort, and left many stakes driven as an expression of Spain's intentions to build it and to send fami lies to settle in that area. But, he concluded, none of this came to pass, not even the establishment of the store that they had asked for (Montiano 1745). That activity at San Luis appears to have taken place in the latter half of the 1720s. In 1727 the governor advised the king that, on the basis of a recon naissance of the Santoucha forest and of the old villages of Ivitachuco, San Luis, and of the Chacato and Chine, he considered the site of San Luis to be the most desirable because of its better breezes, more fertile lands, abundance of lumber, and valuable water (Benavides 1727b). A decade later another gov ernor chose the site of La Tama, paying similar tribute to its fertility, sweet water, and other attributes (Montiano 1738c). That nothing came of these plans and projects resulted from Spain's overextension and from the Spanish

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Exile and Extinction of the Apalachee 293 view of Florida as a peripheral province without the intrinsic value to justify such expense when it was weighed against the needs of other areas making similar demands on Spain's resources. A store eventually was established at San Marcos, but it was unable to compete effectively with its British counter parts (Montiano 1745). This talk about reestablishing a Spanish presence in the former mission region of Apalachee appears to have misled Boyd into assuming that the talk led to action. In a 1939 article, Boyd observed that "The impression has been general, that following this [Moore's] assault, the missions were extinguished. There is no positive reason to believe this, and from the Spanish side there are encountered fragmentary data which lead to the suspicion that the effect of Moore's raid may not have been as permanently devastating as he boasted." From that cautious speculation Boyd passed to the positive assertion that It would appear that in the course of time the frailes gathered together considerable numbers of their scattered charges, and reorganized the doctrinas or mission villages, perhaps on different sites. This view is confirmed by a letter from Governor Don Antonio de Benavides to the King, written from San Marcos de Apalache on the 8th of February, 1732, in which are listed eight settlements of Timuquan Indians bearing the XVIIth century names, and thirteen villages of Apalachee Indians which perpetuate the names of the villages of the previous century. This letter discusses plans for colonization in Apalachee, with the establish ment of a villa or ciudad at La Tama and the construction of fortifica tions at La Tama and San Marcos. (Boyd 1939:278-279) Only the last sentence of Boyd's statement is supported by the document he cites. The sentence in which the 13 Apalachee villages are named begins, "The thirteen places of Apalachee Indians of which the province alluded to was composed [se componia] are the following" (Benavides 1732). The gov ernor's and other documents definitely indicate that after 1704 the only native or mission villages established in Apalachee territory under Spanish auspices were the two villages in the vicinity of the fort at San Marcos. The contem plated settlement and fort on the former site of the Mission of La Tama were to be inhabited by up to 500 Canary Islanders rather than by Indians, but that project never passed beyond the proposal stage. From 1736, for example, just four years after the document cited by Boyd, there is a positive statement by the auxiliary bishop of Florida that, just as the non-Christian Indians from the interior who come down to St. Augustine occasionally to pledge obedience were a fraud, coming only for a handout and then returning to their ties with the English, the same occurred in Apalachee. He said that there were only 20

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294 Apalachee to 30 Indians there, at the fort at San Marcos, and that the rest were with the English (Auxiliary Bishop of Florida 1736). There are two separate mission lists for 1738, one giving an account of the native villages and the other a report on the friars serving in Florida. Only two friars are mentioned as serv ing in Apalachee. One was chaplain in Fort San Marcos; the other was sta tioned in the settlement of Tamasle, which was not far from the fort (Montiano 1738a, 1738d). When the Spanish authorities renewed friendly contact with the Creek in this post-1715 period, the Creek still held an undetermined number of Chris tian Indians as slaves. Although their tribal derivation is not mentioned, most were probably from Apalachee. On at least two occasions when Brims was pressed for the release of these captives, he evaded the question. The Span iards were more successful with the Upper Creek, securing the release during 1718 of 15 Christian natives held as slaves by the Talapuces (Gonzalez de Barcia Carballido y Zuniga 1951:361, 369-370). The freed natives appear to have gone to Pensacola. Although the enslaved Apalachee as well as the free Apalachee who remained among the Creek disappeared as a distinct people during this period, their genes probably persist among some of today's Semi nole in Florida and among the Seminole and the Creek forced to migrate to Oklahoma. The emigrants to South Carolina Most of the emigrants from Apalachee who headed northward in 1704 jour neyed to South Carolina. These migrants included 1,300 free Indians and an undetermined number of others destined to be slaves, although, as J. Leitch Wright and others have observed, the distinction between the freemen and those to be enslaved was not always clear (Wright 1981:114). The number enslaved was probably far smaller than the more than 4,000 claimed by Moore. An additional number of natives from Apalachee lost their freedom in the second and third attacks on the province in June, July, and August 1704. A few were enslaved in 1705 during the attack on the Ivitachucan settlement near St. Augustine and in the Creek 1706 attack on Pensacola. Although the Creek attack forces were almost entirely Indian, some of their captives were probably sold to the Carolinians when the Creek brought in the scalps of the Christian natives and Spaniards whom they had killed for the bounty paid by the English authorities. Selling fellow Indians into slavery had become one of the Creek's principal means of supporting their developing taste for European wares. They could obtain as much for one slave as for a year's accumulation of deerhides (Crane 1956:109-114). It is my opinion that the total number of Apalachee enslaved in this period was under 1,000. As noted in chapter 8, an unspecified number of Apalachee were in South Carolina by January 1703,

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Exile and Extinction of the Apalachee 295 more than a year before the massive influx of Apalachee. They probably were captured in the battle on the Flint in September 1702 and arrived toward the end of that year. On January 23, 1703, the Commons House of Assembly voted down a motion that they should be considered as "plunder to be divided within the Act for raising the sum of two thousand pounds for carrying on the expedition against St. Augustine" (Salley 1934:72-73). There is no further information concerning the fate of this first group of captive Apalachee brought to Carolina. Unfortunately, not a great deal more is known about the fortune of the surviving Apalachee population that arrived in South Carolina in 1704, nei ther of the free immigrants nor of those who came as slaves. As might be expected, we have almost no information on the fate of the slaves. The colonial assembly was responsible for preserving the freedom of some of the native immigrants from Apalachee. The Commons advised Gov ernor Nathaniel Johnson to instruct Moore to strive to win over the Apalachee by peaceful means, having been informed that they would be open to such overtures. Accordingly the assembly suggested that some of the Apalachee should be brought back as free Indians. Although Snell describes Moore as reluctant to keep his promise, the majority of the 1,300 to whom such terms were extended were settled along the Savannah River to serve as part of a na tive buffer force against any attack on the colony from the south (Covington 1972:376; Salley 1934:121; Snell 1972:58). Whatever Moore's reaction was, the person accused in the colonial assembly with seeking to thwart this policy was John Musgrove, who was charged during the 1706 session with obstruct ing the governor's orders under which the free Apalachee were authorized to settle along the Savannah River. Musgrove's maneuvers moved Apalachee chiefs to complain about him. He also was charged with using the governor's name, while he was among the Apalachee, to pretend that "he had Sometime Orders from him to go to warr" (Salley 1939:22). Evidence on the number of Apalachee settlements in South Carolina is scanty and conflicting. Shortly after the arrival of the immigrant Apalachee, the Commons House of Assembly discussed its policy toward them and resolved That the Governor be advised that the appalacha Indians brought in by Col. Moore, be taken into the protection of this Government; and for the present that they continue at the places now settled. But further advise that with all convenient speed, both the Caciques of our friendly Indians, among whom they are settled, and the Caciques of the Appalachas be sent for, that inquiry be made whether the Yamasee Indians, now brought from the Spaniards are more inclined to continue where they now live or to come down and settle here with their nation, and

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296 Apalachee they willing to entertain them. {Journal of the Commons House of Assembly 1704:232; italics mine) The indication, then, is that there was more than one settlement of Apalachee at that time. A Spanish document of November 1707 states clearly that, from those carried off, three villages of just Apalachee had been formed (Royal Officials 1707). But in a description of the various Indian tribes subject to South Carolina in 1708, a source in the colony reporting to the lords pro prietors speaks of the Apalachee as living on the Savannah River in a "consid erable town" containing about 250 men "who behaved themselves very sub missive to the government." There is a clear implication that they were concentrated in one town in contrast to the 150 male Savanna, who are men tioned as living on the river just below the Apalachee and scattered in three separate towns (Salley 1947 (5):208, 247). Covington identifies the location of that one village as near New Windsor, South Carolina, at a site just south of present-day Augusta, Georgia (Covington 1972:376). The only other free Apalachee mentioned in the 1708 source were several families living in 11 towns along the Ocmulgee River. J. Leitch Wright was of the opinion that some of the free Apalachee were scattered around the South Carolina coun tryside as well (personal communication, February 1984). Initially, at least, the English seem to have been mistrustful of the Apala chee immigrants. In the same resolution of April 1704 in which the Commons brought the Apalachee under their protection, they also took the precaution of ordering the following: And also, further advise that the Indian traders be commanded and the said Appalachees advised to a free trade for Gunns and amunition shall not be granted to them, till we are better assured of their sincerity to us and that we may not lye open to such barabous [sic] cruelty as hath been committed by some of them. Wee also advise that the Appalachee In dians be not employed as Burtherners by the Traders no further than the Savana Towne. (Journal of the Commons House of Assembly 1704:232) Shortly after their arrival some of the Apalachee apparently gave them cause for concern. At the Commons session of April 27, 1704, members agreed to consider a request from Colonel Moore for satisfaction for the loss of three of his slaves, who had been killed by the Apalachee, apparently in Charleston. After debating the matter the next day, the Commons resolved That Col. Moore be paid out of the Publick Treasury the sum of 150 12S 6 for the loss of 3 slaves killed and goods taken away by some of

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Exile and Extinction of the Apalachee 297 the Appalatchee Indians brought down into this settlement as burthen-ers, the Appalachee Indians being but lately reduced and come into us, and therefore, not able to make him satisfaction. (Journal of the Com mons House of Assembly 1704:236) As early as September 3, 1704, Governor Zuniga reported that some of the Apalachee carried off by the enemy were already escaping (Zuniga y Zerda 1704d:65-67). In June 1707, the same assembly approved Thomas Nairne's motion that a gratuity of five pounds be paid to Shamdedee, a St. Helena In dian, because the latter's brother had been killed by an Apalachee slave. The assembly's profession of hope that this gratuity would serve as "an encourage ment to other Neighbor Indians to be Diligent in pursuing and apprehending run away slaves" suggests that runaways were a common problem (Salley 1940:63). However, it appears that they soon won the confidence of their hosts to a greater degree. During their relatively brief sojourn in the Carolina territory, the Apalachee engaged extensively in hunting; they were employed by traders as pack bearers, were pressed into service as field hands at harvest time, and fought alongside the English as warriors in the Tuscarora War (Barnwell 1908:30; Covington 1967:14, 1972:376). They also were incorporated into the permanent defense system under English officers to take them to the coast if danger threatened there (Crane 1956:87-88). A heavy traffic in skins devel oped between the new Apalachee villages and Charles Town, and the route became known as the Apalachee trail (Covington 1972:376-377). Concern ing the Apalachee's role as pack bearers, the members of the Governor's Coun cil commented in 1708, "These people are seated very advantageous for carrying our trade. Indians seated upwards of 700 miles off are supplied with goods by our white men that transport them from this river upon Indians' backs" (Salley 1947, 5:208).7 Despite the council's contentment with the Apalachee, they were not al ways treated justly by the Carolinians. In some cases, the wives and children of free Apalachee warriors were sold into slavery while those warriors were off fighting the Tuscarora at the side of the English settlers. On other occasions, free Apalachee were forced to work on the farms of traders at harvesttime (Covington 1967:14; McDowell 1955:4). As early as the Commons ses sion of 1706-1707, charges were lodged in that assembly that John Musgrove had arbitrarily enslaved or received as slaves a considerable number of free 7. In this document the name Apalachee is spelled Appalatchyes. It appears to have been the most common rendering of the name in English at this time and probably reflects the way the natives' pronounciation sounded to English ears.

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298 Apalachee Indians, some clearly identified as Apalachee and others possibly Apalachee. The following is part of the charge filed against Musgrove: 2nd. It is alledged and charged that he arbitrarily and of his own accord took and Receiv'd Sixteen Illcombee and Wacoca ffree people and made them his Slaves upon pretence that he would there upon Sett the rest free when they were none of them at that time slaves and that he the said John Musgrove in a like arbitrary and forcible man ner tooke six of the I: Awellies [sic] a ffree aplacia people and made and sold them for Slaves. 3dly It is alledged and Charged upon the said John Musgrove that he arbitrarily and of his own accord tooke tooke [sic] a ffree Indian woman belonging to the Coolenne Towne and brought her as a Slave to the Savannah Town and that he tooke a ffree Toomelean and made her a slave. 5thly [sic] It is alledged and Charged upon the said John Mus grove, That he the said John Musgrove arbitrarily and of his own accord tooke at one time Eight Worstera free people and made them Slaves. 6thly It is Alledged and Charged upon the said John Musgrove, that he the said John Musgrove arbitrarily and of his own Accord threat ened the lives of the Tuckesaw Indian King and another unless they would give him ffour Slaves 7thly It is Alledged and Charg'd upon the said John Musgrove that he arbitrarily and of his own Accord tooke away ffrom the Illcombeans or Wacoca Indians two Slaves one horse and Some say Six and others say Sixteen ffree Indians and made them Slaves upon the pretence that the said Illcombean or Wacoca Indians had killed Severall of his Cattle.8 Lastly It is alledged and Charged upon the Said John Musgrove that notwithstanding the ffree people of the Appelachies were by the Governrs Order to Sett down Some where on the Savanah River, he has hindred and given the greatest discouragement he could ffor their so doeing. of which Abuse their Casseiques did Complain or were Comeing to Complaine to the Governr. (Salley 1939:21-22) Of the groups mentioned in this source only the IiAwellies are identified clearly as Apalachee. They may have been from Ayubale, which is the Apala8. A blank space was left before "Indians" with the evident intention of filling it in with the name of the tribe when learned. This is a footnote by Salley, who also noted that there was a blank space on the page between the 3rd and 5th allegations which was evidently left to be filled in later.

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Exile and Extinction of the Apalachee 299 chee village name that most clearly approximates IiAwellies, and this spelling is not far removed from the forms Aiavalla and Ayaville used in Colonel Moore's two letters. The Toomelean woman could well have been from Tomole, and the Illcombeans could well have come from the Apalachee village of that name. The name Wacoca could be a corruption of Bacuqua. The deri vations of the Illcombeans and the Wacocans are open to other interpretations. First, this source seems to be using the names Illcombeans and Wacocans in terchangeably. Second, Swanton (1922) identifies Ilcombe as one of the ten Yamasee towns spoken of in early South Carolina documents. In his 1946 work, however, he gives a different listing of these ten Yamasee towns in which there is no mention of Ilcombe.9 The sources he cites in his 1922 work are from the "Proceedings of the Board Dealing with Indian Trade" and hence probably posterior to the above sources as that board was formed in 1710. Swanton (1922) mentions the Wakokai as one of the Muskogee or Creek peoples. The references to the Ilcombeans both in the Commons journal and in the later Board of Indian Trade records seem to imply that they arrived later than 1704, that they came to Carolina from an "enemy" territory, where they had been under attack, and that they had been given the option of relocating as free men. Although the references are too sketchy to support a definitive judg ment on their origin, it is my feeling that they were from the Apalachee village of Ilcombe originally and came to South Carolina from either the Apalachee colony at Pensacola or from one of the Apalachee settlements above Mobile. In an earlier meeting during that session, the Commons had resolved that Upon debate concerning the Illcumbee Indians it is the opinion of this House that the Illcumbee Indians be declared free people and that your Honrs be pleased to send for the Indians now in Town and signifie it to them and that a present of fforty or ffifty pounds may be made to them by your Honr for their conducting them out the Enenies Countrey into this Government. And we further desire your honr to remove the said Illcombees ffrom the place they now Sett down in to Some other place as your Honrs shall think fitt. (Salley 1939:13) Shortly after charges were filed against Musgrove, similar charges of un just enslavement of the natives were alleged against three other English settlers: It is alleged and charged. They the said John Pight, Anthony Probert, and James Lucas artibrarilly bought of an Indian named Tomichee ten Indians which were free and made slaves of them 9. In 1946 it disappears completely from his index in contrast to the 1922 work where it is mentioned as both a Yamasee and an Apalachee town.

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300 Apalachee 2nd it is alleged and charged that the same three men bought or otherwise procured these several Indian free people knowing them to be free and made them slaves Viz 7 Waucoogau free people bought of Toomichau10 2 Illcombee free people of D 2 free people of the Tookesa king 1 Toomela free boy bought of D 1 free Ilcombe woman and her sister 2 Tomillee free woman by name Collose and Aukilla 1 Tomillee boy. In all 20 free people. (Salley 1939:27) On this list, the name Waucoogaupresumably a variant of Wacocais even more reminiscent of a corruption of Bacuqua, or Vacugua as it occasionally was rendered in the Spanish texts. The name Tomillee could also be a corrup tion of Tomole; the names of the two Tomillee women are not among the Apa lachee names that have survived. The indictment of these three men closed with the charge that they had persisted in holding these natives as slaves de spite the government's orders that they be freed and, prophetically, as the Commons put it, "to the great danger and hazard of this Colony by provoking the Indians in such a manner." Despite the strictures of this assembly in 1707, the abuses continued. When the commissioners for the regulation of the Indian trade began their initial sessions on September 21, 1710, to consider the complaints by the Indians, most of the first cases that they heard involved Apalachee. The first case involved an Apalachee named Ventusa and his wife, who claimed that they had been enslaved unjustly by Phillip Gilliard. The board held that they should be free until such time as Gilliard could prove the contrary. There is no record in the board's journal that he tried to. Two other male Apalachee were granted their freedom under similar circumstances. In the fourth case, involv ing an Ellcombe Indian named Wansella, the native was to be free until John Pight could produce an order from the government authorizing his enslave ment. The Apalachee also presented a complaint that Captain Musgrove had gone to their town in the spring demanding Indians to work on his land and beating them when they did not comply. It is not clear whether any action was taken against Musgrove on this occasion; it is doubtful that the commission did. Despite his contumacious abuse of the natives, Musgrove was soon to become a member of the commission. Other Apalachee complaints involved 10. One wonders if there is any connection between this collaborator with the worst elements among the English settlers and the Tomochichi, leader of the Yamacraws in Oglethorpe's time, in view of the similarity of their names and affection for the English.

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Exile and Extinction of the Apalachee 301 the abduction and beating of Indian women and of those who intervened to try to halt the beatings (McDowell 1955:3-5). Although the commission seems to have made an effort to rectify some of the abuses, its members do not seem to have done enough, inasmuch as the Apalachee were one of the many Indian groups who joined the Yamasee in the 1715 uprising (Crane 1956:170). There is no record that any effort was made to convert the free Apalachee during their stay in Carolina, although Captain Thomas Nairne did apply to the English Society for the Propagation of the Gospel for missionaries for them and other natives (Crane 1956:145-146). The sources provide only sketchy information on the Apalachee's role in the Yamasee War, particularly in its early weeks. Crane implies that they were involved almost from the beginning. In June 1715, they were a major con tingent of a Creek-led force that swept to within a dozen miles of Charles Town, destroying many plantations, one ship, and the Pon Pon bridge over the Edisto River (Crane 1956:170, 173, 180-181). This last great push of the natives into Carolina was led by Chigelly, the head warrior of Caveta and Brims's brother (Corkran 1967:59). The Apalachee who survived the Yamasee War joined the Caveta, Palachicola, Savana, Yuchi, and Oconee in moving not only from the Savannah River region but in withdrawing from the Ocmulgee River area to return to the banks of the Chattahoochee that the Apalachicola among them had occupied before 1690. As noted, the Apalachee involved in this exodus spread rather widely, some settling among the Creek, others near Pensacola; still others moved on to Mobile to join the Apalachee who had been established there since 1704 (Crane 1956:254-255). Some undoubtedly accompanied the Yamasee who flocked to the vicinity of St. Augustine, and some of them may have returned to their native Apalachee with the Yamasee. It is not clear how many were involved in this exodus. At the time of the uprising, the 1,300 free Apalachee who had relocated to Carolina in 1704 had been reduced to 638: 275 men, 243 women, 65 boys, and 55 girls. Some of these were probably killed or captured during the uprising. Those who were captured were shipped outside the colony as slaves (Covington 1972:378). There is no indication whether any of the Apalachee enslaved in 1704 were able to take advantage of the uprising to secure their freedom. That they did or that considerable num bers of these slaves had been escaping earlier may be reflected in a 1722 act designed to discourage the importation of Indian or Negro slaves from Span ish territory. It imposed a duty of 0 current money on such slaves (Snell 1972:102). Almost nothing is known with certainty about the fate of the Apalachee who migrated to Carolina as slaves in 1704. However many slaves Moore brought with him, it is almost certain that additional levies of enslaved Apala-

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302 Apalachee chee were dispatched to the Carolina market from the captives taken in the attack of June-July 1704 that completed the destruction of the province, from those of the 1705 attack on the fugitives who had fled to Timucua from Moore's attack, and from those of the almost contemporaneous attack on the Ivitachuca living near St. Augustine. Despite the massive influx of Indian slaves from various parts of Florida during these years, the Indian slave popu lation of Carolina increased by only a little more than 1,000 between 1703 and 1708 (Lauber 1913; Snell 1972:96, table I).11 Despite this relatively small increase, some authorities believe that many or most of the enslaved Apalachee were kept in Carolina and not sold out of the colony. Snell takes this position, saying that "most of the Apalachees must have been kept in Carolina," although he admits that there were few legal records that indicated their retention. J. Leitch Wright was also of the opinion that a considerable number of the Apalachee slaves were retained in South Carolina, suggesting that diligent research in the probate records and in the British records would turn up some evidence of this (Snell 1972:60; J. Leitch Wright, Jr., personal communication, February 1984). Philip Morgan, who has worked with the probate records and the British records, noted that when Indians are mentioned, their tribal affiliation is not specified (personal com munication, February 9, 1987). Covington and Converse D. Clowse, on the other hand, hold that only a few of the Indian slaves were kept in South Carolina. They argue that, com pared to blacks, they had little value as workers, not being able or willing to meet the pace demanded of them in field work, and that the chief utility de rived from enslaving them was the quick profit to be obtained from exporting them and ridding the countryside of real and potential enemies.12 They offer no evidence to support their position, however, and observe that the records contain little information about the export of slaves (Clowse 1971:65, 108; Covington 1967:14). Despite a law imposing a duty on Indian slaves exported from the colony before the influx of enslaved Apalachee, the records before 1712 show that that duty was paid only on two Indian slaves who were ex ported in 1703. Snell also records that from 1704 to 1708 there were only four bills of sale and three wills that mention the disposition of Indian slaves, com menting that, with an increase of 1,050 in the Indian slave population during this time, many must have changed hands without any legal paperwork (Snell 1972:60-61). A minimum of 19 Indian slaves were involved in those seven documents. Although Snell cites Moore's claim of over 4,000 slaves, he does 11. Snell gives the total Indian slave population as 350 in 1703 and as 1,400 in 1708. On page 60 of the text he puts the increase at 1,000, but in a footnote on pages 60-61 he speaks of an increase of 1,400 during this period. 12. The relative ease with which the Indians could escape from slavery and return to their people would be an additional motive for shipping them to the West Indies or elsewhere.

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Exile and Extinction of the Apalachee 303 so without comment. With an increase of only 1,050 in the Indian slave popu lation from 1703 to 1708 and his belief that most of the slaves were kept in the colony, some explanation seems to be needed. Whatever the number of exported slaves, most are usually said to have gone to the West Indies and particularly to Barbados, although New England and New York also are mentioned as destinations (Covington 1967:15-16). Crane believed that most were exported and that New England was a signifi cant market. There are reasons to doubt that South Carolina exported Indian slaves to the West Indies in this period. In the 1708 report to the lords pro prietors, South Carolina's officials comment on the colony's population and economic activity, but in the section dealing with the exports to Barbados, Jamaica, and other areas in the West Indies, they make no mention of Indian slaves being shipped there. By contrast, "Boston, Road Island, Pennsilvania, New York and Virginia" are noted as places to which the Carolinians were exporting Indian slaves (Salley 1947 (5):203, 205). Moreover, although Bar bados especially is often mentioned as providing a market for such exports, Jerome Handler, an authority on slavery in Barbados, lists only Arawak and other Amerindians from the Caribbean Islands and Guiana as Amerindian slaves used there. In addition, he indicates that the use of Indian slaves in Barbados had all but disappeared by the early eighteenth century when the Apalachee became available (Handler 1969:38-64: Handler and Lange 1978). None of the other secondary sources that I consulted mentions the presence of Indian slaves in the West Indies for this time period (Gardiner 1971; Handler 1970, 1971). Wright, on the other hand, who believes that most of the enslaved Apalachee were retained in South Carolina, states that "Documents such as custom records, export licenses, and West Indian planta tion records" exist that "indicate that aborigines were shipped to the islands and other mainland colonies" (Wright 1981:148, personal communication, 1985). In view of the diversity of opinion on this issue, it would be a fruitful topic for further research. The records concerning the destiny and the life of the enslaved Apalachee who remained in South Carolina are also scarce and uninformative. There are a few references to Apalachee children being purchased by ministers who bap tized them after teaching them to read and write. The need for christening them was questioned by some on the supposition that most of the Apalachee had already been baptized by the friars before they were enslaved by the En glish (Wright 1981:193). The possibility of church records serving as a source of information on the Indians held as slaves was eliminated by a 1704 church act, which provided that the parish registers should not list births, christenings, marriages, and burials of Indians and blacks. The law merely confirmed existing colonial practice (Snell 1972:62). There seems to be no information on the number of Apalachee among the

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304 Apalachee more than 1,000 Indian slaves that were added to the population of South Carolina between 1703 and 1708. In addition to the influx of enslaved Apalachee, the English-inspired slaving raids in the post-1704 period scoured what was left of Timucua and reached deep into central and southern Florida, as well as scourging the Choctaw country (Crane 1956:81-86). These develop ments and the attitudes that spawned them are aptly illustrated in the corre spondence of Thomas Nairne. In 1705 he boasted, "We have these two past years been intirely kniving all the Indian Towns in Florida which were subject to the Spaniards" (Crane 1956:81). Three years later he would attest: Yor Lordship may perceive by the map that the garrison of St. Augustine is by this warr reduced to the bare walls their cattle and Indian towns all consumed Either by us In our invasion of that place or by our Indian subjects since who in quest of Booty are now obliged to goe down as fair on the point of Florida as the firm land will permit they have drove the Floridians to the Islands of the Cape, have brought in and sold many hundreds of them and dayly now continue that trade so that in some few years thay'le reduce these Barbarians to a farr less number, there is not one Indian town betwixt Charles Town and Mowila Bay except what are prickt, in the mapp, only am uncertain of the number of the Floridians. Our friends the Talopoosees and Chicases Imploy themselves in making slaves of such Indians about the lower parts of the Mississippi as are now subject to the French the good prices the English traders give them for slaves Encourage them to this trade Extremely and some men think it both serves to lessen their numbers before the French can arm them and it is a mor Effectuall way of civilising and Instructing then all the efforts used by the French missionaries. (Nairne 1708(5): 196-197) In 1710 Nairne added that "there remains not now, so much as one village with ten Houses in it, in all Florida, that is subject to the Spaniards" (Crane 1956:81). In reality he was modest. By 1711 the terror inspired by the raids of the Yamasee and the Uchise had reached the Keys, whose inhabitants began asking for refuge in Cuba (Valdes 1711). Although an Indian slave sold for only half the price of a black, an adult Indian still brought in 8 to 0 or in Barbados supposedly (if any of them actually were sent there) 75 gallons of rum, as much as or more than a good deer hunter could earn in a year from skins (Covington 1967:15; Crane 1956:113). There is also a dearth of information about the work to which the enslaved natives were assigned and their rate of mortality. It is probably safe to assume that their mortality rate was at least as high as that of the free Apalachee in Carolina, whose number had been halved in ten years.

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Exile and Extinction of the Apalachee 305 It is likely that Apalachee were among the 309 exported Indian slaves on whom duty was paid in 1715 and 1716 (Snell 1972:appendix II). Here as else where Snell does not indicate the location to which they were exported or whether the records provide such information. The westward migration The best documented of the Apalachee emigres of 1704 are those who jour neyed westward to Pensacola and Mobile. In the wake of the final defeats suffered by the Spaniards and the Apalachee in late June and early July, the native leaders of San Luis led a caravan of about 800 natives, comprising most of the remaining population of San Luis, part of the population of Escambe, the remaining Christian Chacato from Apalachee, and a few non-Christian Yamasee, on an overland trek westward to Pensacola, driving their remaining cattle before them (Higginbotham 1977:192-93; Zuniga y Zerda 1704d: 65-67, 1704e:67-68). These emigres reached Pensacola around July 28, 1704. The eight Spanish families from the San Luis area had already arrived by sea. The Spanish commander was somewhat concerned by this additional large influx of mouths to be fed. He welcomed the newcomers, however, and on learning of their intention to move on to Mobile he pleaded with them to stay even though he had little to offer in the way of food or arms, only promises. Shortly after their arrival, he announced that the half-pound daily ration of bread would be reduced beginning on August 1 in order to stretch the flour supply past the end of the year. This move probably dissolved whatever doubts may have existed for those who had determined to continue on to Mobile. Before the end of August, a number of Apalachee leaders from San Luis de Talimali and a number of headmen from the Chacato, accompanied by a friar from Pensacola, had arrived in Mobile (Bienville 1704:27; Guzman 1704: 62-64; Higginbotham 1977:189, 191-192; Ruiz de Cuenca 1705:70-72). Although he had earlier invited the Apalachee to emigrate to French territory, the French commander was particularly surprised to see the contingent from the head village of San Luis, who had been associated closely with the Span iards for so long (Higginbotham 1977:189-190). Most of the refugees from San Luis and most of the Chacato made the move to the Mobile area at this time. Only those from Escambe and a few of the Talimali remained at Pensacola (Higginbotham 1977:191-192), and most of them would follow their compatriots to French territory by 1706. Writing 20 years after the event, Bienville placed the number of Apalachee immigrants at 500 men and the Chacato at half that number ([Bienville] [1726]:535-536). In his report to Pontchartrain, written soon after they had begun to arrive, he placed the number of Apalachee immigrants at 400 and the Chacato at

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306 Apalachee about half that number. Bienville noted on different occasions that the Cha cato came from St. Joseph's Bay or from near Pensacola rather than from Apa lachee (Bienville 1704:27). Bienville assigned lands to the Apalachee at some distance up the Mobile River from his fort, one league below the confluence of the Alabama and the Tombigee at the present Mount Vernon landing. Only about 200 of the immi grants moved to this site. The other half of the group remained across the bay from present-day Mobile on Baptizing Creek. The Chacato were assigned lands at the mouth of the river at a site then called Oigonets, which would be taken over by the French in 1711 when they moved the town of Mobile to its present site (Higginbotham 1977:192-193). The immigrants reached Mobile at a time when yellow fever was raging, and the malady spread to the Apalachee settlements. They began to bring their sick children to the fort for baptism; the first baptism recorded for the newly created parish at Mobile was that of a young Apalachee child on September 6, 1704 (Hamilton 1976:109; Higginbotham 1977:193).13 The new cure, Father Alexandre Huve, himself down with yellow fever, along with the other two priests then in Mobile, was not enthusiastic about this sudden increase in the number of his parishioners whose devout Catholicism made them clamor for service. To a friend he wrote, "You cannot believe the trouble the Apalachee are causing us. They are constantly asking for sacraments, and we cannot understand them anymore than we can make ourselves understood" (Higgin botham 1977:193). From the remarks made about them by French observers, this group of Apalachee appear to have been acculturated at the time of their arrival in Mobile. They are described as speaking a mixture of Apalachee and Spanish (Higginbotham 1977:194). Bienville described them as good Catholics, fairly civilized, laborious and skillful, little given to hunting (Bienville [1726]: 536).14 Various French authorities remarked on the Apalachee's insistence on being furnished with a priest, noting that they threatened to return to Spanish territory if this demand were not met (Council of Commerce of Louisiana 1721:303; Raphael 1725:482). Penicault described them as dressing in the Eu ropean fashion, in a civilized style. He also considered them devout and re marked that there was nothing savage about them, except their mixed lan guage of Alibaman and Spanish (Hamilton 1976:109; McWilliams 1953: 134-135). They eventually overcame that barrier among the French to being 13. Higginbotham identifies the child as a girl and Hamilton as a boy. The former seems more reliable because his source was the Mobile parish register, while Hamilton seems to be relying on John Gilmary Shea's work. 14. Penicault, however, characterized the eight Apalachee who accompanied the Sieur de Wali-gney on a 1710 hunting expedition as good hunters.

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Exile and Extinction of the Apalachee 307 considered completely civilized by adding a knowledge of French (and Mobilian as well) to their achievements (Covington 1964:222). One of the most lavish French tributes to the character of these Apalachee emigres is that made by the Capuchin Superior in the Louisiana Territory. After noting that the company maintained a missionary among them, he remarked that It is important for the welfare of the colony that there always be one because these people, very zealous for religion, would abandon the post, if they were left without a priest, and as they are of all the Indians the only ones on whose fidelity we can count with certainty, they are of great assistance to us principally in the place in which they are estab lished fifteen leagues from Mobile up the river whence they can easily inform Mobile of the movements of the other Indian nations to take us by surprise. Besides they are hard working and industrious people who are employed advantageusly in case of need. (Raphael 1725:482-484) He went on to advise that they be shown more consideration by the French authorities, not only because they merited it but also because generous treat ment would facilitate the conversion to Christianity of the Apalachee's nonChristian neighbors on the Mobile River. In conclusion he noted, "The con trary is the practice, for while considerable presents are given to the pagan nations, we are content to pay this one a very modest salary for its work. This makes the others say that if they should become Christians they would become slaves of the French like the Apalachees" (Raphael 1725:482-484). However ungenerous the French remuneration may have been, the Apala chee 's treatment at the hands of the French seems to have been sufficiently satisfactory for them to resist the blandishments of the Spanish authorities, who offered inducements for them to return to Spanish territory. In mid-1706, Bienville reported that he had attracted the remainder of the Apalachee and Chacato from the vicinity of Pensacola, remarking that the commander at Pensacola had offered considerable presents to the chiefs of those two nations to secure their return and that those leaders had refused them, saying that the French assisted their allies better than did the Spaniards and furnished them arms. They reminded the commander that among the Spaniards they had not been masters of their wives, whereas among the French they could be at rest on the matter (Bienville 1706:25). In terms of the number who survived, these Apalachee immigrants did not fare well. In contrast to the Chacato, they were apparently devastated by the yellow fever they encountered upon their arrival. In his Memoirs, Bienville reported that of the 500 men who arrived in 1704 and thereafter, only 100 remained in 1725 because of the ravages of disease. Although they escaped

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308 Apalachee the 1704 epidemic, the Chacato population shrank even more drastically. By 1725 the original 250 people had been reduced to 40 ([Bienville] [1726]:526-527, 535-536; Higginbotham 1977:193-194). Little is known about the sites occupied by the Mobile Apalachee or their activity or fate after their arrival. At the time of the decision in 1710 to relo cate Mobile to its present site, one of the smaller Talimali villages upriver, located just below the settlement of the Little Tomeh, was moved downstream to the south side of the mouth of the St. Martins River (today's Chickasabogue or Chickasaw Creek).15 That move was to enable its inhabitants to assist in the construction of the new fort because they were considered the most skilled and diligent of France's native allies in the region (Hamilton 1976:158; Hig ginbotham 1977:457). Some time before 1733, however, the inhabitants of this site, known in later times as the St. Louis tract, were required to move, or chose to, to the east side of Mobile Bay. That tract, probably named for the Apalachee parish dedicated to that saint, was granted to an M. Diron in 1733 (Hamilton 1976:158). As late as 1725, the Apalachee village just below the junction of the Alabama and the Tombigbee was still in existence ([Bienville] [1726]:536; Raphael 1725:482-484). Apalachee appear to have been associated at one time or another with a number of sites east of the town. Unfortunately, the references to these are fragmentary. The Apalachee who abandoned the St. Louis tract (probably about 1718 according to Hamilton), when John Law's company was forcing the growth of the colony at an extravagant pace, ultimately settled on the east ern mouth of the Tensaw River, which still bears their name. Hamilton (1976:111, 124, 158, 270-271, 513-514) mentions a number of other sites across the river from Mobile associated with the Apalachee. At the time of the relocation of Mobile in 1710, the Chacato, whose vil lage was located within the new town site chosen for Mobile, were moved farther down the bay to Dog River, where they were assigned a new site onequarter of a league up the river (Higginbotham 1977:459). There is little men tion of them in the records. They also were viewed as good Catholics and were valued by the French as warriors. They are mentioned as speaking a dialect distinct from Apalachee but, like that of the Apalachee, it was heavily larded with Spanish ([Bienville] [1726]:535; Higginbotham 1977:310, 313). If the second relocation since 1704 forced on the Apalachee of St. Louis parish near Mobile occurred in 1718, as Hamilton suggests,16 it apparently 15. Hamilton locates this site between Three-Mile Creek and Chickasabogue (which was called St. Louis River under the French) and states that it covered about 22,500 arpens. 16. Barcia, in his chronicle for the year 1718, speaks of the Apalachee as still living near Fort St. Louis, one league from Mobile, the site to which they had transferred when Mobile was moved downriver.

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Exile and Extinction of the Apalachee 309 induced some of them to return to Pensacola that year. There is some indica tion, however, that their departure gave rise to ill feeling toward them among their compatriots who remained in French territory. Not long after they ar rived, the Apalachee at the new village of Nuestra Sefiora de la Soledad y San Luis near Pensacola heard a rumor that the Apalachee living at Fort St. Louis, a league from Mobile, intended to destroy the new settlement. When told of the rumor by Indians, who also said that Bienville had intervened to forestall such an attack, the Spanish commander at Pensacola was skeptical, believing that if Soledad were to be attacked by the Mobile Apalachee or by any other Indians subject to the French, it would be at the instigation of Bienville. The Spanish commander was sufficiently concerned over the rumors to order the inhabitants of La Soledad to fortify their settlement to enable it to withstand a first assault long enough to allow time for aid to be sent from the Spanish garrison at Santa Maria de Galve, should such an emergency arise (Gonzalez de Barcia Carballido y Zuniga 1951:372). No such attack occurred in 1718. But in the following year an amphibious French force of 600 men, supported on land by an Indian force of more than 700, took Pensacola itself. No attack was made on the Apalachee village, and the surrender terms provided in article 10 of the agreement that "The Apala chee Indians of the village of Nuestra Sefiora de la Soledad were not to be molested, [but] rather, treated as vassals of the King, and allowed to go where they would with their wives and children" (Gonzalez de Barcia Carballido y Zuniga 1951:379-380). The Apalachee apparently remained there during the brief French occupation of Pensacola. Early in August 1719, a Spanish expedi tion from Cuba regained control. A nephew of Bienville, who reached Pensa cola on August 11 at the head of an Indian relief force, finding the town and fort in Spanish hands already, agreed to depart peaceably. On the night before his departure, he and his Indian force went to the Apalachee settlement to sleep (Gonzalez de Barcia Carballido y Zuniga 1951:384-386; Noyan 1719:252).,7 That the Apalachee village just above Mobile was moved across the bay around 1718 may also be indicated by the sudden disappearance of Apalachee entries from the Mobile parish register of baptisms at this time. From 1718 through 1720 there were no entries, and beginning in 1721 far fewer Apala chee baptisms were recorded there than had been before 1718 (Hamilton 1976:109-112). Swanton attributed this reduction to the return of many of the Mobile Apalachee to Pensacola (Swanton 1922:126-127). More likely explanations for at least part of this decrease seem to be that the Mobile Apa lachee moved to a site from which it was difficult to reach Mobile and that, during some part of this 1718-1721 period, they were deprived of the ser-17. This event suggests that relations between the French Indians and the Pensacola Apalachee were friendly again, if indeed they had been disturbed in 1718.

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310 Apalachee vices of a priest of their own. The priest who had served them since 1704, Father Huve, was in France for a visit at some time during this period. Father Le Maire, who filled in for him, does not seem to have learned Apalachee, which may also have had some impact on the records. After Father Huve's re turn from France, he appears to have been ailing, and, therefore, he went back to his homeland in 1721.18 During this period the Apalachee went as a group to Antoine Le Moyne de Chateaugue, threatening to return to Pensacola if their requests for a priest to serve them were not met. The threat moved the council to respond at once; on February 8, 1721, it appointed a Discalced Carmelite, Father Charles of St. Alexis, as their priest. Father Charles assumed the title "Cure des Apala-ches," one his predecessor had never used. Hamilton suggests that Father Charles and his successors probably kept a separate register for their Indian flock, but if there was such a register, it has disappeared. The last entry of an Apalachee baptism in the Mobile parish register was for an Apalachee girl in 1751. The existence of their village is mentioned as late as 1762 in the record ing of the death of a Joseph Cook while crossing from the Apalachee to Mo bile (Hamilton 1976:110-112; O'Neill 1966:117, 125). The acculturation of these Apalachee is particularly reflected in the prac tice of their religion. Penicault observed that they conducted divine services like the Catholics of France, reverently hearing Mass and singing the psalms in Latin. Their principal festival was the feast of St. Louis celebrated on Au gust 25. They solemnized the occasion with special religious ceremonies fol lowed by festivities to which they invited both the neighboring Indians and the French. They regaled their guests with plenty of meat and other foodstuffs, and after an evening service of Vespers and Benediction of the Blessed Sacra ment, they held a dance at which allmen, women, and childrenwore masks. In commenting on their dress, Penicault noted that their only departure from the European custom was that women were bareheaded. He described the women's hair as long and black, woven into one or two plaits hanging down their backs after the fashion of Spanish girls. If their hair was very long, how ever, it was folded up to the middle of their backs and tied with a ribbon. Their village contained a church with a baptismal font (McWilliams 1953:133-135). Swanton mentioned the upriver Apalachee settlement near the Mobilian Indians as having been broken up by the Alibama and concluded that this made them take refuge near the newly built second Fort Louis (Swanton 1922:127). There is some question about the reliability of his information, which he derived from Hamilton, who, in turn, used the not-always-reliable John Gilmary Shea. The only attack by the Alibama in this period, mentioned 18. Hamilton says he left in 1727, but Huve was no longer serving them early in 1721.

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Exile and Extinction of the Apalachee 311 in the more carefully researched work of Higginbotham, is an attack in May 1709 against the Mobilian village at the fork of the Mobile and Tensaw Rivers, two years before the Apalachee village moved to the vicinity of the new site for Mobile. This move, according to Higginbotham, was for the pur pose of using the Apalachee as workers on the fort. In coming downriver to attack the Mobilian village, the Alibama did have to pass the Apalachee settlement, but there is no mention of the Apalachee being involved even in the French-led pursuit of the raiders by the Mobilians and Little-Tomeh. In addition, a map reproduced by Higginbotham shows the upriver Apalachee village as continuing to exist until 1763.19 Higginbotham spoke of the mi grants as coming from "one of the smaller villages of the Talimali then located upstream from the present town site just below the Little Tomeh" (Higginbotham 1977:383-385, 457). In 1763, at the transfer of the French territory east of the Mississippi River to the British, the Apalachee in the Mobile area migrated westward, departing in September 1763 to settle on the Red River near Nachitoches (Hamilton 197:568). Little is known about this colony. Covington recorded that by 1804 there were only 14 families there. Sometime during their stay in Louisiana they invited the Tensa band from Alabama to settle near them. In 1803, the Tensa's chief and Valentine Lay sard, who was reputed to be the agent of the Apalachee's chief, Etienne, sold most of the tribal land to two merchants who in turn sold it to an Isaac Baldwin. When the United States assumed control of the Louisiana Territory, Baldwin was attempting to evict the Apalachee. Although the Indian agent who heard the case awarded most of the disputed land to the Apalachee, Baldwin continued to harass them, mov ing his slaves onto their land, burning their wooden huts, and destroying their other improvements. This activity induced some of the colony to migrate to Texas in 1827. The last written evidence of their existence is in a note in 1834 which the Apalachee leaders sent to the U.S. secretary of state requesting an agent and money due them from the United States (Covington 1964:222-224). At the time of the 1704 migration of the refugee San Luis Apalachee and the Chacato to Mobile, the Apalachee from Escambe, a few of the Chacato, and possibly a few from San Luis remained at Pensacola. By 1706, most, if not all, of these refugees had also moved on to French territory along with the Pensacola and Tawasa (McWilliams 1953:102). It is not clear if any natives of Apalachee were among the few Indians in the vicinity of the town when Pen sacola came under attack in 1707. If so, they were probably killed or enslaved in the attacks of 1707, 1708, or 1711 (Corkran 1976:56; Crane 1956:86, 88-90; Higginbotham 1977:308). There is no further mention of the Apalachee in connection with Pensa-19. According to Corkran (1967:57) there were no further attacks while the French remained on the Gulf coast.

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312 Apalachee cola until 1717. That influx was doubtless a result of the emigration of the free Apalachee from South Carolina after the Yamasee War. Initially they had scat tered through the Lower and Upper Creek country, forming a major element along with the Yamasee in the pro-Spanish faction among the Creek (Boyd 1949:19-23, 1952; Crane 1956:254-255). The triumph of the pro-English faction, which had an influential champion in the Apalachee wife of Emperor Brims, the Chieftainess Qua, probably brought about the return of many of these emigre Apalachee to Spanish territory (Swanton 1922:124-125). To some degree the move was probably encouraged as well by the Creek, who thought the Apalachee's past ties with the Spaniards and their status as Chris tians would facilitate the success of the Creek overtures to the Spaniards and the French. It also lessened the danger that the Apalachee would spy on the Creek for the Spaniards concerning the Creek's continued dealings with the English. The outcome of the Yamasee War set the stage for intensified international rivalries in this area of the old Southwest for the remainder of the colonial era, with the focus of the struggles in the newly repopulated land of Apalachicola on the Chattahoochee, where the trails from Charleston, Apalachee, and Mo bile all met. In the wake of the uprising, English prestige was momentarily eclipsed, while that of the French and Spanish grew. In the midst of the war Creek and Yamasee turned to St. Augustine and Pensacola for trade goods and ammunition (Crane 1956:254-255). Even after peace was restored between the Creek and the English, the Apalachee could play a role in the development of Brims's policy of maintaining peace with all his European neighbors and not tying himself too closely to any of them, in order to preserve a balance of power in the region that served the Indians' interests. Accordingly, while Governor Ayala was entertaining Chief Adrian of Bacuqua and a number of Lower Creek chieftains in St. Augustine, Don Gregorio de Salinas was hosting a large group of Tallapoosa and Apalachee at Pensacola. In order to strengthen the renewed ties, and also, probably, to re lieve the pressure on his chronically short food supplies, Salinas dispatched a number of the Apalachee and some of the Upper Creek headmen to Mexico in 1717, to impress them with the grandeur of the viceregal capital and to give more solemnity to their renewal of their profession of allegiance to the king of Spain. While they were in Mexico, the viceroy named one of the Apalachee caciques, Juan Marcos, as governor of all the Apalachee, in the hope that it would enable him to promote the resettlement of the province. Texjana, the warrior captain of the Talisi village of the Tallapoosa, was given the title of "Campmaster General" among the Creek (Crane 1956:255; Gonzalez de Barcia Carballido y Zuniga 1951:359-361). Upon their return from Mexico, Juan Marcos and Texjana hastened to the

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Exile and Extinction of the Apalachee 313 Creek country to meet with Emperor Brims and to try to persuade some of the Upper Creek to settle in the vicinity of Pensacola, as Diego Pena at the same time sought to persuade Chief Adrian and the Apalachee among the Lower Creek as well as some of the Lower Creek themselves to repopulate Apalachee. Juan Marcos also sought the release to him of the Christian Indians still held as slaves by the Upper and Lower Creek. The Upper Creek showed no interest in moving to Pensacola, but the Tallapoosa did release 16 Christian Indians whom they held as slaves to return to Pensacola with him. Chief Adrian, supported by Chislacaliche and by other leaders among the Lower Creek, urgently requested the governor of Florida to build a fort in Apalachee at San Marcos, pledging that, given this security, they would settle in the province. In response, Governor Ayala, early in February 1718, dispatched Don Jose Primo de Rivera with 70 soldiers and skilled workmen to build the desired fort at San Marcos (Ayala y Escobar 1718; Gonzalez de Barcia Carballido y Zuniga 1951:360-370). Upon his return to Pensacola via Mobile, Juan Marcos led the 70 Apala chee in Pensacola five leagues from the Spanish settlement to found a native village on the River Chicsas;20 he called the new settlement Nuestra Senora de la Soledad y San Luis. He attracted still others, presumably from the Creek country, to swell the population of the new village to more than 100. Still others arrived from the Apalachee villages near Mobile; he probably had in fluenced them on his way through Mobile to Pensacola. Early in April 1718, on returning from a trip to St. Augustine, Juan Marcos led many of the inhabi tants of La Soledad back to Apalachee to a new Apalachee village that had been created in the vicinity of Fort San Marcos (Gonzalez de Barcia Carballido y Zuniga 1951:372-378). Strangely, in his reports to the governor written on April 28 and August 3, 1718, Jose Primo de Rivera did not mention Chief Juan Marcos or this new village to which Marcos brought the Apalachee he recruited from La Soledad. Neither are any Apalachee mentioned as being at St. Marks in the 1723 census. However, Rivera does mention the arrival of Chief Adrian in May with the chief of Caveta. Rivera was much impressed by Adrian, who promised to round up all the Apalachee he could find to come to establish a settlement adjacent to the new fort. Rivera also reported that a group of Yamasee, who were then settled at the chicasa of the Chacato, wished to settle in the forest of Sartouche about one and a half leagues from St. Marks.21 They had had some 20. This probably should be River of Chiscas. 21. It is not clear whether this chicasa is the one near San Luis or the one just below the junction of the Flint and Chattahoochee. In view of the reference to discord with Chislacaliche, the latter seems more likely to be the one referred to because Chislacaliche's village was above the confluence of those rivers.

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314 Apalachee discord with Chislacaliche and were also being harassed by the Uchise whom he led (Benavides 1723; Primo de Rivera 1718a). Despite the fact that on his departure Chief Juan Marcos had assured the Apalachee remaining at La Soledad that he would return shortly, the Apala chee attempted to elect a new chief. Unable to agree on a candidate, they ap pealed to the commander at Pensacola in order to avoid a disturbance. After restoring calm, he entrusted the Franciscan superior with the responsibility of persuading them to abandon their disputes. Sometime after the Spanish recap ture of Pensacola, Chief Juan Marcos brought word that Chipacafi was willing to bring his supporters and friends to assist the Spaniards there in their struggle with the French and their Indians, should that help be needed. Urged by the commandant to return as quickly as possible with all the Creek and Apalachee he could recruit, Juan Marcos left for Caveta accompanied by a Spanish soldier-interpreter. Before they could return, Pensacola fell to the French once again. Soon after the Spanish surrender, Juan Marcos and the soldier arrived with 60 Indians. On seeing the destruction, the soldier sur mised what the outcome had been. After ordering the Indians to return home, the soldier went on to Pensacola to give himself up (Gonzalez de Barcia Carballido y Zuniga 1951:387, 391-393). There is no mention of the fate of the remaining Apalachee at La Soledad during this second French attack, which was preceded by harassing raids by the French Indians from Mobile. There is no further mention of Juan Marcos or of the Pensacola Apalachee until the time of the transfer of Pensacola to the English (Covington 1972:382; Gonza lez de Barcia Carballido y Zuniga 1951:389-394). At that time, the Crown designated Veracruz, New Spain, as the destina tion of Pensacola's inhabitants. On September 3, 1763, the entire Spanish population there boarded eight ships. They were joined by 40 families of Christian Indians, who totaled 108 individuals referred to as Yamasee Apalachino. For many years they had been living near Pensacola in the villages of Escambe and Punta Rosa. It is likely that some of them had migrated to the Pensacola region from the native villages in the vicinity of Fort St. Marks in Apalachee to escape the continual Uchise raids on that area. On learning of the Spanish withdrawal in 1763, they asked to be evacuated along with the Spaniards because they feared annihilation by some of the neighboring nonChristian tribes, particularly the Tallapoosas, who sought their extinction. The move to their new home in Mexico proved to be scarcely less trau matic. Less than half the emigres survived the sea and land journey to their ultimate destination. Immediately after they landed at Veracruz, the Pensacola merchant to whom the governor had entrusted the Indians' possessions for shipment absconded with them to sell them in several Caribbean ports. Al though a major portion of the natives' valuables or their monetary equivalent were recovered, the process caused a prolonged and costly sojourn in Vera-

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Exile and Extinction of the Apalachee 315 cruz. The cost of the pursuit and recovery of the Indians' property was an additional drain on their resources. Of the 40 families that left Pensacola, only a portion of 22 survived7 men, 16 women, 3 boys, and 11 girls. The prop erty with which the merchant absconded was valued at 2,844 pesos and in cluded household goods, glass, mats, seeds, plain and cordovan sheepskins, and even the clothing belonging to the daughter of one of the chiefs. By the time they reached their new village of San Carlos de Chachalacas in Tempoala, 1,314.5 pesos out of the 2,844 had already been spent. The immigrants were stranded more than six months in Veracruz before the Spanish officials moved to organize a search for the embezzler and the missing property. The viceroy commissioned a Lieutenant Pedro de Amoscotigue y Bermudo for those tasks and also appointed him "Protector of the Christian Indians of Pen sacola," instructing him to protect, guide, and assist them in setting up their new community in New Spain. In all they were forced to tarry at Veracruz for 15 months before heading for the district of Tempoala, where the Spanish au thorities had had local builders construct a village for them around a typical Spanish square. Well intentioned though it may have been, the manner in which the build ing project was handled provided an additional source of grief and financial loss for the natives. In building the village, and especially its church, the Spanish officer appointed as their protector employed expensive Spanish la borers and materials for the construction of the church without consulting the natives who were to bear its cost. On learning of what had been done, the natives protested that they could have built the church themselves with little expense using materials available in the nearby forests. This project, instead, subtracted another 1,129 pesos from the natives' resources. The new village and its lands occupied 172 acres on the Rio de Chachalacas, which sur rounded it on three sides. From the time of their arrival until February 1766, each Yamasee tribes man received one and a half reales per day for subsistence. The Crown also supplied various agricultural implements and tools needed by the settlers to become self-sufficient. As among the Creek, most of the farm and household work was done by the women. The local authorities remarked on the lack of appeal of physical labor to the men except that involved in hunting. They also accused the newcomers of neglecting the cultivation and protection of the communal plots to concentrate on their individual plots. Out of respect for the role of hunting among them, both as a source of food and as a means of earn ing the traditional marksmanship honors that brought prestige to the hunters with the most game, the viceroy granted them special permission to hunt as requested by their appointed protector, ignoring the protests of the local ranchers. There is no indication of the proportion of Apalachee blood that flowed

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316 Apalachee through the veins of the emigres. Even though Gold lists the 47 survivors by name, none had a recognizable Apalachee name, and almost all had exclu sively Spanish names. Only the fact that one of their Florida villages was named Escambe suggests that a considerable proportion of them may have been of Apalachee origin. There are indications that miscegenation was making considerable inroads among the group. When the remaining funds and the designated lands of San Carlos were divided among the surviving emigres, several Spaniards were among those receiving allotments. Gold records that the viceroy authorized the settlement of a dozen Creoles from Pensacola in the community. Most were soldiers who had already been married to Yamasee women or who had declared their intention to do so. Gold's last reference to this community of Florida emigres was for the year 1774. In that year a local hacendado brought suit charging that the Crown had illegally deprived him of the lands on which the village of San Carlos was located. He asked that the immigrants be removed or that he be compensated for his loss. Gold concluded his study of the emigres' fate with the observa tion that "Although the Apalachinos suffered a number of socio-economic ca lamities in New Spain, the unfortunate events were really circumstantial and coincidental rather than the result of Spanish policy. The royal officials of New Spain actually revealed obvious concern in the attempts to settle the Indians comfortably in San Carlos" (Gold 1969:101-102, 1970). During most if not all of the period 1704-1763 the Apalachee's village sites in their homeland remained deserted, used only as campsites by the Spanish expeditions passing through the region. Despite projects for the reset tlement of some of the Apalachee mission sites in the mid-1720s and in the 1730s, no new settlements appeared. The only known settlements for this pe riod under Spanish auspices are the two native villages that sprang up in the vicinity of Fort St. Marks and those of two small groups of Tocobaga (Primo de Rivera 1718a). The Creek ancestors of the Seminoles appear to have used the province solely as a hunting ground and as a corridor for reaching the ap parently richer hunting grounds and pastures of the Alachua prairie. Occa sionally some visited Fort St. Marks to trade, receive presents, or simply take scalps (Montiano 1745). The beginnings of the Seminole settlements at Lake Miccosukee and Tallahassee Talofa probably antedate the departure of the Spaniards in 1763, but I have seen no evidence in the few Spanish records that I have viewed from the period. That possibility is suggested, however, by Lieutenant Pittman's mention that two Indian towns were on fine soil in Apala chee at the time of his visit only four years later in 1767 (Boyd 1934:118). In view of the character they demonstrated from the time of their contact with the Narvaez and de Soto expeditions to the early years of their exile after 1704, the Apalachee deserved a better fate than dispersion and death as a dis-

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Exile and Extinction of the Apalachee 317 tinct people. Despite the harsh reception they gave to the first Europeans who intruded on their territory, they appear to have been a hospitable people. When the Spaniards spoke of them it was almost invariably in tones of admi ration for their qualities. Let us hope that the resurgence of interest in these people that has occurred over the last two decades, particularly in archaeo logical research, will enable them to live on as more than a name attached to a mountain chain, a bay, and several rivers.

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Appendix 1 Chronology for San Luis and Apalachee 1528 A Spanish expedition led by Panfilo de Narvaez established the first recorded European contact with the hostile Apalachee. Its chronicler believed they had visited its main village, Apalachen, a small village of 40 houses. 1536 Alvar Nunez Cabeza de Vaca, one of the four survivors of the Nar vaez expedition, reached Mexico and provided the first written de scription of the land of the Apalachee. 1539 The expedition led by Hernando de Soto reached Apalachee in early October, crossed the province from east to west, and settled for the winter at Anhayca Apalachee, seat of the lord of the province, which represented the same corporate entity as the missionera village of San Luis. De Soto built additional houses in the village for his men and erected a fortificaton to protect it. On No vember 29, an Indian slipped through the sentries to set fire to the village, two portions of which were instantly consumed because of a high wind. 1540 In early March, de Soto left Anhayca, heading northward, without most of the Indians from South and Central Florida whom he had impressed as porters. They had died from exposure to Apalachee's comparatively harsh winter. 1607 Some of the Apalachee asked the Spaniards to send missionaries. 1608 The first Franciscans were welcomed at Ivitachuco by the entire population of the province. They were able to establish peace be tween the warring Timucua and Apalachee. The chief of Inihayca, whose village would become the future mission of San Luis, was chosen by the assembled chiefs to visit the governor at St. Au gustine as their representative. 319

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320 Appendixes 1612 Spanish authorities rejected the Apalachee's request for a perma nent mission. Not all the Apalachee favored the presence of the friars; the hostility had forced the friars to withdraw twice between 1608 and 1612. Some Apalachee leaders asked the friars to desig nate a a place to set up a cross. By this time, the natives had built churches after their own fashion in some of the villages to be ready when the friars would be available. 1625 Apalachee had begun to send food supplies to St. Augustine. 1633 In October the first two friars arrived to establish a permanent mis sion presence among the Apalachee. As one of the important vil lages the mission of San Luis de Jinayca was likely established soon after their arrival, possibly named for the incumbent gover nor, Luis Horruytiner. 1638 The first soldiers were sent to Apalachee. A Lenten census of the province put the population at 16,000. 1639 The chief of the village of Cupaica was converted and a mission established in his village. The mission was named San Damian de Cupaica in honor of the governor, who served as the chief's god father. It is the only Apalachee mission with a definite foundation date. As a result of the efforts of the governor, the neighboring Amacano, Chacato, and Apalachicola made peace with the Apalachee. After two years of taking soundings on the Apalachee coast for a suitable place for a port and a channel giving access to it, maritime contact between Apalachee and St. Augustine was estab lished. The first ship made the run in 13 days, opening the prospect that Apalachee could relieve St. Augustine's constant need for food. 1640s Early in this decade the mission effort in Apalachee expanded dramatically. 1643 A brisk trade between Havana and Apalachee had begun. ca. 1645 The post of deputy governor of the province of Apalachee was cre ated and Claudio Luis de Florencia named as the first incumbent. Some sort of fortlike residence was probably built for him and his family. 1647 By the start of the year the soldiers appear to have been withdrawn to the governor's farm near Asile. At the time eight villages con tained missions. On February 19 a Chisca-inspired uprising by the non-Christian Apalachee began at Bacuqua, and it was joined by some recent Christian converts. The deputy governor, his wife and children, and three of the friars were killed by the rebels and seven churches and convents destroyed. In March a Spanish-Timucuan

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Appendix 1. Chronology for San Luis and Apalachee 321 relief force met the rebels on Timucua soil. The rebels withdrew after a day-long battle, but the Spanish returned to St. Augustine convinced that additional forces would have to be recruited in Cuba to regain control of the province. The acting governor went to Yustaga with a few soldiers to try to prevent the spread of the revolt there. Learning that the rebels had become dispirited and that the older converts among the Apalachee leadership had re gained control, he slipped into Apalachee and, within a month, ne gotiated its submission to Spanish rule once more. Twelve of the rebel ringleaders were executed and 26 others sentenced to forced labor at St. Augustine. The introduction of the labor repartimiento was part of the amnesty agreement. ca. 1648 This period marks the first recorded visit of a governor to the province. He also visited the neighboring province of the Apalachicola, beginning regular commercial intercourse between the provinces that flourished until the early 1680s. ca. 1651 The soldiers were withdrawn from the province at the request of the friars. 1651 The mission of San Luis was mentioned by name for the first time. ca. 1652 The friars and some of the Indian leaders harvested wheat from the abandoned farm near Asile established by Governor Salazar y Va llecula and began to plant their own wheat in Apalachee. ca. 1655 The appearance of an English ship at St. Marks spurred concern for the province's security that led to the return of the soldiers and expansion of the garrison. 1655 The mission of San Luis was mentioned as one of nine missions existing in the province. 1656 The chief of San Luis de Jinayca moved his village to be near the Spaniards. There appears to have been some unrest in the province, a spillover from the uprising in Timucua at the time, but the Apalachee did not participate in that revolt, as is often stated in secondary sources. It is likely that there was some ill feeling to ward the chief of San Luis because he had close ties with the Span iards and because he led the opposition to Apalachee support of the Timucuan revolt. 1657 Governor Diego de Rebolledo came to the province in January on a formal visitation of its ten principal mission villages, which were identified by name along with approximately 25 satellite villages. San Luis was identified alternately as San Luis de Jinayca and San Luis de Nijajipa, and two of its satellite villages were identified. The garrison at San Luis was doubled to 12, and a blockhouse or

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322 Appendixes fortified country house was probably built at this time to house the deputy governor and the soldiers. The governor forbade any export of foodstuffs from Apalachee until St. Augustine's needs were met. ca. 1662 The Chacato asked for missionaries again, probably as a result of their contact with the expedition to the Upper Creek country led by Pedro de Ortes. (They had also asked for friars in the late 1640s and mid-1650s.) 1662 The size of the garrison was temporarily expanded to 40 as San Luis became the base for an exploratory expedition to the country of the Upper Creek. 1668 The size of the garrison at San Luis was reported as 12 men. 1671 Governor Cendoya reported the size of the garrison as 25 in October. ca. 1672 The ball post on the playing field at San Luis was struck by light ning and burned, as had happened at Patale two years earlier and at Bacuqua in the same general period. 1672 By late in the year the size of the garrison was down to 19, and it stayed there until at least 1675. At some time before 1680 it de clined again to 12. 1674 A number of non-Apalachee were revealed to be living in the vi cinity of San Luis, and missions were established among them. They were identified as the Tama, Yamassee, Amacano, Pacara or Capara, and the Chine. 1674San Luis became the base for the establishment of missions to the 1675 west for a group of Sabacola living on the Apalachicola River and Chacato living in the vicinity of present-day Marianna. ca. 1675 Governor Hita Salazar apparently inaugurated the settlement of Spanish families in the vicinity of San Luis by making a number of land grants. The creation of a Spanish community in that area was first contemplated by Governor Rebolledo in the mid-1650s. 1675 San Luis was revealed to have a population of 1,400 natives within its jurisdiction, making it the most populous district in the province. The name "San Luis de Talimali" was recorded for the first time, and the old name "Jinayca" disappeared from the records. Bishop Calderon made a pastoral visit to San Luis and the other Apalachee missions and mentioned the existence of a fortified country house there. 1677 At a formal assembly at Tomoli the leaders of the province reluc tantly endorsed a resolution outlawing the Apalachee's traditional ball game. This move was instigated by San Luis's pastor, Fray Juan de Paiva, and abetted by one of the village's principal leaders,

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Appendix 1. Chronology for San Luis and Apalachee 323 Juan de Mendoza, who was coauthor of a research paper on the game and its origins. In September the leaders at San Luis, sup ported by the chief of Cupaica, organized a successful expedition against a Chisca stronghold in West Florida which had served as a base for nocturnal slave-raiding attacks on Apalachee settlements. After the beginning of the English settlement, Carolina served as a market for these slaves. The presence of the Tocobaga living at Wacissa, near Ivitachuco, was mentioned for the first time. En glish and French pirates appeared in the port of San Marcos in Apalachee. ca. 1678 A temporary wooden fort was built at St. Marks, designed to hamper anyone trying to enter the harbor again as pirates had in 1677. 1681 Relations between San Luis and the Apalachicola began to deterio rate when friars at Sabacola on the Chattahoochee, whom the Spanish governor attempted to impose on the Apalachicola by force of arms, had to withdraw. 1682 Reflecting that friction, the garrison at San Luis was expanded to 45 men. French corsairs sacked and destroyed the new fort at St. Marks in Apalachee. 1683 A map believed to have been drawn in 1683 shows a village of Chacato located just to the west of San Luis, as well as locations of the other missions. 1685 A period of strained relations had begun between the native leaders of San Luis and its deputy governor because of his arbitrary and brutal conduct, disparagement of Indian customs, and interference in administration of the village. A number of dissatisfied Apala chee migrated to Creek country. Leaders at San Luis petitioned the governor for removal of the deputy governor. Relations with the Apalachicola, which seemed to have improved in the early part of the year, deteriorated seriously in the second half as English traders from Carolina came to the Apalachicola towns. Their pres ence prompted five armed expeditions from San Luis in a vain at tempt to capture them. On the second expedition in 1685-1686 four Apalachicola towns were sacked and burned by a force of Spaniards and Apalachee. 1686 An exploratory expedition was launched from Apalachee to search for the French in the lower Mississippi valley. 1687 Early in the year the deputy governor was removed from office when the governor who had appointed him deserted and fled to Cuba. In March, Governor Marques Cabrera appointed the soon-

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324 Appendixes to-be-deposed lieutenant of the province of Apalachee to lead an expedition of 25 Spaniards and 100 Apalachee to explore the Bay of Espirito Santo (Pensacola). 1688 Plans were made to establish an elaborate blockhouse for the expanded garrison at San Luis. Apalachee's chiefs pledged to do the work without charge if the Crown would supply tools and food for the workers. Lumber was prepared for the project. Four chiefs from Mobile came to San Luis to pledge obedience to the Spanish monarch and to request land to settle in the area. 1689 The building of a fort on the Chattahoochee by Apalachee carpen ters led to the temporary abandonment of plans to build a fort at San Luis and a watchtower at St. Marks. A census by families showed that Escambe's population of 400 families had surpassed San Luis's 300 families, making it the most populous district in the province. 1691 Spanish and Apalachee forces destroyed their recently built fort on the Chattahoochee and withdrew to Apalachee territory at San Luis. 1693 San Luis served as the departure point for the overland expedition, led by Governor Laureano de Torres y Ayala, to explore Pensacola and Mobile bays. Apalachee provided horses, salt beef, and cheese for the expedition. In November the Crown ordered Governor Torres y Ayala to resurrect the plan to build a fort at San Luis and a stone watchtower at St. Marks. 1694 The Chacato village just below the confluence of the Flint and the Chattahoochee was attacked by a band of Apalachicola, and more than 40 of its inhabitants were carried off as slaves. 1695 In January the Chacato refugees from that village, then living at the trans-Ochlockonee site of Escambe, received permission to re-occupy their former village site near San Luis, where they had lived in the early 1680s. Spanish soldiers led an Apalachee expedition against the Apalachicola living along the Ocmulgee in retaliation for their attack on the Chacato village. They found only the ashes of the Creek villages and captured no more than 50 Apalachicola. 1696 By April the blockhouse portion of the fort at San Luis had been completed except for part of its roof; work had been suspended to permit the Indians to plant their crops. Frequent nocturnal harass ment by enemy natives forced the soldiers and the inhabitants of the village to seek shelter within the blockhouse. Marcos Delgado moved his ranch to a former site of Patale.

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Appendix 1. Chronology for San Luis and Apalachee 325 1697 By July work on the blockhouse had been completed. Only the outworks remained to be finished. 1698 Late in the year the natives of San Luis became seriously alienated from the Spaniards because Spanish settlers had expropriated some of the natives' houses and lands and were making constant de mands on them for uncompensated labor (forcing native carpenters to build several houses for Spanish settlers with the lumber left over from the building of the fort). 1699 By February the inhabitants of San Luis had moved their village to a site that was one league from the existing village, in an ex pression of their discontent with the settlers. Early in the year Francisco de Florencia and a band of Chacato, while on a buffalo hunt, murdered and robbed most of a band of Tasquique who were on their way to San Luis to trade. This attack set up the Apalachee for retaliation, especially the village of Ayubale to which stolen deerskins had been taken by the Chacato to be painted. Diego Ximenez moved his ranch to an abandoned site of the village of Escambe, three leagues from San Luis. 1701 Suspicious of peace treaties between the Apalachee and their Apalachicola neighbors that permitted a resumption of trade, the Span ish authorities put restrictions on that trade, interdicting the sale of horses or the export of silver from Apalachee. In the wake of the unprovoked killing and scalping of some Mayaca by an expedition of Timucua and Iguaja, the governor issued orders to the Christian Indians of Florida, including the Apalachee, that they were no longer to take scalps or dance with them in the council house and instructed his subordinates to work out with the natives some other criteria for the acquisition of warrior status and for advancement within warrior ranks. 1702 Angered by Spanish restrictions on trade in horses, the Apalachicola broke the peace treaties, murdering three of four Apalachee envoys in their midst and devastating the Timucua village of Santa Fe. In the second half of the year a Spanish-led Apalachee force on its way to retaliate for those acts of hostility was ambushed and routed, losing most of its arms and many able-bodied warriors. In October the governor's deputy announced plans for building a stockade around the fort at San Luis and considered the relocation of Bacuqua and Escambe to more defensible sites closer to San Luis. 1703 The mission of San Joseph de Ocuia was attacked and destroyed by a raiding band of Apalachicola who also struck into Timucua.

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Appendixes 1704 In January, Colonel James Moore, at the head of a force of Caroli nians and their Creek allies, attacked and captured Ayubale, de feated a Spanish and Apalachee relief force from San Luis, and accepted the surrender of a number of the other villages, some un conditionally and others on terms. Without attacking San Luis or the villages closest to it, Colonel Moore withdrew, accompanied by 1,300 voluntary emigrants and an undetermined number of Ap alachee carried off as slaves. In late June and early July a second Creek attack force assaulted most of the remaining settlements in Apalachee, taking Patale, Aspalaga, and Escambe and even an outlying part of San Luis. Most of Escambe's population escaped by seeking refuge at San Luis. A Spanish-Apalachee relief force was routed at Patale on July 4. The Creek left without assaulting the fort or Ivitachuco. In mid-July most of the surviving natives of San Luis and Escambe, along with the Chacato, moved westward toward Pensacola and Mobile, following the Spanish civilians, who had already left for Pensacola by sea. By the end of July the remaining soldiers at San Luis and a few natives left for St. Au gustine after destroying the fort and the village of San Luis, catch ing up by August 2 with the withdrawing Ivitachuca at San Pedro de Potohiriba. On August 2 a third Creek attack force reached San Luis, killing or capturing the portion of Escambe's population that had remained behind to welcome them and pursuing and killing the cattle drovers from Pensacola, who were herding cattle they had purchased in Apalachee toward that settlement. 1705 In August, after landing at St. Marks, Admiral Landeche visited the site of San Luis and sent parties from there to explore other former mission sites. They found no signs of cattle or human habi tation in the parts of the province they visited. 1716 Diego de Pena was the first Spaniard recorded as having returned to the province since 1705. On his overland trek to Apalachicola country, he camped at the site of Patale and San Luis and at the trans-Ochlockonee site of Escambe. 1718 Spanish soldiers returned to Apalachee but built their fort and settlement at St. Marks rather than inland. Unsuccessful efforts were made to persuade the surviving Apalachee and the lower Creek to occupy the former Apalachee mission sites. Some Ap alachee from an undetermined location, along with some from Pensacola, established a settlement near Fort St. Marks in Ap alachee. A few Tocobaga were reported to be living at Wacissa and at the mouth of the Aucilla on an island. Some Yamasee living on

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Appendix 1. Chronology for San Luis and Apalachee 327 the site of the old Chacato village on the Apalachicola moved to the vicinity of Fort St. Marks to establish a village there. ca. 1725 Spaniards reconnoitered at the San Luis site preparing to re establish a settlement there; they drove stakes to mark an area for rebuilding the fort, but their plans were never carried out. 1728 There occurred in this year the last mention of the presence of Ap alachee in one of the villages near Fort St. Marks. The Yamasee village of Tamasle lost all its women and children to attacking Uchise, but 80 of its warriors were able to seek refuge in the fort when their ammunition was exhausted. 1738 San Luis, Tama, and other former village sites were again recon noitered as possible locations for the repopulation of the province, and the Tama site was selected, but once again the planned settle ment of the province stalled. 1764 The Spanish garrison withdrew from St. Marks. Five Indians from the towns of Sabacola and Tamasle were given permission to leave with the Spanish forces.

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Appendix 2 Translation of the Ball Game Manuscript AMONG the sources providing information on the Apalachee, the ball game manuscript is indisputably the most valuable extant document for the light that it throws on their culture and customs. It is particularly significant for the San Luis site because the friar who penned it was pastor of the San Luis doctrina at the time he led the campaign for the abolition of the ball game. One of his two closest collaborators in the preparation of the manuscript and in the conduct of the campaign was the parish interpreter for San Luis, the Apalachee leader Juan Mendoza. The other, Diego Salvador, seems to have spent much of his time at San Luis as the royal interpreter. Consequently, San Luis and its people figure significantly in a number of the scenes and events described by Father Paiva and the two interpreters. For the most part, this manuscript does not present any major problems for the transcriber or the translator. The script is legible in most places; only oc casionally does the poor legibility of a word or two pose serious problems. More serious problems arise because of Father Paiva's convoluted and ellip tical style and the passion with which he composed this piece. His emotions, at times, caused him to break his chain of thought in midsentence to interject an expression of dismay or to recount an anecdote. He had a tendency to use pronouns for which there were no clearly identified antecedents. These prob lems are aptly summarized in Amy Bushnell's observations in an article on the ball game: "Certainly it is a translator's nightmare, full of flashbacks and derailings, copyists' errors, garbled syntax, and unanchored pronouns, not to speak of smatterings of Apalache, Timucuan and Latin. The polemic Deutero Paiva was rapidly written to the point of incoherence" (1978b: 14-15). As noted in chapter 3, in my opinion the evident rapidity of its composi tion and the passion that inspired it adequately account for those problems, 328

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Appendix 2. Translation of the Ball Game Manuscript 329 eliminating the need to posit a Proto and a Deutero version by Fray Paiva. The layering in the document can be explained by Paiva's having incorporated much of the work of the two native interpreters with his own, interlarding siz able pieces of it with his own observations, reminiscences, and hortatory ar guments for the extinction of the game. Fortunately, relatively few passages are so difficult that they completely defy a translator's efforts to decipher Paiva's message. One peculiarity, which I have reproduced, is his use of single (at times, paired) parentheses, all of which face to the left. Although this document has been translated on several occasions, none of those translations has been published. I have had access to photocopies of the typescript of two of the existing translations, those by Julian Granberry (n.d.) and Evelyn Peterson (1976). Their works are commendable, but both are too freely translated. Consequently, I felt that there was still a need for a careful translation that would be as literal as feasible while still conveying the thought of the original as clearly and as readably as was possible. As expected, my rendition differs significantly from both in a number of passages. In view of the prominence of San Luis and its people in this manuscript, the current exploration of that site under the direction of the Bureau of Ar chaeological Research also seemed to create a need to make this important document more readily available. Within those parameters, I have sought to follow the guidelines Fray Marcelo de San Joseph set for himself almost 300 years ago when he translated from Apalachee into Castilian the one document for which we have the natives' original text. Early in 1688 the friar wrote to the king that he had translated the chiefs' letter to the monarch "just as it is and sounds," noting, "And even though I could have touched up its un polished manner of chatting with our King and lord, nevertheless, I decided not to change the style, even though I could have polished it without betraying its substance." Whenever I have added words to the original text for purposes of clarity, I have placed them in brackets. In December 19841 initially translated this document, in a somewhat less literal form, from my rough transcription of the Ball Game Manuscript that appears in the record of the Domingo de Leturiondo Visitation of the Prov inces of Apalachee and Timucua in 1677-1678. That transcription was rough because it was the first seventeenth-century Spanish document with which I had the pleasure of wrestling, and it remained rough because my plans for translating this text were put aside before I had the opportunity to smooth out those rough spots. Most of the words and passages that were not deciphered in the 1976 transcription were clarified during a brief reexamination of the manuscript in March 1985 and through a hasty perusal of portions of the Jeannette Thurber Connor transcription of the same document. Both my 1976

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330 Appendixes transcription and the 1985 reexamination were done from the Stetson Collec tion photostat of that document in the P. K. Yonge Library of Florida History of the University of Florida. In closing I must note that the manuscript's title might be misleading if it causes the reader to infer that the ball game was confined to the Apalachee and the Yustaga. There are indications that the same game was played among the other groups of Timucua as far east as Potano. During his visitation, Leturiondo sought to proscribe the game in those provinces as well. In pleading for the right to continue to play the game, the Timucua argued only that their game had been freed of its pagan and superstitious accoutrements and of the violence that marred Apalachee's games, not that it was a different game.

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Origin and Beginning of the Game of Ball that the Apalachee and Yustagan Indians Have Been Playing since Pagan Times until the Year of 1676. The Reverend Father Friar Juan de Paiva, pastor of the doctrina of San Luis de Talimali, brought it to light. May it be for the honor and glory of God. Amen. In the pagan times of this Apalachee nation there were two chiefs, whose experiences I am going to recount, who in their [time of] blindness lived close to one another as neighbors. One was named Ochuna nicoguadca, whom they say is Lightning Bolt. And the other Ytonaslaq, a person of banked fires. And in his understanding both [are] the names of demons, which they have held as such, especially for Ytonanslalaq. The latter had an orphaned granddaughter named nico taijulo, woman of the sun. The leading men, who are those who are in charge of the place, the aldermen, as we would say, sent her out for water every day. She became pregnant in this employment and gave birth to a son and hid him among some bushes, where the panther, the bear, and the jay found him. And they brought him to itonanslac, his great-grandfather. And they told him how his grand daughter, Nicotaijulo, had given birth to that child. He then ordered that they should not say anything to anybody or reveal that his granddaughter had given birth. He was given the name Chita. They do not know what it means, nor have I been able to discover it. He was reared to the age of twelve with this name, and [then] it was changed and he was given another, which was Oclafi, Baron of water. This is their way of speaking. He was reared with that name until the twentieth year. And [then] it was taken from him and he was given another, which was eslafiayupi. Neither did they know what this one meant. 331

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332 Appendixes They say they are ignorant of it.) The which young man excelled everyone in courage and in his skill with the bow and arrow and in the game of quicio [chunkey], which all these nations play, which is [played] with two long poles about three yardsticks in length and a flat and round stone. Ochuna Nicoguadca harbored suspicions that that young man was the son of Taijulo because his shamans had told him, or, prognosticated, as we would say, that the son to which Nico taijulo gave birth was destined to kill him. And in order [to learn] if perchance this was so, he tried to see if he might kill him. And he set the following three traps for him, so that he might perish in one. Take note that the Ytonanslaq had commanded his great-grandson that, concerning everything that they ordered him to do or that happened, that it was important for him that he should let him know about it before he obeyed it. And, accordingly, [when] he was ordered first that he should go to a certain place where there was a large and very deep sinkhole, that he should obtain flints there for arrowheads, and that they should not be from any other place, the young man went at once and told his great-grandfather of what they were ordering him [to do]. And he said to him, son, this spring is very deep. You cannot obtain the flints from it without risking your life. He gave him some beads [made] of shell and told him to give those beads to a little bird that would be there diving and ask for the flints from it. And so he went, gave it the beads and asked it for them [the flints]. And it gave them [to him], and he brought them to Ochuna Nicoguadca. He ordered him secondly to go to a cer tain thicket where he would find a canebrake of bamboo, and that he should cut canes there, and bring them for arrows. The young man went and told his great-grandfather what they had commanded of him. The old man said to him, Son, there are many poisonous snakes in that canebrake, you would be run ning great danger. What you can do is form hoops from the grapevines and carry them along. And when the snake comes, throw the hoop where it is crawling. Then it will chase the hoop and you [can] rush up and cut the canes. With which he did just that. He went, cut his canes, and he brought them. Thirdly and lastly, he ordered him to go to a certain place where he would find a nest of eagles in a tree, that he should go and kill the parents and bring back the fledglings. The youth went and informed the old man and he gave him the advice that follows. And it was that he should bring some gourds with him that he might put on his hands and on his head, and, that he should bring a lariat with him, and, that when he should see the eagle about to bite him, he should let go with the aforesaid lariat. And that is what he did. He went and killed the eagles and brought the young ones and presented them to Ochuna Nicoguadca. On seeing that he could not kill him, he arranged then that they should play the ball game. This is how it had its beginning. And it is in this fashion. = =

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Appendix 2. Translation of the Ball Game Manuscript 333 They send a courier, challenging the place with whom they are going to play, citing the day, and with how many players, let's say forty or fifty more or less, in accord with the people to be had. It has to be [played] at midday or at two in the afternoon, and, in the summer. And in winter they do not play. It is to eleven strikes with the ball that they fire at the pole. And it must be with the foot. And as I understand it, one holds the ball with the hand, lets it fall, and, lifting it up with the foot and giving it a kick upwards, one fires the said ball, which will be the size of a musket-ball, [or] a little larger. If it remains on the pole it is worth two. They all crowd together like a clump of pine-cones, naked as when their mother bore them, except for a deerskin breechclout that covers their private parts, and, [with] their hair braided. And a leading man throws the ball in the midst of all of them, who are erect and with their hands raised. It falls into the hand of someone. And they fall upon one another at full tilt. And the last to arrive climb up over their bodies, using them as stairs. And, to enter, others [step on] their faces, heads, or bellies, as they encounter them, taking no notice [of them] and aiming kicks without any concern whether it is to the face or to the body, while in other places still others pull at arms or legs with no concern as to whether they may be dislocated or not, while still others have their mouths filled with dirt. When this pileup begins to become untangled, they are accustomed to find four or five stretched out like tuna; over there are others gasping for breath, because, inasmuch as some are wont to swallow the ball, they are made to vomit it up by squeezing their windpipe or by kicks to the stomach. Over there lie others with an arm or a leg broken. In this exercise, the fashion in which I have described it is but a sketch of what took place, because their faces are like a living fire from this exertion and from the midday sun. What damage must not be done to these bodies [from this]! And they resuscitate them by dint of a bucket of water. What kind of a remedy is this, when they have their pores open in this fash ion? How can these wretches stay alive thus? Accordingly, they are destroying themselves and this nation is being extinguished. And all this is only a sketch! When the courier left, it was obligatory that he go in the following fash ion, that he be in the guise dosuai, which is the raccoon,1 with his tail, and stained with black, [with] something like horns(?)2 on his head, and his face painted with red and his body stained with black and with raylike streaks of red, so that they looked like the devil himself. As for me, I say that each time 1. The Spanish word used here, tejon, means badger in modern Spanish. North Florida is not part of the badger's range, so raccoon, suggested by the references to black, seems a more appropriate translation. Dosuai is probably the Apalachee name for the animal. 2. The Spanish word seems to be guerrios. Cuernos, or horns, is the closest equivalent to it that makes sense in modern Spanish. The Jeannette Thurber Connor transcription (n.d.) of this document has Quernos.

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334 Appendixes that I saw them, they represented the image of the devil. And, when the chal lenge was not accepted, there was a ceremony whereby the trappings were removed, and he came slinking back without entering the plaza, except with all the instruments put away and hung from the shoulder on a little stick. But, if it were accepted, he would enter in the aforesaid guise, and with rattles or little bells or cowbells making a great harmony with the instruments, calling out so that they might come out to receive him. And, having accepted the challenge, Ytonanslac called to all his vassals, who were the panthers, wolves, and bears, all the dark and strong animals. And thus they use Cuy Juan as a surname. Cuy is the panther. Nita Agustin is the bear and equally seteris pauper, etc.3 And it was their understanding, as the players proceeded and descended from the plaza and the ball pole, that these were their very ancestors from whom they were descended. And accordingly, these all entered painted with black, representing those animals. And the rivals painted in other colors, different from these, representing other animals such as the deer and the fox. They all came and entered into the plaza naked as their mothers bore them except for a little breechclout with which they covered their private parts. And it is where the greatest assembly of people is to be found, as I shall speak about farther on. And from time to time they let out howls, like wolves. And, with these sights [before you], consider now, for the love of God, I ask each one of you, "How does such a game appear to you?" and "Whom) would such a game not appall?") Could this fail to hold something from their pagan times concealed in it! His players having come together, Ytonanslac gave them the rules so that they would not lose. And they are those which follow. And they are kept inviolate, so I understand. And should they cease to do so, they consider it inevi table that they would lose. And as proof I shall tell you what happened to me in a certain place to which I used to go to say Mass on Sundays because of the absence of its priest. I came to the place having only recently arrived [in Florida]. And those of this place had lost two important games and they were about to play another one that Sunday. And there was a soldier there, who today is an Inactive Captain, and he told me that the Indians were very demor alized because they considered it a certainty that they would lose. And, on being asked the reason, he told me, "Because they have not been assembling at night 'to sleep the ball,' and because they were not opening the church for them as [they did] formerly." On taking note of all this, I pretended not to understand.) 3. This name appears to be in Latin. Pauper definitely means poor, or meagre, and by extension little. The closest equivalent to seteris that I could find was saetiger, which means bristly or boar. Saetis sometimes written as set-. Inasmuch as the boar was introduced into the Southeast by the Spaniards, the use of this name would have been a phenomenon of the historic period.

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Appendix 2. Translation of the Ball Game Manuscript 335 The first rule [is] that the players are not to sleep the night before they have to play. I have been given to understand that, if they are to play on a Sunday, during the night of the Saturday before they have to play, if the players do not keep the vigil and carry out the practices I shall speak about farther on, be cause, if one should feel something in his hand and go to sleep, it would be easy for someone else to take it away from him.) And, thus, if he slept, it would be a sign that he would lose. And they did it thus. And they would remain in vigil all night long, all bunched together and seated) on some low benches, speaking very softly. And from time to time they let go with some wolf howls. And these were made occasionally from midnight on. And at once the dogs of the place, which are not few, would accompany them, howl ing. And I will let each one imagine what this seemed like in the silence of the night. As for me, I say that it gave me the horrors and a start. And it made me wonder how that could be good, that it was impossible that it should fail to conceal or to contain some abuses and superstitions. And, when I questioned some of the priests about it, they told me that they [the howls] gave them the sign for when they should be playing all piled together. But, despite this, I did not desist in believing the contrary, because what did the sign have to do with not sleeping and with the giving of those howls from time to time. = = The second [rule is] that they should order four or five elderly men to go to sleep. And, that, early in the morning, they should tell what they dreamed about to the leading man or to whomever the ball-game courier reported to. And it is said that, if one dreams that the enemy entered from a certain direc tion and killed them and took what they had, it is a bad dream. Consequently, they are not to put the benches for the players on that side, because they would lose. And, if the other one said that he dreamed that a very gallant chief en tered from such a direction with many gifts that he distributed among them, it was a good dream. The benches for the [players]4 should be placed on that side. The third [rule is] that they must make a new fire and that they are not to approach it; nor are they to use it for anything other than what it is destined for, because to use it so, they believe without a doubt, would make them lose, even if it were [merely] for smoking tobacco.5 And they must carry it [the new fire] to the ball game in some bundles of lighted palm-thatch.6 They are accus tomed to place this in front of themselves. 4. This word or something more seems to have been omitted by the seventeenth-century copyist in going from one page to another. In the Spanish text the last line of this page ends in a dangling fashion: "por aquella parte se ponian los asientos a los." The next page begins with the third rule. 5. For purposes of literalness, it should be noted that the Spanish expression here is chupar, "to suck," rather than fumar, "to smoke." 6. The Spanish here, "en unos mechones de guano encendido," could be rendered also "in some bundles of lighted Spanish moss."

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336 Appendixes The fourth [rule is] that, on entering into the plaza, they should not enter with all the people who have consented of their own accord to play. If it was arranged for fifty persons, let them enter with four or five less. And when they ask them if you have all the people assembled, let them say they do not, that they lack so many. And if they then command them to include [some] from the young men and from the other people who are there, it would appear to be considered as a good sign that they will win. And thus he did it. And thus they have continued doing it. And this and all the rest [is] the worst of it in our view, as will be seen. This occurs in all the places of Apalachee, being com mon and equal in all the province. And because they were considered simple people suiaj they passed for such, when it was us in effect who were the simpletons.7 They entered the plaza and, on being asked if their people were assembled and at full strength, those on Ytonanslac's side said "no," that they were short so many people. The rivals told them that they should choose from those young men who were in the vicinity. They called to eslafiayupi, the son of Nicotaijulo, he who killed the eagle and tricked the snakes, etc., and who gave the appearance of being ill, leaning up against a post, wrapped with a cloak of feathers. And upon his entering the game, the battle was begun. And when those of Ytonanslac had reached seven, eslafiayupi let out a thunderous roar and they were all terrified. And eslafiayupi was recognized for Nicoguadca, who is the Lightning-flash, son of Nicotaijulo and of the sun, who is nico. And since then it has remained for an omen that the first who arrived at seven would win because Nicoguadca helped him. And the rivals lose heart at once. And they were accustomed to tell this story every night, sometimes in the council house and sometimes under the ball post. After having lost at the ball [game], Ochuna Nicoguadca challenged Nic oguadca to play at el quisio which is the game which, at the beginning, I said all these nations play, which is with a stone and two poles, for, as I say, he challenged Nicoguadca, and having won from him all that he had, they say that he tried to ensnare him and he pretended to the aforesaid Ochuna Nico guadca that he was thirsty and wanted to go to drink.8 And they say nico-7. I was not able to decipher the not very legible word that I have written as suiaj, which follows porsimplasos, "simple people." 8. From this point to the end of the paragraph the story line seems to become confused. As a result various sections of it have been rendered differently by the three people who have dealt with it. In the Granberry (n.d.) version Eslafiayupi challenges Ochuna Nicoguadca to the game of chunkey and wins it as well. It is Eslafiayupi who pretends to be thirsty, and it is he who finally is killed by Ochuna Nicoguadca. In the Peterson (1976) version of this passage and in the Bushnell article on the ball game, Ochuna Nicoguadca challenges Eslafiayupi to a game of chunkey and wins it and pretends to be thirsty. But it is Eslafiayupi who emerges

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Appendix 2. Translation of the Ball Game Manuscript 337 guadca hit the ground with the stick's sharp end [and] made water spring forth and said to him, "Drink." At this point he pretended to need to relieve himself.9 And Nicoguadca fashioned a little thicket for him and said, "Over here." And finally he said he was going to light a tobacco and entered into a house and opened a hole [in the wall] and fled to Apalachocolo. And Nico guadca then went in search of him with his warriors. And they say that he formed much fog, cold mists, [and] frost, etc.10 But despite it all he van quished him and killed him and his warriors. And his vassals fashioned the ball pole for him that is shown here on this page, the nature of which, with God's help, I shall go on explaining, [It was at this point that the graphic of the goal post was inserted in the text. See figure 3-2.] concerning the [ ]n with which he killed the eagle. At the foot of this pole they are to place or bury a scalp from a dead person in memory of Ytonanslac, its founder, great grandfather of Nicoguadca. The little sticks with which they adorn12 it have to be of sassafras and of no other wood. They have to raise it victorious at the end in tracking down and killing Ochuna Nicoguadca. My rendition of these murky passages differs in places from both of these earlier versions. There seems to be no doubt that Ochuna Nicoguadca challenged Eslafiayupi to the game of chunkey and won it. Consequently, Granberry's version seems to be in error on this point. However, I agree with the Granberry version that Eslafiayupi pretended to be thirsty. Although both Peterson's and BushnelFs versions make more sense logically on this point, in terms of what one would expect the story to be, their rendition seems to be ruled out grammatically by the phrase "fingio al tal Ochuna Nicoguadca." There Ochuna Nicoguadca is clearly the indirect object of the verb fingio, "pretended," not its subject. Jeannette Thurber Connor has, I believe, pointed the path out of this maze. In a penciled note on the typescript of her transcription of this document (p. 12), she observed, "The friar forgets to explain that after Eslafiayupi killed Nicoguadca he took his place and his name. From now on he calls Eslafiayupi Nicoguadca." If one applies that last sentence to the remainder of this paragraph beginning with "And they say Nicoguadca hit the ground" to interpret this Nicoguadca as the former Eslafiayupi, one has a satisfactory story. 9. The Spanish here reads "Aqui fingio tener necessidad corporal de usar desualbadanar." I could not locate the word albadanar, but the meaning is clear. 10. The Spanish here is "nieblas frios gelos." 11. The copyist may have omitted something here. "Explaining," the last word preceding the illustration, is followed by a comma. The illustration fills the lower two-thirds of the page. The next page begins with the incomplete phrase "concerning the with which he killed the eagle," which is followed by a period. 12. The Spanish verb here, estofan, has in modern Spanish the literal meaning "to quilt," "to put embossed painting on a gilt ground," or "to size carvings before gilding." On the drawing of the goalpost, the word atari is written in minuscule letters under each of the sassafras pegs that adorn each side. And there is a tassellike appendage on each peg.

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338 Appendixes with wild grapevines, and not with anything else, even though they might have ropes, as happened to me when I gave them ropes. They answered me, "No," that the former were stronger and that they were [used] in memory of those which he [Eslafiayupi] carried with him, when he went for the arrow shafts, from which he made the hoops with which he tricked the snakes. Conse quently, they made and established this ball post of the devil to the honor of Nicoguadca, to put it better, with all its frauds, as is seen. And this is not the end of it, as will be seen. And this has been the acclaimed and celebrated, etc. [ball game]. Let us begin now, bringing to light all its virtues. First of all, let me say of them, that to list all of them, would be an infinity, because they are as many as [the great number] of deceitful teachers they have and have had. And I call to your attention that everything that you see written here is [written] by two interpreters, who are considered among the most loyal among them, as has been learned by experience. And it has been [read] in the presence of some leading Indians and chiefs. And all in unison confess and state that this is indeed truly what was done in all of Apalachee, no less in one place than in another, because a pole like the one you see, this is set up in all the places, with the baubles with which they decorate it and which they hang from it. In all they sleep the ball. They dance in all. And in all they enter in the fashion in which I have painted it, giving the howls that I have spoken about in the very same way. And they were accustomed to play in all the places after a similar ceremony. I will tell about this farther on. Abuses and omens and superstitions for the raising of the ball pole. And this was their greatest fiesta. Firstly, when they have put it together, but with out the little sticks with which they adorn it, as we would put it, [when it is] in embryo, its crown must be toward where the sun rises, and the hole for it was made on that side, because if they placed it on another as they were doing it they considered it an omen that they would lose. And the eagle had to be look ing toward the setting sun. Secondly, that it had to be raised with wild grapevines, as I have said. By the third [rule], that before it is raised, the warriors have to be dancing around the pole to the sound13 of a drum and occasionally giving howls like dogs and at other times barking, and at others doing as would wolves. The fourth, that after these warriors have danced, six women must enter with another six warriors and they must remain dancing until the pole is put in place. 13. Peterson (1976) rendered this passage, "The warriors have to be dancing to the sun with a tambourine around the ball post." The Spanish is clearly "al son de um tamboril," or "to the sound of a drum." The Connor transcription also has son.

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Appendix 2. Translation of the Ball Game Manuscript 339 And fifth, that the men must pull the wild grapevines from one side and the women from the other. And no one must remain in her house.14 The sixth, that a young woman, she must not be married, must be there with a crooked-headed bat, which is in effect a bamboo a yard and a half in length, split and doubled over, as is seen in the margin,15 which is [that] with which the women play their ball. And the latter [young woman] must be per forming ceremonies under the pole while they pull on it, etc., and while they are raising it. They say that it was in memory of Nico tai Julo, the mother of Nicoguadca. [Seventh.] And, that as the pole is on the point of being set upright and put in place, the usinulo, which signifies beloved son, thus they speak of the son of the chief, who alive or dead, such a one has to be the son of the principal chief of the place, because these places have three or four little places, each one [of which] has its chief. San Luis, for example, is the principal place. It has joined to it, San Francisco, San Bernardo, and San Agustin. Conse quently, the usinulo of the place of San Luis must be the one who must per form the ceremony I shall speak about. When they are lifting it, as I have said, he must make the gua to the pole, which is what we would call the "rev erence."16 And it is in the following fashion. Placing his hands together straight, he says three times, gua, gua, gua, which is the salutation that they make to the chiefs. And, immediately, he must pour out cacina. Take note now that this usinulo is the person whom they love and reverence and respect most. Surely now, this making of the gua, offering of cacina to that pole, etc., What mystery does it hold? It was their idol.) Does it appear to some that it [was] not? And if some understand this [to be] licit? Not me! Thanks be to God. And, accordingly, I would lose my life before I would consent to that.)= The eighth. That the night before the day that they had to raise the pole, there was permission17 so that anyone whatsoever could touch and fondle, etc. any whatsoever woman that was present, whether married or single, when she came to the dance that night. The which was not to defend herself, because if she did not consent, they considered it certain that all the games that were played on that pole that they were raising, they would be destined to lose. For which reason the leading men went about solicitous, begging them not to de-14. In Spanish ninguna, "no one," is clearly feminine. 15. The indicated illustration does not appear in the margin of this page of this copy, but in 19761 saw a second copy of the manuscript in the P. K. Yonge Library that had a drawing that somewhat resembled a lacrosse stick. 16. This word might also be rendered as "the salutation" or as "the God bless you" or "blessings." The Spanish term here is Salve, which is the Roman greeting "Hail" or "Hello," familiar to us as the opening words of the hymn "Salve Regina." 17. The Spanish here is salvo conduto, or "safe conduct."

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340 Appendixes fend themselves, that they might have pity on them and on their husbands and brothers, etc., because they would lose what they had.18 Of this they assured me, that they had done this themselves. With all [this], I ask [you], Whose counsel is this? Oh powerful God! The ninth. That at the foot of this ball pole, they had to place a skull or a scalp of a dead person, as I have already said, in memory of its founder, [in memory] of Ytonanslac, the father of the ball players. [Such were the] abuses, omens, and superstitions that they had when they played this bedeviled game! First of all the ball must be of deerskin taken from the area of the animal's hooves, because it was said that the deer has all of his strength in his feet and his hands. And when the ball is [made] from the hooves, it infused their vigor in the one who caught it. And they filled this ball with clay, and set it out to dry. Afterward, as a result, one could not tell the difference between it and a shot. The second. That the Usinulo, man or woman, and I have already ex plained who the usinulo is, that he is the son of the chief and in their language is called beloved son). And this person at once begins to fast. And it is in the following manner. He must not eat anything more than a little bit of onsla, which is the same as weak atol.19 And he must not eat anything else. And there is a designated number of spoonfuls that he is to drink from that onsla. No one was to approach to drink who was forbidden, because they would lose). Neither must the fire with which it was cooked be used for anything else other than to cook this onsla and to imbibe20 tobacco. And [for] the aforesaid faster, the tobacco which he inhales21 must not be of our [type], but of theirs, which they call acchuma fina, mixed with another, which they call atabac. And, although they always use this, when they do not have tobacco, or to mix with what they have, nevertheless, they are not to imbibe their acchuma fina without this other one. And this fire on which this onsla is cooked must be new). The third. That in some places they are accustomed to place hair from people whom they have killed in the ball. And they say that it was to bewitch. The fourth. That the chief of the place that was playing had to fast the night before the game, in this manner). At the setting of the sun or later they gathered in the bujio22 which is to say, the houses of their government. They place benches for the players. And they are low, some logs hollowed out un-18. A reference to the natives' custom of wagering on the outcome of the game. 19. Atol is probably Nahuatl. It was used in Mexico and Cuba to designate a gruel made by pounding maize into flour and boiling it in water or milk. 20. The Spanish word here is bever, "to drink." 21. Here once more the Spanish is chupar, the primary meaning of which is "to suck." 22. Modern dictionaries spell it bohio and define it as an Indian hut or a humble hut for the

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Appendix 2. Translation of the Ball Game Manuscript 341 derneath, without legs.23 And they are to put them in front of the place with which they are playing. They give me to understand that, if the place lies to the north, they place the benches toward the south so that they will come to have their faces toward the north. And the dancers have to go out by the south side, letting out squeals24 [or yells], and indicating the direction with their arm extended. And the drummer and he of the mania25 and the women, all must be facing toward the place with whom they are to play, because, they say, if they were to turn their backs, it was a sign that they had to lose. Accord ingly, they placed the fasting chief behind these benches of the players. And they placed fires between the chief and the players, [which] had to be new. And the latter was not to be used except by the chief for inhaling tobacco. And that had to be from theirs, hachumafina, and not from ours, and q deforsi ore26 it had to be mixed with the atabac herb or leaf, that I spoke of above. The aforesaid fasting chief must remain seated all night long on that bench, giving advice to his players, etc., reminding them also that they were men and not women, that once they catch the ball, they should not let go of it, even though they killed them. And they said Maquiliqui.21 And I heard them say this not once, but many times. And not in San Luis.28 Thus it will be, as in fact it was. And from time to time, little by little, they must keep giving him cacina, even though he may not want it). What he did when he was very full was to throw it up. And he was constantly inhaling tobacco, of which I have spoken. And at times other times.29 If this chief were a strong man, and even when he was not, he entered the game, having endured this exercise. Negroes in the West Indies, but in seventeenth-century documents from Florida it is used most commonly to indicate a council house. 23. In Spanish sin pies, literally, "without feet." 24. The Spanish here is Jipidos, which I have not found in the modern dictionaries but which I recollect having encountered in a Spanish-American novel as indicating something like a rebel yell. Its onomatopoeic quality suggests that as well. As the verb gipar, it was used in this sense in the inquiry into the 1675 Chacato revolt. Diocsali, one of the ringleaders, is described as yelling like a Chisca giving a war whoop. Granberry (n.d.) and Peterson (1976) translated it as "sigh." 25. I did not find this word in the dictionary. Granberry (n.d.) and Peterson (1976) render it as "rattles," which makes sense in the context. 26. This page contains some not very legible passages, one of which is this. It could be a corruption of afortiori. 27. Presumably this and chacalica below are Apalachee words. 28. Peterson (1976) added the word "only" here, rendering it, "And not only in San Luis." Although this seems to make more sense, the word "only" does not seem to be there. Granberry (n.d.) rendered it as I have. 29. My rendition of this not very legible passage is somewhat conjectural. I transcribed it as Y

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342 Appendixes The fifth. On receiving news of these fasts, the rival place at once per forms the chacalica, which in our speech is the "countermeasure".30 And, as I have said, on receiving news of these fasts, or of other things that they did, for, for these purposes they had their spies, either from the men or from the women. At once the rival village sought to kill a turkey or a squirrel or a rac coon.31 And it must not be from one of those animals that the rest say, will not do. And they immediately set it to cooking in such a way that the bones fall loose and what results in something like a mush. This [mess], of three or four days in the making, they poured into containers and carried it to the spot where they were staining their bodies and painting themselves. And with this fetid stew they liquefy the clay for staining, or whatever else they used for painting themselves. And it was so foul-smelling that they tell me that they could not stand it. And, that on entering into the plaza, they say that as soon as the rival side smelled them, they lost heart [or swooned].32 And, conse quently, the fast, which they had made as a countermeasure, etc. now no longer had any force. = The sixth. When the courier came and told the people for the last time that they were to play, he counted that [the team] of the rival village, and [pre pared] an equal number of sticks of the size of the finger of the hand. And, tying them all together like an asesito33 he threw them into a pot. And they ordered the making of cacina. It must not be of those from the sea coast, which is the one that is commonly drunk, but, rather, that of the forest from here up. And once the cacina is made, it is poured into that pot with those little sticks in the name of the rival players so that they may become weak and not have strength. And if, perchance, this pot were uncovered, while they were playing, they considered it certain they would lose.= The seventh. The night they kept a vigil for the ball, the leading men asked whether there was anyone or some who felt anxiety or fear. And, if there were, they sent a man satisfactory to them to the rival village with whom they were to play. He carried a scalp of a dead person to bury under the ball pole where they must play, or, if he could, that he might throw it into the players' fire. If he could achieve this last) [feat], they considered it to be certain that abese otras mas. Peterson (1976) rendered it "Most of the time" and Granberry (n.d.) as "In the majority of cases." 30. The Spanish here is contra de contra. 31. Again, the Spanish here is tejon, which in modern dictionaries is the badger. 32. The Spanish verb here is desmaiaban, which can signify either. 33. I was unable to find such a word in Spanish. The Connor transcription also has the same spelling. Possibly it was meant to be hacecico or "small sheaf." Peterson translated this passage as "all gathered together in a bundle," and Granberry rendered it freely as "binds up the sticks and throws them into a pot."

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Appendix 2. Translation of the Ball Game Manuscript 343 they would not lose. And they were so blind that, even though they lost, they were not disabused). Let us turn now to the entertaining story of how the beloved and dear Nicoguadca ended his days). They say that when he wished to die, or, to put it better, the time to deceive them, he called all his leading men. And, once they were assembled, he said to them, "Now I am about to die. He who might wish to be Nicoguadaca now and remain in my place must kill seven warriors and three hitas tascaias.34 And, having achieved this, he will be Nicoguadca). As my children have told me, those from San Luis, that not long ago there died an Indian named Talpagana Luis, who had a staff or club35 the size of a benoble.36 And, on the tip of the said pole some scalps, and some painted. And I asked who [or possibly, what] that was. And they told me that he [or it] was Itatascaia and now they have confessed to me that he was Nicoguadca.37 While I was priest of this doctrina, the year of seventy-one, I left [to be come] guardian of the convent of St. Augustine. And, during this time, while the Reverend Fray Francisco Maillo was its priest, this Indian died, and they still tell me that he said that he would have to come back and burn the ball post. As though by the just judgments of God Our Lord, a lightning bolt fell that year and burned that of San Luis. And another year, another fell and burned that of Bacuqua, it having happened two years before that another had fallen in Patale and burned another pole? [sic]. He [Nicoguadca] went on with his discourse and told them, "What I charge you today is that as soon as I die you should throw my body into some large pots with squashes, melons and watermelons and fill them with water. And put them on the fire until they boil very thoroughly so that I may leave with that steam, having been converted into mist [or smoke].38 This is for when you have your fields sown. I will re member you and give you water. And, accordingly, when you hear it thunder, it is a sign that I am coming. And thus, they say, did he go, and that he did it. And up to the present, they, and particularly the old ones, continue to believe that when it thundered Nicoguadca was on his way to give them water. And who doubts but that many of their children and relatives, being so easily influ-34. The second of these words means warrior, apparently an Apalachee word. The Rita tascaia seems to be one of the upper ranks within the warrior caste. 35. The Spanish here is baston, which could also mean a cane. It is known from other sources that some of the Apalachee leaders regularly carried some kind of a staff or swagger stick, at least while they were in the council house. 36. I have not found this word in my modern Spanish dictionaries, but I have encountered it in other seventeenth-century documents from Florida in contexts in which it definitely has the meaning of cudgel or club. 37. Here both words seem to be used in the sense of a title of rank, and in the case of Nicoguadca it also seems to indicate him as the lightning-bolt deity. 38. The Spanish here is humo.

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344 Appendixes enced, have not believed this, especially when we looked the other way, and they were not taken to task nor reprehended [for it], and persisted in this blindness, deceived by the devil. Blind! Dumb!391 do not say deaf, because if they were ignorant concerning all this, how could they be reprehended for it and how could they hear the opposite of these abuses? So, for the love of God, I ask that we view this with charity. Let us see, as will be seen farther on, whether such a game can be permitted). What I feel is that after they have learned [the truth] and they have wanted to speak against he who does not abandon them [the abuses]. I do not know on what they can base this. Let us give many thanks to God that it has been taken away from them. I for my part do not know whether it will cease? [sic] For this reason I am asked, "What motive did I have for trying, with such effort, to bring about the abolition of this bedeviled game?" One might say, "With the help of Our Lord." When his Excellency Senor Don Gavriel Dias Vara Calderon came on his visit, having seen the youths in this place of San Luis, by chance, playing that game, not as it was played with other places, he sent for his secretary, so that he might see that pileup, and what sort of game [it was], and the kicking, and the climbing over one another as if it were upon a stone staircase. The afore said Don Pedro came and told him how bestial it was and his Lordship kept observing it with all his attention and afterwards commanded that all the poles be knocked down, that that was a barbarous and bestial game, and contrary to all common sense, and damaging to the human qualities of these wretches. With entreaties and petitions, I begged him to suspend the execution of his order for the present, [convinced] (I)40 that for the present he had not un covered any evil [in it], neither had we in the meantime to make (?) legs, as they say, so that we might be able to abolish it. Because I had then seen the cedula of Her Majesty, May God hear her, in which she ordered that the na tives of these regions should not be deprived of any of their dances or other games as long as they were not contrary to the law of God Our Lord or to their education. I spoke as a Catholic. Consequently, His Grace gave me every considera tion. Consequently, for the reasons mentioned and others, it appeared to me that I had good reason [for my stand], even though I had some minor misgivings. After another year, which was that of seventy-six, the province was on the point of being lost, all as a result of this game. My conscience began to bother me with the weight of scruples concerning them [His reasons for de fending the game] and to make me responsible for everything that could hap pen. For the lord bishop had ordered the cutting down of the poles, and, at my 39. In the sense of mute. 40. The Spanish here is lleno, which ordinarily means "full."

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Appendix 2. Translation of the Ball Game Manuscript 345 request, suspended his order because I assured him that there was no risk. It was the will of God himself that I found myself as priest in a place of which I can say, "There are Indians of common sense and satisfaction." I called on those whom I considered to be most trustworthy and questioned them about the beginning and origins of this game. With this, infinite thanks be to God, I went about drawing out what they themselves have seen, with the two inter preters, which is all this [the contents of this manuscript] and much more, which I shall not go into, lest I be fatiguing. And from other interpreters, who were in the habit of coming here to San Luis, so it was said, and they con fessed to me that it was true that this was done and much more. And, the beginning of this game and of its origins, Diego Salvador said, "Was told to him by the chief of Samoche,"41 who is still living today, and by an inija from Ocone. And afterward the one in Yvitachuco verified all of it. And Mendoza has told me that his father told him all this story and that he had seen a pole raised in San Diego, a place of Tomole, and that there he had seen the pouring out of cacina and the making of the gua to the pole, the usinulo, and the rest. They say that this is ymulisla, or as we would say it, these [are] their customs in Apalachee). At once I found myself supported by the governor, Don Pablo de Ita Salazar, and by our Reverend Father Provincial, Fray Francisco Perete, who ac cepted it, as they should have, assured consequently that what my children told me was true. And as you will see, in an assembly of the chiefs, which the Captain Juan Fernandez de Florencia42 held, in order to thank them on the part of the governor for the good work that the chiefs had performed, who had knocked down the poles and put the holy cross in their place. Diego Salvador said to all of them in my presence [that it was true], and all of them also said that it was true, being, the Captain Juan Fernandez and the Captain Juan Sanchez de Uriza and many others. And despite all this, [its abolition] has not failed to arouse its controversies. Not on the part of the Indians. I will say one [thing] that is the most fundamental, and it is, that they say that it was true that they had them [all those pagan practices], but that they no longer had recourse to them. To which I respond, "But who was responsible for their abandoning them? Who was it that made them understand this? Who was it that chided them so that the pole in honor of Nicoguadca presently no longer is seen, so that they may no longer be seen to sleep the ball or keep the vigil for it, and so that they are not seen to enter [the plaza] painted in the manner that I have spoken of. And this, until the present day, up to the last game that they played. 41. A satellite village belonging to the jurisdiction of Tomole. 42. Florencia was the governor's deputy in Apalachee at the time of Paiva's campaign against the game.

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346 Appendixes Accordingly, this being the case, just as they abandoned it, when they saw that they were applauding him, so also from his method43 they are bound to aban don it, when we are watching them and following them closely [as with] (?) their doctors, who cure with a thousand cunning tricks, with both the priests and the lieutenant chiding them and even subjecting them to forced labor for a time to make them mend their ways. And despite the fact that there is no rem edy to make them abandon it. For there are those who are not ignorant that, inasmuch as the Indian is the child of fear), how (?) are they from their own self-love (I)44 to abandon this game, hobbled [by] such great self-interest, when it is recognized that the Indian is so interested, and when they are con fessing it with loud voices, that it is true, Blessed be God! The game has been abolished with all love and calm. The Indians themselves with loud voices [recognize] how good this is for their souls as well as for their bodies. Let us give God a thousand thanks for so great a benefit. Let us see what resulted from playing this infernal ball game. The first, the many disagreements and the scant peace that have resulted from this devilish game. Nobody denied this truth to me. To it they simply reply that it is a matter of good policy that some places should be at odds with others. Policy of the devil, a Luciferian [philosophy] of government! For it is opposed to the doctrine and teaching of Christ [who said] "Beloved disciples, my peace I leave unto you, my peace I give unto you." In the end, peace was the most valuable gift he left entrusted to us. And that which the angel announced to the shepherds, "Glory be to God on the highest and peace to men of good will." For what policy can be good, that does not seek for peace, but rather discord. So erroneous a doctrine, that involves such blindness, is enough to make one shed tears of blood. They tell me that it is one of the reasons that they wrote to the governor, asking that he not abolish the game. I do not know that it is true. I only know that it was told to me by a trustworthy person. Third. It is a barbarous game, that only people lacking the knowledge of God could playfor many reasons, that I shall go on giving you, and, for the many lamed, broken legs, persons without the use of one or both hands, blinded in one eye, broken ribs, and other broken bones, such as we are presently observing in the province. And not just a few, but many! And, in some cases, people who have been killed in the said game. I can give testi mony about two that I am aware of in the place of San Luis. 43. The words appear to be de su metodo. The rendition of this sentence and of the several fol lowing is conjectural in places because of the combination of tortuous syntax and words that are difficult to decipher. 44. My rendition here is conjectural. The Spanish could be de su amor proprio, de su nome proprio, or something else. The word proprio is the only word in this phrase that is clear. And the problem is compounded by the elliptical and convoluted style of the rest of the sentence. It is possible that some copyist omitted something here.

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Appendix 2. Translation of the Ball Game Manuscript 347 Fourth. That, because of the harm when they played thus, there was a risk that not just one, but that many misfortunes could result, as I saw in the year seventy-six. In five successive games not one concluded without becoming a live war, from which it was resolved that the best path was to abandon it. And there is no doubt that worse calamities would have followed, if soldiers had not been present at the games. And they say this is good policy? They must have forgotten the words John the Evangelist [records that Christ] spoke to his disciples, when he said to them simply, that they should love one another, and they, reflecting on this, said to him, "But, Lord, do you teach us nothing more than that we should love one another?" And he said to them, "And, if you should do this, it will suffice." Could [any other course] be good policy? Fifth. That while an Indian was a ball player, they dug his field for him and they built a house and a storage-crib for him. And he had license to practice any sort of roguery. And, no matter what it was, the chiefs and leading men overlooked it all and covered it up, with no heed to the law of God, and with out reporting it to the friar or to the lieutenant, fearful that, if they punished him, he would move to another village. The truth will come out. Let us all acknowledge it. Sixth. And, while this harmful game was being played, it was the rule that there would be theft because they left their houses, which are such that they do not have padlocks or other hardware. Nor does the single entrance which the house and the storehouse possess, have any door in it. The most they do is to put a few boughs across it and all go to see this infernal game. And also, at times, because those who wager are such great rogues they walk off both with that which is theirs and with what belongs to another, and, in winning, they lose. And when it comes to setting matters to right, a great deal [of work] is necessary. And, at times, this cannot be achieved, because they do not know who the culprits are. Seventh. That they lose many of their crops. And villages [perish] because they do not prepare their fields at the proper time. Because they are so totally absorbed in this infernal game, that they become so addicted to it that it be comes the center of every vice and evil, so that at times it was necessary for the lieutenant of this province to send chacales45 or soldiers to some places to order them to prepare the fields so that they might not perish. And despite this, the place that had many games would experience hunger that year, be cause it lost. Eighth. That once it was announced that there was a ball game, they all foolishly ran to see it. They went whichever way they chose. The husband took off by one path, the wife by another. And if they had a daughter or sons, 45. These were native officials, similar to the fiscal of Spanish municipal governments, who seem to have served as overseers for communal labor projects.

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348 Appendixes each one chose his own path, except that they all went to see the ball [game]. The husband did nothing to prevent his wife or his children from going with whomever they pleased and to wherever they pleased. They all ran off heed lessly. [On one occasion] when the village of San Luis was playing with Ybitachuco in the plaza of Ocuia, which was something over four leagues more or less from this, it happened to me that I found myself alone [at San Luis] with the sacristan and a young boy, without any other people in the place. And I would not give the sacristan permission to go there, nor the boy, as this would have left me there alone. Ninth. That, at times, and [indeed], most of the time, some poor Indians went with their children without intending to gamble. [There] they would be given something, so that they might lay a bet, without paying any heed to the consequences that might emerge as a result from this infernal game or [how] they would grow, nor to how great an offense it was to God Our Lord, and to how contrary it was to his holy law. Nor did they take heed that it [the win nings] was the harvest of the devil and sente suio a nois.46 They also tried to get them to play and went about seeking out the players, rewarding them and flattering them, which amounts to the same thing as welcoming evil men and idlers, because, on average, the great ball player was a lazy lout. I have known more than one of that ilk in all of the places that I have administered. Nor, did I arrive yesterday, as they say, for it was fourteen years since I came to the land. And, of those fourteen years, I have spent only seven at San Luis. The rest of the time I have been in other places, teaching, or to put it better, admin istering, because, I, what doctrine could I teach? And accordingly, the thanks [are owed] to God [alone]. I am not ignorant of any of this. And I have seen it all. I know most [of the places] of the province. But, let us keep to the subject at hand. And, it is a ridiculous and frivolous thing which they [the opponents of the game's abolition] say, that the land would rise up and that the Indians would not dig or work. This alludes to the [experience] in Japan, when St. Francis Xavier converted the kings and grandees, their Bonzes predicted to them that they would lose their kingdoms and that they would sacrifice the obedience of their vassals, who would turn to another King. And for the com mon people whom he converted they foretold famine and wars. And it appears to me that this alludes to That, just because they have been forbidden so fiend ish and sacrilegious a game, one with so many abuses and evils, they pre dicted that the land would revolt. "What have we come to?" I ask, "to adjust ourselves to their laws and abuses in preaching the evangelical law to them, in correcting their vices, in teaching them virtue? Who would believe this! For 46. This was not very legible. Peterson (1976) transcribed this conjecturally as senso suio and also made no attempt to translate it.

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Appendix 2. Translation of the Ball Game Manuscript 349 the love of God! For the [love] of his most holy mother! By the wounds of our Senor Father St. Francis!47 Tell [me] of one single virtue possessed by the ball game that these [people] play. Tell me about it. For if you can point out just one to me, I shall be quiet. They will not find any to tell me. Consequently, I shall not keep quiet." God's church would have been in a fine fix, if, out of fear, it had ceased to preach the holy gospel and to correct and to chastise evil and to teach virtue. There is no other course to follow. Hence I am not worried that they will at tack these walls. And for the last time I say and make it clear that this game was invented by the devil and that one could establish that by its effects, even if there were no other evidence. Accordingly, the abuses and distressing dis cords [show it] to be the focus of lust, the ruin of the constitutions of these poor souls, and, what makes my heart weep the most, this people is and is known to be so docile, as they are on the present occasion, and as they have been on many others. I have seen it and experienced it, above all now. For, having (?)********48 formed an assembly of the chiefs and leading men and other people of influence from this place of San Luis, which is far from being the least in Apalachee, but [is] rather the greatest, and among the most impor tant and loyal, and, having proposed to them that they abolish the ball game, laying out the reasons, and with Diego Salvador, who is the King's interpreter, reading this notebook to them [written] in his hand49 and having heard them, my children told me that everything which the interpreter had set forth was true, that not all the forms of the chacalica chacalica50 [sic] which is the countermeasure, that not all of these were resorted to in any one place, but rather, that one would be used here, and another over there, and [still] another over yonder, that this was in accord with [what] they had [from] their masters.51 And yet, that presently it was being done according as they knew and conse quently had heard. And before52 making up my mind, I assembled them on 47. This is a reference to the stigmata or crucifixion wounds of Christ which St. Francis is be lieved to have exhibited during his life. 48. The last two words of the text are very badly blurred. For the initial word I was able to decipher only the first letter and the last two, a****do, which is probably aciendo. Nothing of the second word could be deciphered. 49. Taken literally this would seem to say that the interpreter had been either the author or the amanuensis for the entire manuscript. Paiva obviously is the author of the polemic portion. Diego Salvador and Mendoza seem to have been responsible for most of its native lore. As royal interpreter, Salvador may have made the copy for the lieutenant, Florencia, which Leturiondo commandeered for his visitation record. 50. Given in Spanish as the contra de la contra. 51. The term the Spaniards commonly used to designate the shaman or pre-Christian native intel lectual leader who was the guardian and repository of the people's cultural traditions. 52. In my transcript the preposition here is antes, which means "before." In their translations

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350 Appendixes two occasions, as I have said, and they ratified what they had already said, replying to me that I was their spiritual father, that I came to teach them the road to their salvation, to instruct and to enlighten them as to [how] to save their souls through the means that he was teaching them, and not in order to condemn them. And, accordingly, that they must not do anything other than what I might wish, inasmuch as it was above all for the welfare of their souls and bodies. And they gave me this reply in the presence of the two inter preters. And they said that they understood how beneficial it was for them to abandon the ball game, and, accordingly, that they would abandon it at once. Let it be seen now that everything that I said was correct. And [as witness to this], the two interpreters signed it, both the one for the church and the one for the King, so that for all time, it would be evident. For they were the ones who had testified that this is a copy that is in concordance with its original, which remains in my possession. Done in San Luis de Talimali on the twentythird of September, the year of sixteen hundred and seventy-six. Diego Sal vador holata Juan Mendoza= Diego Salvador holata juan mendoza I, the Captain Mrna Lorenzo de la bora, Notary clerk de Verda and I give true testimony as to how the interpreters Diego Salvador and Juan de Mendoza examined this notebook, which they said was the same one that contained the abuses and superstitions of the Apalachee ball game, which was being played up to the day that this notebook was brought to light. And, so that this may be evident, I give the present affirmation in the place of San Luis de Talimali on the twenty-sixth day of the month of December of the year sixteen hundred and seventy-seven.53 Mrn Loxenzo de la bora (Rubric) [Martin Lorenzo de Labora] Notary Clerk of Record [The following documents, which throw some additional light on the genesis of this manuscript, appear in the Leturiondo visitation record in the pages im mediately preceding the ball game manuscript.] both Granberry and Peterson at this point have "after." In Spanish this would be de spues, which bears no resemblance at all to antes. 53. The reason for the discrepancy of over a year between the date on this document and the date on the preceding one signed by the two interpreters is that the latter certification of the authenticity of this copy of the ball game manuscript was made for its inclusion in the Domingo de Leturiondo visitation record. That visitation occurred near the end of 1677 and the beginning of 1678.

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Appendix 2. Translation of the Ball Game Manuscript 351 [Folio 566.] In the place of San Luis de Talimali of the Province of Apalachee on the twenty-sixth day of the month of December of the year one thousand six hun dred and seventy-seven the Senor Sergeant-major Domingo de Leturiondo stated that, in view of the ball game's having been extinguished in these provinces, as is made clear more at length in the autos of the visitation of the Village of Tomole in the general assembly of all the chiefs and leading men of the province that was held [there], and that it is appropriate for its better apxoueon that the Captain Juan Fernandez de Florencia hand over a notebook that is in his possession, (in which was set forth all the abuses that were prac ticed in the said game, for which reason it has been ordered to be abandoned forever), so that the interpreters who set it down and who brought it to light may Authenticate it and so that thus [authorized], it may be placed in these autos, so that it may be evident how legitimate were the causes for extinguish ing it. And let the said lieutenant be notified so that he may hand it over. And by this auto I provide such an order. And I sign and certify it. Domingo de Leturiondo before me Lorenzo de Labora [Folio 566 back.] ... At once, without a delay, in conformity with what was ordered by his excellency the said Sergeant-major Domingo de Leturiondo, the said captain Juan Fernandez de Florencia, Lieutenant of these Provinces, handed over the notebook contained in the auto, brought written on sixteen pages. Of this I give witness. Martin Lorenzo de la boxa Notary of the visitation AUTO In the said place on the said day, month and year the Sergeant-major Domingo de Leturiondo / [folio 567] stated that the sergeant-major Diego Salvador and Juan de Mendoza, who brought to light the notebook of the abuses which the ball game contained, saw it and recognized it to be the same one that the captain Juan Fernandez de Florencia had handed over, and having recognized that it was the same one, let them put their report in these autos, and let them sign it with their ne [probably nombre, or "name"], so that it may be evident in all of this, and his excellency provided [and] ordered this and signed. I give witness of this. Domingo de Leturiondo Before me Mxn Lorenzo dela bora, notary

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352 Appendixes In the said place of San Luis de Talimali on the said twenty-sixth day of the month of December of one thousand six hundred and seventy-seven, in fulfill ment of the auto of his excellency, what was contained in it was read and made known to Diego Salvador and Juan de Mendoza. And they stated that it was precisely what they had brought to light and they signed it with their nes [names]. Of this I give witness. Diego Salvador holata Juan Mendoza before me Mxn Lorenzo de Labora, notary [Folio 568.] And to Reverend Father mai franc00 de Florencia I place in your hands the ball game which the Apalachino Indians have been playing so barbarously until God Our Lord was pleased that they should come forth from the blindness in which the demon held them. Concerning which, from this point on, I say adios with infinite thanks, for I became the principal instrument to make it be overturned and to come crashing down, and so that such a tribute to the devil might be ended, I did not cease to give thanks to his divine Majesty. Having recognized the favors that he has done me, for by my intervention its destruction was begun when it seemed to be impossible that such a game could be destroyed or taken away. It caused hor ror and struck fear [into us], holding out the prospect of disastrous uprisings similar to that faced by St. Francis Xavier while he was converting the Japanese, when their Bonsos promised them misfortunes and calamities. It is to God that credit must be rendered that it was taken from them with the fullness of love with all gentleness, without having any discord or contradiction From San Luis, on the 28th of May of 1677. your brother Juan Hz de Florencia [Hernandez] [The ball game manuscript begins immediately following this letter on folio 569 down to folio 584 covering precisely the sixteen pages mentioned in one of the preceding documents. However it is really double that number as these pages are numbered only on the front side.] In chapter 3 it was noted that the account of the final contest between the two Nicoguadcas has been translated in different fashions. For those who might wish to judge for themselves how best to handle the passage, the fol lowing is my transcription of the Spanish text. Abiendo perdido Ochuna Nicoguadca a la pelota, desafio a Nicoguadca a jugar a el quisio que es el juego que al principio dijo jugaban todas estas naciones que es con una piedra y dos varas, pues como digo de-

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Appendix 2. Translation of the Ball Game Manuscript 353 safio a nicoguadca y abiendole ganado todo qto tenia disen que trato de meterlo a trampa y fingio al tal Ochuna nicoguadca que tenia sede e queria yr a bever y disen dio (?) nicoguadca con la vara de punta en el suelo hiso brotar agua y dijole, Veve. Aqui fingio tener necessidad cor poral de usar de su albadaiiar. Y Nicoguadca la formo un montesillo y dijole hasta aqui. Y por postre dijo yba a ensender un tabaco y entro en una casa y abrio un agujero y se fue a Apalachocolo y entonces Nico guadca fue en su busca con sus tascaias y el disen le formo muchas nieblas frios gelos M*****amas con todo, lo bencio y lo mato a el y a sus tascaias y sus basallos le formaron el palo de pelota que se be aqui en esta plana.

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Appendix 3 Villages in Apalachee during the Mission Era (with variant names and spellings) Villages Satellites San Lorenzo de Ivitachuco, Ybitachuco, Ibitachuco, Bitachuco, Vitachuco, Hibitachuco, Ybitachua San Luis de Xinayca or San Luis de Nixaxipa3 or (from 1675 on) San Luis de Talimali, Talmaly San Cosme y San Damian de Cupaica,3 San Da mian de Cupaica, San Cosme y San Damian de Yecambi (Icabi, Yscambi, Escabi), Hcombe, Cupahica, Acpayca, Escambe San Martin de Tomole, Thomole, Tomoli, Tomoly San Joseph de Ocuia, Ocuya, Ocuux San Juan de Aspalaga,3 Azpalaga, Espalaga San Pedro y San Pablo de Patale, San Pedro de Patale, San Pedro y San Pablo de Kpal, Patali, Petali San Francisco de Ocone, Oconi San Antonio de Bacuqua,3 Santa Maria de Bacucua, Vacuqua San Juan, San Nicolas, San Pablo, Ajapasca Abaslaco, San Augustin, San Francisco, San Bernardo Nicupana, San Lucas, San Pedro, Faltassa, San Cosme Ciban, Samoche, San Diego Sabacola, Chali, Ajapaxca Pansacola, Nipe (or Jipe), Sabe, Culcuti Ajamano, Talpahique or Talpatqui(?) San Miguel Guaca 354

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Appendix 3. Apalachee Villages 355 Santa Maria de Ayubale, Conception de AyuCutachuba bale, Nuestra Senora de la (Purissima) Con cepcion de Ayubale, Ayubali, Ajubale, Aiubale Santa Cruz de Ytuchafin (or Hichutafun), Santa Cruz y San Pedro de Alcantara de Ychutafun, Santa Cruz de Capoli, Capoli, Capole La Purification de Tama, Candelaria, Nuestra Senora de la Candelaria, Nuestra Senora de Candelaria de Tama, Thama, Tamaja San Carlos de los Chacatos3 Assumption of Our Ladyb (Amacano, Chine, and Pacara or Capara) Nativity of Our Ladyb San Pedro de los Chines San Antonio de los Chinesc Medellin (appears only on a 1683 map) Ocatoses (or Ocatacos)d Settlement of the Tocopacas at Vacisa San Marcos de Apalache6 (the port) Tamasle (a postdestruction settlement near St. Marks; Yamasee) San Juan (postdestruction settlement near St. Marks; Yamasee and Apalachee). It was served by the church at St. Marks. Apalachee appears as Apalache, Abalache, Habalache, Aba Lah chi, and Palache.6 a. These villages are known to have been moved at least once during the mission era. At least two separate moves are recorded for Escambe. b. These villages were mentioned only once (on the 1675 lists). They may have disappeared or they may be identical with one of the other villages listed, such as that of the Chine or Medellin. c. It is not clear whether the change of name here, from San Pedro de los Chines, signifies a second Chine village or a change of location for San Pedro de los Chines. d. Ocatoses may represent a geographical place-name that stands for one of the above-mentioned villages rather than a separate village. It could be identical with Assumption of Our Lady or Nativity of Our Lady rather than a separate village. e. The use of b rather than p appears in the document written in Apalachee and among Spaniards who spoke Apalachee.

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Appendix 4 Mission Villages to the West of Apalachee Province San Nicolas de Tolentino: Chacato mission about 25 miles west-northwest of the Apalachicola River located in a large cave with a spring issuing from one of its walls. Mission there survived only from 1674 to 1675. San Carlos: Chacato mission about ten miles farther west. It was equally ephemeral and contemporaneous with San Nicholas. San Antonio: Chacato satellite village in the same area. La Encarnacion a la Santa Cruz de Sabacola (also known as Santa Cruz and Santa Cruz de Sabacola): on the west bank of the Apalachicola just below the confluence of the Flint and the Chattahoochee, from 1674 to 1677 and possibly a little beyond that date. Sabacola: at the Lower Creek village of that name on the middle Chattahoo chee a few leagues below the falls. Friars were allowed to remain there only three days in 1679; then they returned for several months in 1681 backed by soldiers. San Carlos de los Chacatos: located about 1681 on the Apalachicola River apparently on the site of the 1674 Sabacolan mission. Survivors aban doned this site in 1694 after it was attacked by the Creek. The site was occupied briefly about 1716-1718 by a band of Yamasee, who then moved down near St. Marks. Santa Cruz de Sabacola: established about 1682, among the Christian Saba cola, who migrated from their village on the Middle Chattahoochee to a site a little to the west of the Flint River and just above the junction of that river with the Chattahoochee. Referred to as San Carlos de abacola in 1689 and as Savacola Chuba in 1690, the last time that it is mentioned. In 1715 the site was reoccupied for a few years by the refugees from the Creek town of Palachicola on the Savannah River under Chislacaliche (Cherokeeleechee in English texts).

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Appendix 5 Apalachee Mission Villages, Their Population, and Distances between Villages Cupaica: 900 people, 1675; 400 families, 1689 Bacuqua: 120 people, 1675; 50 families, 1689 San Luis: 1,400 people, 1675; 300 families, 1689; 200 families, 1704 90 leagues to St. Augustine (1655) 1 league to San Luis and 2 leagues to Bacuqua (1675, Hita Salazar and Calderon lists) Due north of and close to San Luis (1683 map) 3 leagues from San Luis and west of Ochlockonee (1693) 3 leagues from San Luis and 2 to Bacu qua (1697) 3 leagues from San Luis to a former site of Cupaica (1699)a Within cannon shot of San Luis (1704) Moved half a league by permission (1657) 2 leagues from Patale (1675), both lists Three cattle ranches were close enough for their cattle to harm the village's crops in 1694, one of them between Bacuqua and Patale. 9 leagues from Ocuia (1697) and 2 from Cupaica 88 leagues from St. Augustine (1655) Moved (1656) 1 league to Cupaica and half a league 357

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358 Appendixes plus to Candelaria (1675, Hita Salazar list) 1 league to Cupaica and 1 league to Pu rification de Tama (Candelaria) (1675, Calderon list) Half a league east of Chacato village (1683 map, 1695 list) 3 leagues from Cupaica (1697 list) Natives reported to have withdrawn to site 1 league from San Luis (1699-1702) 3 leagues from Patale (1716) San Martin de Tomole: 700 people, 1675; 130 families, 1689 87 leagues to St. Augustine (1655) 2 leagues to Tama and 2+ to Capoli (1675, Hita Salazar list) 1 league to Tama and 2 to Capoli (1675, Calderon list) Considerably east and slightly southeast of San Luis and due south of Tama (1683 map) Governor Torres stopped there on way to San Luis from St. Marks (1693). 1.5 leagues from Aspalaga and also from Tama (1697 list) Diego Pena passed Tomole and Tama on a 3-league trek from Patale to San Luis (1716). Patale: 500 people, 1675; 120 families (1689) 84 leagues to St. Augustine (1655) 4 leagues from Ocuia and 2 from Bacuqua (1675, Hita Salazar and Calderon lists) A considerable distance due west of Ocuia with a slight bias toward the northwestmost northerly of all (1683 map) 4 leagues from San Luis in 1696 to for mer site of Patale to which M. Delgado moved his cattle ranch in that yearb

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Appendix 5. Population of Apalachee Mission Villages 359 1.5 leagues from Capoli and from As palaga (1697 list) Described as a "small" village (1704) 3 leagues to San Luis (1716) Aspalaga: 800 people, 1675; 50 families, 1689 86 leagues to St. Augustine (1655) 1 league to Oconi and 1.5 to Ocuia (1675, Hita Salazar list) 1 league to Oconi and 2 to Ocuia (1675, Calderon list) Appears to have been west of Ocuia on 1655 and 1657 lists and between Ocuia and Oconi, east of Ocuia, by 1675 Between Oconi and Ocuia west-north west of Oconi (1683 map) 1.5 leagues from Patale and from Tomole (1697 list) Ocuia: 900 people, 1675; 200 families, 1689 84 leagues to St. Augustine (1655) 1.5 leagues to Aspalaga and 4 to Patale (1675, Hita Salazar list) 2 leagues to Aspalaga and 4 to Patale (1675, Calderon list) 4+ leagues to San Luis (1676) 9 leagues from Bacuqua and 3 from Oconi (1697 list) Oconi: 200 people, 1675; 80 families, 1689 77 leagues to St. Augustine (1655) 1 league to Aspalaga and half a league to Ayubale (1675, Hita Salazar list) 2 leagues to Aspalaga and 1 to Ayubale (1675, Calderon list) 3 leagues to Ocuia and 2 to Ivitachuco (1697 list) Ayubale: 800 people, 1675; 250 families, 1689 77 leagues to St. Augustine (1655) 1.5 leagues to Ivitachuco and half a league to Oconi (1675, Hita Salazar list)

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360 Appendixes 1 league to Ivitachuco and 1 to Oconi (1675 Calderon list) 1 league to Ivitachuco and 3 to Capoli (1697 list) 1 league to Ivitachuco (1716) Ivitachuco: 2,500 people, 1655, and 1,200, 1675; 200 families, 1689 Capoli: 60 people, 1675; 30 families, 1689; 20 men, 1694 75 leagues from St. Augustine (1655), the same as Asile 1.5 leagues to Ayubale (1675, Hita Salazar list) 1 league to Ayubale and 2 to Asile (1675, Calderon list) 1 league to Ayubale and 2 to Oconi (1697 list) 1 league to Ayubale (1716) 2 leagues from Tomole on both lists (1675) 3 leagues to Ayubale and 1.5 to Patale (1697 list) On the road between Ayubale and Patale (1716 list) Tama or Candelaria: 300 people, 1675; 80 families, 1689 Half a league to San Luis and 2 leagues to Tomole (1675, Hita Salazar list) 1 league to San Luis and 1 league to Tomole (1675, Calderon list) Half a league to Chine village and 1.5 leagues to Tomole (1697 list) On the road between Patale and San Luis (1716) Assumption del Puerto: 300 people, 1675, includ ing Capara, Amacano, and Chine; 30 families of Chine, 1689, not neces sarily in the same location 4 leagues from Tomole (1675, Calderon list) Mentioned only as being on the path to the sea from San Luis (1675, Hita Salazar list) Place of the Chine was half a league from Tama (1697 list)

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Appendix 5. Population of Apalachee Mission Villages 361 Nativity of Our Lady: 40 people, 1675 San Carlos de los Chaca-tos: provided about 250 migrants to Mobile in 1704 2 leagues from San Luis toward the Apalachicola country (1675, Hita Salazar list) Half a league from San Luis Established sometime between 1675 and 1677 Abandoned sometime after 1683 Reoccupied (?) sometime after 1695 Escambe: (trans-Ochlockonee site) Described by Governor Torres as 3 leagues from San Luis across the Yellow River and 12 leagues south west of the Chacato village on the Apalachicola (1693) On the same trek Friar Barreda placed it a little more than 2 leagues from San Luis, northwest of San Luis on a trail that took them 1.5 leagues to the river crossing and then about 1 league east of the Palos (Taluga) River and 9 leagues east of the Apalachicola op posite the Chacato village there. Late in 1694 its chief asked for permis sion to move the village back to the site it had occupied prior to moving across the Ochlokonee, but as of 1697 they had not moved back. 3 leagues from San Luis (1697 list) Diego Peiia described it as 1 league across the Ochlokonee from his camp site on the Lake Jackson prairie (1716). a. Diego Jimenez had moved his cattle ranch to that abandoned site by 1699. It was was 5 leagues from the former site of his ranch, which was close enough to Bacuqua in 1694 for his cattle to cause problems for that village's crops. b. This site was about 1.5 leagues from the site of his former ranch which was possibly the Bacuqua site abandoned in 1657.

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Appendix 6 Apalachicola Villages with Which the Apalachee Had Contact 1675 Calderon list Santa Cruz de Sabacola el Menor or La Encarnacion a la Santa Cruz de Sabacola on the Apalachicola River just below the junction of the Flint and the Chattahoochee; formed by chief and people of Sabacola El Grande in 1674. Chicahuti, Sabacola, Oconi, Apalachocoli, Ilapi, Tacusa, Usachi, Ocmulgui, Ahachito, Cazithto, Colomme, Cabita, Cuchiguali: These 13 towns are described as being on the Chattahoochee 30 leagues to the north of the Christian Sabacola village of Santa Cruz. In the Province of Toassa: Toassa, Imocolasa, Atayache, Pacani, Oslibati, Afaschi, Escatana, Atassi, Tubassi, Tiquipachi, Achichepa, Hilapi, IIantalui, Ichoposi (Diaz Vara Calderon 1675:9-10) 1685 Antonio Matheos's lists Sabacola El Grande, Jalipasle, Oconi, Apalachicola, Achito, Ocute, Osuchi, Ocmulgee, Casista, Colone, Caveta, Tasquique Those villages that attended a conference with Matheos arranged through Chief Pentecolo of Apalachicola: Ocmulgee, Osuchi, Ocute, Achito, Apalachicola, Oconi, Jalipasle, and an unnamed small village (possi bly Sabacola). These nonattending towns were burned by Matheos: Caveta, Casista, Tas quique, Colone. (Guerrero 1687; Lanning 1935:267) 362

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Appendix 6. Apalachicola Villages 363 1695 Letter of Governor Torres y Ayalaa The governor mentions that the 50 warriors who attacked the Chacato vil lage on the Apalachicola some time before this were from Sabacola, Apalachicola, and Tiquipache. In retaliation a Spanish-led Apalachee expedition marched to the Apalachicola country to plunder and burn. Among the towns mentioned as having suffered this fate were Cavetta, Cassista, Ocmulgee, Taisquique, Uchichi, and the places of those of Oconi. (Torres y Ayala 1695) 1702 Achito, departure point for Creek force that routed the Apalachee on the Flint in that year 1716 Diego Pefia expedition Diego Pena mentioned that the province of Apalachicolo had ten villages, which he encountered in the following order proceeding upriver: 1. Chislacasliche's place on the site of ruins of the Sabacolan village just above the confluence of the Flint and Chattahoochee; Five days' journey upriver he camped on prairies between the Flint and Chattahoochee belonging to some Christian Apalachee, 2 leagues dis tant from 2. Savacola, where he spent the night, then proceeded to a small farm oc cupied by Apalachee that belonged to the chief of Apalachicolo, which was 2 leagues to the north; 3. Apalachicolo, 6 leagues from Caveta; 4. Achito; 5. Ocmulgee; 6. Uchi, where they speak a different language than the others, for which there are only 2 or 3 interpreters; 7. Tasquique, where they speak Yamasee; 8. Casista, where they speak Muskogee; 9. Cavetta, where they speak Muskogee; all the others speak the same lan guage (Hitchiti) except the Sabacola, who have a distinct language but also speak Apalachee; 10. Chavajal. (Boyd 1949:21-25)

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364 Appendixes Diego Pena's 1717-1718 expeditions Diego Pena mentions in passing: Chislacasliche's place; Apalachicolo; Uchis; Euchitto (Achito); Oconi; Caveta; Casista; Chavagali. He mentions the following as planning to move to Apalachee close to St. Marks: Tasquique (of the Yamasee tongue); Euchitto (of the Uchisi tongue [Hitchiti]); Uchi (a different languageonly two interpreters for it); Apalachicolo (of the Uchisi tongue); Oconi (of the Uchisi tongue); Sabacola (part Christian). (Boyd 1952) 1738 list of gifts Gifts were distributed at St. Marks to the leaders of the 14 towns that make up the Province of the Uchise and Cabeta: Tamaxle the Old; Chaschdve (a new pueblo); Chalaquiliche; Jufala; Sabacola; Ocone; Ayfichito; Apalachicole; Ocmulgee; Osuchi; Chioja; Casista; Cabeta; Tamasle the New. (Toro 1738) 1745 list of the 14 towns of the Province of the Uchises In the order of their location along the banks of the river where they were situated: Zalacasliches, Yufala, Savacola, another Savacola, Ocone, Apalachicola, Ajachito, Chaquitpe, Chiaja, Ocmulgee, Osuche, Yuches, Casista, and Caveta. Witnesses say only three of these villages were hostile to the Spaniards: Ocone, Chiaja, and Ocmulgee. (Montiano 1745) a. Serrano y Sanz (1912:224-227) presents a similar letter bearing this date which mentions only Cavetta, Oconi, Cassista, and Tiquipache and does not identify the attackers of San Carlos.

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Appendix 7 Some Apalachee Names At San Luis Usunaca Andres or Don Andres, principal chief Holata Juan Mendoza, a leader Vi (or Bip) Ventura, inija Usunaca Monica, married to Chuguta Juan Pedro Ventura Alap Adrian Antonio Acuipa Feliciano At Abaslaco Usunaca Juan, chief Usunaca Matheo, heir At Cupaica Bernardo Ynachuba (Hinachuba), chief in 1677 Juan Mexia* Inacusa Sa Bernardo Pansaca Pedro Chocolaga Juan Vi Adrian Chocoluga Santiago Holata Santiago Chuguta Mariana, a Chacato Guaca Joseph, a Chacato* 365

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366 Appendixes At Faltassa Tafunsaca Martin, chief Tafunsaca Feliciano, heir Nicolas Tafunsaca, brother Tafunsaca Bauptista, parish interpreter Osunaca Pedro Garces, usurping chief, 1669-1677 At Bacuqua Juan Mexia,* chief (Cui Juan Mexia uncertain whether he is the same person) Ocolasli Jucege Itam Martin At Patale Alonso Pastrana,* principal chief in 1680s Ynaja Benito Osunac Favian Pansacola Miguel (two had this name) Pansaca Baptista Asta Alonso At Tomole Paslali Alonso Pansaca Juan Mendosa Pansacola Julian Ocolasli Baltasar Chislic Antonio At Capoli Hinacchuba Adrian, chief, 1695 Don Patricio Non Juluchba, chief, 1687 Chuguta Marcelo Chinocosa Jucege Chaepa Evangelista Abaiaga Nxnd

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Appendix 7. Apalachee Names 367 Abaiaga Martin Abaiaga Vicente At Ayubale Savacola Adrian, jinija, 1695 Usunaca Jucege, his son Chuguta Antonio Ynac Ygnacio Pansacola Juan Choaito Pedro Ocolasli Martin At Aspalaga Ynac Andres Ocolasli Juan, married to Afac Grabula Hijnac Andres, married to Ychu Francisca Afac Nicolas Hipahala Esteban, son of Afac At Ocuia Pansac Baptista Pansac Manuel Faquit Alonso Nicquichasli Adrian Usunaca Sebastian, chief of Ichasli At Oconi Cui Francisco Savocola Caurenti Paiasqui Antonio Pansaca Luis At Ivitachuco Don Luis Ybitachucu, principal chief, 1657 Don Bra (Bentura) ybita chuco ho lah ta,2 chief, 1688

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368 Appendixes Don Patricio Hinachuba, chief, 1695, alias Nan hulu chuba, Don Patricio Nicquichasli Antonio, ensign Lorenzo Moreno,* captain, 1657 Pedro Munoz,* chief of San Pablo, 1657 Marecule (or Maviule) Gabriel Castogola (or Castocola) Sevastian Ycho Sevastian Paslali (or Paslaxali) Lorenzo Ocolasli Antonio Baua Alonso Guasa Pedro Esfan Juan Hinija Luis, elder Hinija Luis, elder Inija Sevastian3 At Tama Chuguta Francisca (female) Village of origin not specified Hubabpt (or Ubapt) Gaspar, royal interpreter, 1694-1695 Cui Juan Mexia Pansacola Mexia Chuguta Alonso At the Apalachee village near St. Augustine in 1711, San Luis de Talimali, alias Abossaya Hina Juan de Hita, the chief Viunac Pedro, the old chief4 Savacola Bernardo Adult males Adult females Usunac: Don Juan Hinachuba Maria Hinachuba Francisco Usunac Maxina Pansacola Evangelista Usunac Maria Solana Icho Marcos Usunac Cicilia Ispalala Martin Chinocosa Maxina Ispalala Juan Chinocossa Francisca

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Appendix 7. Apalachee Names 369 Icho Joseph Afac Francisco Afac Ambrosio Jolata Francisco Panzacola Francisco Alap Antonio Ocolasli Juan Monzon Cuy Bernardo Opalossa Juan Alap Gaspar Lagnachi Melchor Ocolasli Bautista Pallali Juan Arguello Ocollali Santiago Ocolagli Simon Chinocossa Dionisio Alap Julian Usunac Alonsso Panzaca Antonio Castocola Juan Isfane Mario Cuy Juan From the foregoing lists it is clear that the same surnames occur in differ ent villages. The surname Chuguta was found at Tama and among the Chacato as well as in the Apalachee villages. Husbands and wives appear to have kept their own surnames. In the two instances in which we have the names of father and son, their surnames are different, suggesting that children may have taken their surnames from their mothers. This conclusion also seems to be borne out by the cases where we have lines of succession of uncle to nephew, as in the Tafunsaca line at Abaslaco, where uncle and nephew have the same surname. Two families in particular stand out here as occupying leadership roles, the Hinachuba and the Usunaca. Hinachuba is probably a modification of Ybitachuco, the surname used by that town's ruling family in 1657 and 1688. And Non Juluchba is probably another variation of the same surname. We encounter Hinachubas as chiefs at Ivitachuco, at Capole, and at Cupaica. In Cupaica the Hinachuba form of the name emerges as early as 1677. Osonacas or Usunacas appear as chiefs at San Luis, at Abaslaco, a satellite of San Luis, at Ichasli, as the usurping chief for an eight-year period at Faltassa, a satellite of Cupaica, and as heir to the inija of Ayubale. It also should be noted that in the lists of the ordinary Indians, both male Afac Maria Cruz Alap Manuela Alap Maria Panzacola Maria Cruz Maria Candelaria Boys Chinacossa Juan Chinacossa Francisco Chinacossa Silvestre Girls Afac Michaela Castacola Ana Isfane Juana

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370 Appendixes and female, the Usunacs and Hinachubas appear at the top of the list. And the one male Usunac whose name appears in the ranks is given the title of "don." 1. Guaca was also the name of the satellite village of Bacuqua mentioned in the 1657 visitation record. 2. In the Spanish version it appears as Don Bentuxa, cacique de Ybitachua. 3. Inija here appears to be a surname rather than a title of office. 4. By 1717 he was the chief again. On this occasion his name was spelled Don Pedro Osunaca.

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Appendix 8 Explanatory Notes for Figure 2.1 THE geographic features in figure 2.1 were traced from a map of the province prepared by Charles Poe, who also was responsible for determining the loca tion of San Luis. B. Calvin Jones provided the information that helped to determine the location of Ivitachuco as well as those of a number of other villages. I established the locations of the remaining missions by using Ivita chuco and San Luis as anchor points and by applying information on the known mission sites and the distances given on the two 1675 mission lists and in other documentary sources. A site marked by a triangle has been definitely identified as representing a mission site through site reconnaissance or dig ging, or both, largely as a result of the efforts of B. Calvin Jones. A mission site marked by a circle is one whose location is based on documentary sources only. The final version of the map in the figure was prepared by Charles Poe from my rough sketch. Ivitachuco: Location is based on both documentary sources and archaeologi cal evidence that there was a village on that site. One documentary source indicates that Ivitachuco was located elsewhere at some time prior to the 1640s. Ayubale: The site indicated was identified tentatively as that of Ocone by Hale G. Smith in 1951. Calvin Jones has made the identification definite. Oconi: A site identified with Oconi has been found. However, its placement on the map is based on the 1675 data on its distance from Ayubale and Aspalaga and on the study of a topographic map for the likeliest hilltop site with access to water that fitted both stated distances from reference points. Aspalaga: Placement of the site is based on Morrell and Jones (1970) who 371

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372 Appendixes explored it. An alternative site, marked by a circle, is included be cause of the possibility that Aspalaga in the 1650s occupied a site far ther west than the one definitely identified. Documentary sources sug gest that this alternative is probably the case. Ocuia: The placement of Ocuia is based on the 1973 article by B. Calvin Jones reporting the excavation on the site he discovered in 1968. The site is just south of Burnt Mill Creek, a spring-fed stream that insured the inhabitants a year-round water supply. Its elevation is about 120 feet above mean sea level and about one kilometer north of the Cody Scarp, the divide between the Tallahassee Hills, where all the Apalachee missions were located, and the coastal lowlands (Jones 1973). There is documentary evidence suggesting that Ocuia occupied a different site at some time. Patale: Two known sites are identified with Patale. The westernmost is the Buck Lake Road site. Since I was not aware of the exact location of the second Patale site, I located it on this map by information derived from conversations with Calvin Jones and Gary Shapiro. The Buck Lake Road site appears to be the earlier of the two and to have been used as the point of reference for stating the distance to Ocuia on the 1675 lists. Bacuqua: Locating a possible site for Bacuqua poses the most serious problem of all the sites on the map. On the basis of existing data on its location in the 1670s, all that can be said with any certainty is that it lay some where along an arc swinging from the vicinity of the Tallahassee Me morial Hospital along Betton Road and north along Thomasville Road through the area just west of that road up to Lake Hall, from there through Killearn Estates to the area north of Long Pond and south of Tom John Pond. In terms of topography and access to water, there are many likely sites in that area. I chose the vicinity of Lake Hall because some artifacts have been found in that general area and documentary references indicate that the village was on the frontier, that it was the northernmost of the missions, and that it was on or close to a trail coming into the province from the Lower Flint River region. Its suit ability as a location for Spanish cattle ranches indicates that it was sur rounded by lands with abundant meadowland and adequate access to water as would likely be found around the earlier Lake Jackson settle ment. Before 1657 Bacuqua is known to have been located on another site whose soil and firewood had become exhausted. Data from the 1690s, when Cupaica was located west of the Ochlockonee, also raise some problems inasmuch as Bacuqua is posited as still 2 leagues from Cupaica, as it was earlier. This information seems to require the re-

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Appendix 8. Notes for Figure 2.1 373 moval of Cupaica to a site west of Lake Jackson or to the land bridge between Lake Jackson and Lake Carr, or vice versa. Cupaica: A site for this mission has been identified. We know that Cupaica changed its location at least two times and possibly more. The location of the trans-Ochlockonee site for Cupaica is based solely on documen tary data and study of the topographical maps. Archaeologists have found no indications of its trans-Ochlockonee location or even of where the trail to the west crossed that river. During the 1694-1695 visitation, Cupaica's chief asked permission to move his village again. In 1697 its distance was given as 3 leagues from San Luis and 2 from Bacuqua. The trans-Ochlockonee site was about 3 leagues from San Luis as well. By 1699 a cattle ranch had been established on some abandoned site of Cupaica that was 3 leagues from San Luis. By 1704 Cupaica had been moved to a site described as being within cannon shot of San Luis, but as late as 1702 its location was described as on an exposed frontier. Tama: The location of Tama on this map is conjectural. The documents and the topography permit its being located on a number of points on an arc running from the heights of Florida A & M University through Capitol Hill or Myers Park and out along North Monroe Street to the vicinity of Lake Ella. I have ruled out the A & M site by placing the Chine village there. B. Calvin Jones believes that Myers Park is per haps the most likely site as it has produced many Apalachee artifacts, although no signs of a Spanish presence. I also found that site attrac tive in a number of respects, for example, the 1730s references to its fine waters suggest proximity to the Cascades. I placed it along North Monroe Street in order to accommodate the prevailing conjectures about the most probable site of Tomole, the data concerning Tama's location in relation to Tomole and Patale, and my belief that Capoli was located along the Old St. Augustine Road. Tomole: Because Tama is the most important reference point for the location of Tomole, a number of possible sites might be chosen for it, ranging from the vicinity of Lake Munson and McBride Slough, to Six-Mile Pond and Campbell Pond, to the area southeast of it where the Truck Route swings north. The scarcity of acceptable agricultural soils and the restricted number of water sources are, however, limiting factors. I have chosen the fairgrounds site on the basis of B. Calvin Jones's be lief that it is the most promising because it has yielded many Apala chee artifacts. As yet, no signs of a Spanish presence have been found there. Capoli: B. Calvin Jones has found a definite site for this village, with signs of

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374 Appendixes both a Spanish and an aboriginal presence. The placement of the vil lage on this map, based on the documentary evidence, is conjectural. Assumption del Puerto: The location of the village on the map is conjectural, as no site has been identified yet. The location of the site depends on the location chosen for Tomole. Its stated distance from Tomole on Bishop Calderon's list would permit its being located at a number of points along an arc based on that distance. It is likely that it was on or close to the trail to St. Marks. If the present road to St. Marks runs relatively close to the original trail, that would put the village in the vicinity of Crawfordville. However, B. Calvin Jones believes that the poor potability of the water in that area would have discouraged settle ment there. He suggests a site farther east, closer to Wakulla Springs. San Carlos de los Chacatos: The location shown here is based on the distance as stated in the records, on its depiction in relation to San Luis on the 1683 Spanish map, and on topographical considerations. Archaeolo gists have found a probable site for this village. The same factors govern the choice of the Florida A & M University location as the site for the Chine village. Nativity of Our Lady: Because of the paucity of data, this mission village has not been included on the map. Its stated distance from San Luis seems to place it on the banks of the Ochlockonee in an area where the soil appears to be most unpromising for agriculture. That may have been a factor in its having been mentioned only on the 1675 Hita Salazar list. Tocobaga: Missions were never established at the Tocobaga villages. As the villages are mentioned on a number of lists, however, it seemed useful to indicate their location. The Wacissa site's location is conjectural and based solely on documentary sources. The two sites closer to the coast are as depicted on maps of the St. Marks region. Chine: The location of this village is conjectural and based solely on docu mentary sources and study of the topography. San Luis: The location of San Luis is, of course, definite; it is the one Apalachee mission site whose location was never lost. There is evidence, however, that before 1656 the native village and the mission were lo cated at a different site and that just before the start of the eighteenth century the natives had withdrawn from the San Luis site to some lo cation about one league away. There are a number of suitable sites for both the earlier and the later village within a one-league radius of San Luis. The recent discovery of part of de Soto's winter camp not far from the state capitol complex suggests that Anhayca Apalache oc cupied the hill on which the capitol is located.

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Appendix 8. Notes for Figure 2.1 375 St. Marks: In the period before 1704, the port of St. Marks does not seem to have been the site of a mission. In 1693, Friar Barreda described the lodgings there as "wretched huts." Shortly after the return of the Spaniards to St. Marks in 1718, a mission was established.

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Appendix 9 Spanish Weights and Measures and Their U.S. Equivalents Unit of measure Arroba Carga Dedo Fanega Legua (league) Pipa or pipe Quintal Vara (yard) Where used Spain Spain Spain Mexico (=2 fanegas) Spain (Castile) Spain Spain Mexico Mexico Mexico Mexico Cuba Mexico Spain (Alava)b U.S. equivalent 25.36 pounds 3.32 gallons (oil) 4.26 gallons (wine) 5.15 bushels 6.3 bushels !/48th of a vara or Spanish yard 1.58 bushels 2.57 bushels 8.81 acres 2.60 miles3 126.6 gallons 101.44 pounds 33.39 inches 32.99 inches 32.90 inches Sources: for dedo, see Mariano Velazquez de la Cadena, Edward Gray, and Juan L. Iribas, New Revised Velazquez Spanish and English Dictionary, revised by Ida Navarro Hinojosa (New York, 1960), p. 227. All other information is from Juan Villasana Haggard, Handbook for Translators of Spanish Historical Documents. a. Roland Chardon (1980:294-302) indicated that in the sixteenth century, Spaniards used two different measurements for a league: the common one was 3.45 miles and the legal one was 2.63 miles. b. In Spain the length of the vara differed slightly from province to province. Alava's was shared by some others and seemed to be a median value. 376

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Appendix 10 Standard Spelling for Native and Spanish Names Amacano Apalachee Apalachicola Asile Aspalaga Aucilla Ayubale Bacuqua Canzo Capoli Casista Caveta Chacato Chattahoochee Chisca Cupaica Escambe Faltassa Gonzalo Ivitachuco Lake Miccosukee Mikasuki Ochlockonee Oconi Ocuia Pacara Patale Sabacola Salazar San Juan San Lorenzo Tacabona Talimali Tama Tocobaga Timucua Tomole Vallecilla Wacissa Yamasee Ychuntafun Yustaga 377

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Appendix 11 A Catalog of Native Leaders 1657 Diego Salvador, royal interpreter for both Apalachee and Timucua for at least the 1656-1677 period, filling that function for both Rebolledo's and Leturiondo's visitations as well as for the inquiry into the 1675 Chacato revolt; literate; one of the authors of the research piece on the ball game; in 1677, held the rank of sergeant-major; village of origin and native surname not known. At Cupaica Baltasar, principal chief (not clear if he was the same chief Baltasar baptized in 1639) Bentura, chief of Nicupana Martin, chief of Faltassa Bentura, chief of San Cosme Lucas, chief of San Lucas At Bacuqua Alonso, principal chief Martin, chief of Guaca At Patale Baltasar, principal chief Francisco, chief of Ajamano Alonso, chief of Talpahique 378

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Appendix 11. Native Leaders 379 At San Luis Francisco Luis, principal chief Antonio Garcia, captain and the chief's cousin; literate Antonio de Ynija, a leading man Pedro Garcia, a leading man Geronimo, chief of Abaslaco Francisco, chief of San Francisco At Aspalaga Alonso, principal chief Manuel, chief of Pansacola Christobal (Xpobal), chief of Sabe Santiago, heir of chieftanship at Jipe At Thomole Antonio, hinija, governor in the absence of its principal chief Bernardo, chief of Ciban Diego, chief of San Diego Bernardo, chief of Samoche At Ocuia Benito Ruiz, principal chief Gaspar, chief of Sabacola Santiago, chief of Ajapaxca Jeronimo, chief of Chali At Oconi Francisco Martin, principal chief Alonso Martin, chief of San Miguel At Ayubale Martin, principal chief Alonso, his brother and a leading man Adrian, a leading man of Cutachuba At Ybitachuco Don Luis, principal chief; nephew of the chief of Asile; literate, signing his name as Don Luis Ybitachucu; name and signature first appear on a 1651 deed. Andres, chief of San Juan, an uncle of Don Luis

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380 Appendixes Pedro Munoz, chief of San Pablo Thomas, chief of San Nicolas Lorengo Moreno, captain; literate Francisco and Santiago, leading men At Asile Gaspar, principal chief, uncle of Don Luis Manuel de Asile, chief in 1651 Lazaro, leading man, father of the chief of Sabe 1677 Juan Mendoza, coauthor of the ball game research piece; held rank of captain at San Luis; listed first among the leaders of 1677 expedition against the Chisca. Matheo Chuba, field master; one of the leaders of the 1677 anti-Chisca expe dition; a leader at San Luis, in the mid-1680s twice referred to as "governor" of San Luis; taunted by Antonio Matheos for close ties with the friars; a number of Spaniards had houses on his plaza; in the 1680s seemed to be doing much of the work of the inija along with Bip Bentura, the man designated as holding that position; literate; still alive in 1695. Bip Bentura, a leader of the 1677 anti-Chisca expedition; not literate; prin cipal inija at San Luis in the mid-1680s, active in running the village at that time, also referred to as "governor" and as "order-giver"; 50 years old in 1687, still alive in 1695; also referred to as San Luis's head chacal. Bernardo Ynachuba (Hinachuba), principal chief of Cupaica and the fourth leader of the 1677 anti-Chisca expedition; held rank of captain. Tafunsaca Martin, principal chief of Faltassa, a satellite of Cupaica; died in 1669, designating an absent nephew, Tafunsaca Feliciano, as his successor. Tafunsaca Feliciano, on arriving to claim the chieftainship of Faltassa, found that a determined usurper had been installed and did not then press his claim; died some time thereafter. Nicolas Tafunsaca, brother of Feliciano; inija of Nicupana in 1677 and suc cessfully pressed his claim to the chieftainship of Faltassa against the usurper in that year. Tafunsaca Bauptista, parish interpreter at Cupaica in 1669; a witness to the last will of the dying chief of Faltassa along with Bernardo Ynachuba, Cupaica's head chief.

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Appendix 11. Native Leaders 381 Osunaca Pedro Garces, usurping chief of Faltassa for eight years (1669-1677); admitted his usurpation in the last year. Francisco Luis, principal chief of San Luis in 1686; not clear if he was the Francisco Luis who was head chief in 1657; if he was, in 1686 he was fit enough to contemplate a trip to St. Augustine to complain about Antonio Matheos. Alonso Pastrana, head chief of Patale in the mid-1680s; literate; led the native forces on one of Antonio Matheos's forays into the Apalachicola coun try in search of the English traders there; 49 years of age in 1686; still chief in 1688. Quuy Olata Baltasar, identified by Chief Alonso Pastrana in 1687 as a chief at Bacuqua whom Antonio Matheos had struck with a cane because the chief had allegedly defrauded an Indian woman there. Don Patricio Non Juluchba, chief of Capoli in 1687; not literate; 42 years old in 1687. Osunaca Juan, chief of Abaslaco, a satellite of San Luis; not literate; was to join Francisco Luis and Matheo Chuba on trip to St. Augustine in 1686 to complain to the governor about Antonio Matheos's conduct and ask for his removal; 50 years old in 1687. 1688 Don Bentura, Chief of Ybitachuco; on B. Smith's facsimile of the Apalachee chiefs' letter to the king in their own tongue, signed his name as Dn Bra Ybitachuco holahta. Don Patricio, chief of Santa Cruz; also signed the letter to the king even though he appears to be the chief of Capoli who, while testifying against Antonio Matheos, said that he could not write. Don Ignacio, chief of Talpatqui, also a signer of the letter to the king. Don Matheo Chuba and Don Alonso Pastrana, also letter signers. Holata Juan Mendoza, the fifth signer; Holata here may represent his family surname rather than signify that he was a chief; still alive in 1695. 1694-1695 Don Bicente, chief of Escabi Juan Mexia, chief of Bacuqua Juan Mexia, chief of Ocuia Usunaca Sebastian, chief of Ichasli Cui Juan Mexia, supported Usunaca Matheo's claim describing himself as

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382 Appendixes chief and as older than Usunaca Matheo; this Cui Juan Mexia may be one of the two Juan Mexias mentioned above. Pansacola Mexia and Chucuta Alonso, named by Usunaca Matheo as able to testify to the legitimacy of his claim. Hinachuba Adrian, chief of Capoli, also spelled Hinaccuba (the name of Ivitachuco's Don Patricio was given the form Ygnhac Chuba" on the 1698 visitation list); at the time of the Florencia visitation he had not been installed even though he was the legitimate heir; after confirming his claim, Florencia had him installed. Don Andres, principal chief of San Luis, coauthor of 1699 letter to the king; full name is Usunaca Andres. Don Patricio Hinachuba, chief of Ivitachuco; the other coauthor of the 1699 letter to the king; literate; bilingual; killed in battle early in 1705. Usunaca Juan, still chief of Abaslaco in 1694, but his heir, Usunaca Matheo made an unsuccessful bid to oust him, claiming the incumbent was a usurper; Florencia upheld Usunaca Juan's claim. Alonso, chief of Tomole 1698 At Ibitachuco Don Patrizio Ygnhac Chuba, principal chief and field master Niquichasli Antonio, a headman Aque Ju, a headman At Ayubale Ushina (?) Coaleixo, chief Michasle Ebanjelista, a headman Hina Adrian, a headman At Oconi Hina Alonso, a chief Osonaca Ju, a headman Hina Alonso, a headman At Ocuya Osunaca Lorenzo, principal chief Ymixa Mexis, a headman Cui Bernardo, a headman

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Appendix 11. Native Leaders 383 At Bacuqua Usunaca Mexia, principal chief Hina Felipe, a headman At Escabi Hina Bicente, chief Esfana Labentura, a headman Bis (?) Bautista, a headman At San Luis Osunaca Andres, chief Michasle Francco, a headman Mila Ysfani Alonso, a headman At Thomoli Osonaca Alonso, chief Ysfania Alonso, a headman Cui Patriburio, a headman At Espalaga Osonaca Benito, principal chief Ysfani Bentura, a headman Bi Ju, a headman At Capoli Hinachuba Adrian, chief Sabacola Feliziano, a headman Cui Esteban, a headman 1704 Antonio Acuipa Feliciano, inija of San Luis, one of the Indians burned at the stake by Colonel Moore's Indians; he bore up heroically under the torture, preaching to his tormentors. Luis Domingo, another Indian from San Luis singled out for torture. 1711 Hina Juan de Hita, chief of San Luis de Talimali; alias Abossaya, name of the village of refugee Apalachee at St. Augustine.

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384 Appendixes Viunac Pedro, referred to as "the old chief"; by 1717 apparently the chief again with his name as Pedro Osunaca. Savacola Bernardo, leader in San Luis de Talimali; alias Abossaya. 1717 Adrian, chief of the former village of Bacuqua, then living among the Creek; a frequent visitor to St. Augustine and St. Marks during the next two years; served as interpreter for Diego Pena in his 1717 contacts with the Creek, translating from Apalachee into Uchisi; Barcia reports him as having visited St. Augustine as early as 1711. Marcos, one of the party of Apalachee and Creek leaders sent to Mexico City to visit the viceroy; there named head chief and governor of the Apalachee; directed the foundation of the Apalachee settlement of San Luis de Soledad near Pensacola in 1718; led some Apalachee from that vil lage to take part in the foundation of a new Apalachee settlement near St. Marks; when Pensacola came under French attack in 1719, raised a small force in the Creek country to assist in its defense but upon his arrival found that it had fallen. Note: The script for some of these names is not very legible, and the rendition of those with question marks is tentative. Also some of the letters m should be rendered n instead. In one of the Usunacas, the n looked very much like an m. Usunaca and Osonaca are variants of the same name. The Ygnhac in Don Patricio's name appears to be a variant of Hina. It is not clear whether all of the other Hinas are related to the Hinachubas, or whether the numerous Usunacas also are related. However, the predominance of those two names among those in positions of power, together with the identification of those two names with the two principal villages of San Luis and Ivitachuco, suggests that they may represent two leading families in this era.

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Appendix 12 Variant Versions of Colonel James Moore's Letters about His Assault on Apalachee APPENDIX 12 contains copies of the versions of Colonel Moore's letters to the governor of South Carolina and to the lords proprietors that are held by the Library of Congress and the South Carolina Archives, along with the versions published in Boyd, Smith, and Griffin, Here They Once Stood and in Carroll's Historical Collections of South Carolina. To highlight the divergences, the Library of Congress version will be com pared to that in the South Carolina Archives and points of difference that are of historical significance will be marked with a degree symbol (). Words or phrases found only in one of the versions will also be so marked. Differences in spelling and capitalization will not be noted except for the variant spellings of Ivitachuco. Divergences in punctuation will be marked only when they al ter the meaning significantly. Boyd's version of the two letters will be compared with the Library of Congress version that Boyd cited as his source. Historically significant points at which Boyd's version diverges from its alleged source will be marked with an asterisk (*) unless the language follows the Carroll version. Boyd's borrow ings from the Carrollversion will be marked with a dagger (t). Carroll's ver sion of the letter to the governor will be compared to its counterpart in the Library of Congress and the significant divergences indicated thus.0 385

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386 Appendixes Library of Congress Version Extract of Col Moore's Letter to the Lords Proprietors 16 April 1704 I will not trouble Your Lordships with a Relation of the many Hazards and Difficulties I underwent in my Expedition against Apalatchie but beg leave to let you know what I have done there. By my own Interest and at my own Charge I raised 50 Whites, all the Government thought fit to spare out of the Settlement at that time; with them and 1000 Indians, wch by my own Interest I raised to follow me, I went to Apalatchie. The first place I came to was the strongest Fort in Apalatchee, wch after Nine Hours Storm I took, and in it 200 Persons alive, and killed 20 Men in the Engagement.01 had killed 3 Whites and 4 Indians: of the last there were but 15 ever came within Shott of the Fort. The next Morning the Captain of the Fort of S' Lewis and Governor of the Province of Apalatchee, with all the Forces of Whites and Indians he Could raise in the Province came and gave me Battle in the Field; after half an hours Fight we routed them, and in the Fight and Flight killed Six Spaniards, one of which was a Fryar; took the Captain and Governor and Adjutant General and Seven Men Spaniards Prisoners, and killed and took 200 Indian Men. In this Fight my Captain was killed and 11 of my Indians. I lay in the Field of Battle four days, some of my wounded Men, not being in a Condition to March, or to be carried any way in this time.0 The next strongest Fort was surrendered to me upon Conditions. On the 5 th day I marched to two more Forts, both wch were delivered up to me, without Conditions, & the Men Women and Children of the whole Town, wch were in it, Prisoners at Discretion. In one of these0 Forts I lodged one Night; the next day I marched to two more Forts, both wch with the People that were in them were delivered to me without Conditions, as were the two other Forts. In one of these I lay two Nights, here I offered freedom of Persons and Goods, to as many Kings, as with all the People under their Government0 would go along with me, and live under and subject themselves to Our Government. On these Terms four Kings and all their People, came away with me; and part of the People of four mor