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One is none and two is one development from above and below in North-Central PanamÃ¡
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xviii, 316 leaves : maps ; 28 cm.

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Agriculture ( jstor )
Anthropology ( jstor )
Cash ( jstor )
Cattle ( jstor )
Cultural anthropology ( jstor )
Human geography ( jstor )
Marketing ( jstor )
Rituals ( jstor )
Schools ( jstor )
Women ( jstor )
Anthropology thesis Ph. D ( lcsh )
Community development -- Panama ( lcsh )
Dissertations, Academic -- Anthropology -- UF ( lcsh )
Rural development -- Panama ( lcsh )
City of Gainesville ( local )
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Thesis:
Thesis (Ph. D.)--University of Florida, 1981.
Bibliography:
Bibliography: leaves 298-314.
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Typescript.
General Note:
Vita.
Statement of Responsibility:
by Luz Graciela Joly.

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Full Text

U OE LIBRARIES

ONE IS NONE AND TWO IS ONE:
DEVELOPMENT FRCM ABOVE AND BELOW
IN NORTH-CENTRAL PANAMA

By

lUJZ GRACIELA JOLY

A DISSERTATION PRESENTED TO THE GRADUATE COUNCIL OF THE UNIVERSITY OF FLORIDA IN PARTIAL FULFILLMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY

UNIVERSITY OF FLORIDA

1981

Copyright ï¿½ 1981 by Luz Graciela Joly

This work is dedicated to
the memory of
Graciela Isabel Adcres and Manuel olores Joly
who gave me their lives,
and to the
NaturaZes, Pl~yeros, and Interioranos
of the Costa Abajo
who incorporated me into their lives.

PREFACE

The proverb "One is none and two is one" in the title of this work illustrates several points. First, it incorporates the sociolinguistic component of the ethnography, both as theory and as method. Theoretically, I agree with the definition of ethnography as an inscription of social discourse, that is, a record of the ethnographer's personal experience in conversing analytically with other humans about their lives (Geertz 1973: 13). When as an anthropologist I assume the role of an activist and participant observer (Elmendorf 1976:4, 7-8) in the events of other humans, they are not subjects of study but fellow members of our species who have knowledge and experiences to share with me and with whom I can argue, discuss, and converse rationally about our behavior in "a process of mutual learning" (Freire 1971).

In talking about their production for subsistence and marketing, as well as in talking about all other aspects of their lives, the human groups in the Costa Abajo (Lower Coast) or north-central Panama, who are Spanish speakers, frequently use proverbs or sayings that "take us into the heart of that of which they are the interpretation" (Geertz 1973:18). These speech acts give us empirical evidence that these humans make rational and value judgements about themselves and events in their lives. On the basis of their complementary differences, therefore, the emic (to mean what people say and do) and the etic (to mean the theoretical and methodological tools) approaches in anthropology form a symbiotic union in this work in an effort to avoid their weaknesses. Both provide answers.

iv

As stated by that great role model, anthropologist Ruth Benedict, "The trouble with life isn't that there is no answer, it's that there are so many answers. . . By turns their answers fit my needs" (Mead 1974:2).

The use of proverbs to reflect actions in words is methodologically consistent with the technique of "event analysis," which was one of the tools in my ethnographic kit. Event analysis is the "tracing of interconnections of behavior in time and space and in relation to the conditions of the situation" (Arensberg and Kimball 1972:224; Kimball and Pearsall 1955; Kimball and Partridge 1979:94). Behavior interconnections are units of interaction within a systemic network. Verbal behavior is a form of interaction which converts the event into a "speech event" when the "activity or aspects of the activity are directly governed by rules or norms for the use of speech" (Hymes 1972:56; 1974:52). The norm or rule governing the use of a proverb as a speech act in the Lower Coast is to incorporate it as an additional statement that conveys further clarifications and/or interpretation of what is occurring or what is being said. Hence, I am following this rule by incorporating a proverb in the title of this dissertation to clarify and/or interpret the events being described and analyzed.

The proverb "One is none and two is one" clarifies and interprets the major analyses of this work as follows: The proverb is used to describe the principle of interdependence, that is, "a union to raise the power of action above what it would be were the units to remain apart" (Hawley 1968:331-332). This meaning applies to this work not only in the symbiosis of the emic and the etic, but also in the fact that the major variables being described and analyzed only make sense as interdependent units within a system.

First, the development process cannot be effective unless planners and programers of bureaucratic systems "from above" take into account the indigenous community development systems "frcm below" of the peoples intended to be the so-called "targets" or "beneficiaries" of the plans and programs. Secondly, the three major human groups in the Lower Coast--Naturales, Playeros, and Interioranos--are interdependent on each other in their systems of relations. Third, there is interdependence between the production and marketing of agricultural products and the community development systems along the Rio Indio, the river system of the Lower Coast that was selected for intensive study. The establishment, expansion, and function of these ccmunity development systems in Rio Indio has been greatly influenced by the marketing of cash products in this century during "times of value," the phrase used in the regional dialect to refer to a series of cash bocms. Moreover, the community development systems of these three human groups are related to social and economic forces on the Isthmus since Spanish colonialism to the present.

The proverb "One is none and two is one" also applies to the support received fron numerous persons and institutions. First, the writing of this dissertation would not have been possible without the intellectual guidance and moral encouragement of my doctoral committee:Drs. Solon T.

Kimball, Chairperson; Allan F. Burns, Anthony Oliver-Smith, and Anita Spring as anthropologists; and Louis A. Paganini as cultural geographer. Dr. Kimball, in particular, has kindly directed me through my graduate studies since my first arrival from Panamg to the University of Florida that cold winter quarter of 1976, and was a patient and excellent tutor in the writing of this work.
During the graduate years of the Master's and Ph.D. programs at the University of Florida, I appreciate more than they realize the teachings

vi

and support of faculty, staff, and fellow students. In particular, I am grateful to Dr. Charles Wagley and his Tropical South America research program that made possible under a 3-month summer grant in 1977 the preliminary survey in Panamg for the purpose of selecting a site for later dissertation research.

The 19 months of research for this dissertation, from August 1978 through February 1980, were sponsored by an Inter-American Foundation

Learning Fellowship for Social Change in Latin America and the Caribbean. IAF not only provided funds for the research, but also intellectual guidance through its unique program of conferences to evaluate and advise through the peer group of fellows, the professors in the Screening Committee, and members of the IAF staff. I found most beneficial the interdisciplinary advice received from the following members of the IAF Screening Committee: sociologist Alejandro Portes; economist William Glade; agricultural economist William Thiesenhusen; and anthropologists Laura Nader, Charles Wagley, and Johannes Wilbert. I also appreciate the interest in my work shown during their visit to Panama' in October-November 1979 by IAF Director and Representative for Mexico, Central America, and Panama, Ms. Sally W. Yudelman and Ms. Patricia Haggerty, respectively. Most of all, I am thankful for the care-taking role of IAF assumed by Fellowship Officer Elizabeth Veatch and General Services Officer Melvin Asterken.

In Panama, the research was supported by institutional affiliation

with the Direcci6n del Patrimonio Hist6rico, Instituto Nacional de Cultura; the Universidad Santa Mara la Antigua; the Vicariato Apost6lico del Darf~n; and the Smithsonian Tropical Research Institute. As with any institution, their value lies in their personnel. At the Directorate of Historical Patrimony of the National Institute of Culture, I am particularly indebted

to Dra. Reina Torres de Arafz, Director, for authorizing the research under Agreement Number 04 of November 6, 1978; to Dra. Marcia A. de Arosemena, Sub-Director and Chief of Scientific Investigations, who during the preliminary survey recommended the need to study Afro-American and mestizo human groups in the Caribbean side of the Isthmus; and to Prof.

Marcela Camargo, Chief of the Miseo del Hcmbre Pcmamefo, who directed and coordinated all the facets of the travelling exhibit of artifacts and photographs entitled "Those who already conquered the Atlantic: Naturales and PZcayeros of the Costa Abajo," to inform the Panamanian public about preliminary results of the research and at the same time commemorate the third anniversary of the Museum, December 1979 through February 1980. At the Catholic University Santa Maria Za Antigua, advice and guidance were always generously given by Dr. Roberto De la Guardia, Historian at the Office of Humanities; and Prof. Carlos Castro, Director of the School

of Sociology. I am grateful to Monsignor Jests Serrano, Bishop of Col6n and Apostolic Vicar of Darien, who during the preliminary survey suggested the Lower Coast as an area for research. The Claretian missionaries of the Vicarate introduced me to the Naturales of Rio Indio during the preliminary survey; later during the research, they provided support at the missionary centers in the Lower Coast and engaged me in stimulating discussions about social issues, particularly the Reverends Luis Gonzalo Mateo, Jose Marf a Morillo, Celestino Sainz, and Nicolas Delgado. At the Smithsonian Tropical Research Institute, support and advice were kindly given by archeologists Olga Linares and Richard Cooke of the Section of Human Ecology; librarian Alcira Mejfa; botanist Robert Dressler; and ichthyologist Ira Rubinoff, Director of STRI.

viii

Professors at the national University of Panama' also cooperated with the research. I appreciate the historical advice given by Dr. Alfredo Castillero Calvo, of the School of Geography and History, Faculty of Humanities. At the Faculty of Natural Sciences and Pharmacy, Dr. Richard Goodyear, of Marine Biology; and Prof. Mireya Correa, of Botany, kindly identified ichthyological and botanical specimens; and Drs. Tomgs Arias and Mahabir Gupta, of the Laboratory of Specialized Analysis, conducted chemical analyses of botanical specimens. At the Department of Artistic Expresions, Prof. Manuel De la Rosa, of Drama and Theater, accepted my suggestion to participate in joint observations of the Congo ritual play of the Afro-American Playeros. Professors Raquel De Le6n and Alberto McKay, of the School of Geography and History, helped to disseminate preliminary results of the research to the Panamanian public, by their kind invitation to lecture to the students of geography at the university.

For allowing me to make voluntary suggestions to their plans and

letting me practice the role of the applied anthropologist, I express my appreciation to personnel at the School of Agronomy of the University of

Panama, the University of Delaware Title XII coordinators, and the mission in Panama of the United States Agency for International Development.

Extensive kinship and friendship systems in Panamg and in the United States, too numerous to name, allowed me to survive during graduate school and the research by giving me unrestricted access to materials, space, services, and affection. They know who they are and how freely they gave to me, making the proverb "One is none and two is one" particularly applicable in their case.

There are no appropriate words, however, to express my gratitude to the Naturales, Playeros, and Znteroranos of the Costa Abajo who hecame my

teachers, socializing me as they do with their children by letting me observe and participate in their activities. They transformed me from a vidajena (busybody or snooper, the nickname by whiteh I would introduce myself initially) into a member of their communities, giving me nicknames and terms of address of their own: vieja de monte (old woman of the woods), macha rulmpago and macha nucha (lightning female and night female, in the Congo ritual-play language), and comadre (comother). There was no greater satisfaction for me than the way that they made me feel that "As I live here, I eat here," the proverb that they use to express the sharing of food, which is the most significant social relation among kin and friends. I owe my life in Rio Indio, in particular, to Norma, Mxima, and Benita, the leading females in the households where I ate and lived.

Before proceeding on with the chapters that follow, the reader may

wish to take a look first at Appendix I which describes the initial survey in 1977 and the decision-making process in selecting the Rio Indio of the Lower Coast as the area -for research. This digression will provide a

better perspective in understanding the position of an anthropologist doing research among people in her own country.

The organization of the dissertation is as follows. The first

chapter explains the problem addressed in this work and the theoretical

and methodological framework. "Development from below" takes precedence here over "development fram above." Therefore, the ethnic identity and the comunity development systems of the NaturaZes, Playeros, and Interioranos are described and analyzed next. The identity of the Naturales and their system of principales is described and analyzed in Chapter II, and exemplified in Chapter III by the case history of the principales of the settlement of Santa Rosa de Rio Indio. The Afro-American identity of the

PZayeros is treated in Chapter IV, mainly through their participation in the events of the ritual "Play of the Congos." The political and economic preeminence of the Plcyeros in the Lower Coast is exemplified in Chapter V by the case history of the Playero pueblo of Boca de Rio Indio. The identity and the migration of the Interioranos is covered in Chapter VI. The encounter of the Interioranos with Naturales and Playeros is illustrated in Chapter VII with specific cases of their system of relations.

A specific comparison between the preceding indigenous systems of community development and plans developed by outsiders for the Rio Indio is presented in Chapter VIII by the case of the planning process of the University of Panama' and the University of Delaware in submitting a Title XII proposal to the mission in Panama of the United States Agency for International Development. This case also illustrates the role of the applied anthropologist in serving as a mediator and interpreter of the sociocultural systems and making practical suggestions for program effectiveness and cost savings. General conclusions are made in Chapter IX.

Page

PREFACE iv

LIST OF MAPS xv

ABSTRACT xvi

CHAPTER

I THE PROBLEM 1

"Development from Above" versus
"Development from Below" 1 The Theoretical Approaches 7 The Methodology 21 Notes 26

II THE PRINCIPALES OF THE NATURALES 27

Ethnic Origin and Identity 28 The System of Principales 38 Conclusions, Scenarios, Suggestions 51 Notes 59

III A CASE HISTORY: THE PRINCIPALES
OF SANTA ROSA DE RIO INDIO 61

Location, Demography, Econamics, Government 61
Origins and Dynamics of the Principales
of Santa Rosa 66 Concluding Remarks 90 Notes 91

IV WHO ARE THE PLAYEROS? 92

The Afro-American Colonial Past 92 The Ancestors in the 1800s and 1900s 93 The Ritual Identity 95
Concluding Remarks 112 Notes 113

xii

Page

115

117
146 151

V THE PUEBLOS OF THE PLAYEROS

The Rise of a PZayero PuebZo: The Case of Boca de Rio Indio Summary
Notes

VI THE MIGRATION OF THE INTERIORANOS

Introduction
Who are the Interioranos?
The Migration Routes
Migration as Development
Concluding Remarks
Notes

VII RELATIONS OF INTERIORANOS WITH NATURALES
AND PLAYEROS

Relations between Intexroranos and Naturales
Relations of Interioranos and Playeros
Notes

VIII IMPLICATIONS OF DEVELOPMENT FROM BELOW FOR
DEVELOPMENT FROM ABOVE

The Title XII Proposal from the Universities of Panamg and Delaware Inferences
General Implications of Development from Below for Development fron Above

IX CONCLUSIONS

APPENDI CES

APPENDIX I APPENDIX II-A

APPENDIX II-B APPENDIX III

177 192
202

203

251

THE PRELIMINARY SURVEY

SAMPLE OF THURSDAY MARKETING AT BOCA DE RIO INDIO SEP-NOV 1978 PRODUCTS MOST REGULARLY MARKETED AND
SELLING PRICES IN US$VENDORS AND WHOLESALE BUYERS AT THE THURSDAY MARKET, BOCA DE RIO INDIO STATEMENT OF ACCOUNTS, PATRON SAINT "STREET" FEAST, SANTA ROSA DE RIO INDIO, 1 SEPTEMBER 1979 271 xiii TABLE OF CONTENTS CContinued) APPENDIX IV-A APPENDIX IV-B APPENDIX V APPENDIX VI APPENDIX APPENDIX VII VIII APPENDIX IX BIBLIOGRAPHY BIOGRAPHICAL SKETCH STATEMENT OF ACCOUNTS, PRE-COOPERATIVE LUZ CAMPESINA, R. L., RIO INDIO, 1978 STATEMENT OF ACCOUNTS, PRE-COOPERATIVE LUZ CAMPESINA, R. L., RIO INDIO, JANJUN 1979 STATEMENT OF EARNINGS AND LOSSES CONSUMPTION STORE SANTA ROSA NO. 2 (Based on Manager's Record of Sales and Expenses) 1979 ITEMS AND RETAIL PRICES AT CONSUMPTION STORE SANTA ROSA NO. 2 SYMBOLIC NAMES OF CONGO PLAYERS LEGAL PERMIT TO ENACT THE PLAY OF THE CONGOS GLOSSARY OF SPANISH TERM 291 292 298 315 LIST OF MAPS Map Page 1.0 Political Map of the Republic of Panama 2 1.1 Lower Coast of the North-Central Caribbean Side of Panamg, 5 1.2 Relative Spatial Distribution of PZqyeros, NaturaZes, and Interioranos in the Lower Coast 6 2.1 Area of the Cocl6 Reservation of the Naturales or Cholos Coc les anoe - Cho 1o8 Penonomeios 32 6.1 The Highway System and Feeder Roads Used by the Interioranos in their Migration 166 A.1 Survey Sites of the Rio Indio, Plcuru, and Tigre 269 Abstract of Dissertation Presented to the Graduate Council of the University of Florida in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree of Doctor of Philosophy ONE IS NONE AND TWO IS ONE: DEVELOPMENT FROM ABOVE AND BELOW IN NORTH-CENTRAL PANAMX By Luz Graciela Joly June 1981 Chairperson: Solon T. Kimball Major Department: Anthropology This dissertation evaluates the development process in its two major dimensions; namely, planning and programming for "development from above" by bureaucratic systems and the "development from below" of indigenous socio-cultural systems in their process of community development. In this evaluation, the following theoretical formulations served as an operational mode or a guiding methodology: regional analysis, community study, event analysis, sociolinguistics, ethnohistory, ritual and symbolism, human ecology, and development. The focus is not that of ethnographic detail presented in a simply descriptive manner and serving only to exemplify theories as is the case in contemporary circles in academic anthropology. Instead, the indigenous systems of community development "from below" of the Naturales, the Playeros, and the Inter1oranos, as well as the case of development planning "from above" by the University of Panama, the University of Delaware, and the United States Agency for International Development, are described in full ethnographic detail to correct the simplistic view given in feasibility studies for development plans in regards to these human groups in the Costa Abajo (Lower Coast) of north-central Panama. Most development feasibility studies and plans list the human groups as a xvi "resource," but there is no indication whatsoever of why or how the human groups are a resource other than they represent a demographic factor displaying certain characteristics with regard to natural growth, mortality, density, health, sanitation, and education. The community development systems of the aforementioned three groups are described and analyzed in order to convey an idea of what these human groups can offer to the development process in terms of their own ways of organizing themselves, of doing things, of responding to external and internal influences, trends, and conflicts. These ccmunity development systems reflect the responses of these peoples to economic and political forces operating in Panama since the Spanish colonial period to the present, and their own accomplishments are strategies in recovering or capturing for themselves part of those resources that have been historically centralized in the transisthmian urban center and the Pacific lowlands of the central and western provinces of Panama. The identity of the three groups, as traced from oral history and participation in ritual and other events, indicates that the Naturales are the people historically known as the Choios de 1as montdas de Coci6 o Penonomg (acculturated Indians fran the mountains of Cocle or Penonomg); the Playeros are Hispanic Afro-Americans; and the migrant Interzoranos are the Hispanic cattle-raising people of the Pacific lowlands of Panama. The three groups are described and analyzed in terms of their systems of relations with each other and with other peoples and institutions in the Isthmus, as inferred from the settlements along the Rio Indio, one of the major river systems in the Lower Coast. A specific example of the development planning process "from above" is provided in the analysis of the proposal by the School of Agronomy of xvii the University of Panama and the University of Delaware in a joint Title XII program proposal submitted to the United States Agency for International Development. This case also illustrates the role of the applied anthropologist in serving as a mediator or interpreter of socio-cultural systems in order to increase program effectiveness and cost savings for the so-called "targets" or "beneficiaries." Other implications of "development from below" for "development from above" are presented in terms of national programs and policies for the peoples of the Lower Coast. xviii CHAPTER I THE PROBLEM "Development from Above" versus "Development from Below" In his return speech in Panama after signing the Torrijos-Carter Treaty in Washington, D.C., in 1977, General Omar Torrijos stated that, since the problem of sovereignty of the canal had been settled, Panamg could now concentrate its efforts on other endeavors such as the "Conquest of the Atlantic" (Dominical-La Repblica 1977:7C).1 In this case "conquest" means a regional program of socio-economic development for which plans have already been written by national and international agencies (Banco Nacional-Banco Mundial 1977; Chen et al. 1977; Direcci6n de Planificaci6n y Coordinaci6n Regional 1979). These plans are inherently deficient because they do not take into account the existing patterns of life of the different human groups in the Atlantic slope. They reflect concern for the people only insofar as: 1. There are people residing in areas where there are valuable natural resources such as copper and hardwoods that can be extracted to increase the national government income (Chen et al. 1977; Direcci6n de Planificaci6n y Coordinaci6n Regional 1979). 2. The lives of the people indicate the absence of such things as health, education, university-designed agricultural techniques, sanitary facilities, potable water, urban-style housing, and roads (Chen et al. Map 1.0 Political Map of the Republic of Panam6. 1977; Direcci6n de Planificaci6n y Coordinaci6n Regional 1979). 3. The people could be encouraged to take loans to increase cattle production for urban consumption and exportation (Banco Nacional-Banco Mundial 1977), or taxed for the production of export cash crops like coffee (Consejo Municipal del Distrito de Chagres 1979). The planners do not understand the significance of indigenous systems of development, the dynamics of socio-economic mobility, or the manner in which the goals of the national government and the aspirations of the people can be brought together in a constructive effort. It is a problem of what David Pitt (1976 a, b) has defined as "development from above" versus "development from below." The plans and programs designed and introduced by national and international bureaucracies are "development from above." This type of development is usually defined as increases in per capita production and consumption at the national level. It is usually attempted by large-scale capital projects that proletarianize the population in salaried employment that can be measured by per capita formulas. But the peoples who are the targets of such development, or who happen to reside at the sites where the projects will be located, may have different ideas, in different times, spaces, and contexts about their goals in life, involving status, power, identity, wealth, and quality of life. Their goals are "development from below" defined according to criteria that are not necessarily quantifiable in terms of per capita formulas. In some cases, this type of "development from below" may imply capturing or recovering part of the economic resources that are often centralized elsewhere. These captured resources, however, may be used according to local standards that do not necessarily meet national and international criteria of socio-economic development. This type of "development from below" is carried on by villages, or families, or individuals who achieve the distinctive characteristics of development according to local standards. They often go unrecognized and are regarded as insignificant or unimportant in development planning (Pitt 1976 a, b). This dissertation addresses this problem by describing three different systems of socio-economic mobility, whereby three different groups of people achieve what they regard as improvements in their way of life through their own efforts and by enlisting the assistance of outside agencies. The main focus will be on the contrast between the NaturaZes (indigenous people) and the Plc4eros (people of the beach) in the Rio Indio, one of the major rivers in the Atlantic region of the Costa AbaJo (Lower Coast) in north-central Panama (See Map 1.1). In addition, a third human group, the Interioranos (people from the Pacific interior) will be presented in reference to their migratory tactics into the Lower Coast and how they affect the first two groups. In the presentation and analysis of the data, it is important to clarify that each of these groups has its own system of socio-economic mobility. At times they converge in symbiotic relations, at other times they are antagonistic to each other. Each of these systems will be presented and analyzed in separate chapters. (See Map 1.2 for the relative spatial distribution of these three groups of people.) In describing the different systems of socio-economic mobility of these three human groups, criteria recognized by the people themselves will be used as well as theoretical and methodological approaches. Map 1.1 Lower Coast of the North-Central Caribbean Side of Panamg Map 1.2 Relative Spatial Distribution of PZayeros, Naturates, and Interioranos in the Lower Coast. The Theoretical Approaches In this dissertation no new anthropological theory is proposed, nor an issue taken with any theoretical stance. Rather, certain theoretical approaches have been used as methodological tools or guidelines in researching, analyzing, and presenting the data. In other words, a constellation of theoretical approaches has been the operational mode within the context of accumulation and presentation of the data. The cases here presented are the pictures within a theoretical frame that includes regional analysis, community study, event analysis, sociolinguistics, ethnohistory, ritual and symbolism, human ecology, and development. There is no hierarchical ranking or preference for any of these approaches as being more powerful than others in explaining human socio-cultural phenomena. Rather, the complexity of human nature calls for the blending of various approaches if anthropology is to retain its holistic perspective. The constellation of theoretical approaches that were found useful in the research will be explained. The reader must bear in mind, however, that the orientation has been toward the application of theoretical approaches in conducting the research and organizing the data in writing. In turn, the data were applied to make suggestions in the planning of an agricultural project for the Rio Indio that was proposed by the University of Panama and the University of Delaware. These suggestions and other implications for policies and programs are covered in the last two chapters. Regional Analysis The concern with regional analyses arose in Panama* with the creation of the Ministry of Planning and Political Economy in the late 1960s. The structural organization of this ministry includes a Directorate of Regional Planning and Coordination. The main objective of doing regional planning and coordination has been to incorporate the various sections of the national territory into a centralized economic policy that seeks to diversify the sources of national income and reduce dependency on the canal and its ini-rnational trade. The regional analyses and plans that have been done under this economic policy have catalogued phenomena that are studied and related simply because they converge within a given area to affect the econocy. The traits catalogued in these analyses have been compiled from bibliographic data, quick field surveys and questionnaires, and statistical data (Gobierno Nacional-Organizaci6n de Estados Americanos 1976; Banco Nacional-Banco Mundial 1977; Direcci6n de Planificaci6n y Coordinaci6n Regional 1979; Ministerio de Planificaci~n y Polltica Econ6mica-Universidad de Panama, Facultad de Agronomia 1979). In anthropology, the cataloguing of traits in regional analysis arose with theories of diffusion, migration, or both, in seeking to explain the similarities and differences of cultures. The German KuZturkreis school emphasized migration and one of its main figures was the museum curator Fritz Graebner (1877-1934) who was concerned with classification of material culture for meaningful exhibitions (Waal Malefijt 1974:160-180). In the United States, the "culture area" concept was largely based upon diffusion and was also concerned with museum displays of American Indians according to geographical categories (Waal Malefijt 1974:174). The two principal exponents in the United States of the "culture area! concept were Clark Wissler (1870-1947) and Alfred Kroeber (1876-1960). Wisslerts "food areas" of Indians in North and South America and the Caribbean "took subsistence as the most basic factor, not only because it influenced other parts of culture, but also because it was necessarily related to environmental conditions" (Waal Malefijt 1974:1741. Kroeber proposed "typical traits" based on statisticalcorrelations to delineate cultural and natural areas of native North America (Waal Malefijt 1974:176; Kroeber 1947). The best example of a survey of cultural traits in Panama and Central America is found in Richard Adams' Cultural Surveys of Pancma-Nicaragua-Guatemala-V Salvador-Honduras (Adams 1976). 2 Although useful in tracing general patterns and configurations, an inherent limitation of cultural surveys and trait inventories is that they are essentially descriptive and do not proceed to "the analysis of an interacting system" (Vance 1968:380). To overcome this limitation, several anthropologists have formulated interacting approaches in areal analyses. By integrating socio-cultural and ecological variables in areal studies, Julian Steward (1955) proposed linear cause-to-effect sequences. While Steward (1955) showed how subsistence activities in a given area affect social organization through time, Arensberg proposed that traditional subsistence, social organization, and values persist and endure through inherited custom in some European and related Old World peoples (Arensberg and Kimball 1972:74-116). Using marketing systems as mechanisms of social articulation in large geographical area, Sidney Mintz (1959) proposed that horizontal and vertical links can be traced at various levels of organization of increasing or decreasing complexity. In fact, marketing or economic systems of exchange have been used by several anthropologists in regional analyses. Some recent regional analyses of contemporary marketing and economic systems include those compiled by Cook and Diskin (1976) for the Oaxaca area of Mexico, the collection by Carol Smith (1976 a) that incorporrates central place theories adapted from geography in anthropological studies of various social systems, and Oliver-Smith (1977) of the process of reestablishing a regional marketing system after an earthquake in a Peruvian Andean valley. Variables other than marketing or economic exchange have been used singly or in sets to show articulatory and integrative systems of social relations over large geographical areas. Jean Jackson (1976:65-73) combined multilingualism and marriage to demonstrate a network system among various groups of people in the northwest Amazon. Skinner (1976:327-364) combined trading, the specialization of human talents, and kinship to show howparticular localities in late imperial China exported specific occupational skills to other areas in systems of social mobility over large geographical areas. Actually, the criteria or variables selected to analyze interactions or systems of relations in a geographical context will determine the nature and extension of the system in space and time. Uzzell (1980) has argued that the greater the number of variables used in an analysis, the more kinds of interactions there will be, making it more complex and complicatedto define the regional context. Furthermore, Uzzell (1980) considers that such complexity is particularly evident if variables like wealth, power, and information are taken into account. Analyses using these variables in effect show that not all systems of relations form integrative, unifying entities. Contrasting or conflicting relations in systems of domination and dependency have been analyzed in Regions of Refuge by the Mexican anthropologist Aguirre Beltrn (1967/1979) and the U. S. anthropologist Richard Adams (1970). Domination and dependency as analyzed by the latter two anthropologists and a score of other social scientists like Cardoso and Faletto (1979) are here taken as proven facts in the history and development of Panama, as has occurred in the rest of the Americas and elsewhere. Theories of dependency and domination, however, are often used by scholars to portray negative or condescending attitudes whereby people are viewed as poor, helpless, and without hope. This undermines the value of human dignity and obviates the fact that most people do not resign themselves to their fate but continue in one way or another to avoid domination and dependency. Even if such efforts may sometimes appear to be futile and tragic, they do have the value or worth of expressing independent thinking and action. Even though domination and dependency may appear to be rooted dawn permanently by the weight of history, these are not absolutes. In this regard, it is theoretically appropriate to think in terms of what Sally Falk Moore (1975) has proposed as a basic postulate and an underlying quality of social life: "theoretically absolute indeterminacy." The value of indeterminacy is that it introduces a negotiable element in many real situations whereby individuals or groups may accommodate a range of strategies that include manipulation, interpretation, and choice, thus leaving the situation open to a multiplicity of alternatives and meanings (Moore 1975). The Rio Indio, a Section of the Region In this dissertation, the Indio river is used as a sample or section of a larger geographical area commonly known in Panama. as the Lower Coast and characterized by a series of rivers or drainage systems. Although each river may vary slightly from the others, the settlements of human groups along the Rio Indio reveal general tendencies that have occurred in the human occupation of the Lower Coast in this century. A num- ber of different variables (including kinship, language, human ecology, ritual, education, economic and political activities) will be analyzed in a systemic approach to show that the regionalism of the Lower Coast is a consequence of interdependent and interconnected social systems but they vary partly as a function of environmental conditions of different zones, partly as a result of historic settlements of different cultural or ethnic groups, and partly in response to external conditions related to international commerce and government policies. Any kind of planning for this area cannot be effective unless it takes into account the variations and the interconnections of these social systems. Otherwise, the human groups in this area will be either "pyramids of sacrifice" for the sake of political economies (Berger 1976), or they may seek alternatives through the elaboration of culture and social organization (Adams 1981) as they have done already in the past and as they are attempting to do in the present. These alternatives are structures and mechanisms of social organization and cultural ideologies that parallel the dominant social structure and ideology of the political economy of a nation. These "secondary coaxes" (Adams 1981) allow human groups to negotiate their own position and retain a certain degree of aultononomy without succumbing entirely to the control of the dominant society or culture. Community Study A key element in hominid development has been the acquisition of knowledge (learning or information) and identity in a social or community context (Kimball 1980 b). The community systems of the peoples of the Lower Coast of Pananm have been crucial developmental processes for them in responding to internal and external conditions. Moreover, it is the study of community systems that makes possible the identification of the various and interconnected social systems in the Lower Coast. Like regional analysis, the community study is a heuristic device used to analyze the nodal units encompassed by a region. By levels of contrast, a regional study would be a macro, all-embracing analysis made possible by the prior identification of micro units through the community study. By levels of inclusion, regional analysis and community study resemble each other in that both refer to systems of spatial and temporal relations between people and natural resources and among groups of people. Both deal with "a master system encompassing social forms and cultural behavior in interdependent subsidiary systems" (Arensberg and Kimball 1972). To better understand this definition, it shall be dissected into its component parts. The two basic factors are social structure as interactional patterns and behavior as culture (Arensberg and Kimball 1972). Human organization is premised on the lw of incest prohibition requiring exogamous groups of persons to interact in predictable manners. This key and primal technique of development of the human species compels organizational structures that transcend the family unit and relate several family units trigenerationally in order to assure the mating of two sexes and the nurturance of children through a prolonged infancy and late maturity (Partridge 1974). The regular and patterned relations--social organization--stem from and vary according to the learning experiences of preceding generations. These trans-generational experiences set forth behavioral examples--culture--which influence the choices made by individuals in such matters as mate selection, settlement, subsistence, consumption, exchange of goods and services, beliefs, and the like (Partridge 1974). The caveat must be made, nevertheless, that socio-cultural aspects may be temporary, incomplete, inconsistent, ambiguous, discontinuous, contradictory, paradoxical, and conflicting even though culture and organized or patterned social relations provide a certain degree of determinacy (Moore 1975). This is particularly true where different human groups encounter each other. Interactions and cultural behavior .do not occur in a vacuum. They take place in an environmental context, which is the third component variable in defining community study (Arensberg and Kimball 1972). This environmental context refers to specific conditions of the natural world to which people adaptively respond (Partridge 1974), as well as to the cultural features in the environment resulting from their adaptation (Vayda and Rappaport 1968). These adaptations occur within a spatial and temporal frame, with the temporal axis including historical events. Event Analysis Since time and space are socially structured through the relations and activities of people in their events, the analysis of events is an important anthropological tool in a community study. In other words, events are activities and relations of people within a given time and space. These human events can be discerned or analyzed by the order of action in which people structure their habitual relations. In short, event analysis is "the tracing of interconnections of behavior in time and space and in relation to the conditions of the situation" (Arensberg and Kimball 1972: 244; Kimball and Pearsall 1955). An example of an event may be something as ordinary as women washing clothes in a river. From personal participant observation, it is known that women ordinarily schedule their washing in the river at certain times in relation to the activities of other members of the household and also in relation to certain other wamen so that a group of women get together in certain territorially recognized spots in the river that are associated with their particular set or clique and that reflect the status of their households in the community. A more conspicuous event would be the celebration of a ritual that telescopes in a condensed form the nature of the ccmmunity. The ritual is thus "structurally redundant" in that it is a restatement, a stylized performance, or a display of the social system as it is constituted (Partridge 1977). On the other hand, the ritual event may be a means of "system transformation" (Partridge 1977). In that case, the ritual is part of a process of transitional change in the lives of individuals like in a rite of passage from childhood into puberty, or in the larger social system as the beginning or the end of a work-ecological cycle. Sociolinguistics, Ethnohistory, Ritual and Symbolism Another important tool in community study is sociolinguistics, or how language is used in a society (Bauman and Sherzer 1977; Giglioli 1976; Gumperz and Hymes 1972; Hymes 197h; Trudgill 1979). As indicated by Burns (1980a:307), "the grip that language holds on people is due to the fact that speech connects them." Speech events link people in time and space. In the spatial dimension, the ethnography of speaking is a valuable tool to understand how people categorize their physical spaces (Spradley 1970), or the roles of members in their social setting (Spradley and Mann 1975). In this dissertation, reference is made to speech categories of the different human groups in describing their settlements and the spaces occupied by other human groups in the region and in the country. Speech categories are also used to describe and define social roles in the household and the settlement. On the temporal axis, oral literature and oral history axe most valuable tools in understanding the formation of communities through time, as well as the differences and similarities between human groups interacting in a given area. The ethnic identity and the nature of the communities of three human groups are portrayed in this dissertation through the collection and analysis of their oral histories. Wherever possible, the oral historical data have been correlated with documented historical accounts. The main purpose, however, has not been to validate oral history by comparison and contrast with written history. Rather, the concern has been to express the thoughts and experiences of common men and women as narrated and conversed by them. These oral narratives and conversations of common men and wanen are just as important to an understanding of historical events as are the thoughts and experiences of a few figures in positions of high status within the political economy of any nation. As demonstrated by Burns (1977), the past continues to live in the present and is recreated anew through speech events. In this dissertation, ethnohistory has also been used as a method to correct what Bell and Newby (1971:137) indicate is a weakness in community studies "which . . . view the countryside as essentially unchanging" in the form of structural-functional analysis 'a la Merton (1957). Also, as recommended by Cole and Wolf (1974: 21), the best way to discover the interplay between the local level and the larger system in the "outside" world is from the historical perspective. The characteristics and capabilities or relative strengths of relations can be better determined from a historical point of view (Cole and Wolf 1974:21). The interplay between "traditionalism" and "modernization," of how they interpenetrate and determine each other, is best understood through history (Cole and Wolf 1974:21-22). The local communities are as much a product of the economies, politics, and ideologies of the nation and the world, as they are of local level social and ecological influences (Cole and Wolf 1974:21-22). In this dissertation, ethnohistory has also been inferred from the analysis of the symbolism in dramatical ritual events. These dramatical ritual events are metonyms that condense and emotionally structure the historical narrative so that the participants can personally identify with the events in a metaphoric process. Although referring back to something that occurred in the past, the metonymic process extends into the present and future and becomes a metaphoric process by which one takes the metonym and associates it with sanething else, most often oneself and one's own condition (Smith, Robert 1975:97-100). In other words, the dramatic ritual events are metonymic in the sense that they are signs that represent part of an overall domain, category, or topic (Leach 1976; Sapir 1977). For example, the rebellion of runaway slaves is an overall historical domain or topic represented in a ritual by dramatical events such as tying and beating a ritual participant at a punishment pole. These dramatical events are metaphoric, that is, symbolic (Leach 1976), in that they can have other meanings outside the overall domain and in relation to another domain. For example, the punishment enacted in a ritual event may be transformed or transferred by the metaphoric process and associated with personal experiences like underpayment and overwork. In the metonymic and metaphoric processes of ritual presented in this dissertation, particular attention has been paid to the role of women as has been recommended by Spring and Hoch-Smith (1978). Human Ecology Like the foregoing theoretical approaches, human ecology is also a systemic, heuristic device. It deals with a hierarchy of conditions that shape the adaptations of human groups at one level of the system, but these adaptations in turn are variables in higher, encompassing systems (Collier 1975). At the lower levels the significant units are not the individual human organisms but the populations or groups living within a given area-a principle similar to the focus, on groups of people as required by the exogamous law and as posited by the community-study method. At higher levels, the populations within a given area constitute communities that interact within an ecosystem, that is, a system of relations of the human populations among themselves, with their non-living environment, and with other living species (Vayda and Rappaport 1968). Although the ultimate goal of human ecology is to understand the allencompassing ecosystem (Vayda and Rappaport 1968), the methodology that is usually followed in ecological studies places immediate emphasis on those "variables that have direct impact on the survival of the organism" (Collier 1975). For Julian Steward (1955), the techno-economic adaptations of human groups, specifically those related to nutrition, have the most direct impact on their survival. In the contemporary international economic society, of which the north-central Caribbean coast of Panama is a part, techno-economic adaptations include such things as wage-peying jobs and cash-rais'ing activities that are "structured to a large degree around inputs which are increasingly socio-cultural in nature and are of regional, national, and international origin" (Cook 1973).3 Development Socio-cultural conditions of regional, national, and international origin lead to the concept of development. In the contemporary international economic system of which Third World countries like Panam-a are a vital part, development is usually defined by economists and development planners as "increases in production and consumption" (Pitt 1976a:l, 8). In order to realize such increases, it is often considered necessary to provide a minimal social infrastructure that includes goods and services affecting health, education, housing, and transportation. But those who are the targets of such development may have different ideas, in different times, spaces, and contexts about how these types of infrastructures can be linked with their own goals in life involving status, power, and identity. These goals of local level "developers from below" are synonymous with socio-economic mobility and with indigenous systems of development through the elaboration of culture and social organization as community systems. This perspective does not imply that community development is based primarily on community action or village culture, but it also takes into account external conditions and superordinate groups in terms of linkages between the community and the larger systems (Schwartz 1978). In terms of socio-economic mobility, the goals of local level "developers from below" include the extent to which individual members of the community as well as the community as a whole attain socio-economic mobility. With regard to the role of the anthropologist in development, the major guiding principles are those of interpretation and mediation between those planning and programming "development from above" and those whose beliefs, values, attitudes, and accomplishmerts represent efforts of "develop- ment from below." The need for interpretation and mediation arises because the developmental sequences are quite opposite if they come from "above" or from "below." As has been indicated by Sally Falk Moore (1975: 214), the social planner and ideologue is a conscious organizer who plans organization according to an ideology, a model, a plan, or a purpose that canes first, and the actual organization or structure is assembled afterwards. For those undertaking "development from below," the "on the ground" organization is first based on their "rule of residence," which undergoes modifications and changes through decision-making processes in making choices among the alternatives present in the local and national situations. The role of the anthropologist is to find if there are points where the ideologies and organizational structures of the two groups can be linked to establish a negotiable interaction. In the negotiation process, the role of the anthropologist is to advocate for those intended to be the beneficiaries of planned projects (Cardenas and Miller 1981:14). In other words, the anthropologist must be clear and honest in interpreting the culture and social structure of the beneficiaries, their attitudes and perceptions, and translating them into creative and practical suggestions for improvements in the program effectiveness and costs savings (Cardenas and Miller 1981:14). In terms of costs savings, not only should these include monetary savings, but also the unquantifiable costs of degrading human dignity and degrading ecological conditions. Within the social structure, special attention must be paid to the role of women and children in food production, as they are often overlooked in rural development planning (Food and Agriculture Organization 1979; United Nations Decade for Women 198o). Likewise, the anthropologist must be clear and honest in interpreting the culture and social structures of the planning agency, its personnel, objectives, and ideologies, and translating these into practical terms for the "beneficiaries" or "targets" so that they have access to information upon which, as independent decision-makers, they can choose among the alternatives available to them. These alternatives must include "the potentialities for change, and what harm may come from change" (Cochrane 1974:21), as well as the benefits. This does not mean that the role of the anthropologist as mediator in community development is an "either/or" situation as has been posed by Schwartz (1978:255), who cautiously fears that anthropologists may find themselves without sponsors or hosts if they operate at the level of national and supranational policymaking as well as at the grassroots level in mobilizing political action groups. Admittedly, to "walk the tight rope" and to be "betwixt and between" is a difficult role but a necessary one in the application of anthropology. The Methodology The preceding theoretical approaches are based upon the scientific method of induction. The analyses here presented have proceeded from the particular to the general. Individual persons, households, and events were observed through the key anthropological tool of participant observation. These observations were made first during a preliminary field reconnaissance of the Rio Indio in June and July 1977. An account of this preliminary survey is given in Appendix I. This was followed by 19 months of field research from August 3, 1978, to March 3, 1980. During this ex- tended period, eight months were spent residing with each of the two major groups, respectively; that is, eight months with the PlZyeros and eight months with the upriver, inland Naturales. Throughout this period, the migrant Interiornos were observed in their interactions with the two major groups. The remaining three months were spent collecting data in urban centers, lecturing, and working with the staff of the Museum of the Panamanian Man in setting up a travelling exhibit of photos and artifacts depicting aspects of life in the Lower Coast (Joly 1979 b). The exhibit and its booklet served as feedback mechanisms to let the peoples of the Lower Coast see by themselves why and what it was that a vidajena (busybody) was doing among them. Proof that they understood better the role of the anthropologist is that after the exhibit they graduated her with the title of profesora (professor) and began using the word antrop6loga (anthropologist) as a term of reference. This made it difficult to continue relations, especially with children, in an informal basis, but it also triggered more intimate dialogues about luchas (struggles) in life with adults. Participant observations were complemented with the use of other research tools. A Guttman scale (Pelto and Pelto 1978:298-303) of areas of social differentiation (Young and Fujimoto 1965) was made to establish easily recognized differences and similarities between the coastal and inland settlements. Results of this analysis were presented at the Second National Congress of Anthropology, Archaeology, and Ethnohistory of Panam'. in December 1978 (Joly 1978). An oral history of the cash booms in Rio Indio was compiled from an informal questionnaire on the economic history of the households in the Plcyero settlement of Boca de Rio Indio and the upriver, inland settlement of the Naturales at Boca de Uracillo. This questionnaire was administered at the same time that census data and gene- alogies were gathered in the households. The history of the cash booms was presented in English at the Inter-American Foundation Fellowship Conference in Quito, Ecuador, in May 1979. A Spanish version was filed in the archives of the Museum of the Panamanian Man, for publication pending in the Journal of Historical Patrimony of the National Institute of Culture (Joly 1979 a). Quantitative measures were made at such events as fishing, harvesting, and marketing. Copies were made of the records of organizations that had record-keeping practices such as the cooperative of coffee growers, the planned agricultural settlements of the Ministry of Agricultural Development, and the agro-industrial cooperative that owns and manages a palm oil plantation. Interviews with certain individuals as well as speech events at meetings, festivals, and wakes were recorded in cassettes. Photos were taken of events, and a system of reciprocity was established using photos as a medium of exchange for information and participation in events. Sociolinguistics was a pervasive methodology that ran as a thread throughout the research, in a continuous dialogue with the people not as informants or subjects of study but as teachers who were teaching the anthropologist about their own lives and about her own role as a professional anthropologist. As part of the sociolinguistic methodology, attention was also paid to the ethnography of writing as recommended by Basso (1977) and Howe (1979). The process of analysis of the data was accomplished partially in the field, and more extensively upon return to the University of Florida. Both in Panam. and in the United States, detachment from the immediate field situation provided greater analytic perspectives. In Panama, the monthly trip to the urban center to collect mail, funds, and supplies provided scme of this detachment. Ordering of the files in a storage room generously provided by friends in Col6n was an analytic process that made it possible on a monthly basis to know how much and what had been accomplished. The collection of mail also made it possible to maintain same sort of remote interaction with professors of the doctoral comittee who made relevant suggestions and comments in their notes and letters. This interaction with the professors was intensified with personal dialogues upon return to the university and their comments on the writing of the preliminary draft. This dialogue between student and professors is a critical element in the analytic process as has been aptly documented in The Craft of Camunity Study: Field7ork Diatogues by Kimball and Partridge (1979). Professional colleagues in the social sciences in Panama were also part of this dialogue, as well as members of the Screening Committee and fellows of the Inter-American Foundation during the mid-year fellowship conferences held in Quito, Ecuador, in 1979, and in New Orleans, U.S.A., in 1980. Finally, the process of analysis included a series of lectures, the reading of papers at professional meetings, and the submission of papers for review and publication. This- meant that the data had to be used in certain ways to address certain problems for specific audiences that ranged from professional anthropologists to high school students in social studies, university students in social sciences, biologists at a research institute, botanists and ecologists at a professional meeting, business executives at a Rotary Club meeting, the general public attending the museum exhibit, and fellow students and professors at Florida. The paper read at the 79th annual meeting of the American Anthropological Association in December 1980 in Washington, D.C., is a simplified version of the chapter in this dis- sertation that describes and analyzes the system of principaies of the NaturaZes (Joly 1980). The paper that was awarded the first prize in the 1981 Student Paper Competition of the Southern Anthropological Society (Joly 1981 a) and the paper read at the 16th annual meeting of this society (Joly 1981 b) dealt with sociolinguistic, political, and historical implications of a ritual event celebrated annually by the PZqyeros. Not all the field data, however, have been analyzed in this dissertation. It is hoped that the unused data will serve for future lectures, publications, and application as an advisory consultant and an activist advocate. The process of analysis, therefore, will continue as is the case in the life of any scientific researcher. Notes 1 The Panamanian slogan for the "Conquest of the Atlantic" is similar to the Nicaraguan slogan for the "Awakening of the Atlantic" as follows: For the revolutionary government, the Atlantic region is an important one, as a billboard in Managua advertised: La Costa AtLntica: Un gigante que despierta, "The Atlantic Coast: A giant that awakes." The promise is of new land for Nicaragua campesinos and new areas of production to increase the level of yield of the nation as a whole. The perspective is a bit reminiscent of the Australian colonist view of an "empty continent"-ignoring that it was filled with aboriginal people. In a similar vein, one might observe that the Atlantic Coast has not been asleep, but expanding somewhat uneasily (Adams 1981:16-17). 2 In this survey, Richard Adams ( 1976:113 ) was the first to report that the "predominantly negroid" people of Palmas Bellas in the Lower Coast referred to "'backland people of an Indian background" as Naturales, and that some of these negroid people had "a strong Indian component." 3 Although in certain academic circles in anthropology in the United States it is considered that placing emphasis on the techno-econcmic base of society is a Marxist theoretical approach, the writer does not profess herself to be a Marxist scholar but is essentially an eclectic who mixes theoretical approaches in a toss salad of various colors and textures, as only then can the variety and complexity of human phenomena be properly accounted for. Although Marxist theories in the United States are commonly associated with the political economy of the Soviet Union, the emphasis on the techno-economic base of society as expounded by Marxist anthropologists in the United States can also be associated with the capitalism of the United States. Historically and in the contemporary political climate of the United States, it is believed that the more capital there is from technology and economy, the better, stronger, and more powerful the United States will become. In fact, in the personal lives of some U. S. anthropologists who consider themselves Marxist in orientation, their personal material wealth signifies that they really practice their theoretical beliefs tbat the bottom layer of the cake of society is the techno-economic base upon which rest all the other layers of society. CHAPTER II THE PRINCIPALES OF THE NATURALES This chapter will present the first of the three major human groups in the Lower Coast, the Naurales, and their system of socio-economic development, the principales (principals). In this presentation, references will be made to the contrasting systems of development of the other two major groups in this region, the Afro-Hispanic Plqyeros and the migrant Interioranos. Their respective systems of development will be described in subsequent chapters. The Naturales number about 25,000 people. They live in the mountainous zone of the Continental Divide and extend down the Atlantic slope to about 10 km from the Caribbean shoreline, residing along the banks of the major rivers. They are of Indian ancestry, but have undergone Spanish acculturation and limited miscegenation with Europeans and Afro-Americans. Naturales is a reference term of respect for these people as used by the Plcqeros at the mouths of the rivers by the seashore. It contrasts with the disrespectful term of reference Cholos (straight-haired indigenes or acculturated Indians) as used by the PZayeros and the Interoranos. The ethnic origin and identity of the Naturales will be discussed first in terms of written and oral history as well as by their participation in ritual events of nativistic movements. The structure and dynamics of their system of principales will then be analyzed in terms of ethnosemantic classification and through the event analysis of activities that 27 they perform. Key variables of the system of principales will be identified and integrated into a model. The limitations of the system of principales and its implications for development agencies and for the future of the Naturales will be discussed last. A case history of the pr'ncipaeS of Santa Rosa de Rio Indio will be given in the following chapter to exemplify the model covered in this chapter. Ethnic Origin and Identity The Naturales of the Lower Coast could be descendants of the Indians encountered by Christopher Columbus during his fourth and last voyage, when he founded the first continental Spanish settlement in 1503 at the mouth of the Belen river in this section of the Isthmian Caribbean coast (Col6n 19h7:293-309). Their ancestors could also be those buried in the funerary urns that were excavated near the present chapel at Boca de Uracillo (Sterling 1953). They could also descend frcm the people whose ceramic sherds, surface-collected on the banks of the Teria' and Indio rivers, indicate a continuity of the same ceramic traditions of the Indian chiefdoms on the Isthmian central Pacific plain (Cooke 1976 and personal communication). Rather than speculate about the ethnic origin of the Naturales of the Lower Coast, their identity will be defined by their participation in the events of a civil war and two nativistic movements in this century. As proposed by Kimball (1980a:28) "identity is a function of participation in a variety of events external to the individual." The events that confer identity to the Natura7es are associated with their residence within a "region of refuge" as defined by Aguirre Beltrn (1967/1979). This region is the northern mountains of Cocl or Penonomg. By their residence in this area, the Naturales are the people who have been historically referred to as the "Cholos of the mountains of Cocl9" (Carles 1977) or "Cholos of Penonomg" (Conte Guardia 1964). Moreover, the Naturales themselves trace their ancestry to those whom they say are the "people of Penonom6." Penonomg, a Center for Indians The thesis of Conte Guardia (1964), examining the acculturation of the Cholos penonomefos, revealed similar processes to those found in the oral history and cultural traditions of the NaturaZes of the Lower Coast. These acculturation processes began with the rise of Penonaom as a religious, political, and economic center for the Indians in the northern mountains during Spanish colonialism. Up until the 1950s, Penonom6 continued to be a religious center for the people in the Lower Coast. Many NaturaZes and some Playeros in the Lower Coast made annual pilgrimages across the Continental Divide to Penonom4 to attend traditional religious festivals such as Holy Week and Saint Rose of Lima on September 30. At such religious events, economic exchanges would also occur such as the bulk sale of rubber from the Atlantic and the bulk purchase of salt from the Pacific to be retailed on the Atlantic side. Penonomg, the present capital of the province of Cocl6, was founded on the Pacific plains by the Spaniards in 1573 as a pueblo de indios (Indian town), to control the Indians in the mountains north of this site (Castillero Calvo 1967, 1971). Since that time and until the present, the political jurisdiction over these northern mountains of Cocl4 or Penonom has extended into the Atlantic slope. Under the Colombian administration of the Isthmus in the 1800s, the Department of Cocl9 extended all the way to the Caribbean shores, including the district of Donoso. In 1880, Donoso was separated from Cocl" and was appended to the new Department of Col6n that was created after the construction of the transisthmian railroad (Jaen Arosemena 1956:12). Part of Cocl6, nevertheless, continued to extend halfway down the Atlantic slope as it still does nowadays (See Map 1.1). The Naturales refer to this Atlantic section as the "inside," while lands south of the Continental Divide on the Pacific slope are referred to as the "outside." The One Thousand Day War Under the Colombian Law 89 of 1890, the "ChoZos of the mountains of Cocle" could hold elections among themselves to select one of their own for the position of "Governor of the Indians ," who "served as a liaison between the regular authorities and the Indian conglomerate" (Carles 1977: 208, translation mine). In 1899, however, the ChoZos' right to hold elections for this position was cancelled. The second Governor that they had elected, by the surname of Agraj6, encouraged them not to pay the ecclesiastical tithe and the butchering tax for pigs and cattle. In 1899, the visiting Bishop listened to the complaints in this regard made by the ecclesiastical and civilian authorities of Cocl9. The Bishop then authorized the Prefect of Cocl4 to select someone himself for this position without an election by the Indians. The Indian leader, Victoriano Lorenzo, wrote an appeal signed by several hundred Indians to the authorities in Bogota. The Prefect of Cocle, however, informed the Governor of Panama that the position of Governor of the Indians was an obstacle to the administration of the region, and the position was abolished. This incident and others led to the rebellion of the Indians headed by Victoriano Lorenzo during the One Thousand Day War that raged across the Isthmus from 1900 to 1903 (Carles 1966, 1977). During the war, the Atlantic slope served as a source of food for the fighting ChoZos and a hideout zone. Many old men and women in the Lower Coast nowad%s like to relate stories about the civil war that they witnessed in their childhood or heard their parents talk about. As has been indicated by Ervin-Tripp (1972), the selection of a topic by individuals in a conversation reveals their socialization and identity. The Cocl4 Reservation Written documents kept by same Naturales in the Lower Coast indicate that they claim to live within the boundaries of what is commonly known as the Cocl4 Reservation. Legally this is not defined as an Indian reservation but as an "inadjudicative tract of land" set aside by Presidential Decree No. 44 of 27 June 1914, which sanctioned Law No. 20 of 1 1913. This law and decree were issued by President Belisario Porras at the request of Candelario Ovalle, a ChoZo who served as secretary for Victoriano Lorenzo during the civil war. Ovalle sought to protect his fellow indigenous countryfolk who had no cattle against landed cattle owners of the Pacific plains. These cattle owners used certain river valleys on the Atlantic slope during the dry season in a transhumance practice to feed their animals when the savanna on the Pacific plains was desiccated by the dry season trade winds. The boundaries of the "inadjudicative tract of land" coincide with the boundaries of the present northern extension of the province of Cocle into the Atlantic slope (Compare Map 1.1 with Map 2.1). Map 2.1 Area of the Coclg Reservation of the NaturaZes or Cholos Coclesanos % ChoZos Penonome$Tos

Ovalle's request was part of the Silent War of the countryfolk, whereby they struggled to hold onto their usufruct rights to the land against the expansion of extensive cattle herding and export-crop plantations (Heckadon Moreno 1977a). This problem arose during Spanish colonialism with the demand for food in the urban transisthmian center. It became more acute, however, with the construction of the canal which increased the population in the urban transisthmian center (Heckadon Moreno 1977 a, b).

When Panamia adopted the policy of Agrarian Reform after the Conference of Punta del Este in Uruguay in 1962, the abolition of the Cocl Reservation was contemplated as part of the reform. Over 6000 people within the Indian zone of Cocle signed a petition to the National Assembly requesting retention of their tract of inadjudicative land.2 The abolition occurred, nevertheless, with the Constitution of 1972 under the revolutionary government that had taken over in 1968.3 Some NaturaZes in the Lower Coast, nevertheless, are still demanding recognition of the Cocl Reservation. Those in favor of this are members of FENAC, Federaci6n Nacional Capesina (National Federation of Countryfolk), which is affiliated to the Central Istme7a de Trabajadores (The Isthmian Central of Laborers), the national organization affiliated to the Organizaci6n Internacional de Trabajadores (International Organization of Laborers).

The Nativistic Movements

It is important to mention that more or less contemporaneously with

the creation of the Cocl Reservation and with the Agrarian Reform plans to

abolish it, there arose among the Naturates in the Lower Coast two nativistic movements within the boundaries of the reservation. These nativistic movements reveal another aspect of the identity of the Naturales in times

of stress. Both nativistic movements in the Lower Coast coincided with threats from outside political and economic forces impinging upon the region of refuge of the Naturales.4 The nativism headed by Segundo Dios (Second God) at the site of "U" occurred in the interim between the death of the civil war leader Victoriano Lorenzo and the request for the inadjudicative tract of land by his secretary Candelario Ovalle. The nativism led by La Padra (The Priestess) coincided with the rumors that the Agrarian

Reform would abolish the inadjudicative status of the heartland.

The Naturales do not associate the nativistic movements with political and economic forces threatening their territory. These correlations are here made on the basis of the anthropological theories postulated by Wallace (1956) and Aberle (1962) on coping with stress and deprivation.

Wallace (1956) postulated that the various kinds of revitalization movements arise du-ing times of stress. He defined stress as a "condition in which some part, or the whole, of the social organism is threatened with more or less serious damage" (Wallace 1956:265). This condition may arise over a number of years during which a social group experiences increasingly severe stress as a result of interferences with the efficiency of their socio-cultural system. These interferences may be climatic, floral and faunal changes, military defeat, political subordination, extreme pressure toward acculturation resulting in internal cultural conflict, economic distress, epidemics, and so on (Wallace 1956:269). Revitalization

refers to the effort to bring the system into congruence and order so as to reduce the stress, and the collaboration of a number of persons in such

an effort makes it a revitalization movement (Wallace 1956;267). Revitalization movements display various themes that are not mutually exclusive. These themes mayr be nativistic when they emphasize the elimination of alien persons, customs, values, and/or materiel; revivalistic when customs, values, and aspects of nature of previous generations are reinstituted; cargo cults that import alien values, customs, and materials that will arrive in a ship or airplane; messianic when a divine savior in human flesh will effect the transformation; and milZenarian when the supernatural engineers an apocalyptic world transformation (Wallace 1956:267).

Aberle (1962) attributes the rise of millenarian and other cult movements to relative deprivation theory. He defines relative deprivation "as a negative discrepancy between legitimate expectation and actuality" (Aberle 1962:209). Discrepancies between legitimate expectation and actuality may arise from change, either by worsening the conditions of a group, or by exposing a group to new standards (Aberle 1962:210). Millenarian and other cult movements are efforts at remedial action to overcome the discrepancy between actuality and legitimate aspiration (Aberle 1962:211). These efforts may take various forms that may include movements which seek supernatural help or supernatural intervention in the affairs of humans (Aberle 1962:212). The movement often justifies removal of the participants from the ordinary spheres of life, not only socially but also spatially (Aberle 1962:214). This withdrawal is functionally significant as a mechanism to compensate for the deprivation (Aberle 1962:214).

The Nativism of Second God

During the first quarter of this century there arose among the NaturaZes the nativistic movement headed by a man named Segundo Sanchez, but

popularly known as Segundo Dios (Second God). At the site of "U" by the river "U," Second God founded a settlement enclosed by a fence of crosses and known as the "ark." Those who went to live there would be saved from an impending destruction. Stories and songs still related and sung nowadays by old folks describe life within this settlement, and the rise and fall of Second God. His wife, Marla del Rosario (Mary of the Rosary), would be dressed in a white tunic as a "blessed virgin" and carried around on a palanquin in a religious procession. Second God would climb on an elevated platform to talk with God. After same years of residing there, people began to abandon the settlement disillusioned with Second God's behavior. He consumed all their resources and iE said to have abused sexually all the women in the settlement. He was found mangled and dead in a stream outside the enclosed settlement. Supposedly, he was attacked by the Mato (Evil or Devil). Nowadays, people still point to the location where the settlement was located. Many people say that they could see the fence of crosses standing until the late 194Os, even though the place had long before been abandoned.

The Nativism of The Priestess

In the early 1960s, there arose in Teria* another nativistic movement headed by a wcman popularly known as La Padra (The Priestess). She also would be dressed in a white tunic and carried around on a palanquin in a procession as a "blessed virgin." Although she was known to be illiterate in ordinary life, when in a trance she could speak and read in many tongues unintelligible to the people. She herself would later translate the message of an impending doom. She also forbade the people to wear the sombrero pintado (painted hat) worn on feast days or when visiting urban cen-

ters. The black designs on this straw hat were interpreted by The Priestess as evil symbols. She adviaed people to wear only the sombrero de junco, the plain straw hat worn for work because it does not get moldy with the rains as the festive one does .5 The removal of the "festive" and "urban" hat and the emphasis on the "work" hat may be interpreted as a rejection of those activities and sites that connote the evil of an "outside" world that detracts value from the work of primary subsistence food production.

In the days of The Priestess, people say that there were stormy rains and winds. Many believed that these forces of nature were foretelling an ominous event. Many went in group pilgrimages to see her at Terig on the dates that she assigned for special events. Donations were collected from the pilgrims, who were fed and cared for at these sessions. When nothing

happened on the day that she had predicted as domsday, people stopped attending her sessions.

Spring and Hoch-Smith (1978) have called attention to the role of women in ritual and symbolic roles. In this case of nativism, it is particularly significant that a woman assumed a symbolic role as a priestess, which is a male role in the Catholic Church. Moreover, the NatwrxZes in their speech inflected the feminine gender for the reference term for the priest in the Catholic Church--el padre (the priest). The significance of this reversal may be correlated with the fact that among the NcturaZes women participate in the family decision-making processes with regard to production and marketing, even though they do not do the marketing in urban centers.

Restoration to Regular Living

After the foreboding predictions did not materialize, the Naturales

called Catholic priests to bless the sites where these two nativistic events

had occurred. At both sites it is said that evil signs appeared prior to or during the priest's visits, and disappeared after their blessings. In these two cases of nativism, the people later associated the leaders and/or

members of their families with evil. This rationalization absolves all others who participated in the events from any personal association with evil and future danger.

These nativistic movements can also be interpreted as attempts for independent thinking, action, and identity. After the movements failed, more universalistic (or at least nationally approved) religious institutions

were brought back in to symbolize the return to national thought and sociocultural structure.

The System of Prtncipales

A further aspect of the identity of the Natura les as Cholos coclesanos is based upon their system of principales. Under this process of socioeconcmic and physical mobility, the Naturales have extended from their heartland, or region of refuge, down the rivers of the Atlantic slope. They have thus, in effect, extended the boundaries originally provided for them by the

Cocl9 Reservation.

The system of principaZes is one in which population is distributed

throughout a territory of use including a nucleus of a primary kin unit that is affiliated with cormunal facilities and other clusterings of households scattered throughout the territory. The principales is here defined as a community system because it is a process of social relations that occurs through time and space. The spatial arrangement or design, of course, reveals a pattern of settlement. It must be clarified, however, that it is

the nature of systemic analysis as a process and not the morphology of pattern that is here presented. An operational model will first be described in this chapter. This model will then be illustrated with a case history in the following chapter.

The Model

The Extended Family Unit

To understand the system of principaZes, one must first understand the structure and function of the extended family as a domestic unit of production in relation to the land use pattern. This extended family unit is a cluster of related households that functions as a cooperative social group for subsistence and market exchange. The unit is connedted with the outside through members who participate in economic, political, and educational activities.

The NaturaZes live in extended family units. Married children live in separate houses but in close proximity to the parents of either the husband or the wife. There is the tendency to reside near to the parents who have the greatest amount of economic resources. In other words, post-marital residence can be either uxorilocal or virilocal depending on the econamic status of the marriage partner. In a few cases, post-marital residence is with the parents who need the most assistance, regardless of economic status, as in the case of sick or widowed parents. And there are also cases of alternating post-marital residence with both sets of parents, particularly during the initial years of marriage, or seasonally according to the work and school cycles. At any rate, there is regional and territorial endogamy so that new couples are relatively close to either parents

regardless of where they decide to live. Finally, there are a few cases of polygyny, of men with two wives within the same house; or in separate houses within the same extended family home site; or with one wife residing at her

parents" home site and the other at the husband's parents' home site, although both reside within the same settlement.

Unmarried children of marriageable age often build separate houses for themselves near to their parents' house. They sleep here with an unmarried sibling or cousin of the same sex, but eat at their parents' house. That will become their post-marital residence once they pair with a marriage partner.

In addition to these houses at the main home site, there are two

other sets of houses that are used by the extended family unit. One is a temporary shelter and storage house built near to the swidden plot. Sexual relations are most often held at the field house and not at the main house. Another house, either temporary or permanent in structure, is built close to the nucleus of community symbols; that is, the school, chapel, and store. School children use this house during the school year, either as a resting and eating place during the day, or as a sleeping place during the week if accompanied by an adult relative, usually a grandmother. They return to their permanent home site daily, or on weekends, and on holidays. This house is also used on Sundays when attending church, and on feast days.

The parents and older siblings are regarded as principales by the

youngest siblings of the extended family unit. The principles are credited with the mejoras (improvements) at the puesto (living and agricultural site). In other words, parents and older siblings are a core of elders who are given credit for originating or initiating improvements and practices. These include such things as the houses, cash crops, cattle pas-

tures, extension of land worked by swidden agriculture, fruit groves, and boats. Most societies recognize elders within the family, but the significance of this case is that there is a specific term prIncipales in addition to the regular kinship terms of reference for the older generation.

The decision-making process is one in which all family members, regardless of age or sex, participate in the evening and early-morning group decision-making sessions. Everyone expresses her/his opinion and suggests alternative actions. The ultimate decision is one which is sanctioned by the principales. Everyone acts according to situational circumstances, however, even if the action overrides the preliminary decisions.

Middle children are usually treated differently from the older and younger children. Middle children are usually the ones who are echados afuera (thrown outside) to a formal high school; to seek temporary cash employment; to become politici-ans or government employees like school teachers, police officers, medical assistants; or become motorboat operators. In other words, middle children are usually intermediaries with the outside world. Attention is paid, however, to capabilities demonstrated by all the children and which of them might better fulfill this role. The significance of this case in the treatment of middle children, both males and females, to become intermediaries with the outside world is that it is a conscious and planned household strategy that involves a family decision-making process. It is not what Wolf (1956) described as the behavior pattern of a single individual who seeks to become an economic and political "broker" of nation-community relations and, therefore, shapes personal behavior to fit these expectations.

The youngest siblings remain close to the parents to work in the family rural economy. They are the bordones (staves) for aged parents.

They are usually named after the parents: particularly the last male child is named after the father. The significance of this is that food production is assured by involving the oldest and youngest children in the rural family economy, and only removing middle children from primary food production. Wage labor of middle children also assures a cash income other than that from the sale of agricultural cash products.

In general, all children refer to themselves as respaZdantes (supporters) of their parents when they live and work in an extended family unit.

The extended family works as a unit a parcel of land. In addition, parents may give married children a parcel of land and some animals if the marriage proves stable after the initial years, fruitful in children, and the marriage partner faithful and hardworking. Parents will be on the lookout to purchase usufruct rights of parcels of land that can be held in reserve for their children when they marry, without having to subdivide the global land. In addition, married children buy and work plots of their own. Children often delay marriage so as to continue working in the family

unit without the responsibility of caring for additional people.

Upon death of the father, the parcel of land is- retained as a unit by the mother and unmarried children. If the youngest siblings are married, there may be a subdivision among all siblings, or the youngest siblings may hold to the global unit excluding the older siblings. Older siblings, then, have whatever they received or bought after marriage. The younger siblings, therefore, represent a threat to the older siblings and

a threat to the continuity of the extended family as a working unit. If the split occurs, the parents' siblings will support their younger nieces and nephew against the older ones. When the older children were young,

the parents enlisted the support of their own siblings. As the children grew older, they displaced their uncles and aunts.

To recapitulate, the key variables in the structure and function of an extended family unit are:

1. A core of elders known as the pr'incipaZes, that includes the

parents and older children, who initiate improvements and sanction the decision-making processes of the family.

2. A group of supporters that includes the younger children who back the older principales.

3. Different occupational roles among the siblings, whereby middle siblings serve as intermediaries with the outside world while the oldest and tho youngest support the parents at different stages in the life cycle of the parents. Involving the oldest and youngest children in the rural agricultural economy assures the primary production of food. Removing middle children from primary food production assures a cash income other than that from the sale of agricultural cash products.

h. Retention of a parcel of land that is worked by the extended family as a unit.

5. Additional plots of land worked individually by married children.

6. Cleavage lines between older and younger siblings that present a potential threat to the continuity of the extended family unit.

The Settlement

A settlement of Natur z es replicates the structure and function of an extended family unit upon which it is based. The extended family that initiates improvements in a settlement is known as the piincipales of the settlement. These improvements include such things as a retail store, a

chapel, a primary school, a dance hall, a softball field, Other families who help to build these physical meeting places and participate in the activities held in them are the supporters of the princwipaZes. Usually the supporting families are united to the pr.ncipaZes by consanguinity, affinity, and ritual compadrazqo. As a consequence, one often hears the statement that settlement A "belongs" to family A, settlement B to family B, and

C hived off from A and D from B.

In other words, a settlement may be distinguished from a primary kin clustering by the addition of affiliated families into a corporate unit whose division of labor has as a consequence the establishment of facilities and activities that are beneficial to the group as a whole. The fact that there are kin connections may cement or enhance the cohesion, or cause potential factionalism and fissioning in the same way that there are potential lines of cleavage in the extended family unit.

The dynamics of socio-economic mobility of the principales of a settlement reveals the following sequence of events that occur over an average period of three decades. The process is inferred from data on settlements along the Rio Indio.

An extended family moves frcm a "parent" upriver settlement and localizes at a new site further downriver on the banks of a major river. Usufruct rights at the new site are bought from a resident there, who moves away from the vicinity. Money to buy the usufruct rights at the new

site originates from savings of the sale of cash products and/or from wages. A married middle sibling is left behind at the old site to hold onto the usufruct rights there in case that they do not fare well at the new site and have to return. Once economic endeavors at the new site prove successful, those left behind sell the old usufruct property and reunite with the

extended family at the new site. An alternative first step is the fissioning off of married middle children who occupy a neighboring territory where they or the parents bought usufruct rights. Although the parents and older siblings will remain at the base or home territory, they will assist the middle children in working at the new site.

At the new site, the extended family produces subsistence and cash products. They also becane intermediaries in marketing products from households in the surrounding area. This marketing generates enough capital to set up a store on the "outside" of a site, that is, by the river bank, and visible to passersby along a primary river that is a travel artery.

The store serves as a collection center for cash products, a distribution center for manufactured goods from the urban world, and a meeting place for neighboring residents who there exchange news and information. The storekeeper usually knows how to administer traditional and contemporary medicines. In marketing the cash products and in setting up the store, the Naturales may go into a partnership with a Plcoero entrepreneur, or may enlist the support of a Plqero politician to obtain the legal permit for the store.6 At this stage, establishing a store only qualifies the originators as negociantes (business entrepreneurs) and not yet as principales vis-'A-vis neighboring extended families and settlements.

The extended family expands "inside," that is, away from the river bank which is considered the "outside." They expand by working subsistence plots "inside" in the hinterland. Neighbors assist in this task by being invited to auntas or juntas Cfestive work parties), by reciprocal

labor arrangements, or by hired cash labor. The establishment of the inland subsistence plots validates the usufruct rights to an extensive ter-

ritory. Later on, in about 20 years, plots are allowed to revert to secondary growth. The perimeter of the claimed tract of land is marked by active or abandoned plots.

As the extended family grows in numbers, and members of the third generation marry, the new households occupy strategic sites within the territory. Many of the new marital relations are alliances with neighboring residents who are thus linked with the principaZes to form a corporate system. Their incorporation also expands the territory. In the 1970s, a territory under the control of principales varied between 20 and 30 km 2, for a population of 175 to 300 persons, including 30+ to 60+ households. Half of the population is under age fifteen.

A decisive step in becoming prtncipales of a settlement is to have

a member of the extended family become an official in the political government bureaucracy. This is often secured through political relations with the Afro-Hispanic Playeros. Participation in political institutions is used first to make a petition to the Ministry of Education for the appointment of a primary school teacher. This subsequently incurs the construction of a school building. Institutionalized formal primary education is perceived as a social improvement that benefits all the households in the vicinity. By signing the petition for a teacher and assisting in building

the school, neighboring households thus support the originators and confirm upon them the status of prtncipales. This status, however, must be continuously validated by initiating further improvements. If this is neglected, another extended family may assume the status by becoming initiators of other facilities and, in so doing, may set in motion either fissioning or factionalism. The latter occurs when the former status holders retain control of the facilities that they initiated, while the new status

contenders direct activities at the facilities that they introduced.

Further proof of status is established if the principales introduce concurrently with the school a Catholic chapel. Catholic missionary priests are invited to the settlement. The missionaries will stipulate

certain conditions, such as training lay people to serve as catechists and representatives of the church. These roles as lay ecclesiastical workers are usually filled by members of the extended family of principales. A patron saint is selected for the settlement. The patronal festival may not necessarily honor the saint, but rather the chief principal or founder of the settlement. He or she may bear the saint's name by having been born on that saint's day.

In celebrating the patronal festival, the sale of alcoholic beverages, food, and tickets for dancing becomes the principal means of capital formation for a community fund. This fund finances not only the expenses of the patronal festival, but also contributes towards community development projects sponsored by national and international donors that require the participation of the recipients with materials, labor, or cash. After experience is acquired in organizing patronal festivals, other feasts are organized to celebrate national holidays or to generate capital to cancel long-term loans. These feasts also offer the opportunity for residents of different settlements to visit and cooperate with each other.

The support of missionaries is also enlisted to appeal to the "Christian," that is, humanitarian sentiments of urbanites, who can donate such things as health care, medicines, clothing, toys. In the 1970s, the Claretian missionaries working in the Lower Coast introduced a cooperative

among coffee growers and a development program for wanen. These programs are "development fro* above" depending on international funding. For their

implementation, however, the missionaries have used the system of principales unwittingly. Members of the principales act as coordinators and promoters of these programs.

Government agencies have also unwittingly used the system of principales to extend such services as health programs and credit for agricultural production. This has been done through those principales who have sought out these services. Reasons for participating in government programs, however, are not necessarily those intended by the government agency. For example, a settlement on the east bank of the Rio Indio agreed to become an asenta'iento campesino, a planned agricultural program of the Ministry of Agricultural Development, in order to obtain legal protection for their territory fram the encroaching advancement of migrant Interioranos. Since the Ministry of Agricultural Development also extends credit to the migrants, the Naturales perceive some of the government services as contradictory and against their interests, especially when they are told that all land belongs ultimately to the government. The principales, nevertheless, try to negotiate their dealings with these agencies to get whatever they really want from the agencies without succunbing to their control.

As the prwncipaZes of different settlements vie with each other in seeking what may be perceived as benefits from these programs, the competition serves to extend the programs across the region. Pressures will be exerted by the principales upon the government and missionaries to rotate key positions in the projects among the przincipales of the different settlements. Such positions as supervisors and accountants for the projects and capital installations are salaried employments. Since the donors do not reside in the region, they depend on such salaried employment of prin-

cipales for coordinators, supervisors, and accountants.

Competition within the same settlement, however, may set in motion either fissioning or factionalism. If the principales neglect to continue the process of initiating new improvements, another kin groups assumes a competitive status by becoming initiators of additional facilities in the same settlement. This usually occurs at the time when the principales have not yet established kinship relations with neighboring households. The first status holders, however, may retain control over the facilities that they originated, while the competitors direct activities at the new facilities. Tension and strife resulting from factionalism is usually expressed by verbal criticism of what each other is doing. This tension may be reduced by allowing members of the opposing group to participate in different activities at the various facilities. For example, in a patronal festival the first principales may be in charge of the fiesta del padre (the priest's feast); that is, the religious events associated with the chapel that they introduced. The competing faction will then be in charge of the fiesta de calle (street feast); the mundane festivities in the dance hall that they introduced. Or, the first group works with missionary programs, while the second group works with government programs. Or, factions

may alternate introducing different facilities: one year one group initiates a plastic piping aqueduct and two years later the rival group initiates the health center. The ultimate results benefit all since the population of a settlement is not big enough to allow for reduplication of facilities at the same site, except for every small retail stores. Government programs, particularly, operate on the basis of population census data, which act as limiting factors for the number of facilities.

To sum up, the principales of a settlement are the members of the extended family that originates a nucleus of community symbols that include a basic triangle of store, school, and chapel. These facilities are gathering sites of assemblage that define and identify the members of a settlement by their participation in activities at these sites. Members of a settlement are also identified by their participation in the fagina (task). This is the communal labor to cut the vegetation at the nucleus, the main trails leading to the nucleus, and at the cemetery. Cohesion among the households in a settlement is enhanced by the fact that there are kin connections. In other words, the system of principales is a kin based network which has the capacity of incorporating neighboring households by making themmembers of a corporate kin whole or by a series of relationships and activities accomplished in a commensal way for the welfare of all. To the extent that the neighboring households are respaldantes (supporters) of the facilities introduced by the principaZes, the latter acquire identity at the expense of the former especially during the initial years of the process. The capability to establish connections with the outside, of a contributory kind, is an essential element of the system of principales. This is done through key members who serve in positions within bureaucratic and ecclesiastical institutions.

This model does not answer relevant questions posed by the variable of population in terms of numbers and density. What is the population base that is optimum for a settlement under the present conditions of swidden agriculture for subsistence and market exchange? Does fissioning occur after a certain number of people is reached?7 What is the population base that is optimum for any one of the facilities and activities at these assemblages? In other words, do the nature of the facilities, the

organization of activities, and their frequency depend on a certain human density for face-to-face relations to occur? The data gathered only suggest that up to 1950 a nucleus with the basic triangle of community symbols served a more extensive territory with less human density. Since then, the territory affiliated with a nucleus has decreased in size as the number of people and nuclei have increased.

The data also suggest that there is a correlation between the order of the children and the role they play in the extended family unit, with potential lines of cleavage between the first and last children while middle children are "thrown away" to act as intermediaries with the outside world. More research would be needed to confirm whether this is a manifestation of the oft-cited psychological syndrome of the number and order of children, or whether it is related to the structure and organization of contempormy swidden agriculturalists involved in a cash economy, as a similar situation appears to occur among the nrlperos of the Pet6n of Guatemala (Schwartz 1977:26-27).8

Conclusions, Scenarios, Suggestions

The system of principales is a system of community development

based on the structure and function of a corporate family unit. In other words, it is a kinship system based on the dynamics of socio-econcmic mobility of the extended family. Nowadays, one often hears and reads that to merely indicate the relevance of kinship is not enough in anthropological advice for development planners and policy-makers. The social dynamics of kinship networks, nevertheless, are a real, empirical fact grounded on the rural life-world. It would be unrealistic, therefore, to

disregard the develoment accoplished by the principaZes in the Isthmian Atlantic region of the Lower Coast. Government and missionary programs have been facilitated by the fortuitous use of the system of principaZes.

Indigenous development for the Naturales has meant in this century establishing a series of nuclei that incorporate a triangle of basic community symbols: a retail store, a formal primary school, a Catholic chapel. Other areas of social differentiation that are visible by symbol or artifact (Young and Fujimoto 1965) may subsequently be added to the nucleus. The additions include such things as a dance hall, a softball field, a health center, a coffee shelling and buying station, a seminar-boarding center, an artesian well and water pump or a plastic piping aqueduct for potable water. Travelling in a canoe up the Rio Indio, from Boca de Rio Indio to Boca de Uracillo 26 kn inland, one can observe nine nuclei of ccmmunity symbols on the east and west banks of the river.

Since the Naturales perceive these nuclei as improvements in the

social and econanic activities and functions of their society or situation, the system of principales is an indigenous system of "development from below," as defined by Pitt C1976a:8-9). By initiating these improvements, or at least capturing sane of the resources from the transisthmian urban center, an extended family achieves the status of principales of the settlement according to local standards in the rural setting. The process can also be interpreted as one of establishing the "social order," as defined by Wagley (1971). This is the organization of life into recognized patterns of interaction which, once established, persist until conditions change. The process follows an order of action in which there are those who originate and sanction actions, the principales (principals), and those who respond and back the actions, the respaldantes (supporters). It is,

53

therefore, a process of "set events," as defined by Chapple and Coon (1942). These are events in which a group of persons habitually originate action to a number of others who respond.

The supporters, however, are not passive but active contributors

with ideas and opinions in the same way that all members of the extended family are free to participate in the family decision-making processes. It is a process akin to what Arensberg (n.d.) has metaphorically described as a cybernetic flow of human interactions, with inputs of goods and energies, with assembly and decision, and with output and concerted action. Arensberg (n.d.) extends the flow to demonstrate the rise of a pyramid of authority and its institutional echelons. In the system of principales, however, authority and status are not vested in a single individual.9 The principales distribute authority among a number of different individuals, male and female, transgenerationally. These key members have differential roles in the economic, religious, and political spheres in the same manner that members of the extended family have differential roles divided among older, middle, and younger siblings.

The system of principales is not a redistributive system of goods and services. Improvements initiated by the prIncpaZes in a settlement represent a creative acquisition of goods and services for all rather than a redistribution. The system of principa,es is commensal in that all who participate in the activities of the facilities originated by the pricinpaZes are sharing in the goods and services available at the facilities, such as credit in the store; formal primary education for the children in the school; the blessings, food, and merriment of the patronal festival that is associated with the chapel. This participation and sharing gives identity to the members of a community (Kimball 1980 b).

The competitive nature of the system of principales increases and

extends goods and services over a wide range of the population. This competition may trigger fissioning and establishment of new nuclei of settlements. It may also give rise to factionalism within the same settlement. Fissioning and factionalism, nevertheless, keep pace with economic and demographic growth, adding and extending commensal facilities to a greater number of people and maintaining the rural socio-economy in equilibrium (Gross 1973).

Ethnosemantically, the term principales refers to what may be a traditional system of extended family organization that possibly includes structural features of pre-Columbian and colonial periods. It has not been the intent of this chapter, however, to present "a timeless 'traditional' cultural system . . . as the antithesis of 'modernization' " (Forman and Riegelhaupt 1979:397). The system of principales is part of the modernization process and must be incorporated "within the broader structure of resource dispersal within the national (or regional) political system" (Forman and Riegelhaupt 1979:397), and the international system as well. In other words, the sociolinguistic extension of the term principales to apply to the formation of settlements of Naturales in the Lower Coast is largely a phenomenon of the republican era of Paname in the 20th century. The triangle of basic community symbols--store, school, chapel--and additional appendages are all part of socio-economic processes that have occurred in the Lower Coast in this century and the participation of the Naturales in these processes.

The first retail stores in the Lower Coast were those set up by

Chinese storekeepers at the mouths of the rivers on the coast in the first quarter of this century during the vegetable ivory nut (Phytelephas see-

manni Cook), rubber CCastilla pananensis Cook), and turtle shell CEretmochelys imbricata) "time of value," the phrase used by Naturales and Playeros for cash booms (Joly 1979 b). The Naturales and Playeros learned to participate in the international market economy by exchanging cash products for imported products at these Chinese retail shops. During the first banana boom in the 1930s (Joly 1979 a), the Playeros first and then the Naturales displaced the Chinese as negocicates (business entrepreneurs).

Formal, public, primary schooling in the Lower Coast arose during

the republican era of Panama in this century. In the 1920s, a few primary school teachers were appointed by the government among the Playeros and Natluraes in widely dispersed areas. In the 1940s, a few more appointments were made. In the 1960s and '70s, the number of teachers increased as a result of an excess of high-school graduates who were educated in urban

centers and were qualified to serve as teachers. Concomitantly, school buildings proliferated as a result of international monetary assitance of the United States Agency for International Development in the program

known in Panama as the siembra de escuelas (planting of schools).

The first visits by Catholic Claretian missionary priests to the Lower Coast and the building of chapels at the river mouths on the coast occurred in the 1920s (Pujadas 1976). These missionary priests first travelled to the Lower Coast in the import-export boats that collected the cash crops and distributed imported merchandise.

The additional appendages to the nucleus of ccmmunity symbols arose in the 1960s and '70s in great measure as a result of international monetary assistance to both government and missionary agencies.

The system of principates as a development process for corporate kin settlements may have seen its rise and fall in this century. There are

limits to the viability of such a system of physical mobility and localization at new sites. The limiting factors are population, space, and resources. In other words, the system is viable as long as there are space and resources for increasing numbers of people. The population of Naturales is increasing, among other reasons, as a result of malaria control and vaccination against whooping cough and tuberculosis, although measles is still an epidemic killer among this group of people. Population increase of the NaturaZes, however, has depended largely on the natural life cycle and has occurred at a slower pace than the faster strategic migration of the Interioranos fran the Pacific side into the Lower Coast. This is reflected in the difference in the density of 5 persons per km2 in the area west of the Rio Indio occupied mostly by Naturales and Playeros in contrast to the 2h persons per km2 east of the Indio where the migrants have settled first and impinge upon NaturaZes and PZlyeros.

In terms of resources, there is a limit to the number of stores and schools that the principales can initiate. Setting up a store depends on profits from cash products. The stores are, in fact, the exchange centers for these products. They are subject to the vagaries and inflationary tendencies of the international world economy which limits the number of those who can invest capital in such a system. The appointment of school teachers and building of schools depends on the national budget for education. This is used mainly for schools in urban centers. In addition, school teachers educated in urban centers develop an urban world view and are not interested, with few exceptions, in working in rural areas.

What future scenarios are foreseen for the system of principaZes of the Naturales? The system may be abandoned b'y an increased rural to urban migration as has occurred with some of the Cholos on the Pacific slope of

the Continental Divide (Frazier 19761. The Naturales may get into another civil war or participate in revitalization movements, which are events that have also occurred among them in this century. They may organize secondaryy coaxes" (Adams 1981), and there is evidence that the cooperative of coffee growers initiated by the missionaries is already serving such a function. Agriculture may be intensified with shorter swidden cycles as has occurred in other parts of the world (Boserup 1965), and there is evidence that some Naturales have decreased swidden cycles frcm 20 to 8 and 7 years. Agriculture may be industrialized and the Naturales proletarianized as has- occurred with some of the Interzoranos employed in the production of sugar cane on the Pacific side of Panama, (Gudeman 1978). This is also occurring at the palm oil plantation of Icacal on the east bank of the mouth of the Rio Indio which employs mainly Interioranos plus some Naturales. Plcveros, and Cuna and Guaym- Indiana. Lured by bank loans into cattle production, the Naturales may be caught up in the same migrant process of the Intemorcmos: that of continuously moving on while establishing extensive cattle production for the benefit of big capital investors in the national and international beef marketing system.

In terms of the latter scenario, the Naturales and the agricultural development agencies might be better off by intensifying the production of small animals-chickens, ducks, turkeys, pigs-for subsistence and marketing. There has always been a great demand for small animals in the urban transisthmian center and this has also been a regular source of animal protein for the Naturales and Playeros, along with fish from the rivers

and the sea. In the 1970s, both Naturales and Picoeros have been successfully running a black market of puercos brujos (witch hogs) that are in great demand because of the rising prices of beef in the transisthmian

urban center. National agricultural development programs, however, hardly pay attention to the production of small animals. Among other reasons, this is partly due to the fact that women and children are the ones mainly in charge of small animals, even though they do not do the marketing of these animals.

Finally, and most importantly, the Naturales and the development

agencies may be made aware that the system of principales does have positive characteristics in its favor even though it may not continue being viable for extending population over the region. First, the system of principales has allowed the NaturaZes to have some degree of socio-economic control over their settlements without sacrificing subsistence production of food. Secondly, it has given the Naturales an opportunity to negotiate what they want in developing themselves. Third, the competitive nature of the system has extended throughout several settlements such facilities as schools, health centers, and potable water, even though the quality of the services that they receive from outside personnel often employed in these facilities leaves much to be desired.

It is hoped that the principaZes may continue using these strengths to effectively protect or negotiate their position in terms of their settlements, usufruct rights, projects, status, and honor. This is particularly important in view of such development plans as a sea level canal through this region (Ventocilla 1980), which will require the eviction of people from their lands as occurred with the construction of the Panama Canal at the beginning of this century and with the Bayano Dam on the Pacific side of the Isthmus in the 1970s (Wali 1980). As long as people are aware of their own strengths and how they can use them, there is hope of not becoming "pyramids of sacrifice" (Berger 1976) for the sake of international political economies in the contemporary world.

Notes

1 The boundaries of the "inadjudicative tract of land" were as follows:

Departing fram the confluence of the rivers Toabrg and
Cocl6 del Norte, in direct line to meet mount Miguel, and from
there in direct line to the confluence of the rivers Jobo and Indio, up the Indio and south as far as mount Negro, and from
there in direct line to mount Chichibalf, and from there in direct line to the slopes of Marica, and from there to mount
river, down this river until the Cocl6 river, and from there to the mouth of the Toabre on the same Cocl4 river, which is the point of departure. (Inciso Octavo, Artfculo 91, Ley 20
de 1913, Decreto 44 del 27 de junio de 1914; translation mine).

2 Most NaturaZes store papers that they consider important in boxes somewhere in their houses. Someone who had signed this petition showed me a copy of it.

3 According to some NaturaZes, right after the revolutionary government took over in 1968, there came up the Rio Indio some armed outsiders who
are described as "Spanish" and who took refuge in the mountainous zone seeking the support of the Naturales against the military government. Sane Naturales, therefore, perceived as part of the military surveillance of the Continental Divide the installation of two asentanentoo ccmpesinos (planned agricultural settlements) at the headwaters of the two principal river systems in the Lower Coast. These were the asentcrmientos located at Las Marfas at the headwaters of the Rio Indio and at Coclesito at the headwaters of the Cocl6 del Norte river system.

4 In this regard, the nativistic movements of the Natuwales of the Lower Coast are similar to the Mama Chi nativism of the western Guaymi of Panamli as described and analyzed by Philip Young (1978). The Mama Chi nativism also arose when the Guaymf were threatened by outside economic forces. The unionization of workers in the United Fruit banana plantations limited the participation of the Guaymi as temporary laborers, as the union required permanent employment. The Guaymi preferred to migrate seasonally as temporary laborers and return annually to their lands in the mountains. Mama Chi forbade the Guaymn to work in the banana plantations.

5 The "festive" or "urban" sombrero pintado (painted hat) is made from the Panamahat palm (Carludovica palmata). The "work" hat is made from the flatsedge (Cyperus spp.).

6 This contrasts with the situation reported for Ecuador, where the highland mestizos have greater political power than the lowland coastal blacks (Whitten 1965). It also reflects the political and economic pressures that blacks and mulattoes have exerted in the urban transisthmian center of Panama since the second half of the 18th century (Figueroa Navarro 1978:79100), as well as the greater geographical accessibility of the littoral zone versus the inland mountainous zone in the Lower Coast.

7 Bernard and Killworth C1979) have postulated that fissioning of population could be accounted for by mathematical calculations of population figures and density within certain technological conditions.

8 Schwartz (1977:26-27) reports the following for the milperos of the Guatemalan Peten:

The eldest brother in a family serves as the father's lieutenant, although his authority over the other children is not as great as that of mother. If father dies, he may become a surrogate father for his youngest siblings since step-parents, by
definition, can never love a child the way a parent would. The
older brother role is a difficult one. For example, older brothers may "correct"the conduct of younger siblings, but they must be careful not to go too far and continually "scold" them; that
is father's right, and it is not clear how much of this right he delegates to the older brother. In addition, the oldest brother often lives in greater proximity to parents than other children.
In San Andres, a father obtains a hous-e site from the municipal
authorities for his adult sons, and he then builds them a house on that site. Even if a man builds his own house, he will say "This is the house my father gave me." In fact, fathers find
it convenient to "give" sons houses close to their own, but the
availability of sites and the death of fathers before all the sons are married means that it is usually the oldest son who
lives close to father. Father's own house is normally inherited by the youngest son, so middle children live furthest from their
parents; it is almost as if the oft-cited syndrome of the neglected middle child is expressed in the spatial arrangement of houses
in San Andres.

9 This contrasts with the Big Man system of New Guinea (Forge 1972).

CHAPTER III

A CASE HISTORY: THE PRINCTPALES OF SANTA ROSA DE RIO INDIO

The case history of the settlement of Santa Rosa de Rio Indio will be presented in this chapter to illustrate the model of the structure and dynanics of the principaZ s as covered in the preceding chapter. This historical account of Santa Rosa de Rio Indio is a ccmpendiun of the census data and the oral economic histories of the households that identify themselves as members of this settlement by participating in the events at its nucleus. This history covers a period of thirty years, from the late 1940s to the late 1970s. In the 20th century, many settlements like

Santa Rosa fissioned off and moved further down the Atlantic slope frcm parent settlements that are located in the heartland of the Cocle Reservation in the Lower Coast. The movement coincides with a series of economic booms whereby cash products were sold at the mouth of the river, plus the heightened activities of missionary and government agencies in setting up chapels and schools in the inland zone.

Location, Demography, Economics, Government

Santa Rosa de Rio Indio is a settlement of NaturaZes. The nucleus of community symbols and seven permanent and eight temporary houses is located on the east bank of the Rio Indio at about 9003' of latitude and 800121 of longitude (See May 1.1 for relative location). This is 16 km south or upriver from the Playero settlement of Boca de Rio Indio at the

mouth of the river by the sesahore at about 90121 of latitude and 80012' of longitude (See Map 1.1 for relative location).

The facilities which become community symbols as they encompass the varied participation of those who consider themselves members of the settlement include a primary public school, a Catholic chapel, a retail store, a cemetery, a softball field, a dance hall, a health center, and a plastic piping aqueduct. These are more than traits as they reflect activities associated with a settlement. In addition, Santa Rosa is the site of an asentomiento campesino, a planned agricultural program of the Ministry of Agricultural Development. It is also the headquarters, and principal buying and shelling station for the Cooperativa Luz Capesina (Cooperative Light of the Countryfolk). This is a cooperative of essentially coffee growers initiated by Catholic Claretian missionary priests. The Claretian missionaries have also built at the nucleus a seminar center called Cristo Capesino (Christ the Countryman).

The 33 households that identify themselves with this nucleus live
2
and have work sites in a territory of about 20 km . This area is roughly bounded on the north by the Cerro (hill) and Quebrada (stream) of La P61Vora; on the south by the Quebrada La Puerca Gorda and the Quebrada El Berraco; on the east by the Quebradas de Lim6n, Lagartero, and Guarapo; and on the west by the Rio Indio. Two of the households also have work siteson the west bank of the Rio Indio. The 33 households in this territory comprise a population of 174 inhabitants (98 females and 77 males). Ninety-six of the inhabitants, that is 55 per cent of the population, are under age fifteen. Twenty-five of the 33 households are related by consanguinity or affinity to the kindred of the principales. The others are migrant Interioranos to whom the principales granted permission to settle

within the boundaries of the settlement in order to let the children attend the school at Santa Rosa.

Seven households that include key members of the kindred of the

prncipales reside permanently in houses at the nucleus of the settlement. They also have houses away from the nucleus, near to their work sites. Eight additional households have temporary houses at the nucleus, which they occupy during school days and feast days. Their permanent houses are near to their work sites. Five of these eight temporary households at the nucleus are related by consanguinity or affinity with the kindred of the principales.

The average annual cash income per household in 1978-79 was US$900. This cash came mainly from the sale of livestock (US$500) and coffee (US $300), plus miscellaneous cash rendering activities and contributions from members employed in urban centers (US$100). The marketingof products occurred at irregular intervals throughout the year. This meant that

when these products were sold, the cash had to be saved and budgeted to cover expenses for prolonged periods and the role of women as guardians

of the house was important in safekeeping this cash. Miscellaneous cash rendering activities for males included operating motorboats, carpentry and boat-building, the making of handicrafts, baking bread, and temporary wage labor. Sewing, harvesting coffee, and cooking for school teachers were cash rendering activities for women. All households produced the

subsistence staples of rice, manioc, and bananas, plus seasonal fruits. Corn was also cultivated for seasonal subsistence, but was mostly stored to feed chickens and pigs that were in the care of women and children. Chickens were mainly produced for household consumption, while pigs were mostly sold to local intermediaries who specialized in the marketing of

swine. Marketing was done by men, on Thursdays, at the Playero settlement of Boca de Rio Indio and in the city of Col6n. Products marketed at the mouth of the Rio Indio were sold to buyers who came from the urban transisthmian center. Marketing at the city was usually done on a biweekly basis that coincided with the paydays for urban employees at the middle and the end of the month. (See Appendix II for the volume of the Thursday marketing at the mouth of the Rio Indio from September to November 1978.)

Expenses at the retail store, mostly on credit, averaged US$30 per month per household to cover the cost of kerosene; batteries for flashlights and transistor radios; laundry and bathing soap; food condiments like sugar, salt, pepper, onion, tomato paste; flour; cooking oil; toilet paper; personal and veterinary medicines; candies, cookies, and sodas. Since the harvest of rice usually does not last throughout the year, most households also bought rice during an average of three months out of the year. In 1978-79 the cost of rice at the retail store ranged between 23 and 25 cents per pound. The daily consumption of rice, which is considered to be the "real" food, averaged two pounds per day per household for the late afternoon meal which is considered to be the main meal of the day. In 1978-79, four households at Santa Rosa received an average monthly salary of US$100. Those having salaried employment included a male storekeeper for the retail store of the asentamiento c=pesino, the male accountant for the Cooperativa Luz Cmpesina, the male health assistant for the Integrated Health System of the Ministry of Health, and the female coordinator of the Claretian missionary program for The Promotion of the Countrywoman. The old man who guarded the cooperative shelling and buying station received a monthly salary of US$30. Members of the cooperative who worked at the shelling and buying station from December through May during the coffee harvest received a commission of ten per cent of the total amount of coffee that each had shelled and bought. The Regidor, who is a municipal tax collector for the butchering tax of livestock, received a commission of ten per cent of the annual total of taxes that he had turned over to the Municipal Treasurer. Five households had outboard motorboats that provided weekly passenger and cargo transportation service as a supplementary cash rendering activity. Two households had male members who specialized as intermediaries in the marketing of livestock, one dealing in swine and the other in bovine animals. Two households had male members who were serving as police officers in the city of Colon and made cash contributions to their parents residing in Santa Rosa. One household had a male member who worked as a bulldozer operator in Panam'a City and who also made an annual cash contribution to his parents. Three households had female members who worked as house servants in the cities of Col6n and Panama, and they also made cash contributions to their parents and grandparents. In the governmental bureaucratic structure established by the 1972 Constitution, Santa Rosa de Rio Indio is one of the 12 Regidur as/Juntas Locales in the Correqimiento/Junta Comunal of La Encantada, in the District/Consejo Municipal of Chagres, in the province of Col6n. As members of a Corregimiento, residents at Santa Rosa de Rio 'Indio participated in the 1972 and 1978 elections for Representatives to the National Assembly of Representatives of Corregimientos. The first Representative of the Corregirnento of La Encantada to the first assembly established in 1972 was one of the principales of Santa Rosa. For his services in the first assembly he was awarded a monthly salary for life of US$300.

Origins and Dynamics of the Prin&ipaZes of Santa Rosa Movement and Localization at a New Site

In 1947, Rosa Madrid and Eleuteria Rodrfguez and their extended family decided to move ten kilmeters downriver. They moved from El Barrero de Rio Indio, 1.5 km southeast of Boca de Uracillo (8058' lat., 80011' long.), to Los Buhos, the site of the present nucleus of Santa Rosa. They bought the usufruct rights of Los Buhos (The Owls) for US$200 from an old man who was living there by himself and who decided to move further downriver. At that time Rosa was 58 and Teya h8 years old. Their extended family included five living children of the 12 they had had. Three of these five were already married and had children of their own. Those who moved with Rosa and Teya initially included a 33-year-old daughter, her second husband, and her son and three daughters by her first husband; a 24-yearold son and his 26-year-old wife and two infant daughters; a 15-year-old son and a 12-year-old daughter, both single at that time. Their 22-yearold son with his 17-year-old wife and baby daughter remained at El Barrero. By not moving, they retained the usufruct rights at El Barrero and could wait to see how the others fared with tie move. Several factors stimulated the move. First and foremost, they decided to take advantage of the second banana boom which began after World War II CJoly 1979 a, b). During World War II, the two older sons had gone to the Panama Canal to work as contract wage laborers with the United States Army. They returned to El Barrero with an amount of cash, which the family decided to invest in buying Los Buhos and planting 4000 banana stems there. Furthermore, at that time dugout canoes were used without outboard motors and paddling was easier from a downriver site. El Barrero was 26.5 km distant frcm the mouth of the Rio Indio, whereas Los Buhos was only 16 km from the river's mouth where the banana exporting launches cane to buy the cash product. There were also other reasons for Rosa and Teya to move. Their oldest daughter had been sick frequently. A maestro curioso (curious teacher, that is, medicine man) had shown Rosa that his daughter's husband had buried in the floor of the house several vials with black magic potions. Upon being confronted with this evidence, the daughter's husband killed the medicine man, ran away, was apprehended and jailed by the authorities, and then killed himself while in prison. It was not good to continue living where such evil events had occurred. Additionally, Rosa's paternal kindred had declined in their status as principaZes at Boca de Uracillo. El Barrero, where Rosa lived, is a section of Boca de Uracillo. When at age 18 Rosa left his mother's brother at San Miguel and moved east to Rio Indio to live with his father's 2 brother, this paternal uncle was then regarded as one of the principaes at Rio Indio. Through the political influence of his wife's relatives in Penonomg, Rosa's uncle had in the first quarter of this century sponsored and initiated the construction of a primary school at Palma Real (1.5 km north, or downriver, from Boca de Uracillo) on the west bank of the Rio Indio. Rosa's paternal kindred at Rio Indio, however, failed to keep up their status as principales economically and educationally. During the 1930s and '40s, another family from further upriver moved to the present site of Boca de Uracillo. By becoming intermediaries in the marketing of rubber, chickens, and pigs, and setting up a retail store, this new family grew in economic status. They also took advantage of the educational opportunities offered by the primary school, and decided to have two of their male members continue with their secondary education so that they would thus beccme school teachers. When the new teachers had been duly trained and one of them secured a political appointment as Corregidor, this family decided to initiate the move of the school from Palma Real to Boca de Uracillo and employ the new teachers there. At the same time, this family decided to sponsor and initiate the construction of a Catholic chapel, close to the new school. With these activities, they became the new principales at Boca de Uracillo, and Rosa's kindred declined from their former high status even though Rosa and his children later became principales themselves at Santa Rosa. Rosa's and Teya's middle children still regret that, after canpleting their primary education at Palma Real, they were not sent away to continue secondary education at Penonome to become school teachers also. The Store Rosa's and Teya's extended family fared well by their move downriver and settlement at Los Buhos. As soon as their new banana plants began to generate cash, the oldest son entered into a partnership in 1951 with a PZoyjero entrepreneur from Boca de Rio Indio. The Playero had a general merchandise retail store and a liquor store at Boca de Rio Indio. These stores were supplied by the banana exporting companies, that were actually import-export businesses in the port city of Col6n. Larger purchases lowered wholesale prices of the import-export companies and meant greater profits for the Playero. He, therefore, proposed to Rosa's and Teya's son to set up a retail store at Los Buhos. The Pl~aero would provide an initial capital of US$500 and would order the supplies for the store. Rosa's and Teya's son would build the new store, pay the fee to obtain a government permit for the store, and would continue replenishing the store with capital obtained from the sale of bananas. This partnership lasted until 1961 when Rosa's and Teya's son bought out his Playero partner for US$500. On the way to Col6n to get the permit for the new store, Rosa's and Teya's son decided to name the store Santa Rosa (Saint Rose). This was in honor, not of the saint, but of his father who had been so named because he was born on August 30, the feast day of Saint Rose of Lima.3 Residents in the surrounding area who patronized the new store would say, "We are going to Santa Rosa," when they made a shopping trip. Thus the name Los Buhos was dropped and Santa Rosa became the new name of the site where Rosa's and Teya's extended family lived, worked, and began to grow in numbers and in socio-econamic importance. It is metaphorically significant that the name of the store is a symbol of identity that telescopes the nature of the nucleus of a settlement of Naturales. The name Santa Rosa telescopes the interaction of the Catholic Church (the saint's name), kin (father's name), and economics (the store's name). The Political Involvement The Corregidor The partnership with the P~ayero proved beneficial in other ways. A brother of the Playero was appointed mayor of the district of Chagres in the early 1950s. He sought people whom he could trust for the positions of Corregidores in the subdivisions of the district in the hinter- land of the Naturales, which comprises the greatest expanse of the district. A smooth functioning of the Corregidurtas is essential in the government bureaucracy as the Corregidor is in charge of several tasks: vital statistics, collection of certain taxes, issuance of certain permits, administration of justice in certain cases, dissemination of policies and programs, and coordination during political elections. The Playero entrepreneur asked his Natural partner, Rosa's and Teya's oldest son, to act as Corregidor for his brother the Mayor. This would be in the Corregimiento of La Encantada of which Santa Rosa is a part. Rosa's and Teya's oldest son declined the position for himself, but recommended instead his brother who had remained behind at El Barrero. He considered that his middle sibling had been educated more than he had and was, therefore, better qualified to hold a public position. Besides, the econcmnic enterprises at the new site had proven successful and it was no longer necessary to hold on to the usufruct rights at El Barrero. Thus, in the early 1950s, Rosa's and Teya's kindred began their political involvement with the appointment of a second generation middle sibling as Corregidor of La Encantada. At the same time, the storekeeper became the Regidor of Santa Rosa, thus keeping political control over the home settlement also. The position of Corregidor of La Encantada was held by Rosa's and Teya's middle son almost consecutively until 1970, regardless of which political power was in control of the government bureaucracy. He would be out of office for brief periods of 15 or 30 days whenever there was a change in political control, and then scneone would come looking for him to restore him to the position. This reflects the opportunist involvement of both Naturales and Playeros in politics, rather than as a permanent commitment to a single party. Opportunism is necessary if any bit of the minimal government attention to rural areas is to continue trickling to the countryside. This behavior confirms what has been stated elsewhere: When in conflict, peasant involvement is likely to be opportunist (on the side most likely to win) rather than the product of an ideological current, and may change frequently. Protection of village, property, status, and honour may be even more significant (Pitt 1976a:125). The Mayor During the first half of the 1960s, Rosa's and Teya's middle son was promoted from Corregidor to Mayor of the district of Chagres, This is the first and only time that a Natural, not a Playero, has held the position of Mayor in the Lower Coast. Rosa's and Teya's son, however, was Mayor for only six months and was demoted to Corregidor again. Playeros residing in the urban transisthmian center exerted pressure, through the newspapers, to remove him from this position. The newspapers referred to him as a montno, a disrespectful term used by urbanites against countryfolk that implies the backwardness and ignorance of the countryfolk. The Representative to the National Assembly While again serving as Corregidor, Rosa's and Teya's middle son participated in October 11, 1971, in a meeting in Panama. City, where General Torrijos met with all the Corregidores of the republic. At this meeting General Torrijos stated that there would be elections in the Corregimientos in August 1972 to select a National Assembly of Representatives from the 505 Corregimientos. Rosa's and Teya's middle son initially declined to launch himself as a candidate in the election, even though he was encouraged to do so by several government officials, He changed his mind at a meeting in his home settlement of Santa Rosa when one of his nephews, the oldest son of his oldest sister, spoke in favor of supporting his candidacy. He won the election in the Correqimiento of La Encantada and became a member of the first National Assembly of Representatives of Corregimientos that ratified the 1972 Constitution. He now enjoys a lifetime pension for having participated in this assembly. As a result of the 1972 Constitution, Santa Rosa now has a Junta Local, the lowest form of an administrative council. The President of the Junta Local of Santa Rosa is the oldest son of Rosa's and Teya's youngest daughter, and the Treasurer is the oldest son of Rosa's and Teya's oldest daughter. Both men represent the third generation of principaZes at Santa Ros a. The Importance of Political Involvement There are two important aspects of the participation of Rosa's and Teya's middle son in existing political institutions. First, he and his kindred regard his service in politics as a career whereby he had the opportunity to use his talent for speech. Fluency in public speaking is highly valued by the Playeros. Perhaps this is why Rosa's and Teya's son was able to maintain continuous political relations with the Afro-Hispanic political gatekeepers in the Lower Coast. Ironically, Playeros and urbanites have the impression that the Naturales are not good public speakers. This misconception is due to the behavior of the Naturales in public meet-, ings in front of outsiders whom they do not know. In public meetings, the Naturales will usually remain silent for a long time and let the outsider speak continuously without interruptions or comments. After the meeting is over, however, the Naturales will discuss the outsider's speech and the issues at stake endlessly among themselves. When they do speak in public in front of unknown outsiders, the Naturales may often conceal direct meaning by the use of proverbs that may confuse those who do not belong to the regional speech conunity and do not know the meanings of the proverbs. Among themselves, however, the Naturales give to each person the opportunity to express him or herself in sequence. This often prolongs the meeting for considerable periods of time. This respect for and recognition of each individual in public is also reflected when encountering and greeting two or more people, whereby each person in the group is greeted individually by name rather than greeting the group as a whole. Secondly, and most importantly, Rosa's and Teya's middle son acquired knowledge about how the governmental bureaucracy operates, and was able to use that knowledge in his role as intermediary in their indigenous process of development. This is clearly expressed in the following transcription of an excerpt of an interview with Rosa's and Teya's middle son: ï¿½ . . then this position was a school for me, because I was not only reaching for those jobs for the money but to, ah, . . . acquire more kncwledge about what the political life was all about and about what it was to defend my own interests and those of the others. Then I came about with an experience more deeply rooted when I became Mayor, and I met with the people in Santa Rosa and we formed . . . we formed a society that we called Agricultural and Cattle Raising Society. (Translation mine.) The indigenous process of development by the principaZes of Santa Rosa was thus enhanced by the involvement of Rosa's and Teya's middle son in the existing political institutions. The Participation in Sports Soon after Rosa's and Teya's middle son was appointed as Corregidor in the early 1950s, Santa Rosa organized its first Sports Society. It thus took advantage of the monies set aside in the municipal budget for sports, to buy equipment and uniforms for sports teams. For the first four years, the Santa Rosa team played in the softball league of the NaturaZes in the upriver settlements of Boca de Uracillo, San Cristobal, Los Uveros, Las Marfas, and Cerro Miguel. Later the Santa Rosa team became integrated with the softball league of the Plajeros in the district of Donoso. The Ptayero partner of the Santa Rosa store provided lodging and food at his house in Boca de Rio Indio whenever the Santa Rosa team went downriver to play with the Plcyeros. Since then the Santa Rosa team has alternated playing in the leagues of both Naturales and Ptcyeros. Nowadays softball games are a regular event on Sundays in the dry season and on feast days in the settlements of both Naturales and PZajeros. These games are perceived as an improvement in the asunto social (social affairs) of the settlements. Alcoholic beverages at feast days stimulate the appearance of long forgotten disputes within or between families that end in fistfights. Softball games are perceived as ritualized and redirected aggression, minimizing the fighting. In the 1970s, however, there have been many deaths incurred in knife-fights. The Interzoranos have introduced this modality of fighting with knives, and both NaturaZes and Playeros are concerned about this. The School With the appointment of Rosa's and Teya's sons as Corregidor and Regidor in the early 1950s, Rosa's and Teya's kindred tried to get a primary school built in their settlement, Their many requests to the Ministry of Education vent unheeded for almost a decade. There was already a school at El Jobo, directly across the river from Santa Rosa, where the people from Santa Rosa sent their children. The school teacher at El Jobo, a Natural frcm the upriver settlement of Las Marlas, reported to the ministry that the school population in the area did not warrant another school. El Jobo, however, is in the province of Cocl9. At that time that school was under the Provincial Inspection of Education in Penonomg, the capital of Cocl6 on the Pacific plains. This meant that the parents of children at the El Jobo school had to take turns every month to go on a 4-day hike across the Continental Divide to collect the school mail at Penonome. The people at Santa Rosa felt that it would be more convenient for them to have a school on their side of the river, which is in the province of Col6n. The Provincial Inspection of Education in the city of Col6n was much closer. Nowadays all the schools in the Lower Coast are under the Inspection at Col6n for the reason of greater geographical accessibility. In addition, it appeared that the Inspection in Colon provided better school furniture and more supplies than the Inspection in Penonan6, which was too distant to transport school materials and equipment overland. In the early 1960s, the principales of Santa Rosa enlisted the support of a Playero woman who was a school teacher at Boca de Rio Indio, and whose brother was then the Provincial Inspector of Education in Col6n. On February 28, 1962, a Presidential Decree appointed, for the first time, a primary school teacher at Santa Rosa, to begin classes on May 1, 1962. The school first functioned in a wooden building built by Rosa's and Teya's oldest son, who is regarded as one of the best house and boat builders in the region. In the late 1960s, Rosa's and Teya's middle son acting as Corregidor got the support of the Provincial Director in Coln of the General Directorate of Community Development to build a concrete school. As Representative to the National Assembly, Rosa's and Teya's middle son tried in the 19Ts to get at Santa Rosa a boarding Basic Production School (Isos 1977). This is a vocational middle school. He failed to get the funds appropriated. The greater political power of the Playeros within the Ministry of Education exerted pressures to have two Basic Production Schools built at Boca de Rio Indio and Palmas Bellas, only 12 km apart from each other and connected by a coastal highway. Rosa's and Teyats son argued that Santa Rosa, 16 km upriver, had worse transportation problems for the children in upriver settlements to commute downriver to attend these schools. At a meeting of the Provincial Council of Coordination, Rosa's and Teya's son was shamed by the Provincial Inspector of Education in Col6n, who publicly stated that the Naturales were destructive with their school buildings. He then produced a photograph and a newspaper article on the destruction of the roof of a school at the settlement of La Nueva Uni~n, immediately south or upriver fran Santa Rosa, on the east bank of the Rio Indio. The roof had been destroyed by people from El Dominical, the settlement directly opposite to La Nueva Uni~n, on the west bank of the Rio Indio. The principales at El Dminical were trying to split the school population at La Nueva Uni6n in order to have a school built at El Domini cal. The merits of this case are that the bureaucratic urbanites failed to understand the order of action in the dynamics of the system of principales. Splitting a school population or moving the site of a school is a strategy to gain ascendancy in the socio-economic mobility of principales. This had occurred previously with the move of the school from Palma Real to Roca de Uracillo in the late 1940s, the split of the school population between El Jobo and Santa Rosa in the '60s, and that of El Coquillo from Boca de Uracillo in the 'T0s. The problem with the principaZes at El Daminical was that they failed to use the influence of ecclesiastical and political autkorities in accomplishing the split, which is the usual order of action followed by principales rather than engaging in physical confrontations between the splitting localities. The Ecclesiastical Involvement The Chapel The chance meeting of Rosa's and Teya's middle son and a Claretian priest while both were travelling together in a canoe bound upriver led to further expansion of the Santa Rosa nucleus. The priest was invited to spend the night at Santa Rosa. The kindred of principaZes at Santa Rosa, particularly the women, took advantage of this opportunity to request the construction of a chapel at Santa Rosa. Among the Naturales, women keep altars to the saints in the sleeping section of the house, which is the most sacrosarrt place in the house where outsiders are not allowed. At this altar they burn candles and make offerings to the saints. The chapel, then, is an extension of activities that occur within the family, as much as the store and the school are extensions of the economic and educational functions of the family. The request for a chapel was granted after the people of Santa Rosa agreed to participate in a week-long "mission." Wooden crosses were then installed in every house, thus blessing those who cooperated in building the new chapel. This occurred in 1962, the same year that Santa Rosa got its school. The same dual process of the concurrent introduction of school and chapel had occurred at Boca de Uracillo in the 1940s. The Patronal Festival Originating a chapel incurs the selection of a patronal festival. Santa Rosa de Lima was selected as the patron saint for the new chapel and the settlement of Santa Rosa. Her liturgical feast and Rosa's birthday--now in his 90s--are celebrated every year on August 30. Indirectly, the patronal festival is honoring the head principal of the settlement as well as the saint. The patronal festival includes two different types of events that are respectively known as the fiesta del padre (priest's feast) and the fiesta de calle (street feast). The first includes events such as a mass, baptisms, marriages, a procession, plus a fair where the residents bring donations of raw and cooked food and utilitarian items like wooden trays and paddles. The priest brings used clothes and shoes from the urban center. All items sell for ten cents. The "street" events include the softball games; song duels; the sale and drinking of beer, rum, and corn chicha; the sale and eating of special foods; and dancing. The latest trend observed in the Lower Coast was to schedule the "priest's" and the "street" feasts on separate days, at the urging of the priests, so that the "street" events would not detract attendance fram the "priest's" events. The patronal festival is also a means of capital formation for the community fund. This fund is used not only to finance the feast itself, but also for community projects. Most national and international development donors now require the participation of the recipients with materials, cash, or labor. In the 1970s, Santa Rosa has used its community fund to pay for the transportation of materials and food for the supervisor sent by the government to direct the labor of the settlers in the construction of a school kitchen and dining room; a community hall where fairs and dances are held; a health subcenter, a bridge, and a plastic piping aqueduct donated by national and international development programs. Other celebrations which contribute to the community fund include national holidays, Mother's Day, and Christmas. In general, however, the main objective is not to make money but for all to share in the merriment and extend hospitality to visitors. For example, the net earnings for the 1979 "street feast" of Santa Rosa's patronal festival were only US$32.00 as can be seen in the statement of accounts for this feast in Appendix III.

The Junta Cat6Zica and Health Care

With the building of the new chapel, Rosa's and Teya's middle son became the president of the Junta Catolica in addition to his duties as a political representative. This committee was in charge of coordinating the events for the patronal festival and all other formal Church events. As president of the Junta Cat61ica, Rosa's and Teya's middle son made another request to the missionary priest. Since the priest is a "person

of more Christian qualifications," he could better appeal to the "Christian sentiments," that is, the humanitarian vein of medical personnel in the government, in private practice, or the United States Army in the Panama, Canal. The priest thus became an intermediary in getting health care. The priest got the support of the Civic Action run by the join forces of the Panamanian National Guard and the United States Army. This military program conducted "medical caravans" along the Rio Indio, at regular intervals during the 1960s. During Christmas seasons in that decade, wives of

United States military men distrihuted toys and food along the Rio Indio.

In the 1970s, the Ministry of Health built a health subcenter at Santa Rosa. The third son of Rosa's and Teya's youngest daughter was selected to be trained as a medical assistant to run the health subcenter. In this position, he is paid a monthly salary by the Ministry of Health.

The Delegates of the Word and Catechists

In the 1970s, a new group of young Claretian missionaries introduced the program of Delegates of the Word and Catechists in the Lower Coast. These are lay men and women from the region who are trained by the missionaries to conduct the liturgical services and impart religious instruction. They perform the Celebration of the Word every Sunday. This is a mass but without the consecration of the host. The sermons and liturgical readings are a means for the "liberation of the peasantry" (En la Lucha 1979-1981). The Delegates and Catechists attend 3-day seminars trimonthly. The seminars are held alternately at any of the three seminar centers that the Claretian have built at Boca de Uracillo, Santa Rosa, and Chagres. Emphasis is made on public speaking and analytic interpretation.

At Santa Rosa, the Delegates of the Word are the former treasurer of the Junta Cat61ica, who is the husband of the oldest daughter of Rosa's and Teya's oldest son, and the son of Rosa's and Teya's youngest daughter. The Catechists are the wife of the first Delegate and who is the daughter of Rosa's and Teya's oldest son, her youngest sister, and the wife of the youngest son of Rosa's and Teya's oldest daughter. All these individuals

represent the third generation of principales. They bridge the gap and reduce the potential conflict between the older and younger siblings of the second generation of whom they are the children. Their involvement as

leaders of ecclesiastical programs assured the continuity of the process of principales.

Development of the Countrywoman

In addition to her duties as Regional Coordinator of Catequists, the oldest daughter of Rosa's and Teya's oldest son is one of the four female coordinators who receives a salary from the missionaries to conduct the program of Promoci6n de la MAjer Ccenpesina (Development of the Countrywoman). She makes monthly visits to the seven upriver settlements under her charge, and trains promoters in these settlements on the socioeconomic development of rural women. Coordinators and promoters attend a 5-day seminar every four months, alternately at any of the seminar centers. The group of wanen in Santa Rosa participating in this program are presently running a chicken farm (En la Lucha 1980, 15:17).

The Cooperative

The missionaries also organized in 1976 the Cooperativa Luz Conesina (Cooperative Light of the Countryfolk), among coffee growers in Rio Indio. At a meeting in the seminar center at Santa Rosa, the missionaries proposed to the peasants that the cooperative would initially install at Santa Rosa a shelling and buying station for coffee. The cash product

would be sold directly to processing plants, bypassing the intermediaries. One of the missionaries acted as the first manager of the cooperative. The cooperative was joined initially mostly by members of the Santa Rosa settlement. The husband of the female coordinator of the Development of the Countrywoman became the treasurer of the cooperative, a position that he still holds. The priest-manager appointed the second son of Rosa's and

Teya's youngest daughter as operator of the station. He later succeeded the priest as manager, after taking a course at the Interamerican Cooperative Institute in Panama City.

After observing the successful operation of the Santa Rosa station for the first two years, members at Boca de Uracillo also decided to have their own shelling and buying station. Other settlements soon established their own stations. Some settlements like Lim6n de Rio Indio and Las Cruces were sponsored by the cooperative in setting up their own stations. Other settlements like El Dominical were patronized by Chinese wholesale coffee buyers from Penonome, who noticed that the cooperative was becoming a serious competitor and sought to counteract its influence. The patronage of the wholesale buyers was also sought by families competing for the status of principaZes as occurred in Boca de Uracillo where there are now two shelling and buying stations, one of the cooperative and one of the wholesalers. Each station depends on clients from different neighboring settlement that do not have shelling stations. For example, the cooperative station at Uracillo shells coffee from the settlement of Coquillo while

the station of the wholesalers shells coffee from San Cristobal.

The number of new stations of the cooperative led to the appointment

of a general accountant and coordinator. Rosa's and Teya's grandson was thus prcioted from manager to general accountant of the cooperative, at the suggestion of the missionaries. He is paid a salary in this position. Upon leaving the position of manager vacant, the membership voted to also have that as a salaried position and rotate it among members of the other settlements. In 1979 and 1980, managers have been men who are principaZes in their respective settlements.

An indication of the volume of trade of the cooperative as a whole

Full Text

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U OE E L3BRARIES ONE IS NONE AND TWO IS ONE: DEVELOPMENT FROM ABOVE AND BELOW IN NORTH-CENTRAL PANAMA By lUZ GRACIELA JOLY A DISSERTATION PRESENTED TO THE GRADUATE COUNCIL OF THE UNIVERSITY OF FLORIDA IN PARTIAL FULFILLMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY UNIVERSITY OF FLORIDA

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Copyright (?) I98I hy Luz Graciela Joly

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This work is dedicated to the memory of Graoiela Isabel Adames and Manuel Dolores Joly who gave me their lives, and to the Baturales i PlayeroSy and Interioranos of the Costa Abajo who incorporated me into their lives.

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PREFACE The proverb "One is none and two is one" in the title of this work illustrates several points. First, it incorporates the sociolinguistic component of the ethnography, both as theory and as method. Theoretically Â» I agree with the definition of ethnography as an inscription of social discourse, that is, a record of the ethnographer's personal experience in conversing analytically with other humans about their lives (Geertz 1973: 13). When as an anthropologist I assme the role of an activist and participant observer (Elmendorf 1976: U, 7-8) in the events of other humans, they are not subjects of study but fellow members of our species who have knowledge and experiences to share with me and with whom I can argue, discuss, and converse rationally about o\ar behavior in "a process of mutual learning" (Freire 1971). In talking about their production for subsistence and marketing, as well as in talking about all other aspects of their lives, the human groups in the Cosicc Abajo (Lower Coast) or northÂ— central Panama, who 6ire Spanish speakers, frequently lose proverbs or sayings that "take us into the heart of that of which they are the interpretation" (Geertz 1973:18). These speech acts give \is empirical evidence that these humans make rational and value judgements about themselves and events in their lives. On the basis of their ccmplementary differences, therefore, the emic (to mean what people say and do) and the etic (to mean the theoretical and methodological tools) approaches in anthropology foim a symbiotic union in this work in an effort to avoid their weaknesses. Both provide answers.

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As stated by that great role model, anthropologist Ruth Benedict, "The trouble with life isn't that there is no answer, it's that there are so many answers. ... By turns their answers fit my needs" (Mead 197^:2). The use of proverbs to reflect actions in words is methodologically consistent with the technique of "event analysis," which was one of the tools in my ethnographic kit. Event analysis is the "tracing of interconnections of behavior in time and space and in relation to the conditions of the situation" (Arensberg and Kimball 1972:22U; Kimball and Pearsall 1955; Kimball and Partridge 1979:9^). Behavior interconnections are mits of interaction within a systemic network. Verbal behavior is a form of interaction which converts the event into a "speech event" when the "activity or aspects of the activity are directly governed by rules or norms for the use of speech" (Hymes 1972:56; 197U:52). The norm or rule governing the use of a proverb as a speech act in the Lower Coast is to incorporate it as an additional statement that conveys further clarifications and/ or interpretation of what is occurring or what is being said. Hence, I am following this rule by incorporating a proverb in the title of this dissertation to clarify and/or interpret the events being described and analyzed. The proverb "One is none and two is one" clarifies and interprets the major analyses of this work as follows: The proverb is used to describe the principle of interdependence, that is, "a union to raise the power of action above what it would be were the units to remain apart" (Hawley 1968:331-332). This meaning applies to this work not only in the symbiosis of the emic and the etic, but also in the fact that the major variables being described and analyzed only make sense as interdependent units within a system. V

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First, the developnent process cannot he effective unless planners and programmers of binreaucratic systems "from above" take into account the indigenous community development systems "frcm below" of the peoples intended to be the so-called "targets" or "beneficiaries" of the plans and programs. Secondly, the three major human groups in the Lower Coast Â— NatiO'aleSy Play epos 3 and Intevioponos Â— are interdependent on each, other in their systems of relations. Third, there is interdependence between the production and marketing of agricult\iral products and the community development systems along the Rio Indio, the river system of the Lower Coast that was selected for intensive study. The establishment, expansion, and function of these ccmmimity development systems in Rio Indio has been greatly influenced by the marketing of cash products in this century d;iring "times of value," the phrase used in the regional dialect to refer to a series of cash bocms. Moreover, the conmunity development systems of these three human groups are related to social and economic forces on the Isthmus since Spanish colonialism to the present. The proverb "One is none and two is one" also applies to the support received from numerous persons and institutions. First, the writing of this dissertation would not have been possible without the intellectual guidance and moral encouragement of my doctoral committee ; Drs . Solon T. Kimball, Chairperson; Allan F. Bums, Anthony Oliver-Smith, and Anita Spring as anthropologists; and Louis A. Paganini as cultural geographer. Dr. Kimball, in particular, has kindly directed me through my graduate studies since my first arrival from Panama to the University of Florida that cold winter quarter of 1976, and was a patient and excellent tutor in the writing of this work. During the graduate years of the Master's and Ph.D. programs at the University of Florida, I appreciate more than they realize the teachings vi

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and support of faculty, staff, and fellow students. In particular, I am grateful to Dr. Charles Wagley and his Tropical South America research program that made possible tinder a 3-^nonth sumner grant in 1977 the preliminary survey in Panama for the purpose of selecting a site for later dissertation research. The 19 months of research for this dissertation, frcm August 1978 through February I 980 , were sponsored by an Inter-American Foundation Learning Fellowship for Social Change in Latin America and the Caribbean. lAF not only provided funds for the research, but also intellectual guidance through its unique program of conferences to evaluate and advise through the peer group of fellows, the professors in the Screening Ccmmittee, and members of the lAF staff. I found most beneficial the interdisciplinary advice received fron the following members of the lAF Screening Committee: sociologist Alejandro Fortes; economist William Glade; agricultural economist William Thiesenhusen ; and anthropologists Lairra Nader, Charles Wagley, and Johannes Wilbert. I also appreciate the interest in ny work shown during their visit to Panama in October-November 1979 by lAF Director and Representative for Mexico, Central America, and Panama, Ms. Sally W. Yudelman and Ms. Patricia Haggerty, respectively. Most of all, I am thankful for the care-taking role of lAF assumed by Fellowship Officer Elizabeth Veatch and General Services Officer Melvin Asterken, In Panama, the research was supported by institutional affiliation with the Direadon del Patvimonio HistSriao^ Instituto Nacianal de Cultuva; the Univevsidad Santa Mania la Antigua; the Viaaniato Apostdlico del Daniin; and the Smithsonian Tropical Research Institute. As with any institution, their value lies in their personnel. At the Directorate of Historical Patrimony of the National Institute of Culture, I am particularly indebted VI 1

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to Dra. Reina Torres de Arauz, Director, for authorizing the research under Agreement Number of November 6, 1978; to Dra. Marcia A. de Arosemena, Sub-Director and Chief of Scientific Investigations, who during the preliminary survey recommended the need to study Afro-American and mestizo human groups in the Caribbean side of the Isthmios ; and to Prof. Marcela Camargo, Chief of the Museo del Hambre PanamenOy who directed and coordinated all the facets of the travelling exhibit of artifacts and photographs entitled "Those who already conquered the Atlantic: UabiLPates and Playeros of the Costa Abajo," to inform the Panamanian public about preliminary results of the research and at the same time commemorate the third anniversary of the Museimi, December 1979 through February I 98 O. At the Catholic University Santa Maria la Antigua y advice and guidance were always generoxasly given by Dr. Roberto De la Guardia, Historian at the Office of Humanities; and Prof. Carlos Castro, Director of the School of Sociology. I am grateful to Monsignor Jesus Serrano, Bishop of Colon and Apostolic Vicar of Darien, who during the preliminary survey suggested the Lower Coast as an area for research. The Claretian missionaries of the Vicarate introduced me to the Naturales of Rio Indio during the preliminary survey; later during the research, they provided support at the missionary centers in the Lower Coast and engaged me in stimulating discussions about social issues, particularly the Reverends Luis Gonzalo Mateo, Jose Maria Morillo, Celestino Sainz, and Nicolas Delgado. At the Smithsonian Tropical Research Institute, support and advice were kindly given by archeologists Olga Linares and Richard Cooke of the Section of Human Ecology; librarian Alcira Mejia; botanist Robert Dressier; and ichthyologist Ira Rubinoff, Director of STRI. viii

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Professors at the national University of Panama also cooperated with the research. I appreciate the historical advice given by Dr. Alfredo Castillero Calvo, of the School of Geography and History, Faculty of Humanities. At the Faculty of Natural Sciences and Phamacy, Dr. Richard Goodyear, of Marine Biology; and Prof. Mireya Correa, of Botany, kindly identified ichthyological and botanical specimens; and Drs. Tomas Arias and Mahabir Gupta, of the Laboratory of Specialized Analysis, conducted chemical analyses of botanical specimens. At the Department of Artistic Expressions, Prof. Manuel De la Rosa, of Drama and Theater, accepted my suggestion to participate in Joint observations of the Congo ritual play of the Afro-American Playeros. Professors Raquel De Leon and Alberto McKay, of the School of Geography and History, helped to disseminate preliminary results of the research to the Panamanian public, by their kind invitation to lecture to the students of geography at the university. For allowing me to make voluntary suggestions to their plans and letting me practice the role of the applied anthropologist, I express my appreciation to personnel at the School of Agronony of the University of Panama, the University of Delaware Title XII coordinators , and the mission in Panama of the United States Agency for International Development. Extensive kinship and friendship systems in Panama and in the United States, too numeroiis to name, allowed me to survive during graduate school and the research by giving me unrestricted access to materials, space, services, and affection. They know who they are and how freely they gave to me, making the proverb "One is none and two is one" particularly applicable in their case. There are no appropriate words, however, to express my gratitude to the Naturales, Playeros^ and Interiovanos of the Costa Abago who became my IX

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teachers, socializing me as they do with their children by letting me observe and participate in their activities. They transformed me from a vidaoena (busybody or snooper, the nickname by whicli I would introduce myself initially) into a member of their communities, giving me nicknames and terms of address of their own: vie^a de monte (old woman of the woods), madha ruliimpago and maaha nuaha (lightning female and night female, in the Congo ritual-play language), and oomadre (comother). There was no greater satisfaction for me than the way that they made me feel that "As I live here, I eat here," the proverb that they \ase to express the sharing of food, which is the most significant social relation among kin and friends. I owe my life in Rio Indio, in partictilar, to Noma, M^ima, and Benita, the leading females in the households where I ate and lived. Before proceeding on with the chapters that follow, the reader may wish to take a look first at Appendix I which describes the initial survey in 1977 and the decision-making process in selecting the Rio Indio of the Lower Coast as the area for research. This digression will provide a better perspective in ttnderstanding the position of an anthropologist doing research among people in her own country. The organization of the dissertation is as follows. The first chapter explains the problem addressed in this work and the theoretical and methodological framework. "Development from below" takes precedence here over "development fron above." Therefore, the ethnic identity and the conmnmity development systems of the Naturales, Playeros^ and Interiovanos are described and analyzed next. The identity of the NaticraZes and their system of pxn.noipales is described and analyzed in Chapter II, and exemplified in Chapter III by the case history of the pvinaipaZes of the settlement of Santa Rosa de Rio Indio. The Afro-American identity of the X

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Playevos ia treated in Chapter IV, mainly through their participation in the events of the ritual "Play of the Congos The political and economic preeminence of the Playeros in the Lower Coast is exemplified in Chapter V hy the case history of the Playero -pueblo of Boca de Rio Indio. The identity and the migration of the I-nteviovanos is covered in Chapter VI. The encounter of the InteTciovanos with Habuvales and Playevos is illustrated in Chapter VII with specific cases of their system of relations. A specific conparison between the preceding indigenous systems of community development and plans developed hy outsiders for the Rio Indio is presented in Chapter VIII by the case of the planning process of the University of Panama and the University of Delaware in submitting a Title XII proposal to the mission in Panama of the United States Agency for International Development. This case also illustrates the role of the applied anthropologist in sejrving as a mediator and interpreter of the sociocultural systems and making practical suggestions for program effectiveness and cost savings. General conclusions are made in Chapter IX. xi

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TABLE OF CONTEIJTS Page PREFACE iv LIST OF MAPS XV ABSTRACT xvi CHAPTER I THE PROBLEM 1 "Development from Above" versus "Development from Below" 1 The Theoretical Approaches T The Methodology 21 Notes 26 II THE PRINCIPALES OF THE NATURALES 27 Ethnic Origin and Identity 28 The System of Erinovpales 38 Conclusions, Scenarios, Suggestions 51 Notes 59 III A CASE HISTORY: THE FRINCIPALES OF SANTA ROSA DE RIO INDIO 6l Location, Demography, Econonics, Government 6i Origins and E>ynamics of the Rvincvpales of Santa Rosa 66 Concluding Remarks 90 Notes 91 IV WHO ARE THE FLMEROSl. 92 The Afro-American Colonial Past 92 The Ancestors in the l800s and 1900s 93 The Ritual Identity 95 Concluding Remarks 112 Notes 113 xii

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TABLE OF CONTEWTS CContinued} Pa^e V THE PUEBLOS OF THE PLAIEEOS The Rise of a Playero Pueblo: The Case of Boca de Rio Indio SuDmary Notes VI THE MIGRATION OF THE INTERIORANOS Introduction Who are the Interiovccnos 1 The Migration Routes Migration as Development Concluding Remarks Notes VII RELATIONS OF INTERIORANOS WITH N ATI W ATE R AND PLAIEROS Relations Between Interioponos and Naturales Relations of Interiorcxnos and Ployeros Notes VIII IMPLICATIONS OF DEVELOPMENT FROM BELOW FOR DEVELOPMENT FROM ABOVE The Title XII Proposal from the Universities of Panama and Delaware Inferences General Implications of Development from Below for Development from Above IX CONCLUSIONS APPENDICES APPENDIX I APPENDIX II-A APPENDIX II-B APPENDIX III THE PRELIMINARY SURVEY SAMPLE OF THURSDAY MARKETING AT BOCA DE RIO INDIO SEP -NOV 1978 PRODUCTS MOST REGULARLY MARKETED AND SELLING PRICES IN US$VENDORS AND WHOLESALE BUYERS AT THE THURSDAY MARKET, BOCA DE RIO INDIO STATEMENT OF ACCOUNTS, PATRON SAINT "STREET" FEAST, SANTA ROSA DE RIO INDIO, 1 SEPTEMBER 1979 115 117 llt6 151 152 152 15it 165 169 175 176 177 177 192 202 203 205 2k0 2k2 2kk 251 270 271 272 xiii PAGE 14 TABLE OF CONTENTS CContinued) APPENDIX IV-A APPENDIX IV-B APPENDIX V APPENDIX VI APPENDIX VII APPENDIX VIII APPENDIX IX BIBLIOGRAPHY STATEMENT OF ACCOUNTS, PRECO OPERATIVE LUZ CAMPESINA, R. L. , RIO INDIO, 1978 STATEMENT OF ACCOUNTS, PRE-COOPERATIVE LUZ CAMPESINA, R. L. , RIO INDIO, JANJUN 1979 STATEMENT OF EARNINGS AND LOSSES CONSUMPTION STORE SANTA ROSA NO. 2 (Based on Manager's Record of Sales and Expenses ) 1979 ITEMS AND RETAIL PRICES AT CONSUMPTION STORE SANTA ROSA NO. 2 SYMBOLIC NAMES OF CONGO PLAYERS LEGAL PERMIT TO ENACT THE PLAY OF THE CONGOS GLOSSARY OF SPANISH TERMS BIOGRAPHICAL SKETCH Page 27I+ 276 281 282 289 291 292 298 315 XIV PAGE 15 LIST OF MAPS MSE. Page 1.0 Political Map of the Republic of Panama 2 1.1 Lower Coast of the North-Central Caribbean Side of Panama 5 1.2 Relative Spatial Distribution of Ptayeros ^ Pabio'dles y and Intevioranos in the Lower Coast 6 2.1 Area of the Code Reservation of the NaturaZes or ChoZos CoaZesanos ChoZos Penonomeflos 32 6.1 The Highway System and Feeder Roads Used by the IntevioTonos in their Migration A.l Survey Sites of the Rio Indio, P(icuru, and Tigre 269 XV PAGE 16 Abstract of Dissertation Presented to the Graduate Co\mcil of the University of Florida in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree of Doctor of Philosophy ONE IS NONE AND TWO IS ONE: DEVELOPMENT FROM ABOVE AND BELOW IN NORTHCENTRAL PANAMA By Luz Graciela Joly June 1981 Chairperson: Solon T. Kimball Major Department: Anthropology This dissertation evaluates the development process in its two major dimensions; namely, planning and programming for "development from above" by b\ireaucratic systems and the "development from below" of indigenoiis socioÂ— cultural systems in their process of community development. In this evaluation, the following theoretical formulations served as an operational mode or a guiding methodology: regional analysis, conmnmity study, event analysis, sociolinguistics, ethnohistory , ritual and symbolism, human ecoÂ— logy , and development. The focus is not that of ethnographic detail presented in a simply descriptive manner and serving only to exemplify theories as is the case in conten^sorary circles in academic anthropology. Instead, the indigenous systems of community development "from below" of the Ncctuvales y the Playevos y and the Interioranos y as well as the case of development planning "from above" by the University of Panama, the University of Delaware, and the United States Agency for International Development, are described in full ethnographic detail to correct the simplistic view given in feasibility studies for development plans in regards to these human groups in the Costa Abajo (Lower Coast) of north-central Panama. Most development feasibility studies and plans list the human groups as a XVI PAGE 17 "resource," but there is no indication whatsoever of why or how the human groups are a resource other than they represent a demographic factor displaying certain characteristics with regard to nat\iral growth, mortality, density, health, sanitation, and education. The community development systems of the aforementioned three groups are described and analyzed in order to convey an idea of what these human groups can offer to the development process in terms of their own ways of organizing themselves , of doing things, of responding to external and internal influences, trends, and conflicts. These ccmmunity development systems reflect the responses of these peoples to economic and political forces operating in Panama since the Spanish colonial period to the present, and their own accomplishments are strategies in recovering or capturing for themselves part of those resources that have been historically centralized in the transisthÂ— mian urban center and the Pacific lowlands of the central and western provinces of Panama. The identity of the three groups, as traced from oral history and participation in ritual and other events, indicates that the NatuxKcZes are the people historically known as the Cholos de las montaftas de Cooli o Penonomi ( acculturated Indians frcm the mountains of Code or Penonomg) ; the Playevos are Hispanic Afro-Americans; and the migrant Intevvovanos are the Hispanic cattle-raising people of the Pacific lowlands of Panama. The three groups are described and analyzed in terms of their systems of relations with each other and with other peoples and institutions in the Isthmus, as inferred frcm the settlements along the Rio Indio, one of the major river systems in the Lower Coast. A specific example of the development planning process "from above" is provided in the analysis of the proposal by the School of Agronomy of xvii PAGE 18 the University of Panama and the University of Delaware in a Joint Title XII program proposal submitted to the United States Agency for International Development. This case also illustrates the role of the applied anthropologist in serving as a mediator or interpreter of socio-cultural systems in order to increase program effectiveness and cost savings for the so-called "targets" or "beneficiaries." Other implications of "development from below" for "development from above" are presented in terms of national programs and policies for the peoples of the Lower Coast. XVI 11 PAGE 19 CHAPTER I THE PROBLEM " Development from Above" versus "Development from BelowÂ” In his return speedi in Panama after signing the Torrij os -Carter Treaty in Washington, D.C. , in 197TÂ» General Omar Torrijos stated that, since the problem of sovereignty of the canal had been settled, Panama coiild now concentrate its efforts on other endeavors such as the "Conquest of the Atlantic" (Dominical-La Repfiblica 19T7:TC).^ In this case "conquest" means a regional program of socio-economic development for which plans have already been written by national and international agencies (Banco Nacional-Banco Mundial 1977; Chen et al. 1977; Direccion de Planificacion y Coordinacion Regional 1979)These plans are inherently deficient because they do not take into account the existing patterns of life of the different himian groups in the Atlantic slope. They reflect concern for the people only insofar as: 1. There are people residing in areas where there are valuable natural resources such as copper and hardwoods that can be extracted to increase the national government income ( Chen et al. 1977; Direccion de Planificacion y Coordinaci6n Regional 1979). 2. The lives of the people indicate the absence of such things as health, education, university-designed agricultural techniques, sanitary facilities, potable water, urban-style housing, and roads ( Chen et al. 1 PAGE 20 2 PANAMA COCLE CHIRIQUI DARIEN VERAGUAS LOS SANTOS O C E AN 78 0 * 8 Â’ 83 * 82 Map 1.0 Political Map of the Republic of Panama PAGE 21 3 1977; Direccion de Planificacion y Coordinacion Regional 1979). 3. The people could be encouraged to take loans to increase cattle production for urban consumption and exportation (Banco Nacional-Banco Mundial 1977), or taxed for the production of export cash crops like coffee (Consejo Municipal del Distrito de Chagres 1979). The planners do not understand the significance of indigenous systems of development, the dynamics of socio-economic mobility, or the manner in which the goals of the national government and the aspirations of the people can be brought together in a constructive effort. It is a problem of what David Pitt (1976 a, b) has defined as "development from above" versus development from below." The plans and programs designed and introduced by national and international bureaucracies are "development from above. This type of development is usually defined as increases in per capita production and consumption at the national level. It is usually attempted by large-scale capital projects that proletarian! ze the population in salaried emplcyment that can be measured by per capita formulas. But the peoples who are the targets of such development, or who happen to reside at the sites where the projects will be located, may have different ideas, in different times, spaces, and contexts about their goals in life, involving status, power, identity, wealth, and quality of life. Their goals are development from below" defined according to criteria that are not necessarily quantifiable in terms of per capita formulas. In some cases, this type of "development from below" may imply capturing or recovering part of the economic resources that are often centralized elsewhere. These captured resources, however, may be used according to local standards that do not necessarily meet riational and international criteria of socio-economic development. This type of "development from below" is PAGE 22 k carried on by villages, or families, or individuals who achieve the distinctive characteristics of development according to local standards. They often go unrecognized and are regarded as insignificant or unimportant in development planning (Pitt 1976 a, b). This dissertation addresses this problem by describing three different systems of socio-economic mobility, whereby three different groups of people achieve what they regard as improvements in their way of life through their own efforts and by enlisting the assistance of outside agencies. The main focus will be on the contrast between the Nccburates (indigenous people) and the Flay eras (people of the beach) in the Rio Indio, one of the major rivers in the Atlantic region of the Costa Aba^o (Lower Coast) in northÂ— central Panama (See Map l.l). In addition, a third human group, the Inteviovaaios (people from the Pacific interior) will be presented in reference to their migratory tactics into the Lower Coast and how they affect the first two groups. In the presentation and analysis of the data, it is important to clarify that each of these groups has its own system of socio-economic mobility. At times they converge in symbiotic relations, at other times they are antagonistic to each other. Each of these systems will be presented and analyzed in separate chapters. (See Map 1.2 ^he relative spatial distribution of these three groups of people.) In describing the different systems of socio-economic mobility of these three human groups, criteria recognized by the people themselves used as well as theoretical and methodological approaches. PAGE 23 5 Map 1.1 Lower Coast of the North-Central Caribbean Side of Panama PAGE 24 6 OLON^ Logo GatiSn PLAYEROS NATURALES INTERIORANOS 0 15 30 1 1 1 I . 1 I KILOMETERS Map 1.2 Relative Spatial Distribution of Playeros^ Natuvales^ and Interiovanos in the Lover Coast. PAGE 25 7 The TheoreticsJ. Approaches In this dissertation no new anthropological theory is proposed, nor an issue taken with any theoretical stance. Rather, certain theoretical approaches have heen used as methodological tools or guidelines in researching, analyzing, and presenting the data. In other words , a constellation of theoretical approaches has heen the operational mode within the context of accimiulation and presentation of the data. The cases here presented are the pictures within a theoretical frame that includes regional analysis, community study, event analysis, sociolinguistics, ethnohistory , ritual and symbolism, human ecology, and development. There is no hierarchical ranking or preference for any of these approaches as being more powerful than others in explaining human sociocultural phenomena. Rather, the complexity of human nature calls for the blending of various approaches if anthropology is to retain its holistic perspective. The constellation of theoretical approaches that were found useful in the research will be explained. The reader must bear in mind, however, that the orientation has been toward the application of theoretical approaches in conducting the research and organizing the data in writing. In turn, the data were applied to make suggestions in the planning of an agricultural project for the Rio Indio that was proposed by the University of Panama and the University of Delaware. These suggestions and other implications for policies and programs are covered in the last two chapters. Regional Analysis The concern with regional analyses arose in Panama with the creation of the Ministiy of Planning and Political Econony in the late 1960s . The PAGE 26 8 s'fcruc'fcu.ral organization of this ministry includes a Directorate of Regional Planning and Coordination. The main objective of doing regional planning and coordination has been to incoirp orate the various sections of the naterritoiy into a centralized economic policy that seeks to diversify the sources of national income and reduce dependency on the canal and its international trade. The regional analyses and plans that have been done under this economic policy have catalogued phenomena that are studied and related simply because they converge within a given area to affect the economy. The traits catalogued in these analyses have been compiled from bibliographicdata, quick field surveys and questionnaires, and statistical data (Gobiemo Kacional-Organizacion de Estados Americanos 1976; Banco Nacional-Banco Mundial 1977; Direccion de Planificacion y Coordinacion Regional 1979; Ministerio de Planificacion y Politica Economica-Universidad de Panama, Facultad de Agronomia 1979). In anthropology, the cataloguing of traits in regional analysis arose with theories of diffusion, migration, or both, in seeking to explain the similarities and differences of cultures. The German Kutturkveis school emphasized migration and one of its main figures was the museiam curator Fritz Graebner ( 1877-193^) who was concerned with classification of material culture for meaningful exhibitions (Waal Malefijt 197U:l60-l8o) . In the United States, the "culture area" concept was largely based upon diffusion and was also concerned with museum displays of American Indians according to geographial categories (Waal Malefijt 197i^:17i+). Ihe two principal exponents in the United States of the "culture area" concept were Clark Wissler ( 187 O-I 9 U 7 ) and Alfred Kroeber (I 876 -I 96 O). Wissler's "food ar-eas" of Indians in North and South America and the Caribbean "took subsistence as the most basic factor, not only because it influenced other parts of PAGE 27 9 culture, but also because it was necessarily related to environmental conditions" (Waal Malefijt 197*+:17^I. Kroeber proposed "typical traits" based on statisticalcorrelations to delineate cultural and natural areas of native North America (Waal Malefijt 197^:176; Kroeber I 9 U 7 ). The best example of a survey of cultural traits in Panama and Central America is found in Richard Adams' Cultural Surveys of Panama-Niaaragtia-Guatemala-El S a Ivador-Honduras ( Ad ams 1976 ).^ Although useful in tracing general patterns and configurations, an inherent limitation of cultural surveys and trait inventories is that they are essentially descriptive and do not proceed to "the analysis of an interacting system" (Vance 1968:380). To overcome this limitation, several anthropologists have fonnulated interacting approaches in areal analyses. By integrating socioÂ— cultural and ecological variables in areal, studies, Julian Steward (1955) proposed linear cause-to-effect sequences. While Steward (1955) showed how subsistence activities in a given area affect social organization through time, Arensberg proposed that traditional subsistence, social organization, and values persist and endure through inherited custom in some European and related Old World peoples (Arensberg and Kimball 1972:7^116). Using marketing systems as mechanisms of social articulation in large geographical area, Sidney Mintz (1959) proposed that horizontal and vertical links can be traced at various levels of organization of increasing or decreasing complexity. In fact, marketing or economic systems of exchange have been used by several anthropologists in regional analyses. Some recent regional analyses of contemporary marketing and economic systems include those compiled by Cook and Diskin ( 1976 ) for the Oaxaca area of Mexico, the collection by Carol Smith (1976 a) that incorporrates central place theories adapted from geography in anthropological PAGE 28 10 studies of various social systems, and Oliver-Smith (l97T) of the process of reestablishing a regional marketing system after an earthquake in a Peruvian Andean valley. Variables other than marketing or economic exchange have been used singly or in sets to show articulatory and integrative systems of social relations over large geographical areas. Jean Jackson (1976:65-73) combined multilingualism and marriage to demonstrate a network system among various groups of people in the northwest Amazon. Skinner ( 1976; 327-36U) combined trading, the specialization of human talents, and kinship to show how particular localities in late imperial China exported specific occupational skills to other areas in systems of social mobility over large geographical areas. Actually, the criteria or variables selected to analyze interactions or systems of relations in a geographical context will determine the nat\ire and extension of the system in space and time. Uzzell (198O) has argued that the greater the number of variables used in an analysis , the of interactions there will be, making it more ccmplex and complicated to define the regional context. Furthermore, Uzzell (198O) considers that such complexity is particularly evident if variables like wealth, power, and information are taken into account. AnaOyses using these variables in effect show that net all systems of relations foim integrative, unifying entities. Contrasting or conflicting relations in systems of domination and dependency have been analyzed in Regions of Refuge by the Mexican anthropologist Aguirre Beltran (1967/1979) and the U. S. anthropologist Richard Adams (1970). Domination and dependency as analyzed by the latter two anthropologists and a score of other social scientists like Cardoso and Faletto PAGE 29 11 (1979) are here taken as proven facts in the history and development of Panama, as has occurred in the rest of the Americas and elsewhere. Theories of dependency and domination, however, are often used hy scholars to portray negative or condescending attitudes whereby people are viewed as poor, helpless, and without hope. This undermines the value of human dignity and obviates the fact that most people do not resign themselves to their fate but continue in one way or another to avoid domination and dependency. Even if such efforts may sometimes appear to be futile and tragic, they do have the value or worth of expressing independent thinking and action. Even thou^ domination and dependency may appear to be rooted down permanently by the weight of history, these are not absolutes. In this regard, it is theoretically appropriate to think in terms of what Sally Falk Moore (1975) has proposed as a basic postulate and an underlying quality of social life: "theoretically absolute indeterminacy." The value of indeterminacy is that it introduces a negotiable element in many real situations whereby individuals or groups may accommodate a range of strategies that include manipulation, interpretation, and choice, thus leaving the situation open to a multiplicity of alternatives and meanings (Moore 1975) Â• The Rio Indio, a Section of the Region In this dissertation, the Indio river is used as a sample or section of a larger geographical area commonly known in Panama as the Lower Coast and characterized by a series of rivers or drainage systems. Although each river may vaiy slightly from the others, the settlements of human groups along the Rio Indio reveal general tendencies that have occurred in the human occupation of the Lower Coast in this centiiry. A numÂ— PAGE 30 12 ber of different variables (including kinship, language, human ecology, ritual, education, economic and political activities) will be analyzed in a systemic approach to show that the regionalism of the Lower Coast is a consequence of interdependent and interconnected social systems but they vary partly as a function of environmental conditions of different zones, partly as a result of historic settlenents of different cultural or ethnic groups, and partOy in response to external conditions related to international commerce and government policies. Any kind of planning for this area cannot be effective unless it takes into account the variations and the interconnections of these social systems. Otherwise, the human groups in this area will be either "pyramids of sacrifice" for the sake of political economies (Berger 1976), or they may seek alternatives through the elaboration of culture and social organization (Adams I98I) as they have done already in the past and as they are attempting to do in the present. These alternatives are structures and mechanisms of social organization and cultural ideologies that parallel the dominant social structure and ideology of the political econony of a nation. These "secondary coaxes" (Adams 1981) allow human groups to negotiate their own position and retain a certain degree of atrtononony without succumbing entirely to the control of the dominant society or culture. Community Study A key element in hominid development has been the acquisition of knowledge (learning or information) and identity in a social or community context (Kimball 198O b). The community systems of the peoples of the Lower Coast of PanamS have been crucial developmental processes for them in responding to internal and external conditions. Moreover, it is the PAGE 31 13 study of community systems that makes possible the identification of the variolas and interconnected social systems in the Lower Coast. Like regional analysis, the community study is a heuristic device used to analyze the nodal units encompassed by a region. By levels of contrast, a regional study would be a macro, all-embracing analysis made possible by the prior identification of micro units through the community study. By levels of inclusion, regional analysis and community study resemble each other in that both refer to systems of spatial and ten^ioral relations between people and natural resources and among groups of people. Both deal with "a master system encompassing social forms and cultural behavior in interdependent subsidiary systems" (Arensberg and Kimball 1972). To better understand this definition, it shall be dissected into its component parts. The two basic factors are social structoire as interactional patterns and behavior as culture (Arensberg and Kimball 1972). Human organization is premised on the law of incest prohibition requiring exogamous groups of persons to interact in predictable manners. This key and primal technique of development of the human species con^aels organizational structures that transcend the family unit and relate several family units trigenerationally in order to assure the mating of two sexes and the nurturance of children through a prolonged infancy and late maturity (Partridge 197^) . The regular and patterned relations Â— social organizccb-ton Â— stem from and vary according to the learning experiences of preceding generations. These trans-generational experiences set forth behavioral examples aultuve Â— which influence the choices made by individuals in such matters as mate selection, settlement, subsistence, consumption, exchange of goods and services, beliefs, and the like (Partridge I 97 U) . The caveat must be made, nevertheless, that sociocultural aspects may be PAGE 32 l4 temporary, incomplete, inconsistent, ambiguous, discontinuous, contradictoly, paradoxical, and conflicting even though culture and organized or patterned social relations provide a certain degree of determinacy (Moore 1975 ). This is particularly true where different human groups encounter each other. Interactions and cultural behavior .do not occtir in a vacuum. They take place in an environmental context, which is the third component variable in defining community study (Arensberg and Kimball 1972). This environmental context refers to specific conditions of the natural world to which people adaptively respond (Partridge 197i^) , as well as to the cultural features in the environment resulting from their adaptation (Vayda and Rappaport I968) . These adaptations occur within a spatial and temporal frame, with the temporal axis including historical events. Event Analysis Since time and space are socially structured through the relations and activities of people in their events, the analysis of events is an important anthropological tool in a community study. In other words, events are activities and relations of people within a given time and space. These human events can be discerned or analyzed by the order of action in which people structure their habitual relations. In short, event analysis is "the tracing of interconnections of behavior in time and space and in relation to the conditions of the situation" (Arensberg and Kimball 1972: 24U; Kimball and Pearsall 1955). An example of an event may be something as ordinary as women washing clothes in a river. From personal participant observation, it is known that women ordinarily schedule their washing in the river at certain times PAGE 33 15 in relation to the activities of other members of the household and also in relation to certain other wamen so that a group of women get together in certain territorially recognized spots in the river that are associated with their particular set or clique and that reflect the status of their households in the community. A more conspicuous event would be the celebration of a ritual that telescopes in a condensed form the nat'ure of the ccmm'unity. The ritual is thus structurally red'undant" in that it is a restatement, a stylized performance, or a display of the social system as it is constituted (Partridge 1977). On the other hand, the ritual event may be a means of "system transformation" (Partridge 1977). In that case, the ritual is part of a process of transitional change in the lives of individuals like in a rite of passage from childhood into puberty, or in the larger social system as the beginning or the end of a work-ecological cycle. Sociol ing'uistics , Ethnohistory , Ritual, and Symbolism Another important tool in community study is sociolinguistics, or how language is used in a society (Bauman and Sherzer 1977; Giglioli 1976; Gumperz and Hymes 1972; Hymes 197^+; Trudgill 1979). As indicated by Bums (l980a:307), the grip that language holds on people is due to the fact that speech connects them." Speech events link people in time and space. In the spatial dimension, the ethnography of speaking is a valuable tool to understand hcrw people categorize their physical spaces (Spradley 1970), or the roles of members in their social setting (Spradley and Mann 1975). In this dissertation, reference is made to speech categories of the different human groups in describing their settlements and the spaces occupied by other human groups in the region and in the country. Speech PAGE 34 16 categories are also used to describe and define social roles in the household and the settlement. On the temporal axis , oral literature and oral history are most valuable tools in understanding the formation of communities through time, as well as the differences and similarities between human groups interacting in a given area. The ethnic identity and the nature of the commmities of three human groups are portrayed in this dissertation through the collection and analysis of their oral histories. Wherever possible, the oral historical data have been correlated with documented historical accounts. The main purpose, however, has not been to validate oral history by comparison and contrast with written history. Rather, the concern has been to express the thou^ts and experiences of common men and women as narrated and conversed by them. These oral narratives and conversations of common men and women are just as important to an understanding of historical events as are the thoughts and experiences of a few figures in positions of high status within the political economy of any nation. As demonstrated by Burns (l9T7)Â» the past continues to live in the present and is recreated anew through speech events. In this dissertation, ethnohistory has also been used as a method to correct what Bell and Newby (19T1:13T) indicate is a weakness in community studies "which . . . view the countiyside as essentially unchanging" in the form of structuralfunctional analysis a la Merton (195T). Also, as recommended by Cole and Wolf (l97h; 21), the best way to discover the interplay between the local level and the larger system in the "outside" world is from the historical perspective. The characteristics and capabilities or relative strengths of relations can be better determined from a historical point of view (Cole and Wolf 197it:2l). The interplay between "traditionaHsm" and "modernization," of PAGE 35 17 how they interpenetrate and detemine each other, is best understood through histoiy (Cole and Wolf 1974:21-22). The local communities are as much a product of the economies, politics, and ideologies of the nation and the world, as they are of local level social and ecological influences (Cole and Wolf 1974:21-22). In this dissertation, ethnohistory has also been inferred fran the analysis of the symbolism in dramatical ritual events. These dramatical ritual events are metonyms that condense and emotionally structure the historical narrative so that the participants can personally identify with the events in a metaphoric process. Although referring back to something that occurred in the past, the metonymic process extends into the present and future and becomes a metaphoric process by which one takes the metonym and associates it with something else, most often oneself and one's own condition (Smith, Robert 1975:97-100). In other words, the dramatic ritual events are metonymic in the sense that they are signs that represent part of an overall domain, category, or topic (Leach 1976; Sapir 1977). For example, the rebellion of runaway slaves is an overall historical domain or topic represented in a ritual by dramatical events such as tying and beating a ritual participant at a punishment pole. These dramatical events are metaphoric, that is, symboHc (Leach 1976), in that they can have other meanings outside the overall domain and in relation to another domain. For example, the punishment enacted in a ritual event may be transformed or transferred by the metaphoric process and associated with personal ey^eriences like underpayment and overwork. In the metonymic and metaphoric processes of ritual presented in this dissertation, particular attention has been paid to the role of women as has been recommended by Spring and Hoch-Smith ( 1978) . PAGE 36 18 Human Ecology Like the foregoing theoretical approaches, human ecology is also a systemic, heuristic device. It deals with a hierarchy of conditions that shape the adaptations of human groi5)S at one level of the system, hut these adaptations in turn are variables in hi^er, encompassing systems (Collier 1975)At the lower levels the significant units are not the individual human organisms hut the populations or groups living within a given area Â— a principle similar to the focus, on groups of people as reqxiired hy the exogamous law and as posited hy the community-study method. At higher levels, the populations within a given area constitute communities that interact within an ecosystem, that is, a system of relations of the human populations among themselves, with their non-living environment, and with other living species (Vayda and Rappaport 1968) . Although the ultimate goal of human ecology is to understand the allencompassing ecosystem (Vayda and Rappaport 1968), the methodology that is usually followed in ecological studies places immediate emphasis on those "variables that have direct impact on the survival of the organism" (Collier 1975) Â• For Julian Steward (1955), the techno-economic adaptations of hioman groups, specifically those related to nutrition, have the most direct impact on their survival. In the contemporary international economic society, of which the north-central Caribbean coast of Panam^ is a part, techno-economic adaptations include such things as wage-paying jobs and cashÂ— raising activities that are "structured to a large degree around inputs which are increasingly socio-cultural in nature and are of regional, national, and international origin" (Cock 1973).^ PAGE 37 19 Socio-cultural conditions of regional, national, and international origin lead to the concept of development. In the contemporary international economic system of which Third World countries like Panama are a vital part, development is usually defined by economists and development planners as "increases in production and consumption" (Pitt 1976a:l, 8). In order to realize such increases, it is often considered necessary to provide a minimal social infrastructure that includes goods and services affecting health, education, housing, and transportation. But those who are the targets of such development may have different ideas, in different times , spaces , and contexts about how these types of infrastructures can be linked with their own goals in life involving status, power, and idenÂ— tity. These goals of local level "developers from below" are synonymous with socio-economic mobility and with indigenous systems of development through the elaboration of culture and social organization as community systems. This perspective does not imply that community development is based primarily on community action or village culture, but it also takes into account external conditions and superordinate groups in terms of linkages between the community and the larger systems (Schwartz 19T8) . In terms of socio-economic mobility, the goals of local level "developers frcmi below include the extent to which individual members of the community the community as a whole attain socio-economic mobility. With regard to the role of the anthropologist in development, the major guiding principles are those of interpretation and mediation between those planning and programming "development from above" and those whose beliefs, values, attitudes, and accomplishmerts represent efforts of "develop- PAGE 38 20 merit from belcsw." The need for interpretation and mediation arises because the developmental sequences are quite opposite if they come from "above" or from "below." As has been indicated by SalOy Falk Moore (1975: 2lU) , the social planner and ideologue is a conscious organizer who plans organization according to an ideology, a model, a plan, or a purpose that ccmes first, and the actual organization or structure is assembled afterwards. For those undertaking "development from below," the "on the ground" organization is first based on their "rule of residence," which undergoes modifications and changes through decision-making processes in making choices among the alternatives present in the local and national situations. The role of the anthropologist is to find if there are points where the ideologies and organizational structures of the two groups can be linked to establish a negotiable interaction. In the negotiation process, the role of the anthropologist is to advocate for those intended to be the beneficiaries of planned projects (Cardenas and Miller 198l:llt). In other words, the anthropologist must be clear and honest in interpreting the culture and social structure of the beneficiaries, their attitudes and perceptions, and translating them into creative and practical suggestions for improvements in the program effectiveness and costs savings (Cardenas and Miller 198l:l4). In terns of costs savings, not only should these include monetary savings, but also the unquantifiable costs of degrading human dignity and degrading ecological conditions. Within the social structure, special attention must be paid to the role of women and children in food production, as they are often overlooked in rural development planning (Food and Agriculture Organization 1979 j United Nations Decade for Women 1980 ) . PAGE 39 21 Likewise, th.e anthropologist must he clear and honest in interpreting the culture and social structxires of the planning agency, its personnel, objectives, and ideologies, and translating these into practical terms for the "beneficiaries" or "targets" so that they have access to information upon which, as independent decision-makers, they can choose among the alternatives available to them. These alternatives must include the potentialities for change, and what harm may come from change" (Cochrane 19T^:2l), as well as the benefits. This does not mean that the role of the anthropologist as mediator in community development is an "either/or" situation as has been posed by Schwartz (1978:255), who cautioiisly fears that anthropologists may find themselves without sponsors or hosts if they operate at the level of national and supranational policymaking as well as at the grassroots level in mobilizing political action groups. Admittedly, to "walk the tight rope" and to be "betwixt and between is a difficult role but a necessary one in the application of anthropology. The Methodology The preceding theoretical approaches are based upon the scientific method of induction. The analyses here presented have proceeded from the particular to the general. Individual persons, households, and events were observed through the key anthropological tool of participant observation. These observations were made first during a preliminary field reconnaissance of the Rio Indio in June and July 1977 . An account of this preliminary survey is given in Appendix I. This was followed by 19 months of field research from August 3, 1978, to March 3, I 98 O. During this ex- PAGE 40 22 tended period, ei^t months were spent residing with each of the two major groups, respectively; that is, eight months with the PZayevos and eight months with the upriver, inland. N atvrales . Throughout this period, the migrant Inteviovanos were observed in their interactions with the two major groups . The remaining three months were spent collecting data in urban centers, lecturing, and working with the staff of the Museum of the Panamanian Man in setting up a travelling exhibit of photos and artifacts depicting aspects of life in the Lower Coast (Joly 1979 b). The exhibit and its booklet served as feedback mechanisms to let the peoples of the Lower Coast see by themselves why and what it was that a vidajena (busybody) was doing among them. Proof that they understood better the role of the anthropologist is that after the exhibit they graduated her with the title of profesora (professor) and began using the word antvcp61oga (anthropologist) as a term of reference. This made it difficult to continue relations, especially with children, in an informal basis , but it also tinggered more intimate dialogues about luchas (struggles) in life with adults. Participant observations were complemented with the use of other research tools. A Guttman scale (Pelto and Pelto 1978:298-303) of areas of social differentiation (Young and Fujimoto I 965 ) was made to establish easily recognized differences and similarities between the coastal and inland settlements. Results of this analysis were presented at the Second National Congress of Anthropology, Archaeology, and Ethnohistoiy of Panama in December 1978 (Joly 1978) . An oral history of the cash booms in Rio Indio was compiled from an informal questionnaire on the economic history of the households in the Playevo settlement of Boca de Rio Indio and the ij^l^nd settlement of the NccbunciL&s at Boca de Uracillo. This questionnaire was administered at the same time that census data and gene- PAGE 41 23 alogies were gathered in the households . The history of the cash booms was presented in English at the Inter-American Foundation Fellowship Conference in Quito, Ecuador, in May 1979. A Spanish version was filed in the archives of the Museum of the Panamanian Man, for publication pending in the Journal of Historical Patrimony of the National Institute of Culture (Joly 1979 a). Quantitative measures were made at such events as fishing, harvesting, and marketing. Copies were made of the records of organizations that had record-keeping practices such as the cooperative of coffee growers, the planned agricultursil settlements of the Ministry of Agricultural Development, and the agro-industrial cooperative that owns and manages a palm oil plantation. Interviews with certain individuals as well as speech events at meetings, festivals, and wakes were recorded in cassettes. Photos were taken of events, and a system of reciprocity was established using photos as a medium of exchange for information and participation in events . Sociolinguistics was a pervasive methodology that ran as a thread throughout the research, in a continuous dialogue with the people not as informants or subjects of study but as teachers who were teaching the anthropologist about their own lives and about her own role as a professional anthropologist. As part of the sociolinguistic methodology, attention was also paid to the ethnography of writing as recommended by Basso (1977) and Howe (1979). The process of analysis of the data was accomplished partially in the field, and more extensively upon return to the University of Florida. Both in Panama and in the United States, detachment from the immediate field situation provided greater analytic perspectives. In Panama, the PAGE 42 2h montiily trip to th.e urban center to collect mail, funds, and supplies provided seme of this detachment. Ordering of the files in a storage room generoiasly provided by friends in Col6n was an analytic process that made it possible on a monthly basis to know how much and what had been accomplished. The collection of mail also made it possible to maintain seme sort of remote interaction with professors of the doctoral committee who made relevant suggestions and comments in their notes and letters. This interaction with the professors was intensified with personal dialogues upon return to the university and their comments on the writing of the preliminary draft. This dialogue between student and professors is a critical element in the analytic process as has been aptly documented in Craft of Community Study: Fietdjjork Dialogues hy Kimball and Partridge (1979). Professional colleagues in the social sciences in PanamS, were also part of this dialogue, as well as members of the Screening Committee and fellows of the Inter-American Foundation during the mid-year fellowship conferences held in Quito, Ecuador, in 1979Â’, and in New Orleans, U.S.A. , in I 98 O. Finally, the process of analysis included a series of lectures, the reading of papers at professional meetings, and the submission of papers for review and publication. This meant that the data had to be used in certain ways to address certain problons for specific audiences that ranged from professional anthropologists to high school students in social studies, university students in social sciences, biologists at a research institute, botanists and ecologists at a professional meeting, business executives at a Rotary Club meeting, the general public attending the museum exhibit, and fellow students and professors at Florida, The paper read at the 79th annual meeting of the American Anthropological Association in December I 98 O in Washington, D.C., is a simplified version of the chapter in this dis- PAGE 43 25 sertation th,at describes and analyzes the system of princn-paZes of the Natupales (Joly I98O). The paper that was awarded the first prize in the 1981 Student Paper Competition of the Southern Anthropologi cal Society (Joly 1981 a) and the paper read at the l 6 th annual meeting of this society (Joly 1981 b) dealt with sociolinguistic, political, and historical implications of a ritual event celebrated annually by the PZayeros . Not all the field data, however, have been analyzed in this dissertation. It is hoped that the unused data will serve for future lectures, publications, and application as an advisory consultant and an activist advocate. The process of analysis, therefore, will continue as is the case in the life of any scientific researcher. PAGE 44 Notes 1 The Panamanian slogan for the "Conquest of the AtlanticÂ” is similar to the Nicaraguan slogan for the "Awakening of the Atlantic" as follows: For the revolutionary government, the Atlantic region is an important one, as a billboard in Managua advertised: La Costa Atldntiaa: Un gigante que despiertUt "The Atlantic Coast: A giant that awakes." The promise is of new land for Nicaragua aampesinos and new areas of production to increase the level of yield of the nation as a whole. The perspective is a bit reminiscent of the Ai::stralian colonist view of an "empty continent" Â— ignoring that it was filled with aboriginal people. In a similar vein, one might observe that the Atlantic Coast has not been asleep, but expanding somewhat -uneasily (Adams 198l:l6-lT). 2 In this survey, Richard Adams ( 1976:113 ) was the first to report that the "predominantly negroid" people of Palmas Bellas in the Lower Coast referred to "backland people of an Indian background" as Naturales^ and that some of these negroid people had "a strong Indian component." 3 Although in certain academic circles in anthropology in the United States it is considered that placing emphasis on the techno-economic base of society is a Marxist theoretical approach, the writer does not profess herself to be a Marxist scholar but is essentially an eclectic who mixes theoretical approaches in a toss salad of various colors and textures, as only then can the variety and complexity of human phenomena be properly accounted for. Although Marxist theories in the United States are commonly associated with the political econony of the Soviet Union, the emphasis on the techno-econcmic base of society as expounded by Marxist anthropologists in the United States can also be associated with the capitalism of the United States. Historically and in the contemporary political climate of the United States, it is believed that the more capital there is from technology and econcmy, the better, stronger, and more powerful the United States will become. In fact, in the personal lives of some U. S. anthropologists who consider themselves Marxist in orientation, their personal material wealth signifies that they really practice their theoretical beliefs tliat the bottom layer of the cake of society is the techno-economic base upon which rest all the other layers of society. PAGE 45 CHAPTER II THE mmCIPAHIS OF THE NATURALES This chapter will present the first of the three major human groups in the Lower Coast, the Ecctuvales ^ and their system of socio-econcmic development, the pr^noipates (principals). In this presentation, references will be made to the contrasting systems of development of the other two major groups in this region, the Afro-Hispanic Playeros and the migrant Inte~ rioTonos. Their respective systems of development will be described in subsequent chapters. The EatuvaZes number about 25,000 people. They live in the mountainous zone of the Continental Divide and extend down the Atlantic slope to about 10 km from the Caribbean shoreline, residing along the banks of the major rivers. They are of Indian ancestry, but have undergone Spanish acculturation and limited miscegenation with Europeans and Afro-Americans. Natumles is a reference term of respect for these people as used by the Playeros at the mouths of the rivers by the seashore. It contrasts with the disrespectful term of reference Cholos (straight-haired indigenes or acculturated Indians) as used by the Playeros and the Interioranos . The ethnic origin and identity of the Naturales will be discussed first in terms of written and oral history as well as by their participation in ritual events of nativistic movements. The structure and dynamics of their system of prinoipales will then be analyzed in terms of ethnosemantic classification and through the event analysis of activities that 27 PAGE 46 28 they perfom. Key variables of the system of -prinaiipales will he identified and integrated into a model. The limitations of the system of prinoipales and its implications for development agencies and for the future of the Saturates will be discussed last. A case history of the ppinaipales of Santa Rosa de Rio Indio will be given in the following chapter to exemplify the model covered in this chapter. Ethnic Origin and Identity The Naturates of the Lower Coast could be descendants of the Indians encountered by Christopher Columbus during his foxirth and last voyage, when he founded the first continental Spanish settlement in 1503 at the mouth of the Belen river in this section of the Isthmian Caribbean coast (Col6n 19^7:293-309). Their ancestors could also be those buried in the funerary urns that were excavated near the present chapel at Boca de Uracillo {sterling 1953). They could also descend from the people whose ceramic sherds, surface-collected on the banks of the Teria and Indio rivers, indicate a continuity of the same ceramic traditions of the Indian chiefdoms on the Isthmian central Pacific plain (Cooke 1976 and personal communication) . Rather than speculate about the ethnic origin of the llatuvates of the Lower Coast, their identity will be defined by their participation in the events of a civil war and two nativistic movements in this century. As proposed by Kimball (l980a:28)J'identity is a function of participation in a variety of events external to the individual.Â” The events that confer identity to the Naturales are associated with their residence within a "region of refuge" as defined by Aguirre Beltran (1967/1979). This region PAGE 47 29 is tlie northern mountains of Cocl^ or Penonome. By their residence in this area, the Naturales are the people vho have "been historically referred to as the "Cholos of the moxmtains of Code" (Carles 1977) or "Choloe of Penonome" (Conte Guardia 196^^) . Moreover, the Naturales themselves trace their ancestiy to those vhom they say are the "people of Penonome," Penonom^, a Center for Indians The thesis of Conte Guardia Cl964)Â» examining the acculturation of the Chotos penanomeHos^ revealed similar processes to those found in the oral history and cultural traditions of the Ncztiirates of the Lower Coast. These acculturation processes began with the rise of Penonom? as a religious, political, and economic center for the Indians in the northern mountains during Spanish colonialism. Up until the 1950s, Penonome continued to be a religious center for the people in the Lower Coast. Many NatiapaZes and some VZccyevos in the Lower Coast made annual pilgrimages across the Continental Divide to Penonome to attend traditional religious festivals such as Holy Week and Saint Rose of Lima on September 30. At such religious events, economic exchanges would also occur such as the built sale of rubber frcm the Atlantic and the bulk purchase of salt from the Pacific to be retailed on the Atlantic side. Penonome, the present capital of the province of Cocl^, was founded on the Pacific plains by the Spaniards in 1573 as a puebtc ds indios (Indian town) , to control the Indians in the mountains north of this site (Castillero Calvo 1967, 1971). Since that time and until the present, the political jurisdiction over these northern mouintains of Code or Penoncm? has extended into the Atlantic slope. Under the Colonhian administration of the Isthm\;^ in the l800s, the Department of Code extended all the way PAGE 48 30 to the Carihheaxi shores, including the district of Donoso. In i860, Donoso was separated from Code and was appended to the new Department of Colon that was created after the construction of the transistluni an railroad ( Jain Arosemena 1956:12). Part of Code, nevertheless, continued to extend halfway down the Atlantic slope as it still does nowadays (See Map l.l). The Natuvales refer to this Atlantic section as the "inside,Â” while lands south of the Continental Divide on the Pacific slope are referred to as the "outside." The One Thousand Day War Under the Colombian Law 89 of I 890 , the "Cholos of the mountains of Code" could hold elections among themselves to select one of their own for the position of "Governor of the Indians," who "served as a liaison between the regdar authorities and the Indian conglomerate" (Carles 19TT: 208 , translation mine). In 1899, however, the Cholos' right to hold elections for this position was cancelled. The second Governor that they had elected, by the surname of Agraje, encoiiraged them not to pay the ecclesiastical tithe and the butchering tax for pigs and cattle. In I 899 , the visiting Bishop listened to the complaints in this regard made by the ecclesiastical and civilian authorities of CoclÂ€. The Bishop then authorized the Prefect of Code to select someone himself for this position without an election by the Indians. The Indian leader, Victoriano Lorenzo, wrote an appeal signed by several hundred Indians to the authorities in Bogota. The Prefect of Code, however, informed the Governor of Panama that the position of Governor of the Indians was an obstacle to the administration of the region, and the position was abolished. This incident and others led to the rebellion of the Indians headed by Victoriano Lorenzo PAGE 49 31 during the One Thousand Day War that raged across the Isthmus from 1900 to 1903 (Carles 1966, 1977). During the war, the Atlantic slope served as a source of food for the fitting Chotos and a hideout zone. Many old men and women in the Lower Coast nowadays like to relate stories about the civil war that they witnessed in their chilcShood or heard their parents talk about. As has been indicated by Ervin-Tripp (1972), the selection of a topic by individuals in a conversation reveals their socialization and identity. The Code Reservation Written documents kept by sane Eaturales in the Lower Coast indicate that they claim to live within the boxmdaries of what is commonly known as the Cocl6 Reservation. Legally this is not defined as an Indian reservation but as an "inadjudicative tract of land" set aside by Presidential Decree No. of 27 June 191^, which sanctioned Law No. 20 of 1913. This law and decree were issued by President Belisario Porras at the request of Candelario Ovalle, a Cholo who served as secretary for Victoriano Lorenzo during the civil wan. Ovalle sought to protect his fellow indigenous countryfolk who had no cattle against landed cattle owners of the Pacific plains. These cattle owners used certain river valleys on the Atlantic slope during the dry season in a transhumance practice to feed their animals when the savanna on the Pacific plains was desiccated by the diy season trade winds. The boundaries of the "inadjudicative tract of land" coincide with the boundaries of the present northern extension of the province of Coclg into the Atlantic slope (Compare Map 1.1 with Map 2.1). PAGE 50 32 Map 2.1 Area of the Cocl6 Reservation of the Saturates or Chotos CooZesanos ChoZos Penonomefios PAGE 51 33 OvalleÂ’s request vas part of the Silent War of the countryfolk, whereby they struggled to hold onto their usufruct rights to the land against the expansion of extensive cattle herding and exp)ort-crop plantations (Heckadon Moreno 1977a). This problem arose during Spanish colonialism with the demand for food in the urban transisthmian center. It became more acute, however, with the construction of the canal which increased the popizlation in the urban transisthmian center (Heckadon Moreno 1977 a, b). When Panama adopted the policy of Agrarian Reform after the Conference of Punta del Este in Uruguay in 1962, the abolition of the Coclg Reservation was contemplated as part of the reform. Over 6000 people within the Indian zone of Code signed a petition to the National Assembly requesting retention of their tract of inadjudicative land. 2 The abolition occirrred, nevertheless, with the Constitution of 1972 under the revolutionary government that had taken over in 1968.^ Some Baturales in the Lower Coast, nevertheless, are still demanding recognition of the Code Reservation. Those in favor of this are members of FEBAC, FedevaaiSn Baoional Campesina (National Federation of Countryfolk) , which is affiliated to the Centval Istmefla de. Tvabajadores (The Isthmian Central of Laborers), the national organization affiliated to the OpganizaHdn Inteimaoioruxl de Trabajadores (international Organization of Laborers). The Nativistic Movements It is important to mention that more or less contemporaneously with the creation of the Code Reservation and with the Agrarian Reform plans to PAGE 52 34 abolish it, there arose among th.e Nabitrales in the Lower Coast two nativistic movements within the boundaries of the reservation. These nativistic movements reveal another aspect of the identity of the Naburales in times of stress. Both nativistic movements in the Lower Coast coincided with threats from outside political and economic forces impinging upon the region of refxige of the NccbuTaZes The nativism headed by Segioido Bios (Second God) at the site of "U" occurred in the interim between the death of the civil war leader Victoriano Lorenzo and the request for the inadjudicative tract of land by his secretary Candelario Ovalle. The nativism led by La Padra (The Priestess) coincided with the rumors that the Agrarian Reform would abolish the inadjudicative status of the heartland. The Natiwates do not associate the nativistic movements with political and economic forces threatening their territory. These correlations are here made on the basis of the anthropological theories postulated by Wallace (1956) and Aberle (1962) on coping with stress and deprivation. Wallace (1956) postulated that the various kinds of revitalization movements arise dui-ing times of stress. He defined stress as a "condition in which some part, or the whole, of the social organism is threatened with more or less serious damage" (Wallace 1956:265). This condition may arise over a number of years during which a social group experiences increasingly severe stress as a result of interferences with the efficiency of their socio-cultural system. These interferences may be climatic, floral and faunal changes, military defeat, political subordination, extreme pressure toward acculturation resulting in internal cultural conflict, economic distress, epidemics, and so on (Wallace 1956:269). RevitaHzation refers to the effort to bring the system into congruence and order so as to reduce the stress, and the collaborati on of a number of persons in such PAGE 53 35 an effort makes it a revitalization movement (Wallace 1956;267], Revitalization movements display various themes that are not mutually exclusive. These themes may be nccbivisUa when they emphasize the elimination of alien persons, customs, values, and/or materiel; vevivalistio customs, values, and aspects of nature of previous generations are reinstituted; aargo aults that import alien values, customs, and materials that will arrive in a ship or airplane; mess'iccn'ia when a divine savior in human flesh wall effect the transformation; and millencceian when the supernatural engineers an apocalyptic world transformation (Wallace 1956:267). Aberle ( 1962 ) attributes the rise of millenarian and other cult movements to relative deprivation theoiy. He defines relative deprivation "as a negative discrepancy between legitimate expectation and actuaHty" (Aberle 1962:209). Discrepancies between legitimate expectation and actuality may arise from change, either by worsening the conditions of a group, or by exposing a group to new standards (Aberle 1962:210). Millenarian and other cult movements are efforts at remedial action to overcome the discrepancy between actuality and legitimate aspiration (Aberle 1962:211). These efforts may take various forms that may include movements which seek supernatural help or supernatural intervention in the affairs of humans (Aberle 1962:212). The movement often justifies removal of the participants from the ordinaiy spheres of Hfe, not only socially but also spatially (Aberle 1962:211+). This withdrawal is functionally significant as a mechanism to compensate for the deprivation (Aberle 1962:211+). The Nativism of Second God During the first quarter of this century there arose among the Natuvales the nativistic movement headed by a man named Segundo Sinchez, but PAGE 54 36 popularly known as Segvndo Dios (Second God) . At tiie site of Â”UÂ” by the river "U," Second God founded a settlement enclosed by a fence of crosses and known as the "ark." Those who went to live there would be saved from an impending destruction. Stories and songs still related and sung nowadays by old folks describe life within this settlement, and the rise and fall of Second God. His wife, Marla del Rosario (Mary of the Rosary), would be dressed in a white tunic as a "blessed virgin" and carried around on a palanquin in a religious procession. Second God would climb on an elevated platform to talk with God. After sane years of residing there, people began to abandon the settlement disilliisioned with Second God's behavior. He consumed all their resources and is said to have abused sexually all the women in the settlement. He was found mangled and dead in a stream outside the enclosed settlement. Supposedly, he was attacked by the Mato (Evil or Devil). Nowadays, people still point to the location where the settlement was located. Many people say that they could see the fence of crosses standing until the late 19i+0s, even though the place had long before been abandoned. The Nativism of The Priestess In the early 19 60s , there arose in Teria another nativistic movement headed by a wcman popularly known as La Padra (The Priestess). She also would be dressed in a white tunic and carried around on a palanqTiin in a procession as a "blessed virgin." Although she was known to be illiterate in ordinary life, when in a trance she could speak and read in many tongues unintelligible to the people. She herself would later translate the message of an in5>ending doom. She also forbade the people to wear the sombipepo pintado (painted hat) worn on feast days or when visiting urban cenÂ— PAGE 55 37 ters. The black designs on this straw hat were interpreted by The Priestess as evil symbols. Sbe advis.ed people to wear only the sombrevo de Qvnao, the plain straw hat worn for work because it does not get moldy with the rains as the festive one does. 5 The removal of the "festive" and "urban" hat and the emphasis on the "work" hat may be interpreted as a rejection of those activities and sites that connote the evil of an "outside" world that detracts value from the work of primary subsistence food production. In the days of The Priestess, people say that there were stomy rains and winds. Many believed that these forces of nature were foretelling an omminous event. Many went in group pilgrimages to see her at Teria on the dates that she assigned for special events. Donations were collected from the pilgrims, who were fed and cared for at these sessions. When nothing happened on the day that she had predicted as doomsday, people stopped attending her sessions. Spring and Hoch-Smith (1978) have called attention to the role of women in ritual and symbolic roles. In this case of nativism, it is particuloj^ly significant that a wcman assumed a symbolic role as a priestess , which is a male role in the Catholic Church. Moreover, the NccbuvaZes in their speech inflected the feminine gender for the reference term for the priest in the Catholic Church Â— el padre (the priest). The significance of this reversal may be correlated with the fact that among the Nccturates women participate in the family decision-making processes with regard to production and marketing, even though they do not do the marketing in urban centers . Restoration to Regular Living After the foreboding predictions did not materialize, the Natitrales called Catholic priests to bless the sites where these two nativistic events PAGE 56 38 had occurred. At hoth sites it is said tliat evil signs appeared prior to or during the priest's visits, and disappeared after their blessings. In these two cases of nativism, the people later associated the leaders and/or members of their families with evil. This rationalization absolves all others who participated in the events from any personal association with evil and future danger. These nativistic movements can also be interpreted as attempts for independent thinking, action, and identity. After the movements failed, more univers alistic (or at least nationally approved) religious institutions were brought back in to symbolize the return to national thought and sociocultural structure. The System of Prineipales A further aspect of the identity of the Nabitjpates as Cholos aooLesanos is based upon their system of prinaipales . Under this process of socioeconomic and physical mobility, the Natupales have extended from their heartland, or region of refuge, dcsm the rivers of the Atlantic slope. They have thus, in effect, extended the boundaries originally provided for them by the CoclÂ€ Reservation. The system of pvi.naip(xtes is one in which population is distributed throughout a territory of use including a nucleus of a primary kin unit that is affiliated with communal facilities and other clusterings of households scattered throiaghout the territory. The pvinaipales is here defined as a ccmmunity syston because it is a process of social relations that occurs thro^^h time and space. The spatial arrangement or design, of course, reveals a pattern of settlement. It mxast be clarified, however, that it is PAGE 57 39 the nature of systemic analysis as a process and not the morphology of pattern that is here presented. An operational model vill first be described in this chapter. This model will tlien be illustrated with a case histoiy in the following chapter. The Model The Extended FarmÂ’ ly Unit To imderstand the system of ppinaipales , one must first understand the structure and function of the extended family as a domestic unit of production in relation to the land use pattern. This extended family unit is a cluster of related households that functions as a cooperative social group for subsistence and market exchange. The unit is connected with the outside throu^ members who participate in economic, political, and educational activities. The JHaturales live in extended family units. Married children live in separate houses but in close proximity to the parents of either the husband or the wife. There is the tendency to reside near to the parents who have the greatest amount of economic resources. In other words, posl^marital residence can be either uxorilocal or virilocal depending on the econciiiic status of the marriage partner. In a few cases, post-marital residence is with the parents who need the most assistance, regardless of economic status, as in the case of sick or widowed parents. And there are also cases of alternating post-marital residence with both sets of parents, particularly during the initial years of marriage, or seasonally according to the work and school cycles. At any rate, there is regional and territorial endogamy so that new couples are relatively close to either parents PAGE 58 regardless of where they decide to live. Finally, there are a few cases of polygyny, of men with two wives within the same house; or in separate houses within the same extended family home site; or with one wife residing at her parents^ home site and the other at the husband's parentsÂ’ home site, although both reside within the same settlement. Unmarried children of marriageable age often build separate houses for themselves near to their parents' house. They sleep here with an unmarried sibling or cousin of the same sex, but eat at their parentsÂ’ house. Kiat will beccme their post-marital residence once they pair with a marriage partner. In addition to these houses at the main home site, there are two other sets of houses that are used by the extended family unit. One is a temporary shelter and storage house built near to the swidden plot. Sexual relations are most often held at the field house and not at the main house. Another house, either temporaiy or permanent in structure, is built close to the nucleus of community symbols; that is, the school, chapel, andstore. School children use this house during the school year, either as a resting and eating place during the day, or as a sleeping place during the week if accompanied by an adult relative, usually a grandmother. They return to their permanent home site daily, or on weekends, and on holidays. This house is also used on Sundays when attending church, and on feast days. The parents and older siblings are regarded as prinaipales by the youngest siblings of the extended family unit. The prinoipales are credited with the medoras (improvements) at the puesto (living and agricultural site). In other words, parents and older siblings are a core of elders who are given credit for originating or initiating improvements and practices. These include such things as the houses, cash crops, cattle pas- PAGE 59 tures, extension of land worked by swidden agriculture, fruit groves, and boats. Most societies recognize elders within the family, but the significance of this case is that there is a specific term principales in addition to the regular kinship teims of reference for the older generation. The decision-making process is one in which all family members, regardless of age or sex, participate in the evening and early-morning group de CIS 1 on-making sessions. Everyone expresses her/his opinion and suggests alternative actions. The ultimate decision is one which is sanctioned by the principales . Everyone acts according to situational circumstances, however, even if the action overrides the preliminary decisions. Middle children are usually treated differently from the older and younger children. Middle children are usually the ones who are eahados afuera (thrown outside) to a fomal high school; to seek temporary cash employment; to become politicians or government employees like school teachers, police officers, medical assistants; or become motorboat operators. In other words, middle children are usually intemediaries with the outside world. Attention is paid, however, to capabilities demonstrated by all the children and which of them might better fulfill this role. The significance of this cas-e in the treatment of middle children, both males and females, to beccme intennediaries with the outside world is that it is a conscious and planned household strategy that involves a family decision-making process. It is not what Wolf (I956) described as the behavior pattern of a single individual who seeks to become an econaaic and political "broker" of nation-community relations and, therefore, shapes personal behavior to fit these expectations. The youngest siblings remain close to the parents to work in the family rural economy. Ihey are the bordones (staves) for aged parents. PAGE 60 1+2 They are usually named after the parents: parti ciilarly the last male child is named after the father. The significance of this is that food production is assured by involving the oldest and youngest children in the rural family economy, and only removing middle children from primary food production. Wage labor of middle children also assures a cash income other than that from the sale of agricultural cash products. In general, all children refer to themselves as X'espatdantes (supporters ) of their parents when they live and work in an extended family unit. The extended family works as a unit a parcel of land. In addition, parents may give married children a parcel of land and some animals if the marriage proves stable after the initial years, fruitful in children, and the marriage partner faithful and hardworking. Parents will be on the lookout to purchase usufruct rights of parcels of land that can be held in reserve for their children when they marry, without having to subdivide the global land. In addition, married children buy and work plots of their own. Children often delay marriage so as to continue working in the family unit without the responsibility of caring for additional people. Upon death of the father, the parcel of land is retained as a unit by the mother and unmarried children. If the youngest siblings are married, there may be a subdivision among all siblings, or the youngest siblings may hold to the global unit excluding the older siblings. Older siblings, then, have whatever tkey received or bought after marriage. The younger siblings, therefore, represent a threat to the older siblings and a threat to the continuity of the extended family as a working unit. If the split occurs, the parents' siblings will support their younger nieces and nephew against the older ones. When the older children were young. PAGE 61 the parents enlisted the support of their ovm siblings . As the children grew older, they displaced their uncles and aunts. To recapitulate, the key variables in the structure and function of an extended family unit are: 1. A core of elders known as the pinncipales , that includes the parents and older children, who initiate improvements and sanction the decision-making processes of the family. 2. A groi^) of supporters that includes the younger children who back the older pvinoipaies. 3. Different occupational roles among the siblings, whereby middle siblings serve as intermediaries with the outside world while the oldest and the youngest support the parents at different stages in the life cycle of the parents. Involving the oldest and youngest children in the rural agricultural econony assures the primary production of food. Removing middle children from primary food production assures a cash income other than that from the saie of agricultural cash products. Retention of a parcel of land that is worked by the extended family as a unit. 5. Additional plots of land worked individually by married children. 6. Cleavage lines between older and yoimger siblings that present a potential threat to the continuity of the extended family unit. The Settlement A settlement of UatTAJpates replicates the structure and faction of an extended family unit rgjon which it is based. The extended family that initiates improvements in a settlement is known as the prinaipales of the settlement. These improvements include such things as a retail store, a PAGE 62 chapel, a primary school, a dance hall, a softball field. Other families who help to biiild these physical meeting places and participate in the activities held in them are the supporters of the pvinoipales . Usually the supporting famlies are united to the pvinoipales by consanguinity, affinity, and ritual aompadvazgo. As a consequence, one often hears the statement that settlement A "belongs" to family A, settlement B to family B, and C hived off from A and D from B. In other words, a settlement may be distinguished from a primary kin clustering by the addition of affiliated families into a corporate unit whose division of labor has as a consequence the establishment of facili-^ ties and activities that are beneficial to the group as a whole. The fact that there are kin connections may cement or enhance the cohesion, or cause potential factionalism and fissioning in the same way that there are potential lines of cleavage in the extended family unit. The dynamics of socio-economic mobility of the pHnoipales of a settlement reveals the following sequence of events that occur over an average period of three decades. The process is inferred from data on settlements along the Rio Indio. An extended family moves frcm a "parent" upriver settlement and localizes at a new sir.e further downriver on the banks of a major river. Usufruct rights at the new site are bought from a resident there, who moves away from the vicinity. Money to buy the usufruct rights at the new site originates from savings of the sale of cash products and/or from wages . A married middle sibling is left behind at the old site to hold onto the usufruct rights there in case that they do not fare well at the new site and have to return. Once economic endeavors at the new site prove successful, those left behind sell the old usufruct property and reunite with the PAGE 63 extended family at tlie new site. An alternative first step is the fissioning off of married middle children who occupy a neighboring territory where they or the parents bought usufruct rights . Although the parents and older siblings will remain at the base or home territory, they will assist the middle children in working at the new site. At the new site, the extended faimily produces subsistence and cash products. They also become intermediaries in marketing products from households in the surrounding area. This marketing generates enough capital to set up a store on the "outside" of a site, that is, by the river bank, and visible to passersby along a primary river that is a travel artery. The store serves as a collection center for cash products, a distribution center for manufactured goods from the urban world, and a meeting place for nei^boring residents who there exchange news and information. The storekeeper usually knows how to administer traditional and contemporary medicines . In marketing the cash products and in setting up the store, the Baticcales may go into a partnership with a. Ptayevo entrepreneur, or may enlist the support of a Playero politician to obtain the legal perg mit for the store. At this stage, establishing a store only qualifies the originators as negoGiantes (biisiness entrepreneiirs ) and not yet as prinoipales vis-a-vis neighboring extended families and settlements. The extended family expands "inside," that is, away from the river bank which is considered the "outside," They expand by working subsistence plots "inside" in the hinterland. Neighbors assist in this task by being invited to auntas or juntas Cfestive work parties), by reciprocal labor arrangements, or by hired cash labor. The establishment of the inland subsistence plots validates the usufruct ri^ts to an extensive ter- PAGE 64 1+6 ritory. Later on, in about 20 years, plots are allowed to revert to secondary growth. The perimeter of the claimed tract of land is marked by active or abandoned plots. As the extended family grows in numbers, and members of the third generation marry, the new households occupy strategic sites within the territory. Many of the new marital relations are alliances with neighboring residents who are thus linked with the prinaipales to form a corporate system. Their incorporation also expands the territory. In the 1970s , a territory under the control of pvinoipales varied between 20 and p 30 km , for a population of 175 to 300 persons, including 30+ to 60+ house holds. Half of the population is under age fifteen. A decisive step in becoming prinoi-pales of a settlement is to have a member of the extended family become an official in the political govern ment bureaucracy. This is often secured through political relations with the Afro-Hispanic Playeros. Participation in political institutions is used first to make a petition to the Ministry of Education for the appoint ment of a primary school teacher. This subsequently incurs the construction of a school building. Institutionalized formal primary education is perceived as a social improvement that benefits all the households in the vicinity. By signing the petition for a teacher and assisting in building the school, neighboring hoi:iseholds thus support the originators and confinn upon them the status of pvinoipales. This status, however, must be continuously validated by initiating further improvements. If this is neglected, another extended family may assume the statiis by becoming initiators of other facilities and, in so doing, may set in motion either fissioning or factionalism. The latter occurs when the foimer status holders retain control of the facilities that they initiated, while the new stat+is PAGE 65 47 contenders direct activities at the facilities that they introduced. Further proof of status is established if the pvinai'pates introduce concurrently with the school a Catholic chapel. Catholic missionary priests are invited to the settlement. The missionaries will stipulate certain conditions, such as training lay people to serve as catechists and representatives of the chiirch. These roles as lay ecclesiastical workers are usually filled by members of the extended family of pvinovpates. A patron saint is selected for the settlement. The patronal festival may not necessarily honor the saint, but rather the chief pinnaipat or founder of the settlement. He or she may bear the saint's name by having been bom on that saint's day. In celebrating the patronal festival, the sale of alcoholic beverages, food, and tickets for dancing becomes the principal means of capital formation for a community fund. This fund finances not only the expenses of the patronal festival, but also contributes towards community development projects sponsored by national and international donors that reguim the participation of the recipients with materials, labor, or cash. After experience is acquired in organizing patronal festivals, other feasts are organized to celebrate national holidays or to generate capital to cancel long-term loans. These feasts also offer the opportunity for residents of different settlements to visit and cooperate with each other. The support of missionaries is also enlisted to appeal to the "Christian," that is, humanitarian sentiments of urbanites, who can donate such things as health care, medicines, clothing, toys. In the 1970s, the Claretian missionaries working in the Lower Coast introduced a cooperative among coffee growers and a development program for wccien. These programs are "development from above" depending on international funding. For their PAGE 66 U8 implementation, however, the missionaries have used the system of prinoipales unwittingly. Members of the prinoipales act as coordinators and promoters of these programs. Government agencies have also unwittingly used the system of prinoipates to extend such services as health programs and credit for agricultural production. This has been done through those pvinaipales who have sought out these services. Reasons for participating in government programs, however, are not necessarily those intended by the government agency. For example, a settlement on the east bank of the Rio Indio agreed to become an asentamiento oampesino, a planned agricultxn:al program of the Ministiy of Agricultural Development, in order to obtain legal protection for their territory frcm the encroaching advancement of migrant Inteviovanos . Since the Ministry of Agricu-ltural Development also extends credit to the migrants, the Naturales perceive some of the government services as contradictory and against their interests, especially when they are told that all land belongs ultimately to the government. The prinaipaleSj nevertheless, try to negotiate their dealings with these agencies to get whatever they really want from the agencies without succumbing to their control. As the prinoipaZes of different settlements vie with each other in seeking what may be perceived as benefits from these programs, the competition serves to extend the programsacross the region. Pressures will be exerted by the prina-ipales upon the government and missionaries to rotate key positions in the projects among the principates of the different settlements. Such positions as supervisors and accountants for the projects and capital installations aye salaried employments. Since the donors do not reside in the region, they depend on such salaried employment of prin- PAGE 67 1*9 oipales for coordinators, supervisors, and accountants. Competition within the same settlement, however, may set in motion either fissioning or factionalism. If the 'pirinoipates neglect to continue the process of initiating new improvements, another kin groups assumes a competitive stattis by becoming initiators of additional facilities in the same settlement. This usually occurs at the time when the pinnaiipaZes have not yet established kinship relations with neighboring households. The first status holders, however, may retain control over the facilities that they originated, while the competitors direct activities at the new facilities. Tension and strife resulting from factionalism is usually expressed by verbal, criticism of what each other is doing. This tension may be reduced by allowing menibers of the opposing group to participate in different activities at the various facilities. For exar5)le, in a patronal festival the first prn,noipales may be in charge of the fiesta del padpe (the priest's feast); that is, the religious events associated with the chapel that they introduced. The competing faction will then be in charge of the fiesta de calle (street feast); the mundane festivities in the dance hall that they introduced. Or, the first group works with missionary programs, while the second group works with government programs. Or, factions m^ alternate introducing different facilities: one year one group initiates a plastic piping aqueduct and two years later the rival group initiates the health center. The ultimate resiilts benefit all since the population of a settlement is not big enough to allow for reduplication of facilities at the same site, except for every small retail stores. Government programs, particularly, operate on the basis of population census data, which act as limiting factors for the number of facilities. PAGE 68 50 To sum up, the pinnoipates of a settlement are the members of the extended family that originates a nucleus of community symbols that include a basic triangle of store, school, and chapel. These facilities are gathering sites of assemblage that define and identify the members of a settlement by their participation in activities at these sites. Members of a settlement are also identified by their participation in the fagina (task). This is the communal labor to cut the vegetation at the nucleiis , the main trails leading to the nucleus, and at the cemetery. Cohesion among the households in a settlement is enhanced by the fact that there are kin connections. In other words, the system of prinozpales is a kin based network which has the capacity of incorporating neighboring households by making themmembers of a corporate kin whole or by a series of relationships and activities accomplished in a commensail way for the welfare of all. To the extent that the neighboring hoioseholds are respatdantes (supporters) of the facilities introduced by the prinoipales , the latter acquire identity at the expense of the former especially diiring the initial years of the process. The capability to establish connections with the outside, of a contributory kind, is an essential element of the system of pvimyipales . This is done through key members who serve in positions within bureaucratic and ecclesiastical institutions. This model does not answer relevant questions posed by the variable of population in terms of numbers and density. What is the population base that is optimum for a settlement under the present conditions of swidden agriculture for subsistence and market exchange? Does fissioning occ\ir after a certain number of people is reached?"^ What is the population base that is optimum for any one of the facilities and activities at these assemblages? In other words, do the nature of the facilities, the PAGE 69 51 organization of activities, and their frequency depend on a certain human density for face-to-face relations to occur? The data gathered only suggest that up to 1950 a nucleus with the basic triangle of coinmunity symbols served a more extensive territory with less hiiman density. Since then, the territory affiliated with a nucleus has decreased in size as the number of people and nuclei have increased. The data also suggest that there is a correlation between the order of the children and the role they play in the extended family unit, with potential lines of cleavage between the first and last children while middle children are "thrown away" to act as intermediaries with the outside world. More research woiald be needed to confirm whether this is a manifestation of the oft-cited psychological syndrome of the number and order of children, or whether it is related to the structure and organization of contemporary swidden agriculturalists involved in a cash economy, as a similar situation appears to occur among the miVpeTOS of the Peten of Q Guatemala (Schwartz 1977:26-27)Conclusions, Scenarios, Suggestions The system of TpinncipoLes is a system of community development based on the structure and function of a corporate family unit. In other words, it is a kinship system based on the dynamics of socio-economic mobility of the extended family. Nowadays, one often hears and reads that to merely indicate the relevance of kinship is not enough in anthropological advice for development planners and policy-makers. The social dynamics of kinship networks, nevertheless, are a real, empirical fact grounded on the rural life-world. It would be unrealistic, therefore, to PAGE 70 52 disregard the develoiment acccmplished hy the prinaipales in the Isthmian Atlantic region of the Lower Coast. Government and missionary programs have heen facilitated by the fortuitous use of the system of ppinoipates . Indigenous development for the Naturates has meant in this centirry establishing a series of nuclei that incorporate a triangle of basic community symbols: a retail store, a formal primary school, a Catholic chapel. Other areas of social differentiation that are visible by symbol or artifact (Young and Fujimoto I 965 ) may subsequently be added to the nucleus. The additions include such things as a dance hall, a softball field, a health center, a coffee shelling and buying station, a seminar-boarding center, an artesian well and water pump or a plastic piping aqueduct for potable water. Travelling in a canoe up the Rio Indio, from Boca de Rio Indio to Boca de Uracillo 26 km inland, one can observe nine nuclei of ccmmmity symbols on the east and west banks of the river. Since the Naturates perceive these nuclei as improvements in the social and economic activities and functions of their society or situation, the system of prinaipales is an indigenous system of "development from below," as defined by Pitt (l9T6a:8-9). By initiating these improvements, or at least capturing sane of the resources from the transisthmian urban center, an extended family achieves th.e status of prinaipales of the settlement according to local standards in the rural setting. The process can also be interpreted as one of establishing the "social order," as defined by Wagley (l97l). This is the organization of life into recognized patterns of interaction which, once established, persist until conditions change. The process follows an order of action in ^ich there are those who originate and sanction actions, the prinaipales (principals), and those who respond and back the actions, the respaldantes (supporters). It is. PAGE 71 53 therefore, a process of "set events," as defined by Chappie and Coon (19^2). These are events in which a groijp of persons habitually originate action to a number of others who respond. The supporters, however, are not passive but active contributors with ideas and opinions in the same way that all members of the extended family are free to participate in the family decision-making processes. It is a process akin to what Arensberg (n.d.) has metaphorically described as a cybernetic flow of human interactions, with inputs of goods and energies, with assembly and decision, and with output and concerted action. Arensberg (n.d.) extends the flow to demonstrate the rise of a pyramid of authority and its institutional echelons. In the system of prinoipaZes f however, authority and status are not vested in a single individual.^ The prinaipales distribute authority among a number of different individuals, male and female, transgenerationally . These key members have differential roles in the economic, religious, and political spheres in the same manner that members of the extended family have differential roles divided among older, middle, and younger siblings. The system of principales is not a redistributive system of goods and services. Improvements initiated by the prinaipaZes in a settlement represent a creative acquisition of goods and services for all rather than a redistribution. The system of prinaipaZes is commensal in that all who participate in the activities of the facilities originated by the priainpaZes are sharing in the. goods and services available at the facilities, such as credit in the store; formal primary education for the children in the school; the blessings, food, and merriment of the patronal festival that is associated with the chapel. This participation and sharing gives identity to the members of a commimity (Kimball 19 80 b). PAGE 72 54 The competitive nature of the system of prinoipales increases and extends goods and services over a wide range of the population. This canpetition may trigger fissioning and establishment of new nuclei of settlements. It may also give rise to factionalism within the same settlement. Fissioning and factionalism, nevertheless, keep pace with economic and demographic growth, adding and extending commensal facilities to a greater nuiÂ±)er of people and maintaining the rural socio-economy in equilibrium (Gross 1973). Ethnosemantically , the term prinoipales refers to what may be a traditional system of extended family organization that possibly includes structural features of pre-Columbian and colonial periods. It hae. not been the intent of this chapter, however, to present "a timeless 'traditional' cultural system ... as the antithesis of 'modernization' " (Foman and Riegelhaupt 1979:397). The system of prinoipales is part of the modernization process and must be incorporated "within the broader structure of resoinrce dispersal within the national (or regional) political system" (Forman and Riegelhaupt 1979:397) > and the international system as well. In other words, the sociolingmstic extension of the term prinoipales to apply to the formation of settlements of Uatiirales in the Lower Coast is largely a phenomenon of the republican era of Panama in the 20th century. The triangle of basic commimity symbols Â— store, school, chapel Â— and additional appendages are all part of socio-economic processes that have occurred in the Lower Coast in this century and the participation of the Naturales in these processes. The first retail stores in tlie Lower Coast were those set up by Chinese storekeepers at the mouths of the rivers on the coast in the first quarter of this cent\iry during the vegetable ivory nut (Phytelephas see- PAGE 73 55 manni Cook) , rubber {Castilla pancmensis Cook) , and turtle shell {Evetmoohelys imbpiaata) "time of value," the phrase used by Naturales and Playeros for cash booms (Joly 1979 b). The Naturales and. Play evos learned to participate in the international market econony by exchanging cash products for imported products at these Chinese retail shcps. During the first banana bocm in the 1930s (Joly 1979 a) > the Playevos first and then the Naturales displaced the Chinese as negooiantes (business entrepreneurs). Formal, public, primary schooling in the Lower Coast arose d\iring the republican era of Panama in this century. In the 1920s, a few primary school teachers were appointed by the government among the Playeros and Naturales in widely dispersed areas. In the 19^0s, a few more appointments were made. In the 1960s and '70s, the number of teachers increased as a result of an excess of high-school graduates who were educated in urban centers and were qualified to serve as teachers. Concanitantly , school buildings proliferated as a result of international monetary assitance of the United States Agency for International Development in the program known in Panama as the siemBra de esauelas (planting of schools). The first visits by Catholic Claretian missionary priests to the Lower Coast and the building of chapels at the river mouths on the coast occurred in the 1920s (Pujadas 1976), These missionary priests first travelled to the Lower Coast in the import-export boats that collected the cash crops and distributed imported merchandise. The additional appendages to the nucleus of community symbols arose in the 1960s and '70s in great measure as a result of international monetary assistance to both government and missionary agencies. The system of pvinaipales as a development process for corporate kin settlements may have seen its rise and fall in this century. There are PAGE 74 56 limits to the viability of such a system of physical mobility and localization at new sites. The limiting factors are population, space, and resources. In other words, the system is viable as long as there are space and resources for increasing numbers of people. The population of Natitrales is increasing, among other reasons, as a result of malaria control and vaccination against whooping coTigh and tuberculosis, although measles is still an epidemic killer among this group of people. Population increase of the ^aticcales , however, has depended largely on the natural life cycle and has occurred at a slower pace than the faster strategic migration of the Inteviovanos from the Pacific side into the Lower Coast. This is reflected in the difference in the density of 5 persons per km^ in the area west of the Rio Indio occupied mostly by Naturales and PZayeros in contrast to the 2h persons per km^ east of the Indio where the migrants have settled first and impinge upon NatvjpaZes and PZcyevos , In terms of resources, there is a limit to the number of stores and schools that the pin-nct'paZes can initiate. Setting up a store depends on profits from cash products. The stores are, in fact, the exchange centers for these products. They are subject to the vagaries and inflationary tendencies of the international world econon^ which limits the number of those who can invest capital in such a system. The appointment of school teachers and building of schools depends on the national budget for education. This is used mainly for schools in urban centers. In addition, school teachers educated in urban centers develop an urban world view and are not interested, with few exceptions, in working in rural aiÂ’eas . What future scenarios are foreseen for the system of pinnoi.paZes of the NaturaZesI The system may be abandoned by an increased rural to urban migration as has occurred with some of the Cholos on the Pacific slope of PAGE 75 57 the Continental Divide CFrazier 19761. The Naturales may get into another civil war or participate in revitalization movements, which are events that have also occurred among them in this century. They may organize "secondary coaxes" CAdams I 981 ) , and there is evidence that the cooperative of coffee growers initiated hy the missionaries is already serving such a fimction. Agriculture may he intensified with shorter swidden cycles as has occurred in other parts of the world (Boserup I 965 ), and there is evidence that some Naturales have decreased swidden cycles frcm 20 to 8 and 7. years. Agriculture may he industrialized and the Naturales proletarian! zed as has occurred with some of the Interioranos employed in the production of sugar cane on the Pacific side of Panama (Gudeman 1978). This is also occurring at the palm oil plantation of Icacal on the east hank of the mouth of the Rio Indio which employs mainly Interioranos plus some Naturales y Playeros, and Cuna and Guaymi Indians. Lured hy hank loans into cattle production, the Naturales may he caught up in the same migrant process of the Interioranos : that of continuously moving on while establishing extensive cattle production for tt.e benefit of big capital investors in the national and international beef marketing system. In terms of the latter scenario, the Naturales and the agricultural development agencies might he better off hy intensifying the production of small animals Â— chickens, ducks, turkeys, pigs Â— for subsistence and marketing. There has always been a great demand for small animals in the urban transisthmian center and this has also been a regular source of animal protein for the Naturales sad Play eros ^ along with fish from the rivers and the sea. In the 1970s, both Naturales and Playeros have been successfully running a black market of pueraos hrujos (witch hogs ) that are in great demand because of the rising prices of beef in the transisthmian PAGE 76 58 urban center. National agricultural development programs, however, hardly pay attention to the production of small animals. Among other reasons, this is partly due to the fact that women and children are the ones mainly in charge of small animals , even though they do not do the marketing of these animals . Finally, and most in^jortantly , the Naturates and the development agencies may be made aware that the system of prindpaZes does have positive characteristics in its favor even though it may not continue being viable for extending population over the region. First, the system of principales has allowed the Naturales to have some degree of socio-economic control over their settlements without sacrificing subsistence production of food. Secondly, it has given the Nabvcrales an opportunity to negotiate what they want in developing themselves. Third, the competitive nature of the system has extended throughout several settlements such facilities as schools, health centers, and potable water, even though the quality of the services "that they receive from outside personnel often en5)lcyed in these facilities leaves much to be desired. It is hoped that the pvZnoi-paZes may continue using these strengths to effectively protect or negotiate their position in terms of their settlements, usufruct rights, projects, status, and honor. This is particularly important in view of such development plans as a sea level canal through this region (Ventocilla I980), which will require the eviction of people from their lands as occurred with the construction of the Panama Canal at the beginning of this centuiy and with the Bayano Dam on the Pacific side of the Isthmus in the 1970s (Wali I980). As long as people are aware of their own strengths and how they can use them, there is hope of not becoming "pyramids of sacrifice" (Berger 1976) for the sake of international political economies in the contengjorary world. PAGE 77 Notes 1 The boundaries of the "inadjudicative tract of landÂ” were as follows: Departing frcm the confluence of the rivers Toabre and Code del Norte, in direct line to meet mount Miguel, and from there in direct line to the confluence of the rivers Jobo and Indio, up the Indio and south as far as mount Negro, and from there in direct line to mount Chichibali, and from there in direct line to the slopes of Marica, and frcm there to moiint Sumbador, and from there to the headwaters of the Cascajal river, down this river until the Code river, and from there to the mouth of the Toabre on the same Code river, which is the point of departure, (inciso Octavo, Artlculo 91Â» Ley 20 de 1913, Decreto del 27 de junio de 191^; translation mine). 2 Most Naturales store papers that they consider important in boxes somewhere in their houses. Someone who had signed this petition showed me a copy of it . 3 According to some Naturales , right after the revolutionary government took over in I968, there came up the Rio Indio some armed outsiders who are described as "SpanishÂ” and who took refuge in the mountainous zone seeking the support of the Naiurales against the military government. Seme Naturales, therefore, perceived as part of the military surveillance of the Continental Divide the installation of two asentanrientos aampesinos (planned agricultural settlements) at the headwaters of the two principal river systems in the Lower Coast. These were the asentanrientos located at Las Marias at the headwaters of the Rio Indio and at Coclesito at the headwaters of the Code del Norte river system. U In this regard, the nativistic movements of the Naturales of the Lower Coast are similar to the Mama Chi nativism of the western Guaymt of Panama as described and analyzed by Philip Young (1978). The Mama Chi nativism also arose when the Guaymi were threatened by outside economic forces. The unionization of workers in the United Fruit banana plantations limited the participation of the Guaymi as temporary laborers, as the union required permanent emplcyment. The Guaymi preferred to migrate seasonally as temporary laborers and return annually to their lands in the mountains. Mama Chi forbade the Guaymi to work in the banana plantations. 5 The "festiveÂ” or "urban" sombrero pintado (painted hat) is made from the Panamahat palm {Carludovioa palmata) , The "work" hat is made from the flatsedge {Cyperus spp.). 6 This contrasts with the situation reported for Ecuador, where the highland mestizos have greater political power than the lowland coastal blacks (Whitten I965). It also reflects the political and economic pressures that blacks and mulattoes have exerted in the urban transisthmian center of Panama since the second half of the l8th century (FiguEroa Navarro 1978:79100), as well as the greater geographical accessibility of the littoral zone versus the inland mountainous zone in the Lower Coast. PAGE 78 6o 7 Bernard and Killworth. Cl979) h.ave postulated that fissioning of population could he accoimted for hy mathematical calculations of population figures and density within certain technological conditions. 8 Schwartz (1977:26-27) reports the following for the milperos of the Guatemalan Peten: The eldest brother in a family serves as the father's lieutenant, altho\igh his authority over the other children is not as great as that of mother. If father dies, he may become a surrogate father for his youngest siblings since step-parents, by definition, can never love a child the way a pajrent would. The older brother role is a difficult one. For example, older brothers may "correct"the conduct of younger siblings, but they must be careful not to go too far and continually "scold" them; that is father's right, and it is not clear how much of this right he delegates to the older brother. In addition, the oldest brother often lives in greater proximity to parents than other children. In San Andres, a father obtains a house site from the municipal authorities for his adult sons, and he then builds them a house on that site. Even if a man builds his own house, he will say "This is the house my father gave me." In fact, fathers find it convenient to "give" sons houses close to their own, but the availability of sites and the death of fathers before all the sons are married means that it is usually the oldest son who lives close to father. Father's own house is normally inherited by the youngest son, so middle children live furthest from their parents; it is almbst as if the oft-cited syndrome of the neglected middle child is expressed in the spatial arrangement of houses in San Andres . 9 This contrasts with the Big Man system of New Guinea (Forge 1972). PAGE 79 6l CHAPTER III A CASE HISTORY: THE PRBICIPAIES OF SANTA ROSA DE RIO INDIO The case history of the settlement of Santa Rosa de Rio Indio will be presented in this chapter to illustrate the model of the structure and dynamics of the prinaipales as covered in the preceding chapter. This historical accoimt of Santa Rosa de Rio Indio is a ccmpendium of the census data and the oral economic histories of the households that identify themselves as members of this settlement by participating in the events at its nucle\as. This history covers a period of thirty years, from the late 1940 s to the late 19T0s. In the 20th century, many settlements like Santa Rosa fissioned off and moved further down the Atlantic slope from parent settlements that are located in the heartland of the Code Reservation in the Lower Coast. The movement coincides with a series of econanic boons whereby cash products were sold at the mouth of the river, plus the heightened activities of missionary and government agencies in setting up chapels and schools in the inland zone. Location, Demography, Economics, Government Santa Rosa de Rio Indio is a settlement of Natiipdles . The nucleus of ccmmunity symbols and seven permanent and eight temporary houses is located on the east bank of the Rio Indio at about 9Â°03' of latitude and 80Â°12* of longitude (See May 1.1 for relative location).^ This is l6 km south or upriver from the Playevo settlement of Boca de Rio Indio at the PAGE 80 62 mouth of the river hy the seashore at about 9 Â° 12 ' of latitude and 80 Â° 12 ' of longitude (See Map 1.1 for relative location). The facilities which become community symbols as they encompass the varied participation of those who consider themselves members of the settlement include a primary public school, a Catholic chapel, a retail store, a cemetery, a softball field, a dance hall, a health center, and a plastic piping aqueduct. These are more than traits as they reflect activities associated with a settlement. In addition, Santa Rosa is the site of an asentamiento campesino , a planned agricultural program of the Ministry of Agricultural Development. It is also the headquarters, and principal buying and shelling station for the Cooperativa Luz Campesina (Cooperative Light of the Countryfolk). This is a cooperative of essentially coffee growers initiated by Catholic Claretian missionary priests. The Claretian missionaries have also bioilt at the nucleus a seminar center called Cristo Campesino (Christ the Co"untryman) . The 33 households that identify themselves with this nucleus live 2 and have work sites in a territory of about 20 km . This area is roughly bounded on the north by the Cervo (hill) and Quebrada (stream) of La P6lvora; on the south by the Quebrada La Pueroa Garda and the Quebrada El Berraao', on the east by the Quebradas de L-irndn^ Lagartero, and Guarapo', and on the west by the Rio Indio. Two of the households also have work sites on the west bank of the Rio Indio. The 33 households in this territory comprise a population of 17 ^ inhabitants (98 females and 77 males). Ninety-six of the inhabitants , that is 55 per cent of the population, are under age fifteen. Twenty-five of the 33 households are related by consanguinity or affinity to the kindred of the prinoipales . The others are migrant Interioranos to whom the prinoipales granted permission to settle PAGE 81 63 within the boundaries of the settlement in order to let the children attend the school at Santa Rosa. Seven households that include key members of the kindred of the prinoipales reside permanently in houses at the nucleus of the settlement. They also have houses away from the nucleus, near to their work sites. Eight additional households have temporary houses at the nucleus, which they occupy during school days and feast days. Their permanent houses are near to their work sites. Five of these eight temporary households at the nucleus are related by consanguinity or affinity with the kindred of the pvincipales . The average annual cash income per household in 1978T9 was US$900 . This cash came mainly from the sale of livestock (US$500) and coffee (US$300), plus miscellaneous cash rendering activities and contributions from members employed in urban centers (US$100). The marketingof products occurred at irregular intervals throughout the year. This meant that when these products were sold, the cash had to be saved and budgeted to cover expenses for prolonged periods and the role of women as guardians of the ho\ise was important in safekeeping this cash. Miscellaneous cash rendering activities for males included operating motorboats, carpentry and boat-building, the making of handicrafts, baking bread, and ten^jorary wage labor. Sewing, harvesting coffee, and cooking for school teachers were cash rendering activities for women. All households produced the subsistence staples of rice, manioc, and bananas, plus seasonal fruits. Corn was also cultivated for seasonal subsistence, but was mostly stored to feed chickens and pigs that were in the care of women and children. Chickens were mainly produced for household consun^ition, while pigs were mostly sold to local intermediaries who specialized in the marketing of PAGE 82 6k swine. Marketing was done by men, on Thursdays, at the Ftayevo settlement of Boca de Rio Indio and in the city of Colon. Products marketed at the mouth of the Rio Indio were sold to buyers who came from the urban transisthmian center. Marketing at the city was usually done on a biweekly basis that coincided with the paydays for urban employees at the middle and the end of the month. (See Appendix II for the volume of the Thxirsday marketing at the mouth of the Rio Indio from September to November 1978.) Expenses at the retail store, mostly on credit, averaged US$30 per month per household to cover the cost of kerosene; batteries for flashlights and transistor radios; launiry and bathing soap; food condiments like sugar, salt, pepper, onion, tomato paste; flour; cooking oil; toilet paper; personal and veterinary medicines; candies, cookies, and sodas. Since the harvest of rice usually does not last throi:ighout the year, most households also bought rice daring an average of three months out of the year. In 1978-79 the cost of rice at the retail store ranged between 23 and 25 cents per pound. The daily consumption of rice, which is considered to be the "real" food, averaged two pounds per day per household for the late afternoon meal which is considered to be the main meal of the day. In 1978-79, four households at Santa Rosa received an average monthly salary of US$100. Those having salaried employment included a male storekeeper for the retail store of the asentamtento aampesi.no, the male accountant for the Cooperativa Luz Campesina, the male health assistant for the Integrated Health System of the Ministry of Health, and the female coordinator of the Claretian missionary program for The Promotion of the Countrywoman. The old man who guarded the cooperative shelling and buying station received a monthly salary of US$30. Members of the cooperative who worked at the shelling and buying station from December through May

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65 during the coffee tiarvest received a commission of ten per cent of the total amount of coffee that eachhad sh.elled and bought. The Reg-Cdov, who is a municipal tax collector for the butchering tax of livestock, received a commission of ten per cent of the annual total of taxes that he had turned over to the Municipal Treasurer. Five households had outboard motorboats that provided weekly passenger and cargo transportation service as a supplementary cash rendering activity. Two households had male members who specialized as intermediaries in the marketing of livestock, one dealing in swine and the other in bovine animals. Two households had male members who were serving as police officers in the city of Colon and made cash contributions to their parents residing in Santa Rosa. One household had a male member who worked as a b\zlldozer operator in Panama City and who also made an annual cash contribution to his parents . Three households had female members who worked as house servants in the cities of Colon and Panama, and they also made cash contributions to their parents and grandparents . In the governmental bureaucratic structure established by the 1972 Constitution, Santa Rosa de Rio Indio is one of the 12 Regidurtas/ Juntas Locales in the Corveg-irniento/Jimta Cormmal of La Encantada, in the Distrigt/Consejo Municipal of Chagres, in the province of Colon. As members of a CovregimientOy residents at Santa Rosa de Rio Indio participated in the 1972 and 1978 elections for Representatives to the National Assembly of Representatives of Corregimientos . The first Representative of the Correginriento of La Encantada to the first assembly established in 1972 was one of the Â‘gismG'T/pales of Santa Rosa. For his services in the first assembly he was awarded a monthly salary for life of US$300. PAGE 84 66 Origins and Dynamics of the Fidndipat&s of Santa Rosa Movement and Localization at a New Site In 19^7, Rosa Madrid and Eleuteria Rodriguez and their extended family decided to move ten kilometers downriver. They moved from El Barrero de Rio Indio, 1.5 km southeast of Boca de Uracillo (8Â°58* lat., 80Â°11' long.), to Los Buhos , the site of the present nucle\is of Santa Rosa. They bought the usufruct rights of Los Buhos (The Owls) for US$200 from an old man who was living there hy himself and who decided to move further downriver. At that time Rosa was 58 and Teya ^+8 years old. Their extended family included five living children of the 12 they had had. Three of these five were already married and had children of their own. Those who moved with Rosa and Teya initially included a 33-year-old daughter, her second husband, and her son and three daughters by her first husband; a 2^+-yearold son and his 26 -year-old wife and two infant daughters; a 15-year-old son and a 12-year-old daughter, both single at that time. Their 22-yearold son with his IT-year-old wife and baby daughter remained at El Barrero. By not moving, they retained the usufruct rights at El Barrero and could wait to see how the others fared with tke move. Several factors stimulated the move. First and foremost, they decided to take advantage of the second banana boom which began after World War II CJoly 1979 a, b). During World War II, the two older sons had gone to the Panama Canal to work as contract wage laborers with the United States Amny. They returned to El Barrero with an amount of cash, which the family decided to invest in biying Los Buhos and planting UOOO banana stems there. Furthermore, at that time dugout canoes were used without outboard

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motors and paddling was easier from a downriver site. El Barrero was 26.5 km distant fron the mouth of the Rio Indio, whereas Los Buhos was only 16 km from the river'^s mouth where the hanana exporting latmches came to buy the cash product. There were also other reasons for Rosa and Teya to move. Their oldest daughter had been sick frequently. A maestro curioso (curious teacher, that is, medicine man) had shown Rosa that his daughter's husband had buried in the floor of the house several vials with black magic potions. Upon being confronted with this evidence, the daughter's husband killed the medicine man, ran away, was apprehended and jailed by the authorities, and then killed himself while in prison. It was not good to continue living where such evil events had occurred. Additionally, Rosa's paternal kindred had declined in their status as Tprinoipales at Boca de Uracillo. El Barrero, where Rosa lived, is a section of Boca de Uracillo. When at age I8 Rosa left his mother's brother at San Miguel and moved east to Rio Indio to live with his father's 2 brother, this paternal uncle was then regarded as one of the prinatpales at Rio Indio. Throu^ the political influence of his wife's relatives in Penonome, Rosa's uncle had in the first quarter of this century sponsored and initiated the construction of a primary school at Palma Real ( 1.5 km north, or downriver, from Boca de Uracillo) on the west bank of the Rio Indio. Rosa's paternal kindred at Rio Indio, however, failed to keep up their status as prindpates economically and educationally. During the 1930s and ' i+Os , another family from further upriver moved to th.e present site of Boca de Uracillo. By becoming intermediaries in the marketing of rubber, chickens, and pigs, and setting up a retail store, this new family

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68 grew in economic status. They also took advantage of the educational opportunities offered hy the primary school, and decided to have two of their male members continue with their secondary education so that they would thios became school teachers. When the new teachers had been duly trained and one of them secured a political appointment as CovvegidoVy this family decided to initiate the move of the school from Palma Real to Boca de Uracillo and employ the new teachers there. At the same time, this family decided to sponsor and initiate the construction of a Catholic chapel, close to the new school. With these activities, they became the new principates at Boca de Uracillo, and Rosa's kindred declined from their former high status even though Rosa and his children later became prinaipates themselves at Santa Rosa. Rosa's and Teya's middle children still regret that, after completing their primary education at Palma Real, they were not sent away to continue secondary education at Penonome to become school teachers also. The Store Rosa's and Teya's extended family fared well by their move downriver and settlement at Los Buhos. As soon as their new banana plants began to generate cash, the oldest son entered into a partnership in 1951 with a Plcyero entreprene\ir from Boca de Rio Indio. The Plcojevo had a general merchandise retail store and a liquor store at Boca de Rio Indio. These stores were supplied by the banana exporting companies, that were actually import-export businesses in the port city of Colon. Larger purchases lowered wholesale prices of the import-export companies and meant greater profits for the Vlaxjevo. He, therefore, proposed to Rosa's and Teya's son to set up a retail store at Los Buhos. The PZayevo would provide an

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69 initial capital of US$500 and would order the supplies for the store. Rosa's and Teya's son would build the new store, pay the fee to obtain a government permit for the store, and would continue replenishing the store with capital obtained frcm the sale of bananas. This partnership lasted until I961 when Rosa's and Teya's son bought out his PZayevo partner for US$500. On the way to Col6n to get the permit for the new store, Rosa's and Teya's son decided to name the store Santa Rosa (Saint Rose). This was in honor, not of the saint, but of his father who had been so named because he was bom on August 30, the feast day of Saint Rose of Lima.^ Residents in the surrounding area who patronized the new store would say, "We are going to Santa Rosa," when they made a shopping trip. Thus the name Los Buhos was dropped and Santa Rosa became the new name of the site where Rosa's and Teya's extended family lived, worked, and began to grow in numbers and in socio-economic importance. It is metaphorically significant that the name of the store is a symbol of identity that telescopes the nature of the nucleus of a settlement of Nccbupales. The name Santa Rosa telescopes the interaction of the Catholic Church (the saint's name), kin (father's name), and economics (the store's name). The Political Involvement The Covpegi.dov The partnership with the Rlayevo proved beneficial in other ways. A brother of the Rlayevo was appointed mayor of the district of Chagres in the early 1950s. He sought people whom he could trust for the positions of Covvegidoves in the subdivisions of the district in the hinterÂ—

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PAGE 89

71 commitment to a single party. Opportunism is necessary if any bit of the minimal government attention to rural areas is to continue trickling to the countryside. This behavior confirms what has been stated else-where: When in conflict, peasant involvement is likely to be opportunist (on the side most likely to win) rather than the product of an ideological current, and may change frequently. Protection of village, property, status, and honour may be even more significant (Pitt 19T6a;125). The Mayor During the first half of the 1960s , Rosa's and Teya's middle son was promoted from Corregidov to Mayor of the district of Chagres , This is the first and only time that a. Natural, not a-Vlayevo, has held the position of Mayor in the Lower Coast. Rosa's and Teya's son, however, was Mayor for only six months and was demoted to CorregidoT again. Pla~ yevos residing in the urban transisthmian center exerted pressure, through the newspapers, to remove him from this position. The newspapers referred to him as a Tnontuno , a disrespectful term used by urbanites against countryfolk that implies the backwardness and ignorance of the countryfolk. The Representative to the National Assembly While again serving as Corregidov , Rosa's and Teya's middle son participated in October 11, 1971, in a meeting in Panama City, where General Torrijos met with all the Covvegidoves of the republic. At this meeting General Torrijos stated that there would be elections in the Cowegimientos in August 1972 to select a National Assembly of Representatives from the 505 CoTvegimientos . Rosa's and Teya's middle son initially declined to launch himself as a candidate in the election, even though he

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72 was encouraged to do so by several government officials. He changed His mind at a meeting in his home settlement of Santa Rosa when one of his nephe'ws , the oldest son of his oldest sister, spoke in favor of supporting his candidacy . He won the election in the Covregimtento of La Encantada and became a member of the first National Assembly of Representatives of Corregimtentos that ratified the 1972 Constitution. He now enjoys a lifetime pension for having participated in this assembly. As a result of the 1972 Constitution, Santa Rosa now has a Junta LooaZ , the lowest form of an administrative coxmcil. The President of the Junta LoaaZ of Santa Rosa is the oldest son of Rosa's and Teya's yo'ungest daughter, and the Treasurer is the oldest son of Rosa's and Teya's oldest daughter. Both men represent the third generation of pv-tnaipates at Santa Rosa. The Importance of Political Involvement There are two important aspects of the participation of Rosa's and Teya's middle son in existing political institutions. First, he and his kindred regard his service in politics as a career whereby he had the opportunity to use his talent for speech. Fluency in public speaking is highly valued by the Tlayeros. Perhaps this is why Rosa's and Teya's son was able to maintain continuo\is political relations with the Afro-Hispanic political gatekeepers in the Lower Coast. IronicalOy, Vlcqgevos and urbanites have the impression that the NatunaZes are not good public speakers. This misconception is due to the behavior of the NatunaZes in public meetÂ—, ings in front of outsiders whan they do not know. In public meetings , the NaturaZes will usually remain silent for a long time and let the outsider speak continuously without interruptions or comments . After the meeting

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73 is over, however, the Natuvales will disciiss the outsider's speech and the issues at stake endlessly among themselves. When they do speak in public in front of unknown outsiders, the Baturales may often conceal direct meaning by the use of proverbs that may confiise those who do not belong to the regional speech community and do not know the meanings of the proverbs. Among themselves, however, the NabUToles give to each person the opportunity to express him or herself in sequence. This often prolongs the meeting for considerable periods of time. This respect for and recognition of each individual in public is also reflected when encountering and greeting two or more people, whereby each person in the group is greeted individually by name rather than greeting the group as a whole. Secondly, and most importantly, Eosa's and Teya's middle son acquired knowledge about how the governmental bureaucracy operates, and was able to use that knowledge in his role as intermediary in their indigenous process of development. This is clearly expressed in the following transcription of an excerpt of an interview with Rosa's and Teya's middle son: . . . then this position was a school for me, because I was not only reaching for those jobs for the money but to, ah, . . . acquire more knowledge about what the political life was all about and about what it was to defend my own interests and those of the others. Then I came about with an experience more deeply rooted when I became Mayor, and I met with the people in Santa Rosa and we foimed ... we formed a society that we called Agricultural and Cattle Raising Society. CTranslation mine.) The indigenous process of development by the pm-ndpales of Santa Rosa was thus enhanced by the involvement of Rosa's and Teya's middle son in the existing political institutions.

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Ih The Participation in Sports Soon after Rosa's and Teya's middle son was appointed as Covpegidor in the early 1950s, Santa Rosa organized its first Sports Society. It thus took advantage of the monies set aside in the municipal budget for sports, to buy equipment and uniforms for sports teams. For the first four years, the Santa Rosa team played in the softball league of the Naturales in the upriver settlements of Boca de Uracillo, San Cristobal, Los Uveros , Las Marxas, and Cerro Miguel. Later the Santa Rosa team became integrated with the softball league of the PZayepos in the district of Donoso. The PZayero partner of the Santa Rosa store provided lodging and food at his house in Boca de Rio Indio whenever the Santa Rosa team went downriver to play with the Play eras. Since then the Santa Rosa team has alternated playing in the leagues of both Naturales and Playeros. Nowadays softball games are a regular event on Sundays in the dry season and on feast days in the settlements of both HaturaZes and Playevos. These games are perceived as an improvement in the asvnto social Csocial affairs) of the settlements. Alcoholic beverages at feast days stimulate the appearance of long forgotten disputes within or between families that end in fist fights. Softball games are perceived as ritualized and redirected aggression, minimizing the fighting. In the 1970s, however, there have been many deaths incurred in knife-fi^ts. The Intevioranos have introduced this modality of fighting with knives, and both Na:tia>ale 3 Playeros are concerned about this. The School With the appointment of Rosa's and Teya's sons as Covvegidov and Regidor in the early 1950s, Rosa's and Teya's kindred tried to get a primary

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75 sckool 'hioilt in their settlement. Their many requests to the Ministry of Education went unheeded for almost a decade. There was already a school at El Joho, directly across the river from Santa Rosa, where the people from Santa Rosa sent their children. The school teacher at El Joho, a Natural from the upriver settlement of Las Marias, reported to the ministry that the school population in the area did not warrant another school. El Joho, however, is in the province of Code. At that time that school was under the Provincial Inspection of Education in Penonome, the capital of Code on the Pacific plains. This meant that the parents of children at the El Joho school had to take turns every month to go on a 4-day hike across the Continental Divide to collect the school mail at Penonome. The people at Santa Rosa felt that it would he more convenient for them to have a school on their side of the river, which is in the province of Colon. The Provincial Inspection of Education in the city of Colon was much closer. Nowadays all the schools in the Lower Coast are under the Inspection at Colon for the reason of greater geographical accessibility. In addition, it appeared that the Inspection in Col6n provided better school furniture and more supplies than the Inspection in Penoncme, which was too distant to transport school materials and equipment overland. In the early 1960s, the prinovpales of Santa Rosa enlisted the support of a Playero woman who was a school teacher at Boca de Rio Indio, and whose brother was then the Provincial Inspector of Education in Colon. On February 28, 1962, a Presidential Decree appointed, for the first time, a primary school teacher at Santa Rosa, to begin classes on May 1, 1962. The school first functioned in a wooden building built by Rosa's and Teya's oldest son, who is regarded as one of the best house and boat builders in the region. In the late 1960s , Rosa's and Teya's middle son acting as

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16 Corpegidop got the support of the Provincial Director in Colon of the General Directorate of Ccmmmity Development to huild a concrete school. As Representative to the National Assembly, Rosa's and Teya's middle son tried in the 1970s to get at Santa Rosa a boarding Basic Production School (isos 1977). This is a vocational middle school. He failed to get the funds appropriated. The greater political power of the Playeros within the Ministry of Education exerted pressures to have two Basic Production Schools built at Boca de Rio Indio and Palmas Bellas, only 12 km apart from each other and connected by a coastal highway. Rosa's and Teya's son argued that Santa Rosa, l6 km upriver, had worse transportation problems for the children in upriver settlements to commute downriver to attend these schools. At a meeting of the Provincial Council of Cooixiination, Rosa's and Teya's son was shamed by the Provincial Inspector of Education in Colon, who publicly stated that the Natitrales were destructive with their school buildings. He then produced a photograph and a' newspaper article on the destruction of the roof of a school at the settlement of La Nueva Union, immediately south or upriver fran Santa Rosa, on the east bank of the Rio Indio. The roof had been destroyed by people from El Dominical, the settlement directly opposite to La Nueva Union, on the west bank of the Rio Indio. The principales at El Demini cal were trying to split the school population at La Nueva Union in order to have a school built at El Dominical. The merits of this case are that the bureaucratic urbanites failed to understand the order of action in the dynamics of the system of ppinaipales. Splitting a school population or moving the site of a school is a strategy to gain ascendancy in the socio-economic mobility of ppindpales .

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77 Ttiis had occurred previously with the move of the school from Palma Real to Roca de Uracillo in the late 19^0s, the split of the school population between El Joho and Santa Rosa in the '60s, and that of El Coqioillo from Boca de Uracillo in the '70s. The problem with the pv^na-ipales at El Domi nical was that they failed to use the influence of ecclesiastical and political authorities in accomplishing the split, which is the usual order of action followed by prinaipaZes rather than engaging in physical confrontations between the splitting localities. The Ecclesiastical Involvement The Chapel The chance meeting of Rosa's and Teya's middle son and a Claretian priest while both were travelling together in a canoe hound upriver led to fiorther expansion of the Santa Rosa nucleus. The priest was invited to spend the night at Santa Rosa. The kindred of prinaipaZes at Santa Rosa, particularly the women, took advantage of this opportunity to request the construction of a chapel at Santa Rosa. Among the NaturaZes , women keep altars to the saints in the sleeping section of the ho\:ise, which is the most sacrosanct place in the house where outsiders are not allowed. At this altar they hum candles and make offerings to the saints. The chapel then, is an extension of activities that occur within the family, as much as the store and the school are extensions of the economic and educationalfunctions of the family. The request for a chapel was granted after the people of Santa Rosa agreed to participate in a week-long "mission." Wooden crosses were then installed in every house, thus blessing those who cooperated in bviilding the new chapel. This occurred in 1962 , the same year that Santa Rosa got

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78 its adxool. The same dual process of the concurrent introduction of schjool and chapel had occurred at Boca de Uracillo in the 1940s. i The Patronal Festival Originating a chapel incurs the selection of a patronal festival. Santa Rosa de Lima was selected as the patron saint for the new chapel and the settlement of Santa Rosa. Her liturgical feast and Rosa's hirthday Â— now in his 90s Â— are celebrated every year on August 30. Indirectly, the patronal festival is honoring the head principal of the settlement as well as the saint. The patronal festival includes two different types of events that are respectively known as the fiesta del padre (priest's feast) and the fiesta de aalle (street feast). The first includes events such as a mass, baptisms, marriages, a procession, plus a fair where the residents bring donations of raw and cooked food and utilitarian items like wooden trays and paddles . The priest brings used clothes and shoes from the lurban center. All items sell for ten cents. The "street" events include the softball games; song duels; the sale and drinking of beer, rum, and com dhicha\ the sale and eating of special foods; and dancing. The latest trend observed in the Lower Coast was to schedule the "priest's" and the "street" feasts on separate days, at the tirging of the priests, so that the "street" events woiild not detract attendance from the "priest's" events. The patronal festival is also a means of capital formation for the community fund. This fund is used not only to finance the feast itself, but also for community projects. Most national and international development donors now req,uire the participation of the recipients with materials, cash, or labor. In the 1970s, Santa Rosa has used its conmunity fund to

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19 psy for ths Â‘tiÂ’anspop'ta.'tion of nisterials and. food for ~hVi p supervisor sent d.y "the government to direct the labor of the settlers in the construction of a school kitchen and dining rocm; a community hall where fairs and dances are held; a health subcenter, a bridge, and a plastic piping aqueduct donated by national and international development programs. Other celebrations which contribute to the community fund include national holidays, Mother's Day, and Christmas. In general, however, the main objective is not to make money but for all to share in the merriment and extend hospitality to visitors. For example, the net earnings for the 1979 "street feast" of Santa Rosa's patronal festival were only US$32.00 as can be seen in the statement of accounts for this feast in Appendix III. The Junta Cat6l-iaa and Health Care With the building of the new chapel, Rosa's and Teya's middle son became the president of the Junta Catoliaa in addition to his duties as a political representative. This committee was in charge of coordinating the events for the patronal festival and all other formal Church events . As president of the Junta CcctoVLaa, Rosa's and Teya's middle son made another request to the missionary priest. Since the priest is a "person of more Christian qualifications," he could better appeal to the "Christian sentiments, that is, the humanitarian vein of medical personnel in the government, in private practice, or the United States Army in the Panama Canal. The priest thus became an intemediary in getting health care. The priest got the support of the Civic Action run by the join forces of the Panamanian National Guard and the United States Army. This miHtaiy program conducted "medical caravans" along the Rio Indio, at regular intervals during the 1960s . During Christmas seasons in that decade, wives of PAGE 98 8o United States military men distributed toys and food along the Rio Indio. In the 19T0s, the Ministry of Health Uui It a health siibcenter at Santa Rosa. The third son of RosaÂ’s and Teya's youngest daughter was selected to he trained as a medical assistant to run the health suhcenter. In this position, he is paid a monthly salary hy the Ministry of Health. The Delegates of the Word and Catechists In the 1970s, a new group of young Claretian missionaries introduced the program of Delegates of the Word and Catechists in the Lower Coast. These are 1^ men and women from the region who are trained hy the missionaries to conduct the liturgical services and in^iart religious instruction. They perform the Celebration of the Word every Sunday. This is a mass hut without the consecration of the host. The sermons and liturgical readings are a means for the "liberation of the peasantry" (En la Lucha 1979 1981 ). The Delegates and Catechists attend 3-day seminars trimonthly. The seminars are held alternately at any of the three seminar centers that the Claretian have built at Boca de Uracillo, Santa Rosa, and Chagres . Emphasis is made on public speaking and analytic interpretation. At Santa Rosa, the Delegates of the Word are the former treasurer of the Junta CatSZiaa^vho is the husband of the oldest daiaghter of Rosa's and Teya's oldest son, and the son of Rosa's and Teya's youngest daughter. The Catechists are the wife of the first Delegate and who is the daughter of Rosa's and Teya's oldest son, her yomgest sister, and the wife of the youngest son of Rosa's and Teya's oldest daughter. All these individuals represent the third generation of prinoipales . They bridge the gap and reduce the potential conflict between the older and younger siblings of the second generation of whom they are the children. Their involvement as PAGE 99 81 leaders of ecclesiastical programs assiared the continuity of the process of pr^noipales . Development of the Countrywoman In addition to her duties as Regional Coordinator of Catequists , the oldest daughter of Rosa's and Teya's oldest son is one of the four female coordinators who receives a salary from the missionaries to conduct the program of Promoaion de la Mujer Carnpesina (Development of the Comtrywoman) . She makes monthly visits to the seven upriver settlements under her charge, and trains promoters in these settlements on the socioeconomic development of rural women. Coordinators and promoters attend a 5-day seminar every four months, alternately at any of the seminar centers The group of women in Santa Rosa participating in this program are present ly running a chicken farm (En la Lucha I 98 O, 15:17). The Cooperative The missionaries also organized in 1976 the Cooperativa Luz Canrpesina (Cooperative Light of the Countryfolk), among coffee growers in Rio Indio. At a meeting in the seminar center at Santa Rosa, the missionaries proposed to the peasants that the cooperative would initially install at Santa Rosa a shelling and buying station for coffee. The cash product would he sold directly to processing plants, bypassing the intemediaries . One of the missionaries acted as the first manager of the cooperative. The cooperative was joined initially mostly by members of the Santa Rosa settlement. The hi:isband of the female coordinator of the Development of the Coimtrywcman became the treasurer of the cooperative, a position that he still holds. The priest-manager appointed the second son of Rosa's and PAGE 100 82 Teya's youngest daughter as operator of the station. He later succeeded the priest as manager, after taking a course at the Interamerican Cooperative Institute in Panama City. After observing the successful operation of the Santa Rosa station for the first two years , members at Boca de Uracillo also decided to have their own shelling and buying station. Other settlements soon established their own stations . Some settlements like Limon de Rio Indio and Las Cruces were sponsored by the cooperative in setting up their own stations. Other settlements like El Dominical were patronized by Chinese wholesale coffee buyers frcm Penonome, who noticed that the cooperative was becoming a serious competitor and sought to counteract its influence. The patronage of the wholesale buyers was also sought by families competing for the status of p^nncfipates as occurred in Boca de Uracillo where there are now two shelling and buying stations, one of the cooperative and one of the wholesalers . Each station depends on clients from different nei^boring settlement that do not have shelling stations. For example, the cooperative station at Uracillo shells coffee from the settlement of Coquillo while the station of the wholesalers shells coffee from San Cristobal. The number of new stations of the cooperative led to the appointment of a general accountant and coordinator. Rosa's and Teya's grandson was thus pranoted from manager to general accountant of the cooperative, at the suggestion of the missionaries. He is paid a salary in this position. Upon leaving the position of manager vacant, the membership voted to also have that as a salaried position and rotate it among members of the other settlements. In 1979 and 198O, managers have been men who are ppinaipates in their respective settlements. An indication of the volume of trade of the cooperative as a whole PAGE 101 83 and of each, of the subsidiary stations can be inferred from the statements of accounts for 1978 and 1979 in Appendix IV. Dioring these years coffee was paid to the producers at prices that ranged from 53 to 56 cents per pound of shelled coffee. The net losses do not indicate failures but rather the continuous reinvestment of capital in new installations at new stations. For example, in 1979 a new building was constructed for the station at Limon de Rio Indio and a secondhand shelling machine that was bought in Costa Rica was installed at Las Cruces. The Production Society In the early 1960s , an entrepreneur from the United States, whom the people recall as "William," but who was not from the Peace Corps, proposed to the people of several settlements in the Lower Coast that they cultivate plantains {Mvisa paradisiaca L,l, He would provide the initial seedlings and tools, which the people wouild pay later on an installment basis, and he would pay for the initial labor and later bu^ the plantains from them. William spoke with Rosa's and Teya's middle son, the CoTvegxdor, who organized a Production Society of 20 members in Santa Rosa. The society planted 5000 seedlings . A year later they harvested hundreds of plantains for William, but the enterprise failed. Not all the settlements responded as well as Santa Rosa, and there were not enough plantains to fill the cargo hold of the ship that William contracted for exporting the plantains. The people in Santa Rosa say that they ate a lot of plantains for two or three years, but this failure did not break their spirit to work in an organized society. Other agricultural societies were to follow. PAGE 102 8k The Agricultural and Cattle Raising Society When Rosa's and Teya's middle son became Mayor in the 1960s and learned more about the government bureaucracy, he decided to organize in Santa Rosa an Agricultural and Cattle Raising Society. The society vould apply for a cattle loan from the branch office in Colon of the Institute of Economic Development. This office turned down their request for a loan on the groiinds that the society did not have enough collateral. Rosa's and Teya's middle son did not give up. He proposed to the 20 members of the society to go, as a group, directly to the central office of the Institute in the capital of the republic. The majority of the group did not go along with this proposal. It demanded too much of their time and money to travel that far. They also felt that they were "nobody," and therefore would surely be denied the loan again. Only seven members remained in the society. Six of these were from Rosa's and Teya's kindred: three sons, the oldest grandson, and the husbands of two of the granddaughters. They went directly to Panama City and explained their case. Later they received a message from the Ministerio de Agriaultura y Ganadevia, MAG (Ministry of Agriculture and Cattle Production) , to meet in Col6n with an investigatiig committee from the ministiy. The seven men from Santa Rosa went to Colon and met with three agricultural engineers of the ministry. The committee decided that, to qualify for a cattle loan, the society had to first validate itself by a joint project in the cultivation of com, using fertilizers and techniques recommended by the engineers. The Natvcrales agreed to this; compromise is their typical way of settling tvatos de negocio (business transactions). PAGE 103 85 Thoiagh a sudden flooding of the river and stormy winds destroyed part of the com plants, the society harvested enough ears to make a profit in the market in Colon and have enough left for themselves. The agricultural engineers were so pleased that the members of the society were photographed and an article about their project was published in a national agricultural magazine. With such a good performance, the Ministry of Agriculture and Cattle Production approved a loan of$3500 at 7 per cent payable in five years. Each of the seven members bought five heifers each, at $100 per heifer. The Asentcmiento Campesi.no In the late 1960s , a coordinator of Agrarian Reform for the province of Colon approached the people at Santa Rosa with the idea of forming an asentamiento Gampesi.no, a planned agricultural settlement. He told them that they would have guaranteed funds from the Bank of Agri cultural Development, technical and organizational assistance from the Ministry of Agriculture, a donation of ten pregnant cows from General Torrijos, and legal protection for their lands from Agrarian Reform. Rosa's and Teya's middle son, the Corregidor , liked the idea and encouraged the people at Santa Rosa to organize themselves in this new society, which they perceived just as another organization like the ones that they had formed themselves in the past. In 1970 , 30 of the 33 households in Santa Rosa joined a p2Â‘e-asentanrCento , a trial settlement. With the 1972 Constitution, they gained full status as an asentamiento. There were two main reasons that the majority had for joining the asentamiento. First, they wanted legal protection for their territoiy. They felt that their usufruct rights to their territory, especially on its PAGE 104 86 eastern boundary, were threatened by the advancing encroachment of Inteviovanos. The majority of these migrants are Santefios , from the province of Los Santos, in the Pacific peninsula of Azuero. Ironically, the oampesinos Santefios were against the asentamientos oampesinos (Heckadon Moreno 1977a). One of the households in Santa Rosa that did not join the asentamiento was that of a Santefla woman and her extended family. She had obtained special pemission fran the prinaipales of Santa Rosa to settle by the stream El Guarapo on the northeastern boundary of Santa Rosa, and also build a temporary house at the nucleus so that her youngest son and her daughter's children could attend the school at Santa Rosa. The following incident reflects the perception of the Inteviovanos as a territorial threat to the Naturales . The oldest granddaughter of Rosa's and Teya's oldest daughter, that is, their greatgranddaughter, married a. Santefto. Her grandfather, that is, her grandmother's second husband, expelled her from the territory. He would not allow the newlyweds to build a house in the section where their branch of the kindred resides, nor plant in their work sites . The young couple first settled near the father and brothers of the Interiorano. After their house burned down and their first son became severely ill, they moved to Panama City in search of cash labor contracts. After their second son was bom and the Intevionano suffered a job injury, the young couple returned to Santa Rosa at the request of Rosa's and Teya's oldest daughter, that is, the young woman's grandmother. Since then, the young Interiorano has validated his right to be an affine in Rosa's and Teya's kindred by participating in most community projects and effectively using the masonry skills that he acquired in a vocational training center for the \anemployed during their sojourn in the capital city. Although he still works in agriculture with PAGE 105 87 his fatherÂ’s brothers, the Interiorano also helps his wifeÂ’s grandparents, near to whan they now live. The second main reason that the people of Santa Rosa had for joining the asentamiento was that they were assured guaranteed loans from the Bank of Agricultural Development. They wanted a loan to set up a new and bigger store. Although this was not the proposal from the coordinator of Agrarian Reform, the Director of Agrarian Reform in Colon agreed to give them a US$1000 loan, without interest, to set up a store if they organized themselves in an asentamiento and if the original store was transferred to the organization so as to reduce competition. Rosa's and Teya's oldest son agreed to do this as he was getting tired of the bi-weekly trips to the city to buy stock for the store. As a cooperative endeavor, all or several of the members could alternate themselves in making trips to restock the store. After ten years of operation, the Asentamiento Campesino Santa Rosa No. 2 is still a viable organization, but only l6 households belong to it. The following reasons were given by those who dropped out. Members are not paid enough for the work in the asentamiento. The "gift of ten cows from General Torrijos" turned out to be a loan and not a gift. The bank is continuously encouraging them to take additional loans and they would have to spend all their lifetime paying loans. Since the bank also extends individual loans, ownership of cattle per hoxisehold is better than collective ownership of all the manbers of a settlement since then individual households can retain the profit on a sale. The Agrarian Refoim has not defended the territory legally against the encroachment of Interioranos as the Interionanos are also encoixraged to take individual loans and all land is said to belong ultimately to the state.

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88 Although women of Santa Rosa belong to the Feminine Club associated with the asentamiento , they resent that they are always "in debt" to the female extension worker who brings expensive imported materials to make items copied from "interior decoration" journals, such as macrame plant hangers, swans, rabbits, and dolls. The extension worker from the Mnistry of Agricultural Development has advised the women to sell these items so as to recover the cost and even make a profit. However, at the local fairs all items are sold at reduced prices that do not cover the cost of the materials. Since the city is saturated with the same items that are made in home economics programs for girls in the city schools, no one wants to buy the same items from the countrywomen. The extension worker, however, tells the countrywomen that "to make progress" they have to "make the sacrifice to spend money" in making these items. Most countrywomen, however, consider these items irrelevant and they would rather like to make more utilitarian things like clothes (Joly 198lc). The present members of the asentami-ento consider that the greatest benefit that they receive from belonging to the organization is that they have unlimited credit in the store, payable after a year. This right to extensive credit is validated by the work that they perform for the store and the cattle, or the cooking that the wcmen do for the seminars of the Ministry of Agricultural Development. The vol\ime of trade at the asentamiento store can be inferred from the statement of accounts given in Appendix V, based upon the records of sales and expenses kept by the storekeeper in 1979This position is held by one of Rosa's and Teya's middle sons who is ve 2 y methodical even though he has never taken an accounting course. An important function of the store is that it helps to cover the initial expenses incurred in the preparations for a feast day and this is

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89 clearly reflected in reduced earnings, and losses during the months in which feast days occurred, as can he seen in Appendix V. Profits from the store, however, are not all spent in feast days. The store has invested in a new concrete building with a bigger storage room; a bigger and more powerful outboard motor; a bigger boat; and in 1979 there were discussions among the members about investing in either a motorized hand saw or in a batteryoperated television set for the store. The Santa Rosa store has become a major redistribution center in the inland zone of the Naburales of the Rio Indio, for items from the urban transisthmian center. The store is able to buy wholesale quantities for redistribution to smaller retail stores because the asentam'iento is a program of the Ministry of Agricultural Development and this allows for tax exemption of the store at the municipal level. Ironically, the store is not promoting the local production of food items but rather the cons\mption of items from the international agri-business complex as can be seen from Appendix VI, which is an inventory of the items sold at the Santa Rosa store in 1977 and I98O . The only type of production that the store may be encouraging is that of coffee, as the store serves as a collection center for this product, which in turn is sold to the cooperative shelling and buying station at Santa Rosa. The influx of cash during the coffee harvest in the dry season months is clearly reflected in the increased sales from January through June, as can be seen in Appendix V. Diiring the coffee harvest, there is an increase in the consumption of sodas, cookies, and candies in particular. The second most important advantage for the male memhers of the assnÂ— tarniento is the training that they receive in the care of cattle. The women, however, receive no training in the care of poultry and swine, which

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90 are the small animals that they raise. Those who have remained in the asentamiento include mostly the grandchildren of Rosa and Teya. The older generations of prinoipdles refer to the younger ones as "the youth," and consider that they, "the old ones," should give an opportunity to the young ones to make a name of their own following the tradition of the prino-ipales . The role of "the old ones," is to serve as advisors and guides for "the youth" in continuing in the tradition of the prinaipales . Concluding Remarks Whether the yoimger generations will be able to continue the tradition of prindpates remains to be seen in the future. It is doubtful, however, that they may be able to do so since their territoiy is being constricted by the migrant Intevi-ovanos ^ extensive cattle production, and increased consumption of cash items without increased production from agriculture to feed greater numbers of people in the coimtryside and in the urban centers.

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91 Notes 1 For Mstorical purposes, the real names of the settlements and their locations are given in this dissertation. The real names of certain key individuals are also given for the same historical reason that the lives of common men and women also merit historical acknowledgement. 2 Rosa was an orphan after his parents, one sister, and two uncles died in the "Great Plague" of measles that followed the One Thousand Day War (19OO-I903). He was originally from Cacaco, a site east of the Toahre river. As an orphan, he first lived in San Miguel with one of his mother's brothers, but this maternal uncle gave preferential, treatment to his own children. Rosa, therefore, moved to Rio Indio hoping that his father's brother, who was one of the prinaipales at Rio Indio, would treat him better. 3 Among the Cholos penonomerios y Saint Rose of Lima was a favorite saint, having been introduced by the Catholic Church as a native saint of the Americas .

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CHAPTER IV WHO ARE THE PLAIEWS? Mi so la Nengve. We are the Negroes . (Ritual-play language of the Congos ) The preceding case history of the prinoipales of the Ncrturales revealed the role of the Playeros as political gatekeepers at the mouth of the Rio Indio. Before explaining the political and economic rise of the Plccyevo piAeblos in the Lower Coast in this century in Chapter V, the identity of the Ptayevos as Afro-Americans will be examined first in this Chapter IV. This will be done primarily through their genealogies in the 19 th and 20th centuries, and by their participation in the ritual Juego de los Congos (Play of the Congos). The Afro-American Colonial Past The Playeros are an Afro-American population among whom persist traditions of an Afro-colonial past. In other words, they are descendants of African slaves brought to the Americas, who became miscegenized and accultiirated by encounters with other ethnic groups during European colonialism in the New World. General histories of African slaves in the Isthmus of Panama (Castillero Calvo 1969; De la Guardia 19TT ; Fortime I 961 } confirm the anthropological model of "encounters" proposed for the Afro-American past in the Caribbean (Mintz and Price 1976; Price 1973). This model of 92

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93 the process of creolization of Afro-Americans is premised on inter-ethnic relations . The Flcyevos represent a creolization that resulted largely from inter-ethnic relations of Africans with Spaniards and Indians (Castillero Calvo 1969 ; Fortme I 961 ) . Their acculturation was based on a dominant Spanish colonial society in the Isthmus, where they could have been slaves, rebels, or free individuals (De la Guardia 1977; Jain Suarez 1978). The socio-cultural matrix of Spanish colonialism meant, among other things, the acquisition of the Spanish language and the Catholic religion by Africans and Indians. The fact that the Vlayevos are basically Spanish speaking and Catholic identifies them as Hispanic Afro-Americans. This contrasts, for example, with the English-speaking, Protestant Afro-Americans in some of the Antilles where acculturation was based on a dominant English colonial society. Both Hispanic and Anglo Afro-Americans are foimd nowadays in Panama and both have descendants in the Lower Coast as will be explained later. Rather than focusing on the colonial past, the ethnic identity of the contemporary Flayevos will be defined by tracing their ancestors during the republican era of Panama in the l800s and 1900s, and by their participation in the ritual "Play of the Congos" which in itself is a restatement of their historical past. The Ancestors in the l800s and 1900s Genealogies of contemporary Plcyepos reveal that, aside from a regional ancestral group of Hispanic Afro-Americans, their ancestors include several other groups of people. First and foremost, ancestors of most Ptayevoa include the inland Eatuvales with whom they have had long-standing

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relations in marriage and ritual coparenthood. The further west along the coastal strip, the more interrelated the Playevos become with, the Batxirales ^ particularly in unions of Ftayero men with Eatural women. The genealogies also reflect historical events in the transisthmian area in the last two centuries. Many PZayevos descend fran laborers in the construction of the Panama Railroad Cl850-l855) and the Panama Canal (190U-I914). The building companies from the United States contracted laborers from China, India, Europe, the United States, the Antilles, and Colombia. Hispanic Afro-American laborers came from the Hispanic Antilles and northern Colombia,^ while Anglo and Franco Afro-Americans came from the British and French Antilles. Upon completion of the railroad and the canal, seme laborers moved to the Lower Coast to gather, buy, and export natural products from the forest and the sea, or to grow foodstuffs for the urban transisthmian area. In the Lower Coast, Chinese and Europeans in particular acted as intermediaries in the international trade, while Afro-Americans bii^ Baburdles acted as gatherers, producers, and clients. Afro-Americans also served as sailors transporting the trading products, which gave them an opportunity to become intermediaries themselves. These laborers were men and they established marital relations with 2 women frem both the Playevos and the Natvirales. Most settled or resided among the Ptayevos along the coastal strip, including those with BaturaZ inland women. This was due to the greater geographical accessibility of the coastal strip for marine transportation in the import-export trade. Althoiigh their descendants bear Chinese, Italian, French, and English surnames, they grew up as Spanish speakers in the Lower Coast. ^ The puebZo of Gobea, west of Rio Indio, particularly attracted English-speaking West Indians or Anglo Afro-American Antilleans , who theie specialized as turtle

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95 fishera.^ More recentOy, West Indian employees from the Panama Canal, who have married women from the Lcn/er Coast, build houses in their wives' pueblos. They may live in the pueblo and commute to work in the canal, or spend weekends and holidays in the pueblo, or reside in the ptteblo upon retirement from the canal. Marital relations of Chinese and Europeans reflect mainly the "bocmand-bust" effects of the importÂ— export trade. When the "busts" occurred, most of the Chinese and European men returned to the urban transisthmian area or to their native lands, leaving the Playero and Habuval women and their children in the Lower Coast. Marital relations with other AfroAmericans reflect a more permanent post-marital residence in the Lower Coast. Thus denotes an ethnic identity as Afro-Americans regardless of acculturation under different European colonial societies. This Afro-American identity is also reflected in marital relations of Playevos with AfroÂ— Hispanics from other areas in the Isthmus where there are concentrations of Afro-Americans. These include the Costa Arriba (Upper Coast) on the eastern Caribbean slope, the urban transisthmian route, the southeastern Pacific province of Darien, and the Pacific Archipelago of San Miguel in the Gulf of Panami,. This indicates that there has been considerable mobility and ethnic identification among the Afro-American population on the central and eastern sectors of the Isthmus in the l800s and 1900s. This movement has been largely influenced by the cash economy of the urban transisthmian area, that generates both "pull" and "push" effects among this population. The Ritual Identity Two ritual events, in particular, bring together the Playeros of pueblos in the Lower Coast and those in the transisthmian lurban

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96 center. These are the ritual "Play of the Cpngos" axid mortuary rites. Both events serve as rites of intensification and identification. The rites are restatements of the identity of the Ptayevos, their vailues , their networks, and their organizational system. The ritual "Play of the Congas" is an annual pageantry that occurs during a specific season of the year. It not only recapitulates the past but also incorporates present events, telescoping the community system. A description of salient featiires of the ritual will be given in this chapter, and its significance will be shown in the following chapter on how it influences contemporary events. Mortmry Rites Although mortuary rites have no specific dates like the "Play of the Congas^" whenever they occur they reassert the solidarity of the PZayero community through the loss of one of its members. Full identity as a member of the PZayero community is acq^uired at death with burial at the cemetery of the puehZo where that person had been born or had lived. Even if the death occ\irred in the transisthmian urban center, the deceased is buried at her or his puebZo in the Lower Coast. On the night of the burial and for the following eight nights, PZayeros from different pnebZos and from the transisthmian center meet at the residence of a member of the kin group of the deceased to pray, play dominoes, tell riddles and stories, and above all to drink and eat special foods. The splendid abundance of food represents the solidarity of the kin group and the members of the puebZo who contribute money, foodstuffs, firewood, or labor. The abundance of food also signifies that the region is a source of foodstuffs since wild meats like iguana and deer are highly regarded as special foods for such an occasion. To be able to feed whatever number of people assemble for

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91 the mortuary rites reasserts the extensive networks on which a Plcyero counts througfn life and whicln he or she can activate at an y time for a variety of reasons. The human resource is the test one the Playevos have at their disposal. The Ritual "Play of the Congos" The identity of the Playevos as Afro-Americans is best exemplified by their annual participation in the ritual "Play of the Congos" and their knowledge of the ritual-play language (Joly 1981a, b). The dramatical events and the language of the ritual play telescope both an Afro-American past and the socioÂ— cultural nature of the contemporary Playevo community. By their annual participation in this tradition, the Playevos reflect not only their ethnic identity as Afro-Americans but also their distinctive type of ccmmunity. This tradition distinguishes the Afro-Hispanic poptilation at the mouths of the rivers in the Lower Coast from the inland Hispanic-Indigenous people with whom they otherwise share the resources of the region and the effects of acculturation during Spanish colonialism. In other words, both groups share linguistic similarities and have social relations that arose during Spanish colonialism, but they differ from each other due to their respective African and Indian cultural traditions. the ritual nativistic movements of Second God and The Priestess iden"the Naiuvales with a traditional Indian liciiieland through oral narrative, the ritual enactment of the "Play of the Congos" and the use of its ritual language is a tradition embedded in the ctatural matrix of African slavery in the Americas. In 1979 and 1980, the Play of the Congos was held in the Playevo pueblos of Pina, Chagres, Palmas Bellas, Boca de Rio Indio, Gobea, Miguel

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98 de la Borda, Aguacate, and Cocl^ del Norte, The ritual season of the Congos extends from the Eve of Saint Sebastian^ on January 19, through Shrove or Fat Tuesday of Carnival. During this period, a group of men and women assme symbolic names of roles in the ritual play, under the leadership of a king and a queen. The names symbolize both a social organization of government officials as well as the ecological resources of the region. CSee Appendix VII for a collective list of the names -used at Rio Indio, Gobea, and Miguel de la Borda during the 1979 and 1980 ritual seasons.) This blending of prestigious positions with subsistence food production is significant in the ordinary life of the PlccyeTO community as will be explained in the following chapter. The authorities issue an official permit to the lead male player, the king, to enact the play. A prominent site is selected to erect a thatched-roof open house where the ritual players, and the community at large, eat, drink, sing^ and dance'^ to the beat of drums on weekends and during the four days of Carnival, that is, the Shrovetide. In the Lower Coast, this house is called the puvenque {pdlenque = stockade),Â® which refers to the enclosed hoiasing canpounds built by runaway slaves. The Dramatical Events The ritual play isnot confined to this hoiise , however, A sequence of events is enacted throi:ighout the season at various sites within the boundaries of the puedZoy which becomes an open stage, so to speak. ^ In fact, all entrances to the puehZo are patrolled or barricaded and a fee is charged frcm non-residents to enter the pusbZo, The dramatic events are "metonyms of historical narrative" CSmith, Robert 1975:98-100). That is, they are condensed forms of a sequential historical narrative of

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99 experiences encountered by African slaves and their descendants in the Isthmus during the Spanxsh colonial period. Some of the events have been historically documented. For example, the event known as "The Fight Over the Money Box," which is one of the acts performed on Shrove or Fat Tuesday of Carnival^ refers to the capture of some runaway slaves by a Spanish aj^tillery captain, Don Crist6bal Troyano de Leon, as has been documented by the Panamanian historian Roberto De la Guardia Cl97T:10i+-107) . Other dramatic events reflect inter-ethnic relations between Afro-Americans and Indians, as well as experiences of Afro-Americans in xarban centers in Panama and subsequent to the colonial period. For example, at Boca de Rio Indio, the "Play of the CongosÂ” beccmes a "Play of Congos and Indians" during the climactic Shrovetide or Carnival. The Indians are largely represented by children and adolescents who are descendants of mixed PZayero and Natural unions. "The Fight Over the Money Box" and the "Peace Treaty with the Indians" will be described and analyzed in more detail in the section of this chapter that explains how history has been transformed into drama. The dramatical events are performed as an oral tradition, without following any written script. There are various ways of learning this oral tradition. Older people who performed the roles in the past give oral instructions and demonstrate to younger players who replace them how to perform the basic roles and events. Minor roles are training roles for major roles. Although not officially recognized as players, children form play groups of their own and imitate the adult players. Children, moreover, are allowed to participate in the activities within the ritual house. This learning process conforms to the basic transmission of culture in a community context , that has been postulated as a crucial factor in huÂ—

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100 man evolution CKimball 19 80 h). Interrelationship of ttie Ritual and Regular Cormnunities The events that occtirred on January 19, 1979, Eve of Saint Sebastian, at Boca de Rio Indio, will now be described to convey a sense of the interrelationship between the ritual and the regular communities.^^ The Permit During the morning of January 19, 1979, L\iis Antonio Martinez, who was to play the leading male role of Juan de Dioso'Sarachate {Juan de Dios^'Bovradhote = John of GodÂ«vDrunkard) , the king of the Cong os , applied for a legal written permit from the official municipal authorities to enact the "Play of the Congos." (See Appendix VIII for a copy of this pemnit . ) During the previoiis two years, Luis Antonio had been playing the role of Juan de I)ios'V'bo'Â“Banacha'bi-'be {Juan de Dios ChiguHo^BowadhUo = Little John of God~Little Drunkard), which is a training role for the leading male role. His promotion to the leading role in 1979 coincided with his new role as a married man in the regular community. In December 1978 , at 20 years of age, he formalized his relations with Nidia Noris Navas, age I 5 , by bringing her to his house to live and thus acknowledging her as his "public woman." This contrasts with the informal "street" unions that denote an irregular relationship. No religious or civil ceremony was held for this public union. It was publicly acknowledged, however, that this new status as a married man conferred upon Luis Antonio the right to play the leading male role in the ritual "Play of the Congos." The leading male role in the ritual is

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101 considered to be one demanding formality and responsibility, since the man who plays the role assumes the legal responsibility with the official authorities and the responsibility of protecting the machos {machos = males; t.e.j the women) who sing and dance in the ritual house. The ritual play, therefore, may be interpreted as a rite of passage for this young man from the status of a single man to that of a married man. Playing a ritual role of high status also coincided with Luis Antonio's high status in the regular community. He is one of the sons of Camilo Martinez, who from I 956 to I 968 was Mayor of the district of Donoso and is regarded as one of the leading political and entrepreneurial figures in the Lower Coast. In the past, Camilo, the father, had played the leading role of Dutch Captain, a role that coincided with his "civil" role as a municipal authority. In their shiplike structure, the Dutch held "civilized" dances to the music of violins. The Congos would attack the Dutch ship and capture its occupants, who are symbols of the Dutch slave traders. The group of the Dutch is no longer extant at Rio Indio. However, any ordinary man who is not playing a role as a Nengre {Negro = Negro; i.e., the name by which the Congos call themselves) is called a Marane {Uolandes = Dutch). Throughout the ritual season, the Marane tease the Nengre, who tie the Marani to the potro Ccolt ; i.e., punishment pole) whenever the Marane offend the Nengre. The Pledge of the Nengre to the King and Queen In the evening of January 19, 1979, a meeting was held in the house of Elvira Molinar, who was to play the leading female role of Maci'^ Mici'^Mec^ {.Marta Merced = Mary of Mercy), the queen of the Congos. Elvira was also 20 years old at that time, and was also playing the leading female

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103 Luis Antonio and Elvira reminded the. plajrers of their duties and responsibilities. Above all, they were bound to obey the orders of the king and the queen at all times, that there would be no severe beatings of those whom they captured, that the women should be protected and respected at all times, and that they were bound to play the game thrn ugh out the season until the play ended on Tuesday of Carnival. The meeting ended with the pledge of the Nengre to obey their king and queen. The Transformation of History into DvaTna The following description and analysis of the enactment of the events known as "The Fight Over the Money Box," "The Burning of Pacora," and "The Peace Treaty with the Indians," will give a sense of how history has been transformed into drama in the ritual "Play of the Congos." These events were enacted at Boca de Rio Indio on February 27, 1979, in the afternoon of Shrove or Fat Tuesday of Carnival, at the climatic end of the ritual 12 season. These events were enacted in the plaza or open space in front or near to the Catholic church and in the ritual house. They began at about i+:00 p.m. and ended at sundown. The Fight Over the Money Box Maiy of Mercy sat on the south side of the plaza, at the edge of the oamino veal Croyal traill, which is the main trail running eastwest through the settlement and paralleling the beach. She was accompanied by the madhas in witnessing "The Fight Over the Money Box." John of God and the Nengve surrounded the Manaella {.Donaella = Maiden) , who stood over the money box. The role of the Maiden was played by a friendly Movant

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105 placed the kite on the queen's lap. The Burning of Pacora As the kite fell on the queen's lap, the Unjunievo {.Ingenievo = Engineer) fired a gun. At this time the Indians of the East Bank came out frcm behind the church and took the queen as their prisoner. Trcyano was thus fooled by the Indians , and he was only able to take the kite in his hands instead of the queen, who was said to be at Pacora. The Peace Treaty with the Indians The Indians walked with the queen of the Congos along the main trail from the church plaza to the stockade of the Congos. Outside the stockade, the Indian Chief of the East Bank orally demanded a ransom for Mary of Mercy, the exchange of prisoners, and the right of the Indians to dance inside the stockade. The Indian Chief of the West Bank read aloud a written complaint about the invasion by the Nengre of the land of the Indians, and the refusal of the Indian women who had married the Nengve to continue wearing their Indian dress . John of God agreed to pay 50 cents to the Indian Chief of the East Bank as ranscm for Mary of Mercy, and 50 cents to the Indian Chief of the West Bank for the use of the land of the Indians. The Congos and the Indians exchanged their respective prisoners, and the Indians entered the stockade to dance. The ritual hovise, however, was first purified with smoke by an Indian woman of the West Bank who swung her burner while dancing. The Congos allowed the Indians to play the Congo drums, and both Congos and Indians danced together inside the house.

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106 Interpretati on Th.e Tvoyano is the historical figure, of Captain Cristohal Troyano de Leon CCe la Guardia 1977 j 10^). In 1768, Captain Troyano captured the rebel leader Paj canto (Birdie) during tlie celebration of a black mass in a camp of runavray slaves. Birdie was tied to a cross and could not escape. Captain Troyano was guided to the rebels by his female creole servant. She knew the location of the camp as she had been kidnapped by the rebels and had lived among them long enough to gain their confidence. After living among the rebels , she returned to her Spanish master who then volunteered to go after the rebels since others had failed in this endeavor. Captain Troyano burned the rebel settlement of Pacora and took Birdie as a prisoner to Panama City. Once in the city, the Spanish authorities proposed to Birdie that he would be granted his freedom if he served as a public executioner for the other rebels who were taken as prisoners during the raid. Birdie executed his fellow rebels and was freed. It is plausible that the Captain and his female creole servant planned the encoxmter with the rebels to include some sort of a lure as a money box to be handed by the woman to the rebels as a gift during the celebration of the black mass. This may be the meaning of the sweet talk between the Troyano and the Manoella, the enactment of the event in front of the church, and her kicking the box to the Nengre, It is also plausible that the Captain may have checked out the rebel camp first disguised as a stranger, which is represented by the Prastero appearing on Sunday of Carnival and then becoming the Troyano on Tuesday. The creole nature of the Maiden is represented by the peasant straw hat. Her having lived with the rebels is represented by her wooden sword.

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107 It can also ta spsculated ttiat the hierarchical leaders of the rebels may have not been present at the rebel can^) during the black mass when Captain Troyano raided the camp. This is represented by the queen sitting at the edge of the main trail, watching the fight over the money box at a distance, and waiting until Birdie and the Tvoyano made their seven rounds . The Captain and the female servant may have forced Birdie to take them to Pacora where the higher rebel leaders may have resided. It is possible that the highest authority may have been a wcman. The fact that Birdie decided to cooperate with the Spaniards is represented by the chase of the Troyano following Pujurete. The apparent treason of Birdie is represented by the substitution of the ritual hat for a head band, and the sword and flag staff for a kite. It is, nevertheless, also plausible that Birdie may have not betrayed entirely his fellow rebels and may have dilly-dallied along the > giving the rebels time to hide and escape from Pacora. This is represented by the seven rounds that Birdie makes before taking the Troyano to the queen. The kite may also stand for either a written or an oral message that Birdie may have sent to Pacora in advance of his arrival with the eneny. The message may have been addressed to supporters of the rebels, and these supporters may have well been Indians and ordinary freed AfroAmericans. The supporters may have taken the wonen and children out of Pacora into hiding. The hiding is represented by the hiding of the money box, and the supporters by the Indians who took Mary of Mercy instead of the Troyano capturing her. Both the historical Birdie and the female creole servant face the Prisoner's Dilema (Axelrod and Hamilton I98I; Rapoport and Chammah 1965), to either cooperate or to defect. As represented in the ritual play,

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108 it appears that they cooperated partly with the rebels and partly with the Spaniards. Such_ dual behavior is one of the means of resolving the Prisoner's Dilemma (Axelrod and Hamilton I 981 ), In the case of the historical Birdie, it may well be that he agreed to execute his fellow prisoners to regain his freedom which was more valuable since he was a leader and could th\is return to continue leading his people. Genetic kinship theoiy makes altruism by the sacrifice of a few as a plausible escape to the Prisoner's Dilemma, as those sacrificed cotninue living in the genes of related individuals (Axelrod and Hamilton I 98 I) . Moreover, the duality of behavior in resolving the Prisoner's Dilemma allows for the use of two quite different kinds of interaction: one when in the captor's territory, and one when in one's own territory (Axelrod and Hamilton I 98 I) . There had also been a historical precedent for this dual behavior among previous rebel leaders in the Isthmus. When captured sometime during the period 1533 to 1555, the rebel leader Bayano was taken by Captain Francisco Carreno frcm the Pacific southeastern side of the Isthmus where the capture occurred to the Atlantic northeastern side, to meet with Governor Alvaro de Sosa at the Spanish town of Nombre de Dios . Bayano made an agreement with the Governor to return the runaway slaves, but once freed reneged this agreement CDe la Guardi a 1977:85). The transfer of action in the ritual play from the church plaza to the stockade also siiggests that the rebel leaders may have used one kind of interaction with the Spaniards in the territory of the Spaniards, and another with neighbors sucH as Indians and freed Afro-Americans in the rebel territories. It is thus plausible that Birdie may have agreed to execute his fellow prisoners in Panama City in 1768 because he was in territory of the Spaniards. Once freed, he may well have returned to his own

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109 territory of Pacora to repay his neighbors, either Indians or freed AfroAmericans, for hiding the. wcmen and children when Pacora was raided. The high value of women within the rebel communities is represented in the ritual play by the ransom paid by John of God to the Indian Chief of the East Bank for Mary of Mercy, as well as the reference made by the Indian Chief of the West Bank about those Indian women who had married Negroes and had discontinued wearing their Indian attire. For the Afro-American rebels or runaway slaves, life as social hiaman beings was only viable if they had wcmen and children. Initially, the Indian population was the best possibility available to the rebels to live in a community context outside Spanish control. For example, the runaway slave Felipe in 15^9 established a stockade of runaway slaves and Indians (De la Guardia 1977:77-85). In 1555, the rebel leader Bayano took women from the Indian settlement known as Caricua and established working relations with these Indians (De la Guardia 1977:87). Later, women travelling along the Spanish trails were kidnapped and taken by the rebels to live with them in their communities. This was the case of the kidnapped creole servant of Captain Troyano who was taken by Birdie and his rebels in 1768 (De la Guardia 1977:10U). But women and children were also valuable to the Spaniards for the same reason, of making life viacle in a community context in the New World. This is suggested by theL fact that the two Afro-American wcmen found with the runaway slave Pedro Casanga de Go. Suarez in l60.2-03 are described by the Spanish authorities as free and not as runaway slaves CDe la Guardia 1977:99Â—103). In 1768, the female creole of Captain Troyano is described as a servant, not a slave (De la Guardia 1977:10it).

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no It can he inferred, therefore, that women had a high value for both, the Afro-American rebels and the Spaniards. This does not in^ily that wcmen were means of exchange between the human groups. Rather, it reflects the fact that women were important and significant elements for a human community to exist in the New World since women represented the continuity of life as children. A key factor in the evolution of the hiaman species has been life in a community context CKimball I 98 O b). In effect, in the colonial situation women made viable the payoff matrix of creoHzation whereby all three ethnic groups Â— Africarfe ^ Indians , and Spaniards Â— continued to exist in a population of genetically related interactants in miscegenized communities. The coexistence of the Afro-Americans with the Indians in a miscegenized community is represented by the dancing of the Indians and the Congos together inside the ritual hoxjse at sundown, thvis ending the ritual play at Boca de Rio Indio in February 1979* Moreover, it represented the long-standing relations in marriage and ritual coparenthood of the Play epos and the Naturales in the Lower Coast. The Ritual-Play Language In the preceding section, words of the ritual-play language have been purposely used without explaining their sociolinguistic implications. This has been done in order to convey a sense of the language without explaining its rules. This is the way that Playeros are socialized in the use of this ritual play language, without anyone telling them how to do it. They learn it by hearing, imitating, memorizing, and playing with it during the ritual season which is the only time when it is used.

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Ill The language of the Congo ritual players generally conforms to the canonic syllabic structure and vowel harmony of the Spanish language, hut undergoes several morphophonemi c , syntactic, and semantic alterations (Joly 1981 a) . This section will only explain those semantic and syntactic processes that show evidences of a West African and Caribbean cultural matrix of creolization of languages arising out of cultural contact during the European slave trade (Alleyne 1977). First, there are a few words in the Congo playritual language that have no etymological base in the Spanish language. Two of these words deserve particular attention because they have utmost socioÂ— ecological significance: fiiMtt-fitrrtv (food) and Qt-hve (river). It is posited that ftimtMmt is a reduplicated variant of ngam (eat), which is found in Jamaican Creole, Gullah, Sranan, and others, and probably derives from njcwri, which means "to eat" in Fulani , a language spoken today in Guinea, Gambia, Senegal, and Mali (Trudgill 1979:179). Coincidentally, Gani'-Guni (Guinea) is the nythological place from where the Nengre {Negros = Negroes), as the call themselves, say that they come and return to every year.^^ The ritual-play word for river, jY&re, may correspond to the Cubanism jigue , which refers to naked, black, hairy dwarfs that come out of the river (Ortiz 197^+: 305). The Vlageros narrate myths of little black dwarfs called famtliccres (familiars), who serve as slaves, performing extraordinary labor tasks, in amazing short periods of time, for people who have associations with the devil. Referring to Henry H. Johnston's A Comparative Study of the Bantu and Semi-Bantu Languages Cl919 in Ortiz 197^:305), Fernando Ortiz traces the etymology of the Cubanism figCie to the Cameroons and the Calabars of West Africa, where jiwe refers to "monkey." According

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112 to Ortiz (197^:305), tlie terms for "monkey," "devil," and "dwarf" have frequently been inter-changed in Africa. The Congo ritual-play language preposes the particle mi before the verb. In some instances it connotes progressive or continuous aspect, at other times it is j\ast a verb marker. This syntactic stincture corresponds to a similar process in other Caribbean Creole and West African langauges whereby the particle de precedes the verb form CTrudgill 1979: 177). Words and sentences are reduplicated frequently in the Congo ritual-play language. Reduplication is prevalent in Caribbean Creole and West African languages. The Congo ritual-play language also reduces and simplifies grammar as occurs in the pidginization and creolization of languages (Hymes 1977). Finally, certain morph ophonemic processes in the Congo ritual -play language suggest correspondences with Patenquero , the Spanish-based Creole language of the Afro-American commmity of El Palenque de San Basilio in northern Colombia (Bickerton and Escalante 1970). In short, this sociolinguistic phenomenon connotes an ethnic identity as Afro-Americans not only for the players but for the PZayevo ccmmunity at large who learn to speak and understand the ritual-play language frcm a very young age. This is particularly evident when the players go around the pueblo requesting donations of food tn be cooked at the ritual house . Concluding Remarks Now that the identity of the Playevos as Afro-Americans has been defined, the nature of their system of community development will be better understood in the following chapter which will show how the ritual events of the "Play of the Congos" influence that development process.

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Notes 1 Bickerton and Escalante (l970), for example, report that many AfroAmericans frcm the Palenque de San Basilio in northern Colcmbia left for Panama to work in the canal. 2 Most wonen who were left in the Lower Coast hy the transient foreigners remarried with local men of their own group who helped them to raise the children of the foreigners as if they were their own children. Most contemporary Plcyero women who are marrying migrant Interiorano men have already been married before and have had a child or two with local Ptayeros . These earlier unions occxirred at a very yoimg age when both partners were in their teenage years. Many of these local young men later left for the city to work md the young women were left behind with the children. The migrant Inteviovanos , as the transient foreigners earlier in the century, represent an economic resoiirce either in terms of cash or labor for the women in assisting them to feed themselves and their children. 3 '^is contrasts with the retention of the English language among the majority of West Indians or Anglo Afro-Americans who remained within the transisthmi an zone, and also those who settled in great numbers in the province of Bocas del Toro on the western Caribbean side of Panama and there worked for the United Fruit banana plantations. ^ Reid and Heckadon Moreno (l980:12i+) report that West Indian turtle fishers from the western Caribbean province of Bocas del Toro would sail to Gobea not only to fish turtles but also to mate with women. 5 In Brazil, where scholars have correlated the festivities honoring African deities with the feast days of saints in the Catholic liturgical calendar. Saint Sebastian whose feast day the Catholic liturgy celebrates on Janu^ 20 corresponds to the African Abalu-aie in whose honor there is festive playing of the drums of Xango, the most prestigious divinity who controls the rivers, rains, tempests, and hardships (Araujo 1973:36). 6 For texts of the songs see Zarate, M. F. (1962); Zarate, D. P. (1971); and Smith, Ronald (1973). The songs are s\ing by the women in the base language , not the play language . 7 For descriptions of the dance see Cheville and Cheville (l977) and Cheville and Hassan de Llorente (1978). 8 In the northeastern Costa Arriba (Upper Coast) , the ritual house is known as the palaoio (palace) (Drolet, Patricia 1978; 1980). 9 For a comparison with the aongada and other dramatical dances of AfroAmericans in Brazil, see Bastide (1978:119-125) and Aratajo (1967:213-1+10). Bastide traces the roots of the aongada to a Bantu festival and memories of African kinships, plus incorporation of Catholic ritual under the influence of Jesuit catechization that encouraged these dramatical performances. In fact, Araujo (1967; 1973) describes these dramatical dances in Brazil as a catechetical theater based on the medieval Chanson de RoZand and adapted by the Jesuits to catechize the African slaves in Brazil.

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This catechizing function might possibly apply to the Congos in Panama, as the climatic events of the ritual play on Shrove Tuesday are enacted in front of the church. The lead male and female players use symbolic names that refer to Catholic saints Â— John of God and Mary of Mercy Â— and their crowns bear crosses at the apex. Also, Simeon Pacheco, who coordinated and supervised the "Play of the Congos" in several ipuehlos in the Lower Coast in the early 1900s, is described as a "bishop" who had made a promise to a saint to keep alive the tradition. At any rate, this may be a case of ritual synchretism or what Bastide (1978) defines as the "two Catholicisms." 10 At Miguel de la Borda, children are officially recognized as players during CamavaVito (little Carnival) on the weekend following the Shrovetide. During that weekend, the children form a complete ritual conmunity, supported and assisted by the adults. Some roles are directly inherited; for example, the son of the I98O John of God '^Drunkajrd assumed the role of his father, using his father's crown and wooden sword ~b\jshknife. 11 A canplete schedule of the events observed in Boca de Rio Indio in 1979 is given in Joly (1979 b). 12 A comparison and contrast of the climatic events of Shrove or Fat Tuesday of Carnival observed in 1979 at Boca de Rio Indio and in 198O at Miguel de la Borda, as well as their symbolic meaning in relation to historical accounts about runaway slaves and their rebel communities, is given in Joly (1981 b) . 13 The majority of the players nowadays have no conscious association between the play and a historical past. They do not even know that the mythological Gane~-^GunS (Giiinea) is a geographical site in West Africa.

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CHAPTER V THE PUEBLOS OF THE PLAIEROS For Naburales and PZayeros , development processes in this centtiry have largely been in response to influences external to the region and emanating from the urban transisthmian center. The two groups of people, however, have had distinctively different patterns of response in their communities. It is in the nature of their respective community systems that the processes of development are best understood. The community system of the Eatvrales , as was described and analyzed in Chapters II and III, is of a familistic nature. A kin based group of prinoipaZes attains socioeconomic status and introduces improvements at a riverside nucleus but most of their houses are dispersed over the territory under their control. Sane of their members, usually the middle children, become inteimediaries with the urban center but retain their home base in the countryside. This conforms to the personal identity of the Nccburales as gente del aampo (people of the countryside). Among the Play eras , 20 or more households bound by a variety of networks in addition to kinship reside in close proximity in pueblos at the mouths of rivers by the seashore. In contrast to the NaturaZes^ the PZayepos emphasize that they are gente de pueblo (town's people) with their aampos (agricultural plots) away frcm their residential centers and 3-5 km inland. In a section of 21 km from the mouth of the Chagres river on the east to the mouth of the Helen river on the west, there are 11 Playevo 115

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n6 pueblos at the mouths of rivers that empty into the Caribbean (See Map l.l) The location of the pueblos by the shoreline gives the Playevos greater geographical accessibility and visibility than the inland Nabuxales. In most cases, the name of the pueblo is the same as that of the river^ and people bom and raised at a pueblo identify themselves by that name. Their community, however, extends beyond the bomdaries of the pueblo. Playeros at the different pueblos are interconnected by economic, political, and ritual networks that give them control over the coastal strip as the territorial dimension of their community system. They also maintain active contacts with other Playevos in the urban transisthmian center. Usually those in the urban center represent the older children whom parents generally send out to be educated and employed in the urban center. Those in the \irban center, however, do not sever ties entirely with their pueblos They become part of a temporal, fluctuating community that returns to the pueblos periodically, especially for mortuary rites and the ritual "Play of the Cangos . " The Playevo pueblos are the seats of various governmental offices at the provincial and national levels. These facilities include the offices of two district mayors; two district judges; two district treasurers; two middle, vocational schools; a hospital and a clinic staffed with resident physicians, nurses, laboratory technicians and pharmacies of the Ministry of Health; a regional office of the National Service for Eradication of Malaria; a regional office of the Ministry of Agricultural Development; a regional workshop of the Ministry of Public Works; three diesel electric plants; and an agro-industrial cooperative plantation affiliated with the Ministry of Agricultural Development. Additionally, the Playeros have a union of truck owners and drivers and two gasoline vendors. In contrast

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117 to the small Catholic chapels of the HaturaleSj the Playems have slightly higger buildings with cupolas and steeples. There is lisualdy a paved plaza or park in front of the Catholic church or the government offices. Some pueblos have Protestant assemblages in addition to the Catholic facilities . The foregoing is not simply a trait inventory. These are visible symbols of "areas of social differentiation" (Young and Fujimoto I 965 ) or "sites of assemblage" (Arensberg and Kimball 1972) that denote the political and economic status of the Play eras , and their greater geographical accessibility, in the Lower Coast (Joly 1978 ). In order to understand their position, however, one must first understand the historical processes that brou^t it about. This is best done by the case history of the pueblo of Boca de Rio Indio. This case will also serve to illustrate the nature of the Playevo community, particularly the associations among different cash rendering activities with subsistence food production. The Rise of a Plauero Pueblo: The Case of Boca de Rio Indio The Present The pueblo at the mouth of the Indio river is divided into two sections on either side of the mouth and connected by a hanging foot bridge. The east side is known as Pueblo VieQO (Old Pueblo), while the new pueblo is on the west side and is known as Boca de Rio Indio (Mouth of the Indio River). Each side is in separate districts of the province of Col6n: the east in the Chagres and the west in the Donoso district respectively. For legal, political, and economic purposes the residents of the pueblo may

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118 alternate registering in either district, and most households have kin in both districts. The east side includes such "sites of assemblage" or "areas of social differentiation" as the cemetery, the two major retail stores, a restaurant, a liquor store, a private dance hall, the site for the weekly market on Thursday, the truck station for daily passenger and cargo transportation the gasoline vending site, a warehouse-buying station of the Ministiy of Agricultural Development, and the regional office of the National Service for Eradication of Malaria. The west side has a Catholic church with its front plaza of benches; a chapel of The Jehovah Witnesses; a chapel of The Soldiers of the Cross of Christ; a primary p\iblic school; a public, boarding, vocational, middle school and its plaza with benches; a public dance hall; two sports fields, one of the school and one public; a liquor store; two minor retail stores; the office of the Covregidov and the police; a health clinic; two artesian wells with hand-operated pumps; a plastic piping aqueduct with an electric water pump. There is 2U-hour electric service on both sides of the gueblo , supplied by the diesel electric plant of the Institute of Hydraulic Resources and Electrification and located at the puehZo of Palmas Bellas. Electricity enables the stores and some households to have refrigerators and television sets. On the west side are located 53 households and li+ on the east side, for a total of 67 households in the puebZo. Six other neighboring households that participate in daily events at the puebZo bring the total to 73 households . Three of the neighboring households are upriver in the inland flood plain, two on the east and one on the west bank of the river. The other three are west of the new puebZo, two on the big cliff where the new puebZo is located and that is known as the mantanueZa (little moun-

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119 tain). The third one is further west on a smaller cliff known as a morro (headland) , hut its members are in the process of building two concrete block houses at the new pueblo. There are 25 concrete block houses at the pueblo. The 73 households include h22 persons (218 males, 20k females), with i+3 per cent under 15 years of age. Afro-Americans comprise 65 of the 73 households. The other eight households are migrants, seven from the Pacific Interior and one of Guaymi Indians from the western Caribbean province of Bocas del Toro. In addition to the regular population of U22 persons, there is a transient population of 86 people consisting of 11 teachers, 50 boarding students, 15 construction laborers, and 10 malaria eradicators. These additional people reside or commute to the pueblo on weekdays and during the school year, but retuin to the urban transisthmian area, other coastal pueblos^ and inland settlements on weekends, holidays, and vacations. The reverse is also true, as many relatives and friends of the Playeros come to the pueblo to get away from the urban transisthmian center on weekends, holidays, and vacations. During the research, 45 households received pay checks averaging $100 a month for labor in governmental agencies. These included the Ministries of Education, Health, Agriculture, Government and Justice, Public Works, Housing, the Institute of National Aqueducts and Sewers, the National Assembly, and a joint project of the Ministry of Education and the United States Agency for International Development. In addition, four households received monthly retirement pay checks from the governments of Panama (3) and the United States (l). Six other households, including two elderly couples, were directly supported by their children employed in the urban transisthmian area and in other pueblos. PAGE 138 120 In addition, 37 households had members who were self-emplqyed. This included 31 women involved in selling cooked food, refrigerated sodas and popsicles, lottery; sewing; laundry; and ho\ase servants on weekdays in urban centers. This work by the wcmen allowed for a wider distribution of cash, and often covered seme of the food expenses. Other types of self employment by males included the following: two concrete block makers; a mason; a carpenter; an extractive l\mnberman; a taxidermist who dissecated and stuffed animals for the urban tourist trade; a gasoline vendor; a seagoing, outboard, motorboat owneroperator; four fishermen who regularly marketed fish including two who periodically worked aboard shrimp boats in the Pacific Gulf of Panama. Even though there is a high niimber of wage laborers among the PtayevoSy 53 of the 73 households had agricultural plots to grow foodstuffs for household consumption and marketing. The other 20 had access to plots of kin and friends . Eleven households had cattle for marketing locally or in the urban centers. One household had a great nunber of pigs and chickens for marketing and raffling in urban centers dtiring holidays. Three households specialized as intermediaries in the marketing of puevcos hmtjos (witch hogs). These are hogs that are bought and butchered at the puebloy but are sold in the urban transisthmian area to networks of kin, friends, neighbors, and coworkers. All households had a member, including children, who fished regularly in the river or the sea, and four had regiiar hunters of wild animals. In short, the gathering and production of foodstuffs has not been entirely abandoned and occurs concomitantly with cash employment. This is due in part to the tradition of growing food for heme consunption. On the other hand, it is also influenced by the fact that the sources of cash have never been regular, but the result of recurring "boems-and-busts" PAGE 139 121 that create temporary conditions as will he explained in the next section that will recount the oraJ. econonic history of the Rio Indio in the past three quarters of the 20th century. The Past The pueblo of Boca de Rio Indio arose in response to what Playeros and Naturales refer to as tiempos de valimiento (times of value) in the latter l800s and the 1900s (Joly 1979 a), as follows. Vegetable Ivory, Turtle Shell, Chicle, and Rubber At the beginning of the 1900s, there was no pueblo at the mouth of the Rio Indio. Ancestors of the Playeros who now live in the pueblo lived 3-5 km upriver in an area of a flat flood plain and low hills on the east and west banks of the river. Most of the residents at the pueblo nowadays have their agriciiltural plots and cow pastures in that flood plain. They paddle their canoes or walk through inland trails from the seashore pueblo to this flood plain. They do this in the late afternoon or on weekends, as most residents have seme sort of cash employment during weekdays. The Chinese Stores at El Chilar In this inland flood plain, in an area known as El Chilar on the west bank of the Indio and 4 km from the mouth, Chinese men established five general merchandise stores in the late l800s and the first quarter of the 1900s. They sold imported drygoods including metal tools and cloth, food such as sugar and salt, and liquor such as rum. They bou^t from Playevos and Bccbuvales gathered natural products for international export and foodstuffs for the urban market in Colon. The export products includ- PAGE 140 122 ed vegetable ivoiy nuts {Phytelephas seemarmi Cook), chicle {^Achvas zapota L. ) rubber {Castilla panamensis Cook), and turtle shell {Eretmoahelys imbriaata) ; although, the latter had been exported from Panama since 1773 (Montecer et al. 1976-1977) Â• In other words, the Chinese were intermediaries in the international trade and in the marketing of foodstuffs for the ijrban area. They relied on Nczturales and Play evos as gatherers , producers , and clients Â• In addition, they depended on the Play S'pos for marine transportation. The Chinese storekeepers were supplied with merchandise from Chinese wholesalers in the city of Colon. This city had risen in the mid l800s as the Atlantic terminal of the Panama Railroad, for whose construction hundreds of Chinese had been contracted by a railroad company from the United States (Pereira Jimenez 1969:267; Picard-Ami and Melendez 1979). At the beginning of the 1900s, Chinese merchants were well established in Colon (Pereira Jimenez 1969:267). They supplied not only the retail stores of fellow Chinese, but also of Greek and other merchants (Tejeira 1975). The Chinese storekeepers at El Chilar received from the wholesalers not only merchandise but also fellow Chinese men to work as assistants in the . 2 retail outlets. In other words, the wholesalers in Colon also exported human labor to particular localities , thus employing mobility strategies that are reminiscent of the regional mobility strategies that have been described for late imperial China (Skinner 1976). In addition to Rio Indio, there were Chinese storekeepers at the Lagarto, Salud, and Gobea rivers in the Lower Coast. Although the Chinese depended on both Natvrales and Playevos for their business, they relied more heavily on the Playevos for the export products, foodstuffs, and marine transportation. This acquainted the Afro- PAGE 141 123 Americans more readily with the operations of the cash economy. First, the Playevos had greater access to the ivory palms {P'byte'L&phas seemaniCook) which grow wild in the coastal section that they inhabit, that is, from the seashore to 5Â—10 km inland.^ A gatherer, including women and children, could easily collect a "hand of five nuts," which was the lowest measure used hy the Chinese in buying the nuts. The Ptccyevos also controlled the maritime transportation of the nuts to Colon, so much so that they categorized their sailboats according to the number of 200 lb. barrels of nuts that a sailboat could carry. Some boats carried 50 barrels, others 100, plus other products and passengers. Coastal men also provided the ship-to-shore rowing service in loading and unloading cargo when the river mouth was closed by a sandbar in the dry season and the sailboats had to anchor at the portete (small port) east of the river mouth. This ship-to-shore activity gave rise to Pveblo Viego (Old Pueblo) that was founded by people who moved from the inland flood plain to the east side of the river mouth and performed this service. The maritime expertise of the Plccyeros and their residence in the coastal strip also meant that they were the turtle fishers.^ Fishers formed partnerships of two or three men per dugout canoe to set and check the tiirtle nets and decoys on the shoals near the coast. As with the crew of a sailboat, these partnerships were not based on kinship but depended on the expertise of the persons and a business relation of shares in the cargo or the catch. Some men had partnerships with Play eras from other areas along the coast, particularly if they fished in distant shoals further southwest. If they also worked aboard a sailboat, turtle fishers took tlie siiells or live turtles directly to the exporters or to the food market in Colon. They could thus bypass the Chinese intermediaries at El Chilar. PAGE 142 I2h The Rio Indio Ccmpany Bypassing the Chinese alloved the sailboat captains to become marketing intermediaries themselves. One of these was Captain Diego Vallejos, a Hispanic Afro-American from Onagres Viejo, wiio moved to Rio Indio when residents at the mouth of th.e Chagres river had to move because of the danger of flooding from spills of the Gatun Dam that retained the waters of the Chagres to form the Gatun Lake of the Panama Canal. At Rio Indio, Captain Vallejos became the buying agent for the Rio Indio Company. This was a corporation organized in May I 918 "with a capital of$30,000, about $20,000 of which was contributed by Americans residing on the Isthmus... to do a commercial business and develop a tract of land of 120,000 acres on the Indio River, some 30 miles west of Colon. The land referred to produces considerable quantities of vegetable ivory" CBulletin of the Pan American Union 1918:883; McCain 1937:99). According to oral history, this tract of land extended from the Salud river, 7 km east of Rio Indio, to the east bank of the Indio, and from the seashore on the north to Los Uveros on the south, 29 km inland. People who lived in this land could continue living there if they agreed to gather the ivory nuts and tap the chicle and rubber trees, and sell these to Captain Vallejos at the store that he opened at La Encantada. This was on the west bank of the Indio, 11 km from the mouth and 7 km further inland than the Chinese at El Chilar. This gave Captain Vallejos the advantage of being closer to the NcctuzÂ’aZ&s and encourage them to beccme gatherers also. In addition. Captain Vallejos and other sailboat owners and their crews often paddled upriver to buy foodstuffs from the NcztupciZ&Sj particularly chickens and pigs, with which to supplement foodstuffs that the Ptayevos also produced for the urban market. PAGE 143 125 Captain Vallejos' appointment as a buying agent for the Eio Indio Canpany reflects the influential contacts that he had in Colon. This influence is also reflected in the appointment of his son Cristobal, vho had been educated in Colon, as one of the first school teachers in the Lower Coast in the early 1900s. At this time, the school was located at La Encantada as that was a borderline location for the NainnKiZes and Play Bros . The school at the river mouth was not established iintil after the church was built at the new pvehlo. The Catholic Church and the New Pueblo Aboard the trading sailboats travelled the first Catholic Claretian missionaries to the Lower Coast in the 1920s (personal conmunicaÂ— tion in 1979 with Monsignor Jesus Serrano, Bishop of Colon, who was one of these early missionaries; Pujadas 1976). In 1928 a Catholic church was built on the west side of the river mouth. Since Pueblo Viejo annually flooded because of its location on the low, sandy shore of the east side of the river mouth, the church was built on top of a sea cliff on the west side of the river mouth. This triggered the move of some people from the inland flood plain to the west side of the river mouth, thus giving rise to the new pueblo of Boca de Rio Indio. Those who lived at Pueblo Viejo remained residing there. Having people on both sides of the river mouth gave the Playevos from Rio Indio access to two municipal bureaucracies. Playevos from Rio Indio have served as mayors for the two districts. The patron saint selected for the new churdi and pueblo df Boca de Rio Indio was Mary of Mercy, whose liturgical feast is celebrated on the 2Uth of September.^ In the Catholic liturgy, Mary of Mercy represents the patron of prisoners and people undergoing hardships. Coincidentaily , PAGE 144 126 Mary of Mercy is the symbolic name of th.e q.ueen or lead female player in the ritual "Play of the Ccngos^" who abbreviate it in their language as Uaoi or Uece or Mioi. Having Mary of Mercy as a patron saint reaffirmed the Afro-American identity of the Playevos as participants in the ritual "Play of the Cong os." Since the Plcxgevo churches were the first to be built in the region, the inland NatuvaZes began to descend downriver to attend the patronal festivals at the PZccyevo pviebZos. Many coparenthood and marital relations were then established between PZayeros and NatioÂ’aZes. The patronal festival at the new puebZo of Boca de Rio Indio also triggered the move of the cockfighting and lawn bowling that took place at the Chinese stores at El Chilar to the plaza in front of the church as well as the space behind the church. These events joined NdturaZes and PZctyevos in gambling and drinking together, which is said to have been the way that much of the cash received for the export products was spent. The "bust" of the "boom" The Chinese remained at El Chilar mtil the early 1930s. At about that time their stores were destroyed by a big fire that no one knew how it originated.^ The Chinese decided to move to Colon and to China, leaving their PZayero and NaturaZ women and children at Rio Indio. The sea captains, however, continued acting as intermediaries in the marketing system. They served as a link in the shift to the rising value of bananas at Rio Indio as the value of vegetable ivory and rubber declined in the Isthmus due to their commercial production in a bigger scale in South America and Southeast Asia. PAGE 145 127 The Banana Boom The Banana hoom reaffirmed the position of the Ptayevos at the mouth of the river, their role as marketing intermediaries, and their relations with Afro-Americans from other regions. This boom also reflected how events in other regions in the Isthmus triggered events in the Lower Coast. The boom is divided into two phases, as follows. The First Phase 1930-19^0 From 1915 to 1930, the United Fruit Company plantations in the northwestern Caribbean province of Bocas del Toro were affected by the Panama Disease {Pusariim oxys-porum) (Stephens 19J6). Since soil exhaustion was causally linked with the disease, one of the solutions was to extend production into other areas thinking that there were abundant lands for expansion (Sinmonds 1966:318). The United Fruit Company extended its plantations into the southwestern Pacific province of Chiriqim, forming the Chiriqui Land Company (Stephens 1976). But since the United Fruit Ccmpany was engaged in mixed company farming and buying from independent producers as was characteristic during the beginning of the banana trade (Simmonds 1966 : 318 ), it depended also on bananas bought by interne diaries from small independent growers. The Colon In^jort and Export Company'^ (Vdzquez M. 1939 ) was one of these intermediaries that bought bananas from small growers in the northeastern Caribbean region of the Upper Coast (Drolet 1978). When the Panama Disease also appeared at the same time in the Upper Coast (Drolet^p. 1978 ) the Colon Import and Export Ccmpany followed the same expansionary solution and contracted an Afro-American sea captain to promote the cultivation of bananas in the Lower Coast. Prior to this time, the PAGE 146 128 Colon Import and Export Company dad not sent its doats and buying agents to tde Lower Coast. Tdis was due to tde greater navigational dazards in tde Lower tdan in tde Upper Coast and tdat dad been reported since Spanish colonial times (Cuervo I 89 I; Jaen Arosemena 1956). The Chinese storekeepers and tde Plccyero saiHng captains had, therefore, assumed tde transportation risks during tde vegetable ivory-chi cle-rub*ber-turtle shell boom. In 1932 , Captain Alfredo Davis, an Afro-American from tde Colanbian Caribbean island of San Andres and who had moved to Colon in 1925, went to the Lower Coast for the first time, to buy bananas for the Colon Import and Export Company. When he arrived in Rio Indio in July 1932, Captain Davis was only able to buy 87 stems of bananas. He spoke with the people at Rio Indio and encouraged them to plant the patriota, that is, the Gross Michele variety then preferred by the United Fruit Company. By 1933 , Captain Davis was getting ItOOO stems of bananas bi-weekly from Rio Indio alone, plus those he also bought at other river mouths along the Lower Coast, as far west as Coclg del Norte. Captain Davis also sold metal goods like bushknives, grinding machines, pots and pans from the Colon Import and Export Company to storekeepers at the river mouths. By this time, the vacuum left by the Chinese storekeepers was filled by Playeros at Boca de Rio Indio. The life histoiy of one of these storekeepers, with whom Captain Davis established trading and ritual coparenthood relations, deserves particular attention. It illustrates the networks that exist in the Lower Coast, and between this region and the transisthmian area. It also exemplifies the entrepreneurial, political, and professional roles of the Playeros. PAGE 147 129 The Case of a Plaj^evo Entrepreneur Evariste Betegon was born in 1913, the son of Afro-American residents at El Charcon, 3 hm inland on the east bank of the Indio river. His father was Captain Andres Betegon, who owned and operated his own sailboat. His mother, Serafina Camargo, for many years played the lead role of Mary of Mercy in the ritual "Play of the Congos" at Rio Indio. She was well known and loved by both PZayevos and IZaticpaZes , as many leading Playero wcmen are in the Lower Coast. In 1932, at age 19, Evaristo married 15-year-old Sabina Mejia Bosques , daughter of PZayevo residents at Gobea, the next river west of Rio Indio. Sabina left Gobea to reside with Evansto at he new puehZo of Boca de Rio Indio, which then had few houses. They settled at the base of the sea cliff on the west bank of the river mouth, in a section known nowadays as the hayo (lowland). The Betegon family has continued occupying the same site since that time. Sites by the river bank are known as the "outside," and connote primacy of first arrivals and socic^econcmic control in the same way that the term is used by the NccbtcpaZes to apply to the nuclei of their settlements. At Boca de Rio Indio, Evaristo became a negooiante (busi:^ nessman) , while his wife Sabina established her own business of baking coconut bread in addition to assisting in managing the store. She also made gvan^ewas (vending stands of cooked food) on feast days and on banana trading days. This independent business activity as bakers, storekeepers, food and lottery venders is characteristic of many PZayevo women in the Lower Coast and cempares with similar entrepreneurial roles of AfroAmerican women in the Caribbean and with West African women. This female entrepreneurial role among the PZayevos contrasts quite dramatically with PAGE 148 130 behavior of the inland women of the liabuvales who engage in such activities to a lesser extent; althou^., the Â’Batuval women participate more than the Playevo women in agricultirre and animal raising activities. In addition to setting up the store, Evaristo planted a coconut palm grove at Salcipuedes, a sector of the tract of land of the Rio Indio Company that by then had ceased operations having been arraigned by the Panamanian government for not paying taxes. Evaristo also started raising a few heads of cattle at El Charcon, where his parents continued living in the inland flood plain. He bou^t pigs , chickens , coconuts , and oranges from Natuvales and Play eras to ship to the food market in Colon. He had four dugout canoes that he rented to other Playevo men to row out to the banana boats. The rowers charged US$0.10 per stem from the banana sellers, most of whan were inland Natuvales who feared this task after one of them capsized and drowned while doing this. The Betegon store was supplied not only with drygoods from the Colon Import and Export Company, but also with groceries frcm Tagaropulos who was also serving as an intermediary for the United Fruit Company (Tejeira 1975). Antonio Tagaropulos was a Greek merchant in Colon who began a multifaceted business enterprise that nowadays incltides as its main lines the chandling of ships transiting the Panama Canal and a chain of supermarkets in the urban transisthmian area (Tejeira 1975). Tagaropulos and what he called his Mosquito Fleet" served as links between the first and second phases of the banana boom in the Lower Coast. The two phases are divided by World War II when the international banana trade was suspended and resiimed after the war. The interim during the war was filled by the second rubber boom, as will be explained later.

PAGE 149

131 Ttie Second Phase 19^6-1958 It was during tiie second pEiase of tlie banana boom that Evaristo Betegon entered into a partnership with Rosa Madrid's oldest son in setting up a store at Santa Rosa de Rio Indio. Tagaropulos extended credit to Betegon and Madrid in buying groceries at wholesale prices. Although Tagaropulos stopped bi:ying bananas and coconuts in I 958 when he sold his "Mosquito Fleet" (Tejeira 1975), the storekeepers at Rio Indio continued sroceries from Tagaropulos' warehouse in Colon. By then trucking had replaced marine transportation in part of the Lower Coast, but the shift in the means of transportation did not alter the role of the Playeros as the principal transporters of products to be marketed in the urban transisthmian center. Either as sailors or truck drivers, they were the operators of the transportation system. The United States Army in the Panama Canal had built a coastal access road diiring World War II, extending from Gatun Lake westward to Salud, 7 km east of Rio Indio. At first people from Rio Indio would go on foot, horseback, or boat to and from Salud. Later some truck ownersÂ— drivers opened a track along the seacoast from Salud to Rio Indio. Evaristo owned and operated a truck; although, most truck ownersÂ— drivers were Playevos from the pueblos of Salud and PaOmas Bellas who organized themselves in a union in 1956. Flayevos from these pueblos have retained control of the trucking business until the present . Evaristo died in 1957 in a truck accident on the new coastal hi^way. During the mortuary rites, his house and store burned down. As in the case of the Chinese stores, no one knew how the fire originated. The Beteg6n discontinued operations after the fire, almost like the burning

PAGE 150

132 of tlie Chinese stores at El Chilar had discontinued tiieir businesses. The store was no longer essential for EvaristoÂ’s heirs, although they did continue cultivating their land throush. hired laborers. Most of the children of Evaristo and Sabina had been fomaliy educated in high schools in Colon and were working as professionals either in Colon or in the Lower Coast. For example, one of the daughters is a highÂ— school teacher working in the middle school at the pueblo of Palmas Bellas, east of Rio Indio. One of the sons worked as a school teacher among the Naturdles in the upriver settlement of Boca de Uracillo, and in the 1970s became Mayor of the district of Donoso following the example of his fatherÂ’s brother who had been Mayor of the district of Chagres in the 1950s. This indicates the political power of the Playevos , who control most of the bureaucratic appointments in the Lower Coast through their networks in the urban centers. The Second Rubber Boon A second rubber boom occurred during World War II ( 19 UQ-I 945 ). This was an "emergency program" of the United States due to the Japanese occupation of English and Dutch rubber plantations in Southeast Asia CSarringtan 19^5:777-778). People along the Rio Indio distinguish differences between this second rubber boom and the first when rubber was exported g~i nn g with ivory nuts and turtle shells. The gathered natural products of the first boom were said to be "gifts of God," that is, they were wild; whereas, in the second boom silviculture of rubber began to be practiced. Also, during the first boom, people only losed their bushknives to make incisions in the tree as far up as they could reach, without climbing the tree with ropes and spikes and using special knives as occurred in the second boom.

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133 The major difference, however, was the fact that the cultivation and tapping of rubber trees in the 1940s was promoted officially by the governments of the United Statesand Panama (Harrington 19 i;5 ; 791 792 ) , that issued specific instructions in pamphlets to the people (Seeley 191^2). Rubber was bought by an agency in Panama of the Rubber Reserve Chicle Company of Washington, D. C. This agency had a buyer in Rio Indio (Harrington 19 ^ 5 : 822 ). The bi^yer was a Natural from Boca de Uracillo. The agency equipped him with a store to supply foodstuffs and special equipment to the tappers. Play eras , therefore, would go upriver to tap and sell rubber directly in the inland mountainous zone. This reversed the trend of previous movements of people downriver in the preceding booms when the collection of products for marketing had occurred at the river mouths by the seashore and not in the inland mountainous zone. For the inland task, Playeros formed "companies," that is, gangs of tappers that were bound by a business relation in a share of the preoceeds from the sale of rubber, much the same working principle operating among the sailboat crews and turtle fishers. Some Playero tappers would bypass the buyer at Uracillo and take the rubber directly to the Panama Railroad station in Colon, as the Rubber Reserve Chicle Company assumed the cost of transportation by train for all rubber tapped in the Atlantic coast of the Isthmus (Harrington 1945; 793). The price paid by this ccmpany at their warehouse was US$0.38 per pound, while the buyers like the one at Uracillo paid US$0.32 per pound (Harrington 194-5 ; 815 816 ) , so there were a few cents to be gained in bypassing the buyer at Uracillo. In general, though, this boom restated the interdependent relations between Playeros and Naturales in sharing the regional resources and in marital unions between Playero tappers and Natu-

PAGE 152

134 rat vomen. Flayevos at Puelilo Viejo vould assist the buyer fhom Uracillo in storing and transporting rubber when he occassionally used the river route on his way to the Colon railroad station. His usual marketing route, however, was inland to Cuipo or Ciricito on the shores of GatlSn Lake. There the rubber was loaded aboard launches that carried the cargo across the lake to the Gatun railroad station by the Gatlin Locks of the Panama Canal. At either Gattan or Col6n, the btyer from Uracillo could get groceries and equipment for his store from the commissaries of the Panama Canal-Panama Railroad Company. As an agency engaged in the production of a vital war product, the Rubber Reserve Chicle Company was exempted by Panama of all import duties on supplies destined for use by the riibber tappers, most supplies being imported through the Panama Canal-Panama Railroad Company (Harrington 1945 ;8l6). No wonder that people called the store at Uracillo La Zona (The Zone) in reference to the former Panama Canal Zone. Other activities of the United States Army in Panama during World War II also brou^t together NainwaZes and PZayevos who worked as temporary manual laborers in the construction of United States Army bases , camps , roads, and airstrips in the Atlantic coast.Â® This was the case of the two oldest sons of Rosa Madrid and Eleuteria Rodriguez of Santa Rosa de Rio Indio, who became more acquainted with PZayevos like the Betegon brothers after working together in United States Army projects. The Palm Oil Plantation As with the banana boom, the existence of the palm oil plantation at Icacal, east of Rio Indio, covers two phases from its beginning in 1959 to the present. It was first a Dutch company and now it is an agro-industrial

PAGE 153

135 cocsperative, TTie Amsterdam Agri cultiiral Company As will be recalled, the Ptayero entrepreneur Evaristo Betegon died in a truck accident in 1957, aOjnost at the end of the banana boom. Two years after his death, his wife Sabina sold the usufruct rights of their coconut grove in Salcipuedes to the CompanCa AgvÂ€ooZa Amsterdam^ S. A. (Amsterdam Agricultural Companyl, hereafter referred to as CAASA. This Dutch Company "was incorporated under the laws of the Bepublic of Panama on January 19, 1959, and commenced preliminary development operations for a palm oil plantation in the latter part of the year" (CAASA a:196o),^ Associated con^janies included the M. 7. Rubber Oultur Mig Â’Â•Amsterdam" of Holland with US$750,000 in shares, and the Canpaflta Panamefla due Aaeites (Panamanian Oil Company), a subsidiary of Colgate-Palmolive of Central America, with US$250,000 in shares by I969 (CAASA a:1969). The 5,870 hectares now covering the plantation coincide 'with a large portion of the 120,000 acres bou^t by the Rio Indio Company in 1918 during the vegetable ivory boom. This correlation suggests that certain geographical spaces in the Isthmus have repeatedly been controlled by the international political economy of the transisthmian area. The palm oil plantation covers an area between the mouth of the Salud river on the east, to the mouth of the Rio Indio on the west, and from the seashore on the north to 10 km inland as far south as the Escobal stream on the east and the Agua Bendita stream on the west and that entity into the Salud and Indio rivers respectively. This area excludes the pueblos of Salud on the east and Pueblo Viejo on the west by the mouths of the Salud and Indio rivers respectively.

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136 Sabina claimed to have received US$1, 600 from the Dutch for the coconut grove, at the rate of US$5 per palm. She considered this amount as a tonteria (silliness), that she used mainly to build a concrete block house to replace the buildings that burned dtiring the mortuary rites for her husband. According to the annual reports of the Dutch,' the company bou^t usufruct rights from 40 persons. The list of names includes people from the p-uehlos of Boca de Rio Indio and Salud, as well as people in the inland flood plain. Other people, however, claim that they never sold usufruct rights to the con 5 )any and that they were allowed to hold unto 10 hectares along the east river bank of the Indio and the seashore site of Pueblo Viejo. This is not acknowledged by either the company records nor the present operators of the plantation. In fact, the company monthly reports repeatedly alluded to "the continuous illegal occupation of land along the rivers Salud and Indio" (CAASA b:196J+, translation mine) . Most households nowadays at Boca de Rio Indio, Pueblo Viejo, and the eastern bank of the Indio bordering the plantation have worked for the plantation at one time or another as manual laborers or as contractors of laborers. In regard to laborers and labor contractors, the monthly reports repeatedly alluded to the instability of laborers, the inability of contractors to adjust to stipulated time contracts, and labor strikes ( CAASA b:19631966) . An analysis of the months in which such labor incidents ve re reported revealedthat they occurred at critical periods in the swidden agricultural cycle, namely at planting and harvesting. This reflects the tradition of a mixed cash-subsistence economy, as well as the instability of a cash econony whereby "busts" follow "booms" and whereby manual laborers are hired only on a temporary basis.

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137 This subsistence base is still in^jontant for the seven Playevo households of Boca de Rio Indio that have been continuously employed by the plantation since the 1960s to the present. These seven households refused to move away from the pueblo to reside in the houses rented by the plantation to its laborers. They argued that the pueblo is closer to their agricultural lands on the west side of the Indio. They continue to cultivate these lands on weekends or after the company working hours. In their case, and that of employees that reside at the pueblo of Salud, the plantation agreed to provide daily transportation service. This is regularly done in the morning at 6:30 a.m. to begin work at 7^00 a.m. , but not always available at quitting time at 3:00 p.m. when they usually hitchhike on a private passenger-cargo truck. All these households also consider that at the pueblo they can build their own concrete block houses in whichever style they want, and where they can accommodate or be near to their kinfolk and friends. The case of these seven 0 ^ 3 is similar to that of three other households at Boca de Rio Indio, where the husband works in the city of Colon on weekdays, but returns to the pueblo on weekends and holidays to be with wife and children and work in their agricultural plots. In all three cases, the men have a long-standing record of employment in government agencies including the National Institute of Aqueducts and Sewers and the National Institute of Housing. In one of these cases, the wife and four children (two sons and two daughters) resided temporarily in the city while the children were attending high school in the city, but returned to the pueblo when one of the daughters was appointed as school teacher in the Lower Coast and the other daughter was engaged to be married to a government official in the Lower Coast. The sons remained employed in the trans-

PAGE 156

138 isthmian area, but return to the pvtBbZo on weekends and holidays with the father . Such networks between Playevos and institutions in the transisthmian area are also evident in the Dutch monthly reports. For example, the lawyers called upon to resolve problems between labor contractors and the company were always Afro-Americans from Playero pueblos of the Lower Coast and who now work in the urban transisthmian center. Two of the labor contractors from Boca de Rio Indio had been government officials in the district of Donoso, and knew about legal rights. The right to unionize, for example, had been put into effect since 1956 by the truck owners-drivers of the Lower Coast. The Dutch, however, ignored that precedent and their reports alluded to instigations by union leaders from the urban center. The plantation laborers unionized in August I96U (CAASA b:196U). The Dutch also ignored the result of the action against the Rio Indio Company, which had been arraigned by the government for not paying taxeb during the ivoiy boom. In October 1964, the Dutch company was arraigned by the district of Chagres to pay a district land tax. Coincidentally, one of the climatic events in the ritual "Play of the Congos" is "The Measuring of the Land" which involves the charging of a tax for buildings en la tarengo d& la Nengve {en el terreno de los Negvos = in the land of the Negroes) (Joly I98I b). In fact, the ritual 'Play of the Congos" as enacted in the Lower Coast includes confrontations between Dutch sailors and the Congos, as was explained in the preceding chapter. One of the labor contractors from Boca de Rio Indio had in the past played the role of Dutch Captain. As was explained in the preceding chapter, dramatical, ritual events are metonyms that condense and emctionally structure the historical

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139 narrative so that the participants, players and spectators, can personally identify with the events in a metaphoric process. Althou^ referring to something that happened in the past, the metonymic process extends into the present and future and becomes a metaphoric process by which one takes the metonym and associates it with something else, most often with oneself and one's own condition (Smith, Robert 1975:100). With a ritual "Play of the Congos" based on a historical past of Dutch slave raids and Dutch slave ships, it is not surprising that the Amsterdam Agricultural Company repeatedly had what they reported as a "labor problem" in the region and that justified bringing in temporary laborers from the Pacific Interior who were not Afro-Americans nor Nccturates. The latter did not like to work for the Dutch either because it interfered with their agricultural activities and became instead independent coffee producers as the price of coffee rose in the international market in the 1960 s and 1970s (Joly 1979 a). The Agro-Industrial Cooperative The social problems that the Dutch faced were compounded by natural problems of pests that killed the imported African palms. In the face of natural and social problems, the Dutch wanted to pull out even though they had beg\in experimenting with a new hybrid that they had brought from their plantations in Turbo, Colombia. The Panamanian agricultural engineer who had worked with the Dutch since I 963 and who had established kinship relations with one of the leading Playero families of Salud, appealed to the CorporaoiSn Finaneiera Nadonat (National Financial Corporation) to negotiate international loans to continue the hybrid experiment at the plantation. As a result of these negotiaÂ—

PAGE 158

tions, the Dutch sold their US$3 million facilities in I97U to an agroindustrial cooperative formed by the 200 employees at the plantation and directly affiliated to the Ministry of Agricultural Development under its program of Agrarian Reform. As a cooperative, laborers were told that they could not strike against themselves as they were now the owners. As an agency of the national government, the cooperative was exempt from paying taxes to the district of Chagres. Supposedly this would take care of the two major social problems that the Dutch had been facing. The laborers have so far accepted this arrangement. The general attitude is one of "wait and see" if the hybrids will produce success fully. They will continue working as long as they receive a monthly salary, now largely paid from the national Social Seciirity fund. Some emplcyees , however, resent that they have no real managerial authority, no decision-making power at hi^ levels, nor training to eventually be better managers and decision makei^ . Some also resent that they receive no real economic compensation for performing many voluntary social services that are intrinsic in a cooperative organizational structure, particularly those involving social issues. Others have complained about leaking roofs in the plantation houses , but have been told that repairs cannot be made because the international loans only cover the hybrid experiment and not the social aspects of the plantation. So the social aspect of the plantation continues to be a problem as it was for the Dutch, even though the technical aspects of the experiment are so far proceeding well to the extent that the agricultural engineer-manager has been transfered to supervise a new plantation of the Ministry of Agriciatural Development in the southwestern Pacific province of Chiriqui. PAGE 159 The Production School During the research, 24 of the 73 households of the pueblo received monthly salaries in connection with work at a "production school." This was a public, boarding, vocational, middle, coeducational school where male students received primarily an agricultural training and female students concentrated in "family administration" (sewing, handicrafts, and cooking). The school at Boca de Rio Indio became a "production school" in 1975 under the Integrated Educational Development Program that was decreed in February of that year (isos 197T). The school at Boca de Rio Indio was selected for two major reasons. First, there were high-ranking Playero educators in high decision-making levels of the Ministry of Education. Secondly, becaijse education in the production schools was to be "closely connected with poles of development" (isos 1977:397-398). This meant that students graduating from such schools would "play a part in the projects, plans, and progranmes of the national development policy" and help "to restrain the population from leaving the rural areas by providing people with better living conditions" (isos 1977). The school at Boca de Rio Indio was connected with two poles of development related to the national policy of Agrarian Reform and agricultural development. The first pole consist^ of the five asentamientos ecanpesinos (planned agricultural settlements) that were in operation since 1972 on the east bank of the Rio Indio among the inland NaturaZes . This included the settlement of Santa Rosa de Rio Indio. The schools in these settlements were among the 15 "satellite schools" incorporated to the "basic center" of Boca de Rio Indio (Direccion Nacional de Educacion Basica General 1976:2). The second pole was the Agro-Industrial Cooperative of Icacal that in 1974 continued operating the palm oil plantation that the PAGE 160 11^2 Dutch had begun in 1959Fifteen of the 24 households who had a menÂ±Â»er working at the school were only temporarily emplcyed in a 2-year project to reb;aild the school in 19T8 and 1979. Rebuilding was necessary to transform the previous basic school into a real Â’Â’production school" with proper boarding facilities and workshops . The proposal for this project called for US$351,825 of which 66 per cent was to be covered by the United States Agency for International Development (Direcci8n Nacional de Educacion Basica General 19T6). The salary of another ten^jorary en^jlcyee working as a school janitor also came from international funding throu^ an "Emergency Plan" to alleviate unemployment in the country. Permanent emplcyment was only available to 8 of the 24 households. These included 2 female cooks, 1 female secretary , 1 male and 1 female teacher, and 3 male manual laborers who were actually doing some of the agricultinral work required of students including the butchering and marketing of animals. In addition, 5 households were deriving either cash or foodstuffs by providing sleeping space and food to teachers, laborers, and students. Many households, especially those of the temporary laborers, were benefitting from surplus materials. They were also receiving the voluntary assistance in house building and repairs by the expert laborers of the permanent crew of the Ministry of Education. In other words, several hoxases in Rio Indio got the roofs repaired, walls painted, floors cemented, new tiles, and concrete block additions. By the end of 1979, however, there was concern in these households about emplcyment at the school. The rebuilding was to be completed in February 1980. By April I98O, the school would reopen after vacations but not as a "production school." A general strike of public and private school teachers in the country, from September to December 1979, was set-

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of the human person . . . demands working freely and responsibly in society for the system that contributes the most to the well-being and development of man and all men (Confe]rencia Episcopal Panameha 1979; translation mine). As in the case of the agro-ind\istrial palm oil plantation, the attitude of those employed at the school was one of "wait and see." Those who were pemanently employed expected to be carried over by whatever new educational program was implemented. There were tentative plans from the School of Agronomy of the National University to use some of the new facilities at the school for a joint project with the University of Delaware under a United States Title XII strengthening grant for universities (Universidad de Panama/Universidad de Delaware 1979). A few of those who had been temporarily employed in the rebuilding project were contemplating working in Colon, but the majority were expecting to be rehired by the Ministry of Public Works and the United States Agency for International Development in the building of the coastal highway from Boca de Rio Indio to Gobea. This new project was festively announced in a public meeting in Februaiy U, I980, in the Playero pueblo of Gobea (west of Rio Indio). This meeting was attended by the Minister of Public Works, members of the National Guard, and the Representative of Rio Indio and Gobea to the National Assembly. The former Mayor of the district of Donoso, a Playevo of the pueblo of Miguel de la Borda, also attended to express his disappoinhnent that the road would not extend to Miguel as he had planned when he submitted the proposal to the national budget. Since the meeting occtirred during the ritual season of the Congos , the ritual playe2rs of Miguel de la Borda, Gobea, and Boca de Rio Indio were officially invited to attend. The Mice or queen of Rio Indio, whose husband had been a temporary laborer in rebuilding the school, composed and sang a special song for this occasion. She described this as a Leva de Congo (spirit lifter of the

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Congos) , whick are often composed to relate current events-. The former Mayor asked her to s-ing this while the Ptayeros attending the meeting were asked by the Minister to sign the contract and pledge their "community participation" so that the USAID funds could be released. The song not only reflects the wishful expectation of another "boom" of wage labor but also makes reference to the marketing of foodstuffs that have to be taken out of the region to the urban transisthmian center. The Minister and other officials danced with the madhas (women) while the Miai of Rio Indio sang the verses as follows: Leva de Congo a Za CcoPTeteva ^Congo Spirit Lifter for the Highway) Contestaoion ( Coro ) No queremos pica^ queremos aao'retera. Answer (Chorus) We don't want a trail, we want a highway. Versos Queremos Za occrreiera para sacar eZ maCz. Queremos Za aarretera para sacar eZ frigoZ. Queremos Za oarretera para sacar Za verdura. Queremos Za carretera para sacar eZ arroz. Lo que qzdere Gobea^ Zo que qicLere es su carretera. Que Zo que qvciere MigueZ, Zo que quiere es su carretera. Viyan Zos Representantes ^ vivan Zos representantes . Verses We want the hi^way to take out the corn. We want the highway to take out the beans. We want the highway to take out the greens (tubers and bananas) We want the highway to take out the rice. What Gdbea wants, what it wants is its highway. That what Miguel wants, what it wants is its hi^way. Hurray for the Representatives , hurray for the Representatives .

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Vivan los trabajadoves. Hurray for the laborers, vi-vcm los "tTdbcL^cLdov&s . hurray for the laborers. Que lo qve quiere Gobea, That what Gobea wants , Zo que q'Lciej^'e es su Qcuve'bevci, what it wants is its highway. Viva la aojcn^eteva. Hurray for the highway, viva la oarveteva. hurray for the hi^way. Summary The development process of the Vlayevo pueblos^ the specifics of which will now be summarized, illustrates a community system that is as distinctive of the Playeros as the system of pvinGvpales that was described for the Naburales . The significance of the develcpment systems of these two groups lies in their different responses to external influences without succumbing to exploitation. A variety of reasons account for the differences in their responses: social organization, world view as reflected in ritual traditions that telescope the social organization, and geographic or spatial accessibility. The Playeros (people of the beach) of the Lower Coast are AfroAmericans who reside in pueblos at the mouths of rivers by the seashore and who cultivate a coastal strip of 3Â—5 km inland. The pueblos represent a semi -urban system of development of the Afro-Americans whereby 20 or more ho\iseholds , not necessarily related by kinship, become nucleated and establish econanic and political relations among themselves and with other Afro-Americans in the Lower Coast and in the transisthmian center. This system of relations relfects an ethnic identity as Afro-Americans that is reinforced by annual participation in the ritual "Play of the Covyos." This tradition is a condensed historical narrative of Afro-American experiences in the Isthmus of Panama. Along with mortuary rites, it serves as

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a ritual of intensification tliat telescopes the nature of the F^Lccyevo community in which both men and women hold bureaucratic positions hut also maintain subsistence production and commercial activities. As exemplified by the case of the -pueblo of Boca de Rio Indio, AfroAmericans residing in the inland coastal zone became true "people of the beach" when they moved to the river mouth in response to maritime contact by international import-export traders who created a series of "times of value" or cash "boomsan d-busts . " This seaward move is similar to the coastal adaptations of other human groups in the Caribbean side of Lower Central America such as the Misktto of Nicaragua and the Cuna of Panama (Helms 1978:121-11+9) and the Afro-Americans in the northeastern Upper Coast of Panama (Drolet, Patricia 1978:2-3). As with these other coastal people, the adaptations have been dual in the sense of having access to resources in both the littoral zone as well as in the inland, forested, mountainous zone. In the case of the Play eras , this dual adaptation has been accomplished by interdependent relations with the inland Natuvales with whom they have shared the resources of the region. Their greater geographical accessibility on the coastal strip as well as their expertise in maritime transportation linked the Playevos more readily with the political econony of the transisthmian center. This has enabled different Playero entrepreneurs to develop economic and political careers for themselves and their children in the region and in the transisthmian center, thus gaining control of the governmental btireaucraÂ— cies in the districts of Chagres and Donoso of the province of Colon. By their participation in bureaucratic employment in institutions at the national and provincial levels , the Playevos asserted the preeminence of their pueblos in political, economic, and educational affairs. From P 7a-

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yeTOS in the districts of Chagres and Donoso came most of the appointed mayors, judges, treasurers, school teachers, and the elected councillors. The PlayeTO pueblos became the seats of provincial and central government agencies including the judicial district courts. The Playero pueblos became the major collection points and marketing sites of foodstuffs and other resoinÂ’ces of the region. Political, economic, and educational programs and policies from national centers were received and incorporated first at the Playero pueblos and then transmitted from there to the inland, upriver settlements of the Nccbitrales. This bureaucratic experience has provided the Playevos with knowledge about legal processes. They have applied this legal knowledge in variolas ways. First, they formed a union of trucksdrivers in 1956, and a union of laborers at the Amsterdam Agricultural Company in 1964. Labor contractors with the Dutch company also appealed to legal processes to settle conflicts with the Dutch. District officials of Chagres arraigned the Dutch company legally in 1964 to pay district land taxes, in the same way that the Rio Indio Company had been arraigned during the vegetable ivoiy boom for not paying national land taxes. Bureaucratic connections have also enabled the Playevos to negotiate "national development projects" in the coastal strip, such as the construction of the "production schools" and the coastal highway. As sources of tenporary wage employment, these projects have largely replaced for the Playevos^ more than for the Naturales , the previous "times of value" in gathering and cultivating natural products , although some Playevos cultivate coffee in the contemporary "time of value" of this product in the region. The perpetuity of the system is ensured by a demographic process whereby there is a steady flow of young women and men from the Playevo

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lh9 pueblos into the transisthmian urban center. In the urban centers they utilize educational channels beyond the regional pilmary levels and acquire skills for placement in prestigeful occupations in the \arban centers as well as in the region. They reactivate continuously the connections between the region and the transisthmian urban centers, particularly during ritual events like the "Play of the Congos" and mortuary rites. Although the Playevos have schediiled their time and labor as an adaptive response to cash rendering activities, they have nevertheless continued gathering and producing foodstuffs for themselves and to sell to personal networks in the urban transisthmian center. These subsistence activities are continued because sources of cash have mostly been temporary , not substantial, and decreasing in value in the contemporary inflationary trend in the world econony. The in^jortance of these foodstuffs is best exemplified by the Playero households that sell "witch hogs" in the transisthmian center. This trade involves professional members of the households, such as school teachers who reside in the transisthmian center, and their parents, siblings, and coparents in the pueblos. During the twoand-a-half month strike by school teachers in September-December 1979, there were two Playevo school teachers residing in the transisthmian area who intensified their moonlighting activity as intermediaries in the marketing of witch hogs" that their parents and siblings helped to buy and butcher in the pueblo. This activity allowed these school teachers not only to survive themselves during the strike, but to assist coworkers in the city by selling pork 30-U0 cents less per pound than the price in the urban food market. They have been doing this marketing activity for the past ten years.

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150 The implications of this type of rural food production for urban populationsin Latin America have been discussed by Fortes (1978) who considers this a means of subsidizing inexpensive labor for the national and international political economies of the contemporary world. Suffice it herd to state that the case of the peoples in the Lower Coast is not yet entirely one of a canplete move from subsistence to capitalism as has been reported for the Inteviovano sugar: cane growers on the Pacific side of Panama (Gudeman 1978). Twice in this century, in the face of large-scale capitalistic enterprises like the Rio Indio Company and the Amsterdam Agricultural Company, Playevos and. NaturaZes have resisted succumbing entirely to this system, thus retaining a certain degree of autonomy about when, whefe, to whom, and hew to schedule their time and labor even if by so doing they have been viewed as "unproductive" by national and international high level political and economic decision makers.

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OLAPTER VI THE MIGRATI(2J OF THE INTEEIORANOS Introduction For many of the countryfolk, in the south central and western Pacific Interior of Panama, development in this century has meant a continuous migration into forested areas in the northeastern and central sections of the Atlantic side of the Isthmus. This migration process includes a sequence of five phases; 1.) exploration of the forest through hunting and/ or guided hy previo\:is migrants; 2.) purchase of usufruct rights and/or occupation by deforestation and cultivation of subsistence crops; 3.) instead of a fallow period after cultivation, seeding with grasses to establish pastures; U.) bringing in cattle through bank, loans, cooperative arrangements with other cattle owners, or independent piirchase of cattle; 5.) selling the pastures and animals to bigger cattle producers and continue moving on into a new area. This continuing process of expanding frontiers has been intensified and accelerated since the 1950s by the building of highways and their feeders. Through these routes the Interioranos have carried with them a cattle raising tradition that combined both large and small herds in the Pacific lowlands. Ethnohistorically , this cattle raising tradition can be traced to the Spanish occupation of the Pacific lowlands. Ethnosemantically, according to classifications used by the Interioranos and acknowledged by the Eaticraies and Hayeros , a small herder is anyone who has as 152

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153 many as 6o head of cattle. The coexistence of small and big herds implied tke transformation of the small herds into bigger herds through a process of consolidation by the big herders birying the small herders out and/or employing the small herders to continue expanding pastures. This transformation or consolidation process vas modified in the mid 1900s by the big cattle producers to include the transf omation of pastures into industrialized agriculture of sugar cane, rice, and tomatoes in th.e Pacific lowlands. This industrialization process proletarianized some of the population of Interiovanos into wage laborers. Those who lost lands through consolidation and transformation processes and yet wanted to continue the small herding tradition and subsistence cultivation are some of the migrant Interioponos . Others are those whose lands became extremely parcelized through inheritance practices. At any rate, the migrants have been encouraged in continuing the cattle raising tradition by the increased demand for beef in urban centers in Panama and abroad. The commercialization of beef for national and international markets has linked the migrants with national and international banking systems that extend credit for cattle production. They have also been linked with large-scale capitalistic investors like insurance companies and construction companies which have bou^t extensive tracts of land in the Lower Coast to buy and fatten yearlings. In this new form of transformation and. consolidation, some Interiorano migrants aspiring to economic and political status act as intermediaries between the small herding migrants and the big capitalist investors. Since migrants have the implicit expectation of improving their living .conditions by the move, migration can be regarded as a development process in terms of these expectations. The probabilities of realizing those expectations often depend on the type of encounters with other human

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populations who may either resist or incorporate the migrants into their socio-cultural systems. Therefore, the migration of the Interiaranos into the Lower Coast will he described and analyzed in terms of their relations with Naturales and Playevos of the Rio Indio and how the migration process contrasts with the development processes of the other two groups. These inter-ethnic relations will be presented in Chapter VII. This Chapter VT will first define the identity of the migrants ethnosemanÂ— tically and ethnohistorically . The latter will provide a time depth by which to evaluate the persistence of their tradition as cattle raisers and their linkages with the national political econony of the transisthmian center. The migration routes will then be described. Finally, the implications of migration as development will be discussed in terms of national and international development programs . Who are the Interioranos ? As Identified by Nabyrates and Playevos Ncctvrales and Playeros identify the Inteviovanos according to criteria which are geographic, physical, linguistic, and socio-cultural. Geographically, the Intevioranos are gente de afueva (people of the outside). In this case, "outside" connotes an area external to the Atlantic region and not to the "outside" by the river banks within the Lower Coast. The "outside" external to the region refers to the Pacific side of Ihe Isthmus, across the Continental Divide. This external outside is divided into two areas that are also distinguished by two different periods of major movements of people into the Atlantic. If "outside" is qualified by "Penonome it identifies the Cholos penonomeflos of the mountains of Code who are ethnically the same indigenotis people as the Natu3?aZes . The only differ-

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155 ence is tliat these outsiders cone from the Pacific side of the mountains rather than the Atlantic, and often that distinction is not clear as the province of Code and its district of Penonome extend into the Atlantic. If "outside" is qualified by "Interior,'^ it refers to the southwestern Pacific and includes the provinces of Chiriqui, Veraguas , Herrera, and Los Santos. While "outsiders of Penonome" moved to the Atlantic side at the beginning of the 1900s during the One Thousand Day War and the vegetable ivory boon (Joly 1919 a) , "outsiders of the Interior'' are more recent migrants beginning with the 1950s (Camargo et al. 196?). The latter are the Interioranos of this chapter. Naturales and Play eras identify the Interioranos by their phenotype. In general, the Interioranos are described as coloraos {aolorados = reddish). This color refers to the pinkish suntan acquired by fair-skinned people, in contrast to the more melanic pigment of the indigenous Naturales. The Interioranos are also described as being generally taller than the Naturales . The speech of the Interioranos is also distinguished as linguistically different from that of the Naturales and Playeros. Rhythm, intonation, and lexicon are the principal distinguishing characteristics. Flora, fama, and objects made from natural materials such as calabashes and gourds are described by the Interioranos in different terms than the words used by the Naturales and Playeros. The Interiorano tradition of extensive cattle raising distinguishes them from Naturales and Playeros who have been mostly producers of hogs and fowl and fishers in the rivers and the sea. As will be recalled, the "Code Reservation" was created in 191 it to protect the Naturales from extensive cattle raisers in the Pacific lowlands and who wanted to use the moun-

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156 tains as a transh.umance zone when the savanna dessicates in the dry season. In their coastal strip, the Vhcxjjevos have been primarily gatherers of turtles and fish as well as producers of hogs and fowl. Althou^ NaburcLies and Â’Ptaxjevos value beef cattle as food and as a commercial product, and do raise sane cattle, they have nythological and rational reasons for not engaging in extensive cattle raising. Both Naticrales and Flayevos relate myths of evil spirits extracting the tongues of cattle and of visions of the devil among cattle. Since cattle are a sign of wealth, people who are wealthy are often said to have traded the afterlife of their souls with the devil in order to possess wealth, such as cattle during their life on earth. These myths reinforce the following limitations that they experience in raising cattle in this region and that they voice quite explicitly. There are three principal disadvantages. The first of these is the great number of buzzards that scavange along the shoreline often extract the eyes and the umbilical cord of newborn calves, if someone is not present soon after delivery to protect the calf. Secondly, once dense root systems of some of the grasses take hold, it is extremely difficult without a deep penetrating instrument to either restore the land for cultivation or realize the regeneration of secondary growth. Thirdly and most importantly, there are constraints in the means of transportation in the marketing of cattle. Cattle often die from cramps after being transported for long hoiirs with their legs bound inside a narrow canoe. If siabmerged in the river and tied to the sides of a canoe or raft, the animals lose weight from the immersion. They also lose weight when pulled with ropes, over long distances along the shore or up and down the mountains. If the animal does not meet the minimum weight required at the slaughterhoiise, then it cannot be sold in the

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15T urban centers. If sold as a calf or a heifer to intermediaries wh.o then resell the animals to hig cattle owners for fattening in their pastures, then there is the risk, of not getting enough money from the intermediaries vho buy al 030 (by eyesi^t) guessing the weight of the animal. If butchered within the region, it is only profitable to sell beef on feast days when part of the animal is sold as cooked food to the great number of people who assemble; or, when a great number of laborers are needed and pounds of beef are exchanged for labor time based on the current monetary value of both beef and labor in the countryside; or on the pay days when the Playeros receive their wages. Consequently , NwticpciLes and PZctyeiPos have traditionally raised and marketed more swine than cattle. In contrast, the InterioTonos like extensive pastures and a great number of cattle, and they specialize as intermediaries in the marketing of cattle. As cattle people, the Intenytovanos uphold the Hispanic tradition of horsebackriding and bullfighting. For Natuvates and Play eras ^ a horse was, as recently as 20 years ago, mainly a beast of burden and not a means of personal transportation. Naturales and Play eras are mainly canoe operators and long-distance walkers, which are regarded as safer means of transportation in the orographic and fluvial environment of the Lovrer Coast. With the arrival of the Intevioranos, however, Bccbunales and Playevos are beginning to use the horse more as a means of personal transportation. Bullfighting on feast days is something that Natwpales and Playevos say had not been done in the Lower Coast prior to the arrival of the Inteviovanos. The migrants have also influenced feast days with their ti-plao Ctypical) country-style music. As recently as ten years ago, dancing music on feast days in the Lower Coast was usually provided by local musicians.

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158 Nowadays most festival dancing, except tiie ritual dancing of the Cong os , is to tt-piao music hy groups of Interiorccnos who play in "dancing gardens" in the urban centers. Many of these IntejnoTCcno miasical groups have promotional contracts with breweries, soda and rum manufacturers. These beverage manufacturers often act as sponsors of feast days in rxiral areas to promote the sale of beverages. These ccmpanies install portable wooden dance floors, protected by portable tin roofs. Throu^ advertising on the radio and television, these ccmpanies have popularized ttpioo singers and this has led to a con 5 >etition among rural communities for the prestige and status of contracting one of these singers instead of local musicians. This means that a great poirtion of the festival funds now goes to cover the expenses of musicians and beverages. (See Appendix III for the expenses incurred for the patronal festival of Santa Rosa de Rio Indio in 1979 .) The demographic processes of the Naturales and Plcajevos include moving and relocating at a new site but differ in certain aspects from the migration of the Interioranos . The fissioning process of the system of pi*inaipales of the Natvo'ates implies relocating at a new site biit is then followed by a sedentary, gradual process of establishing a kin group over three or foinr generations while solidifying their claim on that territory. This claim includes the ri^t to secondary forest in an area that was cultivated by the prinoipales as long as 20 years previously but was allowed to regenerate secondary growth which serves as a boundary marker. Due to the low population density in the Lower Coast, there was enough space for the Naburales to allow for long-term regeneration of forests along with the process of fissioning off and claiming new territories along the river banks. The Inteviovanos ^ on the other hand, are continuously seeking new

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159 patches of virgin forest that can he first cultivated and then converted into pasture, eventually reselling the pastures to bigger cattle ovmers and landlords. Since the banks of the major rivers are already claimed by Naturales and PlayevoSt the Interioranos move to the inland interstices between the major rivers. (See Map 1.2 for the relative spatial distribution of the three hman groups.) Since the Babuvdles and the Ptayeros have already established educational and other facilities, the Intepioranos use these facilities rather than setting up their own facilities. Similar to the Ptayevos from urban centers who return to their pruebZos in the Lower Coast for ritual events, the Interiovanos return to their provinces in the Pacific Inteviov for feast days. They visit relatives and reinvest their savings in biJiying land or building concrete houses in the Inteviov. In other words , they identify their homeland as the Pacific Interior rather than the Lower Coast. They also send their children to be educated in high schools in the Interior. While the Playeros go into professional careers in education, law, and public administration, the Interioranos piirsue careers in agroncmy and agricultural engineering in addition to school teaching and politics. Like the PZayeros, the Interioranos also become truck owners and drivers and effectively canpete with the PZayeros in this regard. They are also effective competitors in politics, particularly in areas where they have settled in great numbers. These differences and similarities, however, are best understood by first looking into the historical origins of the Interioranos and into the types of relations that they establish with NaticraZes and PZayeros.

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As Defined "by Themselves The Inter%ovanos identify themselves by all the foregoing characteristics that are ascribed to them by Nabvrales and Playeros. In particular, the IntevioTcmos consider themselves phenotypic ally different from NcctuTales and Playeros. For the Interiovanos ^ the Nabvacales are Cholos in the literal sense of the teim, that is , a dark-skinned person of Indian ancestry (Robe 1960:28; Gudeman 1976:65). This meaning is equivalent to that of the term NaburaZes as used by the Afro-American pZcyevos . Unlike the PZayevoSy however, the Interiopanos share with the NaturaZes their social identity as aampesinos (people from the countryside). The Interioponos refer to the Afro-Americans as Negros Costefios (Coastal Blacks). There is, however, no racial discrimination by the Intevvoranos against NabvraZes and PZayeros. In fact, one of the migration strategies is to establish marital relations with NaturaZes and. PZayeros , to gain access to lands. Since many migrants come first as unaccompanied men, marital relations occur commonly between Interiorano men and NatvraZ and PZayero women. The Interloranos differentiate themselves from other Interioranos by their province of origin. In other words, they are ChLrioanos, Veraguensesy HerreranoSy Santefhos from the provinces of Chiriquf, Veraguas, Herrera, and Los Santos respectively. Many make annual visits to their provinces of origin where they continue having socioÂ— econanic ties. This is particularly true when parents are left behind in the native province. Whereas NaturaZes and PZayeros consider the Lower Coast as their haneland, most Interioranos regard the Pacific side of the Isthmus as their cultiiralgeographical base regardless of how long they have been on the move. The Interioranos also distinguish themselves as being harder and more productive workers than NaturaZes and PZayeros . This impression that

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161 the Inteviovanos are harder, more productive workers is shared by people from Europe and the United States . The Dutch at the palm oil plantation of Icacal would fly in Inteviovcmos as temporary laborers when "problems" arose among Flayey^ and Batnxedl laborers. It was easier to recruit Inteviovanos since there are regular market places for hiring laborers in the Pacific IntevioT (Gudeman 1978:125). Cultural geographers from the United States have also evaluated migrant Chiriaanos as more intensive, better organized producers than the Indian and Afro-American groups in the southeastern provinces of Panama and Darien to where the Inteviovanos have also moved (Paganini 1970: 122lUl; 228-232). The Inteviovanos in the Lower Coast consider themselves harder workers because they slash-and-bum greater amoimts of forest, in shorter periods of time, and plant greater amounts of rice, beans, sugar cane, and grasses than Nccticvales and Ptayevos. The forest in the Lower Coast is a sign of the low productivity of TUccbuvales and Playevos according to the world view of the Inteviovanos. The prresence of the forest Justifies the maxim of the "Conquest of the Atlantic" voiced by government officials (El Dominical-La Republica 1977:7C; Chen et al. 1977) Â» which indirectly encourages the migrants to think of the region as virgin land to be conqiiered. Historical Identity and Causes for Migration Frcm the l6th to the l8th century, a great number of the Spanish boiirgeoisie in the urban transisthmian center moved to the south central and western Pacific lowland of the Isthmus (Jaen Suarez 1978: 70-7^) . Their move was triggered not only by the destructive attacks of English pirates in the transisthmian center, but also by the hi^ cost of living

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162 in the urban centers (Ja6n Suarez 1978 : 70 7 ^) Â• Additionally, there were regular influxes into the countryside by dissident Spanish soldiers and families who had enlisted to colonize Peril and Chile but stayed in the Isthmus instead. They generally moved to the Pacific lowlands and became food producers (Castillero Calvo 1971 : 70 71 ). Thios the Pacific lowlands became known to the Spaniards as the Interior, that is, inland and away from their point of arrival on the Atlantic and away from the transisthmian route between the oceans. There were two major consequences as a result of the Spanish population in the Pacific lowlands. First, in addition to depopulation from epidemics and wars, there was dispersion of the Indian population in the lowlands towards the mountains of the Continental Divide to avoid direct doaination by whites and mestizos who gained control of the lowlands (Ja6n Suarez 1978 : 70 7 ^). Thus the highlands and the Atlantic slope became a region of refuge for the Indians. Secondly, the whites and mestizos became the major producers of foodstuffs, particularly beef, for the gold mines of Veraguas (Castillero Calvo 1971 : 67 ) and for the urban transisthmian center (Ja6n Suarez 1978 : 70 7 ^). This changed the agrarian ecology of the lowlands from an Indian agricultirral system based on the cultivation of com, fishing, and hunting (Cooke 1976 ) to a cattle raising system with extensive pastures for grazing animals (Ja^n Suarez 1978 : 70 7 ^). Cattle raising was supplemented with the commercial production of sugar cane, salt from the seashore flats, and carbon for cooking from the extensive mangroves by the Pacific shoreline. In addition to ccmmercial cattle raising, small producers grew their own siibsistence crops. The Spanish cattle raising activity, coupled with Indian swidden agriculture, were cultiiral factors that, along with edaphic and climatic factors, caused

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i63 the formation of the savannas of the Pacific lowlands (Puson 1958:10-66). The Pacific savanna contrasts quite dramatically with the Atlantic rainforests, and Nccbicpales from the Atlantic when crossing the Continental Divide into the Pacific side will comment about this contrast. During the republican era of Panama in the 19th and 20th centuries, the rural groups on the Pacific lowlands continued being the major beef producers for the transisthmisin center. In the l800s when Panama was an affiliate state of the Great Colombia, cattle raising in the Pacific Interior was largely controlled by a number of dominant white families of Spanish origin who had descended frcm the bourgeoisie that had moved to the countryside in the 17th and l8th centuries (Figueroa Navarro 1978:101129). These families foimed not only a regional endogamous groiip, b\it they also had direct political alliances with the Chamber of Representatives in Bogota, Colombia (Figueroa Navarro 1978:101-129). Along with this ruling oligarchy, there was a white and mestizo population of smaller, independent food producers. It is this sector of small, independent producers who have led the migration of Interioranos into the southeastern Pacific provinces and the north central and eastern Atlantic region in the 20th century. This migration has been triggered by several factors, to be explained as follows. The urban transisthmian center and its demand for foodstuffs was created by transoceanic routes across the Isthmus, first the Spanish trails for mule trains biult in the l600s and 1700s (Joly and Bohn 1978 ) and then in the l800s the railroad bioilt, owned, and operated by an engineering company from the United States. The construction of the canal in the early 1900s by the United States Arny Corps of Engineers, after the failure of the French in the latter l800s , increased even more the transisthmian

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16U urban population engaged in the international cash econcmy. Concomitantly, this increased the urban demand for food, especially for beef. In 1970 population density in the transisthmian center exceeded 100 persons per km^ (Recreo 1976:16-17). Population also increased in the Pacific Interior. In contrast to the Atlantic Lower Coast with a density of 5 or less persons pfer km , population density in the south central and western Pacific provinces was 25-^9 persons per km^ in areas of Cocl^, Veraguas , Los Santos, and Chiriqui; 50-99 persons per km^ in the districts of Barll and David in Chiriqui; and over 100 persons per km^ in the district of Chitre in Herrera (Recreo 1976:16-17). This increase in the rural population caused increased parcelling of the land, particularly in the Azuero peninsula where it had long been a practice to divide land equally among all heirs (Heckadon Moreno 1977a: 124). There was also expansion and penetration of national institutions and large-scale capitalism in the Pacific Interior since the independence of Panama from Colcmbia in 1903. The ruling republican elite was a continuation of the same colonial endogamous oligarchy that had commercial and political ties between the Pacific lowlands and the urban center. They, therefore, influenced the expansion of national institutions and largescale capitalism in the Pacific countryside. This expansion included, among other things, the Boston Panama Development Conpany's rubber and coconut plantations in the Azuero peninsula; the United Fruit Company's banana plantations in Chiriqui; the private and national sugar mills in Code and Veraguas ; the Swiss Maggi food processing indiistries in Code; These private and national enterprises not only controlled large tracts of land directly and indirectly, but also transformed subsistence and small comnercial producers into proletarian laborers of capitalist enter-

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165 prises (Gudeman 1978). All the foregoing events have influenced the migration of Interioranos. First, the Inteviovano tradition of conmercial production of beef cattle has responded to the increased demand for beef from the transisthmian urban center which generates the cash that food producers nowadays require mo3?e and more in the national economy. Secondly, land in the Pacific Inteviov has becane a limited resource due to increased population, hereditary parcelling, control of large tracts by national and private enterprises, deforestation and severe soil erosion caused by overgrazing and everburning. For all these reasons, the migrants keep on the move seeking new forests to convert to pasture. The Migration Routes The Interioranos have several migration routes into the Lower Coast. The primary route out of the Pacific Interior is the Panamerican Highway that in the 1950s and '60s improved a previous lowland highway built in the 1920s and 1930s . From Panama City in the Pacific, the Intein-oranos either continue southeastward following the Panamerican Highway to Darien, or they go northward to the Atlantic following the Transisthmian Highway that the United States Army built as an emergency road during World War II and that parallels the canal and the railroad. From the Atlantic city of Colon, if they have not settled along the Transisthmian Highway, the Interioranos have the alternative of either following the coastal highway bxiilt by Panama in the 1960s into the eastern Upper Coast or westward into the Lower Coast through either the coastal or the lake roads that the United States Amy also b\n.lt during World War II. The coastal road is the one that now reaches as far as Rio Indio, while the lake road follows

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COSTA RICA 166 8iÂ« 83 Â“ L_ !* 8Â»Â» B 79 Â» 78 * O C Â£ A H PA C t f / C O 60 * Map 6,1 Ttie Highway Syston and Feeder Roads Used hy the Interiovanos in their Migration COLOMBIA

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PAGE 186

1S8 east of Cerro Trinidad drop in height in the northwestern section of Capira and Chorrera. This permits an easy access to the Atlantic^ and the southwestern shores of Gatlin Lake. As in the case of the northwestern shores of the lake, there was no restriction for people to settle along the southwestern shores since the western section of the lake was outside the United States administration of the canal. By 1970, population density along the western shoreline of the lake was in excess of 100 persons per km^ (Recreo 19T6:16-17). The districts of Capira and Chorrera in general, and the southwestern shorelines of Gatun Lake in particular, serve as a temporary migration station for Intevioranos that eventually move further northwestward into the Atlantic. At this temporary stop they acquire information, make contacts and contracts. Sane contracts involve purchasing usufruct rights to land from previous and older migrants. Others contract themselves as tree-fellers for older migrants who allow the newer migrants to cultivate the newly slashed-and-bumed area for 2 or 3 years before seeding it with grasses. This is the same tactic for extending pastures that has been used by big cattle owners on the Pacific lowlands. Another type of contract made at Chorrera is to sign up for a small cattle loan (US$5000-US$ 8000 ) with the Bank of Agricultural Development, a subsidiary of the InterAmerican Development Bank. Once access is gained into the Atlantic, the loan is transferred to the Colon branch of the bank as one of the development programs encoiiraged by the Ministry of Planning and Political Econcmy is cattle raising in the district of Chagres (Direccion de Planificacion y Coordinacion Regional 1979) Â• For those migrants who have beccme bigger cattle owners, greater credits are available from the National Bank on a joint program with the World Bank to develop cattle raising in the district

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169 of Qiagres of Colon province (Banco Nacional-Banco Mundial 1977:108-112). For sane Naturales, to be an Inteviovano is often synonymous to being a prestamista (one who has a cattle loan from a bank). Paradoxically, soliciting credit has been described as something that Interiapanos , particularly those from Los Santos, will not do as it goes against their pride and individualism (Heckadon Moreno 1977a:125)If the Interioranos take the route across the northwestern section of Capira and Chorrera, this places them more directly within the highland zone of the NatuvaZes. If they follow the Transisthmian Highway and then take either the coastal or the lake feeder roads into the Lower Coast , this brings them more directly within the coastal strip of the Ptayevos and the Afro-Americans in the northwestern section of Gatun Lake. The tactics differ sonewhat with regard to which section of the Lower Coast they come into, either the inner highlands of the BatuvaZes or the coastal and lake shorelines of the Afro-Americans. In other ways, the tactics are similar. The cases examined in Chapter VII will serve to illustrate these tactics and the networks or relations that are established. Map 6.1 shows the highway system and feeder roads used by the Intertaranos as migration routes into the Lower Coast. Migration as Development Migration has been an adaptive and expansionist human activity since prehistoric times. Sometimes migration may be a seasonal movement between two or more areas . At other times there is permanent resettlement at a new site without returning to the former place of residence. Whether seasonal or peimanent, most migrants have the implicit expectation of improving their living condition by the move. In terms of these expecta-

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170 tions, migration can te regarded as a development process. The probabilities of realizing those expectations often depend on the types of encounters with other human populations who may either resist or incorporate the migrants into their socio-cultural systems. This section, therefore, will summarize salient aspects of the relations of the Interiovccnos with NabiccaLes and FZayevos ^ who were already residing in the Caribbean region of the Lower Coast long before the migration of the Interioranos from the Pacific to the Atlantic side of the Isthmiis. Chapter VII will present specific cases to illiistrate these relations. The Inteviovanos have tried to have symbiotic relations with NaturaZes and PZayevoSy using the facilities that these two groups had already established through their own processes of development. The Inte'pioTCcnos have also engaged in kinship and ritual coparenthood relations with NaturaZes and PZayeros as an attempt of incorporation within these two other human popiolations . Intermarriage has been more readily established with the PZayevos at Boca de Rio Indio than with the NaturaZes at Santa Rosa and Uracillo. On the other hand, ritual coparenthood has been more readily established by NaturaZes at Santa Rosa and Uracillo with Inteinoranos near these settlements , than between PZca/eros and Inteviovanos at Boca de Rio Indio. Households composed entirely of Inteviovanos have only been able to settle at the fringes of the PZayevo puehZos and the boundaries of the territories of the NabuvaZeSy and away from the banks of the major rivers. Except for special permits for school children, Inteviovanos have not been able to reside pemnanently within the nuclei controlled by the pvindpaZ^s of the NatwaZes . Even thou^ they reside at the puebZoy the Inteviovanos have only been able to live at the outskirts of the PZayevo puebZo.

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171 This marginality, however, is illusive. Bolstered hy a cultural tradition of cattle raising that has conferred power and wealth to those who have traditionally governed the Isthmus since Spanish colonialism, the Inteviovccnos have "been able to effectively occupy in great numbers the inland spaces between the major rivers and that had been left as forest reserves by Nccttirales and Playeros . It is in their world view of the forest and its use as a natural resource that the Inteviorano process of development differs most drastically from those of the NabVToles and the Play eras , For the Inteviovanos , the forest is an area that needs to be converted into pasture for extensive cattle raising. This world view ignores the fact that the forest has for a long time been used by JHaturales and PZayeros as a resource of natural materials for the building of houses and the manufacture of handicrafts; the hunting and gathering of foodstuffs and commercial products like vegetable ivory and rubber; the raising of great numbers of pigs in its shady, humid environment and the use of forest fruits for fattening pigs; and finally as a natural fertilizer of crops by allowing long-term regeneration of the forest in swidden agriculture. In other words, the indigenous process of development of the Inteviovanos is based on deforestation for extensive cattle raising. Although their migration is triggered by social and ecological factors in the Pacific lowlands as well as the demand for beef in the transisthmian urban center, it is the existence of extensive forests in the Atlantic slope that hap attracted the Interioranos in great numbers. This world view of the forest as an unused territory is also upheld by the central national government which has been controlled since Spanish colonialism by cattle raisers of the white and mestizo population of the Pacific lowlands. The view of the national government is enhodied in the phrase "The Conquest of the Atlantic"

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172 that has guided the plans for tlie development of the Atlantic and as proposed by the revolutionary government in the 1970s. Cattle raising is a major objective of these plans as set forth by the National Bank of Panama and the World Bank in their study of the feasibility for the development of cattle raising in the Atlantic sector CBanco Nacional-Banco Mundial 1977) and by the Directorate of Regional Planning and Coordination in their outline for the integral development of the province of Colon (Direccion de Planificacion y Coordinacion Regional 1979). That the Interioranos are a key element in these development plans by the national government is best exemplified by the fact that the IntepioTKmos migrating to the Lower Coast have beccme the major users of cattle loans by the Bank of Agricultural Development, a subsidiary of the InterAmerican Development Bank. Even though a rural sociologist had reported that InteT^OTcmos like those from Los Santos province do not like to use credits from national government agencies in their hone province in the Pacific lowlands (Heckadon Moreno 1977 b), the SantefLo migrants in particular take out cattle loans from the Bank of Agricultural Development during the migration process. That this is a migration tactic is clearly demonstrated by three events. First, the loans are secured at the agency of the bank in Chorrera on the Pacific side of Panama province prior to their move into the Atlantic. The loan is then transferred to the bank agency in the Colon province after the move. Secondly, the loan serves as a territorial claim that justifies deforesting the boundaries of the territories held by the Naturales^ resting assured that the office of Agrarian Reform regards all land as state land to be used by all people, particularly those who have cattle loans since both the office of Agrarian Reform and the Bank of Agricultural Development are agencies of the Minis-

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173 try of Agricultxiral Development. Third, the knowledge that the National Bank will make available larger loans for extensive cattle raisers who will buy and take over pastures established by the smaller cattle raisers. Extensive deforestation by the Intevvovccnos serves another purpose for the national government other than cattle raising through bank loans. Namely, the Intevtovanos are a human mechanism that effectively and rapidly clears land making it easier for surveying and road bmlding. The increase in population density broxjght about by the migration of InteTiovanos into the Atlantic Justifies the building of roads in areas where they have settled in great numbers and have "developedÂ” by cattle raising. In other words, the roads are Justified on the basis that they serve to transport the products of the region to the urban markets. Production is mainly viewed in terms of cattle; whereas, Naturales and Playevos have had a long history of marketing great numbers of hogs, coconuts, bananas, and coffee without the support from Â“the national government in road building. In Februaiy I98O, the newspapers announced the schedule for the signing of contracts by members of communities in the provinces of CoclÂ€ and Colon. The communities woiild sign an agreement to provide preventive road maintenance for rural access roads to be built by a Joint project of the Ministiy of Public Works of Panama and the United States Agency for International Development (Col6n al Dfa, La Estrella 3 b VancanSi, 3 February 198O; B-16). In the Colon province, the access roads will be built in areas where the Interioranos have settled in great niuribers ; namely, the northwestern shoreline of Gattin Lake, the inland space between the Indio and Gobea rivers where Interioranos from the Herrera province have moved in great numbers in the 1970s, and in the area of Ncrnbre de Dios in the eastern Upper Coast where Interioranos have also moved in great numbers

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in the 196Qs and ' 70s . Since the development process of migration of the Interioranos coincides with the development plans and programs of national and international agencies, this gives the Inteviovanos political leverage. While the Afro-American Ptayevos have developed their political linkages by placing their educated youth within the provincial and national b;n:eaucracies , the Inteviovanos acquire their political power by moving in great numbers to the Atlantic to produce beef for the transisthmian urban area. It is questionable, however, whether encouraging migration for extensive cattle production will indeed "develop" the Atlantic side of the Isthm\;is or create similar edaphic, climatic, and socio-econcmic conditions as exist on the Pacific side and that paradoxically are causally related to the migration of the Inteviovanos. Where will the Inteviovanos ^ Natuvales, and Ptayevos go when the Atlantic replicates the serious conditions existing in the Pacific; namely, severe soil erosion, long periods of drought, large tracts of land under the control of big cattle owners and extensive industrial production?

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Concluding Remarks In general, the Interioranos have established symbiotic relations with Natuvates and Ptayepos in the Lower Coast. Since certain sociocultural aspects of the Interioranos are similar to that of the Naburales and the Playevos^ the migrants have been able to compete effectively with the other two groups. This competition leads to both amicable and antagonistic relations. The migration strategies also reveal that the Interiovanos initially deal with other Inteviovanos who have preceded them in the migration process.

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176 Notes 1 The low altitude in this area is one of the reasons for the proposed route for a sea level canal by the Japanese (Ventocilla I 98 O). 2 The government slogan for the "Conquest of the Atlantic" of Panama is similar to the government slogan for the "Awakening of the Atlantic" in Nicaragua, as follows: For the revolutionary government, the Atlantic region is an important one, as a hillboard in Managua advertised: La Costa Atl6ntica: Un gigante que despierta, "The Atlantic Coast: A giant that awakes." The promise is of new land for Nicaragua oampesinos and new areas of production to increase the level of yield of the nation as a whole. The perspective is a bit reminiscent of the Australian colonist view of an "empty continent" Â— ignoring that it was filled with aboriginal people. In a similar vein, one might observe that the Atlantic Coast has not been asleep, but expanding sonewhat uneasily (Adams 198l:l6-17).

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CHAPTER VII RELATIONS OF INTERIOEANOS WITH NATURAIES AND PLAIEROS This chapter will examine cases of relations of IntevioTCcnos with Rabiccales and PZayevos . This will serve to illustrate the tactics and the systems of relations that the Interi-ovanos establish with the other two human groups in the Lower Coast. The cases are based on relations with NcctuvaZes in Boca de Uracillo and Santa Rosa de Rio Indio and with the PZayeros at Boca de Rio Indio. Some of the events illustrate interethiu-c relations among all three groups, reflecting their relative position within the political econon^r of the nation as a whole. Relations between Intevioranos and NaturaZes Relations between NccbuvaZes and Intevtopcmos were briefly mentioned in Chapter III which presented the case of Santa Rosa de Rio Indio as an example of the system of prinoipaZes of the NaturaZes. To recapitulate, it was mentioned that an Inteviovana wonan resided with her grandchildren at the nucleus of the settlement; that an Interiorano man had married one of Rosa's and Teya's greatgranddaughters ; that Santa Rosa joined the asentairaento eampesino (planned agricultural settlement) as a protection from Interioranos infringing upon their territory. These points will be expanded in this section. In addition it will be explained how an Interiovano school teacher replaced Rosa's and Teya's son as Representative to the National Assembly, as well as types of services that Interioranos have 177

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178 volunteered to do for the Batwcales at Booa de Uracillo, the parent settlement from 'which Santa Rosa fissioned off. Although voluntary services are amicable in nature, other activities by Interiovanos antagonize NatuvaZes and cause a certain amo'unt of concern and apprehension. Residential and Marital Relations Santa Rosa de Rio Indio The Case of a Santefla Woman and Her Farm* iy In 196k, a 42-yeaivold woman left Los Santos province with her two daughters and six sons. Her first seven children had been fathered by a man -who had left Los Santos long before they did. Her last child was fathered by another man since her first husband never returned to Los Santos. He had bought a piece of land in the district of Chorrera of Panama province. That is Â•where they went in 1961-. The children b'uilt a house in their fatherÂ’s land and they lived there 'until 1970. During this period, the two daughters married other Santeflo migrants in Chorrera. In 1970 , the father had the children evicted from his land by ^ recjuest for this to be done by the office of Agrarian Reform, The three oldest sons then left Chorrera for the Chagres district of Colon province. They followed the northwestern route along the Gatton Lahe shoreline. They were guided by another Santeflo man who told them that he knew where there was a piece of virgin forest to be had for free. This was not true. The forest had a usufruct owner, another SanteUho man, who wanted US$300 to transfer her rights in writiiig to the three brothers. They bought the rights to this site near the western shores of Gattm Lake, This was at La Encantadita, near to the marketing and transportation site PAGE 197 179 of Ctiipo on the lake aliore. The siblings and th.e mother moved to the new site, except for one of the sisters who remained with her husband in Chorrera. The cattle loans that they had signed for in Chorrera were transferred to the Colon agency of the Bank of Agricultural Development. One loan was taken out by the unmarried brothers as a group, the other by their brother-in-law. In 197^, they moved again farther westward, to an area near the northeastern boundary of Santa Rosa de Rio Indio. The area is actually an interstice between the settlements of Santa Rosa, La Encantada, and Las Cruces. The reason for the move this time was that two of the brothers married women from the Bccbvxales at La Encantada, and the brother-inlaw established coparenthood relations with the pvtncvpaZes of Santa Rosa. He asked Rosa's and Teya's oldest son for permission to build a house at the nucleus of Santa Rosa for his dau^ters and youngest brother-in-law to attend school there. His mother-in-law, that is, the grandmother and mother of the children, would live with the children at the nucleus. On weekends, he or his wife would bring foodstuffs for the grandmother to cook. On holidays the children would go inland, and the grandmother would go to her unmarried sons. This arrangement was congruent with the residential pattern of Naburat households away from the nucleus but having another house at the nucleus. Moreover, he and his brothers-in-law would assist with conmunity tasks such as the fagina Cthe "task" to clear vegetation at the nucleus, cemetery, and trails). This was also congruent with the community labor of the NatuvaZes, Permission was granted. Most likely they will remain affiliated with Santa Rosa until the children ccmplete their primary education, and then they may move again as exemplified by the migration history of the young Santeflo man who PAGE 198 l8o married Rosa's and Teya's greatgranddaughter . The Case of a Yomg SccnteHo Man In 1956, at age 7, the young Santeflo man left Los Santos province with his parents. His parents had no -usufruct rights to land in Los Santos. They had been working in lands of his father's sister's husband, but it was a small parcel and badly eroded. The yields of rice and com were poor. His father bou^t from another Santeflo man the usufruct rights to a parcel in Chorrera. They later sold it and moved to the western shores of GatGn Lake, in an area on -the limits between the provinces of Colon and Panama. They remained there for nine years while the children attended primary school. They did not own usufruct rights at this place, another Santeflo allowed them to cultivate foodstuffs and s-ugar cane in his land as long as they agreed to seed it in grasses at the end of each swidden cycle. Their cash came not from cattle but from sugar cane. They sold molasses, raw sugar, and nun. The rum was bootlegged to bars in the town of Chorrera. After having extended the pastures considerably, the Santeflo landowner told them that they had to move out as he was selling the pastures for US$3000 to another Santeflo. He would pay them US$l+0 for seeding the grasses. When they argued about such a low payment for their labor, the landowner said they co\ild stay if they paid him US$2000 in cash. They decided to move further north into Col6n province, by the northwestern shores of the lake, at La Encantadita, near Cuipo. There they bought usufruct rights to a piece of land for US$250. By that time, the boy had become a young man. He decided to go to Panama City to be a wage laborer. He found a job in a jalouisie facto- PAGE 199 I8l ry. Ee saved seme money and went to Costa Rica on a pleasure trip. When he returned to Panama City, his fatherÂ’s brother got him a job at another industrial con5)any. After two years and ten months of work there, he fell from a con^iany truck and broke a leg. He asked for his holiday pay and injuiy compensation. The con^jany paid him US$ 1682 , with which he made the down payment for a loan with the Bank of Agricultiaral Development for eight heach of cattle. He cut a patch of forest on the eastern boundary of Santa Rosa to seed grasses for his cattle. He built a house for himself and brought a young woman frem Herrera province to live with him. She missed her family who remained in Herrera and left him. After the EevveTcaia woman left him, he began courting Rosa's and Teya's great granddaughter. The girl had been raised by her grandparents, that is, Rosa's and Teya's oldest daughter and her second h\:isband, who regarded her as a daughter. It was her grandmother's husband who objected to her union with the Santeno . She left the territory of Santa Rosa and went to live with the young man at his house. A series of misfortunes occurred to them there, including the burning of the house and serious illness of their first child. In order to have the child treated at a hospital in Panama City, the young Santefto returned the cattle to the bank which paid him US$296 but told him that he owed the bank US$ 200 . He agreed to do this with wages that he would earn in Panama City. In 1979 j th^ returned to Santa Rosa, as she missed her relatives and life was too expensive for them in the city. Her grandmother, as a member of the Â’pmnovpa'i&s , asked them to stay and they now live in the inland section of Santa Rosa close to her grandparents. He works with his father and siblings, however, outside the eastern boundary of Santa Rosa, with cattle that they also took out on a loan from the bank. He

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l82 used tlie masonry skills that he acquired in Panama City at a school for the unemployed to assist in the building of the water reservoir for the aqueduct at Santa Rosa. This incoirporated him as a member of the community labor system. Boca de Uracillo Residential and marital relations between Interioranos and NabvraZes at Boca de Uracillo differ in seme ways from those in Santa Rosa. There are no Interioranos impinging upon the western forest bomdary of Uracillo. Neither are there households composed entirely of interiorvenos residing within the territory of Uracillo. There are, however, three marital unions between Intevioranos and Nabvrales among the 6k households of Uracillo. These include two males and one female Inteviovanos married to two females and one male from the pvinovpaZes of Uracillo, respectively. Two of these unions were initiated in the city of Colon in the late 1960s when a man and a woman from Uracillo were wage laborers in Colon like the Inteviovanos ^ too. In these two cases, the Inteviovanos are from the southwestern province of Chiriqux. Moreover, they are both from the district of San Lorenzo in Chiriqui and come from settlements that have feeder roads that connect with the Panamerican Highway. While these two Chiviaanos followed the Transisthmian Hi^way to the Atlantic side of the Isthmus, the other Inteviovano , a. Santerto man, followed the route across the Capira-Chorrera districts of Panama province. The Santeflo man is a scliool teacher and his case exen^lifies the political power that their great number has given the migrants in Panama province. Intevzovano teachers activate their linkages in the Ministry of Education in Panama City to be appointed to schools that are located in

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183 the upper reaches of the Rio Indio and that fall under the jurisdiction of the provinces of Cocl^ and Panama. They thus compete effectively with the Afro-Americans who also get appointments in this area since many schools fall under the supervision of the Directorate of Education in Colon, because of greater geographical accessibility through Colon in the past. Unlike the Afro-American school teachers in this section, the Intevvorccno school teachers become food producers also. They soon start raising their own animals and cultivating food and commercial products by establishing work relations with the parents of school children. Like the Afro-Americans, iTit&Tiovcoio school teachers also become political candidates, as occurred in the CovTBg'iTmen'bo of La Encantada of which Santa Rosa is a part and as will be explained in a siibsequent section. The Territorial Threat of the Inteviopanos The great number of migrants coming throu^ the Capira-Chorrera route to the western shores of Gatiin Lake has increased greatly the population density in the lake area. In 1970 this density was over 100 persons per km along the shoreline, decreasing to 2h persons per km^ away and westward of the lake toward the Rio Indio, nevertheless, 2.h persons per km^ contrasts with only 5 persons per km^ along the Rio Indio and west of it. The advancement of lyvb&vxovcoios westward of the lake poses s territorial threat to the NabioÂ’ales . It was the infringement of Interiovcmos into their forest boundary that partly prompted the NaturaZes of Santa Rosa to join the asentamiento oampesi.no program of the Ministiy of Agricultural Development. The asentarm-ento oampesino program had originally been conceived by the Agrarian Reform as a transitional phase between the acquisition of a parcel of land

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185 Gatlin Lake. The Interioranos regularly hunt with their dogs and rifles in the forests south and west of Uracillo, San Cristobal, and Coquillo. Hunting is a surveying tactic used by the Interioranos to see what is available in terms of forests that the Naturales may not be lising. The Interioranos do not distinguish nor acknowledge usufruct rights to secondary forest that has been allowed to regenerate as long as 20 years like the f^aturaZes do. Therefore, this is a bone of contention between BaturaZes and Interioranos . While hunting, the Interioranos also approach isolated households, especially of old people, who are not affiliated with any particular nucleus of 'prinoipaZes , to see if they want to sell their usufruct rights to a parcel of land, particularly coffee groves. This gives the Interioranos access to areas that are at the interstices between territories controlled by the prinaipaZes . It limits the space for expansion of the NaturaZ^s by the fissioning off process of the system of prinoipaZes. Finally , hunting by the Interioranos removes food resources out of the networks of food reciprocity used by the NabtcraZes for wild meat. The NaburaZes particularly resent the fact that the Interioranos sell hunted animals by the pound to other Interioranos in the lake area where extensive deforestation has already been wrought by the Interioranos for their cattle pastures. NaturaZes^ therefore, are on the lookout when they notice InÂ— terioranos hunting. In one case observed at Uracillo, a NaturaZ man diverted the path of a deer being chased by Interioranos and their dogs , and then directed the Interioranos toward the river and away from the forest to where the deer returned.^

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186 The Political Threat by the Inte 2 *iovanos The Iftbevtovcmos have gained political leverage as an electoral population with their great nmber in the northeastern section of the Capira and Chorrera districts of Panama province and in the western and northern shores of Gatian Lake in the Chagres district of Col6n province. This will he illustrated with the case of the Correginrlento of La Encantada, Chagres district, to which Santa Rosa belongs. The 1972 Constitution lowered the level of representation in the National Assembly from the provincial to the CoTTPegimiento level in order to allow for wider participation of the lower classes like the countryfolk. As will be recalled, one of Rosa's and Teya's sons won the election of Representative for the Corregimiento of La Encantada to which Santa Rosa belongs. In the 1978 election, there were several candidates from the 12 settlements in the Coppegimieirbo of La Encantada, including candidates from the Nabvrales and the Interiovanos . An Interiorano school teacher won the election with the support of the great migrant population in the eastern section of the Covreginriento. After the election, the l^ccburales realized that they should have united in backing one of their own, rather than having different candidates fran their settlements. An opportunity to unite, however, occurred on February 21, I980, at a meeting of the Chagres district council held in Santa Rosa. It was the first time in the history of the district that the council convened in the inland zone of the NaturaZes and not in the district capital in the Flayepo pvBbto of New Chagres. The NabiAPales had put pressure on the Inteptopcmo Representative of the Coppegimiento of La Encantada, to have the meeting at Santa Rosa. Representatives act both in the National Assembly and in the district councils. The pressure was put

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18t by the fJabio'ales by refusing to pay the 50 cent tax per hundredweight of coffee sold, which was a new tax voted in 1978 by the Chagres district comcil (Conse jo Municipal de Chagres 1979). The tax was advised by the Ministry of Planning and Political Economy in order to raise municipal funds with which to cover municipal expenses and diminish dependency on the national treasury. In other ways, this was a means of levelling inbalances created by the gjreater salaries received by the Representatives in comparison to the lower salaries of the Mayor and other municipal officials. The municipal officials felt that they were being undeimined by the Representatives even thmi gh the old political structure at the municipal level was allowed to continue along with the new Representative system. The new taxes would allow the municipal officials to get a raise in salary. By refusing to pay the coffee tax, the producers had forced the district treasurer to collect the tax from the coffee buyers. At the coimcil meeting in Santa Rosa, a number of different Nccbvrales from various settlements individually rose to publicly voice their objection to the coffee tax. In general, their main objection was that they did not see how the tax would benefit them economically or in their settlements. They also submitted the proposal to have their own Regi doves ^ who serve as tax collectors, receive a salaiy instead of the annual ten per cent from the total taxes collected by the end of the fiscal year. In addition to serving as tax collectors, the Regidoves also have to handle cases of misdemeanors, and they were concerned about the increased number of knifings that had been introduced by the migrants at feast days. The proposal also asked for the foimation of a special Regiduvia at Santa Rosa, separating the settlements of Natuvales along the eastern bank of

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188 the Rio Indio in Colon province from the Interiovanos east of them, in the lake area of the CorvegirrrLento . This would ensure that taxes collected in their section remained within their section. The council decided to reconvene in March I98O in the district capital to consider the proposals. The issue, therefore, remained pending. It was evident, however, that the Nccburales were bravely defending themselves in public. That the NatuvaZes posed a threat to the bm*eaucratic system was evident by the presence of national guards brought frcm PZccyevo puebZos and the city of Col6n and who stood on guard at the two entrances to the school building where the meeting was held. They were alert whenever a BabvraZ spoke. The Duality of Amicable and Antagonistic Relations Within the cultural traditions of the NcxbwaZes and the Inteviovcmos ^ there is a contrast in their systems of development. Within this contrast, at times similarities are of the sort that they permit amicable and cooperative relations between the two groups, but at times they evoke tensions and stresses between them. While territorial and political expansion of the Inteviovanos creates stresses, other relations are amicable. Voluntary assistance in agricultural tasks is a general positive trait ascribed to the Interioranos by NccburaZes and PZayeros. The Inteviovanos are willing to assist the NccbupaZes and PZayevos with the most menial as well as the most difficult tasks. They also like to offer suggestions about how things can be done. For example, they have suggested to the

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189 Baburales at Boca de Uracillo to market cattle in Chorrera rather than Colon, and are willing to make arrangements with b\:5rers from Chorrera and Panama City while acting as intermediaries in the transaction. In another instance, on February 1, 19T9Â» fovir Inteviovcmos from the Capira district volunteered for US$10 each to act as bullfighters in the first bullfight that had ever been held in Boca de Uracillo. The bullfight was advertised as a special attraction in a feast that two households from Uracillo organized to generate capital with which to pay the annual interest on their cattle loans with the Bank of Agricultural Development. The organizers of the feast had seen bullfights among the Interioranos in the Capira-Chorrera area along the new marketing route that has dareloped with feeder roads that were cut in the 1960s and 1970s and that connect that area with the Panamerican Highway. Intevioranos control the trucking service in these feeder roads. In fact, this new marketing route has led to coparenthood relations between NabuvdLes of Boca de Uracillo and Interioranos in the Capira-Chorrera area. This follows a general pattern of people from Uracillo who during "times of value" in this century have usually established coparenthood relations with people living at the major marketing and transportation routes within the region. NaturaZes from Uracillo have called upon their Inteviorcmo coparents not only to assist with the marketing of cattle throu^ the Capira-Chorrera route, but also to come to Uracillo and assist in ccuntas Juntas (festive work parties) for slashing patches of forest in preparation for swidden agriciilture . Interioranos from the Capira-Chorrera area are also willing to volxmteer their services as maestros rezadores (prayer masters) at mortuary rites of Haturales at Boca de Uracillo. This is particularly done by In- PAGE 208 190 teviovanos fron the province of Los Santos, who write down in notebooks prayers that they learn from ot her prayer masters. The Santefk>s take pride on themselves as being able to pray more rosaries than anyone else per night, which they accomplish by alternating different male and female prayer masters throu^out the night. This contrasts with the single man among Naburales and the single woman among the Playeros when leading mortuary rites. The SantefLos also claim that they use old prayer formulas, including seme in Latin, that are no longer used by the new Catholic litxargy of the lay Delegates of the Word who now conduct most of the mortuary rites among the Baburales. The Intevioranos claim that the new simplified rites do not "reconmend well" the soul of the deceased in getting the help of the saints and the virgin on the way to heaven. In other words, the old prayer formulas interject frequent appeals to the saints and the virgin prior to, during, and following the recitation of the rosary and the name of the deceased is often mentioned in these appeals. The role of the saints in the life of countiyfolk in the Pacific side of the Veraguas province has been interpreted by Gudeman (1976:59) as follows: The interest in and in^jortance of the saints is congruent with the people's conception of God as an all-powerful but distant entity. Since Christ is not a mediating figure between man and God, this separation of the natural and spiritual presents a problem in that man seemingly has no direct link with God. It is, I suggest, the saints, the miraculous humans, who occupy the mediating position between man and God and who provide one means by which man can reach God. Until the 1960s, the Natux>aZes had prayer masters who followed the old prayer formulas and were even more poetically creative than the Interzoranos in using allegorical references to natural events in the daily life of the countryfolk. This is exemplified by the following prayer composed by Aniceforo Alabarca of Uracillo and that was recorded in I 96 I at PAGE 209 191 Guabal, cm the Pacific side of the Code mountains, hy A. M. Conte Guardia ( 196 ^+), who reported it in her thesis with the linguistic characteristic of the Babiccdles in losing /r/ and /!/ as allophones of eacda other: Covo Que Dios to saque de pena Y lo lleve a desaansdl. Rezadov Animas que van penando pog las ovillas del vio can tabaao y sin candela titivitando de fiÂ€o. Animas a oaballo que no se pueden aroanzar porque andan muy de prisa y no se pueden venenan. Came de gallo carato que no qieiso dblandar. Alabado sea en SantÂ€simo Sacramento dev avtavy y Mama concebida sin pecado oviginav. (Conte Guardia I 96 U; translation Respondents May God take him out of pain and take him to r^st. Prayer Master Souls that go in pain by the river banks , with tobacco but no fire, trembling with cold. Souls on horsebacik that cannot be reacdied because they go very fast, and cannot be venerated. Flesh of the spotted cock that did not want to get tender. Praised by the Blessed Sacrament of the altar, and Mary conceived without original sin. mine) In the 1970s, the Catholic church initiated the training of lay Delegates of the Word and Catediists in the Lower Coast. Among the Natuvales y these roles have been assumed by members of the kin group of the pvinoipales who introduced the chapels in the nuclei of their settlements. This is true at Boca de Uracillo. In 1979, a household in Uracillo used Santeflos as prayer masters instead of Delegates of the Word. This household has been aspiring for several years to the status of the pvincipales at Uracillo. As contendeisto the status of pvincipales y this household did not want to call upon the lay Delegates of the Word who are members of the kin group that has held the status of pvincipales since the 1940 s when they moved the school from Palma Real to Boca de Uracillo and also built PAGE 210 192 the chapel. Since they have no direct affiliation with the Church or the system of pvinoipaZes ^ the InteTiovano prayer masters take advantage of lines of cleavage and rivalries inherent in the system of pvinoipates as well as the preference of some Bccburales for the old prayer formiilas . Of greatest concern for the Naturales is the habit of knifing introduced by the Inteviovanos dxiring feast days. This practice has been adopted by certain Ncctwi^ciZes , particularly those who had previous histories as troublemakers. In the past, JHatvrales engaged in verbal and fist fighting when drunk on feast days, but not knifing. This has added another fear to the usual apprehension about the stealing done by Baturales , PZayevos, and Inteviovanos to their own people and against each other on feast days. There are traditional and institutional means of handling theft and recuperating lost animals and items. Injuries and deaths by however, are tragic incidents that represent great personal losses. Moreover, a knifing cannot be readily resolved or avenged since any reaction sets up a chain response. In short, the relations of the Intein-ovanos with the NatuvaZes are both amicable and antagonistic, and it is a duality that arises out of the encounter between two groups of people who in some ways are similar and in others are not . Relations of Interiovanos and PZauevos There are many more Interiovanos residing among the PZayevos at the puehZo) of Boca de Rio Indio than there are among the NatuvaZes at Santa Rosa de Rio Indio and Boca de Uracillo. As was mentioned in Chapter V, seven of the 73 households at this PZacyevo pueblo are composed entirely by Interiovanos, They all reside on the outskirts of the pviebZo^ but like PAGE 211 193 the Play eras cultivate lands away from the piuablot are employed at the palm oil plantation and school project, and also act as truck drivei^ and owners and market intermediaries. The latter two economic roles as truck drivers-owners and market inteimediaries are particularly significant for they exemplify the linkages of the Interioranos with the urban political economy. This places them at a ccmpetitive level with the PtayeTOS and above the Nccburates. In addition to these seven households of Interiovanos at the fringes of the piAebZoj there are six more hoTJseholds within the pueblo that consist of marital unions of Playevos with Inteviovanos . In five of these cases, the Inteviovanos are children of migrating parents. Although they were bom either in the IntevioT or along the migration route, these five IntevioTccnos arrived in the Lower Coast at a very young age and grew up among Playevos at this or other pueblos along the coast, east of Rio Indio. Not only have they married Playevos , but they actively participate in the ritual "Play of the Congos." Since they have fair skins, during the ritual play the men darken their skins with ashes and are adlowed to act as Playevos and perform minor roles. The wanen sing and dance in the ritual house with their Playevo husbands who are important members of the ritual ccmmunity . Like the Playevo women, these second generation female migrants also become lottery vendors. In contrast to these second-generation immigrants that have become incorporated into the ritual "Play of the Congos^" some of the first generation migrants at the pueblo maintain themselves ritually apart by their roles as Protestant missionaries, who provide services mainly for other migrants like themselves. In part, the adoption of Protestantism reveals the insecure and indetenninate identity that the migrant process imparts PAGE 212 on seme of its participants. The adoption of Protestantism also reflects the economic constraints of migration and the need for economic support during the initial stages of migration. The case of the Soldiers of the Cross of Christ and the Jehovah Witnesses will be described and analyzed in the latter part of this section because they present a distinct contrast to the predominant Catholicism of Ptayevos and Nabuvates , who consider that they may not have legal stattis as citizens unless they are baptized in the Catholic Church. IntevioTono Truck-Owners Drivers and Market Intermediaries Whereas the NccturaZes have not succeeded yet in competing with the Playevos as truck owners and drivers , the Interioranos have been able to do so in a relatively short period of time. During the research period, the 12 trucks that ran the daily route between the Playero pueblos as far as Rio Indio and the city of Col6n were owned and operated as follows: Pueblo of Residence Playevos Naturales IntevioTcacnos Total Palmas Bellas 8 0 0 8 Salud 1 0 0 1 Rio Indio 1 0 2 3 Total 10 0 2 12 As can be seen. there were no truck owners' -drivers from the Nabitrales while there were two from the Interioranos in a union of predominantly Playevo members. Whereas a truck owned by a cooperative of Nccburales had been forced out of competition in the early 1970s, the InteHoranos have been effectively competing with the Playeros since 1977. This has been PAGE 213 195 possible through the economic and political, linkages of the Intevioranos in the trans isthmian urban economy. These linkages are equal in status to that of the PZayeTOS , and both are higher than any leverage available to the Ncctiirales at lower bureaucratic levels. This can best be understood by analyzing the histories of the union of truck owners of the Playeros and of the Cooperative of Las Mercedes of the Nainrales which attempted to operate a truck of its own outside of the union. The Truckers ' Uni on In 1956-57 j five Afro-Americans formed the Sindioabo de Duefios de Cargos ds Costa Abajo (Union of Owners of Cars of the Lower Coast). They were legally registered and obtained legal status. The main objectives were to agree on fares and to schedule their itineraries so that they could all share in alternate order the peak periods and days in the transportation of cargo and passengers. For exan 5 )le, during the research period, peak days were on Thursdays for the marketing of praducts from the region to the city and Saturdays for the retura to the region by those who went on Thursday to sell foodstuffs and now retximed with merchandise from the city to sell in their settlements. Also, many Ptayeros who are employed in the city use the trucks on Saturdays to go to their puebZos to spend the weekend at their puebZos and go back to work early on Monday morning. In addition, as a unionized group the truck ownei^ could obtain licenses and permits at reduced rates. The charter members were from the PZayero puebZos of Palmas Bellas and Salud. One of the members from Salud owned two trucks, one that ran the coastal route and another on the lake route. In fact, he was an AfroAmerican originally from the puebZo of Escobal on the central northern PAGE 214 196 shores of Gatun Lake. He married a Ptayevo woman from Salud. His wife's sister's husband worked for him as a driver so that they could alternate routes -with his two trucks. The two routes are now separate. That is, owners cannot have vehicles operating in both routes but can operate several trucks in the same route, in which case drivers are hired. Regardless of the n'umber of vehicles owned, all owners are also drivers of one or more of their vehicles. Each driver also has an assistant, tisually a yotmg man, who helps load cargo, change flat tires, and keep track of passengers getting off. This position, however, serves as an apprenticeship for someone aspiring to become a driver. As will be recalled, this type of structure conforms to the working pattern of the Ptayevos throughout this century as organized in sailing crews, tappers teams, and now truck union. Since its inception, key positions in the union were held by members of the coastal route. In the mid 1970s, however, lake members took over the direction of the group. By the beginning of I98O, the coastal group was trying to res'ume the leadership. At any rate, a.1 1 members meet informally almost every day during their waiting periods while parked at the terminal near the food market in Colon, as well as at the marketing site at Boca de Rio Indio. Since they are in daily contact with news at the marketing sites, they are very attuned to economic and political trends of their regular clients and their vol'ume of trade, to which the truckers respond very keenly . This response is exen5>lified by their maneuvers to force out of canpetition the truck of the cooperative of ccburdtes . The Cooperative of Las Mercedes of the NccbicpoLes In 1969, the Cooperative of Las Mercedes was organized by a school teacher who belonged to the prindpales of Boca de Uracillo. He had been PAGE 215 19T influenced by the cooperative movement which he had seen in the Interior when he was assigned there as a teacher and had attended cooperative meetings. It was the time when General Torrijos had recently assumed power in 1968 and was encouraging the development of rural areas \mder his slogan SoldadOi campesinOt madhete y fvsiZ unidos (Soldier, peasant, bushknife and gun united) , a union that has been aptly analyzed by the French political scientist Pierre Gilhodes (19T8). When the school teacher returned to work in the Lower Coast as a regional school supervisor, he organized the Cooperative of Las Mercedes with 105 charter members from various settlements of Nccturales along the Rio Indio. The cooperative was to serve multiple purposes, with plans to expand into various fields. Initially, however, it began with a retail store at the mouth of the river. The store was to serve not only as a marketing site for inland products, but also as a boarding house or storage place whenever people or products had to stay overnight at the mouth of the river awaiting a boat or a truck. The cooperative began with an initial loan of US$1300 from the Bank of Agricultural Development. With this low amomt, the Federation of Panamanian Cooperatives did not req^uire the appointment of an outside manager to supervise the operation. In 1973, however, the coop negotiated a loan for US$10,000 to buy a new truck. With this high loan, the Federation sent a manager from Panami City who was soon replaced by four different managers, each one serving only for a few months. These men had a salary of US$i+00 per month from the cooperative funds. However, they did not reside in the region and only came occasionally to check the funds or the accounting.

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198 Not only had the loan for the truck brought the imposition of managers fran the outside, but the truck itself became a bone of contention between Playevos and ffoturaZes. Since the beginning of this century. Play eras kad always been in control of the transportation between the region and the urban trans isthmian center, whether they were sailing captains or truck owners. For their operation, however, they depended on the products of the Natitrales as much, if not more, than the products of the Playevos. Although Na:buvales and Playevos have had long standing kinship and coparenthood relations, these networks are relied more upon by the NccbuÂ— vales among themselves as exemplified by the kinship base of the system of pvinoipales , Having for the first time a truck of their own represented for the Natuvales a means of strengthening these networks and their own identity as Natuvales. In other words, the Natuvales preferred to patronize their own coop truck rather than the union trucks of the Playevos. The truck union members did not like this, particularly since the coop truck had not been incorporated to the union. The union members , therefore, retaliated accordingly. First they would block all parking spaces at the temninal by the market in Colon so that the coop truck could not park there. The school supervisor from Uracillo appealed to a lieutenant in the National Guard in Colon to get a special parking place at the terminal in Colon for the cocp truck. The lieutenant was invited to Rio Indio to see the facilities of the coop and its operations. The parking space was granted. Then the union members wotild not let the coop truck leave the teiminal unless it went in a rotating schedule with the other trucks rather than taking off on its own. If people would sit in the coop truck and put their products there, the other truck drivers would get a regular street guard to get the people down and the products and make them

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199 go in other trucks. As the street guards were not aware of the special permission granted by the lieutenant, the school supervisor had to get the lieutenant twice one day to have this clarified with the street guards. Finally, the union truck owners applied for membership in the coop so that they could also have their trucks in the coop system. As a negotiation tool, the union argued that the bylaws of all national cooperatives state the the coop cannot des criminate against membership on the basis of race of color. They also emphasized that they were producers and residents in the region. The coop, therefore, was forced to accept three trucks of the union into the coop. The coop then assumed an added expense in the maintenance of these trucks which were old and secondhand, not new like the coop truck. Paying a high salary for an outside manager and the high maintenance cost of the union trucks, the cooperative funds were soon depleted. The trucking operations of the coop were discontinued. Many of the coop members resigned. Even though they have the biurden of an uncancelled loan, a few members have kept the store operating and which still serves as a resting and storing place for the inland NaÂ±wcaZes. The Intern-ovano Truck Owners-Drivers With such a precedent, the two Inteviovanos who are now operating a daily run on the coastal route have proceeded with precautionary tactics that prevent retaliation. As will be recalled, the tactic used by the Intevtovancs for cattle loans is to take them out in a bank agency in Chorrera and then transfer it to the Col6n branch. Similarly, the Inteviovano truck owners register their vehicles in Qiorrera and join their own union over there and tfiat is incorporated to the National Federation of

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200 Transportation. This guarantees them a licence and permits to operate in any other area where the Federation has operations. The permit can be easily transferred by activating the networks of Inteviovanos in hi^ positions of the Federation of Transportation. Since the volume of trucking from the Interior is high, this gives the Interioranos leverage within the Federation. Another precautionary tactic is to begin operations with small picktrucks that, of course, limit the number of cargo and passengers. EventuaJ-ly they b\jy a bigger, new truck, as one of the two Interioranos did in 1979 after having been operating in the Lower Coast since 1977. Also, vehicles are initially operated only on marketing days, and the drivers act as biayers or intermediaries rather than truck operators. The foodstuffs are sold in suburban areas where Interioranos reside in the transisthmian center. After being buyers for a couple of years,, then they may go on to becone only truck operators. The Interiorano Protestant Missionaries As was mentioned in Chapter V, on the west side of the PZayero puebZo of Boca de Rio Indio there are Protestant missionaries of the Soldiers of the Cross of Christ and the Jehovah Witnesses. The Soldiers of the Cross of Christ are Interioranos while the Jehovah Witnesses ai'e Guaymi Indians who are fluent in Spanish. Although both groups work mainly along the coastal strip and have a few PZayero members, they particularly attend to the needs of migrants. This is done in two ways. First, the bible studies that both groups sponsor provide a feeling of career development and fomal education, as exemplified by the missionaries themselves who were also migrants initially. The Jehovah Witnesses especially conduct their teachings

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201 in a style of formal education, with written tests that mix questions on hihle readings with questions on other subjects like agriculture, hygiene, nutrition, and that are also part of the assigned readings in their bulletins and newsletters. This focus on personal development gives seme sense of reassurance to the Interioranos whose ultimate migration goal is to find what is perceived as a career achievement as small producers . It is the material assistance that the missionaries provide, however, that is of greatest help to migrants on the move. The Soldiers of the Cross of Christ have at Boca de Rio Indio a wooden house big enough to acconmodate as many as 20 migrants , who usually come first in groups of men to explore the area and are later followed by their families. Moreover, the migrants already have references that they can stop at Rio Indio for food and shelter before continuing on their move southwestward. This information is provided at the Soldiers of the Cross of Christ conmune in Chorrera that serves as a major sheltering center for migrants and a training school for missionaries. Ironically, the shelter house of the Soldiers of the Cross of Christ at Boca de Rio Indio is in the care of ChoZos penonomeflos , the same people as the NeebuvaZes but from the Pacific side of the Continental Divide. They lived in the lower slopes of the mountains and were displaced fran that area by migrant InispiopcoT.os from other southern provinces further west. Once displaced, they got caught up in the same migration movement along the highways, rather than crossing the Continental Divide, even though one of the members oi this household had worked as a scout for the National Guard in the mountains and knows well the trails that lead from the Pacific to the Atlantic.

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202 Notes 1 The Panama Canal authorities are so concerned about this deforestation, overgrazing, and soil erosion in the -watershed of the lake, that a 10-year reforestation project has been undertaken by the United States Agency for International Development and the Institute of Renewable Natural Resources of Panama. 2 During the research period, several households of Naticmles at Boca de Uracillo were keeping wild animals in a rudimentazy process of domestication. These included wild bees, birds, deer, and rodents. Bees were kept in tree trunks hanging from -the outside walls of hoiises. Birds were hybridized with chickens. Deer and rodents -were fattened for futzxre consumption. Since all these animals were kept within the premises of the hovisehold and visible to visitors, the animals were protected against the e-vil eye of persons by tying a piece of red cloth or string around the animal's neck. This successful practice in taming and domesticating wild animals could be liseful in experiments on breeding these animals by the Ministry of Agricxilture but such a potential has not yet been taken into account. 3 In referenceto her anthropological research in the Upper Coast in 197778, Patricia Lund Drolet of the University of Illinois-Urbana reported in personal conmunication that the Afro-Americans in the Upper Coast at first had pity on the Interioranos and helped them to settle, but now there is a lot of tension between the -two groups. Afro-American women are afraid of walking at night because the Interioranos carry knives with them at all times. There are also bushknife fights among the Interioranos when they get drunk. The InteTriovanos are also competing with the Afro-Americans for political positions in the Upper Coast. U The migration process of women from the Chotos penonomefios has been analyzed by Gloria Rudolf Frazier (1976).

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CHAPTER VIII IMPLICATIONS OF DEVELOPMENT FROM BELOW FOR DEVELOPMENT FROM ABOVE In Chapter I it was indicated that this dissertation was addressing the central prohlem of the contrast between indigenous systems of development of the pecples in the Lower Coast and the programs developed for them by external agencies. It was also indicated that the development process was quite different if it proceeded from "above" or from "below." In "development from above," an ideology, a model, a plan, a pui*pose, comes first, and the actual organization or structure is assembled afterwards. In "development from below," the on the ground organization is first based on the rule of residence of the people. The role of the anthropologist in development is to: 1.) mediate and interpret the ideologies and organizational structures of the "planners" and the "targets" so that they can establish a negotiation process; 2.) advocate for those intended to be the beneficiaries of the planned projects. Now that the preceding chapters have covered the indigenous development systems of the people at Rio Indio, it is time to make a specific comparison between these indigenous systems and plans developed by outsiders for this area of the Lower Coast. It is the purpose here to examine the extent of congruency between the externally fonnulated plans and the internal conditions of life style and socio-economic activities of the peoples at Rio Indio. This will be done by the presentation of a specific case in which the applied anthropologist attempted to honestly and clearly trans203

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205 Th.e Title XII Proposal fran the Universities of Panama, and Delaware The following chronological sequence of events will serve as an example of how some projects are planned "from above" by national and international agencies, and the is^ilications of such a process for those who are targeted as the "beneficiaries." These agencies were approached by the anthropologist in 1979 in an effort to understand how their sociocultirral systems function, and also as a voluntary training experience in acting the applied anthropologist's role of mediator between the parties. Santa Rosa and Boca de Rio Indio Saturday, January 27, 1979 The Dean of the School of Agronomy of the University of Panama arrived at Rio Indio to visit Santa Rosa and also tour the rebmlding project of the Production School at Boca de Rio Indio. The manager of the Agro-Industrial Cooperative of Icacal acted as a guide for the Dean. The manager of the cooperative later informed the anthropologist that the purpose of the visit was to survey sites for a joint agricultural project between the University of Panami and the University of Delaware. Panama City Monday, February 5, 1979 The anthropologist went to Panama City to interview the Chief of the Human Resource Section of the United States Agency for International Development and the Dean of the School of Agronomy, in their respective offices. The Chief of the Human Resource Section of the USAID mission stated that the interest of the School of Agronomy in Rio Indio arose from a re-

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207 President of the Panama Conmittee of Partners of the Americas who were also participating in the project. Panama City Thursday, February 8, 1979 In the morning, the anthropologist picked up at the USAID mission the copy of the report from the Delaware study team. The section of the report that refers to Rio Indio will he quoted for the date of February 23, 1979, when the anthropologist mailed her comments to the Delawaire team. The meeting of the students and faculty of the School of Agronomy was held in one of their auditoriums. Personnel from the AgriculturaJ. Section of USAID were als^o there as observers. The Dean spoke fii^t , explaining the interest of a joint project between the University of Delaware and the University of Panama at Rio Indio. He was personally interested in the possibility of the commercial production of the palm GuCl-ielma wbiZis for exporting the heart of this palm as it was being done in plantations that he had recently visited in Costa Rica. It was later found out by the anthropologist from the Chief of Human Resources of USAID that a palm project would not be possible because there are very complicated and strict international laws regulating palm production. The Dean of the School of Agroncmy did not seem to be aware of these regulations. The female sociologist from the Ministry of Planning and Political Economy then explained the baseline methodolo^ used by the Ministry in gathering socio-economic data through a questionnaire that is administered in a targeted area prior to initiating development projects. She and a coworker would later meet with the students who would be administering the questionnaire to give them further explanations about how to do this. The

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208 data gathered through this method would then be used to write the proposal, as the Dean had requested assistance from the Ministry in the writing of the proposal. The Dean then called upon the anthropologist to give a brief sociocultural sketch of the peoples along the Eio Indio, especially in relation to agricultural production and marketing. The anthropologist first contrasted the questionnaire survey methodology of the sociologists, with the "live-in" participant observation of anthropoloQr. She advised the students and faculty to spend time observing the actual practices of the people before beginning any projects, and to take into account that rural people are also knowledgeable about agricultural technology from their own practical experiences. They should also familiarize themselves with the terminologr used by the peoples in classifying their ecological world and their agricultural and gathering activities. Attention should be paid to those fruits and nuts that the peoples at Rio Indio were losing in fattening pigs ; and that small animal production was in the care of women and children, not men, even though the men did most of the marketing. Attention should also be paid to how people dealt in their own ways with pests and diseases of plants and animals, and that excessive use of costly chemical pesticides and fertilizers should be avoided in demonstrating new technologies. In short, the students and faculty could also leam from the peoples in a reciprocal interaction. Since some of the students laughed at seme of the examples, the anthropologist warned them that this would not be a proper attitude in respecting the dignity of the rural people. The President of the Panama Committee of the Partners of the Americas spoke on the news media campaign that she and her group wo\ild provide for the project, as they had already been doing. Such type of reporting

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209 through the news media is often done in Panama to generate expectations that give a false sense that things are being done, as a shaming mechanism to put pressures cxi agencies, and as an advertising means of social elites. Santa Rosa de Rio Indio Friday, February l6, 1919 An unexpected group of visitors arrived at Santa Rosa de Rio Indio while the Catholic missionaries were conducting their training seminar for Delegates of the Word and Catequists. The visitors included an Israelite fish farmer, the sociologist from the Ministry of Planning, two agronomy students, the agronomist who was acting as director of the Production School of Boca de Rio Indio, and the PZayeTO Representative and Legislator to the National Assembly. Members of the pinnaipales of Santa Rosa who were attending the seminar left the training center to take care of the visitors. The anthropologist was called upon to serve as an interpreter, as the Israelite fish farmer was more fluent in English than Spanish. He wanted to test the water of a stream near the nucle;as of the settlement where an aquacult\ire fish tank could be built as part of the proposed Title XII project of the University of Panama and the University of Delaware.. According to the requirements specified oy the fish farmer, the prinaipaZes decided that the best stream would be the one that was already supplying water for the plastic piping aqueduct that had been installed earlier in the year. After conducting his chemical paper test, the fish farmer stated that this inland water was more suitable for an aquaculture pond than the saline water near to the Production School in the littoral zone. He would

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211 Â— There is sane considerable race problem existing between Protestant and Catholic negroes in these Caribbean coastal areas . Â— From Palma Bella, a two-hour dugout boat trip up the Rio Indio to Santa Rosa we visited the Coffee Cooperative run by the Clarissian padres with considerable profit to the cooperative members. Everything that comes and goes to the Santa Rosa corammity is by riverboat, the only way of transportation, including coffee processing machinery and the coffee harvest. Â— There are about 65 families in Santa Rosa which produce about 50 tons of coffee per year at approximately $52 income per 100 lbs. of coffee beans to which must be added, however, the cost of$10 for transportation from Santa Rosa to Panama City. Â— The development has one piston pump in the center of the village, has one health center, one primitive church and one adult education center again financed with German missionary grants , and one sports arena and sports area for football and one gym, also one store with lots of cases of Pepsi. Â— There were no frtiit trees and, surprisingly, there was no knowledge of heme brew which could be of interest in lieu of spending the hard-earned money on beer or on Pepsi. Â— The priests are three in charge of this area for 20,000 people over a tremendously wide range with very slow transportation. Where there are dirt roads priests would benefit from the presence of a Land Rover car, four-wheel drive, which, however, is not present but badly needed. Â— Rector ... is a very active, very effective leader in this Panamanian mission area as well as for his university USMA. Any projects of a sociological or nutritional nature could be effected very well through Rector .... Rio Indio was very muddy all the way up, banks are eroding, and in seme areas there were indications of high flood levels of 5 meters . Many of the little huts and settlements along the river were very neat and most of them had a few cows, pigs, ducks, chickens Â— others had none. Also there was a profusion of vegetation and forage production everywhere. Question, immediately , why does not every little house and settlement have a few animals and a garden and why don't they have fruit and nut trees? The priests ar^^ doing a tremendous ad\xlt education Job but it appears that the education Job should combine ^d include more agricultural training including the planting of trees, not only the education of how to read and write and how to get along within a cooperative. The people seemed to be verjÂ’ happy and on a Saturday, very much interested in going to a local dance where there was much

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212 beer drinking even though they had to go over a considerable distance. Â— There seemed to be many native plants and fruits that grow profusely but are not cultivated and harvested for export or for commercial pua^poses , which could very well be developed. Â— City of Colon depressive; many sociological challenges; Free Zone market booming (Haenlein and .Fleldhouse 1978:18-19). The anthropologist mailed the following comments to the Delaware study team in regard to the foregoing report. Dear Sirs : Through the courtesy of ... of USAID-Panama, a copy of the report of yo\ar visit to Panami, in June 1978 was made available to me on February 8, 1919 Â• I requested a copy of the report to familiarize myself with yoxxr recommendations, which Dr. ... is taking into account in elaborating a request for USAID ftinds as you are well aware. Dr. . . . asked me to make comments on Rio Indio and on tbe proposed project at a meeting that faculty members and students of agroncmy at the National University had with planners of the Ministry of Planning and Political Economy on February 8. At this point you are probably wondering who am I and why was I invited to make comnents on the project for Rio Indio. Let me, therefore, introduce myself. Since August 3, 1978, I have been living at Rio Indio doing a regional study in anthropology of this river system, under a l6-month fellowship with the Inter-American Foundation. The data is primarily for my Ph.D. dissertation at the University of Florida, Gainesville, FI. Nevertheless, since I advocate the so-called applied anthropology and plan to work as such in Panama, the data that I gather and my services are of course to be made available for any projects intended for the well-being of the people. Moreover, I strongly consider that before introducing any projects or changes, one has to first know the people and what they are doing on their own. Therefore, I am willing to share with you the knowledge that I have so far gained on the people of Rio Indio. For purposes of the lAF fellowship, I received institutional affiliation frcm the Direccion del Patrimonio Hist5rico del Institute Nacional de Cultura, the Universidad Santa Maria la Antigua, and the Vicariato Apostolico del Darien (i.e., the bishop who supervises the Catholic missionaries working at Rio Indio) . Other relevant personal data is furnished in the attached

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215 located beyond the hill east (or behind) the settlement. The fruit most regularly eaten throu^out the year is the banana. The guinea , a very sweet variety belonging to the CavandishÂ’ sub-group of AAA bananas, is a special favorite. Ccanseca (a roasted pudding of primitivo banana with flour) and boltos de jeta or hollos de primit'ivo (a pudding of primitivo banana with flour boiled in special leaves) are considered to be delicacies eaten q-uite frequently. Availability of other fruits vary with the season. For example, right now the gvianSbana (soursop or Annona muriaccba) and the maTofldn de Curasao (the Malay-apple or Eugenia malaoaensls] are in fr'uit and are being eaten regularly in most settlements. The soursop is usually made into a beverage. Ckidha fuevte de matz^ a fermented com beverage, is made especially for work parties called auntas '^juntas and to sell at dances and other festivities. The sale of Pepsi , other sodas, beer, and rum represents profitable cash biisinesses. In fact, the sale of these bottled beverages during feast days is the principal cash-rendering activity to raise funds for such projects as the construction of health clinics, churches, aqueducts, and school kitchen-dining rooms. There are definitely problems with pests on citrus trees and coconut palms at Santa Rosa and fiirther upriver. Studies and techniques to control those pests would be greatly welcomed by most people, as they themselves have expressed to me and to the missionaries that they would prefer to grow more oranges and coconut palms, more than they are able to, due to the pests. Both products have good cash value in the local markets , and also have a high nutritive value for the people themselves in their food preferences. p . 19 , paragraph 6 There aie now only two missionary priests working in the area. The third one, who was the favorite among the people, left on a scholarship for Rome. In general, these yoTong priests are well liked by the peoples, more so by the upriver people than the coastal people. There is such a degree of confidence of the people with the priests, that any titles of reverence are disregarded and the people call the priests directly by their first names. The priests have trained lay men and women to seme as Delegates of the Word and Catechists , and these lay people are the ones who conduct the services. These services are not merely religious, but sem'^e as programs of oonsaiensitaoi6n of the peasantry. The priests act as advisors who are consulted for a variety of matters. But, as stated by the bishop, the priests are primarily moralizers and not agricultural, technical.

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2l6 or econonic advisors. Therefore, I do agree with, you that the priests would benefit from technical assistance in training people in agriculture and nutrition. p. 19, paragraph 7 : Also agree with you that the lEMA could benefit from greater involvement of a sociological or nutritional nature in rural areas. Presently, most students at the USMA are only involved with urban problems and do very little field research in rural areas . p. 19, paragraph 8; Answers to your questions; "Why does not every little house and settlement have a few animals, and why don't they have fruit and nut trees?" People have hovises at various sites and there are seasonal residential patterns. Many settlements, including Santa Rosa, function as "school settlements." Some people reside at these settlements only during school days. Some parents have their children residing with grandparents near the school, but the parents reside and work away fron the school site. Usually work sites, where fruit trees and coconut palms are located, are at about an hour's walking distance inland, away from the school site and away from the river banks. In most cases, chickens and pigs are fed near the ho\:ises early in the morning or late in the afternoon, but the rest of the day are allowed to roam freely, scavenging on their own. One may visit a house at a time when the animals are roaming aroiind elsewhere. Cows with young calves are \;isually kept near the hoitee to be milked in the mornings during the dry season, when most cows breed. This is the time when milk is drunk at heme, and also used to bottleor gourd-feed baby pigs and hunting dogs. During the rainy season, however, the cows may be in pastures away from the houses. There is also the case of half^ership of small animals like pigs, and of the alternate sharing in the care of these animals; i .e . , this month at A's house, next month at B's house. In most cases, chickens, ducks, and pigs are primarily taken care of by wemen and children of either sex between the ages of 9 and 13. If a woman is sick, or has too many young children to care for, she may not have the time to care for small am' male. and will therefore have none. If the corn harvest has been poor, then there are not that many chickens kept because the women say that without corn the chickens lay only "food eggs" and not "fertile eggs to hatch. They definitely prefer eggs to hatch, for chickens are valued mostly for their cash value in a sale than for their food value. Also, during the dry season, many women

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217 prefer not to lia^e chickens around the house because this is the time -wiien chickens suffer pests like moquilto and chicken pox. Sane Â•vronen send their chickens away to other areas where, for some unknown reason, the people say the animals suffer less pests. I strongly emphasize that any program with small animaic; c^ckens, ducks, pigs, and rabbits (as you proposed) Â— should be directed primarily to the wcmen and young girls and boys between 9 and 13 years of age. As one woman told me, the work of the wcmen is not seen because it is in or near the house, while the work of the men is seen because they go out to the fields, deal with big animals, and do all the marketing. p. 20, paragraph 2 ; Native plants and fruits for export. a. There is one plant that is being used by some people to feed fish, in a rudimentary form of pisciculture. This I think merits further study, and I am willing to send you samples of the plant. It is the h-Cnojo sabatevo [Piper cxuritvm) . Paul Standley, 1928, Flora of the Panama Canal Zone, Smithsonian Institution, pp. 155; "p. ccuritim, abundant in open places on tte Atlantic slope, is one of the species most easily recognized, distingmshed by^its very large, pubescent leaves with a deep basal sinus. This plant when crushed exhales a strong, characteristic, and agreeable odor, somewhat like that of sarsaparilla." A family at Uracillo brings every day home from their pastiires several stems and leaves of the hinofo. They say that they specifically leave this plant standing in their pastures to use it to feed fish. The stems and leaves are tied in a bunch. The bunch is then tied to a tree trunk or a tree root on the river bank, by a deep pool. All deep pools along the river are said to belong to particular families who live by the river banks. The pools then become feeders for fish. Once or twice a month, usually on dark moonless nights, the sons of this family go spear-fishing, with spears that they make themselves, face masks that they buy in the cities, and flashlights. On Jmuary 29, three of the sons of this family speared over sixty fish between 9:00 p.m. and 11:00 p.m. They attribute the quanity of fish to the fact that they regularly feed the fish at the pool with the hinojo. Also worth mentioning is the fact that they only tree usually left standing by river banks is the higuerSn [Ficus gldbrata) . as p60pl6 say "th.a't fish. f66d on "tho f rui'b , With any program of pisciculture, practices like these should be taken into account and the people who employ these methods are the ones that should be approached. .7.Â°^' Â• Â• . Â• interested in the cultivation of the pizvae KGwiuvelma^ utvlis) for export of the palmito or heart of the palm. This palm is already grown by the people at Rio Indio

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2l8 for consumption and commercial, sale of the starchy nut. I have talked to several people at Rio Indio about growing the palm for the heart and not the nut. Most people consider that to grow the palm for export of the heart would require a plantation and not individual family plots. If a plantation should he set up as one of the facets of the project, I reccmmend that the social problems that the palm oil plantation at Icacal is facing sho;ild be first evaluated to anticipate and know how to deal with possibly similar problems. The production and economic management of the Icacal plantation is functioning quite satisfactorily. As a social endeavor, however, the coop is facing several problems including the supply and cost of food for the plantation workers and their families. The workers themselves distingiiish a dichotomy between the economic production and their social lives as a cooperative conmunity , and the problems that the latter entails. p. 20, paragraph 3; Just as you found Colon depressive, the matter of attitudes and feelings of depression is very subjective and one that I particularly cautioned the students and faculty at the National University that they will have to be extremely careful with their siibjective behavior if and when they are sent to work at Rio Indio. There are many school teachers, medical doctors, advisors from the Ministry of Agri cultiore , and university students who are doing practical training in the field, whan I have met at Rio Indio and who have a very poor attitude in their working relationship with the people. First, rural areas like Rio Indio are considered to be depressive and these "urbanites" get desperate and anxious to leave as soon as they arrive. The people soon detect this attitude and feel that these individuals do not care for the work in which they are engaged. I have personally witnessed school teachers and medical doctors openly tell the people that they are lazy and ignorant. Many school teachers remain isolated fron the people, forming little cliques of their own. Undoubtedly, it is this attitude that reinforces the migratory trend towards the cities, even to such cities as Colon.. For many people at Rio Indio, both the coastal and the upriver people, Col6n is the urban site to which they aspire to go to high school, work, and live. If programs are to be developed with any of the schools at Rio Indio, particularly the intermediate hi^ school at the mouth of the river, a special effort will have to be made to develop a more effective attitude and better training of the teachers. Also, there is the problem that the maintenance and care of demonstration plots is often relegated to manual laborers, and the students do very little practical training on their own, including the sale of products cultivated in school plots or animals raised in school farms.

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219 With. U. S. personnel, I particularly caution against such "slips of tongue" and attitudes that because there is protein deficiency, undennourishment and malnutrition in Latin America, the mental capacity of the people is limited. People particularly resent this approach to nutritional programs. Their knowledge of natural systems , their enormous talent in ways of informal education and training, their gift of speech, their retentitive memories, their ameizing powers of observation are often not seen nor appreciated by outsiders who consider them to be mentally inferior. Copies of the comments were mailed to the Chief of the Human Resource Section of USAID, the Dean of the School of Agronony of the University of Panama, and the Rector of the Catholic University Santa Maria la Antigua. Panama City Thursday, March 8, 1979 A meeting was held at the School of Agronony to review the questionnaire from the Ministry of Planning and Political Economy. Attending were two female sociologists from the Ministry, three students, two junior faculty, and the anthropologist. The senior faculty member who was coordinating the project and had returned from Delaware sat briefly at the table but did not stay to revise the questionnaire. The Dean briefly came out of his office to state that he was in agreement with the questions. Fran the few students and junior faculty attending the meeting, it appeared that the social hierarchy and division of labor at the School of Agronony was such that the work of administering questionnaires was passed on to a few students and junior faculty, with limited participation from the principal investigators or directors of the project in this aspect of the research. It appeared that the sociologists did not have any statistically based sampling methodology for the nuinber of questionnaires that would be administered, nor in which settlements. The number of people to be tested

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221 the Rio Indio project. The USAID mission had by that time received a Project Identification Document in English from the National Association of Partners of the Americas (Fletcher, NAPA;19T9). A proposal in Spanish from the University of Panama had also been received (Universidad de Panama/Universidad de Delaware 1979). The Agricultural Section of USAID gave copies of these documents to the anthropologist and expressed an interest in her comnents . The Project Identification Document from the National Association of Partners of the Americas was very general in content. The proposal from the University of Panama was more specific about the programs that were being proposed, as follows; Institutional Strengthening of the University of Panama in Academic and Research Aspects Agreement between the University of Panama (UP) and the University of Delaware (UDEL) sponsored by USAID; Objectives 1 Establish, a joint program UP-UDEL of socio-economic development in the communities of the Rio Indio, province of Colon. 2 Establish a program of mutual assistance in the areas of training and research with the pTirpose of institutional strengthening at the University of Panama beginning with specific areas which are; agronomy, marine biology, and conservation of energy. Philosophy of the Project Frau the mutual cooperation between both institutions and with the sponsorship of USAID, the technical level of professors and students in both universities can be raised, and a viable project can be carried out, as well as the correct application of modem technology, to result in tangible socio-economic benefits for contemporary marginal populations. Objective 1 The project of socio-economic development in the canmunities of the Rio Indio, province of Colon.

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222 Goals ; a. Increase the per capita income of the residents in the communities of the drainage of the Rio Indio, through production programs that apply modem and functional techniques. h. Reduce the index of malnutrition in these communities throu^ the production and consumption of products during the 365 days of the year. c. Eradicate the ailments and illnesses endemic in the region thro\agh a systematic and continuoiis prophylaxis. Programs at Rio Indio A. Programs of Production and Marketing 1. Establish 200 dispersed hectares in coffee of the Caturra type vith a shade of plantains. 2. Establish the production of milk both from cows and goats throu^ the combination of grasses and legumes. 3. Establish the production of small species like rabbits, ducks, pigs, using the concept of feeding them on the basis of forage. Home gardens, in combination with trees and vegetables, to supply the basic food needs of the communities. 5. The production of animals in the project to be later raised and commercialized by the inhabitants in the region. B. Demonstration Plots 1. Nurseries of fruits and energetic plants. 2. Interspersed cultigens with and without irrigation. 3. Production of water buffalo Â— 2 bulls and 10 cows. h. Production of goats Â— 2 males and 10 females. 5. Small parcels for the commercial evaluation of different fruits that are adaptable to the region with and without irrigation. Programs of Mutual Assistance 1. Establish a training program at the MasterÂ’s and Doctoral levels for the academic Ph.D. to strengthen the faculty of the University. 2. Short recycling programs of the faculty to update the professors in specific fields. 3. Exchange of professors.

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223 Exchange of students, 5. Short visits to the production centers. 6. Establish a program for the conservation of the Summit Gardens to parallel the Longwood Gardens in Delaware. Contributions by the University of Panama Executive Office (Personnel) Director US $2, 000 /month Bilingual Secretary (Spanish-English) 550/month Field Office (Personnel) US$24,000.00 6,600.00 1 Man age r-Ac count ant 400/mo. 4,800.00 3 Agricultiiral Engineers 1 Agri. Eng. with experience 700/mo. 8,400.00 2 Agri. Eng. recently graduated 400/mo. 9,600.00 1 Mechanic-Welder 400/mo. 4,800.00 Personnel from the Area 6 Field Assistants 100 ea. /mo. 6oo 7,200.00 1 Mechanical Assistant 100 1,200.00 1 Warehouse Man 100 1,200.00 1 Cook. 70 910.00 1 Janitor 6o 780.00 1 Washing-Ironing Wcman 60 780.00 1 Office Assistant 100 1,200.00 Total for Personnel 71,470.00 Real Cont ribut ions Paid AdditionaJ. Total Executive Office Director 13,800 10,l40 24,000.00 Bilingual Secretary 4,200 2,4oO 6,600.00 Field Office M an ager-Ac count ant 4,800 4,800.00 Agri. Eng. with experience 6,600 1,800 8,400.00 2 Agri. Eng. without experience 9,6oo 9,600.00 Mechanic-Welder 4,800 4,800.00 Area Personnel 6 Field Assistants 7,200 7,200.00 1 Mechanical Assistant 1,200 1,200.00 1 Warehouse Man 1,200 1,200.00 1 Cook 910 910.00 1 Janitor 780 780.00 1 Washing-Ironing Woman 780 780.00 TOTAL 24,660 46,810 71,470.00

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22k Other Contributions Office Locale 2,UOO.OO Li^t, Telephone, etc. 2,U00.00 tUniversidad de Panama/Universidad de Delaware 1979; translation mine.) Colon Thursday, May 31, 1979 The anthropologist only submitted written ccmments on the proposal frou the universities and not on the Project Identification Document from the National Association of Partners of the Americas. The comments were written in a memorandum to the USAID /Panama team evaluating the Rio Indio project. Copies of the memorandum were mailed to the Dean of the School of Agronony and to the Fellowship Coordinator of the Inter-American Foundation. The comments were as follows; Outright, I wish to state: 1. That I agree that the students and professors of the Uhiversidad de Panama need strengthening of their academic and applied programs. Specifically, this shoiild mean more field research under actual conditions in rural areas, and direct incorporation of research findings into the nonacademic conmunity in the area where the research is carried out . 2. That the "correct application of modem technology" must take into accoimt the traditional systems of production and marketing, and on that basis then bridge the gap between the traditional and the modem. Changes cannot be wrou^t if traditional socio-cultural concepts and practices are disregarded. Programs for Rio Indio A. Programs of Production and Marketing ; In general, the economic history of Rio Indio, as reconstructed from oral history, revealsthat the coastal and upriver populations at Rio Indio have actively participated in the production and marketing of cash crops for national and international markets (see rough draft of article "Scheduling Cash at Rio Indio"). Both Ptayevos andi Naturales at Rio Indio have been receptive to new inputs for cash production, as long as they could maintain a varied hoiJisehold production

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consumption, but also to bottleand gourd-feed baby pigs, a task that is done by wcmen and children. The worst problem that I have observed is the injury to the tits of the cow by contact withbarbed wire aroimd the house. b. A variety of cattle that produces milk yeac?round should be sought, preferably a variety that is suitable both for milk as well as for beef. In 1978, the Delaware team suggested that a Jamaican variety was good for milk and beef production. As far as I have been able to determine, there is one family at El Chilar of Rio Indio that had a Jamaican bull. This family should be contacted for their experience with this Jamaican variety. c. The cows of the project should be visible in pastures along the river banks. People travelling up and down the river are constantly making observations on the conditions of tbe cattle that they see along the river banks. Word shotild be spread among motorboat operators that the cows at such a site along the river bank belong to the project for. milk production, and that people are welcomed to see the animals and the milking operation. d. If milk praduction is encouraged, the program should likewise include methods for processing the milk in h-ousehold or cottage industries. Techniques for making cheese are not currently practiced. The milk is only boiled, or it is allowed to go sour as buttermilk. The latter is used principally in making com porridges Qpesad) with sugar cane syrup, which is a traditional food for Holy Week. Milk candies {boaaÂ— dittos] are also made with sugar or sugar cane syrup. e. As far as I understand, goats are too destructive of vegetation. In PanamS. we already have enou^ problems with soil erosion from other malpractices, to encourage raising an animal that even eats the roots of plants. 3. Small Animals a. In the majority of the households, both on the coast and upriver, women and children (ages 8 to 12) are in charge of raising, feeding, curing, and caring for small animals namely, chickens, ducks, t\arkeys, and pigs. Therefore, any program with small animals should include women and children as direct recipients of advice or instructions. As one woman told me the work of women in production is not seen because it is in the house, while the men are "outside" and are seen. b. Ordinarily, these small animals are fed in the immediate vicinity of the house, several times throughout the day, a diet, of rice, com, coconuts, manioc, leftovers, and milk in the case of baby pigs. However, the animals are allowed to scavenge around. This practice of scavenging is rationalized by the following:

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227 1, The concept of "freedom" of the animals . 2. That the meat of the animals tastes better if allowed to scavenge, 3. That yard animals {cvCas de patio), particularly fowl, command a higher price in the formal and informal marketing systems. This is partictilarly true diiring the November and December holidays, when there is a demand in the cities for traditional holiday foods. 4. That there is not eno\:igh water available to wash pens if the animals were penned in. Even the chicken farm at Santa Rosa de Rio Indio, donated by the Rotary Club of Colon, and the chickens and pigs of the Ciclo Basico at Boca de Rio Indio, were allowed to scavenge (creating all sorts of problems becaiase of their numbers), on the basis of the above rationalizations. In both cases the programs were discontinued. c. Before experimenting with a new animal like rabbits that are known to be susceptible to various diseases and climatological conditions, why not reinforce what there already is being produced in the area Â— chickens, ducks, turkeys, and pigs. Even experiments in domesticating animals that are used in "garden hunting" would be more adviseable. These are animals that have developed a symbiotic relationship with slashÂ— and-bum agricultural practices, living in the monies (agricultural work sites) or in vastvogates (fallow plots undergoing regenerative secondaiy growth). It would be a great contribution to the science of tropical agriculture if the agronomists could develop a system combining animal and agricultural production with these animals, similar to fish farming in regions of wet rice cultivation. These animals that are "garden hunted" include the agouti {jhmiautus paaa) , the white-tailed deer (Mzsama), the iguana, and fowl like the tinamou and the ohaohalaoa. This may seem farfetched, but in the dietary habits of the people at Rio Indio, these are preferred foods and rudimentary forms of domesticating wild animals are already practiced by the people. In Uracillo, there are three families who have experimented at domesticating deer, the siniauigo (a rodent), and paisana (a bird). Wild animals under domestication are hidden frcm public view for fear of the "evil eye" and are always protected with a red ribbon around the neck, similar to the red ribbon around a baby's wrist for protection against the evil eye. A program of farming babillos Ca small alligator), similar to alligator farming in Florida, woixld even be advisable. There is already a high demand for hdbilZos at Rio Indio, by a local taxidermist on the coast who pays $1 per foot length of the animal, for his business with tourist shops in Col6n. (Mr... PAGE 246 228 this would be a program that might be worked out with the Institute of Renewable Natural Resources in the GatlSn Lake reforestation program. ) d. Althou^ the proposal mentions marine biology on the front page, it was not elaborated into the program for Rio Indio. Two points in this regard are worth mentioning: 1. People up the Rio Indio are already practicing a rudimentary f orm of pisciciilture. Some of the residents by deep pools along the river, who are conceptually regarded as the "owners" of those pools, diiring the dry season, when the water is clear, feed the sSbalo pip$n {Bryoon dhagvensis) the leaAres of the hvnoQO sabalero {Piper awritum) . This aromatic plant is allowed to grow in pastures as secondary growth and is not cut down because it is useful in fishing. (Parenthetically, neither is the membriVlo {Gustavia SKperba) of the Brazilnut family Leaythidaoea nor the lol5. or paUm real cut because their fruits are vised in feeding pigs and for fishing and their wood and leaves, respectively, used in hovise construction Â— another possibility for the Renewable Natural Resources project.) The practice with the hinoQo sabalero includes both the use of traps for fish and spearfishing, after the fish have been accus toned to eating the hinojo regularly at the pool. People also like the flavor acquired by the sSbalo after it has eaten the hinojo. The laboratories of the School of Agronomy should be encouraged to do tests with this plant, to see what are the nutritive or aromatic chemicals involved. 2. Marine fishing, including turtle fishing, are highly valued by the coastal people, and the upriver people like to buy marine fish from the coastal people when they go down the river on marketing days. A program in marine fishing techniques and methods should definitely be encouraged. 4. Huertos Cos eras a. Huertos oaseros (household plots) are strongly recommended, more so than paroelas demons trativas or huertos oomunitarios (demonstration or community plots). It is necessary that academically trained agronomists be more aware of what are the economic and social aspects of "household production" as the primary unit of production in Rio Indio. To periodically advise and check as many as Uo or 50 families along the coast and upriver is not an unreasonable task for an agronomist. It can be done if the agronomists are willing to "live" for prolonged periods in the settlements and not jvost make quick, rush-rush visits of one or two days to the area. Confidence in the agronomists will only occur if they are willing to live under the conditions in which the people themselves live. People will veiy easily and qviickly detect if a person feels at ease among them {se siente tranqvila) , without making

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229 derogatory verbal and facial expressions as to the living conditions in the area, or longing for city life. The attitude of the agronomists will bear a direct relationship to the success or failiuÂ’e of the program. b. Preferably, huertos aaseros should be done with families that have a history of successfully and consistently trying out new methods and techniques, and sharing with others their experiences. There are several such families recognized by the people themselves. c. Families of current and former students at the Ciclo Basico at Boca de Rio Indio should be incorporated into the program of huertos aaseros. The general pattern that I have observed, particularly with the upriver people, is to send the third and fourth children for formal education. Oldest first and second children, particularly sons, are retained at home for informal, practical training in production and marketing. The parents and older children are key factors in administrative decisions of production, but are nevertheless receptive to information obtained throu^ the yomger ones receiving formal education. Such a program of huertos aaseros with the families of students would bridge the gap between formal and informal, training. 5. Animals Used in the Pro,1ect a. Animals used in the project should be sold on credit, or raffled, among local residents who worked directly in the project and were well aware of the techniques and methods used in raising them. Again, a program throu^ the families of the students at the Ciclo Basico would be advisable, making students and their families directly involved from the beginning of the project. USAID has already spent almost half a million dollars in renovating the Ciclo Basico at Boca de Rio Indio. A school, however, is not Just the building but the programs practiced by the personnel imparting and receiving instructions. Therefore, any program to bolster up participation of professors, students, alumni, and families of students and alumni would better Justify the use of the new buildings and facilities. b. Local residents who are negoaiantes or aompradoi?es (business people or buyers) of animals, should be made aware frcm the beginning of the animals and techniques used in the project. These people should be incorporated in the marketing or distribution of these animals. B. Demonstration Plots a. Demonstration plots should be coordinated with the Ciclo Basico for the same reasons given in A5a. b. The sites of the plots should be located in both the

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coastal and upriver micro-zones, for the same reasons given in Ala. c. Same comments given in A 2 e apply here in regards to goats . d. People have verbally expressed to myself and to the missionaries working with the coop, that they wo\ild like to better the production of their coconut palms and citrus trees, which have been affected by pests. The palms have the brorm torito (a beetle), and the orange and lemon trees have ants at the foot of the trunk and moss and epiphytes on the branches that the people consider are reducing the production. Any program in solving these problems would be greatly welcomed. e. If only the field assistants who will work in the demonstration plots will be the people receiving direct experience and training, measures should be taken to include the participation of others; e.g., students of the Ciclo Basico. Budget a. The figures quoted appear to be only for a period of one year. Plants and animals take time to grow and involve a cycle of at least five years to evaluate their growth and production. Therefore, the budget should be extended for at least a five year period. b. Students who have graduated from the Ciclo Basico should be employed as field assistants. There was the problem in 1978 that the three students in the 6 th year of agricultural, high school training were not given credit for con5)letion of the program. These three students should be given the opportunity for working as field assistants and some certificate or credit given for their training in the project. c. Salaries for local residents sho;ild be equivalent to salaries now paid by the Ministry of Education for field assistants , cooks, and manual laborers at the Ciclo Basico. d. A cautionary note is in order: Local politicians will undoubtedly try to exercise control over who is hired for the project. Traditionally, bureaucratic employment has been controlled by the coastal people due to their greater geographical accessibility. A balance should be maintained in employing both coastal and upriver people, as the area should be looked upon as a region where there has traditionally been interdependence and interrelationships between those on the coast and those upriver, even though at times there has also been conflict between both groups. e. If "institutional strengthening" means that the project director should receive an increase in salary in order

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231 to retain his or her services as a professor in the university, then this increase may be warranted as local newspapers and bulletin boards at the School of Agronomy voice the complaint that the professors are moving out to work with other institutions where they are better remunerated. f. Again, if "institutional strengthening" means that the agronomist with one year experience and the two without experience are alumni of the School of Agronomy and are currently unemployed, then their salaries are warranted. Their experiments or experience in the project, however, shoiild be worked out as a veseardh for a graduate program towards a Master's or Ph.D. degree with the University of Delaware. A Master's thesis or dissertation for the Ph.D. should be one of the results of the project. These agronomists should be encouraged to write up the results of the project in the form of a thesis or dissertation, not only for future consultation by others who wish to share in their learning experience, but also to ensure a systematic and controlled focus on the project. g. It would be advisable to employ a female agronomist to work with the female aspects of production of small animals . A response to the foregoing comments was received on September 13, 1979 , and will be quoted for that date. Colon and Panama City Thursday, July 5, 1979 Upon collecting her mail in Colon, the anthropologist found a letter and a telephone message from the senior professor of the School of Agronomy who was coordinating the Rio Indio project. He announced that a Delaware team would arrive at Rio Indio on July 12, and that they would appreciate it if the anthropologist met them at the mouth of the river on that day. Upon calling the Dean's office to acknowledge receipt of the notice, he stated that they were not sure at what time they wotild arrive at Rio Indio as this was contingent upon getting a helicopter ride frcm the National Guard. Nevertheless , he wanted the anthropologist to have food ready for the Delaware team when they arrived.

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232 The anthropologist then stated that they might as well land at Santa Rosa first where she was located at that time since they were travelling by helicopter. If she was going to be preparing food for the visitors, she wanted to help the women with this task and not simply tell them to do it as if they were servants. Also, the cost of the food and the time of the women shoxild be covered. The Dean agreed over the phone to do this and that he would acknowledge a bill later. The President of the Panama Committee of the Partners of the Americas was having a reception party for the Delaware team that night at her house, and the Dean wanted the anthropologist to attend in order to meet the members of the team. At the party, one of the members of the team requested that the anthropologist show the Rio Indio area to a food preservation specialist who was interested in the preservation of fish. The food preservation specialist was fron Bangladesh and had demonstrated at the Universidy of Delaware to be a very practical oriented researcher. Should a fish project be undertaken with the coastal people, preservation of fish for marketing woiild be part of the project. Santa Rosa de Rio Indio Thursday, July 12, 1979 The Delaware team never showed up at Santa Rosa. People had their ears timed for the sound of any helicopter. By foirr o'clock in the afternoon, which is the regular eating time for people, the food was distributed among the women who had prepared it to take to their hoimeholds. The anthropologist felt embarrassed, but the people were so gracious that they said that at least they would have plenty of chicken soup and rice for themselves. The waiting time had not been entirely waisted for the anthro-

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Boca de Rio Indio and Santa Rosa de Rio Indio Thursday, August l6, 1979 The Bangladesh food preservation specialist from the University of Delaware, the senior faculty member from the School of Agronony who was coordinating the project, and a member of the Agricultural Section of USAID arrived at Rio Indio. The Playero Covvegidov accompanied them on a tour of the Production School facilities. The anthropologist insisted that the agricultural plots and cattle pastures of the school also be' visited so that the professor of agronony would have an idea of the type of ecological setting in which these were located on a sea cliff. This meant walking further inland and away from 'the school buildings, and was done. The professor of agronomy, nevertheless, stressed how much more important were the new buildings and faciliti^^s to house personnel, as the logistics of the li'ving conditions wo'uld be .crucial in contributing to the well-being of the students and the professors participating in the project and in relation to their attitudes. In other words, comfort was more important than anything else. His concern for comfort was also reflected by other types of behavior during the visit. The professor would not assist in pushing the dugout canoe that was agroimd in 'the sand, when the anthropologist indicated that it was customary for passengers to assist in this regard when taking off. At Santa Rosa he would not walk inland to observe the experimental coffee grove of the Asentmiento Campesino where the variety of coffee that had been recemmended in the proposal had already been planted two years before by extension agents from the Ministry of Agriculture. The anthropologist had suggested this so that they would have an idea of how the plants were doing. His excuse was that

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237 Good luck on yo\ir dissertation. Sincerely, Office of Development Resources Panama City January 1^, 19 80 The Bangladesh food preservation specialist frcm Delaware arrived in Panama to make the arrangements for a food preservation training program that the University of Panama would operate at the branch of the University in the Pacific side town of Penonome, Code province. He would rettim to Panama later in the year, on a sabbatical from the University of Delaware, to start this training program. Easy accessibility by the Panamerican Highway from Panama City to Penonome in a couple of hours was a factor taken into account for locating this program in Penonome and yet allow the faculty to reside in Panami. City. The Bangladesh man had planned to have been in Panama in November of 1979, but had to postpone his trip until January I 98 O because he had to attend the hearings to obtain his United States citizenship. Panama City January 22, 1979 An Italian aquaculture specialist frcm the University of Delaware arrived in Panama to make the arrangements for his ret\im in June to Panama as an exchange professor in aquaculture at the branch of the University of Panama in the Pacific side tcum of Santiago, Veraguas province. The Bangladesh food preservation specialist had asked the anthropologist to

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238 accon^jany the ItaJian aquacultxire specialist to Santiago. Since the anthropologist was interested herself in knowing more about the aquaculture program which had also been proposed for Rio Indio, she drove the car that she and the Italian aquaculture specialist rented to go to Santiago. The Director of the Aquaculture Program of the Ministry of Agricultural Development of Panama gave a slide presentation and an infoimal talk to the Italian aquaculture specialist from Delaware and to the anthropologist. Also visiting was an aquaculture specialist from the University of Aub\im in the United States. The Director of the Aquaculture Program was also expecting a Iftiited States anthropologist that the USAID office had notified him would be arriving to evaluate the program. The Director honestly confessed that he could not understand why so many different people from different universities in the United States had to be constantly evaluating the program, and it seemed to him that they often did not stay long enough to really know what was being done. The Italian aquacultiire specialist and the anthropologist went to a rural conmunity near Santiago to observe and participate in a fish harvest at an aquaculture pool. Although the aquacultxure program included technical assistance for 110 rural conmunities in building aquaciilture tanks and supplying them with fish, most of the students in the 2-year training program at Santiago were being trained to work as technicians in the CompccFkta Agromarina de Panamd, S. A. , a subsidiary of Ralston Purina of the United States, and the Compaflia PaZangosta. These large-scale shrimp farms are located at Aguadulce, a site on the Pacific Code province. Students would also be employed by the Ccmpaflta Camarones de Panamd, located at Bique Beach, Panama province. These companies began operations in Panama in 1975 (Pretto 1978 ; 13 1 ^), and their main commercial operation is based on the

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239 exportation of shrimp to the United States and Europe, and to sell to restaurants in the urban transisthmian center of Panama. Panama City April 2 , 1980 Although the anthropologist had returned to the University of Florida in March after having completed her field work, she returned to Panama the first week in April to attend the Syn^iosium on Botany and Natiiral History that was sponsored by the University of Panama and the Missouri Botanical Garden, She was presenting a paper on the \;ise of Piper ccuritvm to fish and trap fish by the Naturales of Rio Indio (Joly n.d.). During the visit, the anthropologist foimd out that the Dean of the School of Agronomy of the University of Panama had been selected for the position of Ecological Manager for the Smithsonian Tropical Research Institute in Panama, to manage the forest reserves of this institution which are located in areas previously administered by the United States in the former Canal Zone and which were transferred to Panamanian Jurisdiction with the 1977 Torri jos-Carter Treaty. The anthropologist also found out that the senior agronomy professor who had been coordinating the proposal for Rio Indio was promoted to agricultural advisor to the Rector of the University of Panama. Moreover, the School of Agronomy had been transferred to the branch of the University of Panama in the Pacific town of David, Chiriqui province. This province is regarded in Panama and the United States as the most productive agricilLturally because of its rich volcanic soils and because many large-scale agricultural commercial operations are located there. However, neither the Dean of the School of Agronomy nor the senior professor of agronomy had wanted to move from Panama City to Chiriqui.

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Their new positions represented salary increases. A 73 per cent salary increase for the director of the Rio Indio project was one of the items in the proposal that had been submitted by the University of Panama. A USAID officer stated that isolated, low-density rural areas like Rio Indio might not be the best locations for development programs, as .there was greater demand to assist the larger populations in \irban centers. No one knew if the Rio Indio project would go through or not. Inferences From the foregoing sequence of events, the following inferences can be made; 1. That the transisthmian urban center, particularly PanamI, City, and the Pacific side of Panama continue to be the major areas that dominate the socio-econony of the Isthmus through their participation in the intern at i oral export trade. 2. 'That the General Provisions (Sec. 296) of Title XII Â— Famine Prevention and Freedom from Hunger, of the "international Development and Food Assistance Act, Public Law 9^l6l, 9^th Congress of the United States of America, December 20, 1975 > have been interpreted to apply to feeding urban restaurant food consumers in Panama, the United States, and Europe rather than to increase the food production of small farmers in rural areas . 3. That institutional problems, in this case the relocation of the School of Agronomy of the University of Panama from Panama City to David, "are used to an advantage by administrators and policy makers who act as intemediaries between the. . .systems . The skill that these cultural brokers develop to manage such events is important in legitimizing

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2kl their status at th.e local level" (Burns 1980b :139). As in the case reported by Bums {ihid. ;135) for rural education in the United States in the 1970s, the administrators faced the crisis of having an added supply of money available to them rather than too little money. 4. That the Rio Indio proposal was only a front to obtain funds for personnel of the School of Agronony. 5. That the rural people know that status seekers try to manipulate them. Therefore, the rural people do not really believe all the promises made for improving their socio-economic conditions. Nevertheless, they play along the game as in the process they may have an opportunity to capture or recover for themselves in their rural setting some of the economic resources that are centralized elsewhere. 6. That the advocacy role of the applied anthropologist in favor of the "targeted beneficiaries" is not taken seriously and disregarded, perhaps beca\jse in this case it was a voluntary service, brt more likely because of more powerful forces in national and international political economies and their apparent blindness for the needs of those who have no power and no voice in the development game. 7. That foreign immigrants in academic professions in the United States may have to validate their right to United States citizenship by being assigned for prolonged periods to serve in areas that are considered politically sensitive and potentially hazardous. 8. That the fact that sane of these professional immigrants to the United States were bom and raised in rural areas of other countries of the world, does not mean that they are willing to regress to work under similar conditions that strike "too close to hone."

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21^2 General Implications of Development from Below for Development from Above In spite^ of their own efforts and accanplishments throu^ their own systems of "development from below," the peoples of the Lower Coast may be regarded as part of the "poor hidden majority of Panama" (Bartell I98O) when compared and contrasted with the wealth of international traders in the urban transisthmian center who are backed by a political-econony that favors them largely (Bartell I98O). Although certain aspects of poverty may appear to unite this majority, it is not a homogenous group. The NaticcaleSi the Ptcyevos , and the migrant Interioranos have different historical ethnic identities and each group has responded differently to internal and external factors in their human-ecological settings. Therefore, development plans fron "above" for the Lower Coast must take into account these differences and the potential conflicts and contradictions that they may generate. For example, the higher political status of the PZayepos will mean that the increase in municipal taxes that has been recommended by the Ministry of Planning and Political Economy to reduce dependency on the central government will most likely benefit more the PZayevo puebZos than the settlements of the inland NabuvaZes . Socalled "improvements" like a plastic piping aqueduct at the nucleus controlled by the pvinoipaZes of the NabupaZes do not necessarily benefit all the hotiseholds that support that nucleiis and that are dispersed in living and work sites away from the nucleus of community symbols. Another conflict arises with the bank loans for increasing extensive cattle production among the IntepCoPCcnos , and the other groups as well, as this leads to constriction of the amount of land available for swidden agricultiire.

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2k3 These conflicts and contradictions will he imdouhtedly magnified by the expansion of the central government through such development plans from "aboveÂ” as the construction of a sea level canal through this region. The peoples of the Lower Coast, therefore, need to be made aware not so much of their "poor" and "dependent" situation, but of their own worth and dignity in terms of their power to negotiate their status, honor, and position, even if at times such an effort may appear to be a fiction. This may well be done by reinforcing their power of speech, of teaching them the language of "developers from above" so that they, too, can "shuffle their cards" in the same way that they have seen status seekers "frcm above" use development planning for their own advantage.

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CHAPTER IX CONCLUSIONS The major contrihution of this dissertation is the evaluation of the development process in its two major dimensions; namely, planning for "development from above" by bureaucratic systems and the "development from below" of indigenous sociocultural systems. In this evaluation, the following theoretical formulations served as an operational mode or a guiding methodology: regional analysis, commimity study, event analysis, sociolinguistics, ethnohistory , ritual and symbolism, human ecology, and development. The focus, however, was not that of ethnographic detail presented in a simply descriptive manner and serving only to exemplify theories as is the case in contemporary circles in academic anthropology. Instead, in the foregoing chapters, the indigenous systems of "development from below" of the BccbwcaX&s , the PZcqjeToSi and the Inteviovccnos ^ as well as the case of development planning "from above" by the University of Panama, the University of Delaware, and the United States Agency for International Development, were described in full ethnographic detail to correct the simplistic view given in feasibility studies for development plans in regards to the human groups in the Lower Coast. For exanple, the feasibility study commissioned by the National Bank of Panama and the World Bank for the development of cattle production in the Atlantic sector (Banco Nacional-Banco Mundial 1977) , lists the human groups as a "resource," but there is no indication whatsoever of why or how the human groups are a resource other than that they represent a 2kk

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demographic factor displaying certain characteristics with regard to natural growth, mortality, density, health, sanitation, and education. The following description of the human reso\irces in their Zone 3, which covers the area between the rivers Indio and Cocli del Norte, illustrates this reductionist method of treating the identity and capabilities of the people : Zone 3 has great unpopulated extensions, particularly in its western part. Along the littoral, from the mouth of the Rio Indio to the Code del Norte, the predominant population is that of colonial blacks, and inland in the continental part, there are small and dispersed populated sites of HispanicIndigenous people, dedicated to siibsistence agriculture. The presence of the latter group is possibly due to immigration from the Code province in search of better lands (Banco Nacional-Banco Mmdial 1977:6?; translation mine). What can possibly be inferred from this type of description of the "human reso\irces" of Zone 3? Not much, other than the fact that the "colonial blacks" (the Playeros) live in the littoral section and the "Hispanic-Indigenous people" (the Naburales) live in the inland, continental section. There is no idea at all of the sociocultural values of these human groups , what they can offer to the developnent process in terms of their own ways of organizing themselves, of doing things, of responding to external and internal influences, trends, and conflicts. Therefore, if feasibility studies are going to continue to be done through bibliographic and questionnaire surveys, it is absolutely essential to have detailed ethnographies that can at least serve as reference sources for such bibliographic surveys and to complement the questionnaire surveys . The ethnographic detail in this dissertation seeks to convey a sense of the worth of the human groups in the Lower Coast in terms of their own accomplishments, their own strategies in recovering or capturing for them-

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2k6 selves part of those resoiirces that have heen historically centralized in the transisthmian \irban center and the Pacific lowlands of the central and western provinces. It has not heen the intention to portray "timeless 'traditional' cultiaral systems... as the antithesis of 'modernization' " (Forman and Riegelhaupt 1979:397). The coumunity systems here described as types of development systems are part of the modernization process and must be incorporated "within the broader structure of resource dispersal within the national (or regional) political system" (ibid.), and the international system as well. The prinaipates of the Naturates^ the pueblos of the PtayeroSy and the migration of the Inteviorccnos reflect their responses to economic and political forces operating in Panama since the Spanish colonial period to the present. The responses of these three human g 2 roups to political and econanic forces shows that the region of the Lower Coast has been viewed and used differently by each of these groups at different periods in time. This indicates that the concept of regionalism is not a fixed entity in space and time, but is constantly changing. For example, at one point in time the mountainous zone of the Lower Coast may have been a region of refuge for the Babwcales in the CoclS Reservation. The system of px*inoipaZes ^ however, reveals that the Naturales extended the boimdaries of that inadjudicative tract of land by a hiving off process in establishing new settlements along the river banks. In this process, they adopted elements from the national culture (the store, the school, and the church) and incorporated them to a familistic production system for subsistence and marketing. Thus, they were not really isolated in a region of refuge but were very much part of the nation as a whole. In fact, they have been linked to the international world through their production of such export

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crops as t ananas and coffee. The NaturaleSj nevert^ieless , have remained essentially dispersed in living and agriciiltural household sites that are located away from their nuclei of commimity symbols, that is, the store, the school, and the chapel. The PZayeroSj on the other hand, have nucleated their hoioses in their pueblos and have their agricultural work sites away from the pueblo. In their migration, the Interioranos have symbiotically used the facilities at the nuclei of the Naturales and the pueblos of the Vlcyevos. These differences reveal that each group has a different community development system. The systems of relations upon which these development system are based coxild not have been traced through time and space without the aid of sociolinguistics to discover the oral ethnohistories of each group. It is only through oral history that the event analysis of cash booms and busts was possible. Therefore, it is essential that the anthropologist engage in a social discourse or dialogue. In itself, this dialogue is a sociolinguistic event, and how different anthropologists from different speech comm\mities engage in it will affect the data gathering process. Therefore, the sociolinguistics of fieldwork dialogues deserve to be studied further as speech events in themselves. In terms of human ecology, the Lower Coast reveals different human ecological systems. For the Baturales and the Playevos , the waterways have been key elements in their commimity development systems. The tropical rain forest has been crucial for all three groups in their practice of swidden agriculture. Cattle raising, however, as intensified by the Interioranos is constricting the amount of forest and may eventually change the physiography and climate of the region. Eacli group mtist also take

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2U8 into account the presence of the others in their systems of relations with each other and with the natural resources. The cash value of these resources has also been an important element, as in the case of the vegetable ivory nuts, rubber, chicle, and turtle shells. The infrastructures introduced by government agencies and missionaries mi:ist also be taken into accoiint in the human ecological systems. Undoubtedly, the construction of highways will cause additional changes in the systems of human relations and the relations of the people with the natural resources. Thus, the ecosystem is a variable in itself, a function of modifications arising from human tise and not a constant to which human groups adapt. Ecology, then, is jtist another variable in human socio-cult\aral systems. It is the complexity of human socio-cultural systems that makes "development from above" a difficult process to reconcile with "development from below." The metaphoric imagery is that of gears that most of the time are out of phase. The b\ireaucratic development agencies from "above" are in themselves complex socio-cultural systems. It is questionable, therefore, whether an anthropologist, an economist, a regional planner, a sociologist, and agronomist, and engineer or any other professional can individually mediate between all the systems involved in the development process. M\ilti disciplinary approaches may be effective if theie is cooperation and coordination among the members, but the case of the Title XII University of Panama-University of Delaware-USAID planning process from "above" illustrates how difficult it is to coordinate different personnel frcm various bvureaucratic institutions. Multidisciplinaiy team work among professionals will not be effective either unless the "targets" or "beneficiaries" are incorporated also into the planning process. This cannot singly be done through questionnaires.

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2k9 This reqioires the comprehension on the part of the professionals to learn from the "on-the-ground" living experiences of common men and women what they can offer to the development process in terms of both constraints and limitations as well as positive contributions. It also requires a personal moral commitment to be willing to work in areas that are not always as comfortable as the urban facilities of contemporary First World countries like the United States. Undoubtedly, the development process is part and parcel of political and economic forces that have made up domination and dependency complexes on earth throughout human history. Within the constraints and limitations of dominion and dependency Â— or interdependency as some wish to see it Â— human groups need to be reassured of their own capabilities and potentialities so that they can better negotiate and protect their own position in terms of their own rights, status, and honor, even if at times such an effort may be futile and tragic.

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:*->v Â’ >Â• i' Â« * (&:. APPENDICES . Â• ;' V. \ Â•i Â• ' a". Â• >v. V :<.<': Â• .

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APPENDIX I THE PRELIMINARY SURVEY Why the Lower Coast ? To Letter understand the focus of this dissertation in the development processes among the human groups in the Caribbean Lower Coast of Panama, one mtist first understand why I decided to carry on a social discourse with these peoples about their lives in this region. This is best achieved by describing the preliminary survey that led to the decision to do further research in this region. This self revelation of decision-maJsing process does not arise out of narcissism, a need to be anecdotal, or a psychological hangup from primary and secondary schooling under Catholic, Swiss-Deutsche nuns who were strict disciplinarians. It is, instead, a genuine concern for "the ethical principles for conducting fieldwork" CCassell I 98 O) and for "the cultural problem of the cultural anthropologist" CHsu 1979). As a personal commitment, I consider th_at every anthropologist shoiild make a selfevaluation when reporting the results of each fieldwork rather than divulging later, personally or through others, in an article, a biography, or a diary , the ethical dilemmas in fieldwork (Rynkiewich and Spradley 1976 ; Patridge 1979). I support that exemplary "activist" anthropologist Laiira Nader (l976^:l80) in urging that; The first step in setting out the priorities in the discipline would be to encoiirage more explicit statements in meetings and in published works on why we have chosen to study semeÂ— thing. Such a statement should include scientific and ethical reasons as well. The Dilemma of Decision-Making A three-month preliminary survey in Panama in 1977 posed the dilemma of deciding where and with whom I should do the fieldwork. In the proposal applying for this survey grant from the Tropical South America Research Program of the University of Florida, I stated as the focus of interest the coconut trade among the San Bias Cuna. I had been in contact with the Cuna in various ways during ten years ( 196 U-I 974 ) of undergraduate, evening courses at the branch of The Florida State University in Panama. In one of my first courses in anthropology at F. S. U. , we were required to write a field manual for Peace Corps volunteers working among human groups in Panama. For this, I selected the San Bias Cuna. I had been personally involved with Peace Corps females working in the San Bias Archipel251

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253 Upon my arrival in Panama in June 1977, therefore, I first consulted with persons in several institutions and whom I considered could give me so\and advice. They would also know of socio-economic development plans and projects whereby I could evaluate processes of social change, since I had in mind then to appiy to the Inter-American Foundation for a Latin American and Caribbean Learning Fellowship on Social Change. As it happens with others (McCurdy 1976:6), there is usually a foundation on which one zeroes in and for which the research poposal is really written. Of coxorse, I was also submitting proposals to a few other institutions like the Smithsonian and Wenner Gren where as a non-U. S. citizen I could apply. The Consultations At the Directorate of Historical Patrimony of the National Institute of Cultiire that regulates anthropological research in Panama, I consulted with Dra. Reina Torres de Arauz, the Director, and with Dra. Marcia Arosemena de Arosemena, Sxab-Director and Chief of Scientific Investigations. Dra. Torres de Arauz is an anthropologist who has been interested, among other things, in the ethnohistory of the Cuna (Torres de Aratiz 197^) and has worked with the mainland Cuna and the Choco in Darien (Torres de Araliz 1975). She recommended to survey the Cuna in Paya and Pucirru. These Cuna villages in Darien are close to the Colombian border. Althoiigh isolated from the bulk of the Cuna population, and in the path of migrating Choco (Waunana and Embera) Indians and black frontiersmen from the Colombian Choco, the people in Paya and Ptacuru retain traits of Cuna ciilture. This was of theoretical interest to Dra. Torres de Aratiz from the standpoint of Cuna ethnohistory. From the perspective of applied anthropology in social change, I also consulted the team of planners of the Ministry of Planning and Political Econ'any and the Organization of American States, who were working on the regional de-velopment of Darien. Their perspective focused on the fut\ire. These Cuna in Paya and Ptacuru were at the bottom of their scale of priorities for Darien. They were not q\iite sure whether to employ these Cuna as forest guards, or what to do with them shoiild the Panamerican Highway be completed throu^ Darien. Dra. Arosemena de Arosemena recommended that I should follow the advice of Dra. Torres de Arauz, particularly since I could thereby accompany a female student of anthropology from the University of Columbia in New York, who was also on a survey grant. She wanted to evaluate the situation of the relocated Cuna and Choco Indians who had been displaced by the construction of the Bayano Dam. Permission to let her go into the Bayano, however, was denied. Some of the relocated Cuna had a few months earlier held as hostages a team from the United States, demanding ransom for their release. As a precaution, it was considered safer if this fellow anthropology student went with me to Paya and Pticuru. Dra. Arosemena de Arosemena, nevertheless, thought that I should survey other groups in Panama. As a historian, she was interested in tracing the ancestry of the Cholos aoalesanos (indigenous coiantryfolk from Code). She was interested in knowing if these people in the central province of Cocl^ were culturally the same or different from the Guaym-C in the westein provinces of Bocas del Toro, Chiriq\u, and Veraguas . The specific Indian ancestry of these indigenous countryfolk had not been clarified by other researchers (Conte Guardia 1964). In terms of social change, Dra. Arose-

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267 After participant obsei^ation among the members of the coconut cooperative in Tigre, I wished that the members of the cooperative of coffee growers at Rio Indio could have also shared this experience. The San Bias Cvcna were masters at their own system of cooperative cashÂ— cropping. It might, therefore, be better for me to observe people like those at Rio Indio who were being initiated by the missionaries in the organization of cooperatives as a commercial enterprise. Would indigenous forms of cooperative activities of the people at Rio Indio be incorporated into the organizational structure introduced by the missionaries? What process would the enterprise follow? Map A.l shows the survey sites. The Choice Upon submitting the reports of the surveys to Dra. Marcia Arosemena de Arosemena, Sub-Director of Historical Patrimony and Chief of Scientific Investigations, she commented that I was free to choose the region where and the people with whom to conduct the research. SheÂ» nevertheless, wo\xld recommend that I investigate the miscegenized human groups in the north-central Caribbean coast. Little anthropological research had been done among such groups, and the Atlantic side of the Isthmus was targeted for development by the government. These plans appeared to have been confirmed by the speech of General Torrijos the first week in September 1977 upon his return to Panama after signing the Torri jos-Carter Treaty in Washington, D. C. I told Dra. Arosemena that I would decide after I returned to the United States and consulted with my professors at the University of Florida. I reported to my professors at Florida that government officials like Dra. Arosemena strongly recommended researching the human groups in the north-central Caribbean coast as that was an area targeted for development. Most of the professors asked me if that was what I wanted to do. The question reflected what appears to be either a faddish psychological syndrome in the contemporary United States to let the individual do "her or his thing," or the ideal of the freedom of choice of the individual in the so-called "land of the free." In reality, choices for research in the United States are not entirely as free as they may appear to be. Most agencies in the United States that fund research, whether they be private or governmental, have priority subjects or areas for research that change periodically according to stipulated periods of time or according to situations facing this nation. For example, when in the 1960s and '70s the United States was experiencing an increased consumption of hallucinogens, researchers were encouraged by the monetary incentive of funding to do research on the use of hallucinogens in other countries. Professors and students in anthropology at the University of Florida took advantage of such funding for research on the use of hallucinogens (.Carter 1976, I 98 O; du Toit 1976 , 1977 , 1978 ; Page 1977; Patrldge 197^, 1979). Even in First World countries like the United States with more economic resources than Third World countries like Panama, econcmic and human resources are channelled to find solutions, explanations, alternative actions, guidelines for national issues, problems, and crises. I considered, therefore, that Panamanian officials had a ri^t to claim me as a human resource of Panama

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268 to serve in the h.est interest of my country. Dr. Sol6n T, Kimhall, chair of my doctoral committee, has been interested throughout his career in anthropology in the applied uses of anthropology for planning and policy-making processes. I felt, therefore, that he would hack me in my final decision to work in the north-central coast of Panama with the different human groups there. This decision was not influenced by any sense of guilt to want to do something for my own country rather than doing cross-cultural research in another country like the United States as had been recommended by some of my professors at the University of Florida. The reconnaissance in Panama had served to prove to me that I was "crossing cultural boundaries" (Kimball and Watson 1972) in my own country. The survey had also been important for other reasons. Above all, it was a decision-making process whereby I had been able to develop alternatives from which to reason out a choice. It had served to establish contacts not only with the people among whom I wo"uld do the research, but also with personnel in various institutions that wotild be interested in the research results. And most important with regard to this dissertation, it had revealed that people were carrying on development on their own and/or responding one way or another to development programs from outside agencies. Research data presented in the preceding chapters illustrates different indigenous development processes and responses.

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COSTA RICA 269 Â•Tigre PANAMA COCLE CHIRIQUI DARIEN VERAGUAS LOS SANTOS P A C I F OCEAN Map A.l Survey Sites of the Rio Indio, Pucuru, and Tigre C*] Denotes relative geographical location COLOMBIA

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<5 I M M > O a I Pu W CQ O 13 M O K s c o o pq Q CQ M E^ a 69 CQ 3 s CO B o P5 P4 -jj O o o o o o Â• 0 Qd E^ O o o LA o o d) o LA OJ -d* o o CO VO CO LA LA o tH iH -d* VO -d" Â•xi L^^ H CM iH 3 H hO Â• Q> PP > O CM 0Â“ VO LA On & O < S CM CM fH CM tS 0) Cp w ^ ft OO fp > O O o o pi o . CM -=r VO VO A CO -P Â• Â• Â• Â• EP !p #> o tÂ— CM CO CO 0) ^ S \ W CM -dÂ• Â• 0) X fH LA o OO S pJ Sh Â• a Lr\ CO H iH 00 Sp H iH H o; ^ Â•H o LA O CM O o OJ Sp Â• o 00 CO CÂ— CM CVJ +3 o Â•p Â• Â• Â• Â« Â• 0 OO CM LA CM C\J VO p> o o ^ w . m CM CM H H OJ a pj m U d) LA sp 0) 3 rC Â• o LA O O o -p o CÂ— o 00 o ft o o O o Â• Â• Â• * Â• Xi > W EP -^r 00 VO on o COM pj ft < S fH cÂ— OO 0\ CO ^ CJ .H CO Â• X> fl u cd Â• o LA o o O o ifT 0) S -p o o o O o S3 H
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VENDORS AND WHOLESALE BUYERS AT THE THURSDAY MARKET, BOCA DE RIO INDIO -p D Jh (U O -P 0) 0) w Â•p o 0 O ft 0 0 Â§ 0 W CQ O s C\J Td cn 40 0 K C P 0 p M CQ 0 O Sh M ft a 0 p K > Q P 03 ft) A P p 03 ft P Pft CO ^GN C \o H Â• s ^ SvB ft H 0 > O 0 p \0 \0 H O Â• O 03 !>>!>> Oft P P , P *H *p ^ Â® 0 O p O H *H ft \0 \0 O H 1 Â§ ^ Â® 0 0 \ffl p P Â§ S I CL, p g 0 o 0 O OO Os o\ 0 r-j Â«> p Â•NO 0 0 \0 C Â• ft ft S P p 0 0 O f> P O ft ft C O P p ft O O ft o g O O c ft P P 0 0 S o p p CO O CQ lA O CO A A A P CC o -d* 00 o iH -69O Â• Â• Â• Â• CO Q Q CM ir\ o on 1 Â— 1 A D M B CO o A VO O H *0 W ir\ CM O tÂ•J* A ft > Â•V #N #k Â«> A Â«% iH CVl on CM H CM ce-Â€0-69-Â€0 -Â€eM3 M3 iH OJ S' CO O OJ On on CD ON OJ 00 OJ PM W CO o\ on -=3-dO -c3* On on bQ O U U Â•H Xi 0 p p s Â•H Â•H 03 O O 01 p o 0 ft ft ft LA Tf P I ft P H M ft O 0 P t3 TS Â§ 0 Â§ 03 6 ^ 0 Â•N ft 0 0 ft 0 O t3 > 03 0 m o ft p p ^ ft B 03 0 0 O 0 0 P O C5 H P C op ^P p *> 0 p m 01 tsO O 03 p 03 ft ft ft H 0 0 O *H H H 0 p O p O p 0 p 0 O M O ft p ft o 0 0 0 tlO P O H 0 ft p 03 0 ft H w p S p iH 0 0 0 O H O > p ftp bop 0 P p 0 m ft 1> M ft 0 0 op ft 0 H p ft 0 > 0 0 > G G cd ft 0 H Ch O H o P u O Â•H p P -P -P 0 g H CD Â•H O "p CD -P 0 rÂ— 1 G ,G A G p cd CD c -P tH 0 CD Â• ft W CD ft M3 CD (D +3 xi O A ft -P CD -p P iH 0 r^:i -Â€eW D CO cd G Â•N CO w to w ft CO (D bD 0 p p w ft o 0 0 . . p 0 ft p ft H P H H 0 P 0 0 O O 0 ft ft > O 0 P ft 03 O H ft p ft ft ft p p 0 p O Â•P P Â•H CO ft C7\ rH CO Cd CO >> 01 x> G fH VO CM ON 00 CVl 8 o Â•H tG CD Si CD ,i4 O X P 0 H t) w Eh > > o ft CD Â•P o O o o tÂ— 1 Â«H CM m on rG Â• -G A o O B B ft P t) 271

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APPENDIX III STATEMENT OF ACCOUNTS, PATRON SAINT "STREET" FEAST, SANTA ROSA DE RIO INDIO, 1 SEPTEMBER 1979* (Based on blackboard notes made at the meeting of the Junta Local, held in the school building, September 3, 1979, at Santa Rosa de Rio Indio.) Earnings : Ring Tossing Game US$20.57 Dance 395.80 Restaurant 110 . 45 Bar 986.90 Cost of Operation ; Cases, Beer, Cans, US$ 6.75/Case 567.00 2 Cases, Beer, Pint, 6.00/Case 12.00 8 Cases, Riom, Bottle, 33 . 60 /Case 100 . 80 2 Cases, Rvim, Pint, 34 . 65 /Case 69.30 12 Cases, Soda, 3. 60 /Case 43.20 85 Pomds , Beef, 0 . 50 /Pound 42.50 35-5 Packs, Cigarettes, 0 . 50 /Pack 17.80 7.5 Packs, Cigarettes, 0 . 60 /Pack 4.32 Permit from the Cowegi-dupia 30.00 National Guard 19.00 Advertising, Posters 9.00 Advertising , Radio 28.00 Ice 34.95 Gasoline, Electric Generator of the Cooperative 35.60 Electric Cable 50.00 Li ght Bulb s , S 0 cket s 5.30 Food Condiments (Excluding donations of plantains and root crops , and firewood) 4.4o Music Band 596.85 Transportation 101.85 Loudspeaker Rental 26.00 Tossing Rings 6.30 Gross Loss 1,513.72 l,80lt.l7 ( 290.45) (Continued) *The priest's" feast was held on August 30, the liturgical date for Saint Rose of Lima. 272

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273 Balance Brought Foward, Gross Loss C 290. U5) Actives Cash on hand U5.85 Electric Cable, Sockets, Light Bulbs 55.30 Rum, Final Inventory 51+.00 Refund, Loudspeaker Rental 26.00 Tossing Rings 6.30 Accounts Receivable (Bar) 76.00 Refund, Soda Bottles 9.00 Donation, Electric Cable from National Guard 50.00 322 . U 5 Net Earnings us$32.00 NOTE; Initial capital for the cost of operations was horrowed from the store of the Asentamiento Campeslno Santa Rosa No, 2. PAGE 292 STATEMENT OF ACCOUNTS, PRE-COOPERATIVE LUZ CAMPESINA. RL* . RIO INDIO, 1978 o g w-p CO S ^ cS c C\J rH o O m Os o VO oo CT\ VO o\ o\ o ON CO OJ S' ON LTN CO rH on rH rH Â• Â• C-Â“ CO CO OJ \o A A -=r On on on H OJ ITN CO a < CD (U PAGE 293 BALANCE BROUGHT FORWARD GROSS EARNINGS BY PURCHASES AND SALES 1,012.41 275 cn o CVJ CVJ on m VC -d* OJ o m on on OJ VC o\ G\ on -eeÂ§ o\ o\ GO I 0u cd CO O K cd -P CO Â•H iH 0) o o O VO o H tÂ— OJ LA O rH rH LA O cu o on VC O 03 o VC rH *H O VD VO o CÂ— LA rH O -Mo on VC o O VO 03 cd on rH LA TO on -cr n r> 3=> CM O LA O o cd rH o -aon CM o 03 -=r o (Â») W GO C3\ rH VC on on CÂ— o Â• Â• Â• Â• o on LA on ffi rH LA CM ov CM CM tÂ— 03 (M OO on GO LA o rH tO C3\MD VC Â• on (Y) CM o LA on cd ft Â«Â« n rH GO p> H rH rH on TO CO l>5 rH CJ rQ O 0 CO o -P CO CO > CO CO 0 E-i P tjÂ£ Â•H 0 0 W Â§ S3 S S P 0-1 PAGE 294 STATEMENT OF ACCOUNTS, PRECOOPERATIVE LUZ CAMPESINA, R. L. , RIO INDIO, JAN-JUN 1979 sn M CO VD LT\ 0\ ts 00 tCO LTN ON CM OJ CO H CM H Â• Â• Â• Â• tÂ— m tON CO o on o 0\ l/N CM -4" S r> n Â«Â« CO on -=f LTN CM on rH rH O iH O ^ H ITN o CM o -=t o ON-J" OO H H ^ to CM O H o Â• Â• Â• Â• Â• Â• Â• Â• Â• Â• Â• Â• Â• cc CO o CO VO c^ on on o coco to ON OO Os ^ CM ir\ CM LP> tÂ— p p CÂ— OJ H CO LTN CO CM 00 LTN tÂ— H r> r\ r\ CM on CM on iH rH Â• Â• o Â• . . Â• rH Â• rH CO CO cd CO m to CO CO Xi CO X rCl ^ rQ, H H H H H H on H CÂ— bs CO CM on H VO -=f NO -tt CM rH LfN H o on on CO on Â•H LA -dtLA LA ION -3w J o3 Â«s 3 Â«N A CO f\ m o s ION on CM 0 ON O NO o rH o C rH CO rH rH P 0 0) CO rH (U rH PAGE 295 BALANCE BROUGHT FORWARD TOTAL SALES 73, 95 68 277 C! M ir\ LT\ -P CQ fH 0) o -p Â•P O Eh VD CM CÂ— OS A on to\ VO OJ CM o -dOV CO lA ir\ o VO CO 00 Â« Â• Â• * o VO CO rH OS on o C^ CO o DO o OS CO \D A A A A A CM C3v o o o H O O CA On O OO LA O o o to o o -=r O VO O 00 CO o Â• Â• Â• * Â• Â• Â• Â• Â• Â• Â• Â• Â• t^vo CM CO O O CM VO oo o H o\ o m CO o 00 H o lA 00 o o LA O LA CM VO o VO 00 00 LT\ H A A A A A A A H H CM CO OS -d* rH 00 rH CO cn CO CO CO Ch ^ CO CO CO CO CO piQ 0) rR rR cd rO ft rR ft iO o CQ rH H rH G rH H H rH rH Â• cd cd cd (V CO u m CO rC CM -P ft CO LA CO o O o rH Â•H O O C*tpl^ -p H A Â• 9^ Â• o w 3 m o cd ^ OS 00 rH t^-=t OJ o fH Cu C7S o O fl CO LA ft" CM OO EH > o Â•H 00 o cd OO tOS -=J* CO c o3 Os cd -P cd A bD A A A CO A P M w A S o CO tÂ— CM G ^ VD LA 0 o O o CM o LA rH Â•H NO ft ft 0 w Â•H G Â«H u rC rH G O Ih s Cd ft CT ft ft g ft CO ft O c 0 o -P Ph cd O -H cd ;=s O O O cd Â•H 0 cd O *H M CO O o o CO o o PM o O o O o ft O K Continued PAGE 296 BALANCE BROUGHT FORWARD TOTAL SALES 73, 9 5 It. 68 278 00 CO OJ o OJ 00 o\ VO Â•H -p Â§ o VD CM C3\ A cn oo o CO o Â• Â• CVJ o VO rH o r> H CVJ o ON o m -ee* o On CO* VO * VÂ£) MD rH CO A CVJ R? CO 00 CO H to -a M pq CO 8 pp w CQ X m Ch cÂ— o ir\ LA o Â• * Â• -dJO H O CO o m CVJ 0 bO U1 rO lA I Â•N Q. CM ^ 0) m Pt hO O C tM Â•H Jm CM -dCOMO CM m o o o o * * o o o o O LT\ CM 'Ct (L) bD Â• Pd to O c^ Â•H cd cd CO o cd Â•p cn 0 Â•Td 0 Â§ 0) C2 CD H M O C tH Â•H Ph fH cS -p Â•H & CD o Â§ cd rH 1 Â— 1 X CQ PAGE 297 BALANCE BROUGHT FORWARD GROSS LOSS BY PURCHASES AND SALES ( 1,698.20) 279 CO CO LPv VO VO r\ o OJ ON Â«Â« CO -eeCO P c M o LTN VO OV CM O') OJ CO CO Vft u^ lA s VO o rH A A A A VO OJ VD lA VO o\ o 00 CJV o OJ LTN o o o -4Co CO o o CO^ o o o * Â• Â• Â• Â• Â• * CM o o on rH CM o OO 00 o o o 03 OJ o rH o OO o o 0) o CM CJV o LT\ o CM O r A A A r Â•d CM 00 CM CM CO u d) cd 3 CO ro rO 03 o o i>> Â« o K -P 03 + + cd 4\ rn + 3 bU -P G fH ft c CQ VO 03 Td CO Â•H <13 (13 S o 03 c bO bU t>. Â•H Â• bD s u o5 h P X> 03 03 ^ ft Â• CD CD w w 03 xi Â• Xi PAGE 298 BALANCE BROUfflT FORWARD Â®OSS EARNINGS BY SERVICES 18,967.58 280 0 \ 00 CM Â• Â• 0 ft 0 LA t 0 \ rH -Â€eCQ 0 0 VD LA C\j LA 0 00 0 0\ ft C^C3D 0 0 ft ftLfN ft ft on 0 00 CM 'ft ON ON CM CM OJ CM ON fN VsD CÂ— o> 0) > cd fH ( 1 ) ft o o o CM CM 0 0 OJ 0 ft cÂ— LA 0 CM ON 0 on C Â• Â« Â• NO -d* rH on CM C7N 0 rH a Cd rH 0 CO CM LA Â•H rH CM CM VO i-i *N A rH iH 0 CO on 0 0 H H ftCM 0 0 CÂ— rH Â• Â• Â• Â•H on 0 0 0 on a CM CM ftCO rr ft on 0 n A 0 rH CM 0 0 on 0 0 CM ft0 lA -drH 0 LA rH CM CM CM 0 0 on rH Â• Â•H 00 C3N CM CM ft 0 0 Al 0 0 tÂ— on CM LA CVJ CM (Y) VO 0} rH rH -d* CO a rt A ft -d* -d" cd LA LA ON CM t-0 0 CO rn CM 00 ON ft CX3 0 0 U Â• PS rH LTN LA ft on 0 0 CO -d* -d* tÂ— VsD 0 CM -dcd -=t on CM 0 fH ft Â«% A CQ CM on +2 fl 0) 0) a a -rj Â•d o 0 bO U cd Â•H & o bO Cl .G 0 c. C! Pm nJ 0 -P P CQ CQ 0 G Cd Co Â• G Â•H 0 a CQ CQ s 0 cd ^ 0 c 3 a W P PO a 3 0 H CQ CQ CJ cd (U -p >Â» -p ft Â• 1 03 o fU Â§ cd 03 o PS cd ft 03 ft . , ft tri Â•H CQ O ft 03 Cl S3 O O -H ft bO cd S3 ft H 03 P a bo a Â•H ft o o o a 03 ft ft a bD o a H Td ft 03 ft W 03 a ^ pq 03 PAGE 299 STATEMENT OF EARNINGS AND LOSSES CONSUMPTION STORE SANTA ROSA NO (Based on Manager's Record of Sales and Expenses) cA eÂ‘ 4 ^ ON rH -P w tq 0 ) d Ch rH ro 0) 0 0 Â€ -P u CCh (U 0 a CD s A c cd CO Â•P (H c -p Si cd s a 0 ) -P -p cd -p -p a CO ro -vvo cy\-^ lahoi tÂ— 0 AND MD cd cd H Ko H rocovo lavomd-v CM H 0 00 CQ Â• s HHOiONCAO-d'iHtÂ— 0 r -1 C0 U CO ft 0 0 H EM 0 CO 0 h)liH 2 PAGE 300 ITEMS AND RETAIL PRICES AT CONSUMPTION STORE SANTA ROSA NO. EH o S 3 M 0> K M tH Â« tOh On > mÂ’ S w W piH -Â€6O H 02 K Â• D CM O OJ CM H I + + o o o o o LA CO CM LA LA LA LA 00 Â• Â• Â• Â• Â• Â• LA CO (M CO o C\J LA OJ 1 H P 1Â— i OJ LA H rH + + + + + + + + LA m H on + + ISI tM o o N O LAOLALACniAlTNO lAOLfNLA 0-CM O OCM-^O on-^-d--=f-:t LAO ONlALAlACno tÂ— cootÂ— HCÂ— CMCM LA O O CM NO CM IÂ— I IÂ— I LT\ LT\ C*LA LA O lA LA O O o o c\j m o on -=f LA PAGE 301 283 g o CO S M CT\ K M fW Â« to< > H I I I I I I I I I o OJ H rÂ— t + VD o \o oo m o o o o o o o LA OJ H on VO VO VO VO VO VO LTV CM + + + + + + + + + + + -Â€ 0 CQ o ,q ,q JO JO H H H tÂ— 1 , o O LA LA LA LA LA o LA O o o o o o LA LA O o CO O CO GO oo LA OO CO o LA pq CO H o o O on CM m -4VO VO OJ Cf) on tj/v OJ OJ rH O 4T o o o tÂ— o o VO o w ON Â• tXi rH Â• rÂ— o LA LA LA LA LA LA o o 00 LA n LA q LA LA LA LA LA LA Q o>-3-=f h-3 eÂ— H o o O on OJ OJ VO OJ rH OJ \D rH rH o o o o o o O Ov Â• >-3 H < CO q S S ^ o o ti O O OT ft Ph -P W S S OJ s OJ OJ w H-> -P q s K K Eh E-i 5 M O O <2 iJ J W H fe >H >H pq Cl, PAGE 302 281 + a gs M ON w Ei H 0 5 1 K H W tCL H a LfN m Â• Â• Â• 0 CO 0 on rH LTN CM * * * * * LTN + + + + + CO CO H PU dÂ§ a EH 0 s 0 a <: EH d a CO < a <1 a d a H p SB Pli CQ CO CQ W M o w Ph CO w M I cr\ ^ Â§ ^ Pm < Pm PO CJ a H pp o CJ S E-i CO H o a a H w EH H o o s M CL, PU pL 4 hJ 03 ci C5 ^ a EH M W & d 22 a w ^ a H a 3 o o o CQ a g| it a to c^ O < Â« Â», CL, B S CO H M a IS a < pp p a CO CO ^ #Â« r> [U ga c a CQ o c c I o t~Ch ' O 2 Â»Â» n . a CO ^ ^Â§2 a Â§ CHS m CQ a a a H < < Â• Â• ^ P p -P < 0 0 rH rH > ^ VO A Â« CH a rH on a dg a M Pm a M Eh a r> CQ CQ a g a a g CQ a o EH a H bO o a a s a a a #Â» * a a a a w p a < 0 a P 2 Â§ P P a a Eh Eh a a o Q < < < 8 8 < < a o o a Eh u o o a (U a a bo Pi Â•H a a a cn o a Jm o LT\ o jA a a *H cÂ£) a a o !h a CO (U Â•H o o !h O a* U O M a ^ 0 g u S d) a a -H 1 fn a (u a Â•S 2 g . O -H d a a c (u d a d # o' PAGE 303 US$ PERCENT JUL. FEB, VARIATION DESCRIPTION OF MERCHANDISE 1977 I960 19 77-19 80 285 VÂ£> cn cn Â• Â• cn\o Â• o o o VÂ£> LA on o Â• Â• OJ IT\ OJ OJ H CM cn OJ CO rH 1Â— 1 * * * + + + + + + + + + + + cd 0 O o (T\ LTN LA o O o LA LA O O o o LA CM n O n OI 00-4 on o LA LA LA CO CÂ— 0 LA o oi Oi Cf) o (V) CÂ— -aCM LA LA JOJ tH C*") C^) 00 ro H IÂ— i iH H 00 m O OJ CM OJ LA VO LA CM OJ OJ CM r\ VO LA LA LA q o o o o 0.1 OJ m on O LA LA LA 00 0 o OJ OJ OJ H -4m iH oo H H rH 00 on OJ CM OJ cu Pk !>; Eh w ft M tJ g M < 1 H O Q ft M Eh S O O C h? < M IS q < s bO ft >H ft M c Q 1 O ft 1 < q w o LA EH bO iH w < bO LA bD EH K o U tH S < ffi LA GO O q 8 W ft pq w <3 pg M o ft Q bO pq < O o bO pq O ft LA EH O qQ la w CÂ— S * o rH ft w LA 8S O LTN I Â§ pq OJ PQ VO pq ft (H S3 > O CM r> pq o < CM ft rH M Â°S >H ft CO K o S3 ft ft X M X ft ft pq o o ft O W o K ft pq pq < a o ft pq CO pq ft > M < < ft X < O IH M Â§ !> > ft <3 O Q ft ft ft < M CQ ft o O q ft > ft < >H >H >H s ft a pq prq PC ft PC Pd ft H < M Q Q Q ft ft ft ft w o K s S S Q Q Â§ Â§ < o o Â§ :s o pq CQ pq ft ft i-4 1*^ . i-H CL, n . Ph n PU ri . ft o o o o o o Â§ o Â§ o CQ CQ CQ CQ CQ CQ CQ CQ CO CQ LA o OJ LA o X* OJ hQ K H O Â• ^ Â• CQ w CO CO 0) iH fH o CD -P tjD C Â•H & ft P Â•H Â•P PS o 0 C Â•H C o Â•H a P 0 K 4:

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286 E-< S Â§s M ON on VO h IT\ 00 w ^ H 00 O CO VO VO OO LA o 05 H + + + + 1 + * + + o Â• S On M ir\ ITN ir\ LA LA LA O LA LA O LA LA LA O LA LA LA O LA LA-Gon o LA LA LA o LA LA o pq M o o o O LA M H M CM M M CM cjnco tÂ— C7\ on -4CO OO VO rÂ— 1 o o M o -3Oi X Â« X X X M -eeCM CM CM H CM CVl Â• rÂ— ITN lA LA LA o o LA LA LA LA O LA LA LA LA o o o o o LA VO VO LA LA i-q o o o o M M M M H CM O.C0 1Â— CO tÂ— VO VO VD ho o O CO OO p o\ Â• Â• Â• Â• M X >
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28t E-i O S M 0\ 8^ Â« M S Â§ > I tÂ— pq S -seS Â• cÂ— 8 S; H tÂ— A VO C3N CÂ— VO CO VO -3rÂ— o Â• *Â»Â• Â• Â• Â• o CO -=r LA CO -3* VO c^ o VO 00 1-i 00 OJ 00 LA -3H MO PiH CM OJ PO l/N P H CM iH rH iH 1 1 + 1 + + + + + + + 1 + + + + + Â« * * p p p o rH rH fH o u^ o o lA O VO o o 00 00 CO o ir\ AAA Os Q A A O 00 CO CO c^^ cCO rH cn cvi o LA iH iH CM CM o5 ON CÂ— P CM O cO p p p CO CO CO H iH rH fH CM CM H o ir\ H VD ION CM CJN O lA LA lA O O O O A A A 00 CO 00 PÂ« CO OJ o OJ 00 o CM o CM O 00 00 OD p H H DtÂ— tÂ— rH (H H OJ CM H J* + LA 00 < O M CC Eh Â§ CO hJ w H Q K H m CO o M P5 O w CO K (in o g K O CO H P Â« Q 0 1 M P W Â• CO o M K o Â§ M EH >H K < i> Â• P CO < CQ A cn P 1 P #V p
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288 E-i Â§ < S M ON Â« M trtiQ a cPh <; ON > CO LT\ + + H rH + -Â€epq (S O H O O ' O CNJ C\J LTNt CM CM CCJn 1-2 H o O LTN oo CM CM CM * Â• Â• CM O K O ts , rO H O CQ -dÂ’ 8 W H o < PC Ph ^ < u w w pq o E-t O EH B P O K K m E-t P W d. W p CQ pH PC P O P CO w p as P H . 8 w S M CQ P H O H W CQ K S g B
PAGE 307

PAGE 308

290 Purnainga {PoZioia = Police) RuVCunpago {Rel 6 mpago = Li^tnirig) Tray ana Troy ano {Troyano = Captain Cristobal Troyano de Leon) Trepautene {Trepa-Usted = Climb-You, the interpreter) TugrilZo {TigriZZo = Wild Cat) Nengre (Negros = Negroes) Collective name by which the players call themselves. They emphatically refuse to be called Congro (Congo), which they say is a fish. The term is generally applied to the male players. Marane '^Bajamicndo (HoZandSs ^Vagabundo = Dutch -^Vagabond) Collective name for ordinary men who are not ritual players and who tease the players. NOTE: This is a collective list of names during the rituaJ. Congo seasons in 1979 and 198O at the PZayero puebZos of Boca de Rio Indio, Gobea, and Miguel de la Borda, in the Lower Coast of north-central Panama. All names do not occur in each settlement. Other names have been reported for the Upper Coast in northeastern Panama (Drolet, Patricia Lund I980).

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APPENDIX VIII LEGAL PEEWIT TO ENACT THE PLAY OF THE CONGOS REPUBLICA DE PANAMA PROVINCIA DE COLON MUNICIPIO DE ^ ^ r Â‘x/C ZÂ£_ CORREGIDURIA DE COUON. R. OE P. -Â£jdII / ^ Â£7 Â— f* AÂ’ ^ -* ...A,-) // /, ^ y7 ir ~ ^ TJ . LL^ J i,"-lT S-r.^rt ..<:rÂ— Vl.< ^ /4r . ^ .. '^'^vf c ^ j l / ^Â•,/L>^-tZA ^ REPUBLIC OF PANAMA Province of Colon Municipality of Donoso Magistrate of Rio Indio Colon, R. of P. Number 19 of January of 1979 The undersigned. Magistrate of Rio Indio, extends a permit to effect the Play of the Congo in this community to Mr. Luis Antcmio Martinez. This document was requested by the aforementioned perscn, oonmitting himself to maintain the instituted order according to the national laws. This permit will be temporary until it has been duly channeled throu^ the Mayor's Office. Yours truly, s/ Catalino Mendoza Magistrate of Police (stamped Seal) 291

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APPENDIX IX GLOSSAEY OF SPANISH TERMS antrop6Zoga'. Anthropologist; inflected in Spanish for the female gender. asentamiento aampes'LnoÂ’. A planned agriculttiral settlement of the Ministry of Agricultural Development and the Agrarian Reform in Panama. asvnto sooiaZ'. Social affairs; refers to festive activities. camta-. A festive work party; also known as gvnta. bajo: Lowland; a natural depression in the topography of the land. bovdÂ£>n (pi. bordones): Staff (staves) to hold for support; reference term for the youngest child or children who support the old-aged parents among the NaturaZes. oampesino(a) (s) Countryman, countrywoman, countryfolk; peasant(s). CamcwaZZto Little Carnival on the weekend following Carnival or the Shrovetide . CentraZ Istmefla d& Trabajadoves : Isthmian Central of Laborers. aevvo: Hill; low elevated mountain. dhiaZe'. The latex of the nispero {Aahras zapota L. ) tree, collected as a cash crop in the Lower Coast dviring the first quarter of the 20th century. ahichaÂ’. Homebrew Â®a-de from com and sugar cane syrup, usually allowed to ferment, but also drunk unfermented. Chiriaanos : People from the southwestern Pacific province of Chiriqtzi; commonly abbreviated as Ch-iri among the NattcpaZes \ one of the groups of migrant Inteviovanos . Choa6', Indian population in southeastern Panama including two major groi:ips Â— the Wcamcoia and the Embevd Â— ^who have migrated into Panama from Colombia. ChoZo". Straight-haired or accult;orated Indian; commonly used in a pejorative sense. 292

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FederacyiSn Naaionat Campesina CF.E.N,A.C,1 National Federation of Countryfolk:. fiesta de aalle: "Street feast," tliose events during a patronal festival that include sports, song duels, the sale and drixiking of alcoholic beverages, the sale and eating of special foods, and dancing. fiesta del padre: "Priest's feast," the events during a patronal festival that include the mass, baptisms, marriages, a procession, and a fair. gente de afuera: "People of the outside," in this case "outside" connotes an area external to the Atlantic region of the Lower Coast and usually refers to the Pacific south-central and southwestern provinces. gente del aampo: People of the countryside. gente de pueblo: Town's people. grand eria: Vending stand of cooked food done by Afro-American women among the Playeros ; it can refer to the ambulatory sale of cooked food also done by these women. Herreranos: People from the Pacific province of Herrera in the Azuero Peninsula; one of the groups of migrant Interioranos . Interioranos : "People from the Interior," a region in the Pacific side of Panama, including the south-central and southwestern provinces. These people are migrants into the Atlantic Lower Coast of northcentral Panama, the northeastern Upper Coast, and the southeastern provinces of Panama and Darien. fibre: A ritual-play word of the Congos that means "river." It is not etymologically based in Spanish, but may refer to the fiwe of the Calabars of West Africa and that means "monkey," and to the Cubanism figue that refers to little black hairy dwarfs that come out of the river. ftmta: A festive work party, also known as aunta. Junta CatSliaa: A Catholic Ccmmittee in charge of organizing a patronal festival. Junta Cormmal: Under the 19T2 Constitution of Panama, a committee of representatives f ran the settlements in a Corregimiento . Junta Local: The community level organization that represents the lowest political level according to the 1972 Constitution of Panama. lucha: Struggle, idionatically used in Panama to mean "daily living." maestro curios o: "Curious teacher," that is, medicine man who uses prayer formulas as part of the curing process . (El) Malo: (The) Devil; (The) Evil One; diablo , "devil," is \isually avoided

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295 as a direct reference term dy the Naturales, MaranS: A ritual-play word of the Cangos that has undergone nasalization and vowel substitution from the basic Spanish word Hotccndis= Dutch, and used as a term of address and reference for any ordinary man who is not a ritual player and teases the players. mejoras: "improvements," and practices, at a living and agricultural site, to include such things as houses, cash crops, cattle pastures, extension of land worked by swidden agriculture, fruit groves, and boats . miZperos: Swidden agriculturalists in Guatemala and Mexico. mola: Artistic, reverse applique cloth panel, designed and sewn ~bj Cuna Indian wanen for their blouses and to sell to tourists. montariuela: Little mountain, a large sea cliff. montuno: A derogatory term used by urbanites against countryfolk and that implies the backwardness and ignorance of the countryfolk. morro: Headland, a small sea cliff. nance: The fruit of the tree Brysonima anassi folia, eaten in the fonn of beverages and puddings . Natunales ; Indigenous people who have undergone Spanish acculturation but limited miscegenation with Europeans and Afro-Americans. It is a reference term of respect used by the Afro-Hispanic Playeros of the littoral zone in the Caribbean region of the Lower Coast of Panama for the inland people of the mountainous zone in this region. It contrasts with the derogatoiy term of reference Cholos. Negooiante: Business entrepreneur. Nengre: Ritual-play word of the Congos and that has undergone nasalization and vowel substitution from the basic Spanish term Negro = Negro, Black. ftimi-ftimi : Ritual-play word of the Congos for "food;" a reduplicated variant of the West African and Caribbean Creole ngam to eat. nispero: The tree Achras zccpota L. , also known as chicle, whose latex was used to make sweet gum and was a commercial cash product in the Lower Coast during the first quarter of the 20th century. OrganizaciCn Intemadonal de Trdbaj adores: International Organization of Laborers . (La) Padra: (The) Priestess, leader of a nativistic movement in the 1960s among the Naturales of the Lower Coast; preached at site of Teria. patriota: "Patriot," common reference term for the Gross Michele variety

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296 of banaxia of the United Fruit Company. Playeros: "People of the heach-" it is a reference term of respect used hy the inland, mount ainoiis , Naturales of the Lower Coast for the Afro-Hispanic people wh.o reside in the littoral zone of this region. plaza'. An open space where people gather for special events at a nucleus of the Naturales or a pueblo of the Playeros ; usually refers to the open space in front of a chapel or church. portete : Small port, a cove in the shoreline. pie-asentamiento: A trial agricultural settlement planned hy the Ministry of Agricultiure and the Agrarian Reform in Panama, prestamista: One who has a cattle loan from a hank. prinaipaZes : An extended kin network that is credited with introducing improvements at the nucleus of a settlement of Naturales in the Lower Coast; synonymous with "founders." ppofesorai Professor, inflected for the female gender; a term of address of respect. Pvomooian de la Mujer Campesina: Development of the Countrywoman. A program initiated in 1976 hy the Claretian missionary pidests; suspended in 1978 ; reinstituted in 1979 puebleoillo: Little village or little town; used hy some Naturales to refer to the nucleus of their settlement where the community symbols are located Â— the primaiy public school, a retail store, and a Catholic chapel. pueblo Town and/or village. pueblo de indios : Indian village or Indian town; usually referred to a town foimided hy the Spani-ards to control Indians in the surrounding area. pueraos brujos'. "Witch hogs," refers to a black market of pork meat from rural, to urban areas, sold at a lower cost than the official price controls and outside the mmicipal markets to networks of kin, neighbors, and coworkers in the urban area. puesto: Living and agricultiiral site. EegidurCa: A political subdivision under a P.egidor, a tax collector and a magistrate of peace and order, who receives a commission from taxes and fines in payment for the services rendered. quebvada'. Stream. respaldantes Supporters; reference term for the children who live and work with their parents in an extended family unit among the Naturales.

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302 1961-197^13 Relacion de Trahajo (infonne Mensuall, En la Oficina del Gerente, Cooperativa Agro-Industrial de Icacal; Icacal, Distrito de Chagres , Provincia de Colon, Reptltlica de Panama. Conferencia Episcopal Panamena (CEP) 1979 Declaracion de la Conferencia Episcopal Panamena. Fiesta de San Mateo, Apostol y Evangelista, 21 de septiembre de 1979, Panami,. Consejo Municipal del Distrito de Chagres 1979 Acuerdo No. 5 del 15 de diciemhre de 1978. Vida Oficial de Provincias, Gaceta Oficial LXXVI (l8. 779 ); Vi ernes 9 de marzo de 1979. Conte Guardia, Ana Matilde I96I+ El Proceso de Aculturacion del Cholo Penonomeno. Tesis Presentada para Gbtener la Licenciatura en Filosofia, Letras, y Educaci5n con Especializacion en Geografia e Historia. Panama: Universidad de Panami.. Cook, Scott 1973 Production, Ecology, and Economic Anthropology: Notes Tovard an Integrated Frame of Reference. Social Science Information 12(l); 25-52. Cook, Scott, and Martin Diskin 1976 Markets in Oaxaca. Austin: University of Texas Press. Cooke, Richard 1976 El Hombre y la Tierra en el Panama Prehistorico. Revista Nacional de Cultura 2:17-38. Cueryo, Antonio B. 1891 Coleccion de Documentos In^ditos Sobre la Geografia y la Historia de Colombia. Bogotl,: Imprenta de Vapor de Zalamea Hermanos . De la Guardia, Roberto 1977 Los Negros del Istmo de Panama. Panama: Ediciones INAC, Coleccion Premio Ricardo Miro. Direccion General para el Desarrollo de la Comunidad (DIGEDECOM) 1975 Guia para la Organizacion del Poder Popular. PanamS: Ministerio de Gobierno y Justicia. Direccion Nacional de Educaci6n Basica General 1976 Programa Educacion AID 525-V-043 Basica General de Rio Indio 22/IX/ 76. (Proposal in the Human Resources Section, United States Agency for International Development Â— Panama). Direccion de Planificacion y Coordinacion Regional 1979 Lineamientos para el Desarrollo Integral de la Provincia de Colon; Documento Preliminar. Panama; Ministerio de Planificacion y Politica Econcmica. Domini cal -La Repllblica 1977 Dominical-La Republica, dcmingo 11 de septiembre de 1977: 7C.

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303 Drolet, Patricia Lund 1977 a Preliminary Fieldwork Report, Unpublished manuscript on file in the Museo del Hombre Panameho, Direccion del Patrimonio HistSrico, Panama. 1977b Los Grupos fitnicos de Costa Arriba. Manuscrito inedito en los archivos del Mioseo del Hombre Panameno, Direccion del Patrimonio Historico, Panama. 1977 c Preliminary Report on Fieldwork Investigations in Costa Arriba. Unpublished manuscript on file in the Museo del Hombre Panameno, Direccion del Patrimonio Historico, Panama. 1978 La Poblacion Negra de Costa Arriba: Su AdaptaciSn Ecol 6 gica, Organizacion Social y Ritual. Manuscrito inedito en los archivos del Museo del Hombre Panameno, Direccion del Patrimonio Historico, Panama. 1980 The Congo Ritual of Northeastern Panama: An Afro-American Expressive Structure of Cultural Adaptation. Ph.D. Dissertation Anthropology (Socio-Cultural) . University of Illinois Urbana. Drolet, Robert P. 1978 Investigaciones Arqueol 6 gicas en el Distrito de Santa Isabel, Provincia de Colon, Panam^ ( 1977 1978 ): Informe Preliminar. Manviscrito inedito en los archivos del Museo del Hombre Panameno, Direccion del Patrimonio Historico, Panama. 1980 Cultural Settlement Along the Moist Caribbean Slopes of Eastern Panama. Ph.D. Dissertation Â— Anthropology (Archaeology). University of Illinois Urbana. du Toit, Brian M. 1976 Cannabis Sativa in Africa: An Ethnographic Study. Brian M. du Toit, Principal Investigator. A Research Report to the National Institute of Drug Abuse Grant Number DA-OO387. Gainesville; University of Florida. 1977 Ethnicity and Patterning in South African Drug Use. In Drugs, Rituals, and Altered States of Consciousness, Brian M. du Toit, ed, pp. 75 99 . Rotterdam; AA Balkema. 1978 Drug Use and South African Students. Papers in International Studies Africa Series No. 35 . Athens; Ohio University Center for International Studies, African Program. Elmendorf, Mary Lindsay 1976 Nine Mayan Wanen: A Village Faces Change, New York; Schenkman Publishing Company, Inc, En la Lucha I979-I98I Boletfn Informative En la Lucha, Nos, 1 Â— 20 , Comunidades Cristianas Rurales, Col 6 n, Panami..

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Ervin-Tripp, Susan 1972 On Sociolinguistic Rules: Alternation and Cooccurrence, In Directions in Sociolinguistics; The Ethnography of Communication. John J, Gumperz and Dell Hymes, eds. pp. 213-250. New York; Holt, Rinehart and Winston, Inc. Figueroa Navarro, Alfredo 1978 Dominio y Sociedad en el Panama Colombiano (1821-1903) (Escrutinio Sociologico) . Ciudad de PanamlL; In5)resora Panama, S. A. Fletcher, Richard 1979 Project Identification Document. Memorandum to Panama/Delaware Partners from the Director for Agriculture and Rural Development, Partners of the Americas, March 13, 1979, Washington, D.C. Food and Agricult-ure Organization CFAO) 1979 Integration of Women in Rural Development. Declaration of Principles of the FAO World Conference on Agrarian Reform and Rural Development. July 1979. Forge, Anthony 1972 Tswamung; A Failed Big^an, In Crossing Cultural Boundaries; The Anthropological Experience. Solon T, Kimball and James B. Watson, eds. pp. 257-273. San Francisco: Chandler Publishing Ccmpany. Forman, Shepard, and Joyce F. Riegelhaupt 1979 The Political Economy of Patron-Cllentship Â— Brazil and Portugal Compared. In Brazil Â— Anthropological Perspectives; Essays in Honor of Charles Wagley. Maxine L. Margolis and William E. Carter, eds. PP* 379-^00. New York: Columbia University Press. Fort\ane, Armando 1961 Orfgenes Extra-Africanos y Mestizaje fitnicos del Negro Panameho a Conienzos del Siglo XVII. Loteria Vl(63) ;66-78. Frazier, Gloria Rudolf 1978 Moving to Stand Still; Third World Poverty and Rural-to-Urban Migration Â— A Panamanian Case History. Ph.D, Dissertation Anthropology. University of Pittsburgh. Freire, Paulo 1971 Pedagogy of the Oppressed. New York: Herder and Herder, Fuson, Robert Henderson 1958 The Savanna of Central Panama: A Study in Cultural Geography. Ph.D. Dissertation Geography and Anthropology. Louisiana State University. Geertz , Clifford 1973 Thick Description; Toward an Intei*pretive Theory of Culture. In The Interpretation of Culture; Selected Essays . pp. 3-30. New York; Basic Books, Inc., Publishers.

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305 Gigli oli. Pier Paolo 1976 Language and Social Context: Selected Readings. Reprint, First publislied 1972. Harmondsworth.; Penguin Books, Ltd, Gilhodes, Pierre 1978 Paysans de Panama. Paris: Presses de la Fondation Rationale des Sciences Politiques, Gobiemo Nacional-Organi zacion de Estados Americanos 1976 Situacion Actual y Prospectivas de la Region Oriental (Darien) CCocumento Preliminar) . PanamÂ£; Imprenta Universitaria. Griffin, John W. 1978 Hale G. Smith 1918-1977. The Florida Journal of Anthropology 3Cl};3. Gross, Daniel R. 1973 Factionalism and Local Level Politics in R\iral Brazil. Journal of Anthropological Research 29(2) ; 123-1^^, Gudeman, Stephen 1976 Relationships, Residence, and the Individual: A Rural Panamanian Community. Minneapolis; University of Minnesota Press, 1978 The Demise of a Rural Econony: From Subsistence to Capitalism in a Latin American Village. Boston: Routledge and Kegan Paul. Gumperz, John J. , and Dell Hymes, eds. 1972 Directions in Sociolingvdstics ; The Ethnography of Communication. New York: Holt, Rinehart and Winston, Inc. Haenlein, George F. W. , and Donald J, Fieldho\ise 1978 Report of the Delaware Study Team in the Republic of Panama from J\me 11-25, 1978, for the Purpose of Indentifying and Evaluating Areas of Future Cooperative Work Between Delaware and Panama. Newark; Department of Animal Science and Agricultural Biochemistry and Department of Plant Science. Harrington, Joseph H. 19^5 The Emergency Rubber Program in Relation to the Rural Econony of Panama. Social and Economic Research; 785-828. On file in the Panama Collection of the Panama Canal Library, Balboa, Republic of Panama, Hawley, Amos H. 1968 Human Ecology. International Encyclopedia of the Social Sciences 1+: 328-337. Heckadon Moreno, Stanley 1977a Campesinos Santenos y Asentamientos Campesinos. Revista Panameha de Antropologia 2(2) ; 115-128, 1977 b Peasant Systems and Group Farming Models in Panama. Seminar paper delivered at the International Seminar on Agrarian Reform, Institutional Innovation, and Rural Development; Major Issues in Perspective. July 14-22, 1977 , Land Tenure Center, University of Wisconsin.

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306 1980 Colonizaci 6 n Campesina de Bosques Tropicales en Panama. Manus crito inedito presentado en el Simposdum Botmica e Historia Natural patrocinado por los Jardines Botanicos de Missouri y la Universidad de Panama, l 4-17 de abril de I98O, Panama, Resilmenes y Programa, pp. 71 -Ti+. Helms , Mary 1978 Coastal Adaptations as Contact Phenomena Among the Miskito and Cuna Indians of Lower Central America. In Prehistoric Coastal Adaptations: The Econony and Ecology of Maritime Middle America. Barbara L. Stark and Barhai^Voorhies , eds. pp. 121 1 ^ 9 . New York: Academic Press. Howe, James 1979 The Effects of Writing on the Cuna Political System. Ethnology XVIIlCl):l-l 6 . Hsu, Francis L. K. 1979 The Cultural Problem of the Cultural Anthropologist. American Anthropologist 8 lC 3 ) : 517 532 , Hymes , Dell 1972 Models of the Interaction of Language and Social Life, In Directions in Sociolinguistics: The Ethnography of Communication. John J, Gumperz and Dell Hymes, eds. pp. 35 71 . New York: Holt, Rinehart and Winston, Inc. 197^ Foundations in Sociolinguistics: An Ethnographic Approach. Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press. 1977 Pidginization and Creolization of Languages. Dell Hymes, ed. Cambridge.: Cambridge University Press. Inciso Octavo 1913-191^ Inciso Octavo, Articulo 91 , Ley 20 de 1913 , Decreto Uit del 27 de Junio de 191 ^. Panama. Isos, Ramon 1977 Production Schools in Panama. Prospects VIl( 3 ) : 395 -^ 00 . Jackson, Jean E. 1976 Vaupes Marriage: A Network System in the Northwest Amazon. In Regional Analysis, Vol. II, Social Systems. Carol A. Smith, ed. pp. 65-93. New York: Academic Press. Jaen Arosemena, Agustln 1956 Nociones Historicas de Code. Tomo I. Panama. Jaen Suarez, Omar 1978 La Poblacion del Istmo de Panama del Siglo XVI al Siglo XX. Panama: Impresora de la Nacion, Institute Nacional de Cultura.

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30T Joly, Luz Graciela 1978 Indice de Diferencias entre las Comuni dades de la Costa Abajo. Manus crito inedito en los archivos del Museo del Hcmbre Panameno. Publicacion pendiente en las Actas del II Congreso Nacional de Antropologia, Arqueologia y Etnohistoria de Panama, Mus-eo del Hcmbre Panameno, II-I 9 de diciembre de 1978, Panama. 1979a Tiempos de Valimiento en Rio Indio, Costa Abajo. Manus crito inedito en los arcbivos del Museo del Hcmbre Panameno. Publicaci6n pendiente en la Revista del Patrimonio Historico. (Spanish version of the English "Sched\iling Cash at Rio Indio,Â” paper delivered at the Fellowship Conference, Inter-American Foundation, Quito, Ecuador, May 1979.) 1979 b Los Que Ya Conquistaron el Atlantico: Naturales y Playeros de la Costa Abajo. Exposicion Temporal. Tercer Aniversario del Museo del Hombre Panameno. Panama: Impresora de la Nacion, Institute Nacional de Culture. 1980 The Prinoipales : An Indigenous System of Development. Paper delivered at the 79 th annual meeting of the American Anthropological Association, in the symposium entitled Panama in Transition: Implications of Government Programs for Traditional Populations, December 3-7Â» 1980, Washington, D.C. 1981 a The Ritual "Play of the Congos" of North-Central Panama: Its SociolingirLstic Implications. Paper awarded First Prize in the I 98 I Student Paper Competition of the Southern Anthropological Society, Fort Worth, Texas, April 1-4, I 981 . In Working Papers in Sociolinguistics. Richard Baiaman and Joel Sherzer, eds. Forthcoming. Austin: Southwest Educational Development Laboratory. 1981 b The Ritual "Play of the Congos" of North-Central Panama: Its Historical and Political Implications. Paper delivered at the l 6 th annual meeting of the Southern Anthropological Society, in the symposium entitled Festivals and Community Celebrations, April 1-4, Fort Worth, Texas . 1981 c El Menosprecio a la Dignidad de la Mujer Campesina en Programas de Desarrollo. Dillogo Social XIV( 133 ): 42-43. MenciSn Honorffica en la seccion Testimonio Periodfstico en el Concurso Latinoamericano "La Solidaridad entre los Pueblos" de la Revista Dialogo Social, Panama. n.d. Feeding and Trapping Fish with Piper auritun. Economic Botany 35 (4), 1981 , forthcoming. Simplified version of paper delivered at the Symposium Botany and Natural History sponsored by the Missouri Botanical Garden and the University of Panama, April l4-17, 1980, Panama. Joly, Luz Graciela, y Bartholomew B. Bohn, II 1978 Patrones de Construcci6n del Camino de Cruces y el C amino Real y su Relacion Historica. En Actas del V Simposium Nacional de Antropologia, Arqueologia y Etnohistoria de Panama, pp, 323-356. Panama: Centro de Investigaciones Antropologicas de la Universidad de Panam^ y la Direccion del Patrimonio Historico, Instituto Nacional de Culture.

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