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A study of music as an integral part of the spoken drama in the American professional theatre, 1930-1955 ..

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A study of music as an integral part of the spoken drama in the American professional theatre, 1930-1955 ..
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Burton, May Elizabeth, 1925-
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Composers ( jstor )
Copyrights ( jstor )
Music composition ( jstor )
Music criticism ( jstor )
Music instrumentation ( jstor )
Musical modes ( jstor )
Musical performance ( jstor )
Musical rhythm ( jstor )
Philosophy of music ( jstor )
Theater ( jstor )
Dissertations, Academic -- Speech -- UF ( lcsh )
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Speech thesis Ph. D ( lcsh )
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Dissertation (Ph.D.) - University of Florida, 1956.
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Bibliography: leaves [399]-411.
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Manuscript copy.
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Vita.

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A Study of Music as an Integral Part

of the Spoken Drama in the

American Professional Theatre: 1930 - 1955











BY
MAY ELIZABETH BURTON


A DISSERTATION PRESENTED TO THE GRADUATE COUNCIL OF
THE UNIVERSITY OF FLORIDA
IN PARTIAL FULFILMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE
DEGREE OF DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY











UNIVERSITY OF FLORIDA
August, 1956













PREFACE


This is a study of why and how music is integrated with spoken drama in the contemporary American professional theatre. Very little has been written on the subject, so that knowledge of actual practices is limited to those people who are closely associated with commercial theatre-composers, producers, playwrights, and musicians. Therefore, a summation and analysis of these practices will contribute to the existing body of knowledge about the contemporary American theatre. It is important that a study of the 1930-1955 period be made while it is still contemporary, since analysis at a later date would be hampered by a scarcity of detailed production records and the tendency not to copyright and publish theatre scores. Consequently, any accurate data about the status of music in our theatre must be gathered and recorded while the people responsible for music integration are available for reference and correspondence.

Historically, the period from 1930 to 1955 is important because it has been marked by numerous fluctuations both in society and in the theatre. There are evidences of the theatre's ability to serve as a barometer of social and economic conditions. A comprehension of the











degree and manner in which music has been a part of the theatre not only will provide a better understanding of the relationship between our specific theatre idiom and society, but suggests the degree to which it differs from that fostered by previous theatre cultures.

Another reason for undertaking this study is to be able in some fashion to predict the future use of music in the American theatre. Will it become better integrated or disappear altogether? It is hoped that the study will be of some value to directors desiring information about ways of using music in productions. Finally, and most important, this study, by isolating a phase of theatre, can enlarge the understanding of theatre as a whole.

To understand completely the integration of music

in theatre since 1930, both qualitatively and quantitatively, this study first considers outside pressures which may influence the use of music. Foremost among these is convention. Other factors are the theatre's social and economic structure during a given period and the general popularity of music in society. Finally, by looking at the productions in which music is used and by analyzing and comparing the types of plays, the musical idicms, and instrumentation, one can determine the status of music in contemporary theatre and approximate the worth of that music.


iiI










For purposes of consistency, certain terms should be clarified, Throughout this study, the term "theatre" is used in referring to professional productions of spoken drama. Certainly, opera and musical comedy are theatre, but this study deals only with that theatre of which music is an integral, but not a major part. In theatrical circles, the terms ,"integrated" and "incidental" are often used interchangeably. For the sake of specificity, the point of view taken in this study is that when music serves a dramatic or theatrical purpose it is integrated, though it may be referred to by the trade, the Union, and the critics as incidental. The trade tends to label music in any show that is not a musical, "incidental," with no thought of the use or value of that music. When the Musicians' Union classifies a production as "straight with incidental music" or as a "play with music," they judge in terms of quantity, not purpose. This study adheres to the contention that music may be incidental by these standards and yet be an integral part of a production. The total number of minutes of music in a production is not the factor which determines the degree of integration. If this is a degree which can be measured at all, it is measured in terms of the position of music in the particular production, or in terms of the nature of the music and its ultimate contribution to the production.














ACKNOWLEDGMENTS

The progress and completion of this study have depended on the guidance, understanding, and cooperation of many people. Sincere appreciation is expressed to the faculty members who directed this work, librarians who aided in finding data, and to all those who gave of their time in personal interviews and correspondence. A special degree of gratitude is felt for the encouragement, patience, and direction of the Chairman of the Supervisory Committee, Professor H. P. Constans. Equal thanks are extended to Professor Leland L. Zimmerman for his careful counsel during many stages of planning and writing. Gratitude is also expressed to other members of the Supervisory Committee: Professors Lester L. Hale, T. Walter Herbert, C. A. Robertson, David Stryker, and J. Clark Weaver for advice and constructive criticism. Other faculty members whose assistance the writer wishes to acknowledge are: Professors Robert Bolles, Dallas C. Dickey, Didier Graeffe, and Miss Mickie Newbill, who have assisted with technical matters.

Particular appreciation is expressed to George

Freedley of the New York Public Library Theatre Collections and two members of his staff, Mrs. Elizabeth Barrett and











William Matthews for assistance in planning interviews and locating data. Gratitude is acknowledged to members of the Library of Congress Music Division staff: Edward N. Waters, Assistant Director and Frank Campbell. Mrs. Mary Myers, copyright information office, also assisted in locating music scores. Recordings analyzed were heard through the courtesy of Thomas J. Valentino, Valentino, Inc., New York City.

Special data were obtained through Walter N. McNamara, Public Relations Director of the American Society of Composers, Authors, and Publishers, and William Ten Nyce, Secretary of the Authors' League of Drama Guild.

Vital assistance was received from composers,

critics, playwrights, and producers in the New York Professional Theatre who graciously opened their files of compositions or gave time for interviews or correspondence as evidenced in many parts of this text. (Names of interviewees and correspondents appear in the Bibliography, pages 410 and 411).

The writer desires to acknowledge her gratitude to the Graduate School of the University of Florida for a Fellowship which enabled her to complete necessary research. To Mary Joy Breton and others who have worked patiently and accurately on the practical problems of producing the manuscript, the writer wishes to state her appreciation.














TABLE OF CONTENTS


PREFACE.DGEN . . . . . . . . . .. .... .



LIST OF CHARTS . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS. . . . . . . . . . . . . ..

Chapter

I. PRECEDENTS: EUROPEAN AND AMERICAN..

Greek Theatre: 500 B.C. . . . ..

Elizabethan Theatre: Music As A Functional Art. . . . . . . . . . ....

Restoration Theatre: Music and Drama,
A Double Bill . . . . . . . . . . ..

French Theatre: Seventeenth Century . .

The Veil of Music in Victorian Theatre .

Twentieth Century European and British
Highlights. . . . . . . . . .

American Precedents. . .. . .. ..

Conclusions . . . . . . .. . ...

II. AMERICAN PROFESSIONAL THEATRE: 1930-1955

III. RISE, FALL, AND RESURGENCE OF MUSIC IN CONTEMPORARY AMERICAN THEATRE . . . . ...

Tendencies Promoting the Use of Music..

Factors Curtailing the Use of Music...

The Present Status . . . . . . ....


9 *


Page

ii


* . ix .9 � X


* .

* 9


* 9


* 9



* 9


* .

* . 9 9

* 9


� . 109



* . 144

**164


vii











TABLE OF CONTENTS Continued

Chapter Page

IV. BEHIND THE SCENES: WORKING PHILOSOPHIES . . . 156

Playwrights. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 167
Producers. . .. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 174

Directors. . . . . . . .. . . . . . . . . . 179

Music Contractors. . . . . . . . . . . . . . 184

Composers. . .. . .. .. . .. .. .. .. 186

Critics. . . . . . . . .... .. . 222

Conclusions. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 227

V. DIVERGENT OPINIONS. ....... .. * * 230

The Writing of Integrated Musical Fragments . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 232

Supplementary Compositions . .. . . . . . . 243 A Mixture of Methods . . . . . . . . . . . . 254
Summary.. . . . . . . . . 257

VI. CATEGORIES AND ANALYSES. . . . . . . . . . . . 260
Music and Realistic Dramas. . .. . . . . . 26

Music in Non-Realistic (Expressionistic)
Drama . . . . . . . � . & o � * . . . . . 271

Music in Revivals ............ 341

Foreign Acquisitions . . . . � a . . . . 366
VII. AN INTERPRETATION . . . . . . . . . . . . . # 382
APPENDIX . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 389

BIBLIOGRAPHY . . . . .. a # � # � � # 399 BIOGRAPHICAL ITEMS . * *. .. . . . . . . .. . ... 412


viii
























LIST OF CHARTS


Chart Page

1. Now York Productions with Integrated Music . . . 118

2. Musicians' Wage Scales--Effective Labor Day, 1955 . . . . . . . . a * 0 0 0 0 * 0 0 a 151













LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS


Fi


Figure

1. Dorian Mode . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

2. Phrygian Mode..... ........

3. It Was a Lover and His Lass. .

4. 0 Mistresse Mine. . . . . ......
5. A Soldier and a Sailor. . . . . . . ....

6. Motif from Mary Rose. ..........
7. Excerpt: "A Dance," A Tale of Mister ... 8. Excerpt: "Valse," The College Widow.... 9. Excerpt: "Piu mosso," The College Widow.. 10. Excerpt: "Slumber Song," Peer Gynt . . . . 11. Excerpt: "Arabian Dance," Peer . . . . 12. Excerpt: Waltzes, Dolly Madison. . . ... 13. Excerpt: "I'd Do Anything for You," Models
Abroad . . . . . . . . . . . . . # . . .

1L. Excerpts Wind music, Ondine. . . . .... 15. Flute glissando, Ondine . . . . . . . . . * 16. King's music from Ondine. . . . . . . . . 17. Excerpt: "Waltz for Andy and the Lion,"
Androcles and the Lion . . . . # . * . . 18. "Fanfare" from Antony and Cleopatra . .


Page 13 13 27

28

146 63

68 70 70 71 72

73 74 235 235

237


* � 237

* * 238


19. Excerpt: "Variations on a Gregorian Theme,"
Another Part of the Forest . . . . . . . 2


0 .

* .



* 0


* 0


241












LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS Continued


Excerpts: Excerpts: Excerpts: Excerpt: Excerpt: Excerpt:
Salesma


"Prologue," Lucrece Suite. . .... "Spinning Song," Lucrece Suite . . . "Finale," Lucrece Suite, . . . . . * "Ban's Theme," Death of a Salesman.. "Willy's Theme," Death of a Salesman. "Grandfather's Theme," Death of a


n ,


a v 0 0 * . 0 * a * a * 0 *


26. Music for the off-stage crash, Death of a
Salesman . . . * . . . * # * . # * * � 27. Song i, Roll,-Sweet Chariot . . . . . . . . 28. Song 3, Roll, Sweet Chariot . . . . . . . . 29. Song 10, Roll, Sweet Chariot. . . . .... 30. Song 19, Roll Sweet Chariot. . . . . . 31. Song 25, Roll, Sweet Chariot. . . . . 32. Song 26, Roll, Sweet Chariot... . . � . 33. Music Cue 1, The Grass Harp . . . � � 34. Music Cue 2, The Grass Harp . . . . . 35. Final measures, Cue 2, The Grass Harp


297
* . 307 � . 308

* � 309 � � 310

310 311

314 315

317


36. Opening and closing measures, The Grass Harp. 37. Excerpt: "Music Box Gavotte," Angel in the
Pawnshop # * v * o * * . o * a * o # & . 38. Excerpt: "Overtie," Teahouse of theAugust
Moon . . . Teahous of t Aut o # � a * 39. Sakinits entrance, Teahouse of the August Moon.


Figure

20.

21.

22.

23.

24.

25.


Page


248 250

293 294 296


318


330
332


0 0 &











LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS Continued
Figure Page
40. Excerpt: "Lotus Blossom Theme," Teahouse of
the August Moon. . . . . ....... . 334
41. Excerpt: "Teahouse Music," Teahouse of the
August Moon. . .. . . . . . . . . . . . . . 336
42. Excerpt: "Wrestling Music," Teahouse of the
August Moon. . .. .. . . . . . . . # * 0 * 337

43. Excerpt: "Farewell Music," Teahouse of the
August Moon. . � � � � # & � .. .. # � 338

44. Excerpt: Variation of "Teahouse Music," Teahouse of the August Moon . . ....... 340
45. Music Cue 10, Julius Caesar (Blitzstein). . . . 346 46. Music Cue 1OA, Romeo and Juliet (Engel) . ... 348 47. Music Cue 16, Macbeth (Engel) . . . . o o . . . 349 48. Music Cue 63, Hamlet (Engel). . . . . . . . . . 350
49. Excerpt: "The Foppington Gavotte," The Relapse. � � # � � � . . � � � . . . . . . . . 352
50. Excerpt: "The Rake's Repentance," The Relapse. . � � � � � � � � � � � . � � � � . 353
51. Excerpt: (Lord Foppington's Ditty," The Relapse . . . . . . . . . . . . . � � � � 354
52. 'armagnole," Danton's Death . . . . . . .. . . 356
53. "Ah, Ca ira," Denton's Death. . . . . . . . . . 357
54. Excerpt: "Roar," Androcles and the Lion
(Blitzstein) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 359
55. Alice Motif, "Boat Song," Alice in Wonderland . 362 56. Excerpt: "Mirror Music," Alice in Wonderland . 362 57. Excerpt: "Pool of Tears," Alice in Wonderland. 363


xii















CHAPTER I


PRECEDENTS: EUROPEAN AND AMERICAN

Music and drama have assumed a variety of characteristics in their relationship, thus giving modern directors many conventions to follow or ignore when utilizing music in dramatic productions. Since the two art forms were first integrated in early theatrical rituals, a drama dominated pattern has persisted in alloting to music the task of enhancing and amplifying performances.

The Greek, Elizabethan, Restoration, French NeoClassic, German Romantic, English Victorian and American Melodramatic theatres have all made use of music, though more information is available about the relationship in Greek, Elizabethan, and Restoration periods. An examination of these precedents reveals the Greek Theatre of the fifth century, B.C. gave a more proportionate balance to music and drama than they usually receive in modern theatres.

Greek Theatre: 500 B.C.

only inconclusive fragments of Greek music are











extant1 and authorities, such as A. E, Haligh,2 Sheldon Cheney,3 and Allardyce Nicoll have been forced to speculate as to the exact nature and function of the music performed with Greek drama. All seem to agree that music was important and most of them agree with A. M. Dale who says, "We, who have never seen Greek dance nor heard Greek music, can never hope to recreate the living whole."5 This prominence of music in the Attic drama is also stressed by Oates and O'Neill who state in their introduction to The Complete Greek Drama. "Every effort has been made to impress upon the reader the extreme importance of the musical element

in the Greek plays,6 Another scholar, E. F. Watling, implies that Greek drama contained more musical than dramatic elements, explaining that the first plays of

1A. M. Dale, The Lyric Metres of Greek Drama (Cambridge: University Press, 1940), p. 1914.
2A. E. Hai h, The Tragic Drama of the Greeks (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1896).

3Sheldon Cheney, The Theatre--Three Thousand Years
of Drama, Acting, and Stagecraft (New York: Tudor Publishing Co., 1949).
4Allardyce Nicoll, Masks, Mimes, and Miracles (New York: Harcourt, Brace and Co., 1931).

5Dale, The Lyric Metres of Greek Drama, p. 1

6Whitney J. Oates and Eugene O'Neill, Jr. (eds.),
The Complete Greek Drama (2 vols., New York: Random House,
193), I, Vii.











Aeschylus had scarcely more dramatic element than that found in the modern oratorio.7
The strength of the musical component in the

Athenian theatre can be traced directly to the games and religious worship of the populace. Before the days of the festival known as the City Dionysios, accompanied chants or "nomoi" were used in honor of various gods. Special forms of these chants were: (1) "dithyramb," a wild and boisterous chant to the god, Dionysos, (2) "paean," used .in worship of Apollo, the god of music, (3) "prosodies," marchlike chants which accompanied any religious procession, and (4) "threnodies," the most primitive of the chants, used as a lament.8

In Homeric days, worship centered around open air altars and consisted mainly of the enjoyment of song and dance to the accompaniment of pipe and lyre. These spontaneous games and dances eventually developed into huge national festivals. In spite of the national scope, simplicity was stressed at Greek Festivals, even in the choice of instrumentation. The combination of strings, wind, and percussions, beloved by the ancient civilizations, was no

7E. F. Watling, Sophocles, The Theban Plays (Harmondsworth-Middlesex: Penguin Books, 1952), p. 10.
8Howard D. McKinney and W. R. Anderson, Music in
History (New York: American Book Company, 1940). p. 65-69.









4
longer employed. Instead, one or two auloi (ancient flutes) supplied the music for the sixteen to twenty-four choristers and dancers. The cithara (a stringed instrument) is thought to have been used for dance and the aulos for singing. This early music was entirely religious in character. The instruments played either in unison with the single melody of the choristers or an octave above them,and only occasionally used a simple variation of the theme.9
There is strong evidence that music was a part of

Greek culture before the development of festivals or drama. According to music historian Donald N. Ferguson, the Greeks believed their music, like their race, had a divine origin.10 The word music (mousike) is of Greek derivation and originally meant "of the muses." Ferguson states that the term

0 . . was applied to a combination of poetry, music, and dancing, of which poetry was considered the ruler, music an accompaniment, and
dancing an integral part and not a mere spectacle.11 Music was so intimately related to the language of the Greeks that a history of their poetry is almost a history of Greek music.12 Concerning the relationship of poetry


9Ibid., p. 71.
lODonald N. Ferguson, A History of Musical Thought
(New York: Appleton, Century and Crofts, Inc., 194jb) pp. 1112.
llbid., p. 12.

12McKinney and Anderson, Music in Histor , p. 66.










and music, Professor Ferguson explains:

Having the pattern of pitch and rhythm, the
Greek language possessed the rudiments of an art
of music. The actual music of the Greeks, therefore, grew out of their speech by intensifying or
more shly defining characteristics of their
speech .

Greek accent in both language and music differed from that employed in modern English, since the Greeks cultivated an accent of loudness rather than an accent of pitch. This accent of pitch was as obligatory for proper speech as is our dynamic accent. It should be noted, however, that this was not an emotional emphasis as pitch changes in our language usually are. For singing, the pattern of melody was governed in some measure by the pitch accent of the words to which the melody was set. The rhythmic character of Athenian speech was also different from that of English, being a distinction by duration, not character. More time was required to say a word with a long vowel in Greek than a word (of the same number of letters) with a short vowel.I it is evident from the following description by Professor Ferguson that the duration accent of Greek speech carried over into poetry:


13Ferguson, A History of Musical Thought, p. 12.

14Ibid., PP. 32-33.












Poetic feet, in Greek, were patterns of long
and short syllables not marked by any dynamic
stress. . . . Greek speech and especially Greek
verse had thus an intrinsic pattern pt time-the primary basis of musical rhythm.')
According to Haigh,

. . . the metres of the ancient lyrical poetry were practically identical with the rhythms of ancient music. * . It was the rule in Greek
vocal music that there should be an accurate and
harmonious correspondence between the words and
the melody; and that each syllable of the poem
should answer, in 1most every case, to a single
note of the music.
With each syllable answering to a note, and with vowels

of long and short duration, the rhythm of the verse

would of necessity govern the rhythm of the music.

This is not true of English songs of the twentieth

century. Contrasting the two styles, Haigh goes on

to state:

The modern habit of setting verses to a
tune of totally different cadence, and of
founding trills and runs upon a single syllable,
would have been regarded with disfavour by the
Greeks, as tending to obscure the meaning of the
poetry, ai to subordinate It to the mere pleasure
of sound, .L

When examining these and other theories governing musical

elements, it becomes apparent that rhythm in both music

and poetry meant more to the Greeks than melody. Quintilian


151bid.

16Haigh, The Tragic Drama of the Greeks, p. 18.

17Ibid.









7

said that rhythm is masculine and should be the leader, 18
while melody is feminine and should follow. This idea parallels the Greek definition of mousike ". . . of which poetry was . . . the ruler, music an accompaniment. .. *.19
An understanding of the rhythmic and melodic elements of poetry and music clarifies the position of music in dramatic performances. This relationship can be clarified further by some knowledge of the instruments used to accompany performances. In writings about Greek music there are references to the lute, aulos, lyre, and cithara. Of the four, the aulos seems to be the most closely connected with festivals and choral singing.20
Most sources mention the aulos as an instrument used in accompanying the human voice and the lyre as accompanying the dance. Some few mention the two together as though they may have both been used to accompany the chorus of the dithyrambs and of the dramas, but it seems probable that the aulos was the more important instrument in their drama. The theory of the aulos as an

accompanying instrument for singing supports the concept


18Cited in McKinney and Anderson, Music in History, p. 91.

19Ibid., p. 66.


20Ferguson, A History of Musical Thought, p. 11.










of simplicity of form and unity of style between poetry and music. Being a wind instrument, the aulos would complement and re-enforce the human voice, whereas the strings, even in unison with the voices, would introduce an alien timbre and thus add contrast (an element of delight in modern music) to the voices of the chorus or individual actors. 21

Greek dramatic productions included both solo
and choral singing. In his handbook on Classical Drama, P. W. Harsh writes that most of the choral songs, called stasima, served three purposes in Greek theatre: (1) to build up the tragic atmosphere, (2) to modulate the tone of the play, and (3) to bring relief from overcharged emotions. Harsh states that the chorus might enter chanting anapests, but usually in Attic drama they began with the first lyric immediately. This chanting style used for the often recurring anapestic lines is akin to the modern style of singing known as recitative.22 In their speculations, scholars do not always agree on details of performance. For example, in McKinney and Anderson's volume, Music in History, the description of the chotister's entrance ignores the idea of the first lyric,

21Cheney, The Theatre--Three Thousand Years of Drama, Acting, and Sagecraft, p. 7.
22Philip Whaley Harsh, A Handbook of Classical Drama (Stanford, California: Stanford University Press, 1920), p. 12.











stating positively:

After a spoken prologue came the parados
or chorus entrance, an impressive procession
led by coryphees and accompanied by aulos
players. .. . The rhythm of this entrance
was that of a march, and the words sung were
always anapestic. . . , [The chorus] commented from time to time in solemn chant, lively song or graceful dance. Episodes wer interspersed
with stasima or musical chants.e.

Most of the choral songs were responsive in that chorus members sang a verse (strophe) and an answer (antistrophe). The "comus," a lyric passage sung by an actor or actors and the chorus, sometimes took the place of the "stasimon." Intricate meters distinguish the "stasimon" and "econus," whereas the spoken passages of the episodes were written in iambic trimeter, a close equivalent to iambic pentameter or blank verse in English.24 For momenta of great excitement, trochaic lines of seven and a half feet, "tetrameter catalectic," were used. Aristotle, in the Poetics, called

this the excited "dancing" meter of satyric tragedy.25 Tetrameter catalectic was sometimes delivered as a recitative and sometimes it was accompanied by the aulos.
Greek music changed its characteristics along with changes which mark the evolution of Greek drama. As the

23cKinney and Anderson, Music in History, p. 79.

240ates and O'Neill, The Complete Greek Drama, I, xx.

25S. H. Butcher, Aristotle's Theory of Poetry and
Fine Art (4th ed.; London. McMillan and Co., Lta., 1932), p. 19.










number of choral passages diminished, the music for them became more human and elaborate, more expressive of passions and emotions. With this change, new patterns of rhythm and melody, patterns unlike those of speechwere introduced into musical passages and individual actors were given more lines to sing. For example, in the dramas of Euripides, when an emotion was expressed by one of the heroines, a regular dramatic rhythm gave place to one more adaptable for lyric singing.26 In discussing these changes, A. E. Haigh writes:

A further symptom of the decline of the chorus,
and of its gradual conversion into a musical interlude, Is to be found in the style and language of the choral odes. The earlier lyrics of Euripides
are masterpieces of graceful beauty and imaginative
power; but in those which belong to his later period
the execution, on the whole, is far less perfect.
In spite of numerous brilliant exceptions, there
is a general tendency, in these later compositions, to subordinate sense to sound, and to think more of
the music than of the language.

It would seem, then, that as the subject matter moved from the national deities or heroes to ordinary people, playwrights felt a need to maintain a strong emotional element and leaned more heavily on music. Statements in Cicero's Tusculan Disputations indicate the Greek audience responded readily to the moods of choral and

26McKinney and Anderson, Music in Histor , p. 81.

27Haigh, The Tragic Drama of the Greeks, p. 254.










other music.28
There is one more area of knowledge which helps clarify the function of music in the Greek theatre. Besides their concern with aesthetics and emotional aspects of sound, the Greeks were interested in the physics of sound. The two interests are not as far removed from each other as may at first be imagined. An understanding of the physical aspects of sound production makes possible a more accurate plotting of music in terms of aesthetics and emotional values. Pythagoras, a Greek mathematician, was the first to explain proportion in music; the first to explain the relationship of length and size of strings and hollow tubes and the pitch produced by them. The unit devised by Pythagoras was the tetrachord (tetra, meaning four, and chord, meaning the gut from which strings were made)-.-a unit used in a varied form in modern musical systems. There were three kinds of tetrachords: diatonic, chromatic, and enhawmonic. In Greek music, the diatonic seemed to be the most important or the most popular of the three.29 It was perhaps the most popular in the theatre too, since there are definite references to support the frequent use of the Phrygian and Dorian modes--both based

28Harsh, A Handbook of Classical Drama, p. 12.


29McKinney and Anderson, Music in Histo-y, pp. 66-


68.











on the diatonic tetrachord.30 Even though the chromatic and enharmonic tetrachords, which consisted of intervals of one and a half tones, half tones, and quarter tones, were In disfavor with musical purists,31 the chromatic tetrachord was used to some extent in dramatic music.32 Any of the three tetrachords would seem suitable for tragedy since they are all downward moving scales.33
Each of these modes is a series of whole and half steps; the same intervals used in modern diatonic scales. There was no simultaneous combination of tones in Greek music; therefore, the interval progression was of obvious importance. The sequence of intervals in the Dorian mode falls into a regular pattern of two whole steps, followed by a half step or two long and one close (or short) interval. In the Phrygian mode the pattern is whole, half, whole, whole. Generally a succession of tones with small differences in pitch causes a keener sensation in the hearer than tones spaced further apart.34

30Haigh, The Tragic Drama of the Greeks, pp. 18, 142, 376.
31Albert E. Weir (ed.), The Macmillan Encyclopedia of Music and Musicians (New York: Macmillan Co., 1930),
p. 712.
32Haigh, The Tragic Drama of the Greeks, p. 411.

33McKinney and Anderson, Music in History, p. 89.

31Ibid., p. 90.










13
For example, Oriental scales follow a pattern in which the distance between tones is smaller than the half-step, thus producing music which has an air of mysticism and charm. The two Greek modes under discussion appear below in modern notation:35




Fig. I - Dorian Mode




Fig. 2 - Phz7gian Mode

The importance placed on the quality of the various Greek modes can be gauged by statements in Plato's Republic, Book III, which outlaws the Ionian and the Lydian modes because their melodies and harmonies were too relaxed.36 The Dorian and Phrygian were kept by Plato, who wanted a single warlike harmony. In his words, one capable of sounding

S. .* the note or accent which a brave man utters in the hour of danger and stern resolve, or when
his cause is failing, and he is going to wounds
or death or is overtaken by some other evil, and at every crisis meets the blows of fortune with
firm step and a determination to endure; and

35Rupert Hughes and Deems Taylor, Music Lover's Enccodia (New York: Garden City Publishing Co., Inc., 199,p.762-764.

36B. Jowett (trans.), The Dialogues of Plato (2 vols., New York: Random House, 1937), I, 662.











another [harmony] to be used by him in times of
peace and freedom of action, when there is no
pressure of necessity, and he is seeking to persuade God by pray7, or man by instruction and
admonition. . . .

Later in the discussion, Plato made the following request:

These two harmonies I ask you to leave; the strain of the unfortunate and the strain of the fortunate, the strain of courage and e strain of temperance; these I say, leave. i

The Dorian mode, with its sense of dignity, could complement passages such as those in Oedipus Rex, when the king assures his people that he will find and destroy the cause of their plague. Choral passages relating the woes of the populace could be effectively done in the more emotional Phrygian mode. Later in the drama, when Oedipus has found the cause in himself and tears out his eyes, the Phrygian mode could be used " . . . to sound the note or accent which a brave man utters in the hour of . . . stern resolve, . . .11

In thinking of the integration of music and drama

in the Athenian theatre, the similarity between the rhythms and melody found in speech and music must be considered along with the emotional functions of the tetrachords. Not only were the rhythm and melody of music governed by the poetry, but the choice of mode was also governed by


371bid., p. 663.

38Ibid.










it, since melody in music depended, at least until the days of Euripides, on the pitch accent of the words for which it was written. Because modes were distinguished from each other by patterns of small and large intervals between individual tones, the pitch pattern of some poetry demanded a particular mode. Even in the case of modes which are thought of primarily in terms of emotional power, there is a closeness to language which cannot and does not exist between the musical scale of our civilization and the English language.
Since the Greeks considered music to have a divine origin and since it developed early in their culture, the study of music was a natural part of their education. In discussing the philosophies underlying their culture, McKinney and Anderson explain the significance of the term musician. In their society the musician was
. . . a well-rounded individual rather than a
specialist. The study of music with the Greeks
meant a training in singing and playing, dancing and verse. It was considered to be the backbone
of education and to be closely associated with
ethical and moral principles.39

Poets always wrote music as well as lines for their dramas.40 A Greek playwright-director of the fifth century B.C. would have been lost without a sound training


39McKinney and Anderson, Music in History, p. 67.

401bid., p. 78.











in music and dancing. Evidence of this is found in Banquet of the Learned, where Sophocles is said to have been

proficient in dancing and music, while
still a lad, under the instruction of Lamprus.
After the battle of Salamis, . o . he danced
to the accompaniment of his lyre round the
Trophy, . . . and when he brought out. Vhe
Thramyris he played the lyre himself.4
Further indication of these multiple skills can be found in vase paintings. One, a vase dating from the youth of Sophocles, shows boys being taught to read, write, recite poetry, sing to the aulos and play the lyre.42 Sophocles was, in all probability, a careful student of music, for he not only wrote music for his plays, but experimented with this music. He was the first to employ Phrygian43 music in tragedy.44 The work of Euripides as a composer is partially removed from conjecture by the fact that one of the few fragments of Greek music extant is from the Orestes of Euripides.45 The choral passages of Aeschylus,


41A. M. Nagler, Sources of Theatrical History (New York: Theatre Annual, Inc., 1952), p. 7.

42McKinney and Anderson, Music in History, p. 67.

43The dithyramb, probably an importation from Phrygia, was naturally sung to melodies of that state. When the tragic drama developed, the more dignified music of the Doric islands was used for the choral passages. Haigh, The Tragic Drama of the Greeks, pp. 14-18.

441bid., p. 142.

45Dale, The Lyric Metres of Greek Drama, p. 194.








17
the first dramatist of note, display great luxuriance of rhythms, suggesting that symmetry of form in uniting poetry and music must have been one of his particular skills.46 Professor Haigh attributes to Aeschylus
" . . frequent varieties of measure in the same ode, and even in the same strophe; . . ..47 Even the minor poet, Agathon, established a new precedent by using the

chromatic scale on the tragic stage.48

In spite of the many contrasts between our theatre and the Greek theatre, theories and facts included in scholarly speculation show a parallel between our current philosophy of the place of music in the drama and the practices of the Greeks. From the evidence obtainable we assume that music and poetry were always combined in Greek theatre. Although this closely knit relationship no longer exists, music continues to perform some of the functions assigned to it in Greek drama: to build atmosphere, establish tempo, and relieve tensions as well as to underscore the dialogue of the human voice.


46Haigh, The Tragic Dram of the eeks, p. 376.

471bid.

48Ibid.,# p. 411.










Elizabethan Theatre: Music As A Functional Art

Vigorous and theatrical, the Elizabethan period established an influential convention in the method of integrating music with spoken drama.

Music as a part of English drama, can be traced

from the origins of that drama in the medieval church, where music was supplied by priests and choirs.49 When performances for festivals became an annual community activity, municipal and guild musicians furnished the accompaniment for mytery cycle dramas. During the sixteenth century, there was increased affinity between music and drama as a result of the security given to actors and musicians by the establishment of semipermanent acting companies. A summary of reasons for music in Shakespeare's plays given by John H. Long, in "Shakespeare's Use of Music," cites the construction of playhouses in London as a great boon to the playwright, because the metropolitan location

enabled him to draw upon a large force of
musicians of all types and skills, and to construct his plays with specialized music in mind.
It is no wonder, then, that the plays produced in London after the construction of the Theatre and the Curtain show an increasing use of stage
devices and music.50

49John H. Long, Shakespeare's Use of Music (Gainesville, Florida: University Press, 1955). References cited are to the Ph.D. dissertation in its unpublished form (Department of English, University of Florida, 1951), pp. 265266.
50ibid., p. 266.












Long continues,
A coincidental impetus to the use of music in
Elizabethan drama was the formation of acting companies composed of choirboys from the Chapel Royal
and St. Paul's. It was only natural that the excellent musical training received by those boys should be exploited by the dramatists who wrote
plays for them. It was also natural that, as a result of their popularity, the adult companies should emulate the children as far as they were financially
able. The plays written for the singing boys by Edwards, Peele, and Lyly show clearly the impact on
English drama made by the music of the "little eyases."51 This would suggest that, at least in the case of productions by the choir boys, there was no clean-cut division between actors and musicians; they were in fact the same people.

Elizabethan stage music was an acknowledged part of productions. This fact is exemplified in the book,

On Producing Shakespeare, in which Ronald Watkins has compiled directions for stage business, costuming, and sound effects from the First Folio. Musical directions in the Folio are usually quite explicit, missing only a few of the significant and emphatic cues. However, in many cases, music is inferred from the dialogue.52

Music, in Elizabethan theatre, had both a practical and a dramatic use. For example, Shakespeare's Twelfth N begins with instrumental music, which sets the scene


51Ibid., p. 267.

52Ronald Watkins, On Producing Shakespeare (New York: W. W. Norton and Co., 15c,, 195U), p. 62.









20
and mood and helps convey the character of the Duke. This music is more than an introduction; it is an element of the play, giving motivation for the Dukes first line, "If music be the food of love, play on."53 Often Elizabethan productions started with a royal flourish of trumpets, but like the music in Twelfth Night, these flourishes were always a part of the play and not a "descriptive" overture.54 Processional entries were accompanied by music in order to emulate the English court as well as to help actors make a graceful entrance through a single stage door. Music also served as comic relief, to heighten pathos, and for psychological effect on a character. The latter is typified in Richard II, where Richard, provoked to irritable comment by broken-time music outside his cell, gains personal insight from this same music.55 Watkins declares that whether Elizabethan music was vocal or instrumental, heard from "within" or performed on stage, it was ". . . never a comment shared only by the dramatist and to the exclusion of the persons in the play."56

531bid.

54bid.

55thid.

561bid.










The extensive use of music in theatres of the period reflected the prominence of this art in English society. The Elizabethan age was prolific in both music and the dramatic arts, producing a "father of musicke,"57 an immortal poet, and, according to historian Ernest Walker, the first beginnings of English stage music.58 An English scholar, E. W. Naylor, describing cultural life of the Elizabethan period, writes:

. . . if ever a country deserved to be called
"musical," that country was England, in the
sixteenth and seventeenth centuries. King and
courtier, peasant and ploughman, each could "take
his part," with each music was a part of his daily
life; . . . The well-bre young man could sing a
plaine-song and descant.99

Music had not suddenly become a part of English society, but it did suddenly become a part of secular culture. Walker points out that before mid-fifteenth century, musicians composed and performed mostly sacred music, but

With the defeat of the Armada in 1588 the danger of
religious upheaval passed away from England; and
musicians turned with a curious suddenness, and with60
almost complete unanimity, to follow secular ideals.

57William Byrd (1543-1623), the greatest figure in sixteenth century English music, has often been called the "father of musicke." Oscar Thompson (ed.), The International Cyclopedia of Music and Musicians (New York: Dodd, Mead and
Co., 1939), p. 265.
58Ernest Walker, A History of Music In England (London: Oxford University Press, 1924), p. 65.
59E. W. Naylor, Shakespeare and Music (London: J. M. Dent and Sons, Ltd.,, 1931), pp. I-19.
6OWalker, A History of Music in England, pp. 57-58.











Writing of the acquisition of new styles, Donald N. Ferguson attributes an almost phenomenal ability to the English for their sudden command over the process of musical expression which, he points out, was almost as incredible as the Armada victory responsible for inciting their new creative endeavors. The most popular medium was the madrigal, a form of composition borrowed from Italy and designed for mixed voices. Ferguson notes that, although borrowed, the madrigal was ". . , handled with a daring beyond that of an Italian, and yet often perfected to an equality with an Italian's skill."61 English vocal music of the period is still considered to have high quality and great diversity of character.

The culture of Renaissance England, like that of all European countries, often reflected the interests of the country's ruler. During the reigns of Henry VIII and Elizabeth I, the whole nation increased its interest in music. Henry was a practical musician and an amateur composer, while Queen Elizabeth is said to have developed skill in playing the virginal.62 Playwrights plying their trade in the golden age of English music, when everyone from the barber to the Queen possessed some musical skill,

6lFerguson, A History of Musical Thought, p. 181.

621bid., pp. 178-182.










23

either in singing or in performing an instrument, naturally included music and musical allusions in their plays. In both the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries, a practical acquaintance with music was a regular part of the education of sovereign gentlemen of rank, and of the higher middle classes, as well. There is plenty of evidence that a knowledge of music was not limited to the wealthy, but that the lower classes were also enthusiastic about it.63 Some of this evidence is cited by Naylor who exp la ins:

A large number of passages . . . [by Elizabethan]
authors shows clearly that singing in parts
(especially of "catches") was a common amusement with blacksmiths, colliers, cloth workers,
cobblers, tingrs, watchmen, country parsons,
and soldiers.
Music was so popular with Elizabethans that it was the habit to play on an instrument while waiting one's turn to be shaved.

Every inch an Elizabethan, William Shakespeare

often expressed a fondness for music and his works demonstrate his keen ear for It.65 His plays provide an excellent example of the position of music in Elizabethan


63Naylor, Shakespeare and Music, p. 13.

6rbid. pp. lb-17.

65Watkins, On Producing Shakespeare, p. 62.








24

drama, since Shakespeare's works demonstrate more thoughtful integration or music with drama than plays by his contemporaries. In a consideration of Shakespeare's use of music, Christopher Wilson writes, "When Shakespeare wanted music, he said so, either in his stage directions or in the text."66 Though there are few extant samples of the music used in first productions of Shakespeare's plays, stage directions, textual references, and studies of the music of the time make it possible to reconstruct the nature of that music with far less speculation than was necessary in the case of the Greek theatre. In the matter of internal evidence in play texts, at least thirty-two of Shakespeare's thirty-seven plays contain positive references to music and musical matters. Furthermore, over three hundred stage directions in thirty-six plays are musical in nature.67
Material on the music in Shakespeare's plays may be considered under these headings: songs, instruments, performers, and composers.
Songs were a vital part of society in Shakespeare's London and an equally vital part of his plays. It must be remembered that this music of Elizabethan everyday life is

66Christopher Wilson, Shakespeare and Music (London: "The Stage" Office, 1922), p. 152.

67Naylor, Shakespeare and Music, pp. 2-3.











now considered fine art. As Naylor explains, "Even a public house song in Elizabeth's day was a canon in three parts, a thing which could only be managed 'first time through' nowadays by the very first rank of professional singers."68 Though songs were always utilized by Shakespeare, Richmond Noble points out that with the playwright's increasing skill, songs became more and more an integral part of his drama.69 Songs in the plays were often solos, but duets and small vocal ensembles were also used and in two situations choral music is requested. In Midsummer Night's Dream, the fairies sing to Titania and there is a solemn hymn at the monument to Leonato in Much Ado About Nothing. Vocal music was sometimes accompanied, but more often it was not.70
Songs in Shakespeare's plays fall into two categories: (1) those he incorporated or referred to which were popular during the playwright's lifetime and (2) those songs for which he wrote lyrics. Music scores for a few of the songs in each category are still available. Frequently, titles of popular songs are mentioned in the dialogue, when there is no indication that the song is

68Ibid., p. 19.

69Richmond Noble, Shakespeare's Use of Song (London: Oxford University Press, 1923), passim.

70Watkins, On Producing Shakespeare, p. 68.










ever sung. "Light 0' Love," mentioned in Act III, scene 4 of Much Ado About Nothing belongs in this category. A tune called "Light O' Love" was known in 1570 and there have been several sets of lyrics sung to it through the intervening years. The score is extant.71 The song must have been sufficiently familiar to audiences that the title alone conveyed Shakespeare's idea. Lyrics were not necessarily included when songs were to be performed. "Hold Thy Peace," a catch sung by Sir Toby, Sir Andrew, and Feste in Act II, scene 3 of Twelfth Night, is given only as a title in the script,72 again suggesting that there was no need to write down music and words which were a part of common knowledge.
Music for two songs for which Shakespeare wrote the lyrics and which may have been published during his lifetime is available for modern producers. They are included in Figures 3 and 4. One of these songs, "It Was A Lover and His Lass," from As You Like It, is often included in the repertoire of serious vocal students. Both songs originally appeared in books by Thomas Morley, but scholars think that he composed only the song from As You Like It, which was published in a book of his

71Naylor, Shakespeare and Music, p. 67.

72Sir Frederick Bridge, Shakespearean Music in the Plays and Early Operas (London: J. M. Dent and Sons, Ltd., 1T923)9 pp. 73-7G.-















_ 44
~1IJ


It --- was a lov - er and his lass, With a


_ --


C)


hey, with a ho, with a hey,


---no-ni-no-n-no,


no-ni-no, And a hey, ---


nat. o'er tne green corn -


iz -iz
T__ _ - ~ Z


fields did pass,


In spring-time, in spring-tire, in


sprinwg-time, The on-ly pret-ty ring-time l';h.en Itrds dc sing, hey


~zi~ P2- ____ ____


ding a ding a dine, Hey ding a dinF a ding.


Sweet


__ er- love Ve ------� lov - oe love the spring,.


Fir-. 3 -- It Was a Lover erd 1!'s Lass


Ai


-- ------------------ 7Z-


ir � v j . . . . . . . .




































I I I


01 ,


*... no frr- tjer,. pret - t


A ! -


sweet - ing Jour - neys end in


I% I I


Hi


.. lov-ers meet - ing, Ev - - 'ry wise man's son doth know.


1 4


V ' ** -


wP dl JI -


Fi. 4 -0 fIfsIi
Fig. 4 0 istresse Mine


U - 7. 0 !


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L t











compositions in 1660. The second song, "0 Mistress Mine" from Twelfth Night was published in 1599 in a book edited and arranged by Morley. Other lyrics from the plays may have been set to music by Thomas Morley for there is strong evidence that the composer and Shakespeare were acquainted and perhaps close friends.73

There are many theories to account for the absence of contemporary settings of Shakespeare's lyrics; one probable theory is that he wrote the lyrics to fit popular tunes of the day, which no one bothered to write down, since everyone knew them.74 Scores thought to be the original settings of two other songs with lyrics by Shakespeare are preserved. These songs, "Where the Bee Sucks" and "Full Fathom Five," appear in Cheerful Ayes, edited by Dr. John Wilson.75

Most of the songs, such as "Come Away Death" in

Much Ado About Nothing, "Drowsy Tune" in Julius Caesar, and Ophelia's mad songs in Hamlet, classify as atmospheric music, although they are not the only musical device used for this purpose. For example, the first scene of Twelfth Night is given a melancholy mood by the music played for Duke rsino; music heightens the pathos during the last

A., pp. 16-19.


74watkins, On Producing Shakespeare, p. 65.
75Naylor, Shakespeare and Music, p. 2h.











illness of Henry IV, and the Doctor prescribes music for King Lear to cure his madness. In these and similar examples cited by Watkins, music is a part of the play and is consciously heard by the actors.76
Just as the type of song in Globe presentations of Shakespeare's plays was unlike current popular music, so the instruments used in these productions were unlike modern musical instruments. The usual accompanying instruments for songs were the lute and the bass viol, while drums, trumpets, cornets, and hautboys were used elsewhere during play performances.77
Instruments of the Elizabethan period can be categorized according to the same general types used in classifying the instruments in a modern s7mphony orchestra. There were strings, winds, and percussions. Some of the instruments in each group can be recognized easily as predecessors to contemporary instruments. The stringed instruments were: cittern, lute, viol, and virginal. Cornets, hautboys, pipes, and trumpets all belong in the general category of wind instruments. The classification of brass and wood used to differentiate modern wind instruments cannot be made with assurance. The cornet, an instrument much like the recorder


76Watkins, On Producing Shakespeare, p. 66.

77Bridge, Shakespearean Music in the Plays and Early Operas, p. 7e











was made of wood or ivory, while the hautboy was a reed instrument with loud, strident tones. The pipe was simply a large whistle with three holes capable of producing a total of eighteen notes.78 Of the percussions, only the tabor, a small drum, seems to have been popular in the Elizabethan theatre.79

Elizabethan productions of Shakespeare's plays

employed great versatility in the choice of music and the instrumentation for performances. As Watkins says,

" . . there is nothing perfunctory or hidebound about Shakespeare's demands. He is audaciously experimental here as elsewhere."80 Nor were perfunctory rules set as to the place of musicians in the theatre; the location of the musicians depended on the demands of the play-script. In Two Gentlemen of Verona, musicians are on stage; while for Henry _ , Part I, music comes from the "other roome," thus suggesting the instrumentalists played from the ground floor of the tiring house behind the stage. Yet, when Glendower called for accompaniment from musicians who "Hang in the air a thousand leagues hence" in Henry IV, Part I, they must have been in the

78Ferguson, A History of Musical Thought, p. 178.

79Naylor, Shakespeare and Music, p. 79.

80Watkins, On Producing Shakespeare, p. 67.











gallery. In Antony and Cleopatra, hautboys were played under the platform.81 These various locations may be explained by the fact that the awareness of the music by the characters in a play made it essential for the music to have a locale accurately suggesting the fictional location of the sound. Thus, the musicians in a Shakespearean production were a part of the cast of players and it can be assumed with some certainty that instruments were selected for contrasting and harmonizing characteristics Just as carefully as comic characters were placed in the dialogue to contrast with or parallel facets of serious and noble characters.
Marchette Chute, whose research has unearthed

much of the local color of Elizabethan England, suggests actors were in fact musicians in Shakespeare's and other London companies.82 Sir Frederick Bridge agrees with her In part, asserting that ". . . some of the actors may have sung, yet there are examples of singers being introduced who have nothing to do with the action of the play."83 He then cites the scene in As You Like It where two pages

81 id., p. 68.

82Marohette Chute, Shakespeare of London (New York:
E. P. Dutton and Co., 19149).

83Bridge, Shakespearean Music in the Playa and Early Operas, p. 8.










33
are apparently introduced just for the purpose of singing "It Was A Lover and His Lass."84 It may be, just as Bridge insists, that special singers were hired, but most theatre history books indicate, as does Marchette Chute, that the ten or twelve men in the Lord Chamberlain's company were able to act, dance, fence, sing, and play any musical instrument called for in the script. This theory is supported by the known importance of economy to Elizabethan companies.85 They cut budget costs by doubling actors in small roles and it was only logical under these conditions to capitalize on the musical skills prevalent among Elizabethans and to hire actors who were also musicians.

There is considerable conjecture concerning the identity of composers who wrote for the Elizabethan theatre. Though there was extensive use of popular and public domain songs, not all theatre music can be so classified. With the exception of Thomas Morley, whose collaboration with Shakespeare was mentioned on page 29, the composers who wrote for original Shakespearean productions are not known precisely. However, some of their habits are known. Just as Shakespeare used plots and stories from many sources, improving and embellishing them with his


841bid.

85George Freedley and John A. Reeves A History of
the Theatre (New York: Crown Publishers, 194I)p PP. 93-111.










34
creative genius, composers of the time treated old themes in a new fashion, adding new embellishments and building counter melodies, rather than originating entirely new tunes,86

Ronald Watkins, considering the practical aspects

of music on the Elizabethan Stage, turns attention to plans made by the bookkeeper or prompter. In studying these, Watkins feels

. we have to use a special effort of the
imagination in unthinking subsequent musical
practice in the theatre. Nowadays we are used
to an atmospheric overture and an automatic
musical link between scenes.87

Watkins found no such stereotype in the musical directions and allusions of the First Folio. The nearest thing to such a stereotype was in the simple and conventional musical accompaniment of battle sequences, which must have been easily recognizable to the audience. In this connection he calls attention to the drums for marching, and alarums (confused noise with drums, trumpets, clash of arms and vocal cues) which represented fighting.88

86Sidney Lanier, Shakespeare and His Forerunners

(New York: Doubleday, Page and Co., TOM?), pp. M6-b6.
87Watkins, On Producing Shakespeare, p. 62.

881bid., p. 65.













But what of the relationship of language rhythms and music rhythms? How was music used as a theatrical device? Seven of Shakespeare's comedies have been analyzed by Long in an effort to partially answer these questions. He explains that Shakespeare and other Elizabethan poets found many similes and metaphors in the relationship between musical structure and the harmonious structure of human character. Other metaphors sprung from the concept of the universe89 put forth by Pythagoras, who thought planets were kept in their orbits by the music of the spheres, and the whole world was constructed according to musical ratio. A good nature in man was considered to be in tune with celestial music and an evil nature, out of tune, or inharmonious.90 The influence of the
Pythagorean theory is evident in Antony and Cleopatra, Act V, scene 2, line 84, when Cleopatra, in relating a dream, ascribes to Antony a "voice propertied as all the tuned spheres." Other examples of this influence are in: welfthNight,. Act III, scene 1, line 115; Pericles, Act V, scene 1, line 226; and An You Like It, Act II, scene 7, line 5. The idea of music setting things and people in


89Long, "Shakespeare's Use of Music," p. 65.

90Ibid.









36
order is clearly portrayed in The Merchant of Venice, Act
91
V, scene 1. In at least seven of the tragedies, the

music performed and the imagery fostered by it serve these dramatic purposes: (1) the comic stating of a theme or subject, (2) comic relief, (3) setting atmosphere, (4) suggesting the physical setting of a scene,

(5) pointing up contrast in a situation or between characters, (6) covering true-character traits, (7) predicting disaster, (8) indicating characters in tune with the universe, and (9) dramatic irony.92

Shakespeare's use of music in the comedies is

divided into three phases by Long: In the early plays, music signals the presence of critical or climactic situations. During the middle period, music serves as a sedative. Finally, Shakespeare experimented with the formalized arrangement of songs and the naturalistic entry of music.93 According to Long's analysis, the theatrical purposes served by music in the comedies are:

(1) to enter into the action, (2) to forward the action,
(3) to aid in character delineations, (4) to serve as

91-bid.

92The tragedies analyzed are: Romeo and Juliet,
JUlius Caesar, Hamlet, Othello, Hery IV, Fart I, Richard ,' Troi.Us .and ressida.

93Long, "Shakespeare's Use of Music," pp. 269-270.












background to dialogue (consort music), (5) to suggest physical setting, (6) to create a supernatural atmosphere,

(7) to aid in the creation of dramatic irony, (8) to emphasize the theme of the play, (9) to denote a lapse of time, and (10) to cover the omission of repetitious or difficult explanations. 9

In sumarizing his analysis of the comedies,

Long states that the comedies of Shakespeare typify the inextricable combination of drama and music which reached a culmination in the Elizabethan age.95

A significant portion of the audiences who attended the Globe on rainy afternoons or the command performances at Queen Elizabeth's court, were excited about many kinds of learning. They were growing with their new language, their new freedoms in using their own vernacular in poems, plays, and novels. Shakespeare fed this love of language with humorous word plays and rich imagery. He also satisfied the new vitality and new freedoms exercised in music, and in doing so established a skillful method of increasing the theatricality of spoken drama performances. Shakespeare and his colleagues appealed to the interest in secular music with the vigor and delight of experimentation that


9hlbid., pp. 271-272.

9p. 277.









38

exemplified the spirit of the Renaissance. Watkins' suggestion to modern producers of Shakespeare is that ".. a strain of Byrd, Gibbons, Morley, or Weelkes can evoke sooner even than Shakespeare's words the astonishing poetical freshness and vigour and strength of the age."96

Restoration Theatre: Music and Drama, A Double Bl

In contrast to Elizabethan practises, music and drama maintained clear distinctions in the Restoration Theatre. Though brought together in theatrical performances, there was little interdependence between the two art forms. Whereas the use of music had been affected by language structure, style of writing, or dramatic purpose in Greek and Elizabethan theatres, this practise was noticeably absent on the English stage of the late seventeenth century. Theatre music of that period possessed a strong individuality, so strong in fact that the action of the heroic tragedy or comedy of manners could stop temporarily while a favorite singer entertained with a new aria or comic song.

During the Restoration Period in England, the theatre was adopted by the aristocracy and made their special plaything. Since the theatre belonged to one


96Watkins, On Producing Shakespeare, p. 70.









39
particular class, it mirrored the superficialities of that class and its culture. After 1660, when theatre moved from underground into polite society, productions were seldom pure drama. The manner in which music was interspersed with dialogue for the sake of decoration and the lack of bearing this music had on the action of plays, invites a comparison with some modern movie musicals and Broadway revues. Yet, in spite of their musical content, these plays were not operas or operettas, though in the last two decades of the century, they were often spoken of as such.
As in the Elizabethan period, music continued to be fashionable in England. In the opinion of music historian, Charles Burney,97 a strong influence was exerted on the side of good music by King Charles II, who with his smiles and attention stimulated the English to make considerable progress in the art of music without borrowing from Italy or Germany. The historian notes also that the passion of the monarch for Prench music changed the national taste. Another impetus to music during the Restoration was the return of patrons to the arts.98 Wealthy and noble individuals who ordinarily gave patronage

9TCharles Burney, A General History of Music (4 vols., New York: Harcourt Brace and Co., 17t9), II, 379.
98Ibid., p. 381.









hO
were absorbed in political quarrels during the Protectorate, but with the return of the King to London, they could renew their interests in the arts. Records indicate that the increase in popularity and the improved caliber of the compositions were reflected in the music of the theatre. Actually, much of the secular music of the period was written for or performed in the plays.99

Regular orchestras were a part of theatrical performances before the Protectorate and again during the Restoration. Though the orchestra had become a unit, it still suffered many growing pains. Except for the strings, most of the instruments were in an early stage of development. Stringed instruments, developed from the viols of the Elizabethan era, had been perfected earlier in the century by Italian craftsmen and were extremely popular. The oboe, still called by the name of its crude predecessor--hautboy, and the bassoon made their debut in an orchestra playing for Cambert's opera, Pomone, in 1659.100 Other reed instruments used in Restoration orchestras were the flute-douce, or flute, and the chalumeau, forerunner of modern clarinets.101 Brass instruments, trumpets,


99jeffrey Pulver, A Biographical Dictionary of Old
English Music (New York: E. P. Dutton and Co., 1927), p. 155.

10OFrederick J. Crowest (ed.), English Music 1604-1901 (London: The Walter Scott Publishing Co., M., .1906), P. 350.
101Thidop p. 352.











horns, and trombones were in common use after 1604 and percussions, such as kettledrums, were also a part of Restoration orchestras.102

The singers in Restoration productions, in contrast to the Elizabethan, were not actors, nor was any great effort spent on making them seem a part of the cast ensemble. The individual came out on stage at the appointed time, sang a song, or songs, and retired. Sometimes an actor or actress was trained as a singer, but even when these people performed, attention was called to the music per se, which was never as carefully woven into the texture of the production as it had been in Elizabethan theatre. Skilled performers were popular and soughtafter individuals.
One actress-singer, a Mrs. Corey, who entered the King's Company at the beginning of the Restoration in 1660, was still in demand thirty years later, performing,
in 1690, a singing dialogue with the popular and gifted Bowen in Mountfort's Successful Strangers, Earlier in her career, Mrs. Corey created the part of Octavia in All For Love, and Lady Fantast in B Fair.103 Thomas D'Urfey, another versatile singer, was also a playwright and

102TIid., p. 454.

103Willard Thorp (ed.), Songs from the Restoration
Theater (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 193Mj, p. 93.











composer. Most of D'Urfey's musical compositions were confined to songs he performed himself, and many of the lyrics he wrote were set to music by the composers Henry Purcell and John Blow. As a singer, D'Urfey was much in request at court.104 George Hudson, more typical of the Restoration musician, was neither an actor nor a play. wright, but combined his singing abilities with performance of the lute and violin. He also composed light popular music and incidental tunes for the stage. These efforts included a share in the writing of the entr'acte music to D'Avenant's Seige of Rhodes.I05

At the performance of Seige of Rhodes in 1656, the part of Solyman was sig by the famous vocalist, Captain Henry Cooke. Besides singing in this epochmaking work, Cooke supplied some of the music. A tribute to his fame is found in a diary entry of John Evelyn, who wrote on November 28, 1654, of a visit from ". . . one Captain Cooke, esteemed the best singer, after the Italian manner, of any in England. * * 106

One of Cooke's pupils, Pelham Humfrey, was, according

10Oulver, A Biographical Dietionar of Old _English music, p. 155.

1051bid., p. 246.

106Ibid., pp. 109-111.











to Jeffrey Pulver, a ". . . talented composer of great individuality and importance, whose early death prevented him from fully developing his undoubted genius."I07 This "genius" was another of the several notable composers to contribute to the theatre, having written "Where the Bee Sucks," while collaborating with John Bannister in preparing music for the Dryden and D'Avenant version of Shakespeare's Tempest. He also wrote "Wherever I Am" for a production of Dryden's Conquest of Granada.l0 A declamatory style and a certain theatrical vein pervades the work of all the writers of this period, but Humfrey employed these methods in an artistic manner. His work is marked by directness of purpose, originality of treatment, and melodic charm. There can be no doubt that he played a great part in founding a style that persisted until Purcell had given it a status of its own. 109

The most important musician of the Restoration and the beat composer that England has ever produced was Henry Purcell who studied with both Cooke and Humfrey

1p. 21.

108 _bid., V. 255

109 Ibd., p. 249-256.










110
at the Chapel Royal, and was a student of composition with John Blow, the most respected musician of the period besides Purcell.ill When Purcell was only twenty-two years old, his opera, Dido and Aeneas, had a sensational performance. In 1691, he again turned to stage work and with Dryden wrote the opera-masterwork, King Arthur.112 During the last few years of his life, Purcell often wrote for the stage, composing music for a total of forty-nine plays, among which were: Faery Queen (an anonymous adaptation of Midsummer Night's Dream), Indian Queen, and Aureng-Zebe.113
The list of stage compositions written by Henry Purcell seems long, but another English composer, John Eocles, wrote even more music for the Restoration stage.II4 His contributions to the theatre, which began in 1681, became very popular and were marked by ease, vigor, and a

110J. A. Fuller Maitland (ed.), Grove's Dictionary of Music and Musicians (5 vols., New York: Macmillan and Co., 1Milt IT, 649-Z556.
ll1Pulver, A Biographical Dictionary of Old English
Music, p. 57.
112Paul Landormy, A History of Music (New York: Charles Scribner's Sons, 1935), pp. 66-61.
113Blon, Grove's Dictionary of Musio and Musicians,
V, 997-1012.
lilPulver, A Biographical Dictionary of Old English Music, p. 160.











certain rough, unpolished charm. Eccles' music was generally well-suited to the stage, but his method of handling music material was lacking in technique or skill and on this account his work cannot compare with the best of the period. Purcell must have considered him a musician worthy of attention since the two collaborated on the third part of Don quixote. Further proof of Eccles' merit as a composer is the fact he won second prize in a London Gazette competition to secure the best musical setting for Congreve's Judgment of Paris.I15 He did compose music for two additional plays by Congreve--Love for Love and The Way of the World--and during his career, he was credited with forty-six masques as well as a quantity of incidental theatre music.116 One song Eccles composed for Love for Love in 1695 was revised for use in John Gay's Beggar's Opera, when it was first produced in 1728. Originally titled, "A Soldier and a Sailor," the music was transposed into a new key and given smoother rhythm when sung by Peachum in Act I, scene 9 of Beggar's Opera. However, the revised song, given in Figure 5, maintains the vigorous frivolity typical of Restoration songs.117

ll5Tbid., pp. 161-162.

116Albert E. Wier (ed.), The Macmillan Encyclopedia of Music and Musicians (1938), p. 273.

l17David Harrison Stevens (ed.), Types of English Drama, 1660-1780 (Boston: Ginn and Co., 123), p. 531.


















A fox -- may steal your hens, sir, A




'whore - your health and pence, sir, your daughter rob your chest, sir, your wife may steal your rest, sir. A thief your goods and plate' A thief your goods and plate, but This is all but picking With rest, pence, chest and chicken, If




ever was decreed, sir, If lavyer's hpnd is feed , sir, he




steals your whole estate. He stepls your whole estate.


Fir. 5 -- A Soldier and a Srilor











It would appear that the dramatic value of music during the Restoration period, other than being a good show, was of little concern to playwrights, producers, actors, or audience. Music was fashionable. The theatre was fashionable. Therefore, music was performed in the theatre. The Elizabethan's genuine love of art and delight in new-found secular musical idioms had digressed into concern over good manners. A knowledge of music had for centuries been one sign of culture, and so an interest in music was kept by the shell of aristocrats whose real interests were in mimicking the French and Italians in the wearing of lace and powdered wigs and in conducting intrigues d'amour.

French Theatre: Seventeenth Centur

The French culture imitated by English aristocrats had nourished a theatre of high dramatic and artistic merit during the years when the stages of England were closed (1642-1660). The appearance of music in this theatre is understandable, since writers, teachers, composers, and artists of the period tried to emulate the classics and in so doing developed a natural interest in the integration of music and drams. Notable results of this interest are found in the extravagant operas and ballets of the period. In the hands of various masters, music, drama, and dance fluctuated in importance. Music,










4~8
as servant to the drama, was active in court entertainment such as ballets, pastorales, divertissements, and comedies

written for the pleasure of the king.

Paris, in the neo-classic period, harboured a

musician of great importance, Jean Baptiste Lully, ". . a graceful composer of minuets and dances . . . and the first important composer of French opera."I18 Besides his creative work in opera, Lully composed music for numerous ballets and comedies for the court, collaborating in these endeavors with writers such as Racine, Pierre and Thomas Corneille, and the more sentimental playwrights, Isaac Benserade and Phillipe Quinsault.119 The collaboration of most interest to this study was between Lully and the playwright-comedian Moliere. Both favorites of Louis XIV, the two became friendly in 1662 and wrote ballets and comedies together until 1671.120 A listing of Lully'. works includes music for thirteen of Moliere's comedies and pastorales,121 most of which were presented in

ll8Erio Blom (ed.), Grove's Dictionary of Music and Musicians (9 vols., New York: St. martin's Press, 1955),

119Phillis Hartnoll (ed.), The Oxford Companion to
the Theatre (London: Oxford University Press, 1951), p. 538.
120Blom, Grove's Dictionary of Music and Musicians,
V2, 425-426.
121Ibil.,p. 423.











connection with Court festivities. The Oafbord Companion to the Theatre states Moliere's function ". .. was the provision and production of a series of plays interspersed

with music and dancing, for which Lully provided the music."122 The best known of the court plays is Le Bourgeois gentilhomme, written in 1671.123 Nothing in Moliere's training or background indicates a special inclination for or knowledge of music; his collaboration with Lully and the inclusion of music in his comedies was evidently a concession to court fashion. There is no reason, however, to assume that he objected to music in his plays, while there is evidence that Lully's sense of theatre enabled him to write this music with great skill. A critical history of his works given in Grove's Ditina states that
In composing the divertissements of Le Bourgeois gentilhomme . . . he endeavored T make ban music express the life and varl-4y
of Moliere's situations and characters. 4
Lully's endeavor to make this scene music expressive of situations and characters is strong evidence of the French theatre's interest in artistic unity.


122artnoll, The Oxford Companion to the Theatre, p. 539.

123Blom, Grove's Dictionary of Music and Musicians,

vhide









50
Moliere and Lull7 should have been able to agree on requirements of music for the stage, since both had some practical experience. Moliere, of course, acted in his own productions and was a famous and popular oomediano Lully took part "o . . with considerable success as dancer and comic actor" when ballets by Moliere, or others for which he composed music, were performed at court.'5S

Though Lull7 did compose music for a few of
Quinault's pastorales and ballets, their collaboration was principally in opera, with Quinault furnishing a libretto for Lully eaoh year.126 Lully's only work with Racine was the one-act divertissement Idylle our la paix; however, on several occasions he composed usic for ballets written by the Corneille brothers.127 Lully's charming music may have stolen the act in many eourt performances, but in the comedies and ballets of Moliere, dra=a was foremost and the music of Lully of secondary importance. It is not music to be dismissed lightly, however, for in productions of Moliere, the Comedle Francaise traditionally uses the music by Lull7, and



126Hartnoll, The Oxford C anion to the Th*atro, p. 654.
127Blom, Gove's Ditionary of Music and Musicians, Vol. Vs p. 427.









51
included it in their performances of Le Bourgeois gentilhome in New York City, November, 1955.128

The Veil of Music in Victorian Theatre

One of the most peculiar functions ever assigned to music in the theatre was that of a subterfuge or "cover-up" for the illegal productions of plays in Victorian England.

This habitual disguise, practised in London theatres around 1800, was due immediately to the Licensing Act of 1737, but can be traced to the issuance in 1660 of theatre patents by Charles II. These patents gave to the proprietors of Drury Lane and Covent Garden the exclusive right to put on dramatic entertainments. The 1737 Licensing Act

reaffirmed the patent rights and made the Lord Chamberlain the regulator of the stage.129 A second act, passed by Parliament in 1752, required that all places of amusement should be licensed and local magistrates were given authority to grant such licenses.130

In 1766, a third theatre--the Haymarket--received a royal permission which amounted to a summer-time patent. All houses in London, save the Drury Lane, Covent Garden,

128New York Theatre Critics Reviews (New York: Critic's Theatre Reviews, Inc., 1955), p. 231.
129Winton Tolles, Tom Taylor and the Victorian Drama (New York: Columbia University Press, 19460), pp. 4-5.
130Ernest Bradlee Watson, Sheridan to Robertson (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1926), . -Z .









52

and the Haymarket, not only had to have licenses, but also had to endure censorship by the Lord Chamberlain, who would approve only musical and novelty entertainments, not serious dramatic performances.131 These restrictions were not removed until the Theatre Regulation Act was passed in 1843.132
Music was the chief tool used by managers in circumventing the restrictions placed on minor theatres by the theatre legislation. Sometimes managers advertised a concert or a tea, charged high prices, and presented the rehearsal of a play "gratis" to the audience. Their other system, one that exerted a significant influence on British drama, was to provide spectacular burlesque with dances, songs, and acrobatics. These spectacles developed eventually into the "burletta"--a type of theatre peculiar to England in the nineteenth century.133 A study of the derivation of the term burletta shows it originally applied to a short burlesque opera; later it included the realm of musical farce. After gradual persuasion from managers and public, the burletta was defined by a licenser of plays as ". .. a play of three acts, including not less than five songs."134

131Tolles, Tom Taylor and the Victorian Drama, pp. 4-5.

132Watson, Sheridan to Robertson, p. 49.

133Allardyce Nicoll, The Alish Theatre (London: Thomas Nelson and Sons, Ltd., 1936), PP. -12- .
131bid., p. 165.









53
With this official definition, managers had little trouble producing anything they wanted. Frequently London playgoers saw serious Elizabethan tragedies or witty Restoration comedies rewritten in doggerel verse, doctored with music, and billed as burlettas.135 Elliston, the first minor theatre manager to evade the law, produced Shakespeare and Sheridan as burlettas and yet kept within the legal requirements which authorized only "dumb-show, songs, and brief passages of dialogue."136 These distortions gained a robust following. One patron, indignant when attempts were made to reduce the theatre to its legitimate status, exclaimed that Elliston was so close upon the heels of the legitimate stage, ". . . that in spite of the tinkling of the piano and the Jingle of the rmhe, I can often fancy myself sitting in one of the winter theatres. .. 137

Between 1809 and 1818, no one questioned the presentation of classics as burlettas, as long as the musical accompaniment was sufficient to meet legal requirements. No definite change was made in provisions, but quite probably the "tinkling piano" became


1351bid.

136Watson, Sheridan to Robertson, p. 32.

1371bid.e Pe 33.











less audible and its chords less frequent. At any rate, in 1832, Sir William Broughman testified to a Parliamentary committee that Othello had been performed as a burletta with an accompaniment that consisted of barely audible chords struck on a piano every five minutes.338

From all the foregoing consents and numerous other statements in records of the Victorian period, it is evident that the inclusion of music in the burletta was never for artistic delight or dramatic integrity. Its sole purpose was to provide minor theatre managers some freedom in production, while still conforming to the law. Some of the managers my have exercised good taste in the selection of music; some may have had special music composed, but the concern of critics and historians has been with the distortion of straight drama by the insertion of irrelevant music in order to present a facade of legality

Managers of minor houses desirous of producing

dramatic entertainments had a choice other than the burletta. They could present melodramas, plays with violent actions and exciting episodes. "These plays," Allardyce Nicoll contends,

. . . were spectacularly artificial, and the
introduction of music was not likely to interfere with their appeal; indeed, the music, . . .
with "solemn," "horrid," or "lamenting," notes,

1381Iid., P. 35.











was brought to 34ay its part in the creation
of atmosphere. 1ly

Here, at least some effort was made to have harmony between the musical facade and the content of the plot. An

examination of the melodrama through succeeding years shows a constant retrogression in style and a growing tendency for the "solemn," "horrid" notes to be firmly stereotyped.

The popularity of burlettas, melodramas, and burlesques led the managers of the main theatres to "borrow" some of the same practlses, and before their monopoly was legally ended, the three major theatres had gone into voluntary competition with the music-dominated minor houses. The popular Victorian scriptwriter, Planche, based a revue

on the comic relationship of major and minor playhouses. When legitimate drama complains of being robbed, illegitimate drama answers the protest in this fashion:

Come, who began to rob, I'd like to know?
When I was quite a child in leading string
Before Itd learnt to speak or anything But dance my dolls to music, didn't you
Begin to vow they were your playthings too?140

As a whole, music in the Victorian theatre might well be called "expedient," except for the stereotyped passages used for creating atmosphere in melodramas. While it served to dress up shallow revues and sketches,

139Allardyce Nicoll British Drama (New York: Thomas Y. Crowell Co., 19331, p. 327.
14Owatson, Sheridan to Robertson, pp. 44-45.











and to attract audiences, these were by-products of the most important function, namely, to serve as a veil to hide theatrical activities from the eyes of the Lord Chamberlain.

Twentieth Centur Eurogean and British Kighlight s

Influences of the burletta and melodrama remained on English stages and in Europe long after the law freed managers from the need of their protective disguise. Stereotyped musical backgrounds, overtures, and entre'actes continued in conventional productions well into the twentieth century, though many productions were highly experimental in nature. A sampling of philosophies followed by pioneering directors and playwrights brings to light now precedents for the integration of music with drama.

Within the framework of the experimental theatre,

the label "tradition" seems sufficient reason for discarding a practise. Before adhering to conventional procedures, the leaders in these theatres expose them to stereoscopic analysis and often re-evaluation. Several of the individualistic philosophies resulting from this testing have been tried in Ireland, France, Germany, and Russia. William Butler Yeats (1865-1939), poetic playwright for the Irish theatre in Dublin, was jealous of the power of music. In an evaluation of his work, Eric Bentley states:











He not only refused to let music predominate; he
did not want it to have an interest independent
of the drama. From early years he was fascinated
by the possibility of using musical tone and rhythm
solely to reinforce words. He knew that, whatever
charming form of entertainment might be possible
when wos cease to be central, it would not be
drama. W+.

Music in theatre was looked upon with suspicion by Paul Claudel (1868-1955), another playwright of early twentieth century. A disciple of Maeterlinck, this French author of religious plays'42 objected to the alternation of music and text, describing the change from one art to the other as "painful," and likely to destroy ". . . the enchantment in which the . . . poet has taken so much trouble to plunge the spectators."143 Claudel felt that, when used, music must be blended with the dialogue, for "it has the job of giving the feeling of time's flow, of creating an ambience and an atmosphere. , .. 4 He acknowledged the Wagnerian concept of merging the arts into one another as the source of his inspiration.lh5 While Claudel preached this

141Eric Bentley, In Search of Theater (New York: Alfred A. Knopf, Inc., 1953), p. 2M9.
42eFredley and Reeves, A History of the Theatre,
p. 359.

143Bentley, In Search of Theater, p. 366.


4Ibid.










philosophy as late as 1928, one of Wagner's countrymen,

Bertolt Brecht (1898- ) evolved still another philosophy, one calling for the mutual "alienation" of the

arts.146 A herald of epic drama, Brecht inserts music

in productions ". . . to alienate certain emotions."147

His concept of alienation is partially explained by Eric

Bentley's comment:

Everything in Brecht's theater, . seems calculated to drive a wedge between actor and spectator. . . . Beauty itself, form itself, brings off the alienation effect: by making order out of chaos, it sets t pachaos at a distance, where
we can look at it."

Significantly, Bentley notes that

The use of music as an alienation effect is . . .
the direct opposite of the usual theatrical use
of music--which is simply to back up the dialogue, to "heighten" the mood. . . Orthodox theatrical
music duplicates the text . . . is stormy in stormy scenes, quiet in quiet scenes . . . adds A to A, . .
In a Brecht play, music is supposed to add B to A.
Thus A is alienated, and the texture of the work is enriched. Music can of course provide the sheerest
alienation-through-beauty, and on occasions the
beauty can have a special "alienating" point. In
Mother Courage, . . . Paul Dessau composed his
most delicate and lovely music for "The Song of
Praternization," sung by a whore. The tune seems to embody the pure love that the text reports the
fall of. Sui music constitutes a kind of criticism
of the text.l9

146Tbid., p. 367.

147bid., p. 146.

148bid-, pp. 143-145.
149Ibid., Po l46.








59

From all accounts, Brecht embodies an interest in the whole theatre. This interest includes care with music for "When Brecht prepares a play, he works steadily, with the composer at the piano, on the whole musical score."150

Critics of the Moscow Art Theatre frequently

mention the philosophy of music developed by that group. Mordecai Gorelik discusses the skill of one of the early directors, Meyerhold, who, being an ardent lover of music, "... put that abstract art to functional use.. . in positive fashion to set the style of a play."151 Some of Meyerhold's productions have even been described as "musical variations on the themes of the authors." His use of music did not end with setting style, since he also used music as

S. . counterpoint, or even as dissonance, to the
rhythmCof the action, in a way which has become characteristic of Soviet presentations. (These, by the way, sees never to be given without music
of some sort. )152

Russian experimentalists have found music especially valuable in making transitions from naturalism to fantasy. Gorelik cites the following instance:

15�_ id., p. 135.

151Mordecai Gorelik New Theatres for Old (New York: Samuel French, 1941), pp. 34-345.

____bd~ P. 3145.










Simonov, who plays the thief Kostya in
Pogodin's Aristocrats (1935), has a serious
piece of business during which he steals a
cigarette case. He then goes into a grotesque
dance of triumph, out of key with Naturalism.
The transition is covered merely by the theatre
orchestra. 53

While the twentieth century began with trends of

naturalism and realism in the theatre, most of the experimental work has rejected these styles. In the process, directors and writers have turned to music and discovered its use provides a potency and economy which the Russian director, Alexis Granowski has described as follows:

The use of musicalized pantomime, speech, and
facial expression can liberate all those imaginative overtones of human philosophy which straight realism can never touch. By the use of music all
sorts of conventions and needs which otherwise
might obstruct and disintegrate a production to
nothingness can be got around, and short cuts in
scenery, properties, and staging methods can be
obtained. It is easier to go straight to the
heart of your story, to reach its inner exprea ive
symbolism and most vital meaning with music. 5

Theatres operated under the widely diverse philosophies mentioned here have shown individuality and freshness in combining music with other production elements. During this century, music in the British and European theatre has been freed somewhat from the stereotyped, artificial motives that governed its use during the

153Ibid

154Paul Green, Dramatic Heritage (New York: Samuel French, 1953), pp. 3842.











Victorian period and later nineteenth century.

A number of noteworthy composers have contributed

to this freedom and to the theatre's music literature since 1900. The list includes: Erik Satie, Arthur Honegger, Francis Pouleno, and Camile Saint-Saens in France; Paul

Hindemith in Germany, Jean Sibelius in Finland, Modeste Moussorgsky in Russia, and Gustav Holat in England.155 Early in the century, the Haymarket theatre in London employed a musical director of such special skill that the London Times reported wHis work at the Haymarket set a standard of theatrical music which seemed likely to produce a widespread artistic reform until the modern mechanisms and the bad times together put an end to the old tradition."156 Norman O'Neill, the composer-conductor in question, wrote compositions for over fifty productions, some of which are classified as "great works" by Grove's Dictionary. Grove's biographical summary gives the following appraisal of O'Neill's work:

He showed a remarkable aptitude for devising
music which enhanced a situation and reflected
the stage characters, and he brought to a highly
specialized task the accomplishment of thorough musicianship and practical resource. Although
well aware that little attention is paid to music in a theatre, he always engaged good players and


155Card Files for Incidental Music, Library of
Congress.
156Blom, Grove's Dictionary of Music and Musicians, Vol. VI, p. 191.










saw to it that the performances were of high
quality. Altogether, both as a composer and as
conductor, he was the most skilful and practised
provider -Pstage music the English theatre had
ever had.

The list of O'Neill's stage compositions includes: After

All (1902), The Blue Bird (1911), Prisoner of Zenda (1923), and Kismet (1925).158 One of his most successful scores was written for a 1920 production of James M. Barrie's play, Mary Rose.159 Further tribute is paid to O'Neill's work by the theatre authority, Marc Connelly, who ranks O'Neill's music for this play as the best written for theatre, describing the sweep of violins at the beginning as a frame which sets the whole play. The published score for Mary Rose includes preludes and interludes and a section titled "The Call," all written for piano with spasmodic passages for voices. O'Neill showed a fondness for the interval of the second, and in passages suggesting the supernatural, augmented thirds and diminished sevenths are frequent. Mystery is the theme of the first prelude, while the second creates a sense of agitation and suspense. The suspense continues in the third prelude but there it is

1571bid., p. 192.

158Card Files for Incidental Music, Library of Congress.
159Blom, Grove's Dictionary of Music and Musicians,
VI, 192.









63

resolved. O'Neill employs a brief and effective motif for the character, Mary Rose, which is simply a musical statement of her name. Occasionally voices sing her name, but variations of the motif without words appear when obviously intended as a "call" to her. Three samples of the motif follow:160


;>









ifT__i 7__







Fig. 6 -- Motif fror. Pia-jr Rose

Music for other plays, composed by O'Neill, display imaginative fantasy and delicacy in handling. This is especially true of the score for Maeterlinck's fairy'play--The Bluebird.161 Hearing his music even out of play-context, it

160Norman O'Neill, Mary Rose (London: Schott and Co., 1920), pp. 3, 7, 11.
161Music analyzed by the writer at Library of Congress.









64
is easy to understand why Norman O'Neill was considered a composer of merit. The scores for both The Bluebird and Mary Rose, for example, possess a significant degree of interest and variety.

Although the philosophies and music discussed above do not in any way exhaust the available information relative to twentieth century European theatre, they serve as an indication of a general movement. In breaking with all past conventions, experimental theatres have been discovering new musical idioms and new methods for putting them to work. Along with the new task of supplementing philosophical and social treatises, music continues to fulfill the more conventional functions in the Comedie Francaise and other conservative theatres. Since the contemporary European theatre embodies elements from

past cultures, music often takes the shape of another period. This mingling of tradition and experimentation produces a multiplicity of purpose, and a variety of styles in writing and performance.


American Precedents
Music has been a part of theatre in the United States since early in the eighteenth century when the principal fare consisted of plays by the Restoration writers, Farqhuar, Otway, and Congreve.162 The actors

162Glenn Hughes, A History of the American Theatre,
1700-1950 (New York: Samuel Fench, 1951), pp. 1-r5, i.











presenting these plays were trained in England and must surely have brought with them English stage traditions, which included decorative songs. Box-office reports and budgets from early theatres support this conjecture with proof of the convention of music. One manager, whose intake for a performance was 136 pounds, paid 18 pounds for music, candles, doormen, billposters, dressers, properties,

and printing.163 There is further proof of the regular inclusion of music in the script of the first American play performed. Royall Tyler's The Contrast requires Marie to sing "Song of Aknomook'" in Act I and the

Yankee hero, Jonathan, sings "Yankee Doodle" in Act


Theatre orchestras and interspersed songs, borrowed from the British, continued to be conventional in the nineteenth century. While early managers often presented panoramas rather than plays with dialogue, even this form of theatre turned to music for additional enchantment, as shown in this announcement of a panorama:

Among the exhibition will be a new scene, prepared
for the occasion, called the Spirit of Painting and Music, in which the varieties of shade will be presented, changing with the music from the heaviest


163Ibid., P. 33.

164Arthur Hobson Quinn, Representative American Plays (New York: The Century Co., 1925), pp. 53-66.










to the lightest.165
In a discussion of panoramas on the frontier, Edmund Gagey includes this comment:

With the usual musical accompaniment, panoramas
gave views of the cities and scenery of California,
of the overland route to the West, . . . of local
historical events, . . . occaj gnally running to
10,000 feet of pictorial art.

In addition to the panoramas, the American theatre offered Romantic productions based on Indian lore and historical events. These made extensive use of music,167 as in the case of The Indian Princess, where Captain John Smith faces his doom to the accompaniment of music, and is freed after Powhatan deliberates to other, more plaintive strains.168 Music pervaded most of this native drama between 1800 and 1850 and references repeatedly suggest its use to create mood, suggest atmosphere, and increase suspense.169 That there was some attempt to exercise good taste, to use music to further the drama, is suggested by a reference to an 1807 production of John D. Turnbull's

165H. P. Phelps, Players of a Centuy (Albany: Joseph McDonnough Co., . ) 5 P 59.
166Edund Gagey, The San Francisco Stage (New York: Columbia University Press, 1950), p. 33.
167Richard Moody, America Takes the Stage (Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 1955), p. 27.
168Ibd., p. 88.

1691bid., pp. 32-168, passim.









67

Rudolph, which, Moody states, was " one of the first American plays to specify a sympathetic musical accompaniment."170

During the nineteenth century, the majority of

American theatre music was written in a popular, romantic idiom with frequent songs in the form of satires on European folk music. One composer of this music was Victor Pelissier, who, in addition to writing for the theatre and concert stage, published his own music in monthly periodical form, under the title Pelissier's Columbian Melodies, 1812.171 His compositions for theatre included

the plays: Adelgitha, Alzuma, or the Death of Pizarro, The Bridal Ring, The Deaf Lover, Glory of Columbia, The Lady of the Lake, The Merry Gardener, Sicilian Romance, The Tempest, and Valentine and Oroson.172 Pelisuier's theatre music parallels his other compositions in adherence to regular rhythm and a strict key sense. It is neither strikingly good nor bad, just competent work. Since there is not much variety in style, one sample may serve to exemplify Pelissier's composition. This excerpt is from "A Dance" as performed at the New

170Ibid., p. 190.

171Victor Pelissier, Pelissier's Columbian Melodies (12 vols., Philadelphia: G. Willig, 1i12).
172Card Files for Incidental Music, Library of Congress.











York Theatre in The Tale of Mistery.173


Fig. 7 -- Excerpt: "A Dance," The Tale of Mistery

Samples of theatre music by other nineteenth century composers reveal great similarity of style. On the whole, the music is nondescript, as though produced on an


I, 10.


173pelissier, Pelissier's Columbian Melodies,











assembly line. It is singable, danceable, and pleasant enough, but possesses no individuality to make one song or one composer's work readily distinguishable from another. Judging from existing samples, the quality of music did not improve during the century. Hoop of Gold, advertised in 1884, as the "greatest of modern melodramas," contained a pleasant number in march time, dedicated to a daughter who flirts and titled: "Mary, Come in and Shut the Door."174 In 1885, J. P. Skelly composed lyrics in a ballad style for the song "She's the Image of Her Mother" performed by the playwright Gus Williams in Oh, What a Night.175

Music bad a place of prominence in the nineteenth century American theatre. It served as a vehicle for popular entertainments, added suspense and atmosphere in melodramas, and gave continuity to panoramas. Paralleling

and imitating the styles of the theatre it served, this music was overly romantic and stereotyped. As in other periods, the art was adapted for a functional purpose.

No great change occurred in the styles or functions of music in the American theatre in 1900. In the first year of the century, Sidney Ellis wrote six sentimental and popular songs for the romantic comedy, Watch

174Written and composed by Percy B. Gaunt.

175cover title: Gus Williams' Now Songs.









70
on the Rhine.176 Music for George Ade's College Widow, produced in 1904, is typical of the period. Irene Berge's seven pages of waltz music display several moods and tempo, stated with simplicity and some variety. Excerpts from two waltzes follow:177





I- z J ,


Fig. 8 -- ,'xcer.t: "Valse," The College Widow









Fig. 9 -- Excerpt: "Piu mosso," The College Yidow

This music is unobtrusive, seemingly suitable for a pleasant

and noncommital background. When Belasco produced Girl of the Golden West in 1905, there was nothing of musical significance other than ". . . an orchestra of popular instruments including the concertina, the banjo, and the


1761ncidental Music Files, Library of Congress.

1771rene Berge, The College Widow Waltzes (New York: Witmark and Sons, 1904), pp. 3-4.










'bones' of oldtime minstrels."178 In 1907, the popular composer, Chauncey Olcott, was still writing the type of song for which he had been popular in 1896 and had written for plays such as The Minstrel of Clare (1896, A Romance of Athlope (1899), Old Limerick Town (1902), Eileen Asthore (1906), and O'Neill of Derry (1907).179 Richard Mansfield's 1906 production of Ibsen's Peer Gynt did not employ Grieg's music. A new score was composed by Clarence Lucas, excerpts of which are quoted:18o



T-7 f I.:,1
-









7IS



Fig. 10 - Excerpt: lumberr SonW.," eer Cynt


178Gorelik, New Theatres for Old, p. 165.

1791ncidental Music Files, Library of Congress.

180Clarence Lucas, "Slumber Song" and "Arabian
Dance," Peer Gynt (Cincinnati: John Church Co., 1906).






























FU 11 -- Excerpt: "Arabian Dance," Poor

Again, no particular individuality is shown in either the

lullaby or the dance and its only distinction is a vague sprinkling of Eastern flavor.

Gradually, with the first signs perceptible around 1910, theatre music worked free from stereotyped banality. When incidental music again took the form of the waltz in the Henry B. Harris production of Dolly Madison, 1911, there were noticeable marks of imagination in the introduction and several interludes of the Robert Hood Bower's score. The quotation from Dolly Madison includes the last measures of the introdution, intermittent passages, and the last measures of the conclusion:181

l8lRobert Hood Bowers, Dolly Madison Waltzes (New York: Jerome A. Remick and Co., 1911), pp. 1, 1, 5t 6, 9.








-& 73







Part I









Part ma









Part V









Conclusin -*i...

__v In
rkt -- 4E _- -


Fig. 12 -- Excerpt: WIt ses, DoI Madison










74.

All of these waltzes have more character and individuality than those written earlier for College Widow. They are not demanding of attention, but they do possess some musical body, not a mere collection of notes from a major chord, spaced in 3/4 rhythm. A distinguishable style was presented again in 1916 by Robert Hood Bower's compositions of popular songs for James B. Carson's Models Abroad. Four of the songs from the play were published. In the quoted passage from "I'd Do Anything For You" (reminiscent of a type of music popular in more recent years), there is evidence that the composer moved with certainty and some knowledge of musical exponents:182






_ j .. ..
0I












Fir. 13 - Excerpt:"I'ld Do Anythin ~ _r ou,b odels Abroad 182James B. Carson, "I'd Do Anything For You,"
(Piano Refrain excerpt) Models Abroad (New York: Witmark and Sons, 1916).











Progress was slow, however, and labored scores, such as Maurice Nitkets "Intermezzo" for Omar the Tentmaker, a 1915 production, continually made appearances.183
Noticeable and notable improvement had taken place in American theatre music by 1928. A striking example is Emerson WhLithorne's music for Eugene O'Neill's Marco Millions.184 Through the use of intervals of a half-tone, parallel fourths and fifths (outlawed in conventional harmony books), Whithorne obtained an Eastern mood of coldness and dignity. No sentiment Is suggested by this music, only the presence of Eastern formal art and austere mannerisms. There seems to be an attempt to pattern Oriental music, not to retouch Western music with Oriental flavoring.

A composer of acknowledged quality who first wrote for the theatre during the decade between 1910 and 1920 and continued to contribute to this functional art in the 193015 serves as a connecting link between the first of the century and later development. His music also serves as an example of the improved quality in theatre composition. The man is Deems Taylor (1885- ), whose theatre

183Muslc analyzed by the writer at the Library of Congress.
1814fsic analyzed by the writer at the Library of
Congress.









76
compositions include: The Adding Machine, Beggar on Horseback, Liliom, Casanovaand Lucrece. The caliber of these theatrical compositions is indicated by the fact that several have been adapted for instrumental ensembles and published for use outside the theatre. A list would include: Lucrece, suite for string quartet; ballet from Casanova and ballet from.Beggar on Horseback.185 Taylor's theatre music and philosophy are discussed along with those of other contemporary composers in Chapters IV and VI of this study.
Since 1930, music has escaped the conventionality and stereotype in which it had stagnated for almost two centuries. The years 1930-1955 are marked by experimentation, diminution, and at times, extinction of music. Generally, there is great individuality in the various styles and purposes of music in the American contemporary theatre.

Conclusions

Precedents discussed in this chapter have been

divided according to specific periods and theatres, with attention pointed to the dramatic function served by music in each. In both the Greek and Elizabethan theatres, a high degree of artistic integrity was apparent in the blending of music and drama; while on the Restoration,

185Personal interview with Deems Taylor, Composer and Music Critic, New York, February 15, 1956.










French Neo-Clausic, and Victorian stages the effect may have been as pleasing, the intent was less serious. American theatre borrowed from British traditions in the use of nusic as in other areas, and seldom before the twentieth century could samples of skillfully integrated music be found. Since 1900, both in Europe and the United States, there has been a growing tendency to re-evaluate music in terms of genuine dramatic purpose.

When a modern producer elects to present a play,

either new or from standard repertory, one of his decisions is whether or not to use music. Certainly he has many traditions to support the integration of music, whether it be for underscoring tragedy, illuminating character, establishing mood, bridging awkward gaps in staging or simply for adding decoration.













CHAPTER II


AMERICAN PROFESSIONAL THEATRE: 1930-1955

The dramatist, proclaims American playwright,
1
Elmer Rice, does not exist in a vacuum. He is a product of his time and is most effective and significant when he expresses and reflects the currents of thought and feeling that prevail in his society. For in an audience, Rice insists,
There is no time for reflection, no time to turn back the page, to view the image from more than one angle, to examine the texture of the material. What is not instantly grasped is forever lost. Hence, the dramatist, more than any other artist, must express himself in terms of the tempo and outlook of his era.
* . . he is the mirror of his times.

If this thesis is accepted, it is impossible to isolate

theatre from its social and economic surroundings, for full understanding of any theatre demands an awareness of the society mirrored by that theatre. Therefore, in order to appraise the position of music in contemporary American theatre, the relationship existing between our theatre and our general society-must be considered.

IElmer Rice, "American Theatre and the Human Spirit," Saturday Review, XXXVIII (December 17, 1955), 9-41.
2Ibid., p. 9.










Though some of its habits may be borrowed, our theatre is primarily an American institution. It is American in business practices, styles of acting, design, and choice of fare. When summarizing the past fifty years of our drama, Alan S. Downer alludes to this "Americanness" of the Broadway theatre as an established fact.3 A glance through play titles of the past twentyfive years indicates an interest in past cultures has merged with a concern for the social tenor of our own time. In addition to projecting the changing image of our society on the stage, Broadway has reflected these socio-economio changes in its business habits. Theatre has usually been operated by theatre-people, but in the 1920's a number of business men put money into show business hoping to double Investments. Gradually Big Business advanced from the status of an "angel" and theatrical speculator to a full-time employer. When, during the depression, it was necessary to develop a Work Project for unemployed theatrical workers or place them on already overcrowded relief rolls, the United States government served as a temporary boss for the


3Alan S. Downer, Pifty Years of American Drama,
1900-1950 (Chicagos Henry Regnery Co., 1951), p. 130.









80

theatre.4 By 1940, Federal Theatre had been abolished, and self-sufficient theatres were almost extinct. Since then, Big Business has maintained its monopolistic managership.

The theme of contemporary American theatre activities, on and off stage, can be stated in one word: change. This change has been motivated by (1) alterations in the socio-economic complexion of the United
States and (2) operational changes within the theatre. Since theatre can exist only within the framework of society, general conditions affecting its practices will be considered first.

An initially mild concern over the problems of
working people began to reach a climax in the late 1920's. Class-consciousness was the inevitable result
of the economic disparity that marked an era that paraded its wealth and ignored its poverty. While some people felt that high society's headlong rush between 1921 and 1927 would never end,5 and though sociologists describe the labor movement of the 1920's as lethargic,6 undercurrents of worker-consciousness were expressed in the


4Hallie Flanagan, Arena (New York: Duell, Sloan and Pearce, 1940).
5Harold Clurman, The Fervent Years (New York: Alfred A. Knopf, 1950), p. 20.
6C. H, Pegg et al., American Society and the
Chasing World (2d eT;ew Tork: F. S. crofts,, 1947), T. 409.











theatre. Elmer Rice's Adding Machine, written in 1923, presented a serious view of man's problems in a mechanized world. In 1926, a Workers' Drama League was formed in New York City, and the following year five young playwrights established the New Playwrights' Theatre which was devoted to the defense of the underprivileged. This trend continued, and by 1929 there were hundreds of dramatic clubs attached to foreign-born workers' organizations.7 These dramatic interests and efforts were at first unrelated in any way to American Professional Theatre. However, paralleling the rise of outstanding groups, such as the Workers' Laboratory Theatre (by 1932, a national league)
8
and the Theatre Union (1933), workers' problems appeared more and more frequently as subject matter for new plays on Broadway.

The most talked-about productions of plays with working class themes were those given by the Group Theatre, an organization started in 1931 by Harold Clurman, Lee Strasberg, and Cheryl Crawford. Stating that their technique was founded on life values, Clurman gives their philosophy in these words:
. . . interest in the life of our times must
lead us to the discovery of those methods that would moat truly convey this life through the

7Gorellk, New Theatres for Old, p. 400.

8Thid, pp. 4o2-4o3.











theatre. . . . The criterion of Judgment for what is good or bad in the theatre--be it in
plays, acting or staging--does not derive from some abstract standard of artistic or literary
excellence, but from a judgment of what is fitting--that is, humanly desirable--for a
particular audience.'

The Group Theatre stressed the importance of theatre values having a meaning of social import, thus setting it aside from the popular entertainment concept predominant in Broadway theatres.

The Group Theatre was a natural proving ground

for playwrights who were sensitive to lower- and middleclass living. Here they found sympathetic response to their themes and harmonious portrayal of their characters and situations. In fact, playwrights and actors grew up together philosophically, developing in the process an enthusiasm for a theatre based on human needs. 10 Clifford Odets, one of the young members, demonstrated a talent for creating social drama and became the principal playwright for the Group. Waiting forLeftl, a play based on a New York taxicab strike, was Odets' first revolutionary piece and was followed in quick succession by Awake and Sing, Paradise Lost, and Till the Day I Die.11 Odets had a close acquaintance with

9Clurman, The Fervent Years, pp. 33-34.
10 _bid, pp. 39-136.

11lHughes, A History of the American Theatre, p. 421.










the people and strifes he wrote about. He had lived in a dismal area of New York City, and, on many evenings during the worst winter of the depression, he and the Group's founder wandered through the "Village" blending their hopes and fears with those of other questioning, hungry Americans.12 The values stressed in Odets' plays not only satisfied the tenets of the Group Theatre; they were important to the audience as dramatizations of American living.
These years in the 1930ts,described by John Gassner as a period of social and cultural ferment, were pictured in four more plays by Odets, Golden Boy, Night Msic, Rocket to the Moon, and Clash by Night.13 Produced by the Group Theatre, these plays all dealt with middleclass people whose lives were filled with failures. Odets# often called the playwright of the 301s, was succeeded by another of the Group Theatre writers, William Saroyan, whose work was a dramatic response to the thinking and feeling about dominant social problems in the 190f's. The first of Saroyan's controversial plays, My Heart's in the Highlands, was presented by the Group in 1939.14 Other dramatic views of American life


12Clurman, The Fervent Years, pp. 113-120.

13Hughes, A History of the American Theatre, p. 422.

liClurmn, The Fervent Years, p. 264.











were drawn by Sidney Kingsley, also introduced by the Group Theatre. Not all of his plays dealt with failure in lower income groups, but they did treat social and psychological problems. Whether set in a hospital as Men in White or in the slums as Dead End, they displayed the strength of his belief in the "common man's courage and warmth." This tendency was further exemplified by 15
his later works, The World We Make and The Outward Room.

Mordecai Gorelik traces the class-consciousness that activated both the workers' theatres and the drama written for the Group Theatre through that whole decade of American playwriting. He contends there has always been a propaganda element in theatre, but seldom such a direct call to action as that found during the 1930's in the theatre's interpretation of the workers' problem.16 Another drama critic, Barrett H. Clark, alludes to the economic problems that faced the playwrights with the disappearance of experimental theatres and with producers' ever-increasing desire for commercial success. And yet, according to Mr. Clark, American drama of the depression decade, supplied by a large number of competent writers,

15John Gassner, A Treasury of the Theatre: from Henrik Ibsen to Arthur Miller (rev. ed., New York: Simon and Schuster, 1950), pp. 751-782.
16Gorelik, New Theatres for Old, p. 408.









85
was "very much alive."17 Descriptions of the sudden change in look and atmosphere that came over New York City with the depression resemble a part of the Cinderella legend, when at midnight all the heroine's bright costume turns into dull, patched workclothes. Broadway in the 1930's shifted sets to match the new mood of its audience and the new drama growing from it.

Class-consciousness developed into class concern. Wall Street crashed in 1929 and Broadway tumbled in 1930. Fifty fewer plays were produced in 1930-1931, and the number continued to dwindle with each new season. The theatre no longer portrayed the struggles of society; it fought to survive those struggles, and preserve that society. Art has always been classified as a luxury in America, and when the people who supported it were too bankrupt to afford it, thousands of musicians, painters, actors* writers, and stagehands were suddenly out of work. Actors' Equity lists included 5,000 unemployed actors in New York City, and when workers in allied skills throughout the United States were added to the list, the estimate grew to a probable 20,000 to 30,000 unemployed theatrepeople.18 As a result, producers were as bankrupt as

17Barrett H. Clark, A Study of the Modern Drama (New York: D. Appleton-Century Co., 1930), pp. L12-M4.

18Flanagan, Arena, p. 20.










lumberyard owners, stock and vaudeville succumbed under the economic pressure, and most theatres except those operated by workers' groups were empty.19

In an attempt to cure the national malady of unemployment, Congress passed the first Relief Act on March 31, 1933, and the following November, the Civil Works Administration was established for the purpose of creating 4,000,000 jobs for men and women in desperate need. Nine weeks later, more than 4,200,000 of the unemployed were put to work. In 1935, Congress replaced the CWA with the Works Progress Administration. Under this arrangement only employables were to be taken from relief rolls, and work was to be offered to them within their own skills and tThe Federal Theatre Project evolved as a part of this plan, its purpose being to replace relief and to rebuild individual self-respect by letting a man earn his food and shelter.21

Records for the New York Theatre project, as of
December 28, 1935, list 3,350 workers. Sixty per cent of the number were actors, ten to fifteen per cent were stagehands and technicians, and five to ten per cent were


19Hughes, A Histor of the American Theatre, p. 419.

2Flanagan, Arena, p. 16.

21id. #ppe 18-52.








87
newspapermen and playwrights. The other twenty per cent were ushers, porters, box-office employees, business managers, and office clerks.22 These people operated in six New York City theatres, each devoted to a particular type of production including the living newspaper, popular
price, negro, and experimental.23
By May, 1936, there were more than 12,000 people on Federal Theatre payrolls, and almost half of them were working in New York City. Concomitantly, hundreds of thousands of people were seeing theatre, and paying no more per ticket than the price of a neighborhood movie.21
Government and theatre business methods seemed to form a natural antithesisand the necessary compromises

with government procedures caused many delays in production, The national director, in writing of the tangles in red tape explains that
. . 0 these were not struggles between adversaries.
W.P.A. officials wanted the projects to work as much
as we did. . . . It was a struggle in which all of us were trying to bend R vernment machinery to the
needs of show business.

221bid.,� p. 55.

231bid., p. 62.

24hghes A History of the American Theatre, p. 424.

25Flanagan, Aren, p. 53.










Major differences in procedure were ironed out early in 1936, and New Yorkers first heard the rumor: "Uncle Sam has a hit on his hands."26 Willson Whitman's documented study of Federal Theatre gives the following account of early productions;

The Federal Theatre presentation of T. S. Eliot's
Murder in the Cathedral first surprised the critics
by being a good production, and then amazed all observers by playing to capacity houses. Next,
Just to prove it wasn't accident, the new government enterprise scored another hit by producing Shakespeare in Harlem. A third success was an experimental production, in a technique new to America, dealing with an abstract problem in a political economy--the Living Newspaper which
drew crowds in sate of the title "Triple-A
Ploughed Under."

The swift, simple dramatization of facts, presented in the living newspaper with the color and snap of a revue sketch, appealed to audience and critic. Brooks Atkinson referred to the new form as a " . . . dynamic contribution to the technique of the theatre," and Burns Mantle called it " . . . the most vital idea which has entered the American Theatre in years."28 The Literary D reported, May, 1936: "The greatest producer of hits is the Federal Government. It has four smashing

26Willson Whitman, Bread and Circuses (New York: Oxford University Press, 1937), p. 3.
27Ibid., p. 14.

28Ibid.




Full Text

PAGE 1

A Study of Music as an Integral Part of the Spoken Drama in the American Professional Theatre: 1930-1955 By MAY ELIZABETH BURTON A DISSERTATION PRESENTED TO THE GRADUATE COUNCIL OF THE UNIVERSITY OF FLORIDA IN PARTIAL FULFILMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY UNIVERSITY OF FLORIDA August, 1956

PAGE 2

PREFACE This is a study of why and how music is integrated with spoken drama in the contemporary American professional theatre. Very little has been written on the subject, so that knowledge of actual practices is limited to those people who are closely associated with commercial theatre-composers, producers, playwrights, and musicians. Therefore, a summation and analysis of these practices will contribute to the existing body of knowledge about the contemporary American theatre. It is important that a study of the 1930-1955 period be made while it is still contemporary, since analysis at a later date would be hampered by a scarcity of detailed production records and the tendency not to copyright and publish theatre scores. Consequently, any accurate data about the status of music in our theatre must be gathered and recorded while the people responsible for music integration are available for reference and correspondence. Historically, the period from 1930 to 1^55 is important because it has been marked by numerous fluctuations both in society and in the theatre. There are evidences of the theatre's ability to serve as a barometer of social and economic conditions. A comprehension of the ii

PAGE 3

degree and manner in which music has been a part of the theatre not only will provide a better under standing of the relationship between our specific theatre idiom and society, but suggests the degree to which it differs from that fostered by previous theatre cultures. Another reason for undertaking this study is to be able in some fashion to predict the future use of music in the American theatre. Will it become better integrated or disappear altogether? It is hoped that the study will be of some value to directors desiring Information about ways of using music In productions. Finally, and most Important, this study, by isolating a phase of theatre, can enlarge the understanding of theatre as a whole. To understand completely the integration of music in theatre since 1930, both qualitatively and quantitatively, this study first considers outside pressures which may influence the use of music. Foremost among these is convention. Other factors are the theatre's social and economic structure during a given period and the general popularity of music in society. Finally, by looking at the productions in which music is used and by analyzing and comparing the types of plays, the musical Idioms, and instrumentation, one can determine the status of music in contemporary theatre and approximate the worth of that music. iii

PAGE 4

For purposes of consistency, certain terms should be clarified. Throughout this study, the term "theatre” is used in referring to professional productions of spoken drama. Certainly, opera and musical comedy are theatre, but this study deals only with that theatre of which music is an integral, but not a major part. In theatrical circles, the terms "integrated" and "incidental" are often used interchangeably. For the sake of specificity, the point of view taken in this study is that when music serves a dramatic or theatrical purpose it is integrated, though it may be referred to by the trade, the Union, and the critics as incidental. The trade tends to label music in any show that is not a musical, "incidental," with no thought of the use or value of that music. When the Musicians' Union classifies a production as "straight with incidental music" or as a "play with music," they judge in terms of quantity, not purpose. This study adheres to the contention that music may be incidental by these standards and yet be an integral part of a production. The total number of minutes of music in a production is not the factor which determines the degree of integration. If this is a degree which can be measured at all, it is measured in terms of the position of music in the particular production, or in terms of the nature of the music and its ultimate contribution to the production. iv

PAGE 5

ACKNOWLEDGMENTS The progress and completion of this study have depended on the guidance, understanding, and cooperation of many people. Sincere appreciation is expressed to the faculty members who directed this work, librarians who aided in finding data, and to all those who gave of their time in personal interviews and correspondence. A special degree of gratitude is felt for the encouragement, patience, and direction of the Chairman of the Supervisory Committee, Professor H. P. Constans. Equal thanks are extended to Professor Leland L. Zimmerman for his careful counsel during many stages of planning and writing. Gratitude is also expressed to other members of the Supervisory Committee: Professors Lester L. Hale, T. Walter Herbert, C. A. Robertson, David Stryker, and <7. Clark Weaver for advice and constructive criticism. Other faculty members whose assistance the writer wishes to acknowledge are: Professors Robert Bolles, Dallas C. Dickey, Didier Graeffe, and Miss Mickle Newbill, who have assisted with technical matters. Particular appreciation is expressed to George Freedley of the New York Public Library Theatre Collections and two members of his staff, Mrs. Elizabeth Barrett and v

PAGE 6

William Matthews for assistance in planning interviews and locating data. Gratitude is acknowledged to members of the Library of Congress Music Division staff: Edward N. Waters, Assistant Director and Frank Campbell. Mrs. Mary Myers, copyright information office, also assisted in locating music scores. Recordings analyzed were heard through the courtesy of Thomas J. Valentino, Valentino, Inc., New York City. Special data were obtained through Walter N. McNamara, Public Relations Director of the American Society of Composers, Authors, and Publishers, and William Ten Nyce, Secretary of the Authors* League of Drama Guild. Vital assistance was received from composers, critics, playwrights, and producers in the New York Professional Theatre who graciously opened their files of compositions or gave time for interviews or correspondence as evidenced in many parts of this text. (Names of interviewees and correspondents appear in the Bibliography, pages 410 and 4H). The writer desires to acknowledge her gratitude to the Graduate School of the University of Florida for a Fellowship which enabled her to complete necessary research. To Mary Joy Breton and others who have worked patiently and accurately on the practical problems of producing the manuscript, the writer wishes to state her appreciation. vi

PAGE 7

TABLE OP CONTENTS Page PREFACE ii ACKNOWLEDGMENTS v LIST OP CHARTS ix LIST OP ILLUSTRATIONS x Chapter I. PRECEDENTS: EUROPEAN AND AMERICAN 1 Greek Theatre: 500 B. C. , 1 Elizabethan Theatre: Music As A Functional Art 18 Restoration Theatre: Music and Drama, A Double Bill 38 French Theatre: Seventeenth Century .... I 4.7 The Veil of Music in Victorian Theatre ... 5 1 Twentieth Century European and British Highlights 56 American Precedents 6 l; Conclusions 76 II. AMERICAN PROFESSIONAL THEATRE: 1930-1955 ... 78 III. RISE, FALL, AND RESURGENCE OF MUSIC IN CONTEMPORARY AMERICAN THEATRE 109 Tendencies Promoting the Use of Music. ... 110 Factors Curtailing the Use of Music 1 )|)| The Present Status 161; vii

PAGE 8

TABLE OP CONTENTS Continued Chapter Pag© IV. BEHIND THE SCENES: WORKING PHILOSOPHIES ... 156 Playwrights 16 7 Producers I 7 I 4 . Directors 179 Music Contractors 181+ Composers 186 Critics 222 Conclusions 227 V. DIVERGENT OPINIONS 230 The Writing of Integrated Musical Fragments 232 Supplementary Compositions 2l+3 A Mixture of Methods 254 Summary. 257 VI. CATEGORIES AND ANALYSES 260 Music and Realistic Dramas. ........ 261+ Music In Non-Reallstic (Expressionistic ) Drama 271 Music in Revivals 3 L+I Foreign Acquisitions. .... 366 VII. AN INTERPRETATION 382 APPENDIX 389 BIBLIOGRAPHY 399 BIOGRAPHICAL ITEMS ^12 viii

PAGE 9

LIST OP CHARTS Chart 1. New York Productions with Integrated Music . . 2. Musicians’ Wage Scales — Effective Labor Day, 1955 lx Page . 118 . 151

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LIST OP ILLUSTRATIONS Figure Page 1. Dorian Mode 13 2. Phrygian Mode 13 3. It Was a Lover and His Lass 27 1|. 0 Mistresse Mine 28 5. A Soldier and a Sailor I4.6 6 . Motif from Mary Rose 63 7. Excerpt: "A Dance," A Tale of Mlstery 68 8 . Excerpt: "Valse," The College Widow 70 9. Excerpt: "Piu mosso," The College Widow . ... 70 10 . Excerpt: "Slumber Song," Peer Gynt 71 11. Excerpt: "Arabian Dance," Peer Gynt 72 12. Excerpt: Waltzes, Dolly Madison 73 13. Excerpt: "IÂ’d Do Anything for You," Models Abroad 7 ^ li|. Excerpt: Wind music, Ondlne 235 15. Flute glissando, Ondlne 235 16. KingÂ’s music from Ondlne 237 17. Excerpt: "Waltz for Andy and the Lion," Androcles and the Lion 237 18 . "Fanfare" from Antony and Cleopatra 238 19. Excerpt: "Variations on a Gregorian Theme," Another Part of the Forest 2U1 x

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LIST OP ILLUSTRATIONS Continued Figure Pag© 20. Excerpts: "Prologue,” Lucrece Suite 245 21. Excerpts: "Spinning Song," Lucrece Suite . . . 248 22. Excerpts: "Finale," Lucrece Suite 2^0 23. Excerpt: "Ben’s Theme," Death of a Salesman . . 293 24. Excerpt: "Willy's Theme," Death of a Salesman . 294 25. Excerpt: "Grandfather's Theme,” Death of a Salesman 296 26. Music for the off-stage crash, Death of a Salesman 297 27. Song 1, Roll, Sweet Chariot 3°7 28. Song 3, Roll, Sweet Chariot 3°8 29. Song 10, Roll, Sweet Chariot 309 30 . Song 19, Roll, Sweet Chariot 31° 31 . Song 25, Roll, Sweet Chariot 31° 32. Song 26, Roll, Sweet Chariot 3H 33 . Music Cue 1, The Grass Harp 314 34. Music Cue 2, The Grass Harp 315 35. Final measures. Cue 2, The Grass Harp 317 36 . Opening and closing measures, The Grass Harp . . 318 37 . Excerpt: "Music Box Gavotte," Angel in the Pawnshop 324 38 . Excerpt: "Overture," Teahouse of the August Moon 330 39 . Sakini’s entrance. Teahouse of the August Moon . 332 xi

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LIST OP ILLUSTRATIONS Continued Figure Page 40. Excerpt: "Lotus Blossom Theme," Teahouse of the August Moon 33I4. 41. Excerpt: "Teahouse Music," Teahouse of the August Moon 336 42. Excerpt: "Wrestling Music," Teahouse of the August Moon 337 43» Excerpt: "Farewell Music," Teahouse of the August Moon 338 44« Excerpt: Variation of "Teahouse Music," Tea house of the August Moon 340 45 • Music Cue 10, Julius Caesar (Blltzstein) . . , , 346 46. Music Cue 10A, Romeo and Juliet (Engel) .... 348 47. Music Cue 16, Macbeth (Engel) 349 48. Music Cue 63 , Hamlet (Engel) 350 49. Excerpt: "The Foppington Gavotte," The Re lapse 352 50. Excerpt: "The Rake's Repentance," The Re lapse 353 51. Excerpt: (Lord Foppington 's Ditty," The Re lapse 354 52. ’Carmagnole," Danton's Death 356 53. "Ah, Ca ira," Danton's Death 357 54. Excerpt: "Roar," Androcles and the Lion (Blitzstein) 359 55. Alice Motif, "Boat Song," Alice in Wonderland . 362 56. Excerpt: "Mirror Music," Alice in Wonderland . 36 2 57. Excerpt: "Pool of Tears," Alice in Wonderland . 363 xii

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CHAPTER I PRECEDENTS: EUROPEAN AND AMERICAN Music and drama have as sinned a variety of characteristics in their relationship, thus giving modern directors many conventions to follow or Ignore when utilizing music in dramatic productions* Since the two art forms were first integrated in early theatrical rituals, a drama dominated pattern has persisted in alloting to music the task of enhancing and amplifying performances. The Greek, Elizabethan, Restoration, French NeoClassic, German Romantic, English Victorian and American Melodramatic theatres have all made use of music, though more information is available about the relationship in Greek, Elizabethan, and Restoration periods. An examination of these precedents reveals the Greek Theatre of the fifth century, B.C. gave a more proportionate balance to music and drama than they usually receive in modern theatres. Greek Theatre: 500 B.C . Only inconclusive fragments of Greek music are

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2 *1 p extant and authorities, such as A. E, Haigh, Sheldon 3 h Cheney, and Allardyce Nicoll 4 have been forced to speculate as to the exact nature and function of the music performed with Greek drama. All seem to agree that music was important and most of them agree with A. M. Dale who says, "We, who have never seen Greek dance nor heard Greek music, can never hope to recreate the living whole. This prominence of music in the Attic drama is also stressed by Oates and OÂ’Neill who state in their introduction to The Complete Greek Drama , "Every effort has been made to impress upon the reader the extreme importance of the musical element 6 in the Greek plays." Another scholar, E. P. Watling, implies that Greek drama contained more musical than dramatic elements, explaining that the first plays of ^A. M, Dale, The Lyric Metres of Greek Drama (Cambridge: University Press, l^d) , p. 1^4. p A. E. Haigh, The Tragic Drama of the Greeks (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1896). ^Sheldon Cheney, The Theatre --Three Thousand Years of Drama, Acting, and Stagecraft (iJew York: Wo'r Publishing Co., 1646). b Allardyce Nicoll, Masks. Mimes, and Miracles (New York; Harcourt, Brace and Co. , 1931 ) . -Â’Dale, The Lyric Metres of Greek Drama , p. 1 ^Whitney J. Oates and Eugene OÂ’Neill, Jr. (eds.), The Complete Greek Drama (2 vols.. New York: Random House. TWJTnr^TTT

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3 Aeschylus had scarcely more dramatic element than that found In the modern oratorio.^ The strength of the musical component in the Athenian theatre can be traced directly to the games and religious worship of the populace. Before the days of the festival known as the City Dionysios, accompanied chants or "nomoi" were used in honor of various gods. Special forms of these chants weres ( 1 ) "dithyramb," a wild and boisterous chant to the god, Dionysos, (2) "paean," used in worship of Apollo, the god of music, ( 3 ) "prosodies," marchlike chants which accompanied any religious procession, and ( 4 ) "threnodies," the most primitive of the chants, used as a lament.^ In Homeric days, worship centered around open air altars and consisted mainly of the enjoyment of song and dance to the accompaniment of pipe and lyre. These spontaneous games and dances eventually developed into huge national festivals. In spite of the national scope, simplicity was stressed at Greek Festivals, even in the choice of instrumentation. The combination of strings, wind, and percussions, beloved by the ancient civilizations, was no ^E. F. Watling, Sophocles, The Theban Plays (Harmondsworth-Middlesex: Penguin Books, 19f>2), p. loT O °Howard D. McKinney and W. R. Anderson, Music in History (New York: American Book Company, 1940), pp. 60-69.

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k longer employed. Instead, one or two aulol (ancient flutes) supplied the music for the sixteen to twenty-four choristers and dancers. The cithara (a stringed Instrument) Is thought to have been used for dance and the aulos for singing. This early music was entirely religious in character. The instruments played either in unison with the single melody of the choristers or an octave above them, and only occasionally used a simple variation of the theme. 9 There is strong evidence that music was a part of Greek culture before the development of festivals or drama. According to music historian Donald N. Ferguson, the Greeks believed their music, like their race, had a divine origin. 10 The word music (mousike) is of Greek derivation and originally meant "of the muses." Ferguson states that the term . • . was applied to a combination of poetry, music, and dancing, of which poetry was considered the ruler, music an accompaniment, and dancing an integral part and not a mere spectacle. 11 Music was so intimately related to the language of the Greeks that a history of their poetry is almost a history of Greek music. 12 Concerning the relationship of poetry 9 Ibld . , p. 71. 10 Donald N. Ferguson, A History of Musical Thought (New York: Appleton, Century~and Crof ts ,""Tnc'. , pp. 1112 • 1 1 Ibid . t p. 12. 12 Mc Kinney and Anderson, Music in History , p. 66.

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5 and music. Professor Ferguson explains: Having the pattern of pitch and rhythm, the Greek language possessed the rudiments of an art of music. The actual music of the Greeks, therefore, grew out of their speech by intensifying or more sharply defining characteristics of their speech. Greek accent in both language and music differed from that employed in modern English, since the Greeks cultivated an accent of loudness rather than an accent of pitch . This accent of pitch was as obligatory for proper speech as is our dynamic aocent. It should be noted, however, that this was not an emotional emphasis as pitch changes in our language usually are. For singing, the pattern of melody was governed in some measure by the pitch accent of the words to which the melody was set. The rhythmic character of Athenian speech was also different from that of English, being a distinction by duration, not character. More time was required to say a word with a long vowel in Greek than a word (of the same number of letters) with a short vowel. ^ it is evident from the following description by Professor Ferguson that the duration accent of Greek speech carried over into poetry: ^Ferguson, A History of Musical Thought , p. 12. Ik 4 Ibid., pp. 32-33.

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6 Poetic feet, in Greek, were patterns of long and short syllables not marked by any dynamic stress. . . . Greek speech and especially Greek verse had thus an intrinsic pattern of time— the primary basis of musical rhythm. ^5 According to Haigh, . . . the metres of the ancient lyrical poetry were practically identical with the rhythms of ancient music. ... It was the rule in Greek vocal music that there should be an accurate and harmonious correspondence between the words and the melody; and that each syllable of the poem should answer, in almost every case, to a single note of the music. 1° With each syllable answering to a note, and with vowels of long and short duration, the rhythm of the verse would of necessity govern the rhythm of the music. This is not true of English songs of the twentieth century. Contrasting the two styles, Haigh goes on to state: The modern habit of setting verses to a tune of totally different cadence, and of founding trills and runs upon a single syllable, would have been regarded with disfavour by the Greeks, as tending to obscure the meaning of the poetry, and to subordinate it to the mere pleasure of s ound . 1 ' When examining these and other theories governing musical elements, it becomes apparent that rhythm in both music and poetry meant more to the Greeks than melody. Quintilian ^rbid. l6 Haigh, The Tragic Drama of the Greeks , p. 18. 17 Ibid.

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7 said that rhythm is masculine and should be the leader, while melody is feminine and should follow. 10 This idea parallels the Greek definition of mousike ”, . . of which poetry was . , . the ruler, music an accompaniment. . . . ,,1< ^ An understanding of the rhythmic and melodic elements of poetry and music clarifies the position of music in dramatic performances. This relationship can be clarified further by some knowledge of the instruments used to accompany performances. In writings about Greek music there are references to the lute, aulos, lyre, and cithara. Of the four , the aulos seems to be the most closely connected with festivals and choral singing. 20 Most sources mention the aulos as an instrument used in accompanying the human voice and the lyre as accompanying the dance. Some few mention the two together as though they may have both been used to accompany the chorus of the dithyrambs and of the dramas, but it seems probable that the aulos was the more important instrument in their drama. The theory of the aulos as an accompanying instrument for singing supports the concept l8 Cited in McKinney and Anderson, Music in Historv p. 91. ' — ** 1 9 Ibld . , p. 66. 20 Ferguson, A History of Musical Thought , p. 11.

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8 of simplicity of form and unity of style between poetry and music. Being a wind instrument, the aulos would complement and re-enforce the human voice, whereas the strings, even in unison with the voices, would introduce an alien timbre and thus add contrast (an element of delight in modern music) to the voices of the chorus or 21 individual actors. Greek dramatic productions included both solo and choral singing. In his handbook on Classical Drama, P. W. Harsh writes that most of the choral songs, called stasima, served three purposes in Greek theatre: ( 1 ) to build up the tragic atmosphere, ( 2 ) to modulate the tone of the play, and ( 3 ) to bring relief from overcharged emotions. Harsh states that the chorus might enter chanting anapests, but usually in Attic drama they began with the first lyric immediately. This chanting style used for the often recurring anapestic lines is akin to the modern style of singing known as recitative . 22 In their speculations, scholars do not always agree on details of performance. For example, in McKinney and Anderson’s volume. Music in History , the description of the chorister’s entrance ignores the idea of the first lyric, PI c Cheney, The Theatre — Three Thousand Years of Drama, Acting, and Stagecraft , p. 7Ti op “Philip Whaley Harsh, A Handbook of Classical Drama (Stanford, California: Stanford University Press, 1920), p. 12 .

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stating positively: 9 After a spoken prologue came the parados or chorus entrance, an impressive procession led by coryphees and accompanied by aulos players, • • • The rhythm of this entrance was that of a march, and the words sung were always anapestic, • • • [The chorusj commented from time to time in solemn chant, lively song or graceful dance. Episodes were interspersed with stasima or musical chants. ^3 Most of the choral songs were responsive in that chorus members sang a verse (strophe) and an answer (antistrophe). The "commus," a lyric passage sung by an actor or actors and the chorus, sometimes took the place of the "stasimon." Intricate meters distinguish the "stasimon” and "commus," whereas the spoken passages of the episodes were written in Iambic trimeter, a close equivalent to iambic pentameter or blank verse In English. 2 ^ For moments of great excitement, trochaic lines of seven and a half feet, "tetrameter catalectic, " were used. Aristotle, in the Poetics , called this the excited "dancing" meter of satyric tragedy. 2 ^ Tetrameter catalectic was sometimes delivered as a recitative and sometimes it was accompanied by the aulos. Greek music changed its characteristics along with changes which mark the evolution of Greek drama. As the 23 McKinney and Anderson, Music in History , p. 79 . 2k Oates and O'Neill, The Complete Greek Drama. I, xx 25 S. H. Butcher, Aristotle's Theorv Fj,ne Art (i*th ed. ; London! MacMillan and So' p. l3. of Poetry and . , Ltd. , 1932 ) ,

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10 number of choral passages diminished, the music for them became more human and elaborate, more expressive of passions and emotions. With this change, new patterns of rhythm and melody, patterns unlike those of speech, were introduced into musical passages and individual actors were given more lines to sing. For example, in the dramas of Euripides, when an emotion was expressed by one of the heroines, a regular dramatic rhythm gave P6) place to one more adaptable for lyric singing. In discussing these changes, A. E. Haigh writes: A further symptom of the decline of the chorus, and of its gradual conversion Into a musical interlude, is to be found In the style and language of the choral odes. The earlier lyrics of Euripides are masterpieces of graceful beauty and Imaginative power; but in those which belong to his later period the execution, on the whole, is far less perfect. In spite of numerous brilliant exceptions, there is a general tendency, in these later compositions, to subordinate sense to sound, and to think more of the music than of the language. 2 * It would seem, then, that as the subject matter moved from the national deities or heroes to ordinary people, playwrights felt a need to maintain a strong emotional element and leaned more heavily on music. Statements in CiceroÂ’s Tusculan Disputations indicate the Greek audience responded readily to the moods of choral and 26 McKinney and Anderson, Music In History , p. 8l. 2 ?Haigh, The Tragic Drama of the Greeks , p. 25U.

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11 nO other music. ° There is one more area of knowledge which helps clarify the function of music in the Greek theatre. Besides their concern with aesthetics and emotional aspects of sound, the Greeks were interested in the physics of sound. The two interests are not as far removed from each other as may at first be imagined. An understanding of the physical aspects of sound production makes possible a more accurate plotting of music in terms of aesthetics and emotional values. Pythagoras, a Greek mathematician, was the first to explain proportion in music; the first to explain the relationship of length and size of strings and hollow tubes and the pitch produced by them. The unit devised by Pythagoras was the tetrachord (tetra, meaning four, and chord, meaning the gut from which strings were made) --a unit used in a varied form in modern musical systems. There were three kinds of tetrachords: diatonic, chromatic, and enharmonic. In Greek music, the diatonic seemed to be the most important or the most popular of the three. It was perhaps the most popular in the theatre too, since there are definite references to support the frequent use of the Phrygian and Dorian modes — both based P 3 Harsh, A Handbook of Classical Drama , p. 12. 29 McKinney and Anderson, Music in History , pp. 6668 •

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12 on the diatonic tetrachord. Even though the chromatic and enharmonic tetrachords, which consisted of intervals of one and a half tones, half tones, and quarter tones, were in disfavor with musical purists, the chromatic tetrachord was used to some extent in dramatic music . ^ Any of the three tetrachords would seem suitable for tragedy since they are all downward moving scales. 33 Each of these modes is a series of whole and half steps; the same intervals used in modern diatonic scales. There was no simultaneous combination of tones in Greek music; therefore, the interval progression was of obvious importance. The sequence of intervals in the Dorian mode falls into a regular pattern of two whole steps, followed by a half step or two long and one close (or short) interval. In the Phrygian mode the pattern is whole, half, whole, whole. Generally a succession of tones with small differences in pitch causes a keener sensation in the hearer than tones spaced further apart . 34 3°Haigh, The Tragic Drama of the Greeks , pp. 18, l42» 37o. 31 Albert E. Weir (ed.). The Macmillan Encyclopedia of Music and Musicians (New York! Macmillan "Co. , 1 ^ 38 ) , — p. 712. 3 2 Halgh, The Tragic Drama of the Greeks , p. I 4 .ll. ^McKinney and Anderson, Music in History , p. 89 . 3*+Ibld.. p. 90.

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For example, Oriental scales follow a pattern in which the distance between tones is smaller than the half-step, thus producing music which has an air of mysticism and charm. The two Greek modes under discussion appear below in modern ‘ notation: Fif. 1 — Dorian Mode Fig. 2 — Phrygian Mode The importance placed on the quality of the various Greek modes can be gauged by statements in Plato’s Republic , Book III, which outlaws the Ionian and the Lydian modes because their melodies and harmonies were too relaxed. ^ The Dorian and Phrygian were kept by Plato, who wanted a single warlike harmony. In his words, one capable of sounding v . . . the note or accent which a brave man utters in the hour of danger and stern resolve, or when his cause is failing, and he is going to wounds or death or is overtaken by some other evil, and at every crisis meets the blows of fortune with firm step and a determination to endure; and ^Rupert Hughes and Deems Taylor, Music Lover's Encyclopedia (New York: Garden Citv PublishTricr Cc. . Tne.. I93^), pu. 762-7614. 36 B. Jowett (trans.). The Dialogues of Plato (2 vols. New York: Random House, 1937 )“ 662.

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another [harmony] to be used by him in times of peace and freedom of action, when there is no pressure of necessity, and he is seeking to persuade God by prayer, or man by instruction and admonition. . . , j ( Later in the discussion, Plato made the following request: These two harmonies I ask you to leave; the strain of the unfortunate and the strain of the fortunate, the strain of courage and the strain of temperance; these I say, leave. 3° The Dorian mode, with its sense of dignity, could complement passages such as those in Oedipus Rex , when the king assures his people that he will find and destroy the cause of their plague. Choral passages relating the woes of the populace could be effectively done in the more emotional Phrygian mode. Later in the drama, when Oedipus has found the cause in himself and tears out his eyes, the Phrygian mode could be used "... to sound the note or accent which a brave man utters in the hour of . . . stern resolve, ..." In thinking of the integration of music and drama in the Athenian theatre, the similarity between the rhythms and melody found in speech and music must be considered along with the emotional functions of the tetrachords. Not only were the rhythm and melody of music governed by the poetry, but the choice of mode was also governed by 3 7 Ibld . , p. 663.

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15 it, since melody in music depended, at least until the days of Euripides, on the pitch accent of the words for which it was written. Because modes were distinguished from each other by patterns of small and large intervals between individual tones, the pitch pattern of some poetry demanded a particular mode. Even in the case of modes which are thought of primarily in terms of emotional power, there is a closeness to language which cannot and does not exist between the musical scale of our civilization and the English language. Sinoe the Greeks considered music to have a divine origin and since it developed early in their culture, the study of music was a natural part of their education. In discussing the philosophies underlying their culture, McKinney and Anderson explain the significance of the term musician. In their society the musician was ... a well-rounded individual rather than a specialist. The study of music with the Greeks meant a training in singing and playing, dancing and verse. It was considered to be the backbone of education and to be closely associated with ethical and moral principles. 39 Poets always wrote music as well as lines for their dramas .^ 0 A Greek playwright-director of the fifth century B.C. would have been lost without a sound training 3 ^Mc Kinney and Anderson, Music in History , p. 67. ^°Ibld. , p. 78.

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16 In music and dancing. Evidence of this is found in Ban quet of the Learned , where Sophocles is said to have been . . . proficient in dancing and music, while still a lad, under the instruction of Lamprus. After the battle of Salamis, ... he danced to the accompaniment of his lyre round the Trophy, . . . and when he brought out, the Thramyris he played the lyre himself.** 1 Further indication of these multiple skills can be found in vase paintings. One, a vase dating from the youth of Sophocles, shows boys being taught to read, write, recite poetry, sing to the aulos and play the lyre.** 2 Sophocles was, in all probability, a careful student of music, for he not only wrote music for his plays, but experimented with this music. He was the first to employ Phrygian^ music in tragedy. ^ The work of Euripides as a composer is partially removed from conjecture by the fact that one of the few fragments of Greek music extant is from the Orestes of Euripides.^ The choral passages of Aeschylus, ^A. M. Nagler, Sources of Theatrical History (New York: Theatre Annual, Inc., 1^52), p. 7. ^McKinney and Anderson, Music in History , p. 67. ^The dithyramb, probably an importation from Phrygia, was naturally sung to melodies of that state. When the tragic drama developed, the more dignified music of the Doric islands was used for the choral passages. Haigh, The Tragic Drama of the Greeks , pp. 1 [|18 . ^Ibld . , p. 11|2. ^Dale, The Lyric Metres of Greek Drama , p. 194,

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17 the first dramatist of note, display great luxuriance of rhythms, suggesting that symmetry of form in uniting poetry and music must have been one of his particular skills.^ Professor Haigh attributes to Aeschylus n . • • frequent varieties of measure in the same ode, I and even in the same strophe; . . , H Even the minor poet, Agathon, established a new precedent by using the chromatic scale on the tragic stage. In spite of the many contrasts between our theatre and the Greek theatre, theories and facts included in scholarly speculation show a parallel between our current philosophy of the place of music in the drama and the practices of the Greeks, Prom the evidence obtainable we assume that music and poetry were always combined in Greek theatre. Although this closely knit relationship no longer exists, music continues to perform some of the functions assigned to it in Greek drama: to build atmosphere, establish tempo, and relieve tensions as well as to underscore the dialogue of the human voice. 46 47 48 Haigh, The Tragic Drama of the Greeks . Ibid. p. 376. Ibid. , p. 411

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Elizabethan Theatre: Music As A functional Art 18 Vigorous and theatrical, the Elizabethan period established an influential convention in the method of integrating music with spoken drama. Music as a part of English drama, can be traced from the origins of that drama in the medieval church, where music was supplied by priests and choirs. ^ When performances for festivals became an annual community activity, municipal and guild musicians furnished the accompaniment for mystery cycle dramas. During the sixteenth century, there was increased affinity between music and drama as a result of the security given to actors and musicians by the establishment of semipermanent acting companies. A summary of reasons for music in Shakespeare's plays given by John H, Lon#, in "Shakespeare's Use of Music," cites the construction of playhouses in London as a great boon to the playwright, because the metropolitan location . . . enabled him to draw upon a large force of musicians of all types and skills, and to construct his plays with specialized music in mind. It is no wonder, then, that the plays produced in London after the construction of the Theatre and the Curtain show an increasing use of stage devices and music. ^ John H. Long, Shakespeare’s Use of Music (Gainesville, Florida: University Press, 1955) . References cited are to the Ph.D. dissertation in its unpublished form (Department of English, University of Florida, 195D, pp. 265266 . 5° Ibid. , p. 266.

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19 Long continues, A coincidental impetus to the use of music in Elizabethan drama was the formation of acting companies composed of choirboys from the Chapel Royal and St. PaulÂ’s. It was only natural that the excellent musical training received by those boys should be exploited by the dramatists who wrote plays for them. It was also natural that, as a result of their popularity, the adult companies should emulate the children as far as they were financially able. The plays written for the singing boys by Edwards, Peele, and Lyly show clearly the impact on English drama made by the music of the Â’Â’little eyases. This would suggest that, at least in the case of productions by the choir boys, there was no clean-cut division between actors and musicians; they were in fact the same people. Elizabethan stage music was an acknowledged part of productions. This fact is exemplified in the book. On Producing Shakespeare , in which Ronald Watkins has compiled directions for stage business, costuming, and sound effects from the First Folio. Musical directions in the Folio are usually quite explicit, missing only a few of the significant and emphatic cues. However, in many cases, music is inferred from the dialogue.^ 2 Music, in Elizabethan theatre, had both a practical and a dramatic use. For example, ShakespeareÂ’s Twelfth Night begins with instrumental music, which sets the scene ^ 1 Ibid. , p. 267. ^Ronald Watkins, On Producing Shakespeare (New York: W. W. Norton and Co., "Inc., 19?>0) , p. 62.

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20 and mood and helps convey the character of the Duke. This music is more than an introduction; it i 3 an element of the play, giving motivation for the Duke's first line, "If music be the food of love, play on. "53 Often Elizabethan productions started with a royal flourish of trumpets, but like the music in Twelfth Wight , these flourishes were always a part of the play and not a "descriptive' 1 overture. Processional entries were accompanied by music in order to emulate the English court as well as to help actors make a graceful entrance through a single stage door. Music also served as comic relief, to heighten pathos, and for psychological effect on a character. The latter is typified in Richard II . where Richard, provoked to irritable comment by broken-time music outside his cell, gains personal insight from this same music. 55 Watkins declares that whether Elizabethan music was vocal or instrumental, heard from "within" * or performed on stage, it was ", . . never a comment shared only by the dramatist and to the exclusion of the persons in the play. "5^ 5 3 ibid . 5^ Ibid . 5 5ibid . 5 6 ibid.

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21 The extensive use of music in theatres of the period reflected the prominence of this art in English society. The Elizabethan age was prolific in both music and the dramatic arts, producing a "father of musicke, an immortal poet, and, according to historian Ernest Walker, the first beginnings of English stage music . ^ An English scholar, E. W. Naylor, describing cultural life of the Elizabethan period, writes: ... if ever a country deserved to be called "musical," that country was England, in the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries. King and courtier, peasant and ploughman, each could "take his part," with each music was a part of his daily life; . . . The well-bred young man could sing a plaine-song and descant. 59 Music had not suddenly become a part of English society, but it did suddenly become a part of secular culture. 1 Walker points out that before mid-fifteenth century, musicians composed and performed mostly sacred music, but With the defeat of the Armada in 1588 the danger of religious upheaval passed away from England; and musicians turned with a curious suddenness, and with, almost complete unanimity, to follow secular ideals. 0 ^William Byrd (1543-1823), the greatest figure in sixteenth century English music, has often been called the father of musicke." Oscar Thompson (ed.), The International Cyclopedia of Music and Musicians (New York: — Dodd, Mead and Co., 1939J, p. 265. ^Ernest Walker, A History of Music in Engla nd (London: Oxford University Press, 1924), p. 65. W. Naylor, Shakespeare and Music (London* J. M. Dent and Sons, Ltd7/ 1431), pp. IU-19. 60 'Walker, A History of Music in England , pp. 57-58.

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22 Writing of the acquisition of new styles, Donald N, Ferguson attributes an almost phenomenal ability to the English for their sudden command over the process of musical expression which, he points out, was almost as incredible as the Armada victory responsible for inciting their new creative endeavors. The most popular medium was the madrigal, a form of composition borrowed from Italy and designed for mixed voices. Ferguson notes that, although borrowed, the madrigal was ". . . handled with a daring beyond that of an Italian, and yet often perfected to an equality with an Italian’s skill.” 61 English vocal music of the period is still considered to have high quality and great diversity of character. The culture of Renaissance England, like that of all European countries, often reflected the interests of the country's ruler. During the reigns of Henry VIII and Elizabeth I, the whole nation increased its interest in music. Henry was a practical musician and an amateur composer, while Queen Elizabeth is said to have developed skill in playing the virginal. 62 Playwrights plying their trade in the golden age of English music, when everyone from the barber to the Queen possessed some musical skill, 6l Ferguson, A History of Musical Thought , p. l8l. 62 Ibld . , pp. 178-182.

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23 either in singing or in performing an instrument, naturally included music and musical allusions in their plays. In both the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries, a practical acquaintance with music was a regular part of the education of sovereign gentlemen of rank, and of the higher middle classes, as well. There is plenty of evidence that a knowledge of music was not limited to the wealthy, but that the lower classes were also enthusiastic about it. Some of this evidence is cited by Naylor who expla ins: A large number of passages . . . [by Elizabethan! authors shows clearly that singing in parts (especially of ''catches") was a common amusement with blacksmiths, colliers, cloth workers, cobblers, tinkers, watchmen, country parsons, and soldiers. 0 ^ Music was so popular with Elizabethans that it was the habit to play on an instrument while waiting oneÂ’s turn to be shaved. i^very inch an Elizabethan, William Shakespeare often expressed a fondness for music and his works demonstrate his keen ear for it. 6 ^ His plays provide an excellent example of the position of music in Elizabethan ^Naylor, Shakespeare and Music , p. 13. 6l4 Tbid., pp. 11,-17. ^Watkins, On Producing Shakespeare , p. 62.

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2k drama, since Shakespeare's works demonstrate more thoughtful integration of music with drama than plays by his contemporaries. In a consideration of Shakespeare’s use of music, Christopher Wilson writes, "When Shakespeare wanted music, he said so, either in his stage directions or in the text." 66 Though there are few extant samples of the music used in first productions of Shakespeare’s plays, stage directions, textual references, and studies of the music of the time make it possible to reconstruct the nature of that music with far less speculation than was necessary in the case of the Greek theatre. In the matter of internal evidence in play texts, at least thirtytwo of Shakespeare's thirty-seven plays contain positive references to music and musical matters. Furthermore, over three hundred stage directions in thirty-six plays are musical in nature. 67 Material on the music in Shakespeare's plays may be considered under these headings: songs, instruments, performers, and composers. Songs were a vital part of society in Shakespeare's London and an equally vital part of his plays. It must be remembered that this music of Elizabethan everyday life is "The Stage"^ff 106^*1922!# °p! ^* B>ara and Mualc (London! 67 Naylor, Shakespeare and Music , pp. 23.

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25 . < now considered fine art. As Naylor explains, "Even a public house song in Elizabeth's day was a canon in three parts, a thing which could only be managed Â’first time through' nowadays by the very first rank of professional / O singers." Though songs were always utilized by Shakespeare, Richmond Noble points out that with the playwright's increasing skill, songs became more and more an integral part of his drama . ^ Songs in the plays were often solos, but duets and small vocal ensembles were also used and in two situations choral music is requested. In Midsummer Night's Dream , the fairies sing to Titania and there is a solemn hymn at the monument to Leonato in Much Ado About Nothing . Vocal music was sometimes accompanied, but more often it was not.^ Songs in Shakespeare's plays fall into two categories: (1) those he incorporated or referred to which were popular during the playwright's lifetime and (2) those songs for which he wrote lyrics. Music scores for a few of the songs in each category are still available. Frequently, titles of popular songs are mentioned in the dialogue, when there is no indication that the song is 6 8 Ibid . , p. 19. 69 Richmond Noble, Shakespeare's Use of Song (London: Oxford University Press, l3?3), passim . 70 Watkins, On Producing Shakespeare , p. 68,

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26 ever sung. ’’Light 0’ Love,” mentioned in Act III, scene 4 of Much Ado About Nothing belongs in this category. A tune called ”Light 0’ Love” was known in 1570 and there have been several sets of lyrics sung to it through the must have been suff iciently familiar to audiences that the title alone conveyed Shakespeare’s idea. Lyrics were not necessarily included when songs were to be performed. ’’Hold Thy Peace,” a catch sung by Sir Toby, Sir Andrew, and Peste in Act II, scene 3 of Twelfth Night , is given only as a title in the script, 72 again suggesting that there was no need to write down music and words which were a part of common knowledge. Music for two songs for which Shakespeare wrote the lyrics and which may have been published during his lifetime is available for modern producers. They are Included in Figures 3 and 4. One of these songs, ”It Was A Lover and His Lass,” from As You Like It , is often included in the repertoire of serious vocal students. Both songs originally appeared in books by Thomas Morley, but scholars think that he composed only the song from As You Like It, which was published in a book of his 71 intervening years. The score is extant. The song 7 ^Naylor, Shakespeare and Music , p. 67. 72 Sir Frederick Bridge, Shakespearean Music in the and Early Operas (London: J. M. Dent and 5ons, titct. , , pp. 73“/k.

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27 — * =z^r 1— -4 f t ' ' ' — J i fields did pass. In spring-time, in spring-time, in fjyfr• f f , — — r -g. ; — ft r. 'if — ~ ^ ^ * spring-time, The on-ly pret-ty ring-time When birds dc sing. Hey f&r ^ } J-fLc__g ' • * , j" — ~ n « 4f ^ br 3=^f f 0 — =f?= -* Fig. 3 — It Was a Lover ar.d His Lass

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28 rfe' | \ V — \ r~ > 7-, n • A A i •11 +p i “ " ZT 1 ' > Z Z — z) ~2 f ^ r~ f 1 L HjtJ i d ' v 0 Mis tresse mine, where are you roam-ing? D& i 5 i 1 r~i. . £ C j ~T -i 0 stay and hear your l $ v • \ 1 ! / t « . i | 1 \ rm i \ V 7 l \ i F= 5Q rn it. • w vi ; ca : ^ AH* 1 IT^ ±~ SU i a ff . „ J 7ft r rm v <1 f -d C/ * ' r 7f +TZ --5 l D-i 4 3" . TT~ ..f\ K7 r if r — \ \ ^ ~T?~ -t~ -d'—LlLA, Y \ -F p V / * y # y — — i ' * 4A 1 i—J u — V — ^ T — r ^ ±H pnp—:>: ^ — — f — h h — t — rn r r/.y-a y r r y Z ZjJ t ^ r — pH — 1 1 — r 1 / l c^L — ! d 1 . . true love's com jug. That can sing both high and low. Trip i ; =f= *A 1 r. ' it' 4— U4--i. 4= L l r-i a-irff rz \=$= —^3 ? ^t.r fr --'?4S #"?r— * f-9* ^|N" * 1 T — *zA — \ \ M= -M ^ 1 — 4 — : ‘I 1 ; :• d ^ H \ — r ^ — — \ — r1— ^ a r—H Hu r a ' tr —& — d— — 4 — VZ-_..fYz=L pY Jra -A ^ h -14 : _4 — 1 d „ “ .... no fur-ther, pret ty sweet ing Jour neys end in l 1 * 1 \ 1 At y i . ' \ ^-1 ^ i — ^ 1 TT TP T t \ 1 ' ;i ;iL j. 1 . C 7 \ ^ — Ty ^ « ' A >/T jr a rr— — tA — 13 / jQ ^ ^ ----j ^ ' > p> <1 ^ eA -1 d jl S l' _ 2T 5'S. TV ^ ^ r r J niK/.pj __ _ _ * ^ a t ^ » r _ *1 .. 1-n.r 1 rt 1 r \ 1 — r 1 1 . c. 1 — \ — z v — ^ 1 rr: r ‘ ' -T-" i — l \ T Qj LA \ \ \ 1 i 1 . . \ 1 L 1 3. . , J 4 : 1 r~ — — 11 ,/F > J r 4— + w ..,r. v -J. f > J 1 z k 1 ’1 u Al J 4 j ^4 ^ -t 5 > W.. lov-ers meet ing, Ev 'ry wise man's son doth know. J 3 .it 1 t_ 1 1 1 i 1 \ 1 . \ -4 , r — r ; : • !Z£Trg~zr.r 3 ! ...... Z 1 &. A ^1 tQ-: j\ t/ y ^ — ^L; A -1 ! 'T* cpv r-e
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29 compositions in 1660. The second song, n 0 Mistress Mine” from Twelfth Night was published in 1599 in a book edited and arranged by Morley. Other lyrics from the plays may have been set to music by Thomas Morley for there is strong evidence that the composer and Shakespeare were acquainted and perhaps close friends. 73 There are many theories to account for the absence of contemporary settings of Shakespeare's lyrics; one probable theory is that he wrote the lyrics to fit popular tunes of the day, which no one bothered to write down, since everyone knew them . ^ Scores thought to be the original settings of two other songs with lyrics by Shakespeare are preserved. These songs, "Where the Bee Sucks" and "Pull Fathom Five," appear in Cheerful Ayes , edited by Dr. John Wilson. 7^ Most of the songs, such as "Come Away Death" in Much Ado About Nothing . "Drowsy Tune" in Julius Caesar , and Ophelia's mad songs in Hamlet , classify as atmospheric music, although they are not the only musical device used for this purpose. For example, the first scene of Twelfth £*ven a melancholy mood by the music played for Duke Grsino; music heightens the pathos during the last lb. Id . , pp, 16-19. "^Watkins, On Producing Shakespeare , p. 65. 79 Naylor, Shakespeare and Music , p. 24.

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30 Illness of Henry IV, and the Doctor prescribes music for King Lear to cure his madness. In these and similar examples cited by Watkins, music Is a part of the play and Is consciously heard by the actors. ^ Just as the type of song in Globe presentations of Shakespeare's plays was unlike current popular music, so the instruments used in these productions were unlike modern musical instruments. The usual accompanying instruments for songs were the lute and the bass viol, while drums, trumpets, cornets, and hautboys were used elsewhere 77 during play performances. Instruments of the Elizabethan period can be categorized according to the same general types used in classifying the instruments in a modern symphony orchestra. There were strings, winds, and percussions. Some of the instruments in each group can be recognized easily as predecessors to contemporary instruments. The stringed instruments were: cittern, lute, viol, and virginal. Cornets, hautboys, pipes, and trumpets all belong in the general category of wind instruments. The classification of brass and wood used to differentiate modern wind instruments cannot be made with assurance. The cornet, an instrument much like the recorder 76 Watkins, On Producing Shakespeare , p. 66. 77 Bridge , Shakespearean Music in the Plays and Early Operas , p. 77”

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31 was made of wood or Ivory, while the hautboy was a reed instrument with loud, strident tones. The pipe was simply a large whistle with three holes capable of producing a total of eighteen notes. 78 Of the percussions, only the tabor, a small drum, seems to have been popular in the 70 Elizabethan theatre. Elizabethan productions of Shakespeare's plays employed great versatility in the choice of music and the instrumentation for performances. As Watkins says, ”... there is nothing perfunctory or hidebound about Shakespeare's demands. He is audaciously experimental fio here as elsewhere.” Nor were perfunctory rules set as to the place of musicians in the theatre; the location of the musicians depended on the demands of the play-script. In Two Gentlemen of Verona , musicians are on stage; while for Henry IV . Part II, music comes from the "other roome,” thus suggesting the instrumentalists played from the ground floor of the tiring house behind the stage. Yet, when Glendower called for accompaniment from musicians who "Hang in the air a thousand leagues hence” in Henry IV . Part I, they must have been in the 78 Ferguson, A History of Musical Thought , p. 178. 79 Naylor, Shakespeare and Music , p. 79. 80 Watkins, On Producing Shakespeare , p. 67.

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32 In Anton y a nd Cleop atra. hautboys were playod. fti under the platform. These various locations may be explained by the fact that the awareness of the music by the characters in a play made it essential for the music to have a locale accurately suggesting the fictional location of the sound. Thus, the musicians in a Shakespearean production were a part of the cast of players and it can be assumed with some certainty that instruments were selected for contrasting and harmonizing characteristics just as carefully as comic characters were placed in the dialogue to contrast with or parallel facets of serious and noble characters. Marche tte Chute, whose research has unearthed much of the local color of Elizabethan England, suggests actors were in fact musicians in Shakespeare's and other London companies.® 2 Sir Frederick Bridge agrees with her in part, asserting that ”... some of the actors may have sung, yet there are examples of singers being introduced who have nothing to do with the action of the play. ” 8 3 He then cites the scene in As You Like It where two pages 8 l Ibld .. p. 68. Op Marchette Chute, Shakespeare of London (New York! E. P. Dutton and Co. , 1 91+9)7 * ^Bridge, Shakespearean Music in the Plavs and Early Operas , p. 87 — “

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33 are apparently introduced just for the purpose of singing "It Was A Lover and His Lass."^ It may be, just as Bridge insists, that special singers were hired, but most theatre history books Indicate, as does Marchette Chute, that the ten or twelve men in the Lord ChamberlainÂ’s company were able to act, dance, fence, sing, and play any musical instrument called for in the script. This theory is supported by the known importance of economy to Elizabethan companies, ^ They cut budget costs by doubling actors in small roles and it was only logical under these conditions to capitalize on the musical skills prevalent among Elizabethans and to hire actors who were also musicians. There is considerable conjecture concerning the identity of composers who wrote for the Elizabethan theatre. Though there was extensive use of popular and public domain songs, not all theatre music can be so classified. With the exception of Thomas Morley, whose collaboration with Shakespeare was mentioned on page 29, the composers who wrote for original Shakespearean productions are not known precisely. However, some of their habits are known. Just as Shakespeare used plots and stories from many sources, improving and embellishing them with his 6 ^Ibld . ^George Preedley and John A, Reeves, A History of the Theatre (New York: Crown Publishers, 1941)7 pp. 93-111.

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34 creative genius, composers of the time treated old themes in a new fashion, adding new embellishments and building counter melodies, rather than originating entirely new tunes . 86 Ronald Watkins, considering the practical aspects of music on the Elizabethan Stage, turns attention to plans made by the bookkeeper or prompter. In studying these, Watkins feels . . . we have to use a special effort of the imagination in unthinking subsequent musical practice in the theatre. Nowadays we are used Watkins found no such stereotype in the musical directions and allusions of the First Folio. The nearest thing to such a stereotype was In the simple and conventional musical accompaniment of battle sequences, which must have been easily recognizable to the audience. In this connection he calls attention to the drums for marching, and alarums (confused noise with drums, trumpets, clash of arms and vocal cues) which represented fighting . 88 86 c , . (New Yorks r^^rpa f^yr: 8 7 ,. „ _ 88 Watkins, On Producing Shakespeare . p . 62. Ibid., p. 65.

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35 But what of the relationship of language rhythms and music rhythms? How was music used as a theatrical device? Seven of Shakespeare's comedies have been analyzed by Long in an effort to partially answer these questions. He explains that Shakespeare and other Elizabethan poets found many similes and metaphors in the relationship between musical structure and the harmonious stnacture of human character. Other metaphors sprung from the concept 8q of the universe 7 put forth by Pythagoras, who thought planets were kept in their orbits by the music of the spheres, and the whole world was constructed according to musical ratio. A good nature in man was considered to be in tune with celestial music and an evil nature, 90 out of tune, or inharmonious. The influence of the Pythagorean theory is evident in Antony and Cleopatra , Act V, scene 2, line 84, when Cleopatra, in relating a dream, ascribes to Antony a "voice propertied as all the tuned spheres." Other examples of this influence are ins Twelfth Night , Act III, scene 1, line 115; Pericles . Act V, scene 1, line 226; and As You Like It , Act II, scene 7, line 5. The idea of music setting things and people in 89 7 Long, "Shakespeare's Use of Music," p. 65 .

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order is clearly portrayed in The Merchant of Venice . Act 91 ~ " ' V, scene 1. In at least seven of the tragedies, the music performed and the imagery fostered by it serve these dramatic purposes: ( 1 ) the comic stating of a theme or subject, ( 2 ) comic relief, ( 3 ) setting atmosphere, (U) suggesting the physical setting of a scene, (5) pointing up contrast in a situation or between characters, ( 6 ) covering true-character traits, ( 7 ) predicting disaster, ( 8 ) indicating characters in tune with the universe, and (9) dramatic irony. Shakespeare's use of music in the comedies is divided into three phases by Long: In the early plays, music signals the presence of critical or climactic situations. During the middle period, music serves as a sedative. Finally, Shakespeare experimented with the formalized arrangement of songs and the naturalistic entry of music. According to Long's analysis, the theatrical purposes served by music in the comedies are: ( 1 ) to enter into the action, ( 2 ) to forward the action, ( 3 ) to aid in character delineations, (l;) to serve as 9 1 Ibld . 92 „ The tra g®dies analyzed are: Romeo and Juliet Julius Caesar, Ha mlet , Othello, Henry 1 7 : ' Part 1. .1, Trollus and Tress ldeu 93 Long, "Shakespeare's Use of Music," pp. 269-270.

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37 background to dialogue (consort music), (5) to suggest physical setting, (6) to create a supernatural atmosphere, (7) to aid in the creation of dramatic irony, (8) to emphasize the theme of the play, (9) to denote a lapse of time, and (10) to cover the omission of repetitious or difficult explanations. 9 ^" In summarizing his analysis of the comedies. Long states that the comedies of Shakespeare typify the inextricable combination of drama and music which reached a culmination in the Elizabethan age. 9 ^ A significant portion of the audiences who attended the Globe on rainy afternoons or the command performances at Queen Elizabeth* s court, were excited about many kinds of learning. They were growing with their new language, their new freedoms in using their own vernacular in poems, plays, and novels. Shakespeare fed this love of language with humorous word plays and rich imagery. He also satisfied the new vitality and new freedoms exercised in music, and in doing so established a skillful method of increasing the theatricality of spoken drama performances. Shakespeare and his colleagues appealed to the interest in secular music with the vigor and delight of experimentation that 9l +Ibid . , pp. 271-272. 9 ^Ibld. , p. 277.

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38 exemplified the spirit of the Renaissance. Watkins* suggestion to modern producers of Shakespeare is that ". . . a strain of Byrd , Gibbons, Morley, or Weelkes can evoke sooner even than Shakespeare's words the astonishing poetical freshness and vigour and strength of the age."^ Restoration Theatre: Music and Drama. T~Poub'le 6 fH In contrast to Elizabethan practises, music and drama maintained clear distinctions in the Restoration Theatre. Though brought together in theatrical performances, there was little interdependence between the two art forms. Whereas the use of music had been affected by language structure, style of writing, or dramatic purpose in Greek and Elizabethan theatres, this practise was noticeably absent on the English stage of the late seventeenth century. Theatre music of that period possessed a strong individuality, so strong in fact that the action of the heroic tragedy or comedy of manners could stop temporarily while a favorite singer entertained with a new aria or comic song. During the Restoration Period in England, the theatre was adopted by the aristocracy and made their special plaything. Since the theatre belonged to one ^Watkins, On Producing Shakespeare , p. 70.

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39 particular class, it mirrored the superficialities of that class and its culture. After 1660, when theatre moved from underground into polite society, productions were seldom pure drama. The manner in which music was interspersed with dialogue for the sake of decoration and the lack of bearing this music had on the action of plays, invites a comparison with some modern movie musicals and Broadway revues. Yet, in spite of their musical content, these plays were not operas or operettas, though in the last two decades of the century, they were often spoken of as such. As in the Elizabethan period, music continued to be fashionable in England. In the opinion of music historian, 97 Charles Burney, a strong Influence was exerted on the side of good music by King Charles II, who with his smiles and attention stimulated the English to make considerable progress in the art of music without borrowing from Italy or Germany. The historian notes also that the passion of the monarch for French music changed the national taste. Another impetus to music during the Restoration was the return of patrons to the arts." Wealthy and noble individuals who ordinarily gave patronage "Charles Burney, A General History of Music (ii vols.. New York: Harcourt Brace and Co., 17 '«<}), if, 379. "ibid., p. 381.

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were absorbed in political quarrels during the Protectorate, but with the return of the King to London, they could renew their interests in the arts. Records indicate that the increase in popularity and the improved caliber of the compositions were reflected in the musio of the theatre. Actually, much of the secular music of the period was written for or performed in the plays. ^ Regular orchestras were a part of theatrical performances before the Protectorate and again during the Restoration. Though the orchestra had become a unit, it still suffered many growing pains. Except for the strings, most of the instruments were in an early stage of development. Stringed instruments, developed from the viols of the Elizabethan era, had been perfected earlier in the century by Italian craftsmen and were extremely popular. The oboe, still called by the name of its crude predecessor — hautboy, and the bassoon made their debut in an orchestra playing for Cambert's opera, Pomone , in 16^9. 100 Other reed instruments used in Restoration orchestras were the flute-douce, or flute, and the chalumeau, forerunner of modern clarinets. Brass instruments, trumpets. qq Jeffrey Pulver, English Music (New York: A Biographical Dictionary of O ld E. P. Dutton and Jo., 192'/), p. 15 £. 100 Prederick J. Crowest (ed.), English Music l60lx-190k (London: The Walter Scott Publishing (jo.. Ltd/, 19(56), p. 350 . 10 1 Ibld . , p. 352 .

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horns, and trombones were in common use after l60lj. and percussions, such as kettledrums, were also a part of 10 ? Restoration orchestras. The singers in Restoration productions, in contrast to the Elizabethan, were not actors, nor was any great effort spent on making them seem a part of the cast ensemble, The individual came out on stage at the appointed time, sang a song, or songs, and retired. Sometimes an actor or actress was trained as a singer, but even when these people performed, attention was called to the music per se , which was never as carefully woven into the texture of the production as it had been in Elizabethan theatre. Skilled performers were popular and soughtafter individuals. One actress-singer, a Mrs. Corey, who entered the KingÂ’s Company at the beginning of the Restoration in 1660, was still in demand thirty years later, performing, in 1690, a singing dialogue with the popular and gifted Bowen in MountfortÂ’s Successful Strangers , Earlier in her career, Mrs, Corey created the part of Octavia in All For Love and Lady Pantast in Bury Fair . 10 ^ Thomas DÂ’Urfey, another versatile singer, was also a playwright and 10 2 Ibid . , p. 1+54. ^-H/illard Thorp (ed.). Songs from the Restoration Theater (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1634), p." 93.

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1*2 composer. Most of D'Urfey's musical compositions were confined to songs he performed himself, and many of the lyrics he wrote were set to music by the composers Henry Purcell and John Blow. As a singer, D’Urfey was much in request at court. George Hudson, more typical of the Restoration musician, was neither an actor nor a playwright, but combined his singing abilities with performance of the lute and violin. He also composed light popular music and incidental tunes for the stage. These efforts included a share in the writing of the entr'acte music to D'Avenant's Seige of Rhodes . 10 ^ At the performance of Seige of Rhodes in I 656 , the part of Solyman was sung by the famous vocalist. Captain Henry Cooke. Besides singing in this epochmaking work, Cooke supplied some of the music. A tribute to his fame is found in a diary entry of John Evelyn, who wrote on November 28 , 1654, of a visit from ”... one Captain Cooke, esteemed the best singer, after the Italian manner, of any in England. . . . One of Cooke's pupils, Pelham Humfrey, was, according Muslc p ^Puiver, ^. Biographical Dictionary of Old English 105 Ibld.. p. 246. 10 6 Ibld ., pp. 109 111 .

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43 to Jeffrey Pulver, a ". . . talented composer of great Individuality and importance, whose early death prevented him from fully developing his undoubted genius." 107 This "genius” was another of the several notable composers to contribute to the theatre, having written "Where the Bee Sucks," while collaborating with John Bannister in preparing music for the Dryden and D'Avenant version of Shakespeare's Tempest , He also wrote "Wherever I Am" for a production of Dryden' s Conquest of Qranada . 108 A declamatory style and a certain theatrical vein pervades the work of all the writers of this period, but Humfrey employed these methods in an artistic manner. His work is marked by directness of purpose, originality of treatment, and melodic charm. There can be no doubt that he played a great part in founding a style that persisted until Purcell had given it a status of its own. *^9 The most important musician of the Restoration and the best composer that England has ever produced was Henry Purcell who studied with both Cooke and Humfrey 10 7 Ibld .. p. 24 °. 108 ibid ., p. 255 . 109 Ibid., p. 249-256.

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hh at the Chapel Royal, and was a student of composition with John Blow, the most respected musician of the period besides Purcell, When Purcell was only twentytwo years old, his opera. Dido and Aeneas , had a sensational performance, In 1691, he again turned to stage work and with Dryden wrote the opera-masterwork. King Arthur . 33 ^ During the last few years of his life, Purcell often wrote for the stage, composing music for a total of forty-nine plays, among which were: Faery Queen (an anonymous adaptation of Midsummer Night* s Dream ). Indian Queen , and Aureng-Zebe . 113 The list of stage compositions written by Henry Purcell seems long, but another English composer, John Eccles , wrote even more music for the Restoration stage. 111+ His contributions to the theatre, which began in 1681, became very popular and were marked by ease, vigor, and a .. . 110 f*.. A * , Fuller Maitland (ed. ), Grove's Dictionary T ° 1S -’ N#W Macmillan and 7 Music p 11 57 UlVer ' -Blographlcal Dictionary of Old English 112 , 'Paul Landormy, A History of Music (New York; Charles Scribner's Sons, l^'j',' pp. 6 0-61. — Move's D ictionary of Music and Musicians . V, W (-1012, " Music p l 60 ^ Ver# Biographical Dictionary of Old English

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certain rough, unpolished charm. Eccles' music was generally well-suited to the stage, but his method of handling music material was lacking in technique or skill and on this account his work cannot compare with the best of the period. Purcell must have considered him a musician worthy of attention since the two collaborated on the third part of Don Quixote . Further proof of Eccles' merit as a composer is the fact he won second prize in a London Gazette competition to secure the best musical setting for Congreve's Judgment of Paris . He did compose music for two additional plays by Congreve -Love for Love and The Way of the World — and during his career, he was credited with forty-six masques as well as a quantity of incidental theatre music. One song Eccles composed for Love for Love in 1695 was revised for use in John Gay's Beggar's Opera , when it was first produced in 1728. Originally titled, "A Soldier and a Sailor," the music was transposed into a new key and given smoother rhythm when sting by Peachum in Act I, scene 9 of Beggar's Opera . However, the revised song, given in Figure 5, maintains the vigorous frivolity typical of Restoration songs . 117 11 ^Ibld . , pp. 161 162 . 11 ^ > Albert E. Wier (ed.), The Macmillan Encyclopedia of Music and Musicians ( 1938 ), p."~2’73. 117 David Harrison Stevens (ed.). Types of English Drama, 1660-1780 (Boston: Ginn and Co., 1623), p. 531. —

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1+6 A fox — -+ at may 3p steal your hens, sir. chest, sir, your wife may steal your rest, sir. A ^ r, rV J .g £ x / thief your goods and plate l A thief your goods and plate, but , l ij i > i jx \ 1 \ j =F=4 = id This is all but picking With rest, pence, chest and chicken. If ever was decreed, sir. If lawyer's hand is feed , sir, he steals your whole estate. He steals your whole estate. Fig. 5 A Soldier and a Sailor

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47 It would appear that the dramatic value of music during the Restoration period, other than being a good show, was of little concern to playwrights, producers, actors, or audience. Music was fashionable. The theatre was fashionable. Therefore, music was performed in the theatre. The ElizabethanÂ’s genuine love of art and delight in new-found secular musical idioms had digressed into concern over good manners. A knowledge of music had for centuries been one sign of culture, and so an interest in music was kept by the shell of aristocrats whose real interests were in mimicking the French and Italians in the wearing of lace and powdered wigs and in conducting intrigues dÂ’ amour. French Theatre: Seventeenth Century The French culture imitated by English aristocrats had nourished a theatre of high dramatic and artistic merit during the years when the stages of England were closed (I6I42-I660) . The appearance of music in this theatre is understandable, since writers, teachers, composers, and artists of the period tried to emulate the classics and in so doing developed a natural interest in the integration of music and drama. Notable results of this interest are found in the extravagant operas and ballets of the period. In the hands of various masters, music, drama, and dance fluctuated in importance. Music,

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48 as servant to the drama, was active in court entertainment such as ballets, pastorales, divertissements, and comedies written for the pleasure of the king, Paris, in the neo-classic period, harboured a musician of great importance, Jean Baptiste Lully, , , a graceful composer of minuets and dances , • , and the first important composer of French opera." 11 ® Besides his creative work in opera, Lully composed music for numerous ballets and comedies for the court, collaborating in these endeavors with writers such as Racine, Pierre and Thomas Corneille, and the more sentimental playwrights, Isaac Benserade and Phillipe Quinsault . 11 ^ The collaboration of most interest to this study was between Lully and the playwright-comedian Moliere, Both favorites of Louis XIV, the two became friendly in 1662 and wrote ballets and comedies together until 1671 . 120 A listing of Lully's works includes music for thirteen of Moliere's comedies and pastorales , 121 most of which were presented in 11 ®Erio Blom (ed.), Grove's Dictionary of Music and Musicians ( 9 vols . , New York! STTn^arnTPs^ 5 ^ 11 °Phillis Hartnoll (ed.). The Oxford Companion to the Theatre (London: Oxford University Press, 1951), p. 538 . 120 Blom, Grove's Dictionary of Music and Musicians. V, 425 426 . 121 Ibid. , p. 423.

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49 connection with Court festivities. The Oxford Companion to the Theatre states Moliere’s function ”... was the provision and production of a series of plays interspersed with music and dancing, for which Lully provided the music." The best known of the court plays is Le Bourgeois gentilhomme . written in 1671. 12 ^ Nothing in Moliere’s training or background indicates a special inclination for or knowledge of music; his collaboration with Lully and the inclusion of music in his comedies was evidently a concession to court fashion. There is no reason, however, to assume that he objected to music in his plays, while there is evidence that Lully’s sense of theatre enabled him to write this music with great skill. A critical history of his works given in Grove's Diction ary states that In composing the divertissements of . . . Le Bourgeois gentilhomme ... he endeavored To make his music express the life and variety of Moliere’s situations and characters . -*24 Lully’s endeavor to make this scene music expressive of situations and characters is strong evidence of the French theatre’s interest in artistic unity. 122 P. 539. V, 423. Hartnoll, The Oxford Companion to the Theatre. 12 ^Blom, Grove’s Dictionary of Music and Musicians. 124 Ibid.

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50 Moliere and Lully should have been able to agree on requirements of music for the stage, since both had some practical experience, Moliere, of course, acted in his own productions and was a famous and popular comedian, Lully took part "• • • with considerable success as dancer and comic actor" when ballets by Moliere, or others for which he composed music, were performed at court. 12 -* Though Lully did compose music for a few of Quinault 1 s pastorales and ballets, their collaboration was principally in opera, with Quinault furnishing a libretto for Lully each year. 126 Lully* s only work with Racine was the one-act divertissement Idylle stir la pa lx ; however, on several occasions he composed music for ballets written by the Corneille brothers. 127 Lully* s charming music may have stolen the act in many court performances, but in the comedies and ballets of Moliere, drama was foremost and the music of Lully of secondary importance. It is not music to be dismissed lightly, however, for in productions of Moliere, the Comedie Francaise traditionally uses the music by Lully, and P. 65U. 125 Ibid., p. 1 ^ 25 . 126 Hartnoll, The Oxford Companion to the Theatre. Vol. V, 127 Blom, P. 1*27. Grove *s Dictionary of Music and Musicians.

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51 included it in their performances of Le Bourgeois gent 11 homme in New York City, November, 1955* 1 ^ The Veil of Music in Victorian Theatre One of the most peculiar functions ever assigned to music in the theatre was that of a subterfuge or n cover-up” for the illegal productions of plays in Victorian England. This habitual disguise, practised in London theatres around 1800, was due immediately to the Licensing Act of 1737» hut can be traced to the issuance in 1660 of theatre patents by Charles II. These patents gave to the proprietors of Drury Lane and Covent Garden the exclusive right to put on dramatic entertainments. The 1737 Licensing Act reaffirmed the patent rights and made the Lord Chamberlain the regulator of the stage. 129 A second act, passed by Parliament in 1752, required that all places of amusement should be licensed and local magistrates were given authority to grant such licenses. 1 ^° In 1766, a third theatre — the Haymarket--received a royal permission which amounted to a summer-time patent. All houses in London, save the Drury Lane, Co vent Garden, ^® New York Theatre Critics Reviews (New York: Critic's Theatre Reviews, •nc.’, 195>5), P* 231. 12< Vinton Tolies, Tom Taylor and the Victorian Drama (New York: Columbia University Press, 164C1 ), pp. l30Er nes t Bradlee Watson, Sheridan to Robertson (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 24.

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52 and the Haymarket, not only had to have licenses, but also had to endure censorship by the Lord Chamberlain, who would approve only musical and novelty entertainments, not serious dramatic performances . 131 These restrictions were not removed until the Theatre Regulation Act was passed in 1843. 132 Music was the chief tool used by managers in circumventing the restrictions placed on minor theatres by the theatre legislation. Sometimes managers advertised a concert or a tea, charged high prices, and presented the rehearsal of a play "gratis" to the audience. Their other system, one that exerted a significant influence on British drama, was to provide spectacular burlesque with dances, songs, and acrobatics. These spectacles developed eventually into the "burletta"--a type of theatre peculiar to England in the nineteenth century. 133 a study of the derivation of the term burletta shows it originally applied to a short burlesque opera; later it included the realm of musical farce. After gradual persuasion from managers and public, the burletta was defined by a licenser of plays as ". a play of three acts, including not less than five songs. " l3l + l31 Tolles, Tom Taylor and the Victorian Drama, pp. 4-5. 132 Watson, Sheridan to Robertson , p. 49 . ^Allardyce Nicoll, The English Theatre (London: Thomas Nelson and Sons, Ltd., J.V36 PP.' 124-125. l3l +Ibld., p. 165.

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53 With this official definition, managers had little trouble producing anything they wanted. Frequently London playgoers saw serious Elizabethan tragedies or witty Restoration comedies rewritten in doggerel verse, doctored with music, and billed as burlettas . ^5 Elliston, the first minor theatre manager to evade the law, produced Shakespeare and Sheridan as burlettas and yet kept within the legal requirements which authorized only ”dumb-show, songs, and brief passages of dialogue. These distortions gained a robust following. One patron, indignant when attempts were made to reduce the theatre to its legitimate status, exclaimed that Elliston was so close upon the heels of the legitimate stage, ". . . that in spite of the tinkling of the piano and the Jingle of the rhyme , I can often fancy myself sitting in one of the winter theatres. . . . ”^ 37 Between 1809 and l 8 l 8 , no one questioned the presentation of classics as burlettas, as long as the rausioal accompaniment was sufficient to meet legal requirements. No definite change was made in provisions, but quite probably the ’’tinkling piano” became l 3 ^Ibld . •*3 ^Watson, Sheridan to Robertson , p. 32 . l 37 Ibld., p. 33 .

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less audible and its chords less frequent. At any rate, in 1832, Sir William Broughman testified to a Parliamentary committee that Othello had been performed as a burletta with an accompaniment that consisted of barely audible chords struck on a piano every five minutes . 138 Prom all the foregoing comments and numerous other statements in reoords of the Victorian period, it is evident that the inclusion of music in the burletta was never for artistic delight or dramatic integrity. Its sole purpose was to provide minor theatre managers some freedom in production, while still conforming to the law. Some of the managers may have exercised good taste in the selection of music; some may have had special music composed, but the concern of critics and historians has been with the distortion of straight drama by the insertion of irrelevant music in order to present a facade of legality. Managers of minor houses desirous of producing dramatic entertainments had a choice other than the burletta. They could present melodramas, plays with violent actions and exciting episodes. "These plays," Allardyce Nicoll contends, . . • were spectacularly artificial, and the introduction of music was not likely to interthelr appeal; indeed, the music, . . . with "solemn," "horrid," or "lamenting," notes, 138 Ibid . . p. 35 .

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was brought to play its part in the creation of atmosphere. 139 55 Here, at least some effort was made to have harmony between the musical facade and the content of the plot. An examination of the melodrama through succeeding years shows a constant retrogression in style and a growing tendency for the "solemn," "horrid" notes to be firmly stereotyped. The popularity of burlettas, melodramas, and burlesques led the managers of the main theatres to "borrow" some of the same practises, and before their monopoly was legally ended, the three major theatres had gone into voluntary competition with the music -dominated minor houses. The popular Victorian scriptwriter, Planche, based a revue on the comic relationship of major and minor playhouses. V/hen legitimate drama complains of being robbed, illegitimate drama answers the protest in this fashion: Come, who began to rob, I'd like to know? When I was quite a child in leading string Before I'd learnt to speak or anything But dance ray dolls to music, didn't you Begin to vow they were your playthings too? 1 ^ 0 As a whole, music in the Victorian theatre might well be called "expedient," except for the stereotyped passages used for creating atmosphere in melodramas. While it served to dress up shallow revues and sketches, 139 Allardyce Nicoll, British Drama (New York: Thomas Y. Crowell Co., 1933), p. 327. 1I +°Watson, Sheridan to Robertson , pp. 4U-45.

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56 and to attract audiences, these were by-products of the most important function, namely, to serve as a veil to hide theatrical activities from the eyes of the Lord Chamberlain, Twentieth Century European and ' BFrflsh Hlghlf^Kls Influences of the burletta and melodrama remained on English stages and in Europe long after the law freed managers from the need of their protective disguise. Stereotyped musical backgrounds, overtures, and entreÂ’actes continued in conventional productions well into the twentieth century, though many productions were highly experimental in nature. A sampling of philosophies followed by pioneering directors and playwrights brings to light new precedents for the integration of music with drama. Within the framework of the experimental theatre, the label "tradition" seems sufficient reason for discarding a practise. Before adhering to conventional procedures, the leaders in these theatres expose them to stereoscopic analysis and often re-evaluation. Several of the individualistic philosophies resulting from this testing have been tried in Ireland, France, Germany, and Russia. William Butler Yeats (1865-1939), poetic playwright for the Irish theatre in IXxblin, was jealous of the power of music. In an evaluation of his work, Eric Bentley states:

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57 He not only refused to let music predominate; he did not want it to have an interest independent of the drama. Prom early years he was fascinated by the possibility of using musical tone and rhythm solely to reinforce words. He knew that, whatever charming form of entertainment might be possible when words cease to be central, it would not be drama . U ^ L Music in theatre was looked upon with suspicion by Paul Claudel (1868-1955)# another playwright of early twentieth century. A disciple of Maeterlinck, this French author of religious plays 11 * 2 objected to the alternation of music and text, describing the change from one art to the other as "painful,” and likely to destroy "... the enchantment . . in which the . . . poet has taken so much trouble to plunge the spectators. nll *3 C i audel felt that, when uaod> mualc must be blended with the dialogue, for "it has the Job of giving the feeling of time's flow, of creating an ambience and an atmosphere. . . He acknowledged the Wagnerian concept of merging the arts into one another as the source of his inspiration. 1 ^ While Claudel preached this ^Eric Bentley, In Search of Theater (New York: Alfred A. Knopf, Inc., 1953), p. 299. ~ 11|2 Preedley and Reeves, A History of the Thent™. p. 359. — * li+ 3 Bentley, In Search of Theater , p. 366 . ^Ibld. 11 *^Ibid.

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58 philosophy as late as 1928, one of Wagner’s countrymen, Bertolt Brecht (1898) evolved still another philosophy, one calling for the mutual ’'alienation” of the arts. ^8 A herald of epic drama, Brecht inserts music in productions ”, , , to alienate certain emotions . His concept of alienation is partially explained by Eric Bentley’s comment: Everything in Brecht’s theater, . . , seems calculated to drive a wedge between actor and spectator. , . , Beauty itself, form Itself, brings off the alienation effect: by making order out of chaos, it sets the 0 chaos at a distance, where we can look at it." 1 ^ 0 Significantly, Bentley notes that The use of music as an alienation effect is . . . the direct opposite of the usual theatrical use of music — which is simply to back up the dialogue, to ’’heighten” the mood. . , . Orthodox theatrical music duplicates the text ... is stormy in stormy scenes, quiet in quiet scenes . . . adds A to A, . . . In a Brecht play, music is supposed to add B to A. Thus A is alienated, and the texture of the work is enriched. Music can of course provide the sheerest alienation-through-beauty, and on occasions the beauty can have a special "alienating” point. In Mother Courage , . . . Paul Dessau composed his most delicate and lovely music for "The Song of Fraternization," sung by a whore. The tune seems to embody the pure love that the text reports the fall of. Such music constitutes a kind of criticism of the text. ^9 1[ + 6 Ibld . , p. 367 . 1 ^ 7 Ibid. , p. 146. 1 ^ 8 Ibld . . pp. 143 145 . l!> 9 Ibld., p. 146 .

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59 From all accounts, Brecht embodies an Interest In the whole theatre. This Interest includes care with music for ’’When Brecht prepares a play, he works steadily, with the composer at the piano, on the whole musical score. Critics of the Moscow Art Theatre frequently mention the philosophy of music developed by that group. Mordecai Gorelik discusses the skill of one of the early directors, Meyerhold, who, being an ardent lover of music, ". . . put that abstract art to functional use ... in positive fashion to set the style of a play. ”151 Some of Meyerhold ’a productions have even been described as ’’musical variations on the themes of the authors.” His use of music did not end with setting style, since he also used music as . . . counterpoint , or even as dissonance, to the rhythm of the action, in a way which has become characteristic of Soviet presentations. (These, by the way, seem never to be given without music of some sort. )^52 Russian experimentalists have found music especially valuable fn making transitions from naturalism to fantasy. Gorelik cites the following instance: ^Q ibid ., p. 135. ^^Mordecai Gorelik. New Theatres for Old (New York: Samuel French, 194D» PP* 344-345* ^Ibld., p. 345.

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60 Simonov, who plays the thief Kostya in . . . Pogodin’s Aristocrats (1935)# has a serious piece of business during which he steals a cigarette case. He then goes into a grotesque dance of triumph, out of key with Naturalism. The transition is covered merely by the theatre orchestra. *53 While the twentieth century began with trends of naturalism and realism in the theatre, most of the experimental work has rejected these styles. In the process, directors and writers have turned to music and discovered its use provides a potency and economy which the Russian director, Alexis Granowski has described as follows: The use of musicalized pantomime, speech, and facial expression can liberate all those imaginative overtones of human philosophy which straight realism can never touch. By the use of music all sorts of conventions and needs which otherwise might obstruct and disintegrate a production to nothingness can be got around, and short cuts in scenery, properties, and staging methods can be obtained. It is easier to go straight to the heart of your story, to reach its inner expressive symbolism and most vital meaning with music. *-5h Theatres operated under the widely diverse philosophies mentioned here have shown individuality and freshness in combining music with other production elements. During this century, music in the British and European theatre has been freed somewhat from the stereotyped, artificial motives that governed its use during the 1 ^ 3 Ibid. 15k Paul Green, Drama tic Heritage (New York: Samuel French, 1953), PP«

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61 Victorian period and later nineteenth century. A number of noteworthy composers have contributed to this freedom and to the theatre’s music literature since 1900. The list includes: Erik Satie, Arthur Honegger, Francis Poulenc, and Camile Saint-Saens in France; Paul Hindemith in Germany, Jean Sibelius in Finland, Modeste Moussorgsky in Russia, and Gustav Holst in England. 1 ^ Early in the century, the Haymarket theatre in London employed a musical director of such special skill that the London Times reported "His work at the Haymarket set a standard of theatrical music which seemed likely to produce a widespread artistic reform until the modern mechanisms and the bad times together put an end to the old tradition." 1 ^ Norman O'Neill, the composer-conductor in question, wrote compositions for over fifty productions, some of which are classified as "great works" by Grove’s Dictionary . Grove's biographical summary gives the following appraisal of O'Neill's work: He showed a remarkable aptitude for devising music which enhanced a situation and reflected the stage characters, and he brought to a highly specialized task the accomplishment of thorough musicianship and practical resource. Although well aware that little attention is paid to music in a theatre, he always engaged good players and ^Card Files for Incidental Music, Library of Congress. ^Blom, Grove's Dictionary of Music and Musicians. Vol. VI, p. 191. — »

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62 saw to it that the performances were of high quality. Altogether, both as a composer and as conductor, he was the most skilful and practised provider of stage music the English theatre had ever had. ^7 The list of O'Neill’s stage compositions includes: After All (1902), The Blue Bird (1911), Prisoner of Zenda (1923), and Kismet (1925),^® One of his most successful scores was written for a 1920 production of James M. Barrie's play, Mary Rose . Further tribute is paid to O'Neill's work by the theatre authority, Marc Connelly, who ranks O'Neill's music for this play as the best written for theatre, describing the sweep of violins at the beginning as a frame which sets the whole play. The published score for Mary Rose includes preludes and interludes and a section titled "The Call," all written for piano with spasmodic passages for voices. O’Neill showed a fondness for the interval of the second, and in passages suggesting the supernatural, augmented thirds and diminished sevenths are frequent. Mystery is the theme of the first prelude, while the second creates a sense of agitation and suspense. The suspense continues in the third prelude but there it is ^Ibid., p. 192. ^®Card Files for Incidental Music, Library of Congress. 159 VI, 192 Blom, Grove's Dictionary of Music and Musicians ,

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63 resolved. O'Neill employs a brief and effective motif for «« the character, Mary Rose, which is simply a musical statement of her name. Occasionally voices sing her name, but variations of the motif without words appear when obviously intended as a "call" to her. Three samples of the motif follow : 160 Fig. 6 — Motif from Mary Rose Music for other plays, composed by 0 'Neill, display imaginative fantasy and delicacy in handling. This is especially true of the score for Maeterlinck's fairy' play— The Bluebird . 161 Hearing his music even out of play-context, it „ O’^ill, Mary Rose (London: Schott and Co., 1920), pp. 3 , 7, li. gress, l6l Music analyzed by the writer at Library of Con-

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is easy to understand why Norman OÂ’Neill was considered a composer of merit. The scores for both The Bluebird and Mary Rose , for example, possess a significant degree of interest and variety. Although the philosophies and music discussed above do not in any way exhaust the available information relative to twentieth century European theatre, they serve as an indication of a general movement. In breaking with all past conventions, experimental theatres have been discovering new musical idioms and new methods for putting them to work. Along with the new task of supplementing philosophical and social treatises, music continues to fulfill the more conventional functions in the Comedie Prancaise and other conservative theatres. Since the contemporary European theatre embodies elements from past cultures, music often takes the shape of another period. This mingling of tradition and experimentation produces a multiplicity of purpose, and a variety of styles in writing and performance. American Precedents Music has been a part of theatre in the United States since early in the eighteenth century when the principal fare consisted of plays by the Restoration writers, Farqhuar, Otway, and Congreve. 162 The actors 162 Glenn Hughes, A History of the American Theatre. 1700-1950 (New York: Samuel French, 1<%I), pp.' '1-U5, passim .

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65 presenting these plays were trained in England and must surely have brought with them English stage traditions, which included decorative songs. Box-office reports and budgets from early theatres support this conjecture with proof of the convention of music. One manager, whose intake for a performance was 136 pounds, paid 18 pounds for music, candles, doormen, billposters, dressers, properties, and printing, ^3 There is further proof of the regular inclusion of music in the script of the first American play performed. Royall Tyler's The Contrast requires Marie to sing "Song of AknomookJ" in Act I and the Yankee hero, Jonathan, sings "Yankee Doodle" in Act in. 161 * Theatre orchestras and interspersed songs, borrowed from the British, continued to be conventional in the nineteenth century. While early managers often presented panoramas rather than plays with dialogue, even this form of theatre turned to music for additional enchantment, as shown in this announcement of a panorama: Among the exhibition will be a new scene, prepared for the oocaslon, called the Spirit of Painting and Music , in which the varieties of shade will be presented, changing with the music from the heaviest 163 Ibid. , p. 33. Plays ^^Arthur Hobson Quinn, Representative American (New York: The Century Co.', 1925/, pp. 53-66.

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66 to the lightest. 16 ^ In a discussion of panoramas on the frontier, Edmund Gagey includes this comment: ^ith the usual musical accompaniment, panoramas , . , gave views of the cities and scenery of California of the overland route to the West, ... of local * events, . . . occasionally running to 10,000 feet of pictorial art. l6 ° In addition to the panoramas, the American theatre offered Romantic productions based on Indian lore and historical events. These made extensive use of music, l6 ? as in the case of The Indian Princess , where Captain John Smith faces his doom to the accompaniment of music, and is freed after Powhatan deliberates to other, more plain168 tive strains. Music pervaded most of this native drama between 1800 and 1850 and references repeatedly suggest its use to create mood, suggest atmosphere, and increase suspense. 169 That there was some attempt to exercise good taste, to use music to further the drama, is suggested by a reference to an 1807 production of John D. Turnbull's I6cr t , « H * P * Phelps, Players of a Centu ry (Albany: Joseph McDonnough Co. , I8B0) , p. £9. * 7 l66 Edmund Gagey, The San Francisco Stapre (New Columbia University Press“'19£0 J , p. — t ^^ R1 °hard Moody, America Takes the S tage (Bloomington; Indiana University Press, ), p. 27; ““ ^ 168 . 169 Ibid., p. 88. Phid. , pp. 32-168, passim .

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67 R«dol£h, which. Moody states, was . . one of the first American plays to specify a sympathetic musical accompaniment." 1 ? 0 During the nineteenth century, the majority of American theatre music was written in a popular, romantic idiom with frequent songs in the form of satires on European folk music. One composer of this music was Victor Pelissier, who, in addition to writing for the theatre and concert stage, published his own music in monthly periodical form, under the title Pelissier* s Columbia Me lodies, 18 , 12 . 171 His compositions for theatre included the plays: Adelgltha, Alzuma, or the Death of Plzarro . -BrldaI Rln ^ > .The Deaf Lover. Glory of Columbia . The 0f th9 Lake » The Merry Gardener . Sicilian Romance . The Tempest, and Valentine and Oroson . 172 Pelissier's theatre music parallels his other compositions in adherence to regular rhythm and a strict key sense. It is neither strikingly good nor bad, just competent work. Since there is not much variety in style, one sample may serve to exemplify Pelissier's composition. This excerpt is from "A Dance" as performed at the New dies 171 Victor Pelissier, (12 vols . , Philadelphia: Pelissier's Columbian Melo^ wniig, im). • Congr. s ,r 2Card Pll8S f ° r lncld9ntal library of

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68 York Theatre in The Tale of Mlstery . 173 Fig. 7 — Excerpt : "A Dance," The Tale of Hjstery Samples of theatre music by other nineteenth century composers reveal great similarity of style. On the whole, the music is nondescript, as though produced on an 173 I, 10 Pelissier, Pelissler's Columbian Melodies.

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69 assembly line. It is singable, danceable, and pleasant enough, but possesses no individuality to make one song or one composer's work readily distinguishable from another. Judging from existing samples, the quality of music did not improve during the century. Hoop of Gold , advertised in 1881;, as the "greatest of modern melodramas,” contained a pleasant number in march time, dedicated to a daughter who flirts and titled: "Mary, Come in and Shut the Door."' 1 ' 7 ^ In 1885, J. P. Skelly composed lyrics in a ballad style for the song "She's the Image of Her Mother” performed by the playwright Gus Williams in Oh, What a Night . 17 ^ Music had a place of prominence in the nineteenth century American theatre. It served as a vehicle for popular entertainments, added suspense and atmosphere in melodramas, and gave continuity to panoramas. Paralleling and imitating the styles of the theatre it served, this music was overly romantic and stereotyped. As in other periods, the art was adapted for a functional purpose. No great change occurred in the styles or functions of music in the American theatre in 1900. In the first year of the century, Sidney Ellis wrote six sentimental and popular songs for the romantic comedy. Watch 17 ^Written and composed by Percy B. Gaunt. * 17 ^C over title: Gus Williams' New Son^s .

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70 T 76 on the Rhine . ' Music for George Ade’s College Widow , produced in I 90 I 4 , is typical of the period. Irene Berge's seven pages of waltz music display several moods and tempo, stated with simplicity and some variety. Excerpts from two waltzes follow: Fig. 9 — Excerpt: "Piu mosso," The College Widow This music is unobtrusive, seemingly suitable for a pleasant and noncommital background. When Belasco produced Girl of the Golden West in 1905, there was nothing of musical significance other than " . . • an orchestra of popular instruments including the concertina, the banjo, and the 176 incidental Music Piles, Library of Congress. 177i ren e Berge, The College Widow Waltzes (New York: Witmark and Sons, 190l|), pp. ’3— Li .

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•bones’ of oldtime minstrels." 17 ® In 1907, the popular composer, Chauncey Olcott, was still writing the type of song for which he had been popular in 1896 and had written for plays such as The Minstrel of Clare (1896, A Romance of Athlope (1899), Old Limerick Town (1902), Eileen Asthore (1906), and O’Neill of Derry (1907). 179 Richard Mansfield’ 1906 production of Ibsen’s Peer Gpnt did not employ Grieg’s music. A new score was composed by Clarence Lucas, excerpts of which are quoted: 4 VM . 1 \ zfev ti, A . r\ . t Z \ „ X _ t i • 1 44? * # 1 . 1 1 4 * * ^ M V: 0 9 0 Y Uj) 3 os /-«»«/
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All of these waltzes have more character and individuality than those written earlier for College Widow . They are not demanding of attention, but they do possess some musical body, not a mere collection of notes from a major chord, spaced in 3 /I 4 . rhythm. A distinguishable style was presented again in 1916 by Robert Hood Bower’s compositions of popular songs for James B. Carson’s Models Abroad . Pour of the songs from the play were published. In the quoted passage from ”I’d Do Anything For You’’ (reminiscent of a type of music popular in more recent years), there is evidence that the composer moved with l8 2 certainty and some knowledge of musical exponents: (Piano Refrain excerpt) Models Abroad (New York: Witmark and Sons, 1916).

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Progress was slow, however, and labored scores, such as Maurice NitkeÂ’s "Intermezzo" for Omar the Tentmaker , a 1915 production, continually made appearances. Noticeable and notable improvement had taken place in American theatre music by 1928. A striking example is Emerson Whithorne's music for Eugene OÂ’Neill's Marco Millions . Through the use of intervals of a half-tone, parallel fourths and fifths (outlawed in conventional harmony books), Whithorne obtained an Eastern mood of coldness and dignity. No sentiment is suggested by this music, only the presence of Eastern formal art and austere mannerisms. There seems to be an attempt to pattern Oriental music, not to retouch Western music with Oriental flavoring. A composer of acknowledged quality who first wrote for the theatre during the decade between 1910 and 1920 and continued to contribute to this functional art in the 1930's serves as a connecting link between the first of the century and later development. His music also serves as an example of the improved quality in theatre composition. The man is Deems Taylor (1885), whose theatre I83 Congress. Music analyzed by the writer at the Library of 181 w sic analyzed by the writer at the Library of Congress.

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76 compositions include: The Adding Machine , Beggar on Horse back , Llllom , Casanova, and Lucrece. The caliber of these theatrical compositions is indicated by the fact that several have been adapted for instrumental ensembles and published for use outside the theatre. A list would include: Lucrece , suite for string quartet; ballet from Casanova and ballet from Beggar on Horseback . TaylorÂ’s theatre music and philosophy are discussed along with those of other contemporary composers in Chapters IV and VI of this study. Since 1930, music has escaped the conventionality and stereotype in which it had stagnated for almost two centuries. The years 1930-1955 are marked by experimentation, diminution, and at times, extinction of music. Generally, there is great individuality in the various styles and purposes of music in the American contemporary theatre. Conclusions Precedents discussed in this chapter have been divided according to specific periods and theatres, with attention pointed to the dramatic function served by music in each. In both the Greek and Elizabethan theatres, a high degree of artistic integrity was apparent in the blending of music and drama; while on the Restoration, 18 5 ^Personal interview with Deems Taylor, Composer and Music Critic, New York, February 15, 1956.

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77 French Neo-Classic, and Victorian stages the effect may have been as pleasing, the intent was less serious. American theatre borrowed from British traditions in the use of music as in other areas, and seldom before the twentieth century could samples of skillfully integrated musio be found. Since 1900, both in Europe and the United States, there has been a growing tendency to re-evaluate music in terms of genuine dramatic purpose. When a modern producer elects to present a play, either new or from standard repertory, one of his decisions is whether or not to use music. Certainly he has many traditions to support the integration of music, whether it be for underscoring tragedy, illuminating character, establishing mood, bridging awkward gaps in staging or simply for adding decoration.

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CHAPTER II* AMERICAN PROFESSIONAL THEATRE: 1930-1955 The dramatist, proclaims American playwright, Elmer Rice, does not exist in a vacuum. 1 He is a product of his time and is moat effective and significant when he expresses and reflects the currents of thought and feeling that prevail in his society. For in an audience. Rice insists. There is no time for reflection, no time to turn back the page, to view the image from more than one angle, to examine the texture of the material. What is not’ instantly grasped is forever lost. Hence, the dramatist, more than any other artist, must express himself in terms of the tempo and outlook of his era. ... he is the mirror of his times. If this thesis is accepted, it is impossible to isolate theatre from its social and economic surroundings, for full understanding of any theatre demands an awareness of the society mirrored by that theatre. Therefore, in order to appraise the position of music in contemporary American 1 theatre, the relationship existing between our theatre and our general society must be considered. •^Elmer Rice, "American Theatre and the Htunan Spirit ” Saturday Review . XXXVIII (December 17, 1955), 9-4l. 2 Ibid . , p. 9. 78

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79 Though some of its habits may be borrowed, our theatre is primarily an American institution. It is American in business practices, styles of acting, design, and choice of fare. When summarizing the past fifty years of our drama, Alan S. Downer alludes to this ,f Arne r leanness” of the Broadway theatre as an established fact. ^ a glance through play titles of the past twentyfive years indicates an interest in past cultures has merged with a concern for the social tenor of our own time. In addition to projecting the changing image of our society on the stage, Broadway has reflected these socio-economic changes in its business habits. Theatre has usually been operated by theatre-people, but in the 1920's a number of business men put money into show business hoping to double investments. Gradually Big Business advanced from the status of an "angel" and theatrical speculator to a full-time employer. When, during the depression, it was necessary to develop a Work Project for unemployed theatrical workers or place them on already overcrowded relief rolls, the United States government served as a temporary boss for the _ _ _ ^Alan D° wn s*’» Fifty Years of Am erican Drama. 1900-1950 (Chicago: Henry Kegnery Co., 1951}', p. 1^8.

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80 theatre.^ By 19U0, Federal Theatre had been abolished# and self-sufficient theatres were almost extinct. Since then. Big Business has maintained its monopolistic managership. The theme of contemporary American theatre activities, on and off stage, can be stated in one word: change. This change has been motivated by (1) alterations in the socio-economic complexion of the United States and (2) operational changes within the theatre. Since theatre can exist only within the framework of society, general conditions affecting its practices will be considered first. An initially mild concern over the problems of working people began to reach a climax in the late 1920Â’ s. Class-consciousness was the inevitable result of the economic disparity that marked an era that paraded its wealth and ignored its poverty. While some people felt that high societyÂ’s headlong rush between 1921 and 1927 would never end,^ and though sociologists describe the labor movement of the 1920 Â’s as lethargic,^ undercurrents of worker-consciousness were expressed in the ^Hallie Flanagan, Arena (New York: Duell, Sloan and Pearce, 19lj-0). ^Harold Clurman, The Fervent Years (New York: Alfred A. Knopf, 1950), p. 26. ^C. H. Pegg etal. , American Society and th e Changing World (2d ecL'; New York: F. 3. Urofts, 1947), p. 14.(53.

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theatre. Elmer Rice's Adding Machine , written in 1923, presented a serious view of man's problems in a mechanized world. In 1926, a Workers' Drama League was formed in New York City, and the following year five young playwrights established the New Playwrights' Theatre which was devoted to the defense of the underprivileged. This trend continued, and by 1929 there were hundreds of dramatic clubs attached to foreign-born workers' organizations . 7 These dramatic interests and efforts were at first unrelated in any way to American Professional Theatre. However, paralleling the rise of outstanding groups, such as the Workers' Laboratory Theatre (by 1932, a national league) and the Thoatre Union (1933), 8 workers' problems appeared more and more frequently as subject matter for new plays on Broadway. The most talked-about productions of plays with working class themes were those given by the Group Theatre, an organization started in 1931 by Harold Clurman, Lee Strasberg, and Cheryl Crawford. Stating that their technique was founded on life values, Clurman gives their philosophy In these words: . . . interest in the life of our times must ™?. ua the discovery of those methods that would most truly convey this life through the n Gorelik, New Theatres for Old , p. I4.00. 8

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82 thoatr®. . . . The criterion of Judgment for what is good or bad in the theatre--be it in plays, acting or staging — does not derive from some abstract standard of artistic or literary fr ° m a ^ ud S® ent of what is fitting--that is, humanly desirable— for a particular audience. ^ The Group Theatre etreaeed the Importance of theatre values having a meaning of social Import, thus setting It aside from the popular entertainment concept predominant in Broadway theatres. The Group Theatre was a natural proving ground for playwrights who were sensitive to lowerand middleclass living. Here they found sympathetic response to their themes and harmonious portrayal of their characters and situations. In fact, playwrights and actors grew up together philosophically, developing in the process an enthusiasm for a theatre based on human needs. 10 Clifford Odets, one of the young members, demonstrated a talent for creating social drama and became the principal playwright for the Group. Waiting for Left.v a play based on a New York taxicab strike, was Odets’ first revolutionary piece and was followed in quick succession by Awake and Sing . Paradise Lost , and Till — 6 . D1 .® • Odets had a close acquaintance with JW . » PP. 39-136. Hughes, A Histo ry of the American Theatre , p. Jj21.

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83 the people and strifes he wrote about. He had lived in a dismal area of New York City, and, on many evenings during the worst winter of the depression, he and the GroupÂ’s founder wandered through the "Village" blending their hopes and fears with those of other questioning, hungry Americans. 12 The values stressed in OdetsÂ’ plays not only satisfied the tenets of the Group Theatre; they were important to the audience as dramatizations of American living. These years in the 1930Â’ s, described by John Gassner as a period of social and cultural ferment, were pictured in four more plays by Odets, Golden Bov . Night Music . Rocket to the Moon , and Clash by Night . *-3 Produced by the Group Theatre, these plays all dealt with middleclass people whose lives were filled with failures. Odets, often called the playwright of the 30Â’s, was succeeded by another of the Group Theatre writers, William Saroyan, whose work was a dramatic response to the thinking and feeling about dominant social problems in the 19l|0Â’s. The first of Saroyan's controversial plays, My HeartÂ’s in the Highlands , was presented by the Group in 1939. ^ Other dramatic views of American life 12 Clurman, The Fervent Years , pp. 113-120. ^Hughes, A History of the American Theatre , p. 1*22. ^Clurman, The Fervent Years , p. 264.

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were drawn by Sidney Kingsley, also introduced by the Group Theatre. Not all of his plays dealt with failure in lower income groups, but they did treat social and psychological problems. Whether set in a hospital as Men in White or in the slums as Dead End , they displayed the strength of his belief in the "common manÂ’s courage and warmth." This tendency was further exemplified by his later works. The World We Make and The Outward Room . 1 ^ Mordecai Gorelik traces the class-consciousness that activated both the workersÂ’ theatres and the drama written for the Group Theatre through that whole decade of American playwriting. He contends there has always been a propaganda element in theatre, but seldom such a direct call to action as that found during the 1930Â’s in the theatreÂ’s interpretation of the workersÂ’ problems. 16 Another drama critic, Barrett H. Clark, alludes to the economic problems that faced the playwrights with the disappearance of experimental theatres and with producers' ever-increasing desire for commercial success. And yet, according to Mr. Clark, American drama of the depression decade, supplied by a large number of competent writers. 16 Gorelik, New Theatres for Old , p. 408.

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85 was "very much alive. " 1 ^ Descriptions of the sudden change in look and atmosphere that came over New York City with the depression resemble a part of the Cinderella legend, when at midnight all the heroine's bright costume turns into dull, patched workclothes. Broadway in the 1930's shifted sets to match the new mood of its audience and the new drama growing from it. Class-consciousness developed into class concern. V/all Street crashed in 1929 and Broadway tumbled in 1930. Fifty fewer plays were produced in 1930-1931, and the number continued to dwindle with each new season. The theatre no longer portrayed the struggles of society; it fought to survive those struggles, and preserve that society. Art has always been classified as a luxury in America, and when the people who supported it were too bankrupt to afford it, thousands of musicians, painters, actors, writers, and stagehands were suddenly out of work. Actors' Equity lists included St 000 unemployed actors in New York City, and when workers in allied skills throughout the United States were added to the list, the estimate grew to a probable 20,000 to 30,000 unemployed theatrel8 people. As a result, producers were as bankrupt as 17 Barrett H. Clark, A Study of the Modern Drama (New York: D. Appleton-Century Co., 1936), pp. ^12-145'. 18 'Flanagan, Arena . p. 20.

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86 lumberyard owners, stock and vaudeville succumbed tinder the economic pressure, and most theatres except those IQ operated by workersÂ’ groups were empty. In an attempt to cure the national malady of unemployment, Congress passed the first Relief Act on March 31, 1933 , and the following November, the Civil Works Administration was established for the purpose of creating U, 000, 000 Jobs for men and women in desperate need. Nine weeks later, more than k, 200, 000 of the unemployed were put to work. In 1935, Congress replaced the CWA with the Works Progress Administration, Under this arrangement only employables were to be taken from relief rolls, and work was to be offered to them within their own skills and trades. The Federal Theatre Project evolved as a part of this plan, its purpose being to replace relief and to rebuild individual self-respect by letting a man 21 earn his food and shelter. Records for the New York Theatre project, as of December 28, 1935, list 3,350 workers. Sixty per cent of the number were actors, ten to fifteen per cent were stagehands and technicians, and five to ten per cent were 19 Hughes, A History of the American Theatre , p. 1^.9, 20 Flanagan, Arena, p. 16, 21 Ibid., pp. 18-52.

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87 newspapermen and playwrights. The other twenty per cent were ushers, porters, box-office employees, business managers, and office clerks . 22 These people operated in six New York City theatres, each devoted to a particular type Of production including the living newspaper, popular price, negro, and experimental, 2 -^ By May, 1936 , there were more than 12,000 people on Federal Theatre payrolls, and almost half of them were working in New York City. Concomitantly, hundreds of thousands of people were seeing theatre, and paying no more per ticket than the price of a neighborhood movie. 2i + Government and theatre business methods seemed to form a natural antithesis, and the necessary compromises with government procedures caused many delays in production. The national director, in writing of the tangles in red tape explains that • i • th ?®f V ere not struggles between adversaries as we'did wanted the projects to work as muih us Sre S® a atpn Sgle in which all of needs machinery to the 22 Ibid. , p. 55. 2 ^Ibld . , p. 6 2 . hughes, A Histor y of the American Thent.™* , 2 '’Flanagan, Arena . p. 53,

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88 Major differences in procedure were ironed out early in 1936, and New Yorkers first heard the rumor: "Uncle Sam has a hit on his hands ." 26 Willson Whitman’s documented study of Federal Theatre gives the following account of early productions ; The Federal Theatre presentation of T. S, Eliot’s Murder in the Cathedral first surprised the critics hy being a good production, and then amazed all observers by playing to capacity houses. Next, Just to prove it wasn’t accident, the new government enterprise scored another hit by producing Shakespeare in Harlem. A third success was an experimental production, in a technique new to America, dealing with an abstract problem in a political economy--the Living Newspaper which drew crowds in suite of the title "Triole-A Ploughed Under. "27 The swift, simple dramatization of facts, presented in the living newspaper with the color and snap of a revue sketch, appealed to audience and critic. Brooks Atkinson referred to the new form as a " . . . dynamic contribution to the technique of the theatre," and Burns Mantle called it " . . . the most vital idea which has entered the American Theatre in years. The Literary Digest reported. May, 1936 : "The greatest producer of hits is the Federal Government. It has four smashing 26 Willson Whitman, Bread and Circuses (New Y Oxford University Press, 19^7), p. 3 . — 2 7 Ibld . . p. 4 . 28 Ibid.

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89 successes in New York, a record unequalled by any producer 29 in eight years,” The record was broken again when the production of a fifth show prompted Robert Benchley to write: "The five [Federal Theatre productions] that I have seen have all been definitely worth doing, which is more than you could say for five consecutive shows on _ 30 Broadway. " Everything about the Federal Theatre seemed unique. Its beginnings wore dramatic; its productions, controversial; its audience reactions, unprecedented; its history, explosive. When Federal Theatre projects presented the classics, audiences applauded. When they presented documentaries about struggles with natural, social, and economic forces, people stood in line for seats. With a fifty-five cent maximum price for tickets, 31 this theatre was available to all the public, and much of the public attended performances. Sixty thousand people bought advance tickets for the fourth living newspaper production, 3 3 Power . Professional respect for the project was Arena , p. 192 Bread and Circuses . p. 6U. Flanagan, Arena , p. 181;.

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90 demonstrated in the unprecedented release by George Bernard Shaw and Eugene O’Neill of their plays for the small $50.00 weekly rental rate. 3 * 1 This success was brief: first, a WPA strike caused darkened theatres; then censorship in disguise prohibited WPA sponsorship of a controversial music-drama. The Cradle Will Rock . 3 ^ Ultimately, scenes from Federal Theatre plays were enacted on the floor of Congress, and hours were spent in House and Senate debates over the merits and demerits of the project. 36 There was national support for the continuation of Federal Theatre, but there was formidable opposition too. The same fears of propaganda that had instigated the censorship of The Cradle Will Rock plagued the minds of Congressional committee members and blinded their eyes to facts. While they feared the powers of drama that caused the public to think and to question American government and economy, they swallowed with gullibility the propaganda of that theatre's enemies. 37 The defendant was found guilty without a careful investigation and sentenced to dissolvement in the name of 3 ^Ibld . , p. 192-193. 35 Ibid., pp. 201-203. 36 ibia., P . 333. 07 J Leland L. Zimmerman, "The Federal Theater, An Evaluation and Comparison with Foreign National Theaters” (Unpublished Ph.D. Dissertation, University of Wisconsin 1955 ), p. 156 .

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91 necessary cuts In Government spending by an Act of Congress, June 30, 1939 . 38 In spite of its early and violent demise, the record of the Federal Theatre Project merits attention* t During the four years of its existence, the WPA experiments in theatre contributed much to our society, particularly to the cultures of music, drama, and play-production. Themes for the living newspaper and many other experimental plays were based on American problems. Sing for Your Supper , one of the shows running when Congress abolished Federal Theatre, reached a climax in a forty-minute ballad tracing the American fight for liberty . 39 i n an atmosphere where free experimentation with theatrical tools was allowed, and in which commercial success was not the dictator of methods, young composers, playwrights, and producers developed theories that continue to influence theatre habits.^ 0 At the close of the Theatre's first season, Fortune Magazine asserted the government's experiments in music, painting, and theatre had worked a cultural revolution in America, bringing the audience and the 38 Flanagan, Arena . pp. 333-373. 3 9 Ibld ., p. 365. ^°Some of the people who were notable in Federal Theatre Productions and who are still active in theatre are. Paul Green, T. S. Eliot, Orson Welles, Virgil Thomson, Marc Blitzstein, and Lehman Engel.

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92 artist face to face for the first time in their respective lives, and as a result, the astonished public suddenly wanted more art.^ Through some 1,000 plays (77 new scripts), over 30,000,000 people in 29 states saw a partial fulfillment of the new-found desire for more art. ^ Just as the United States began to feel economic security at home, and could look with reflective objectivity toward the depression, there were necessary worries over mounting international strife. After the invasion of Poland in 1939, President Roosevelt declared: "This nation will remain a neutral nation, but I cannot ask that every American remain neutral in thought as well."^ To Harold Clurman, the years before our entry into the war were "... a kind of stasis, pregnant with possibilities for both good and evil."^ He described public feeling as one "... of good times over a volcano; ... heedless gaiety . . . rather agreeable feverishness."^ During these years of international uncertainty, playwrights History ^Whitman, Bread and Circuses , p. 76. ^Gassner, A Treasury of the Theatre , p. 780. ^Richard B. Morris (ed.). Encyclopedia of American (New York: Harper and Brothers , 19^3 ) , p. 368. ^Clurman, The Fervent Years , p. 293. ^ 5 Ibld . . p. 291+.

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93 continued to write dramas of social criticism, often slanting them heavily with democratic propaganda, A notable example of the anti-Fascist propaganda play appeared in 1941, in Lillian Heilman’s Watch on the Rhine, ^ When the United States declared a state of war in 47 1941, there was general inflation in prices, salaries, and emotional climate. On Broadway, World War II created abnormal stimulation at the box-office as production costs and admission prices soared with the increase in the size of audiences .^ 8 The theatre reflected public anxiety and escapism, not by mirroring it, but by furnishing an antidote in the form of lavish musicals. ’’War,” asserts Glenn Hughes, "never fails to stimulate musical productions, the obvious and perhaps sound assumption being that tensions of both military and civilian personnel are best relieved by such entertainment. " Musical comedies flourished in the season of 1942-1943. While some of these shows, such as This is the Army by Irving Berlin, stressed the humor in army-camp life, subject matter for the biggest ^Morris, Encyclopedia of American History , p. 594 . ^ 7 Ibld . . p. 368 . ^ 8 Hughes, A History of the American Theatre , p. 44 ft. U 9 Ibld.. p. 4 55 .

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94 contribution of the season, the Rodgers and Hammerstein OklahoraaJ, was far removed from war realities.* 0 Included in the escapist trend were several attempts to revive vaudeville and legitimatize burlesque. The surge of frivolous entertainment was so strong that it caused John Gassner to lament war-time activities on Broadway and to point out that, in 1943, New York was one of the few theatre capitols left in the Western world where the epic struggle of fighting between and within people could have been expressed, and yet only one production. Moss Hart,s Ringed Victory, presented by the Army Air Force expressed that struggle. *^ By 1944, some plays with war themes were being produced. One of the first plays treating World War II problems was Laurence Stallings' The Streets Are Guarded . However, musicals or comedies continued to be in the majority, and during the first victory season, Broadway began to display an interest in classical revivals.* 2 But the impact of the war was still being felt as late as 1946 when two plays with war themes were hits on Broadway: 5 ° Ibld .. p. 456 . *^John Gassner, Crown Publishers, Inc., The Theatre in Our Tim** W, p. 374. (New York: „„ f"® 1 * 8 . A History o f the American Theat™ . pp. 4o 1-466. — *

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95 one. All My Sona by Arthur Miller, was a treatment of warprof iteering, and the other, John Loves Mary by Norman Krasna, dramatized a serviceman's misunderstanding with his fiancee. ^3 Both serious and comic treatments of war problems have continued to appear as popular Broadway productions, examples being Command Decision , The Diary of Anne Frank , Mister Roberts , and No Time for Sergeants .^ Though no great American war literature arose, the war-inspired drama generally displayed intelligence in the handling of problems. The stage mirrored, in retrospect, the human and international conflicts, and the same people who a few years previous had written about social problems at home, now reflected the I9I4.O-I9I45 status quo. Maxwell Anderson wrote Eve of St. Mark . Elmer Rice, Flight to the West, and Robert Sherwood, There Shall Be No Night . One of the plays stimulated by the war, but not treating it directly, was Thornton Wilder's impressive The Skin of Our Teeth which reached beyond the immediate crisis and telescoped the history of man's struggle for survival.^ After 1945» Americans, sobered by a depression and a war, showed a renewed interest in scientific achievements 535 Ibid . , p. I4.60-I4.67, ^Command Decision was presented in 19i47-19li8: The Diary of Anne ^' rank , 195^-1956; Mister Roberts. 19li7-loH7TT No Time for Sergeants , 1Q55-19561 ' ^Ga saner, A Treasury of the Theatre , p, 784.

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96 and education. 5 6 For the American theatre, the audience boom was over, though the number of productions did not decrease immediately. Producers revived more plays from Elizabethan and Restoration periods; experimental theatre again became active, and new styles of writing were apparent in the work of playwrights such as Arthur Hiller and Tennessee Williams .^ 7 The theatre became a mixture of styles, subjects, and periods, unified only by their efforts in experimentation. When the United States entered the Korean War in 1950, memories of World War II were too fresh to permit a repetition of the excitement that had glossed the surface of society seven or eight years earlier. During this conflict, there was no race for escapist entertainment. In fact, a diminishing public interest in theatre caused a production slack on Broadway, but recently, prosperity has been evident in the renewed enthusiasm among playgoers, and in a growing intent within the industry to improve production quality. 59 Both interest and improvement have reached U72-Ij8o.^ 7HUSh0S ' -Hl3tory of the African Theatre . pp 58 Morris, Encycl opedia of American History , p. 397 . I**? & f ° r th °

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97 a peak in the current 1955-1956 season, thus causing pleasant consternation among the critics, who, wellversed in explaining failure, stammer a bit in writing of a successful renaissance. Brooks Atkinson declares that more people have moved into the upper middle-class income bracket in recent years and as a consequence can afford theatre as a form of recreation, but he adds " • • • they would not go to the theatre if Broadway were not producing the kind of plays they want to see.” 60 Mr, Atkinson agrees with drama critic, Walter Kerr, that this may well be the result of an American determination to pause, since in contemplation, people look at themselves as human beings, and can be ready to see individuals, not types of psychotics portrayed in the theatre. 6 ^ Throughout the period covered by this study, there have been extreme conditions of depression and war hysteria with subsequent recuperation from them. These have affected the theatre both in terms of its financial operation and in the quality and type of its productions. To the playgoer, the effects of the conditions existing between 1930 and 1955 have been seen either as a stage image of his own 6 %w York Times . April 22, 1956, Section II, p. 1 . 6l Ibid.

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98 interests and problems or as a fanciful or humorous escape from thinking about those problems. Now, in the middle of the 1950 decade, with countless problems still facing Americans, the theatre reflects a diversity of interests. There are experimental theatres off -Broadway, musicals, war comedies, serious plays, and dramatized psychological studies, all spotlighting the cultures and thinking of a heterogeneous American public.^ 2 In addition to the national and international conditions that prompted changes in American Professional Theatre, there have been major operational changes within the industry during the past twenty-five years. The first and perhaps most important of these changes started in the late 1920’s, when Big Business began to play ''angel" for Broadway productions. A fair warning of the dangers of outside investment was printed in the Theatre Guild Maga zine . October, 1929: y ast changes are taking place in the whole American world of theatre and entertainment. Following the f? 8hl °? ? f the tirae > the merging process in the motion picture and vaudeville field is in full swing. Gigantic corporations, or groups of corporations, like Fox, Warner and Paramount, are purchasing theatres—not by the dozens but by the hundreds— Not millions, but literally billions of dollars are involved. Wall Street has become an angel in a big way. ... Broadway, taken as a whole . . . presents the spectacle of a horde of 62 1 Gassner, The Theatre in Our Times , pp. 9 -n.

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99 aumteurs with only pocket money as against hucr* combing^ organized like General Motors and sone critics felt that the men with money meant well, but that by turning the profession of theatre Into big business they spoiled It for Independent producers and made It subject to new hazards. 6 ^ The element of chance has always been present In the world of theatre, but by the mid-1930's. It became almost the whole of theatrical business. 65 Morton haa oalled tMs sp9oulatlon by outside interest. "... an abnomsal Incident In theatre history." The greatest hazard caused by monied Interests was the necessity of commercial success. When theatre belonged to theatre-people, successes and failures Slight balance throughout the year, but when a single show was "owned" by an outside Investor, It had to make money, or close. Competition became keener.and productions were made more lavish In order to attract public dollars Into the box-office. Broadway became primarily an Industry, with art an incidental by-product . 6 ? 65 Morton Eustis, B'Wav Tnc * ThA nnv,* _ nesa (New York: Dodd, »nn7 HmJ M ) T h tre , &s a gr after cited as * B* Way inc 1 E PPW>. Here66 I^id*# P* 7. ^7 .Ibid, t pp. 94-10i|, passim.

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100 This situation has dominated the industry throughout the years since 1930. As recently as March, 1956, a review in the New York Times drama section stated: The Broadway producer is in the business to make a profit. Since he has $300,000 or $400,000 invested in his production, he must sell out his theatre night after night for a year or more. ® Big Business cannot honestly be blamed for all the stress on "profit” in the theatre industry. A case of over-organization must share the criticism. In 1913, a group of actors, desiring a " . . . standard, uniform, equitable contract n 69 . . . established Actors’ Equity, the first unit in a complex organizational pattern that was to grow into a many-armed monster, capable of strangling the theatre. Other groups in the theatre, quick to note the success of Actors’ Equity, began to fight for their own welfare. Some groups allied themselves with the American Federation of Labor for the sake of achieving greater strength and a more rapid advancement of their cause. By 1934, every branch of the legitimate theatre was organized. Show business now had to make money for investors, and in addition gross enough to pay union wages to the members of twenty-five separately organized theatrical groups. 70 68 New York Times . March 16, 1956, Section II, p. l. 69 Eustis, B’ Way Inc. 1 . p. 9. 70 Ibid . . pp, 11-15,

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101 There seems to be no sound economic foundation for the organization of the professional theatre industry. A producer cannot simply hire a group of people to work; he must hire according to union specifications until he has one man to drive a truck, another to unload scenery, and still another to put the scenery into place. Under such conditions, it is to be expected that producers will not gamble on plays likely to achieve only artistic success. If producers are to survive at all, they must produce hits.^ 1 Pressures from investors and workers would seem to be sufficient plague for any industry, but Broadway is subject to additional pressures from competing forms of entertainment . The first of these pressures caused a depression in the legitimate theatre in 191I|, when the 3,000 seat Strand Theatre opened for exclusive showing of motion pictures. By 19 3 2, llj,000 movie houses were wired for sound, and played to audiences totaling 70,000,000 a week. With this competition, theatre after theatre closed its door or set up a screen and dismissed actors, musicians, stagehands, and technicians. Theatres continuing to present live plays had to charge high prices ($2.20 for a play as compared to $.25 for a movie) in order to pay union wages, advertising, royalties, and rent. In addition to the great difference in price of admission, theatres had to compete against the fascination inherent 71 Ibid., pp. 10lj-110.

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102 in the new me, entertainment. ™ Radio fo i loved clos , on the heels of the motion picture and lured away still another segment of the theatre audience. Finally, In the 1940’S, television Joined the competition. The newer forms of entertainment made possible by scientific experiments greatly diminished the audience for the New York Professional Theatre. As audiences have dwindled in else, the number of active theatres on Broadway has decreased from seventy in 1926 .73 to etghteen in 1955. 71 * Paradoxically, this competition has encouraged artistic Improvement, forcing higher standards in selection and production. John Beaufort, a contemporary critic, summarising event, in recent theatre history, explains the public's taste for the mediocre has been satisfied by offerings on radio, television, and the B and 0 grade movie presentations. He points to the recognition on Broadway that there is little market for programs designed for this already satiated appetite. Producers have accepted the fact that they cannot compete with this caliber of production without inviting additional financial reverses. Furthemore, Eustia, B* Way Inc.» . p . 95 7 I tlons Dlrector°of 1 Muslclana W nn, \ b9 SaT l 89 * Publl < ! «»1»January 23, l^ff n ° b °cal 802, New York,

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103 they realize their opportunity for success depends on their ability to present a high quality of performance, one not offered by the other entertainment media. They are at last aware that the public will not pay high prices without being guaranteed an equivalent high standard of script and production. Brooks Atkinson’s article on the phenomenal success of the 1956 season indicates that producers and public have reached a mutual definition of high quality. Big Business, Unions, and competition have made Broadway a profit-organization, but they have never completely strangled the interests within the theatre for really artistic presentations of great drama. The Theatre Guild, organized in 1918 , 77 has been active either in producing or sponsoring productions in spite of war, depression, and non-Broadway competition. Eva Le Gallienne's Civic Repertory group functioned from 1926 to 1932, producing thirty-four distinguished plays for a total of 1,581 performances, and in the war season of 1943 1944 , the City of New York established a City Center of Music and 75 „ „ Personal interview with John Beaufort, Drama Critic for The^Christian Science Monitor New York February 2, “1956. ~ — — * 7 6 New York Times , April 22, 1956, Section II, p. 1. 77 Hughes, A History of the American Theatre , p. 373

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lOlj. Drama, a non-profit organization to provide cultural entertainment at low prices. 78 There have, of course, been other signs of interest in theatre as an art and not Just as an industry, but the activities of the Theatre Guild, the Civic Repertory, and the City Center remain the outstanding examples. Prom the beginning, the Theatre Guild maintained the policy of presenting distinguished plays according to the best professional standards. The directors brought plays previously classified as uncommercial to a big middle-class audience. Harold Clurman asserts that no other American theatre has produced so many worth-while scripts. 7 Furthermore, the Theatre Guild continued to send shows on tour when other producing agencies had admitted defeat for traveling theatre. Beginning during the 19i|0’s, the Theatre Guild became a sponsoring organization for distinguished productions, with its sponsorship serving as a hallmark of quality. 80 Eva Le Gallienne, in founding the Civic Repertory theatre, felt that in America there is an audience receptive » PP» 3&k-k$7, passim . 79 Clurman, The Fervent Years , p. 25. 80 128 HUgh68 ' A History of the American Theatre.

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105 to the presentation of great dramatic literature. Her Innovations, born of this Interest In a large popular audience. Included prices lower than commercial theatres and utilization of the repertory rather than the long-run plan of production. In spite of adverse criticism and financial problems, her theatre continued presenting Moliere, Shakespeare, Ibsen, and Chekhov until mid81 depression days. Besides the work of individual producers, such as Maurice Evans and Margaret Webster, the New York scene is marked by one concerted effort for a theatre of culture. This is the organization at the City Center of Music and Drama. Mayor LaGuardia, with the City Council, set this system into operation in 19l|3. City Center has had difficulties in accomplishing its objectives of maintaining high quality at low prices, since unions have been reluctant to make wage concessions to the extent necessary to lower production costs. Despite financial problems and the complications fostered by the fluctuation of Jobs under a repertory system, the City Center has operated for thirteen seasons presenting revivals of great 32 dramatic literature. 81 . Eva Le Gallienne, At 33 (New York: Longmans , Green and Co., 193b), pp. 205-255. 02 Hughes, A History of the American Theatre , p. 457.

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106 The prevailing thread of change in American theatre fare has been discussed largely in terms of its tendency to mirror conditions in society and in terms of industrial problems in the theatre. There is another way in which theatre acts as a mirror. It responds not only to general social climate, but is also influenced by prevalent styles in the other arts. Consequently, when stylistic experiments developed in poetry, music, and painting, they were reflected in drama as well. During the period, 1930-1955, there was great diversity of styles in play writing and production, the span ranging from naturalism to poetic symbolism. Mordecai Gorelik, in a chapter on style, traces the influence of symbolism and its many facets in the drama of the twentieth century. Showing the variegated shapes of the parent style as it branches off into surrealism, dadaism, expressionism, and subjectivism, he concludes that this dramatic form is likely to undergo many changes before acquiring the final solution to theatre's continual problem of convincing audiences of the worth of drama. ^ Though symbolism has been prominent, it cannot accurately be labeled the style of twentieth century 83^ Gassner, A Treasury of the Theatre , pp. 773 78 I 4 .. ^^Gorelik, hew Theatre for Old , pp. 214-271.

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107 drama. No one style can be given that label. As John Oassner points out, ”... we no longer have the stability that could give any single convention a long and fruitful period of exclusive or nearly exclusive rule.” 8 ^ Consequently, many new schools of theatre and drama have been loud in announcing new dispensations, but they have been short-lived or have merged quickly with some other philosophy. Naturalism has persisted and mingled with the newer theories, though it was thought to be out of style by the 1890»s. Its successor, realism, has in turn been succeeded by and joined forces with symbolism, theatricalism, constructivism, poetic fantasy, and the documentary epic, 8 ^ When comparing current theatre with the past, Gassner declares: Conventions of classic drama and staging could last for a long time with only minor modifications. The medieval convention of staging on pageant wagons or on multiple settings J of little booths or "mansions” prevailed for nearly three hundred years. The Elizabethan convention of the platform stage lasted some fifty years, and the neo-classic style that succeeded it prevailed In Europe for about a hundred and fifty years. But the theatre of our own century has undergone constant alteration and has followed a variety of patterns. It looks like a mosaic of forms and styles. 0 ' ^Gassner, The Theatre in Our Times , p. 9. 86 Ibid., pp. 11-26. O n 'ibid. , p. 9.

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108 This is not adverse criticism; rather it adds proof to the thesis that the function of the theatre is to image the society it serves. In the conclusion to his study, Freud on Broadway. David Sievers contends: In this era of "isms," there should be an "ism*’ to express this goal of the drama and to set it a ^ ng S ^ d ? 4 °f 0X P ressl °nism, surrealism, naturalism and symbolism. If such a term might be coined to * escribe much of the American drama since 1920, it would be motivationism. 88 * A resume of the criteria for the various "isms" of dramatic style shows that there is much overlapping in the definitions given by the inventors, disciples, and critics of each, so that a distinct differentiation is a near impossibility. The important thing is that no one "ism" rules in American contemporary theatre, and that in a successful play, there are likely to be characteristics of several of the currently popular styles. While this multiplicity is disturbing in an attempt to classify and analyze current drama, the fusion of styles is further proof of the "Americanness" of our theatre. 88 n -• ? avld Sievers, Freud on Broadwav v™v. Hermitage House, 1955), p7 T#l+. 1

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CHAPTER III RISE, PALL, AND RESURGENCE OP MUSIC IN CONTEMPORARY AMERICAN THEATRE Between the composite parts of theatre, there is an inter-relationship important to the study of any one of these parts, Por a complete evaluation, music in the theatre should not be isolated from the practical aspects of theatre-business that govern the inclusion or omission of music in productions. Organizational planning, financial necessities, theatrical traditions, general social trends, and artistic merit are factors determining the position of music in contemporary American theatre. The forces discouraging any integration of music and the counter-forces favorable to a blending of arts in the theatre are weighed in the quantitative analysis given in this chapter. Por purposes of clarity, the conditions tending to promote the use of music and those tending to curtail it, will be discussed separately. The quantity of music performed as a supplement to spoken drama in the American professional theatre has gradually increased during the past twenty-five years. A year by year measurement shows considerable fluctuation in 109

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110 tho popularity of this theatrical device. During the Broadway season, 1930-1931. only two productions of plays incorporated music. Eight years later, however, music was performed in nineteen productions, and during the current 1955-1956 season, approximately a dozen plays have made use of integrated music. An examination of the period reveals that the popularity of music as a theatrical device has coincided with the activities of the Federal Theatre and the end of World War II, when theatre was in a phase of zestful experimentation. 1 Tendencies Promoting the Use of Music Data gathered from interviews with composers who worked on the Federal Theatre Project, playbills of the period, and the National Director's account of the Project's activities suggest that music held a prominent place in the artistic philosophy followed in WPA productions. These combined sources provide an explanation of a new enthusiasm for the use of music in dramatic productions that reached maximum proportions in 1937-1938, when nineteen out of one hundred Broadway productions employed some form of integrated Integra ted°mualc!' t PP> * for llatln « «lth

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Ill 2 music. While it is difficult to ascertain the precise extent to which Federal Theatre attitudes and techniques influenced commercial theatres, it can be stated with certainty that between 1935 and 1939, at least twentyfive of the WPA productions combined music with spoken drama, thus establishing a precedent that cannot be regarded lightly or dismissed as inconsequential. These experiments in the use of music can be traced to the desire of the National Project Director, Hallie Flanagan, for a "re-thinking" of the theatre’s function. In a discussion of this need, she stated: The stage ... must experiment--with ideas, with psychological relationships of men and women, with speech and rhythm forms, with dance and movement, with color and light. . . . The theatre must become conscious of the implications of the changing social order, or the changing social order will ignore, . . • the implications of the theatre.^ The tangible results of this "re-thinking" can be found in a report on one of the living newspapers. One Third of a Nation . In a description of that production. Director 2 All data In this chapter concerning annual Broadway production quantity is taken from Hughes, A History of the American Theatre , pp. 380-ij96, Comparisons of general production statistics with music-integrated production figures are based on data in Hughes and data given in Chart I, pp. 118-lIj.O of this chapter. ^See Chart I, ^Flanagan, Arena, p. 1^6.

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112 Flanagan included the following vignette, which testifies to music as an accepted, even essential, ingredient in Federal Theatre productions. Clair Leonard, at the piano, demonstrating musical progress, also discussed and illustrated theatre uses of integrated scores, incidental and background music, pointing all this up with his own expressive score for the play-a score which suggested the surge of city noises, the shriek of the fire siren, the bell of the ambulance, at the same time that it established the varying moods of indignation, despair, and hope in the audience. 5 Even when called to testify before a congressional committee, Hallie Flanagan felt that she not only had to defend herself, the actors, playwrights, directors, designers, costumers, and stage hands, but also " . . . musicians composing scores to bring out the best in our often oddly assembled orches4 « 6 tras. ... in citing trends of musical activity in contemporary theatre, George Freedley attests to the presence and contribution of these musicians when he gives Federal Theatre directors, Hallie Flanagan, Orson Welles, Elmer Rice, and Robert Greene credit for influencing music in Government Theatre, and, in turn, for influencing the increased integration of music in commercial theatres. According to Freedley, the successful integration of 5 Ibid . , p. 212. ^Ibld. , p. 3^0.

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113 music and spoken drama in these projects gave the first positive momentum to the growth of that integration. 7 Though Hallie Flanagan referred to "oddly assembled orchestras," composers were delighted to have a choice of musicians and freedom to employ an orchestra of any desired size. Virgil Thomson, who scored music for the Federal Theatre productions of Injunction Granted and Macbeth , states that a large number of musicians were assigned to each house from a larger musician pool, and while alternation of personnel was necessary, there was no scarcity of supply. He went on to compare conditions in the Federal Theatre with those of the current decade, in which a composer must write for only four musicians, unless his producer can afford higher rates and extra men.® The extent to which composers indulged in the opportunities given by the Federal Theatre is suggested by the fact that when Lehman Engel composed and conducted music for the WPA production of Murder in the Cathedral in 1935-1936, he used an orchestra with forty-five members, a back-stage chorus of one hundred voices, and an on-stage speaking chorus of twenty voices. Engel explained that this . p ®rsonal interview with George Freedley, Director of Theatre Collections, New York City Public Library and ?S Uthor a History of the Theatre . New York, February 16, Personal interview with New York, January 21, 1956. Virgil Thomson, Composer,

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number of musicians would be prohibitive under the current theatre-system, since the orchestra alone would cost $7,000 a week, with an additional $9,000 needed for the back-stage chorus, and another $2,000 to employ the speaking chorus. 9 Another typical reference to the Federal Theatre's contribution to the use of integrated music has been supplied by Max Marlin, a composer and music contractor since the 1920’s, who believes the Federal Theatre gave a great impetus to the use of music in the theatre. In citing the cause for his enthusiasm, he notes that this theatre gave directors and composers the all-important chance to try out and develop their theories. 10 The endorsement of the Federal Theatre's attitude toward music has not been confined to musicians alone. One drama critic of the period noted with approval that the United States, in its desire to hire musicians, provided an orchestra which played good music, very competently. 11 This provided an advantage that commercial producers could not enjoy because of the exorbitant cost of incorporating orchestra music in dramatic enterprises. In an explanation Cited in Whitman, Bread and Circus^ :«?7°30^ i?sr Vle “ “ lth Letaan En801 0o »P°^, New Mlth MarlIn * Contractor, p. 20.

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115 of the Federal Theatre set-up, Willson Whitman stated: With the whole machinery running in reverse so to speak, from the accustomed production standpoint, the directors had to face a good many unusual problems. . . -There could be music in the orchestra pit.l^ As a result of the opportunity to "run in reverse" and authorize musical experiments on the basis of artistic contribution rather than cost, the Government's experiment in drama destroyed the long-standing tendency to use music as incidental, theatrical trimming. Then, as producers regained some semblance of financial security, the lessons learned at government expense were employed commercially, as George Freedley suggests, and in spite of the added expense, musicians were brought into the theatre for the sake of the artistic service they were able to render. ^ The amount of music heard with spoken dramas in New York theatres diminished considerably during the years of World War II, but soon after the war there was a noticeable increase in its use. In the season 191^619l|7» eighteen of the approximately one hundred Broadway productions utilized music to enhance spoken drama. This increase in popularity matched the era's renewed interest 12 Ibid . , p. 31. 13„ rreedley. Interview, February 16, 1956.

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116 In experimental theatre and the simultaneous trend toward presenting revivals of Greek, Elizabethan, Neo-Classic, and Restoration dramas, which according to playbills and critical reviews have tended to include music. ^ When considering trends in the use of music, drama critic, V/alter Kerr, stated that although music is commonplace in the theatre today, it was rare until the 1947 production ° ^ A Stre etcar Named Desire . ^ Brooks Atkinson's explanation for this recent increase in the use of music is that Theatre is getting away from the naturalistic into mood, the poetic and the emotional. It deals with the subconscious impulse and music is certainly one way of projecting mood. . . . It is easier to capture the fantastic idea in music than with the human body. Music is an abstraction impossible to duplicate physically. 16 The movement away from highly naturalistic productions followed trends that had been established in the years between the Depression and the Second World War. Although these experiments were temporarily shelved, when warpressures and war-hysteria subsided in 1945, some Broadway producers and directors elected to resume experimentation and in so doing, they renewed their interest in the ^See Chart I, pp. 121-126, for music -integrated Federal Theatre Productions. 15 „ ^ „ Personal interview with Walter Kerr, Drama Critic The New York Herald Tribune , New York, January 26, lb^6. "'^Personal interview with Brooks Atkinson, Drama Critic for The New York Times , New York, January 19, 1956.

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117 theatrical merits of Integrating music with spoken drama. There is a positive correlation between these post-war experiments with music and the earlier ones conducted under Federal Theatre supervision. Many of the composers, playwrights, and directors who had been exposed to the freedom of experimentation in Federal Theatre Projects were active in the post-war anti-naturalistic theatre. That group included the composers Paul Bowles, Marc Blitzstein, Lehman Engel, and Virgil Thomson; playwrights Elmer Rice, Sidney Howard, Theodore Ward, Paul de Kruif, Maxwell Anderson, and Robert E. Sherwood; directors John Houseman, Orson Welles, and Eddie Dowling. For a comparison of personnel and titles for music-integrated productions during postwar years with those tinder Federal Theatre sponsorship, see the listing on pages 121-126 and I 3 O-I 35 . While it is true that the directors, playwrights, and composers working in Federal Theatre projects may have approached their duties with definite philosophies in mind, the important fact is that they were given the privilege of trying out or discovering theories, a privilege seldom offered by commercial theatre of the 1930's, and it is reasonable to assume that as a result of that experience their philosophies were strengthened.

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PAGE 146

CHART I Continued 134 3 © a o ft o 3 o p o © £ 3 © o T) o 3 ft 3 ® CO ® £ < i a ® rH O > 3 O > bo a* 0 w ft ft o 'O 3 O 3; i — ( 3 © ft o p P 3 P H O o S ® p 3 O H + o TJ ra 3 o r— l 3 3 rH n © 3 ,3 i ? o © Eh ft o Eh O I H I H-a 3 © © © © © O © O 3 rH w 3! ft © 3 o P X © T) bp ti 3 M 3 3 rl © 3 3 © ft © o © O N a P) r3 i o a W m © ft «H © rH 3 ' © p H ra o © o 3 o n ft *"3 35 3; •§ © 1 P 3 rH ,3 TS P o 3 © 36 © 'O © P .3 © O 3 © © 3 PQ 3 © 3 © fl o bD © © 3 © P t>3 ft © ra P O ft § 3 *3 ra m e P o tn o si P © © © O © p» o rM 3 p P H © 3 © 3 H 3 © © rj rH o ,3 © © O Jj H © ft « CO Eh PQ 35 CO PQ O' -d O' H I cq O rH 3 O CO © © CO © © i-Q — 3 6 X at m £ 3 p as © .3 Eh T) 3 aS X p o 3 5 © H P P Eh Xi P bp PC 3 © ft PJ o 3 © 'O w g © * -p w © ft 1 O T) o © © rH • • O © CO 3 ; 'ft p 3 3 © © © © i © o 3 o p 1 ^ 3 p P © ,3 3 P © © rH bC o © © © p P p ft 3 n rH 3 3 P © O < CO c Eh \A vQ rH C\J rH rO CM vO v£) OJ r3 P © X 0 1 O' CM P © •H © ,3 o © r3 Eh -d iH © © 3 ft ft o © ft £ p © co Summer a nd Smoke Tennessee WilMargo Jones Paul Bowles liams

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CHART I Continued 135 g © n o o o G o p o 9 G G © o 3 Xl o G Ph H © G <33 <3 g o w G © T3 rH © © • © bO is © 'd -P G G © © X X> © r— t rH <$ *© £ Xi -P G O Ss; > rH is M •H H O bO > is; P P O K N © O © © X> £5 H rH O < «© ce •H o © G P © © H G 3 G O © Ph CQ m X) •H G o © g G © O s 3 G © © G H-> © g bO O XI G i — 1 bO c © •H G © rH •H > rH P G G 3 G 3 G © P © © fli © iH © Cl H • G O X) N o W G O rH co G Ph .© U\ •H C5 © -P 5 XI w cr O P TJ G G © m • © • rH •H G rH G •P © bO O G G © 1 G © O © © £> G G is •H a *d rH G -P © O O • rH rH -=r © © © © ,G « © o W < w a O > W Ps c5 t-5 rH xl o rH w © G -p X> G o G •H 3 © TO © Xi o © rH © © G o © xl rH © 5s G 3 G G 3 G El CO © © © < © © G S xi © © © G © CO Ph E P, •H « G m G © m 3 • © 3 •H © • X} © Xi i — 1 X G p rt +3 rH © © G • Xi G •H Xi © © C CJ CO < |3 co h> © M © rH -P £§ S K m 1

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PAGE 149

137 to « o > 1 «H d o a d o d iH EH m ra © d d g > d d O o d £ < Ctf X3 d O r1 g EH d rH © d d 0) © rH P •H d rH rH rH CQ © ft H a! H O P CIS d ^ X! © O bO d ft as o o to d x! ft « PC d © d d p d o o M Eh PC S o d o o d P +0 © © P rH O rH P d © © rH a © P d d d «rt X> d rH d TO i — i P •H > © o a © P d ra P d © R o rd * o d > © o ,9 £ P © w d H p CM P ra P © til PC VO © C © © *>> !» O O' d iH cii P © d d d d rH © d d d H o d © © 1 bO © p © d x! o P E rH d P P d X» © p d © H XA qj © d © o p d Ph cu W O' rH Pi o o PC CO <2 ft O ra a) d P d d to o © © © o m X! d rd p d © o © rH © o o © © p d © > P — ' p P ft s d rd © © co © d ^ K © © to © P d o o © o w © p ft co d © o d ft 0 m d < H d d d bO ra © o • CQ © o d © F» X p CQ d S ip R P X a] © d © • © H p > © H Xl O • O P Eh H co p ra © d 3 P H © > d © 0 % P P o p 1 P O rq XI © d PC X> d H d to © < d © ft < x> ra m d •ri o o d n TO o © tit h> ft © © © d d o m d d < O P d ciJ PQ © © d © © d X3 1 © P be; § © © © o o < d © © o © X! X3 PC P CO i P o p Eh Eh £ SI p o O' 1A -d H 3 iH (\l CM O

PAGE 150

CHART I Continued 138

PAGE 151

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PAGE 152

CHART I Continued

PAGE 153

i4i Tlie post-war interest in discovering and exploring new styles and methods was not, however, limited to the people who had been a part of Federal Theatre projects. This interest was also evident in some playscripts by the newer writers, Tennessee Williams, William Saroyan, and Arthur Miller, and in the work of directors Robert Lewis and Elia Kazan, who have frequently demonstrated skill in l8 blending music and drama. The infiltration of European theories added still more weight to this native emphasis on music and its contribution to dramatic productions. For example, the American theatre had adapted the concept of music to contrast rather than support scenes from the work of German epic writer, Bertolt Brecht, and methods for intensifying moods of unreality with music from the fantasy satires of French writers Jean Anouilh and Jean Giraudoux. Post-war European theatre philosophies are discussed in Eric BentleyÂ’s essays, written in 1947 and 1948, in which he contrasts Broadway's traditional fare 18 See Chart I for the years 1947-1950. 19 . Particularly in the plays Mother and Mother Courage , by Brecht, music contrasts scenes. American composer Lehman Engel, advocates a similar use of music to point up by contrast the action on stage. French productions of plays by Anouilh and Giraudoux often employ the delicate music of Francis Poulenc. For the American production of Giraudoux 's Ondine, Virgil Thomson wrote music expressive of thinking and singing of water-sprites and when he wrote music for Truman Capote's The Grass Haro, the fantasy is again strengthened by musTca I motifs representing the voice of nature.

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1 k2 with the continent's newer, and, to him, more skillful theatre methods. He also illustrates the theatre world's quest for a deeper and more serious raison d'etre. 20 While, in time, this spirit of adventure was generally seen and felt on Broadway, at first it was concentrated in the 191^7 revival of the Experimental Theatre, an organization which had been dormant during the war. That year, five productions of plays by comparatively unknown American playwrights were given by the Experimental Theatre. 21 Of the five, three made use of specially composed music. Two of these, 0 ' Daniel and The Great Campaign , employed music by Alex North, while the score for the third. The Wanhope Building , was composed by Arthur Kreutz. 22 As noted in Chapter II of this study, many stylistic "isms” have appeared on the contemporary American stage# The seasons just following World War II, when catalogued In terms of style, read like an abstract convention roster with delegates from every school or "ism." Mingled with many of these dramatic styles was a growing fascination with neurosis, with the subconscious, and with memory, 20 Bentley, In Search of Theater . 21 Hughes, A History of the American Theatre , p. ij. 66. 22 See Chart I for 19U7-194S.

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Ik3 This posed the dramatic problem of vividly presenting abstract concepts and moods. Music has often been used as the media for conveying this facet of the drama. For example, in the plays of Tennessee Williams (frequently classified as expressionistic, poetic, and symbolistic), music serves to keep the tenuous balance between crass reality and fragile symbolism. There is another possible and very practical reason for the increase of music in these post-war productions* When the audience boom and financial prosperity characteristic of the theatre during war-years began to diminish, the splurge of expensively dressed productions came to an end. In place of lavish displays, the New York stage housed a more modest type of production that often used music. Though production costs were cut, music was continued in performances designed to entice waning audiences j thus consciously, or uncons clou sly, the integration of music with drama was a part of salesmanship, as well as the result of social and artistic thinking. 21 ^Sievers, Freud on Broadway , pp. )|OQ) | l| 7. 2l +This is particularly true of A Streetcar Named Desire and The Glass Menagerie , which are discussed in 'detail in Chapter Vi.

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144 Factors Curtailing the Use of Music Ours cannot be called a musically minded theatre, for even in years when the musical bulk has been greatest, only one-fifth of the total productions of drama have contained music. 2 ^ Furthermore, the yearly variation in the numbers of plays incorporating music has not paralleled the general fluctuation in the total number of productions on Broadway, In fact, a season by season chart shows that production volume dropped from the two-hundreds to the eighties, and more recently, to an average of sixty-five productions per year. During the same time, the annual number of productions with music has gradually increased from two productions to nineteen and since 19^0, an average of eleven productions per year have incorporated music. 26 The seasons in which Broadway has reached a general production peak have been the years when the smallest percentage of music-integrated productions have been recorded. Since 1930, there has been a steady decrease in production quantity, while the increase in the number of productions with music has been irregular. In terms of quantity, music 29 During the seasons, 1937 to 1940, and again in 1946-1947, one-fifth of the total Broadway productions had music integrated with spoken drama. 26 See Chart I.

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145 has prospered better in the theatreÂ’s lean years than in the years of affluence. The conditions and factors which have discouraged the integration of music with spoken drama in our contemporary theatre fall into two principal categories. One of these is financial and includes the desire for increased profit in the theatre business, while the other belongs to the category of human relations and involves planning and organization. Financial matters seem to have been the primary reason for the scarcity of music at the beginning of the 1930 decade. Music was practically non-existent in the pre-WPA theatre. Conventional overtures and entrÂ’actes had already begun to lose prestige in the 1920Â’ s^ and when producers were faced with additional financial hardships and even bankruptcy in the early 1930Â’s, they were quick to dispense with such musical trimmings in pO performances. At the time, the composers interested in musical sound-eff ects in dramatic productions were still learning their trade or pleading for recognition and were unable to bid successfully for the seat 27 Guthrie McClintic, "Directing Old and New Poetic Drama," Pro ducing the Play by John Gassner (Rev. ed.j New York: The 13ryden Press, 1953), p. 435. 28 Atkinson, Interview, January lb, 1956.

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146 relinquished by the vanishing entr’acte music . ^ During part of the interim, music was omitted altogether from productions: Either because as a traditional trimming it was passe, or as a servant to drama, it was too new in the American theatre to be treated with much respect* Critics make no mention of the effect of Wall Street ownership of Broadway on music in the theatre. Nevertheless, the effect is apparent. Wall Street moved in and music moved out. Through 1928, incidental theatre music was popular enough to be published, and references to the overture and entr’acte orchestras can easily be found, but in 1939-1930, not one play on Broadway used incidental music. 30 Thomas McKnight and other critics called these seasons boring and blamed the mediocrity on RKO, Warner Brothers, and other big businesses who had bought out Broadway. As McKnight explained, ’’The banker isn’t interested in the theatre except as an investment. All he cares about is getting an adequate return on his money. pq “^Personal interview with Marc Blitzstein, Composer, New York, January 25, 1956. 3°According to Burns Mantle, Best Plays of 19291930 , PP. 376-550. 3^Thomas McKnight, ’’Wall Street Marries Broajdway, ” Scribner's Magazine , LXXXVI (August, 1929), 16?.

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1U7 The new emphasis on profit, on quantity, not quality of production, when combined with the financial hardships of the Depression, made music truly an expendable item. It was an unnecessary gamble, and between the years 1929 and the first season of Federal Theatre, music was scarce. That scarcity is borne out by the fact that between 19301932 the annual average of productions with music was two. This minimal use of music cannot be written off as a general effect of the Depression since, in spite of economic difficulties, there were 190 productions in New York City each of these years. The pattern changed slightly in 1932-1933, when five of Broadway's 180 shows integrated music with drama and in the following season, when three of the total 139 shows included music. The fact remains, however, that this newer, profit-oriented theatre remained predominantly anti-music. While some producers of the period blamed Big Business for all their problems, others blamed the growing strength of unions . 32 ^ latter group had caU3Q fop alam since the combined forces of the twenty-five theatrical unions had begun to exert pressure in the total organizational pattern of theatre, a pattern currently dominated by the unions. However, the union whose efforts are most 32 Whitman, Bread and Circuses , p. 12.

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11*8 closely related to the inclusion or omission of music in theatrical productions is the New York chapter of the American Federation of Musicians, Local 802. Its history begins in 1921, when the musicians in Greater New York ^^Hiated with the American Federation of Labor. 33 The strength of this Union was keenly felt by the entertainment industry during the 1930 's; its impact, even greater in the 191*0’ s, shows no signs of diminishing in the present decade. Members of this local are protected in wage and hour agreements, and any manager attempting to hire non-union members is censured. 3l+ Even a hurried survey of the complications included in a contract with the Musicians' Union makes the producer's reluctance to include any music in dramatic performances understandable. If a theatre manager makes a contractual agreement with Local 802 to use musicians for every dramatic attraction performed, he is given a special rate; whereas a manager having no contract must pay almost twice as much per musician. This has led to the classification of New York theatres as contract and non-contract houses. From IO 3 O-I 93 I*, the scale per week (eight performances) for contract houses was;-^ 33Eustis, B'Way, Inc..' , p. 151 . ^ ^ « , pp. 1 ^ 0 — 1553 . 3 ^Ibld . , p. 31*3.

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149 Men $56.00 Contractor 89.00 Extra men retained four weeks only . 66.50 Extra men retained for run of play . $ 6.00 The corresponding scale for non-contract houses imposed a distinct penalty on producers. As indicated below, it called for fees approximately 40 per cent higher than those set up for contract houses. Men $100.00 Contractor 150.00 This differential applied only in the event standard pieces were to be performed. Higher rates were charged for musical attractions. This problem was partially solved with a special provision, agreed upon in 1932, that a minimum of four musicians could be hired for a non-contract house at 38 the same rate charged in the seventeen contract houses. MusiciansÂ’ wage scales effective since Labor Day, 1955# do not show a 40 per cent advantage for the producer willing to do business with the union, but they do retain a significant differential. The current cost per musician in a contract house is $104.42, while in a non-contract house, the rate is $139.67. The wage scale released by the Union 36 Ibld ., p. 345. 37 lbld . , pp. 343-345. 38 Ibid. , p. 349.

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i5o does not list contractor’s perf ormance rates, but for rehearsals, the rate for the contractor is one-half higher than for a musician. While rehearsal rates vary before and after midnight, most rehearsals involve only a pianist who is paid $>112.01 for a six-day, forty-hour week. For the total musicians’ wage scale affecting Broadway producers, see Chart II, page 151. The wages cited for musicians are flat-rates, having nothing to do with the amount of music in a performance. There is a flat scale for a type of Job and a type of show. The piccolo player who has two notes is paid the same as a violinist who plays for twenty minutes, unless one of them is a contractor, in which case, he receives his regular musician’s salary, plus an additional half for his services as a contractor. One of the special complaints producers make against the Union is the expenditure of wages to musicians who "walk,” who receive a salary according to the scale for performance in a dramatic presentation, though they do no work. Currently, seven of the fifteen or eighteen New York theatres have contracts with the union and when a production in one of these theatres does not utilize music, the contract demands that four housemen be employed. Since the production, in this case, does not call for the services 19 Personal interview with Van Williams, Member of Local 802 and Actors’ Equity, New York, February 7, 1956.

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151 CHART II MUSICIANS' WAGE SCALES EFFECTIVE LABOR DAY, 1955^° Contracted Houses Musical Contracted Houses Dramatic Non-Contracted Houses Musical Non-Contracted Houses Dramatic Out of Town Engagements Week 1 Performance 1 day 2 Performances 1 day Rehearsal Rates Per Musician Contractor Conductor Overtime Musician Contractor Conductor 1 Hour Rehearsal after Night Performance Musician Contractor Conductor Rehearsals after Midnight (3 Hours) Musician Overtime Rehearsals, Pianists 6-day, 40 -hour week or less, exclusive of Sunday Sunday (6 hours or less) Overtime per 15 minutes Day Employment Plus 4/ 142.80 148.51 100.40 104.42 179.10 186.26 134.30 139.67 170.10 186.26 20 . 00 30.16 48.40 50.34 8.35 8.68 12.53 13.03 114.61 15.19 .84 .87 1.26 1.31 1.47 1.53 5.00 5.20 7.50 7.80 8.75 9.10 15.00 15 . 6 O 5 . 00 w 5.20 107.70 112.01 18.15 18.88 .84 .87 10.02 10.42 ^°Wage scale issued by Local 802, tion of Musicians. American Federa-

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152 CHART II Continued Night Employment (4 hrs. or loss before midnight ) Night per hour before midnight Night per hour after midnight 16.70 3-34 5. 00 Plus ki 17.37 3.47 5.20 Audition Pianist 2 hrs. or less Overtime (per hr. or less ) 14.50 7.25 15.08 7.54 Assistant Conductor 30.25 31 . 46 Librarian 25 . 00 Doubling (1st instrument) Doubling each additional double 26.60 13.30 27.66 13.83 Ballet (8 performances or less 6 days) Contractor Conductor Extra men (on performance basis) 16C. 90 21*1.35 28 l . £6 23 . 0 c 167.34 251.01 292.85 23.92 Rehearsals (2 hrs. or less) terminating no later than 7:00 F.M. 7.26 7.55 Overtime (per half-hour or loss) 1.82 1.89 Overtime on performance (30 minutes) 2.42 2.52 Rehearsal Pianist 40 hrs. per week or less--6 days exclusive of Sunday 135.80 141.23 Sunday (6 hrs. or less) 22. 70 23.61 Daily Rate 3 hours terminating no later than 7:00 P.M. 4 hours (Evening Rehearsal) Overtime (to midnight) Overtime (after midnight) Doubling on Instruments on Performance Basis 14.50 !°.35 4.85 6.05 3.60 15.08 20.12 5.04 6.29 3.74 (Two weeks vacation with pay to be deposited in the union weekly, i.e. l/26th of weekly salary).

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153 of the musicians, they are paid to "walk." The four housemen must still be paid when a producer elects to use recorded music though they go to the theatre only to collect their salaries. A musician cannot accept other employment during the hours he is being paid to "walk," but he is free to take jobs at other times. ^ For example, Morris Stonzek, one of the four musicians "walking" for the production of Middle of the Night , was interviewed at an intermission of an RCA Victor recording session for which he contracted the orchestra personnel and performed with them. According to Stonzek, who also contracted the twelve member orchestra to record Middle of the Night music. Local 802 made a concession in allowing producer Joshua Logan to use recordings of music composed specifically for a performance. The rigidness of Union policy is indicated by Stonzek’ s statement that this is the first time the Union has made that con— , U2 cession. According to Thomas J. Valentino, who records sound effects and music for professional and amateur productions, regulations for the use of recorded music were tightened about 19i4*191*5. At that time, the Union insisted Ul Personal interview with Morris Stonzek, Music Contractor, New York, February lij, 1956. U2 Ibid.

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154 on the payment of stand-by orchestras or "walking” housemen any time recorded music was used. According to Valentino, producers, who prior to that time had been recording special music, adopted the philosophy that if musicians were to be paid, they might as well play, and began to hire composers to write music for the housemen. ^ Paradoxically, the Union's stringent attitude may have exerted a strong force in the development of new theories regarding the use of music in the theatre, a fact which may offset some of the critical opinion leveled against Union policy. Ironically, however. Local 802, the organization formed to protect musicians, create jobs, and to promote the performance of live music^ 1 is cited by producers, critics, and even some composers as the principal reason for not using music in dramatic productions,^ Producers want to keep production costs to a minimum, and at least one producer believes that theatres are penalized for using music, since they must either pay rent for one of the larger contract houses or pay the higher non-contract wages. ^ ^Personal interview with Thomas J. Valentino, Owner, Major Sound Effects Records, Inc., New York, January 21, 1956. ^Personal Interview with Abe Savage, Public Relations Director, Local 802, New York, January 23, 1956. ^Information gathered from interviews with Guthrie McClintic, Irene Mayer Selznick, Brooks Atkinson, Virgil Thomson, and Deems Taylor, New York, January-February, 1956. ^Personal Interview with Guthrie McClintic, Producer, New York, January 19, 1956.

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155 In addition to the separate rates for contract and non-contract, houses, the Union determines the pay scale and the number of musicians in an orchestra (for a given production) by its own classification of the presentation. This matter of classification by Local 802 has been a disturbing one in arbitrations between the Union and producers. In 1 ( I 4 . 7 , it led to a six-monthsÂ’ battle between Union officials and producer Irene Mayer Selznick. In that case. Local 802 requested the employment of six musicians in the production of A Streetcar Named Desire at a higher wage than the one listed in the dramatic scale. The fight terminated at a National Musician's Union Convention where Local 802's ruling was revoked. This turmoil resulted in a clarified code or formula which made the use of music with spoken drama more feasible. Prior to the clarification, producers were subjected to indefinable terms. Though separate rates were listed for musical and dramatic presentations, producers were unable to predict the highly inconsistent Union rulings on classification. Generally, a committee from the Union watched a performance on the road or in rehearsal, and then passed judgment on the category of the play. As a result of the Celznick decision, a producer can know before a play goes into rehearsal what classification the Union has given to a play and what amount to allow for musicians in the

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156 budget. ^ Under the present formula, a presentation is classified according to the total number of minutes music, is heard during a performance. A dramatic presentation with fewer than twenty-five minutes of music is a Â’Â’play with incidental music" and a production including more than twenty-five minutes of music is a "play with music." Also classified as a "play with music" is a presentation in which a song or dance is performed on stage. ^ In classifying a play, the Union uses the integral nature of the music to the dramatic presentation as its yardstick. When a question about classification arises, a Union committee visits a dress-rehearsal or an early run-through rehearsal to Judge whether or not the music is pivotal in the structure of the drama. This distinction between the "incidental" play and the play "with music" affects not only the salary paid each musician, but also the minimum number of musicians that can be hired. The regulations stipulate four housemen for a play with incidental music, while eight must be employed JlQ for a play with music. ^Personal interview with Irene Mayer Selznick, Producer, New York, January 29, 1956. ^Personal interview with Dai-Keong Lee, Composer, New York, January 27, 1956. U9 Savage, Interview, January 23, 1956.

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157 Recently, however, a play with music employed only six musicians. For the production of A Teahouse of the August Moon , a special contract was drawn up. Since only one dance and a short wrestling scene have musical accompaniment, the Union considered this production a borderline case, and the music contractor. Max Marlin, was able to arrange the following compromise: six musicians were hired at the rate normally paid for dramatic presentations. This saved the producing firm approximately $12,000 a year and lowered Marlin's own salary $70.00 a week."’ 0 As previously indicated, producers often resent Local 802 regulations and restrictions. Principal complaints are leveled against high wages in non-contract houses, paying musicians to "walk," the frequently poor quality of performance given by housemen, the extreme costs for using extra musicians in a performance, and the intangible flexibility of the line determining classification of a presentation. Critics and playwrights join in scoffing Union restrictions, often aiming comments at the national chairman, James C. Petrillo. Burton Roscoe started one review in the idiom popular among such articles, stating: I may be wrong, but I strongly suspect that Leon Greanin had some Petrillo trouble at the ^°Marlin, Interview, February 2, 1956.

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158 last minute just before the curtain arose on his Chauve-Souris of 1Q[|3 at the Royal last nighTTi Indeed , the circumstantial evidence seemed to be that the poor chap had practically a paralytic stroke of Petrillo trouble between one number and the next; for ... he announced a number in rather specific detail only to discover . . . that the number had been cancelled while he was out front. If my guess is correct, Mr. Greanin is so naive as not to have known, until last night, that if you are going to put on a show which has as much as one note blown on a harmonica in it, you had better consult Mr. Petrillo about arrangements for this, because Mr. Petrillo may rule that, in this particular case, you have to hire 10 harmonica players not to play in order to have a union harmonica player play that one note.^ 1 Occasionally, this type of criticism has found its way into the playscript itself. For example, the opening scene of Paul Crabtree’s A Story for a Sunday Evening makes fun of the situation existing between unions and the theatre. The leading man explains the presence of an orchestra in the pit for a try-out comedy by stating that the Union classified the play as a musical requiring ten musicians because in an early scene he had to play a few bars of the wedding march on his fingers.^ While theatre people feel terribly put-upon by Musicians’ Union regulations, officials of Local 802 ^Burton Roscoe, "Chauve-Souris-1943, " New York World Telegram , New York Theatre Critics Reviews , l~9h3Y p. ^Paul Crabtree, ”A Story for a Sunday Evening" (E unpub 20371), Library of Congress, Copyright Office. pco <— / 7 •

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159 resent the theatre's attitude and feel that they are grossly misrepresented by this criticism. Public Relations Director, Abe Savage, states that the Union takes a beating in its association with theatres, since it is asked to reduce scales when a show is not going well. He also feels that the real reason for the sparsity of music in productions of a spoken drama is that producers are no longer interested in the theatre as an artistic medium, that, in their feverish grab for smash hits, producers no longer desire to use the musical framework considered an essential part of productions by such men as David Belasco. In answer to the complaints about high wages. Savage states that when a producer with a decent script, one with artistic merit, is willing to make only a modest profit and will open his books for examination, the Union will lower its scale. Local 802 does provide special rates for the City Center, a non-profit theatre house, and releases it from the contract agreement of paying housemen to "walk" performances. So City Center pays contract house rates, but only when musicians are used.^ Composers vary in their reactions to Union regulations. Some of them resent the indirect control of the go >J Savage, Interview, January 23, 1956. ^Ibid.

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160 Union in the matter of orchestrating scores . $5 These composers maintain that since four musicians are allotted for dramatic productions, the tendency of managers has been to hire a string quartet, and as a consequence, orchestration must be planned accordingly. It is true, however, that a composer hired for a production may in unusual circumstances request different musicians and through skillful juggling in his instrumentation achieve variety and contrast in timbre while maintaining harmony and balance in the blending of the instrument voices. By selecting instruments such as the English horn and oboe, known in the trade as doubling instruments (most musicians who play one also play the other), the composer can stay within the limit of four musicians and still achieve contrast in his music. ^ While this indicates some freedom for the composer, the ultimate quantity of musicians, and hence the orchestration, is influenced by the Union decree. Two examples of the instrumentation inflicted on composers are cited by Lehman Engel in an article concerning the musicians' problems in the theatre. When Engel was engaged to do the score for Hamlet , he inherited five performers used by another composer for Richard II . Four of these, the housemen, he explains, "... were considered a permanent Taylor, Interview, February 15, 1956. ^Thomson, Interview, January 21, 1956,

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161 part of [the] . . , theatre's contract so that I was free to exchange only one man for another . "^ 7 A similar situation arose when, in composing music for the comedy. Shoe maker's Holiday , he had to use musicians originally hired to satisfy the demands of the musical score for Julius 58 Caesar . In addition to difficulties caused by the Union's limitation on the number of musicians, many composers are displeased with the lack of musicianship found in housemen employed in contract houses. These musicians are hired by the theatre -manager, not assigned by the Union. This obstacle can often be overcome by writing music for instruments other than those played by the housemen, thus making it possible for the composer to request a change in personnel, and through the services of a contractor, obtain a higher caliber of performer. ^ Not all composers oppose Union procedures. Lehman Engel, the man most active in composing for the theatre, states that the situation for musicians in the theatre would be "horrible" without the Union, He also notes the importance of having a union for musicians in order to establish wage scales according to the standard of living 57 Lehman Engel, "The Musician in the Theatre." Theatre Arts . XXVI (May, 19i|2), 367 . 5 8 Ibld . ^^Marlin, Interview, February 2 , 1956,

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162 and what the market will bear.^ 0 Irrespective of his loyalty to the Union, Engel, who began composing for the theatre in the 1930Â’s when regulations were first gaining strength, agrees that the cost of music is high ($600.00 a week for four housemen in a contract house) and that producers must really need music badly to add it to their budget.^ 1 This music budget must also include royalties for the composer which approximate three to four per cent of the gross box-office receipts for a musical and onehalf to one per cent for a play with music. ^ The pressures from business and unions have been present since the beginning of the period chosen for this study, though they were most apparent in the early thirties. In the course of the years these pressures have become an accepted part of the theatre-business. In addition to these tangible forces, there have been human factors that have discouraged the use of music in theatre. A survey of these would include the emotional climate prevailing during World War II; the scarcity of musicians at that 0 Engel, Interview, January 30 , 1956. About 200 members of Local 802 are employed annually by the New York Theatre. 61 Ibid. 62 Lee, Interview, January 27, 1956.

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163 time; the sobered mental attitude pervading America in the late 1914.0’a; and the ever-present problem of human relations in planning. The decrease of music-integrated productions shown in Chart I parallels World War II activities and can be explained by the human tendency of escapism which led playgoers to seek distraction, even in serious drama. In theatre-fare designed to provide escape from thought and serious emotions, there was little need for skillful blending of spoken drama and music. As a further deterrent to the use of music, it should be noted that had producers of standard dramas wanted composers and musicians, they would have been hard to find, the ones not drafted being employed by the popular musical comedies and revues. ^ The problem of planning details of production served as another deterrent to the use of music, since the addition of even a few minutes of music necessitated increased employment, arbitration with an additional union, and costly considerations of space for the extra production personnel. Should musicians be in the pit, should they perform back-stage, or from some room on another floor with an amplifier and loud-speaker system, or should they be recorded? And no less important with ^Hughes, A History of the American Theatre, vv. 455-l£6.

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164 the addition of music, there are also increased opportunities for conflicting opinions. For any production, there are numerous conferences between playwright, director, producer, and designer. If music is used, two more people, the composer and the contractor, enter this already overcrowded picture. Obviously, since music is no longer an accepted tradition, it is much simpler for a producer to present spoken drama without it and avoid an increase in the complicated problem of human relations. The Present Status A balance between the pro and con forces is currently maintained by the fact that, on the one side, there is the pull of a centuries-old convention which closely associates music with dramatic enterprises and, on the other, the new fashion of starting a play "cold." Neither business problems nor Union difficulties have noticeably diminished, but surviving in the confusion of tangled economic-artistic forces, there are serious producers, directors, and composers who have a thorough knowledge of theatre and of theatre music. ^ In the past twenty or listing of these people should include the following producers and directors: Margaret Webster, Maurice Evans, Cheryl Crawford, Orson Welles, Joshua Logan, Robert Lewis, Tyrone Guthrie, Elia Kazan, Eddie Dowling; the following playwrights: Maxwell Anderson, Tennessee Williams, William Saroyan, Arthur Miller, Paddy Chayefsky. (The preceding names were suggested to the writer in' interviews with Lehman Engel, Max Marlin, Morris Stonzek and Marc

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165 twenty-five years, American music has risen in the publicÂ’s estimation, and producers are, at present, able to hire firstclass American composers. As these composers have accumulated theatrical experience they have become better acquainted with the theatre's needs and have recognized the importance of writing music that can serve as a handmaiden 65 to drama. Between the factors encouraging music and those discouraging it, music has emerged in a paradoxical manner. Forces opposing it have seemed stronger and more persistent, yet, except for a drop to five productions in 1948-1949, the annual average of ten to thirteen productions with music has been maintained consistently since 1947. In the twenty-five years covered by this study, the percentage of spoken drama employing music, when compared to the total number of productions on Broadway, has increased from one per cent to twenty per cent. Fewer by half as many plays are being presented annually than at the beginning of the period, but five times as many of the plays that are presented have music incorporated into them. Blitzstein. ) Composers who indicate the most thorough knowledge of contemporary theatre are Lehman Engel, Marc Blitzstein, Virgil Thomson, Alex North, Paul Bowles, and Deems Taylor. 65 Blitzstein, Interview, January 25# 1956,

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CHAPTER IV BEHIND THE SCENES: WORKING PHILOSOPHIES If there were no business or financial problems involved in the production of music -supplemented drama, if only the matter of artistic integrity, or taste, governed the position of music in contemporary American theatre, a question of prime Importance would still remain: jwhat purpose does music serve when integrated with spoken drama? There is no concise and brief answer to this question; instead, there are many answers, each one typical of a definite philosophy governing specific practices in our theatre. These philosophies determine the inclusion of music, the amount of music, the type of music, and the degree to which music is apparent to an audience. Through a series of interviews with individuals actively engaged in producing music for the theatre, or in using it as a theatrical device, it was learned that the director has the most authority in deciding whether to use music and at what points in a production to incorporate it. The first consideration, of course, comes from the playwright's suggestions in the script. The 166

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167 producer must be willing to absorb the added expense, as ^explained in the previous chapter, and, when producer, playwright, and director decide to include music, the composer and his philosophy are added to cohferences which determine the finished performance. 1 / In this chapter theories discovered through interviews, letters, and playscripts are discussed. The small space allotted to the philosophies of directors is in no way indicative of their relative importance; instead, it is indicative only of the fact that directors are unavailable for interviews. Since the initial desire for music comes from the playwright, ideas of the purpose of music expressed by three playwrights begin the discussion. Playwrights The playwright who most consistently requests music for his plays is Tennessee Williams. In the last ten years, productions of five of his plays have evidenced the skillful Integration of music, and the current production of Cat on a Hot Tin Roof continues in the tradition by using the singing of a plantation choir as background p music. In 1945* Williams first gained recognition on 1 Personal Interview with Cheryl Crawford, Producer, New York, January 30 , 1956. 2 Marlin, Interview, February 2, 1956. Theatrical

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/l68 Broadway with The Glass Menagerie , a play which made use of a delicate musical motif. His enthusiasm for the theatrical possibilities of music gave Williams » 1947 production of A Streetcar Named Desire music that was characteristic of locale and human disintegration. This element, coupled with the publicity garnered by the feud with the Musicians' Union discussed in Chapter III, has made the play, in the eyes of many, typical of modern efforts in musically supplemented spoken drama. 3 The Williams penchant for the use of music was again demonstrated in Summer and Smoke in 1 <4® and in The Hose Tattoo and Camino Real during the 1951 and 1953 seasons. Critics do not always agree in their classification of Tennessee Williams' plays, but in describing them, they generally refer to his symbolism and to his trait of boring deep into a character's emotions.^ In developing both of these aspects, Williams employs music t ©'.supplement dialogue Production notes and action and, at times, to replace them. for Summer and Smoke , written by Williams in Rome in 1948, indicate his clear concept of a functional use of music. ’Kerr, Interview, January 26, 1956. Three critics who hold diverse opinions about categories for Williams' plays, but agree as to his skill in characterization are Sievers, Freud on Broadway, dd. Bentiey In S earch of Theater "pn. tiClib: and LnL» Jean Nathan, The Theatre in the Fifties (New Yn-nir: a Knopf, l^T.37,' pp. T(7?-12P.

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69 That this music should b© carefully planned is apparent from his concluding statement to the effect, "One basic theme should recur and the points of recurrence have been indicated ... in the stage directions . ^An analysis of his stage directions shows that music has three functions in the play: ( 1 ) to serve as a stage property in much the same manner as a piece of furniture, a book, or a picture, ( 2 ) to establish locale for a scene, and ( 3 ) to serve as an audible symbol of the relationship between the two principal charactersT^j An example of the emphasis Williams places on music in theatrical productions can be found in the preface to The Glass Menagerie , For the production of this "memoryplay" he suggested as "extra-literary accents," not only the use of titles projected on a screen, special lighting, but music as well. The following description by Williams illustrates his meticulous concern for such details: \ A single recurring tune, "The Glass Menagerie," is ^"Used to give emotional emphasis to suitable passages. This tune is like circus music, not when you are on the grounds or in the immediate vicinity of the parade, but when you are at some distance and very likely thinking of something else. It seems voider those circumstances to continue almost interminably and it weaves in and out of your preoccupied consciousness; then it is the lightest, most delicate music in the world and perhaps the-aaddest . It expresses the surface vivacity of lif^a with the ^Harlan Hatcher (ed.), Harcourt, Brace and Co., Inc., A Modern Repertory (New York: T^jrTTrytf. —

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underlying strain of immutable and inexpressible sorrow. When you look at a piece of delicately spun glass you think of two things: how beautiful it is and how easily it can be broken. Both of those ideas should be woven into the recurring tune, which dips in and out of the play as if it were carried on a wind that changes. It serves as a thread of connections and allusion between the narrator with his separate point in time and space and the subject of his story, between each episode-it returns as reference to the emotion, nostalgia], which is the first condition of the play. It is primarily Laura’s music and therefore comes out most clearly when the play focuses upon her and the lovely fragility of glass which is her image. Further proof of Williams' reliance on music is given in the prompt book for Cheryl Crawford’s production of The Rose Tattoo . This time, music is to serve as a bridge between scenes. According to the instructions, As the curtain rises we hear a Sicilian folk-singer with a guitar. He is singing Come La Rose . At each major division of the play this song is resumed and it is completed at the final curtain. ( Folk-music not only serves this structural function but is also heard at other points in the play. For example, the song "Occhi Turchini" opens one scene; a toothless hag sings ”No, Del mio tempo pasto" in another scene heavy with superstitious symbolism; a requiem is heard when a death is announced, and the blaring sounds of a high ^ Quoted in Gassner, A Treasury of the Theatre: From Henrik Ibsen to Arthur Miller , p. 10347 7 Tennessee Williams, ’’The Rose Tattoo," Production Prompt Book, Cheryl Crawford Productions, p. 1.

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171 school band are used in vivid contrast to a womanÂ’s prayers Q to the Virgin Mary. Perhaps the most striking example of music that bores into a characterÂ’s thinking or plumbs the depths of an emotional state is a brief scene in A Streetcar Named Desire , when, in the absence of dialogue or movement on stage, a few phrases of the "Varsouviana , " make it clear that Blanche is comparing a stranger to her dead husband. Later, a distorted performance of the same theme underscores moments in which Blanche is tottering on the brink of in9 sanity. Tennessee Williams writes directions for music that will amplify his use of symbolism, clarify the mental state of characters, and suggest both the physical locale and the emotional climate of his plays. Playwright Arthur Miller has not made extensive requests for music in his writing, but he has clear concepts of the worth of music in the theatre and the need for appropriate and discreet utilization of music. This is evidenced in a letter in which Miller states: I think that the use of music in a play that possesses no fantasy either in its form, its style or in its underlying tonality is a contradiction which cannot be surmounted. Conventional realism, after all, deals with the surfaces of life and music in an abstraction. 8 Ibid, q Opening night performance of A Streetcar Named Desire (Revival), New York City Center of "Music and UramtT, February 15, 1956. 10 Arthur Miller to the writer. New York, March 15, 1956 .

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He applies this theory in the script of Death of a Salesman when he employs music to extract the romantic spirit of the principal character, Willy Loman. The musical projection of this spirit, coinciding with Willy's selfish actions, completes his characterization and explains his sudden conversations with the past."^ According to Miller, Music wrongly used can be an evasion of the dramatic problem. ... it can be a trap like anything else and if it is used merely for a mood, it is in danger of cheapness. The play ought to establish its own moodTX He concludes his statement on music by saying, "When I hear music and the play is realistic, I sense I am being 12 worked on unfairly. " The playwright-director Marc Connelly harbors still another distinctive attitude toward music in the theatre and states: Music is a constant factor in the atmospheric needs of the theatre. It is hypnoidal in helping people get into the audience state. A chemistry of hypnosis in music does more than divert; it encourages separation from everyday life and complete surrender to what is happening on stage. Music must be complementary. All the individual elements and arts that contribute to the theatre . . . must objectively disappear as it [theatre] begins to function. . . . music must be a part of the basic architecture. Music is as good in a play as you feel it, not as you hear it. 3 11 12 Ibid. Ibid. ^Personal interview with Marc Connelly, Playwrightdirector, New York, February 6, 1956.

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173 At another juncture in his discussion on theatre philosophies, Connelly expressed the opinion that ”... a play that has any imagination must leave the ground and float in an atmosphere of its own,” and that music serves best in this type of play. / Connelly also said that "Functioning theatre is a thing of perception. An audience does not think except in a vague, hypnoidal way, not with conscious cerebral pulses of normal objective thought. ”J Specific music to stimulate audience perception is important enough to him that during the preparation for the production of his imaginative folk-drama. Green Pastures . Connelly spent much time in New Orleans with Negro musicians who knew country music, listening to spirituals and selecting those pertinent to the action of the play. He incorporated this Negro folk-music to cover the time lapses for scenery changes and considered the entr'acte music more important for maintaining continuity and sustaining mood than the music within scenes. With regard to the philosophy represented by the total production, it was necessary that there be variation in tempo and mood of the music. j^onnelly anticipates an absence of scenery and hence a greater dependence on the contribution of music in future productions of The Green Pastures . Specifically, the music will have more decorative qualitiesl.

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(VAJ but must still warrant inclusion. 1 ^ ( /^A~ resume of the attitudes held by Connelly and other leading contemporary playwrights makes apparent the various functions served by music in our theatre. Their principal concern is with drama, not with trimmings, but they have discovered that music can communicate emotions, thoughts, reactions, and mood in highly theatrical fashion, supplemejxting and, for brief moments, replacing dialogue and action^) Producers Though producers are thought of as the business managers of the theatre, many of them, through years of experience as directors, have formed specific artistic concepts which encompass all facets of the theatre. The name of one such producer-director, Guthrie McClintic, appears on the programs of five of the music— integrated plays during the past twenty-five years. His philosophy is characterized by the belief that music should be utilized in productions only when it is requested by the playwright and that music added by a producer or director is "incidental." ^However, he does not include music that serves as a bridge between scenes in this class if ica t lonTj 14 Ibid. l^Chart I, supra , pp. II8-IJ4.O.

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175 In conversation, Guthrie McClintic suggests that he is reluctant to undertake musicintegrated productions. This is due partly to their added expense and partly to his feeling that "incidental" music is out of style. Not only does he oppose adding music not requested in a play-script, but also he opposes the type of stereotyped, incidental music heard in melodramas early in the century and still heard in many productions of Shakespearean plays. The occasions when he approves music are those in which scenes must be bridged, in which pantomime predominates, or in which he desires to emphasize a mood on stage by tinderscoring it with contrasting music, thus partially following Brecht's theory of alienation among the theatre-arts, McClintic firmly believes that some playwrights are soundconscious and, therefore, music should be integrated in the productions of their plays. He mentioned particularly Anton Chekhov and Tennessee Williams in this category. ^ McClintic is of the opinion that ... in the professional theatre of today music is in the discard. . . . This is not entirely owing to its prohibitive costs, as it began to be ruled out by playwrights and producers some twenty-five years ago as detracting from, rather than helping, plays that were being done then. And in the discard, it has remained ever since. Today, particularly in New York, it is the 16 McClintic, Interview, January 19, 1956

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176 exception rather than the rule when one hears an orchestra playing even between the acts. 17 Although Irene Mayer Selznick has produced only one play with original music, her firm feeling of its importance in certain types of drama was exemplified by her persistence during a six months’ struggle with the Union (see p. 155) to insure the use of music in A Street csr Namad D6 1 r? -& atatad that ™ alc 1145 always balon89d in the theatre and that with an interesting script, she would not hesitate to use music since "... it greatly enhances a production when used properly. ..." She qualifies that statement, however, by pointing out that music cannot fill a hole or cover a lapse; if there is an insufficiency in the drama, the lack cannot be covered with music. "... Music must be used discreetly and with imagination^) It takes power to utilize it effectively." She mentioned productions of The Grass Harp and Death of 1 A a Salesman as samples of the effective use of music. Producer Cheryl Crawford cites the task of "... preparing an audience emotionally, heightening an emotional mood," as the purpose of music in the theatre. She feels that in a realistic play such as Oh, Men, Oh, Women , ^McC Untie, "Directing Old and New Poetic Drama," Producing the Play by Gassner, p. 435. 18 Selznick, Interview, January 26, 1956.

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177 music would be an Intrusion, whereas in psychological drama, it helps to establish necessary "emotional climate." Concerning trends in theatre -music, she stated that overtures sometimes help to put an audience in a certain mood, but that too often an orchestra chooses the wrong music for the needed mood and, therefore, it is better to have the lights go down without the overture dichotomy. For this reason, she does not think overtures and entr'acte 19 music will be popular again. Margaret Webster, whose name is generally associated with Shakespearean productions, has stated her philosophy of music in the foreword to Music for the Classical Tragedy , a compilation of music written by Lehman Engel for use in Shakespearean and other serious tragedies. Beginning with a quotation from The Merchant of Venice , The man that hath no music in himself, Let no such man be trusted. . . . She then states that The director who hath no "music" in a Shakespeare play is . . . just such a man! . . , Shakespeare himself used musical bridges, songs, fanfares, "alarums and excursions" as an integral part of the structure of his work. . . . Most directors have tried, rightly, to eliminate as far as possible the act-curtains and scene-changes which until recently clogged and burdened Shakespearean productions. ^Crawford, Interview, January 30 , 1956. 4

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We, therefore, rely all the more on the right musical bridge, or mood, or point of punctuation to maintain our pattern unbroken; to render the transitions imperceptible; to give our climaxes an added flourish. Margaret Webster does not hesitate to add music not "made "mandatory by the text," since she believes there are many instances not indicated by lines or stage directions "... where music can be of immense help both to actors and audiences — Just as the wrong music catrsbe destructive, «21 \ obtrusive, and altogether exasperating. A feeling for music in the theatre has also been illustrated by the number of music-integrated productions for which producer-director Eva Le Gallienne has been responsible. When she directed the Civic Repertory and productions since its demise, she practised a philosophy of including either original music or music carefully selected for revivals of Restoration, Elizabethan, and Classic dramas. In her two autobiographical volumes, there are scattered references to music, to composers, and to rehearsals spent working out details of blending music with action and dialogue. She speaks of added 22 glamour for Henry VIII through Lehman Engel's music Of) Lehman Engel, Music for the Classical Tragedy (New York: Harold Flammer, Inc. , lty?3 ) . 21 Ibid. ^Eva Le Gallienne, With a Quiet Heart (New York: The Viking Press, 19f?3), P. 262^

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179 and recalls that "David Diamond wrote a haunting, elusive score that successfully captured the essence of . . . the most enchanting fantasy [The Tempest]." 2 ^ One of her recollections pertains to difficulties caused by a composer who wrote too much music and insisted on a large orchestra to perform it, making projection for actors a near impossibility. ^ These and other statements indicate that, to Eva Le Gallienne, music adds excitement, glamour, and an element of magic to theatrical productions. Her comments also indicate sure knowledge that music must not be allowed to dominate a performance. 2 ^* / Directors "The director, . . . exerts the most powerful single influence on the theatre composer. This statement, made by Lehman Engel, the composer most prolific in writing for the theatre, suggests the importance of the director's philosophy in a study of music in theatre. His philosophy cannot be solely artistic, for although the producer must balance the budget, the director must also take note of 2 3 Ibid. t p# 21 * 2 . 2 ij Tbid. , p. 78. 2 9 J Ihld . , passim ; At 33 (New York: Longmans, Green and Co, , 1^3 1| passim .' 26 Lehman Engel, "The Musician in the Theatre," Theatre Arts , XXVI (January, 191*2), 366 .

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180 practical matters in constructing a harmonious synthesis of the various theatre arts. As can readily be noted in Chart I, pp. Il8-li|0, the directors (other than the producer-directors discussed in the previous section) most frequently responsible for music-integrated productions and therefore of most interest in this study, are Robert Lewis, Elia Kazan, Eddie Dowling, and Orson Welles. Some concept of their particular philosophies may be gained merely by checking the titles and types of plays with music they have directed. Robert Lewis, for example, has directed My Hearts in the Highlands . Heavenly Express . Land's End . The Grass Harp , and Teahouse of the August Moon. These are fanciful plays requiring imagination in production. Elia Kazan has been associated with equally unrealistic, but psychologically more depressing, dramas such as Thunder Rock . A Streetcar Named Desire . Death of a Salesman , and Camlno Real . In the plays directed by Lewis, music has served to accent a piquant and almost naive quality, while the plays directed by Kazan have employed music to bring undercurrents of character and action to the surface. A more robust type of play and music is revealed in the record of Orson Welles who has directed Macbeth , King Lear . Dr, Faustus . Shoemaker's Holiday , and Danton's Death , as music-integrated productions. According to his associates, Welles has a

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181 keen sense of the musical needs of a play and, in addition to giving a composer clear descriptions of his musical ideas, he sometimes hums improvised bits of music in illus27 tration of his concept for a particular scene. Music in a Welles production is largely atmospheric, providing another dimension to the stage setting. For example, in the 1956 production of King Lear , harpsichord music, evocative of English court life, is heard in early scenes, while a combination of musical and electronic sounds underlines o D the storm scene. 0 In contrast, the music-integrated productions directed by Eddie Dowling, though not representative of one pattern or mood, are more light-hearted in nature and include dramatic pieces such as Madame Capet , Love *s Old Sweet Song , The Time of Your Life , The Glass Menagerie , Our Lan 1 , and Angel in the Pawnshop . Though it was not possible to interview these directors, and though they have not written essays of their philosophy of theatre music, information about their working habits and training can be acquired from their co-workers. Music contractor Max Marlin and actormusician Van Williams point out that Robert Lewis, who is 27 'Information gathered in interviews with Marc Blitzstein, Lehman Engel, and Max Marlin, January-February, 1956. pQ ^Performance of King Lear . New York City Center of Music and Drama, January 22 , 1956.

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182 a musician (a violoncellist), is able to state specifically the musical needs of a play.^ Stonzek notes that, though Elia Kazan is not a musician, he too has an innate sense of merging music with spoken drama . ^ Some personal experiences with directors cited by Lahman Engel illuminate the degree of influence directors have on the resultant music in a production. Recalling one association with Orson Welles, he wrote: Orson Welles virtually dictated the twiddles I composed for Shoemaker 1 s Holiday . Often he tapped out rhythms for a particular spot and no less often described the quality of the melody and the number of measures needed. The production that resulted from his method was always one very definite idea made up of the scenery he had designed, the play he had revised, the acting he had postulated in great detail, and the accompanying twiddles he had indicated. This was a very stimulating kind of theatre and it achieved exactly what its founder intended it should. 31 Engel also recollects that directors Halsted Welles ( Murder in the Cathedral ) and Melvyn Douglas ( Within the Gates ) both allowed me to create what I thought best suited to the plays and nothing was actually changed in rehearsal. Such a procedure was easier in these two plays than in many others because nearly all of the numbers . . . had definite beginnings and endings dependent on "set" lyrics in the plays. Margaret Webster, . . . discusses the play thoroughly in advance, describes her point of pq 7 Van Williams, Max Marlin, Interviews, February, 1956. 3°Stonzek, Interview, February ll|, 1956. -^Engel, "The Musician in the Theatre," Theatre Arts, XXVI, 366.

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view, mentions special places where she wants music and also listens to suggestions as to where the composer wants it. In rehearsal she frequently stages scenes so as to accommodate a musical passage that she likes which is longer than she supposed it would be, and thereby she prevents unnecessary cutting. When she (or Maurice Evans, who is very astute about music) dislikes something, she is usually articulate and replacement is facilitated ,^ 2 general impression that the director who has a sure sense of music, and especially the director who has training in music, is more apt to request a musical score for a production, Also, when the director has an acquaintance with musical vocabulary and an understanding of the inherent potency of music as a supplement to drama, the possibility of artistic integration is greater than when the director knows only that the play needs music and must rely entirely on the composer to determine the nature of that need, A composer writing for the theatre prefers to be given an outline of music cues and a description of the type of music desired. While the composer probably possesses dramatic intuition concerning musical needs, it is the director who must merge all the separate entities in the final synthesis of theatrical production. The general feeling is, therefore, that a keen understanding of the capabilities of music enables the director to presez Interviews with musicians and producers give the

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184 ie composer with more lucid and meaningful requests and to achieve a more satisfactory final performance. ) Music Contractors The music contractor is in a position to observe working habits and philosophies of musicians, composers, and directors. Hired either by producer or composer, he performs a liaison service between the theatre industry and the Musicians' Union. In this middle position, he sees ideas tried and discarded, has a personal philosophy regarding music, and knows well the practical aspects of utilizing music in dramatic presentations. The two music contractors whose names have appeared most frequently on New York theatre playbills are Max Marlin and Morris Stonzek.^3 Doubling as a composer and music contractor. Max Marlin has been working with music in the theatre throughout the period chosen for this study . ^ He became a contractor when called to play the organ for the Mercury Theatre production of Julius Caesar during the 1930Â’s. In his capacity as composer-arranger, he has been responsible for the musical score for Wisteria Trees, The Master Builder, 0-3 Program Piles, Theatre Collections, New York Public Library. 3^Marlin, Interview, February 2, 1956.

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185 What Every Woman Knows , The Seagull , Madam, Will You Walk ? and Dream Glrl . 3 ^ Marlin's working philosophy tends to favor the now out-of-style overture and entrÂ’acte music. Since he is a keyboard musician, he naturally stresses the value of piano, novachord, and organ in the theatreÂ’s general musical needs* He considers the practice of using only organ a dangerous one, however, since, in addition to skill as a musician, the organist must have special training in performing with a dramatic production. Much of Marlin's work involves financial decisions, so he is conscious of the degree to which practical business matters affect music in the theatre* In this respect he stated emphatically that expense is apt to modify the qZ. composer's first ideas of instrumentation. 3 Another music contractor, Morris Stonzek, a violoncellist, has been associated with Lehman Engel since 1934, when he hired musicians to perform Engel's first theatre37 music for the Broadway production of Within the Gates . J His relationship with Engel and the manner in which they approach the problem of providing music for a given dramatic production reflect still another attitude toward 3^See Chart I, supra , pp. 118-140. 3 ^Marlin, Interview, February 2, 1956. ^Engel, Interview, January 30, 1956.

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186 the Integration of music and drama. Engel tells the contractor what instruments he needs and the style of music to be performed, (i.e., dignified period music. Jazz, romantic); knowing the composer’s tastes and the play’s specific needs, Stonzek selects the members for the orchestra or ensemble. In terms of his own preference, Stonzek favors using music to strengthen a desired mood in a dramatic presentation. Through his years of working with musicians and theatre people, Stonzek has observed that the director is usually the person in theatre to insist on music. In talking of people in the theatre who are prone to use music, Stonzek said that playwright Maxwell Anderson, though not a musician, had clear ideas of music for his play, Anne of a Thousand Days . Joshua Logan also fits the Stonzek classification of a theatrical personality with a wonderful taste in music, even though he is not musically trained. Composers ^ Regardless of the function desired of music in a dramatic presentation, regardless of who elects to include music, the composer’s philosophy of musical structure and his ability to write music to serve the theatre's need is of prime importance in evaluating music -integrated^ 3®Stonzek, Interview, February li|, 1958.

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187 presentations. During any season, the music heard in Broadway productions represents several theories of composition and, more important to this study, diverse concepts of the function of music in the theatre. Of the ninety-two composers who have written for the New York Theatre since 1930, eight are pre-eminent in terms of quantity and quality of production. 39 some under, standing of their philosophies of the position of music in dramatic presentations has been gained through interviews, correspondence, and critical articles. One of these composers, Joseph Deems Taylor, is thought of as the Dean of American Music. A native New Yorker, born in 1885, Deems Taylor has been, for the most part, self taught in composition and orchestration. While &11 major orchestras in America and Europe have presented his orchestral works, Taylor's fame has not depended entirely on composition. 40 His participation in several areas prompted a biographer to state: Deems Taylor has been successful in so many different fields that it is difficult to list all of his accomplishments. Composer, writer and editor, translator, lecturer and commentator-39 This information was gathered from the listing in Chart I of Chapter III of this study and from critical articles in Theatre Arts and Modern Music. The H. ^David Ewen, American Composers Todav (New Yr>r»k? W. Wilson Company, 1949} , pT 240.

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188 featured on motion picture, radio and television , programs— this is a partial list of his activities.^ When he was in college, Taylor wrote burlesques of grand operas which were produced at student gatherings. Five years after college he began to study harmony and counterpoint seriously, at the same time working as a journalist.^ Before 1925, while serving as a music critic, he had written music for nine plays, including Liliom and Beggar on Horse back . During the 1920* s he wrote music for Casanova and The Adding Machine , as well as some Shakespearean productions.^ His most recent theatre-composition was for The Alchemist in 1947-19l|.8. Deems Taylor stated in an interview that he receives a great deal of satisfaction from writing incidental music. Due to his long-standing interest in the theatre, much of his music has a dramatic or narrative background. He maintains that he feels more successful when writing theatre music than when writing absolute or abstract music. Composing for the theatre, according to Deems Taylor, is good discipline; it compels economy of means and demands that one learn to cope with the inevitable. In speaking ^Madeleine Goss, Modern Music Makers (New York: E, P. Dutton and Co., Inc . 7"T352T7~" p7"TBjU ^Claire Raphael Reis, Composers in America (New York: The Macmillan Co., 1938), pp. 240-241. 43 Ewen, American Composers Today , p. 241.

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of the function of music with spoken drama he stated, "A play to support incidental music must in itself have a lyric quality. Otherwise, music can not help it. He described Pirandello’s Six Characters in Search of an Author as a play in which it would be difficult to incorporate music since the play is not lyrical, but highly intellectual with only an incidental emotional element. For the plays such as Beggar on Horseback . Lucrece . or Casanova , he feels music can enhance the emotional quality of a given scene. Music, he maintains, is often the thing that makes action plausible, and by way of illustration he mentioned the production of melodramas where directors add a shiver of music to a ridiculous plot and a gratuitous emotion and make the nonsense believable. j^jOne principle emphasized by Deems Taylor is that the criteria for music in the theatre is established by theatre values. Therefore, the composer for spoken drama must think entirely in terms of the spoken play — in terms of drama. He lists the first problem as picking scenes and lines that invite music, that need to have their emotional impact heightened. Then, during the process of composition, the passage that seems lovely and musical development must be tailored to suit the ^Taylor, Interview, February 15, 1956.

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or it will be thrown out at dress-rehearsalJ When TaVlor one night composing music for the twenty-minute scene in heaven. After one rehearsal, Phillip Moeller, the director, saw that the music he had ordered did not belong there and discarded it. This experience supports Taylor's comment that although the decision regarding music cues is made Jointly by director and compos®-" the weight of the decision rests with the directoi music cues, the great problem is to balance the music and dialogue. If the music is too tuneful or has too much melodic character, the audience listens to the music instead of the scene. During the rehearsal period, the director may discover that a scene has sufficient impact without music. If music that duplicates rather than supplements the drama is not cut before performance, the audience may resent the presence of such music. Taylor insisted on the necessity of a composer's thinking in^ terms of the playwright, the director, and most important of all, the audience. Part of his theory is that a composer should attend rehearsals as well as work from a script, providing himself the opportunity to observe the integration of music with the action and to be informed quickly of cuts in the play-script and changes in stage-busine wrote music for The Adding Machine , he sat Deems Taylor related that after the selection of

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When writing songs. Deems Taylor grafts a chart or skeleton of the words first. In composing incidental music, he thinks of characters in a play in terms of mood, feeling that it is possible to establish a mood in music, but not an emotion. Music that sets mood must not be literal, for if it is, it begins to work against the mood of the character or scene. Actually, The best incidental music is not consciously heard, but it moves an audience into rapport with the people on the stage, because music, coupled w 44 1 traditional string quartette placed at their disposal and request substitutions of woodwind or brass instruments , Taking the opposite point of view. Deems Taylor claims that the variety obtainable with the four stringed instruments is almost infinite. As proof of this, he played a recording of music composed for string quartette for the 1932 production of Lucrece . This music was characterized by dignity of mood and rhythm and possessed a symphonic quality. With some of the piercing notes the strings actually seemed to weep. In other passages, they suggested agitated activity and anguish. Beyond a doubt, this was dramatic music, and it was also thoroughly enI ry joyable as a chamber music suite. words can create a much more powerful mood thi either separately. 9° Many theatre composers feel restricted by the ^ 6 Ibid. 47 The writer’s reaction to recording of Lucrece Suite.

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& 0 192 To summarize the philosophy of Deems Taylor, theatre music must be functional, it must complement and not interfere with the drama, and it should be used in the production of plays that possess a lyric quality. The primary function of theatre music is to furnish moodT^ The composer most active in New York Theatre since 1930 is Lehman Engel, a Mississippian, born in 1910. He is the holder of an honorary doctorate in music, and has twice received the Antoinette Perry Award for ’’distinguished contributions to the theatre.” Having studied at the Cincinnati College of Music and the Cincinnati Conservatory, Engel was a graduate fellow at the Julliard School of Music when he took his first job composing for the theatre. The play was Within the Gates . Having secured a position as conductor for the production, he learned at an early rehearsal that the producers had decided to commission new music. He reports saying to them, ”I’m a composer. You don’t know my work, but I’ll bring a score for this play in the morning.” The score he wrote was accepted and received good notices. Engel’s second measure of distinction was achieved as a result of his music for Murder in the Cathedral , a production still praised for its artistic integrity.^® ^ Engel, Interview, January 30 , 19£6

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Since 193U» when Lehman Engel composed and conducted music for Within the Gates, he has written music for at least thirty-seven plays composed concert music; served as a conductor for musical-comedies, special recordings, and radio-television programs; and appeared as guest conductor for several symphony orchestras. He is the only composer among those included in this study who is primarily a theatre composer. One biographical sketch states: Engel composes as most people go to their office — daily, and without waiting for inspiration. Actually, his composing hours are much longer than most office hours. Of his interest outside of composition, Engel says: "I love to conduct, I love the theatre, I love to read, and I like all movies, good or bad. But I cannot stand bad plays. n 5>0 During the winter of the current season, Engel was simultaneously involved in five productions either as composer or conductor, or as composer and conductor. ^During an interview, Lehman Engel listed eight dramatic purposes for music, when integrated with spoken drama: ( 1 ) to serve as bridges, ( 2 ) to heighten dramatic speeches, ( 3 ) to provide a sting, (lj.) to serve as an fiispirational ending, ( 5 ) to lend atmosphere or to furnish \ 1.0 See su P ra . Chart I, pp. 118 114 . 0 . Information also given in personal data sheet compiled by Lehman Engel, and made available to the writer. ^Ewen, American Composers Today , p. 88 . ^Lehman Engel to the writer, January 7 , 1956.

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Often, when dethe atmosphere, (6) to intensify an emotion, (7) to furnish a realistic entrance (as a fanfare), (8) to point up a play| wright’s comment. In achieving these purposes, according to the need of an individual play, music must be stylistically satisfying: it must match or complemeQ&i the playwright's style and the style of the stage design, manded by the play, Engel's music seems to belong to another period, for example, the twelfth century for Murder in the Cathedral , and the sixteenth century for Anne of a Thousand Days . However, ... it is music that could not have been written then. It Is thoroughly contemporary and American, but flavored with the period of the play. Just as a designer has a set which looks like the twelfth century, but could not have been designed by twelfth century designers.” Engel's method of achieving dramatic effect coincides, somewhat, with that practiced by Bertolt Brecht. He describes this method as . . . playing against a scene, just as an actor sometimes plays against an emotion, letting the audience feel the pity for a character, rather than playing that as self-pity. In the same way, perhaps optimistic music against a death scene will really break people's hearts. If the music is too much with the tragedy, the scene drops dead of its own weight. Music plays against a scene to intensify it. 53 Engel, Interview, January 30 , 1958. 53 Ibid.

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195 In writing concert music Engel also favors a contrapuntal style. An essay on American composers describes Engel’s "dissonant counterpoint" as "his main mode of expression" and states further that "... with Engel the thing to be expressed is paramount."^ This ability to focus on the "thing to be expressed" and to adapt style to it accounts for much of Engel’s success in theatre composition. Engel also stressed the importance of understanding the "whole" theatre and being able to place music in its proper perspective within that entity. For a composer in the theatre, there is, he said, no room for temperament; no note is 3acred; it is only functional. A practical thinker, Lehman Engel easily adjusts his style of composition to the style of production. For Murder in the Cathedral he composed dignified choral chants, whereas the passages included in Music for the Classical Tragedy range from those light and romantic in nature to those best described as heavy and military.-^ Recently, for Middle of the Night , he wrote music in a popular, Hollywood idiom. £6 Margaret Webster, for whom he has frequently -^Henry Cowell, American Composers on American Music (Stanford University Press, 1^33 )» PP» ld-11. ^Analysis of scores by the writer. -^Performance of Middle of the Night , ANTA Theatre, February 11, 195&.

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196 composed, describes him as "an ideal collaborator” and notes he is . . . invariably sensitive to the needs of the author and to the difficulties of the director A necessary technical device dictated by some problem of staging becomes, in his hands, a valuable musical contribution. His own creative ideas conceived in terms of music are never allowed to ”stick-out” beyond the point where they serve the whole theme and pattern of the play and its production. He is most practically aware of the many problems involved--the economic ones which center around that horrible "trumpets-intodollars" equation, and the physical ones where the artistic end must be conditioned by the speed (or otherwise) of the stage crew. He is inventive, resourceful and immensely flexible. He knows that stages can be cramped and budgets even wore so. Yet his music never degenerates into that indiscriminate brassy braying which so often sounds like the prelude to a radio commercial, nor is it ever what I once heard described as "wind and tinkle." Moreover he has an immense knowledge of Elizabethan musical forms, but he is never "fake antique." He interprets Shakespeare for the modern ear and mind.-* • From all accounts supplied by his colleagues and critics, Lehman Engel is equally capable, whether composing for an historical or a modern play, a large or a small group of instruments. He desires no life for his theatre-music beyond the final curtain of the production run.^® He is thoroughly acquainted with theatre and in favor of music 97 Margaret Webster, Classical Tragedy , by Engel. "Foreword," Music for the 58 Engel, Interview, January 30, 1956.

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197 that, as Marc Connelly phrased it, ”... objectively disappears as it begins to function with the whole synthesis of theatre."^ Virgil Thomson, the man responsible for music in several theatre-fantasies and f ilm-documentaries , has been described by a fellow composer as " . . . about as original a personality as America can boast, in or out of the musical field. A middle-westerner, educated atHarvard and in Paris, where he studied composition with Nadia Boulanger-teacher of a number of successful contemporary composers-and came under the influence of Erik Satie and the Parisian Six,^ 1 Thomson is a "man with a thesis,” He maintains that so-called "modern music" is too involved and pretentious in every way. This idea is derived from his conviction that the purpose of music is to entertain and charm, an end that cannot be achieved by the intellectually elaborate. As a result, he deliberately writes a music as simple and direct as possible. "Spicey" and "provocative" are terms ^Connelly, Interview, February 6, 1956. ^ Aar on Copland, Our New Music (New York: McGrawHill Book Co., Inc., 1941), p. IBB". ^The six composers influenced by Satie and known as the Six were: Honegger, Milhaud, Poulenc, Auric, Durey, and Germaine Tailleferre. Rupert Hughes, Music Lover *8 Encyclopedia (Garden City Books, 1954), p. 3^0.

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198 Zip often applied to Thomson’s musical idiom. In describing his music, American composer Aaron Copland has explained: Aside from an elementary simplicity, it is rather noncommittal in style. It impresses one principally with a feeling of thorough relaxation, with an apparent unconcern for any musical banalities that such relaxation may engender. It is essentially plain and simple music-making, in which half the pleasure is derived from the natural, easy flow of the musical line. Thomson has little patience with the Teutonic idea of music as a tightly packed, neatly tied package. He likes a music less relentless in its logic, more free and unpredictable and easy. °3 This comment was written by Copland a few years after the production of Virgil Thomson’s opera. Four Saints in Three Acts . Discussing that opera, Copland continues with praise for Thomson’s understanding of language rhythms, for the "extraordinary felicity in the handling of the vocal text." Copland’s attitude toward the Thomson theatre scores is summed up in this statement: There is no doubt that the Thomson theory works best — in his case at any rate — when applied to vocal composition. . . . His gift for allowing English to be natural when sung is almost unique among American composers. ... It is as if Thomson merely wished to draw a musical frame around the words. It is this very simplicity of the underlying musical urge that allows the composer to put all stress on the exact setting of the prosodic rhythm. ^4 62 Even, American Composers Today , p. 243. ^Copland, Our New Music , p. 189. k^Ibld. , p. 194.

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199 In addition to his career as a composer, Virgil Thomson has been active as a music-critic in Paris and New York City. Soon after he joined the staff of the New York Herald Tribune , he was considered one of the most provocative music critics in America, "... a writer of independence, fearless and strongly opinioned. "^5 Being a cosmopolite and a writer as well as composer, Virgil Thomson possesses a facility in stating musical ideas verbally. During an interview on the subject of music in the theatre, he voiced this aesthetic principle: Theatre music must work instantly. There is no time to wait for an effect or to slow the action. It must be directly, completely, straight-f orwardly effective. Even a fanfare is expressive of something in a play. °° Thomson tries to interest young composers in writing incidental music, for It brings this necessity for instant communication to their attention and diminishes the likelihood of vagueness in their concert compositions. To emphasize the theatre’s need for immediate effect, he has coined an apt phrase "Tunes Take Time." During their apprentice days, he reminds pupils that all pacing in the theatre must be the dramatic pacing. Theatre music, according to Virgil Thomson, has 69 ^Ewen, American Composers Today , p. 244* ^Thomson, Interview, January 21, 1956.

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00 l^threo jobs. These are classified as (1) "architecture,” (2) "atmosphere," and ( 3 ) property." Architectural music serves as a frame-work, announcing the beginning of a scene, or the entrance of an actor. Part of the convention of theatre, it is much akin to the lowering and raising of a curtain between acts. When music furnishes atmosphere, it becomes auditory scenery. In this function, music may romanticize a storm off-stage, suggest a spring morning, or represent a period in the past or future time. Finally, music may assume a practical role in governing the action. Some character in the play may sing a song, or listen to a concert in the park, and th e sub sequent action may hinge on the nature of that music, Whether music is needed for one or all of these functions, before he begins to compose, Virgil Thomson asks himself, "Who is the music?" He feels music cannot stop with serving a function; it must represent something. It Is a language, a voice, and must therefore be the voice of someone or a force, or a power. Music may be the voice of nature, the voice of an army, the voice of the playwright, the voice of the housemanager, the voice of a character in the play, but it cannot be a disembodied voice. That musical voice must have a source, and the composer's job is to determine the source of the music before he writes a note. "One piece of music must speak from one source only." One

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201 passage of music may, Thomson declares, serve two functions, but it can speak as only one voice. Music may not be the voice of inanimate objects such as tables and chairs. It may be the voice of nature, of God, of the producer, but it must be clear to the audience whose voice.' An audience does not like music it cannot understand. Virgil Thomson is also emphatically opposed to any awareness of the author's "speaking" during a production. He feels that audiences resent the voice of the author in dialogue, action, setting, or music. He does, however, concede the voice of the producer is all right at certain moments. In his score for The Grass Harp . Thomson has two categories of music. Each represents a sentiment reflected by characters in the play. Dramatically, the principal conflict is between the attraction of carefree living in the forest and patterned living in the midst of Victorian decor and tradition. One thread of music represents the traditions connected with the family's Victorian homes, and the other becomes the voice of the forest, of nature, and represents the sentiments that attract characters in that direction. At some points in the play, where the two sentiments are pitted against each other, the two musical themes move contra punt ally, pointing up the dramatic conflict. Suggesting other reasons for integrating music with drama, Thomson said.

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202 With musical effects one can extend personality, so that one or more of the dramatis personae speak through word, action, and characterized music. This is tricky but effective. This function can be identified in Thomson's music for Ond ine in which a flute passage becomes the spirit of Ondine, the water-sprite, singing in the storm. In similar fashion, "Music often builds up an actor's voice by matching a musical instrument to the color of the voice," as in the case of Leslie Howard's "drawing room" voice in Hamlet . If music and off-stage noises are both called for in a play-script, Thomson prefers to score the "noise" as well as the music, even to the letting-down of a drawbridge. The ratchet can be played by musicians, on cue and on pitch. The kettle-drums and triangle can be extended by the sound-effects equipment: the drum sheet and thunder drum. If Thomson composes all of the sound, there is a predictable auditory score and the sounds can be treated as music. This way, the spectator has no trouble with illusion--the convention is quickly established. In his opinion this is more theatrical than having musical and non-musical sounds merging in the same production. ^7

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203 Th.9 name of Marc Blitzstein has been associated with music which contains a recognizable social comment. The frequent interest of the American theatre in social consciousness during the past quarter-century has caused a natural attraction to his music, since the theatre generally seeks out its composers. Born in Philadelphia in 1905, Blitzstein received his music education at the Curtis Institute in Philadelphia, with Nadia Boulanger in Paris, and Arnold Schoenberg in Berlin. His early works were described as full of ultra-modern idioms, though the composer has said: I do not consider my music essentially experimental; for material I use what has been bequeathed to our generation of composers by the pioneers of the movement called "Modern Music"; all my works tend to solve in various ways the problem of a suitable and necessary form for the content. 6 ” Aaron Copland, who considers Blitzstein and Thomson the only two composers who "... have set us [America] on our way toward having our own kind of operatic piece," has stated that Blitzstein only found himself when he began writing primarily for the stage. 69 His first major dramatic work was the opera or music-drama. The Cradle Wll 1 Rock , written under the auspices of WPA for the Federal 68 Swon, American Composers Today , p. 32. 69 Copland, Our New Music , p. 19l|.

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201 ; Theatre, but financed by private funds and directed by Orson Welles in a theatre without scenery, costumes or properties.*^ 0 Classified with Odets’ play. Waiting for Lefty , as powerful propaganda for working classes, The Cradle Will Rock was also praised by music critics for wit, satire, and freshness. His music-dramas, written for singing actors rather than opera singers, indicate a sense of theatre rare among composers. In these musicdramas, dialogue and action obviously govern the music. For example his music-play. No For An Answer , has been described as having ’’Short, clipped musical sentences, uneven phrase lengths, ... a subtle use of talky prose rhythm over a musical background that is very personal to the composer. "*^ Copland attributes an unerring sense of design to Blitzstein and says, further, that his " . . . melodic line, as a rule, is straight-forward, but the accompaniment may be exceedingly complex, though almost never obtrusive.” Finally, Copland classifies him positively as a theatre-composer, by stating that, "His style, as musical theatre, is always enormously 70 Government censorship prevented the Federal Theatre performance of The Cradle Will Rock , and the composer, cast, and director moved hastily into an 'empty theatre. Reference is made to this in Chapter III of this study. A detailed account is given in Flanagan's Arena , pp. 201-205. "^Copland, Our New Music, p. 196.

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205 effective, whether the mood is one of heartsick yearning or punch-line sarcasm, social uplift or the dregs of dejection. " 72 Aaron Copland's analysis of Marc Blitzstein's musical style corroborates the latter's philosophies of music. In an article titled "On Writing Music for the Theatre," Blitzstein asserted: Music is among other things theatre. It has elements — we call them melody, harmony, tempo, rhythm, color and so on — which are projected towards an audience in time-units for the purpose of immediate reaction, which, with luck becomes a reliable, even permanent reaction, -and that we call immortality. There is a difference between the kind of music which is its own theatre--concert music, I mean, where the projection needs only the performance of the music — and the kind of music known as theatre-music, which works in conjunction with other theatrical elements towards a complete projection . . . The problem can be broken down to the relation of music to words and of music to action. There is also music and setting, costume, mise-en-scene ; and finally the nature of theatre, the "breath" of theatre, to use a vague but perhaps communicable expression. 73 Blitzstein mentioned the importance of timing or pacing within a passage of music, and he cautioned that music must not make a dramatic point too soon, or it will cheapen the stage production. In short, music must not do the 72 Ibid . , p. 201. 7 ^Marc Blitzstein, "On Writing Music for the Theatre," Modern Music , XV, No. 2 (1938), 81-85.

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206 playwright's work. With regard to qualities demanded of a composer of theatre -music, Blitzstein maintains he must be able to do everything and anything. He can not limit his composition to a particular style or idiom or mood, regardless of how taxing it may be to display such flexibility.*^ The composer's initial task is to decide whether or not to suggest an historical era or period, or any local color, while the second is determing the instrumentation. The latter, he points out, is often governed by economics. By careful selection of instruments, Blitzstein tries to characterize a moment, or an actor. He admits that in addition to economic considerations, this policy is often altered by a director's vague ideas about instrumentation or the desirability of suggesting a period or locale. Blitzstein has found that the three functions music serves in the theatre are (1) to re-enforce, (2) to counter, or contrast, action, (3) to furnish climate or atmosphere. Basic to Blitzstein' s philosophy is the belief that a director's concept of a production must be thoroughly understood by the composer and that the music must reflect this directorial concept, not merely the composer's individual ideas. To illustrate the importance of this belief, 7k Blitzstein, Interview, January 25, 1956.

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207 Blitzstein played some music on the harpsichord. First, he played passages from the 1956 production of King Lear , directed by Orson Welles and then passages from the 1950 production of this drama which was directed ‘by John Houseman. The music he played for the separate productions was highly individualized. At one point, when discussing differences in his compositions for the two productions, the composer explained, "Not one note of the two scores is the same.” In the "Fool's Song" and the music for the storm, the dissimilarity was most vivid. This can be explained by the fact one director desired a psychological symphony. Consequently, Blitzstein composed a constantly moving endless melody with no peaks or lows — a stylization of wind to underscore that director's storm scene. The other production was based on a directorial viewpoint that necessitated a specially scored storm which was reproduced electronically, and also music to suggest court-life and point up the conscious sane aspects of Lear. In one production for one director, the fool had a lovely song to sing. In the other he was to clown to a musical accompaniment. To Marc Blitzstein, it is important that the music synchronize artistically with dialogue and action though he points out the danger of slipping out of spoken drama and into opera when music is used extensively, as he stated, "The moment music and words have a primary relation, one is

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d*P moving into opera, whether the words are sung or spoken." That is,^when dialogue is punctuated with specific notes or phrases of music, or when a word must be said with a particular note, for that moment or moment s ,__Lhe production has ceased to be spoken drama, it is opera. Samuel L. M. Barlow, a robust, civic-minded New Yorker who describes his own musical style as more international than American, who has composed operas, ballets, orchestral works, and music for the theatre, is the first American to have a work produced by the Opera Comique in Paris. Born in 1892, Samuel Barlow studied music at Harvard, in Paris, and later in Rome with composer Ottorino Respighi who was noted for symphonic poems of a colorful and descriptive nature. BarlowÂ’s best known musical score for theatre is that written for a Theatre Guild production 76 of Amphitryon 38 , starring the Lunts. When Samuel Barlow was asked to compose music for Amphitryon 38 , he was given only the French edition of the script. No music was indicated by the playwright, but the director, Britaigne Windust had designated passages where music should be added. By the time the rehearsal period 75 Ibid. 76 ' Ewen, American Composers Today , p. 15.

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209 began, Barlow had completed the music requested of him. However, during rehearsals and even during the long-run of performances, changes were made in the score. He knew the correct music would be imperceptible to an audience, and the wrong music would be painfully apparent. When the play was ready for performance, he had composed more than an hour of music, all of which stayed in the background of the dramatic action and served as evocative reenforcement for the frolicking gods and mortals on stage. Barlow remembers that many of its scenes floated on music, without audience or actors being conscious of it. The composer's efforts not only possessed a unique functional quality, but an unusual measure of accuracy as well. Much of the music had to be governed by a stop-watch, as may be illustrated in a scene near the end of the play. Jupiter enters as an angry god. Alfred Lunt wanted music, and to his request he added: "Remember you are writing music for the entrance of an angry god; but remember he is a phony and everyone knows it, including himself." So Barlow timed the entrance and observed the tempo of the actor's walk. The walk matched the slow 3 /I+ tempo of the Chopin Funeral March . Composer Barlow appeared at the next rehearsal with music in the proper tempo, music that, in its mock-nobility, furnished a sense of caricature for the entrance. ^7 ^Personal interview with Samuel L. M. Barlow, Composer, New York, February 15 , 1956 .

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210 Barlow traveled with the production of Amphitryon 38 as musical conductor. In this capacity he found the problem was to keep the music under the dialogue, since there could be no fighting for attention in this production. Every word had to be heard and the music and dialogue had to be in the same emotional key. In composing f°r Amphitryon 38 , he also successfully demonstrated his belief that music can characterize certain individuals-t as in the case of the entrances of Jupiter, which were announced by a god-like trumpet or other brass-wind fanfare. Another element given priority in Barlow’s convictions concerning music for the theatre is that sustaining the mood under a poetic play is extremely important. Music for Amphitryon 38 . not only supported action and characterized the major individuals in the plot, but sustained mood. Finally, Barlow thinks that If there are gaps in the construction of a drama, music can sometimes serve as glue to hold the parts together. An artistic nomad who currently lives In Morocco, Paul Frederic Bowles possesses such individual ability as a composer that he was called home from North Africa to write music for Summer and Smoke . ^ Described by one 79 Marlin, Interview, February 2, 1956.

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211 critic as " . . . one of the most uncategorical composers in the American scene, " ou New York born Paul Bowles has been praised as a composer, a music critic, and a fiction writer. In fact, since 1948, most of Bowles* creative work has been in literature and journalism, though in 1953 he wrote music for the production of his wife's play 3 X In the Summerhouse . For about fifteen years, Bowles concentrated on composing music, and when he withdrew from New York in 191+7 » he abandoned two lucrative occupations, that of music critic for the New York Herald Tribune and writer of incidental theatre music. With regard to the latter, " , , , he is said to have become not only the most sought-after but the best-paid composer as well."^ Though he has traveled widely in South America, Arabia, and Africa and finds much satisfaction in the music of these continents, Bowles uses Western instruments in theatre music. He sums up his theatrical experience by saying he enjoyed writing theatre scores and learned many valuable artistic lessons, but feels that this type of composition ** , , , can be 80 P, Glanville-Hicks, "The Season of Promise n Musical America . LXIX (November 1, 1949), 7, o 1 See Chart I, supra . 82 **Notes on a Baker's XXXIII (February 11, 19f?0), p. pp. 118-140. Dozen," Saturday Review .

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212 limiting if one does too much of it, principally because it demands the exercising of so few of one's musical muscles, The basis for the type of composition Paul Bowles has given the theatre and the philosophy which governed its form is stated in an autobiographical sketch in American Composers Today . Bowles states. My first interest in music came from a purely hypnotic reaction that musical sounds always had on me — not music itself, for it always had formal patterns (even jazz), and showed direction, had some sort of climax and worst of all had a predictable end, I refer to the musical sound I could produce myself by spinning a large musical top or by sliding a metal object up and down the strings of a German zither. . . . , or the creaking of a rusty door hinge; these sounds seemed to me the culmination of beauty, and always put me promptly into a nonthinking state which lasted as long as I repeated the sounds. , . . 8 4 In writing of his own training in composition, Bowles says. For a year and a half prior to going to North Africa (for the first time), I had been having daily lessons with Aaron Copland, first in New York, and then in Berlin, In Paris, I used to take my things to Virgil Thomson, whose matter-of-fact attitude toward music at first seemed brutal to me, and then, when I had accepted it, the properly healthy one. From 1931 to 1934, I studied with Nadia Boulanger, Roger Sessions, and Israel Citkowitz. All this, however, should not be considered a formal musical education, as I never did have the patience to continue with my studies, and probably learned very little from them.°5 ®3paul Bowles to the writer March 27, 1956. ®^Ewen, American Composers 8 ^Ibid. , Tangier, East Morocco Today , p. 38 . f

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213 Because of his resistance to academic study, Bowles has been regarded by some as an amateur. According to GlanvilleHicks, a critic for Musical America , Bowles is an artist who . . . accepts the challenge to create from within himself, leaning on no preconceived systems or criteria. Bowles’ lack of interest in orthodoxy came not from any inability to learn, for he possesses a brilliant brain, but from a realization that almost nothing in accepted writing methods applied organically or instrument ally to what he heard in his mind’s ear as his own music. ° As for the influence of his studies, Glanvi lie -Hicks finds no trace of Aaron Copland's style in Bowles' music, but he believes that his earlier works evidence a debt to Thomson. In summation of Bowles' musical creativity, the critic says he is " . . . one of the rarer musical minds, and potentially an extraordinary composer. Music by Paul Bowles was first heard in the theatre of WPA and Group Theatre days, and he has continued to demonstrate his greatest compositional skill in writing for the theatre. Some of the excellence he has achieved in creating atmospheric music may be traced to Erik Satie, a French composer whose innovations in style were marked by simplicity and directness. As a result of studies with Virgil 86 America , p. 7. 87 Glanville-Hicks , "The Season of Promise," Musical . 7. Ibid.

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21k Thomson, it is entirely possible that Bowles was influenced O Q by Satie's ideas of atmospheric music. Although both Bowles and his teacher can be linked with Satie, it must be noted that they developed individual methods of writing atmospheric music for the theatre. In this genre, Bowles set a high standard. His rare sense of atmosphere, and an ability to create vivid moods with brief fragmentary musical interludes made his theatrical scores real chamber music of a quality unique in the commercial world; for though he would make many a concession on technical grounds, at no point would he ever make any on esthetic grounds. Even the tones of an occasional electronic organ or similar artistic hazard forced upon him by the house would be disciplined in his scores with an objectivity that changed its whole character. His resourcefulness in gaining his musical ends within theatrical restrictions was always remarkable, and amply bore out his own contention that any sounds, from a telephone bell to an oboe, could be the materials of art. ^ Bowles himself says that music for theatre is . . . one perfect medium for carrying out some of the ideas I had subconsciously been trying to express. Here it is no longer a crime, but a virtue, for a composer to prescind the emotional content of his music before presenting it; here he can say exactly what he wants, and everyone will understand it (although, of course, no one listens to it because the spoken word and the visual action take precedence in the exercising of the spectator's receptive faculties. ) Here, and in writing for the films, too, one can with immunity write climaxless music, hypnotic Of) °During an interview, Marc Blitzstein praised the work of Erik Satie as a composer of atmospheric music and spoke of Virgil Thomson as his most capable disciple. aq Glanville-Hicks, "The Season of Promise,’' Musical America, p. 7.

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215 music in one of the exact senses of the word, in that it makes its effect without the spectator’s being aware of it. L The list of plays for which Paul Bowles has composed music includes: Watch on the Rhine . In the Summer house , My Heart’s in the Highlands . Land’s End . Cyrano de Bergerac , Jacobowsky and the Colonel . On Whitman Avenue . South Pacific , Twilight Bar , and Twelfth Night . 91 His music for Land * s End was accepted with some misgiving by George Jean Nathan, but in his review of The Glass Menagerie , Nathan's attitude had changed, for he wrote ”... Dowling’s direction ... orchestrates the whole in key with Paul Bowles’ engaging musical obligato ." 92 In answer to a written inquiry about his philosophies of music in the theatre, Paul Bowles replied: "... the most important consideration is that the music must at all times and in every sense be subsidiary to the play. . . . " 9 3 Besides stressing the subservient position of music, he mentioned its principal functions: Properly written and placed music gives an added dimension for the attainment of form in a QO Ewen, American Composers Today , p. 39 . 91 Titles from Chart I, supra ; letter from Paul Bowie 92 19U6-1QU7 George Jean Nathan, The Theatre Book of the Year (New York: Alfred A. Klnopf, '19^7), p. 88. 9 93 Bowles, Letter, March 27, 1956; for context Chapter V, p. 2k3. see

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216 production; for the audience It provides an auxiliary line of communication through the subconscious stimulation of the imagination. 9 ^ These comments partially explain Bowles’ definition of theatre-music as ’’auditory lighting.” During the season, 1935-1936, Alex North, in conjunction with Hans Eisler and Jerome Moross, wrote music for a Broadway production of Bertolt Brecht’s Mother . Since then. North’s scores for the theatre have included The Innocents , Death of a Salesman . Life and Death of an American , Richard III , and Corlolanus . ^ Currently, North composes for the motion picture industry. Winner of a Guggenheim Fellowship in 19i;7, North studied music with Ernst Toch and Aaron Copland, ^ He has done extensive composing for modern dance, and his incidental music, prior to his full-time employment in Hollywood, includes documentary films in addition to the plays listed above. One critic has written that North's music ”... has qualities which are decidedly rare today — graceful charm, easy lyricism, and clean emotional warmth. 9l | Ibld . ^Chart I, supra . pp. 118-140. 96 Alex North was born in Pennsylvania in 1910. When quite young, he learned telegraphy and worked as a sports reporter to augment the family income after his father's death. During the years he attended Julliard School of Music, he was employed by Western Union. Ewen, American Composers Today , p. 179. 97 'Ewen, American Composers Today , p. 179.

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217 Alex North believes that music when combined with or written for spoken drama serves various purposes, depending on the script, and he declares "... there are no straight-laced rules or regulations.” To him, there are certain obvious uses for music in the theatre such as a ??J hep dim9nslon t0 the play, in the sense that lighting or costumes or other elements are capable of doing. More concretely it can add that edge of tension necessary in mood, suspense, etc. 98 He also advances the argument that music can increase the audience’s perception. It can dig beneath the surface of a character and lend sympathy to that person (as I did in "Streetcar” for Stella) [he refers to music for the motion picture production of A Streetcar Named Des lre.1 and for Linda (use of lullaby) in "Salesman”; it can play against the obvious at times as I did in "Salesman” for Uncle Ben— instead of establishing a leit-motif for him which would possibly be one of sinister character, I played Willy Loman’s relation to him, attempting to indicate his (Loman’s) desires frustrations and child-like worship of hira--consequently the music is naive, warm and sympathetic. In practically all instances I avoid playing the physical aspects of a scene, preferring to play the inter-relationship of characters. .. [North’s ellipsesj sometimes this is subtle but I believe the "action" scenes usually play themselves and need no bolstering. .. [North* s ellipses! unless in Instances where they don't come off and the director hopes the music can add that bit of excitement necessary to make the scene come off. I have used 1,1119 19 to bridge scenes (Salesman and Innocents); to substitute for physical action sometimes difficult to ? tage as ln the sulcld e (off-stage) scene 4 0in ^ n i provlde a rausic which Is nondescript pace tiie scene and help give it rhythm (without hardly being noticed); it (if properly 98 Alex North to the writer, Beverly Hill; fornia, March 29, 1956. * Call-

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218 approached) speeds up long, drawn-out scenes: it can establish period by use of period music." The above passage from a letter by Alex North can be summarized in outline form. Music in the theatre can be used (1) to add another dimension to the play, (2) to furnish insight into character, (3) to lend sympathy to a character, (4) to point up obvious traits of character with music that contrasts mood and style and behavior, (5) to add excitement to action scenes that don't quite "jell", (6) to underscore interrelationship between characters, (7) as a substitute for physical action difficult to depict on stage, (8) to help give rhythm to a scene, and (9) to suggest the period or locale of a play. North warns against the use of music that is or has been popular, because of the possible association the theatre-goer may have with a particular piece of music. Therefore, rather than utilizing music from a period, he composes music that simulates the period in rhythm, harmony and over-all style. Many composers stress the importance of using music only with a particular style of play, but in Alex North's opinion, . . . music can be used in practically every kind of play, or every play— why not? Naturally it has a better chance of making a greater contribution in a fantasy or a play with metaphysical overtones but I see no reason why it cannot be used in straight realistic drama also. It's the added cost which "ibid

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219 usually prohibits its use. 100 The instrumentation for his music was determined by the dramatic needs of the play. In Death of a Salesman , three of the four instruments symbolize or represent individual characters, and the timbre produced by the combination of instruments provides needed texture for various moods of the play. In The Innocents , there was no need to clarify individual character traits. Instead It was necessary to establish a "sound" which lent suspense and tension and provided an "eerie" quality similar to that Inherent in the play-text . The differences in technique called for when writing for the concert stage, the films, and the theatre are pointed out by North, when he says. In writing for the stage I try to write so-called "collapsible" music in the event the scene is speeded up or stretched. For the stage the music is usually played "live" so the musicians have to set up a system of cueing, either by light-bulbs (red for starting— blue for stopping) or stage-manager ' s cues [North's ellipses] the quality of voice. Its range (baritone — or high or thin, etc. ) has to be taken into consideration so that the instrumentation "clears" the range of the voice and prevents 100 Ibid, complete analysis of music for Death of a Sales man and the theory of instrumentation is given in Chapter VI of this study. 102 North, Letter, March 29, 19f>6

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220 conflict--one washing out the other [North's ellipses] the secret of the whole business is getting to the core or basic conflicts of the story and coming up with an over-all approach instead of haphazardly writing from scene to scene . ^3 Teahouse of the August Moon , a play being performed this season in theatres from Stockholm to Mexico City, utilizes specially composed music by Dai-Keong Lee, an Hawaiian-American born in Honolulu in 1915* Though he came to the United States to study medicine, D. K. Lee became a scholarship pupil in composition with Roger Sessions at Princeton University. Later, Julllard Graduate School awarded him a three-year fellowship in composition and in 19U1, he had a scholarship to study with Aaron Copland. 10 ^ Lee classifies Teahouse of the August Moon as a play with music, since percussive accompaniment often annotates the dialogue. His approach in writing this music was to satirize or burlesque the Kabuki musical theatre. The percussively punctuated speeches are particularly characteristic of Kabuki. Writing music for the theatre, Lee feels, requires a special talent. "Gebrauchsmusik, " a term borrowed from Hindemith, conveys his concept of theatre music as music written as 103 ma. 10 V en, American Composers Today , p. 152

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221 a craft and for a function. The serious composer of fine symphonies cannot, according to Lee, necessarily write good theatre music, nor can theatre-musicians necessarily write fine concert music. The different techniques requisite to skillful composition for the theatre or the concert stage have been mentioned by other composers in the group interviewed, but Lee was the only one to suggest that success in one area does not guarantee success in the other. 10 ^ Music in Teahouse of the August Moon adds theatricality to the speeches of Sakini, and emphasizes the irony of the text. It also conveys a plaintive atmosphere of distance. While a sadness permeates some passages, it is a sweet sadness which subtly underscores the moments of conflict with the comic, make-believe idiom of the play. The necessary oriental atmosphere is supplied in a fashion quickly communicable to eastern or western audience. In short, Lee has used music (1) for punctuation, (2) for creating atmosphere, ( 3 ) for suggesting locale, and ( 4 ) for commenting on stage-situations . 106 105. 106 , Lee, Interview, January 27, 1956. , J „ Writer’s analysis of score for Teahouse of th« August Moon together with personal observation at oerformance Martin Beck Theatre, New York, January 21, 1956. *

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222 Critics The degree of Influence a drama critic has on styles of performance may be negligible and is certainly not measurable. Nevertheless, critical opinions are of interest in this study as indications of prevalent practises and their affect on the publicÂ’s reaction to music in the theatre. Brooks Atkinson, drama critic for The New York Times, said in an interview that music that is too good is dangerous in the theatre because it makes the play look bad. As he explained, "G-ood incidental music is like good scenery, the audience should forget about it. There should be no competition for actors and play in an ideal production."^ ^ Prom his strategic position in the theatre, Atkinson noted that music is now added to productions with a great deal of care. Music for the theatre has become a conscious art form. However, much of the incidental music for Shakespearean productions is still lacking in grace and form, thus indicating a bankruptcy of musical ideas. His reaction is entirely different when commenting upon Marc BlitzstelnÂ’s score for the 1956 production of King Lear which he feels is the most 107 'Atkinson, Interview, January 19, 1956.

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223 interesting Shakespearean production music he has heard. Generally, Atkinson prefers music in non-realistic productions and he attributes some of the improved quality of theatre -music to the increased popularity of psychological dramas and the need to make abstract concepts T Oft theatrically believable. Despite his enthusiasm for music in dramatic productions, he cautioned that Unless a writer (playwright] has style and ideas, he would do well not to accept the challenge of music in the theatre, for music is the pithiest and most eloquent way of expressing imaginative i de as. Drama critic Walter Kerr of the New York Herald Tribune labels music in the theatre as an atmospheric aid and places it in the same category with stage design and lighting. He, like Atkinson, is "a little sick of standard music for Shakespeare: drums and horns." Commenting on the increased integration of music, he thinks It may be creeping into productions too far in underscoring words rather than serving just as a transition. This is an intrusion. It interferes with the flow — it is no longer a dramatic flow alone. This critic and former professor pointed out that "Our 106 Ibid . 109 New York Times . January 19, 1951. 110 Kerr, Interview, January 26, 1956.

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22k theatre has less music than most theatres through history: with realism, we lost the use of music* Now we are starting to pick it up a bit.” His only worry is that it will be substituted for dramatic essentials because ’’When music is predominant, that is bad, or when a production leans on it as a crutch, that is bad. The emotional impact should come from words." Kerr notes another reason for fearing the influx of music into our theatre, namely "The danger of using music is that it makes playwrights lazy. If the essential element is a play, the music should be very subordinate." In writing reviews, Kerr’s tendency is to mention music only when it is exceptionally good and makes "an enormous contribution" or when it becomes "a terrible detraction." When it fulfills its normal function as a theatrical device he says nothing about it, nor does he make a habit of describing setting and lighting techniques, with which he classifies music. 111 In his review for Tonight in Samarkand . Kerr did give credit to the music, writing "Behind the passions, fears, and volatile humors of these unlikely but interesting folk, a steady blare of circus music — impishly scored by Sol Kaplan--sounds a gay and garish warning. "H2 p or 111 Ibid. 112 New York Herald Tribune . February 17, 1955.

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225 this production he considered the music very attractive and noted it provided the lift and buoyancy characteristic of the suggested locale. The New York Dally Neva drama critic, John Chapman, thinks there has been no improvement in music for theatrical productions, that it has been the "... same for twenty years, quite dull . . . always two horns and a flute." In the theatre he has "... never heard any music of distinction." Furthermore, he claims movies do a better Job of using distinguished music than the stage. This does not mean he has a disregard for the theatrical potential of music. Actually, he feels music is helpful as background, "It is useful in changing scenes, it can shift the mind from one attitude to another— —a signal in advance [of action or dialogue]." 11 ^ Asked about the relative importance of music in theatre Chapman replied: "Any part of the theatre is as important as another the stage manager and all." He insists that music must remain in the background, and that it should never be designed for any other purpose. According to his tastes, theatre music is not distinguished music and should not be. 113 Personal interview with John Chapman, Drama Critic, New York Dally News . January 26, 19§6.

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226 John Beaufort, who writes dramatic reviews for The Christian Science Monitor , acknowledges, as do his fellowcritics, the similarity of function between scenery and music* Beaufort’s comment on one production in which music made a special contribution is reminiscent of Virgil Thomson's concept of music as a "voice.” In Beaufort's opinion, the score by Alan Houhaness for The Flowering Peach produced a direct effect and seemed an integral part with the dialogue. One instrument represented the voice of God, and the spectator was conscious of this "voice." This critic has observed that, unfortunately, the blending of music and drama is not always so happy. To Beaufort, the electronic score for King Lear sounded like an airplane warming up and furnished a distraction# Also, the harpsichord seemed out of place. He maintains that in the theatre. Any kind of music should be intrinsic and organic. It can not be just an effect. If music is just an effect, it is likely to distract rather than help develop the atmosphere one is trying to create in the theatre. Beaufort has observed that the composer in theatre must have a great deal of selflessness, saying. Music used for a play should be exclusively for the purpose of enhancing mood. This may be done either by underscoring with a musical statement that harmonizes with the dramatic statement or by supplying musical emphasis — an exclamation. The minute the spectator thinks to himself, "there is a musical effect," either the music has obtruded

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227 or has been wrongly used. Music should always be subordinate. J According to George Freedley, historian and drama critic, music in the theatre is primarily to assist in conveying mood and emotion. He feels it is essential that a composer in the theatre have the ability to work with the author and director. In his opinion, there are a number of skilled composers writing for theatre, but Lehman Engel has more practical theatre know-how than the others. In reflecting on the use of music in the theatre, he recalls fewer productions include music than twenty-five or thirty years ago; however, he is convinced they demonstrate a more skillful blending of music with the other theatre arts. pie modern composer has more training in theatre and does a better job than the old-fashioned ivorytower composers. In the last twenty years, there has been more cooperation in planning. The composer is hired early. He is known by the producer and playwright and there are consultations as rehearsals progress. lib Cone luslons The varied philosophies expressed in this chapter, at times overlapping and at times conflicting, are the philosophies out of which current practises of music integration have developed. A summary of these practises 11 ^Beaufort, Interview, February 3 , 1956. 115 Freedley, Interview, February 16, 1956.

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228 becomes essentially a compilation of the functions assigned to music. Furnishing atmosphere or setting is the most frequent assignment given a composer in the theatre. All of the critics, most of the producers, and several composers give this as the primary function of music. Music is accepted as, a satisfactory method for tying together scenes of contrasting style, mood, and action. While classified generally as auditory scenery or auditory lighting, music is acknowledged by the more imaginative directors, playwrights, and composers as capable of increasing the dramatic impact of action or dialogue, either by underscoring and reenforcing a dramatic situation, or by focusing attention on it by musical contrast. Music playing against a scene works as a spotlight. Light can isolate the person or object to be given special attention. Music, by abstractly stating an emotion or conflict, which contrasts with the one enacted can intensify the scene on stage. Just as an adjacent black will increase the whiteness of an object. 11 ^ 1 There is general agreement that music may be effective in telling an audience what a character is thinking. 116 , Douglas Cooper, Fernand Lecer (London: Humphries and Co., Ltd., 19TJ9)”,' p. 9. — Lund

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229 Rather than blatant verbal statements of an actorÂ’s reaction to another, or an out-of-character aside to the audience, music can concisely condense hero-worship for an older brother, memory of a dead husband, fears, tensions, and other elements in the tenuous and intangible relationships between human beings. Though the two dozen people interviewed, and the three contacted through correspondence agree that music in the theatre is and must be a supplement to the drama, a Jealous fear exists among critics that music in our theatre may be allowed to steal the show. When only oneeighth of the productions on Broadway last year could be classified as spoken dramas with integrated music, the fear seems to have little foundation. Perhaps it is based on the knowledge of the overwhelming power of music when created by great composers. At present, there seems to be full knowledge on the part of all individuals concerned that the composer in the theatre is a craftsman who adds theatrical shadings and punctuations to frame or embellish dramatic presentation.

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CHAPTER V DIVERGENT OPINIONS Opinions as to the best method of supplementing spoken drama can be classified under two distinct headings. Composers active in providing music for the theatre may agree on functions for music while advocating dissimilar procedures for achieving them. Theatre scores, opinions stated in interviews, and comments by critics combine to indicate two prevailing opinions: (1) music in the theatre need not make musical sense as long as it serves the assigned dramatic purpose and (2) music, while serving the theatre, must maintain Identity as music. Advocates of the first theory may be said to write integrated musical fragments, while the latter group write supplementary compositions. Actually, the artistic goal desired is the same In both cases. With both groups, the feeling is strong that the music must remain subservient to the drama, that it must never intrude or ’’steal the show,” and that it should state an idea quickly. Their differences of opinion stem from adherence to or disregard for orthodox forms of composition. Throughout the twenty-five years covered by this study, theatre music has been written by advocates of both 230

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231 schools of thinking. Elliot Carter, a music critic writing in the 1930Â’s, discussed signs of this divergence in techniques, when he stated: Stage music is becoming more and more popular for Broadway plays. Already there are two schools: the incidental sound effects that have great dramatic value but could not be played away from the shows they are written for; and the set-pieces which do have an independent musical life.l Terms that supply a more accurate description of the two principal styles of theatre composition than Carter's terminology are: supplementary composition and integrated * fragments. The type of music he classifies as "independent set-pieces" is referred to, in this chapter, as supplementary composition, while the term "sound effects" is replaced by integrated fragments. Cecil Smith, writing of America's lyric theatre in 1947, stated that in appraising theatre music, "The question must always be asked: Is the music really right for its dramatic purpose or is it essentially unrelated to the play, however agreeable it may be in its own right?" None of the composers engaged in theatre work would purposely create music unrelated to the assigned play, but ^Elliot Carter, "In the Theatre," Modern Music, XV, No. 1 (1938), 52. ^Cecil Smith, "The Lyric Theatre," Theatre Arts, XXXI (January, 1947), 25.

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232 by their diverse answers as to what music is ’’really right” for the dramatic purpose, composers classify themselves as representatives of divergent opinions. The Writing of Integrated Musical Fragments Composers who label their theatre writing as ”musical sound effects” may state their music in incomplete phrases, often making use of unconventional harmonies and instrumentation. Their music is not always fragmentary, but they do not hesitate to write fragments if that is all that is dramatically necessary. These musical fragments may affect an audience so subtly that many spectators are surprised when told a production contained music. Brief motifs integrated with action and dialogue are dependent on the production of the play for their life, as surely as the production is at moments dependent on them for complete theatrical clarity. The men who write this music are equally successful in writing concert music, but when they enter the realm of the theatre, they consider that their music, as a supplement to a drama, has no right to an independent life as concert music. They insist that writing . . . little chunks of appropriate tune or sound effects, like auditory props. ... is a kind of musical composition at which only first class composers are any good, because the ability to

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233 say something exact in two bars is, if not the summit of musical art, at least its base and fundament . 3 Composers who write these "little chunks of appropriate time or sound effects” are Virgil Thomson, Marc Blitzstein, Lehman Engel, and Paul Bowles. Virgil Thomson has said that since music is not traditional in all productions and is often used in experimental theatre, a contemporary and modern style of composition may be used in that medium. According to Thomson, there is no time in the theatre for developing a musical idea or writing variations on a melody because it happens to be charming. He has stated emphatically, "Theatre music must work instantly. There is no time to wait for an effect or slow the action. ... My effort ... is to make music a part of the play. Thomson's score for Ondlne ^ exemplifies what he means by music that states ideas quickly and is a part of the play. There are more than forty major cues in Ondlne ; some of them are supplied by a shimmering undercurrent of sound from the harpj others are church bells, gongs, or brief suggestions of military music. ^Virgil Thomson, "In the Theatre," Modern Music , XV, No. 2 (1938), 114. ^Thomson, Interview, January 21, 1958. ^The manuscripts for Ondlne music and playscript from the composer's files were analyzed by the writer.

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234 The whole score has an unrealistic quality, like half -heard, half -imagined sounds. Separated from the play, this score lacks musical continuity. Technically incomplete because of a disregard for establishing key consciousness and the omission of final cadences, this music is nevertheless dramatically impressive and directly communicative. Sometimes the musical instructions are extremely simple. At one point the score indicates a thunder drum and thunder sheet; while at another the sound of a Chinese gong accompanies the sudden opening of a bolted door. Throughout the production, the concept of fantasy is heightened by effects of a musical wind produced by strings (Figure 14 ) which is heard when heads of supernatural beings appear L at a window, or a happy flute melody when Ondine sings in an off-stage waterfall or lake. At her first entrance, the actress playing Ondine may stand motionless while the flute glissando (Figure 15) portrays her reaction to a handsome stranger."^ Few of the musical passages in Ondine are long enough to be performed as individual pieces of music. Songs by the water-sprites are musically complete, but in quality, as well as text, these songs are ^Conductor's score for Ondine , copyrighted 1955 by Virgil Thomson, cue 9, quoted with the permission of the composer. n Ibid. , cue 4«

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235 t>(vA i|c SJJL^.ain-y l ^ fi T 7 v — ] = 1 •T^= ! / \ 4 W ' Note: 16 measures in -A-w v=>^ 2 tepo' T ' ~ <2 n X t;his f ftshion i 1 . ^ r .£ok2 j \r t t'X, V 1 [ | | j|pTH '±1 -g J O — / 7 S'U/pDH t c . y * v upward progression in j i: pitch continues 4> \ ~ % — ' ‘'ao-*o » high 11 C« w A. ' c j »o\l>\ Zj 5u.'j0<)n t frO — ^ emu wiign reverses direction. -g— — -K iu s* i/ ^ 4j>£, >v ^ y [4^ "" 1 . A — ] -£ -g. J O Fir. U* — Excerpt: V/ind music, Ondine Fig. 15 — Flute glissando, Cndine tttrr

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236 so much a part of the play that It is doubtful they would be enjoyed if performed apart from it. Thomson has composed motifs to characterize the King and Lady Violante, as well as the heroine, Ondine. He has treated these motifs as fragments to be orchestrated with dialogue and action to form a unified artistic composition. The sevenmeasure piccolo solo which is played against a pizzicato accompaniment by strings (Figure 16) is as much a part of the King’s characterization as his costume, his walk, and his manner of speaking. Following his belief that stagemusic must communicate quickly, Thomson states in a few seconds of music that this King is not a traditional, dignified, and pompous stage-king. Both the high, bright timbre of the piccolo and the skipping-dance rhythm of the melody convey the make-believe nature of this King and his Q court. Thomson does not always use musical fragments such as the one in Figure 16 for characterization. When music must underscore continuous action, as well as characterize participants, he writes a complete composition. A typical example of this practise can be found in the score for Androcles and the Lion which includes a delightfully inane 9 circus-like waltz for the Lion (Figure 17). ® Ibid . , cue 29 B. 9 Piano and violin score, ”Waltz for Andy and the Lion,” Androcles and the Lion , quoted with the permission of Virgil Thomson.

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237 Fig. 17 — Excernt: "Waltz for Andy and the LionJ 1 ndroclea and the Lion Thomson stresses that one of music's functions in the theatre is to serve as architecture. In Antony and Cleopatra he has combined music as architecture and music to characterize in a short fanfare (Figure 18) which announces the entrance of a feminine monarch.' 1 ' 0 ^Conductor's score, Antony and Cleopatra , cue 1, quoted with the permission of Virgil Thomson.

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238 I Fig. 18 — "Fanfare," Antony and Cleopatra The "Lion's Dance" in Androcles and the Lion , several of the lullabies sung by women's chorus in Ondlne , and some of the cues in The Grass Harp can be classified as complete compositions, rather than as musical fragments. However, to be completely enjoyable much of Thomson's music for plays must have the motivation of the dramatic moment with which it is integrated; in short, the drama and the music function in reciprocal fashion. Although the music critic who noted two trends in theatre-music composition in the 1930's wrote only mild praise for either one, his comments illustrate and affirm the dramatic effectiveness of Thomson’s musical frarsnents or sound effects. In that critic's opinion, . . . Virgil Thomson has reached a high degree of perfection and effectiveness in his scoring for Injunction Granted and Hamlet. The danger of this kind of writing lies in the fact that it depends so much on the play of which it is an integral part. The new Antony and Cleopatra is badly directed, and hence Thomson's music does not come off well, though it helps to point up many an indifferent scene. 1 *^Carter, "In the Theatre," Modern Music , XV (1°38) No. 1, 52.

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Continuing his criticism of musical sound effects. Elliot Carter observed that another champion of musical fragments is Marc Blitz stein who . . . used this style for the Mercury TheatreÂ’s extraordinary Julius Caesar, and with great effect. The wonderful roars of the Hammond Organ, the sardonic Fascist march are not easily forgotten; they play their roles with great cogency in a marvelous production. Blitzstein begins the score for Julius Caesar with a tympani roll and nine measures of music which changes tempo four times from 4/4 to 2/4 to 5/4 and back to 4 / 4 * Horn and trumpet play four measures written in parallel fourths and with a heavy pulsating accent. When the organ enters. the introductory fragment ends with an eighth note and a tension of expectancy. Some of the eleven cues in Julius Caesar are no longer than three measures and simulate the military alarum frequently requested in Shakespeare's chronicle plays. Marc BlitzsteinÂ’ s score for Julius Caesar was highly praised by his fellow-composer, Virgil Thomson, and was referred to as "first class auditory props. Blitzstein himself has stressed the desirability of " . . . theatre-music, which works in conjunction with it follows the same rhythmic pattern. 114 . ^Thomson, "In the Theatre," Modem Music, XV, No. 2

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other theatrical elements towards a complete pro jection. Further indication of his concept that theatre music must conform to dramatic rather than musical criteria was given in an interview, when he spoke of writing bad music to suit the needs of a dramatic situation in Lillian Heilman’s Another Fart of the Forest . Here the situation demanded music that represented the efforts of Papa Hubbard, a character in the play. An amateur musician and a snobbish villain, Hubbard has hired professional musicians to perform with him in his home town. First they play part of a stringtrio by Leopold Mozart. This, Blitzstein explained, illustrates a snobbish interest in classical music without bringing on stage easily recognized music to detract from the dramatic situation. Then, the group performs one of Hubbard's own compositions. For this scene, Blitzstein wrote purposely poor variations on a Gregorian theme, demonstrating a pedestrian following of rules of harmony which lacks the ring of any sincerity of expression. The only trait which might identify this as music by Blitzstein is the variety of tempos used. He switches from 5/8 to to 3/U. The introduction (Figure 19) of the ’’Variations on a Gregorian Theme” illustrates the plodding yet pretentious 1 ^'4arc Blitzstein, ”0n Writing Music for the Theatre,” Modern Music, XV, No. 2 (1938), 81-85.

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2ia nature of the amateur composer in the play-cast. For the final portion of the concert within the play, Blitzstein had to compose florid music imitative of Louis Moreau Gottschalk, the foremost American composer of the mid-nineteenth century. In composing the "Variations on a Gregorian Theme" and the selection imitative of GottschalkÂ’s music, Blitzstein demonstrated that he, like Thomson, writes compositions that are complete within themselves when the requirements of a play-script necessitate it. His general practises and his statements of theory, however, classify him as a composer of integrated fragments of theatre music. -'Marc Blitzstein, "Variations on a Gregorian Theme" (String Trio by "Marcus"), Another Part of the Forest (December 27 , 19^6 E unpub 5733 2), quoted with the permission of the composer.

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2l\2 Lehman Engel, who devotes the greater portion of his compositional efforts to writing for the theatre, stated in an interview that music . , . has got to serve the play and the situation. It cannot be too long (the play cannot stop for a concert) nor too short. It must have the proper vocal or orchestral coloring--either dramatic, or lyric, or descriptive. He also stated that "Theatre music often has no life alone apart from the play." 16 Engel believes that music may be admirable and perfect for the moment in a play and yet, when played out of that context, "nothing." Unf ortunately, his feeling that theatre music should have no life aside from the production has been so keen that few of his theatre scores have been copyrighted or are available for analysis. Critical opinions of Engel's music during play performances must be relied on for an appraisal of his handling of musical fragments. His colleague, Virgil Thomson, gave a high rating to Engel's music for The Shoemaker's Holiday , ranking it with other "chunks of appropriate tune ... at which only first class com. „17 posers are any good. ..." Another composer noted for integrated musical fragments and what he calls "climaxless music" is Paul l6 Engel, Interview, January 30 , 195&. ^Thomson, "In the Theatre," Modern Music , XV, No. 2 (1938), 11U.

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21+3 Bowles, whose compositions for the theatre have highly dramatic and hypnotic qualities. In reference to theatre music, Bowles has made the statement: I should say that the most important consideration is that the music must at all times and In every sense be subsidiary to the play. It would never occur to me to write music for the theatre with the possibility in mind that it could subsequently be played by itself in concert. (If that turns out to be possible, it is sheer luck.) The music should be such that it needs its literary context to motivate its existence. It should make no more claim to a separate identity than the list of lighting cues prepared by the electrician, since In most (if not all ) A instances it is exactly that: auditory lighting. 10 In the paragraph quoted, Bowles has aptly described not only his own feelings, but the attitude typical of composers who advocate musical fragments with spoken drama. He gave a concise statement of the principle by which these composers measure their work when he said, "The music should be such that it needs its literary context to motivate its existence." Supplementary Compositions Composers who hold the opposing point of view argue that their music has an equal measure of dramatic power and claim an added virtue, that it can stand alone as enjoyable music. Deems Taylor is the most vocal T A Bowles, Letter, March 27, 1956.

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exponent of the theory that it is the composer's duty to write music for the theatre that "... makes sense as music. Otherwise, one just has sound-effects. This is 19 all right for TV, but it doesn’t enhance art very much." In Taylor's opinion much of the so-called incidental music in contemporary theatre is only one step above sound-effects. His own very enchanting suite Lucrece was enlarged from his incidental music score for the Katherine Cornell production of the play. This music possesses theatrical qualities expressing the ipitial tranquility in Collatinus' household, the conflicts, agitation, and despair which follow Tarquine's visit. All the essential elements of Andre Obey's and Thornton Wilder's dramatic re-telling of the rape of Lucrece are stated by Deems Taylor in potent musical language. The Lucrece Suite is divided into five movements: "Prologue," "Serenade," "Spinning Song," "Lament," and "Finale." The "Prologue," a complete musical unit, contains varying moods and keys which foreshadow the action of the play. The dominant rhythmic pattern of the first two measures recurs in other sections of the "Prologue," No matter what musical flights are within a section, the^ which is suggestive of vigorous, driving action hinged with seem most frequently to s tern from this pattern J • 19 Taylor, Interview, February 15, 1956.

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2i|6 Fig. 20 — Excerpts: "Prologue," Lucrece Suite (continued)

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2h 7 Fig. 20. — Excerpts: "Prologue," Lucrece Suite (continued))

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21+8 The "Spinning Song" from Lucrece is designed for pantomimic action on stage and may be classified as subtle programme music. A melodic line is played against rotating rhythm to reenforce the spinning action. There is also a recurring percussive sound resembling the cutting of lengths of thread and a faint suggestion of womenÂ’s voices busy with pleasant "small talk." This excerpt (Figure 21) is from the Allegro Grazioso Section B of the "Spinning Song."^' L 21 Ibid., "Spinning Song," pp. 20-21.

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249 The "Lament" following the spinning song is music of unrest, but even the sense of agitation depicted by the minor and diminished harmonies maintains a dignified rhythmic movement. Here, there seems to be an extension of the character of Lucrece, who, even in her shame and despair, possesses the behavior and poise of an aristocrat. The music Deems Taylor has written for the "Finale" (Figure 22) is the most dramatic of the entire suite. He has interwoven bits of the musical motifs from earlier sections and

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superimposed a tragic mood that can perform a catharsis Op even when heard in non-theatrical surroundings. 22 Ibid., "Finale," pp. 3 0-1 +2.

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Fig. 22

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252 Another advocate of supplementary set-pieces for theatre is David Diamond who has written extensive chamber, choral, and orchestral music. J None of his theatre scores were available for analysis, but the recording and full orchestra score of the symphonic suite adapted from his music for the 1951 production of Romeo and Juliet are Pl I available. ^ In this suite, he has shown little imagination in his use of orthodox compositional patterns, so that the music is uninteresting much of the time. There is no danger of this music ’’stealing the show,” though at times, through length alone, it could intrude and distract attention from action and dialogue. This is particularly true of the overly romantic music for the balcony scene. This is background music which could supply no more than general mood and a small degree of atmosphere. It may have enhanced the production (indeed, none of the reviewers complained of it, though only one mentioned it 25 at all), but the recorded version excites no interest 23 Ewen, American Composers Today , p. 8 2. ^David Diamond, "Romeo and Juliet" (Columbia Recording, MM751-1-5), 12 inch, 5 sides; Music for Shakespeare’a Romeo and Juliet (New York: Boosey and Hawke s’, Inc . , 1947) , i*ull score for orchestra. 25 Otis L. Guernsey, Jr. , New York Herald Tribune, March 12, 1951.

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253 in the play, nor is it theatrically complete and compelling in itself. The "Overture" to The Tempest , also a supplementary composition by Diamond, does have more musical interest 26 than the Romeo and Juliet suite. Theatre music that maintains identity as music, as demonstrated by Deems Taylor and many musical masters in previous centuries, can be highly successful as a supplement to the drama. However, it does seem to be dwindling in popularity in this era. In the discussion about the schools of composition for the stage, Elliot Carter mentioned only one composer of "set-pieces" or supplementary compositions. With a degree of displeasure he stated: Samuel Barlow with his music for Amphitryon 38 represents, very ineffectively, the school of setpiece writing. This could have been so good if the score had only underlined the wit of the play. Instead it emits a few faint Debussyian wisps of sounds, altogether out of keeping with the production^? Barlow himself would readily acknowledge that his music may have more European than American characteristics, but as for the score underlining the wit of Amphitryon 38 , there is a wide gap in opinion. In the review of the opening night performance. Brooks Atkinson, who expects high standards of ^Diamond, "Overture to the Tempest" (Columbia Recording, MM-751-6) 12 inch, 1 side (side 6 of Diamond "Shakespeare" Album). ^Carter, "In the Theatre," Modern Music, XV, No. 1 (1938), 52.

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254 production, expressed complete satisfaction with Barlow’s 28 music. Barlow’s early and continued interest in the theatre would suggest that he has every reason to under29 stand its musical needs. Furthermore, Barlow worked closely with the cast in writing and revising the score of Amphitryon 38 to synchronize stage business and timing. The Bunts indicated no displeasure with his musical product. 3° Rather, they evidenced satisfaction with his work and during the course of the rehearsal period increased the initial request for twenty-five minutes of music to one hour and fifteen minutes. After the play had been running a year, Alfred Lunt decided to add an exit march with interwoven motifs from early portions of the play. This lasted three minutes and was used later 31 as concert music in programs by the Boston Pops Orchestra. A Mixture of Methods Not all composers who write for the theatre can be exclusively identified with a single theory of theatre ^® New York Times , November 2, 1937. 29 Ewen, American Composers Today , p. 15. 30 Alfred Lunt to the writer, February 11, 1956. 31 Barlow, Interview, February 15, 1956.

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255 composition. Two composers who can be classified in both categories are Dal-Keong Lee and Alex North. Neither of them stated an exact opinion as to whether theatre music should have life outside the theatre; however, both of them have shown that they can write music that satisfies dramatic needs and possesses potentialities as concert music. In the theatre score for Teahouse of the August Moon, Lee has written isolated musical sounds and brief phrases to punctuate dialogue, and for situations that can be enhanced by musical unders coring, he has written complete compositions. "The Overture" is the most nearly complete section of the score, although music for the entrance of Lotus Blossom, music for her dance, the accompaniment for a wrestling scene, and the poignant background for the final conversation between Fisby and Lotus Blossom are all supplementary compositions. Throughout the performance, whether Lee has written fragmentary or complete cues, the music skillfully meets the dramatic requirements of the situation. That his music makes sense as music has been proven by composer Lee in his symphonic suite. Teahouse , which is an artistic amplification of themes from the play, and 3 2 Perf ormance of Teahouse of the August Moon. Beck Theatre, New York, January 21, 1956. Martin

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256 which has been performed by the National Broadcasting Company orchestra. In this suite the composer has given a more serious treatment to individual motifs, developing interesting variations to make use of the increased possibilities for orchestration afforded by a full symphony orchestra, as opposed to the eight musicians for which the theatre score was composed. Three themes from the theatre-score have been developed into movements in the suite, "The Sakini Caprice,” "The Lotus Blossom Love Song," and "The Teahouse or Cha-ya Festival. The composer’s versatility in handling musical themes is illustrated by the fact that popular song versions of "Teahouse" and "Sakura" have been published. ^ Alex North has written music for the stage that can be identified as both fragmentary and complete. He writes music to characterize, to X-ray a character’s emotions and reactions, and to replace sound-effects. Many of the cues in his theatre scores are brief and seemingly fragmentary. At the same time, this music is thoroughly enjoyable when performed apart from a play production. It is not dependent on a play for life, yet that quality does not cause it to distract from actors or action. While North's music for Death of a Salesman 33 The writer’s reaction to recording of Teahouse of the August Moon Suite . 3 ^'New York: Chappell and Co., Ltd. (I95I4.).

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257 never intrudes in production, it is sufficiently interesting as music to have been adapted for piano and published as four solo selections. The style of composition used by Alex North is less orthodox than the styles typical of the writers of supplementary compositions, yet one statement in a letter indicates a strong sympathy for that method: I make a chart in advance to writing the music, planning the main themes and their relationship to the specific characters involved and then allowing the music to set up its own moments of tension and relaxation as though I were writing a serious abstract piece of music for the concert stage, 3° Available data suggests that Alex North writes fragmentary or complete scores depending on the nature of the drama and the requests of the director. Summary The method of composition followed in writing for the theatre has nothing to do with a composer’s professional standing in either the theatre or the musical world. There are notable composers writing music in each category. Ideally, the choice of method should be dependent on the type of play and the philosophy of the director. 3^Alex North, "Ben's Theme," "Grandfather's Theme," "Willy Loman's Theme," "Linda's Theme," (New York: Mills Music, Inc., 1950). ^North, Letter, March 29, 1956.

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258 Music by composers who write fragments is increasing in frequency in contemporary theatre. These musical fragments are most often found in productions requiring that music accomplish specific functions, whereas the lengthier supplemental music enhances an i overall atmosphere of fantasy or underscores stylistic action. The integrated fragments, though not intended for enjoyment away from the play production are, for the most part, somewhat more exciting than their more complete counterparts. One reason may be that the abandonment of orthodoxy allows a freshness in their statement of ideas. The essence of each theory and the contrast between them is characterized by the theatre music of Deems Taylor and that of Paul Bowles. The variety of rhythm and melody and dynamics found in Taylor's music is absent in the music of Bowles, but is replaced by a penetrating charm that lingers in the hearerÂ’s mind when the music is finished. TaylorÂ’s music is rich in theatrical qualities which are dramatically expressive of conflicts, tensions, and contrasting moods, while the music of Bowles possesses hypnotic qualities that arrest attention and draw it to the play. The musical needs of a production can be served effectively by either integrated musical fragments or supplementary compositions. The divergent opinions of

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259 composers represent two means to the same end. While one group of composers is willing to sacrifice musical identification for dramatic impact, the other group insists that music, no matter what function is assigned to it, must keep its identity as music. The scores and recordings produced by representatives of the two opinions indicate that fragmentary cues are less likely to be stereotyped than set pieces and less apt to interrupt the drama's progress. However, composers of supplementary compositions have also been successful in producing musically fresh ideas to underscore spoken drama.

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CHAPTER VI CATEGORIES AND ANALYSES Some plays are born with music, some achieve music by directorial endeavor, and some have music thrust upon them. 1 Since 1930, the New York productions which have included music may be divided into the three categories suggested by Ronald Mitchell in the above quotation. Plays that are bom with music and those receiving it through directorial endeavor will receive most attention in this chapter since they are dramas for which special music has been composed and in which music has been an integral and not Just an Incidental part of their productions. Prom observation of performances, analysis of playscripts and music scores, and from Individual philosophies voiced by composers, producers, directors, and critics (as discussed In Chapter IV supra ), the theatre function assigned to music can be defined. Music runs the gamut from furnishing a pleasant background to providing an X-ray of the thoughts and emotions of characters. Between these extremes, any theatrical effect that can be _ _ 1 Ronald Mitchell, "Music in the Theatre,” Producing the Play by Gassner, p, )|J))| , — — 2 60

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261 accomplished with melody, musical timbres, and/or rhythm rightfully belongs to music. Playwrights seldom request music in realistic presentations, but directors may incorporate it for the purpose of supplementing an actor's vocal inflections and bodily movements. A frequent means of supplementation is the addition of musical punctuation for speeches. This may be accomplished either with single separate notes carefully spaced or with continuous music planned to accent passages, words, or pauses. When there is sustained musical underscoring of dialogue, the problem of accenting is solved by sudden surges of volume, jumps in melodic line, or changes in rhythm. Musical punctuation appears in both realistic and nonrealistic plays, though it is more often a device in non-realistic staging. Playwrights who employ symbolism in their plays often plan musical symbols to blend with those of a visual and spoken nature. One use of symbolic music is to give the audience hints into character facets not stated in words or action. However, music need not be symbolic to provide character extension. This responsibility is usually assigned to music in fantasies and psychological dramas. Music not only serves to suggest character traits, but is capable of producing a clearly outlined X-ray of emotions. With such a device words and actions can be explained to an audience without interrupting

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262 the dramatic flow for verbal asides. This method has two advantages. Music can communicate more quickly than words, and the musical X-ray can be highly theatrical. Some clue as to whether or not to expect music in a production is supplied by the stylistic classification of a play, but there is no sure way of pre-determining from title or classification the likelihood of "music-continp uity. " Analysis has shown that certain dramatic styles have an affinity for music. The task of categorizing plays is complicated by contemporary playwrights' varied use of theatre styles. Generally, however, dramas presented In a non-realistic pattern, whether written in prose or verse, employ music. Folk dramas, verse dramas, epic documentaries , plays of social comment, and fantasies generally appear as music-integrated productions. Contemporary American plays may be classified, for purposes of analysis and comparison, under the headings 3 given by John Gassner. If his descriptions are accepted, most productions that utilize music can be classified as either symbolistic or expressionistic. Symbolist drama is basically suggestive, with a strong atmospheric effect. It can also be illusionistic when some characters are symbolic 2 The writer's term to describe music that links parts of a production, underscores scenes, and edifies the playtext. 3Ga ssner. Producing the Play , pp. 53-70.

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263 and others are realistic.^ Expressionist drama, by Gassner’s definition ... is the most frankly theatrical and nonillusionistic of the dramatic types. It frankly arranges all events and modifies character, dialog f sic ] , and background in order to achieve the most expressive dramatic form for the content and meaning of a play. . . , Expressionism mingles the objective and the subjective freely. ^ In direct contrast to this, Gassner groups realistic, naturalistic, and illusionistic drama as variants of a style that attempts to portray events in a life-like fashion. In order that the methods employed in achieving dramatic effect with music may be as clear as possible, plays are grouped according to general style category, and in the analysis of each play-production a set-form is followed. Each discussion begins with the style of play-writing and, where it seems essential, the style of stage-design. Information concerning the quantity and purpose of music is next in the order of discussion. This is followed by the analysis of the integration of music in the play, including a discussion of music cues, instrumentation, and musical style. These analyses ^Ibld . , pp. 63-61;. 5 £bid. , p. 64. ^ Ibld . , pp. 54 and 62.

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26k conclude with an evaluation of the effectiveness of the specific music-integration. Only those plays for which music was available to the writer either in recorded or written form are analyzed in this chapter. Music in Realistic Dramas The percentage of realistic plays employing music is continually dwindling. On the occasions when music does appear in realistic productions, it serves in one or more of the following five capacities: ( 1 ) as stage property, ( 2 ) to suggest characterization, ( 3 ) to bridge scenes, (4) to furnish atmosphere, and ( 5 ) to point up a mood or action by contrast. Productions of serious realistic dramas with music available for analysis are: Another Part of the Forest . All Sumner Long , and Middle of the Night . In Marc BlitzsteinÂ’s Another Part of the Forest , music serves as a stage property which gives insight into the character of Marcus (see Chapter V, supra , pp. 240-21+1). In this play, music performed by characters on stage is an inherent and essential part of the dramatic action. Robert Anderson's All Summer Long is a straight drama in two acts which deals with the problems of a boy growing up in a family of adults who lack the foresight and emotional maturity he possesses at the age of eleven.

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265 The conflict and crisis concern the slow erosion of a river bank which is ignored by all but the boy and a crippled older brother. Adults scoff at his efforts to stop the river and worry about finances, clothes, and how to be sure Willie learns the facts of life in a nice way. At the end of the play, a flood rises, the house is destroyed, 7 and the family evacuated. All the scenes of the play are bridged with music that is played to a dark house. At one time music segues into Willie’s singing, while at another it grows from a thunder roll, but generally, music swells as house lights dim. There are eleven cues in Albert Hague’s score for harp and flute. Most of the music has a slow, lazy restful character, with interesting tempo changes from 4/4 to 5/4 to 7/4 to 3/4. The two most frequent key , D signatures are for A major and A p major. Neither the stage setting nor the musical suggestion of character traits is realistic. Seldom does the music speed its languid pace or approximate the vehemence of stage action. Rather, music points up that vehemence by its own restful nature. As architecture or stage convention, the ^Robert Anderson, All Summer Long (New York: Samuel French, Inc., 1955). g Albert Hague, "All Summer Long," Incidental Music for Harp and Flute (Library of Congress Copyright files, September 1, 1954» EU 369324).

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music of All Summer Long projects the atmosphere of the play’s geography and the season in which it is set. In 266 the score, harp and flute are used together as complements; they perform individual melodies, or they alternate in playing, but they are not used in unison. The opening cue serves as an introduction and ends with a sense of expectancy. Cue 10, which grows from the thunder roll into harp arpeggios and a legato flute melody, suggests agitation but even this cue terminates in a low, quiet mood. Sometimes the music between scenes is very brief, for example, cue £ lasts for only three measures. For the final cue, heard as the scrim falls on the last scene, a musical figure used in cues 1 and 5 is repeated by the harp, as though marking the final corner of the play's musical frame. As a practical production aid, the music in All Summer Long expedites transitions between scenes. The charm it evokes is characteristic of Willie and in decided contrast to the noisy manners of his family, Hague's score furnishes a pleasant summer-like thread of continuity for a play of unrest. Here is another sample of the Brecht and Engel concept of the alienation of the arts. Paddy Chafeysky's dramatic study of love at middle age, The Middle of the Night , was produced with musical

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267 bridges between all scenes. The action of these scenes alternates between two dwellings. The stage is darkened for a few seconds while the stage revolves to the new locale. During the black-out, the time and place of the following scenes are projected on the stage in large white letters. These projections are accompanied by music composed by Lehman Engel. A twelve-piece orchestra recorded the bridges which prepare the audience for each new situation. One difficulty with this system is that most members of an audience consider a dark stage as a signal to shift position, cough, or talk, so that much is performed to unhearing ears. The production's most colorful and effective bridge precedes a scene in which the audience sees for the first time a dance-band pianist who has been discussed in earlier scenes. The music that introduces this particular scene characterizes the man's obsession with dance music. He never performs on stage, but as the lights go up on the scene, he is beating out the rhythm of the bridge music on the arm of a chair. As a result, he is immediately identified as the girl's run-away husband. The music in hlddle of the Night is never obtrusive or out-of-key, but only in this scene does it serve an important theatrical function. ^ 9 Analysis based on observation of performance of ra e^ le ° f the Nlght > ANTA Theatre, New York, February 11,

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268 Neither a music score nor a recording could be obtained for the play Mamba 1 s Daughters , However, it is important to consider this production since the production prompt book includes explicit instructions that indicate an unusual and beautiful blending of music and spoken drama, ^ This play, written by Dorothy and Dubose Heyward, deals with problems in a negro family and the emotional strife caused when a grandmother attempts to rear her granddaughter to have the cultural and ethical knowledge denied the childÂ’s mother, Hagar, the mother, is a woman of great physical strength who can be moved to hasty violence when motivated by sudden love or hate. Her lack of wisdom has resulted in a Jail sentence and an order to stay out of town or be arrested again. Scenes in Mamba 1 s Daught e rs take place in a concert hall in New York City, the farm where Hagar works, a courtroom, and the cabin where Mamba lives. Plot complications include rape, murder, blackmail, and evasion of legal procedures, Though these elements sound like ingredients for a nineteenth-century melodrama, the Heywards combine them into a moving play. Much of its effectiveness is derived from the skillfully planned use of light and music. Hagar can sing more beautifully than any of the other negroes, ^Dorothy and Dubose Heyward, "Mamba's Daughters," Prompt Book, New York Public Library Theatre Collections.

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269 Her daughter, Lissa, is also a singer and with MambaÂ’s encouragement studies voice, Negro spirituals and one special song, "Dem Lonesome Walls,Â’Â’ composed for the production by Jerome Kern, constitute all the music in the production. The prologue for the play is set in MambaÂ’s cabin where she and friends are hearing LissaÂ’s first New York concert by radio. Here, and in many subsequent scene changes, a song begun as a part of a scene continues through the stage black-out and serves as a bridge into the next scene. Theatrical silhouettes are staged with either Hagar, Lissa, or a chorus singing as the lights slowly fade. The conclusion of Act II, scene 1, exemplifies this technique; while Hagar is in a country store, an off-stage choir can be heard singing spirituals. She begins to sway with the rhythm of the songs and finally sings with them. By the end of the scene, Hagar is silhouetted against the moonlight outside. As she walks into the night, the lights fade out, but her voice continues in the darkness. There is an abrupt transition into a vigorous clapping which stops her song and serves as a cue for the lights which reveal the interior of a church where Hagar takes over as the leader. Later in the scene, the singing of spirituals segues into pagan singing and dancing and finally into scuffling and knifing. The radio concert heard in the Prologue furnishes

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270 motivation and setting for two scenes in the fourth act. In one of these, Lissa's voice from the speaker furnishes musical counterpoint for the stage silhouette of her mother's murder of Gilly. The final scene of the play is set in the country store, just as the concert concludes. Hagar leaves a note with the sheriff and commits suicide off-stage while one old woman who has not heard the gun shot continues to sing "Goin* to leabe yo' in de han' of de kin' Sabyor." In many plays, songs on stage have a discernible relationship to the character of singers. This is not true in Mamba ' s Daught era , except for Hagar' s feelings about jail which are expressed in "Dem Lonesome Walls." Generally, the irony of the songs conveys a sense of pathos to the audience. For example, when Lissa sings "Dem Lonesome Walls" in her concert, she knows nothing about her mother's term in jail. The most apparent use of music in this play is as a bridge between scenes. All of the music classifies as property music since it is performed by cast members and is significant to the action. The fact that the plot hinges on singing is interesting, but the significant fact is the use of music in the staging. Two recent Broadway comedies have employed music in production. There is a smattering of property music

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271 in Bus-Stop and entr’acte music is revived for The Great Sebastians . In William Inge's mid-western comedy, Bus Stop , music is performed by members of the cast. One of the cowboys plays a guitar and sings ballads. These serve as part of his characterization and are an easy way to provide accompaniment for Cherrie’s "rendition” of the popular song n 01d Black Magic.” 11 The only musical interest in the hunt's production of The Great Sebastians is the use of overture and entr'acte music which has little if any connection with the play. It is pleasant music, and since the play is a light farce, popular music between acts does not destroy the mood or distract from the play. A small orchestra of seven members play popular dance numbers in the pit between all acts of the play. 12 No music is incorporated into the play itself. Music in Non-Realistlc (Sxpre s s 1 oni s 1 1 c ) Drama As explained in the introduction to this chapter, the majority of the contemporary American plays which have incorporated music are frankly theatrical and non-illustionistic. Therefore, for purposes of this study, the largest 11 Performance of Bus-Stop , Music Box Theatre, New York, February 6, 1956 . 12 Performance of The Great Sebastians , ANTA Theatre, New York, January 25, 195^1

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group of plays is considered in the category of expressionistic drama. There are other plays, however, neither completely realistic nor frankly theatrical, that may classify as expressionistic drama because of a blend of selective realism and symbolism. e work of Williams and Miller, the two most controversial playwrights of this decade, can be grouped in this marginal categi Tennessee Williams combines realistically drawn characters in intensely atmospheric settings and surrounds them with visual and auditory symbols. All of his plays draw heavily on integrated When discussing American drama of the last fifty years, Alan Downer wrote: Of the younger writers, none has been more dedicated to theatrical symbolism than Tennessee Williams. In three plavs produced before 195>0, The Glass Menagerie (19^5), A Streetcar Named Desire (19U7), Summer and Smoke (19ij.8), he writes of the South of which he is a native. . . . In each case, objectively considered, the lives of the heroines are failures, frustration leads to immorality, perversion, or insanity. Yet Williams sees them, in the end, through their own eyes, subjectively, as they find refuge in illusion, and comfort in their dreams and visions. Thus, though his themes are in possibility tragic, his plays are in actuality pathetic. Each of his characters passionately resists the moment of illumination, rejects the self-knowledge which might give tragic dignity to her failure. Â’ music 13 Downer, Fifty Years of American Drama , p. 102

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273 Downer has written a brief resume of A Streetcar Named Desire , explaining that , , . the action of the play is enveloped in symbolism: the walls of the room dissolve to reveal action on the street outside echoing or anticipating the action within, jazz music from a saloon piano alternates with the remembered strains of a string ensemble playing a ballroom dance. By such devices the situation is enlarged, taken out of place and time, presented as a facet of the mystery of humanity. 14 Though his identification of musical instruments is inl£ correct. Downer has given attention to the important theatrical effects of Williams’ play. He did not mention, however, the sense of naturalism that permeates the play as a result of the subject matter, the French Quarter setting, and the use of blunt phrases in dialogue. Much of the symbolism enveloping A Streetcar Named Desire is produced by music. In this Pulitzer Prize play, Williams specifies twenty-seven music cues, though the recorded music from the Broadway production contains only thirteen cues, 1 ^ There are two plausible explanations for the difference. Since a disagreement 14 Ibid. lg J A blue piano is requested in play-text, but a small Dixie-land band was used in production, and the ballroom dance is performed on a novachord, not by a string ensemble. '^TenneS'pee Williams, A streetcar Named Desire (New York: New Directions, 1947). " isic f'rom production recorded by Quality (New York: Thomas J. Valentino, Inc., 1947).

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2 74 arose between the producer and the MusiciansÂ’ Union during rehearsals, it can be safely assumed that some music was cut to prevent exorbitant costs. 17 Another explanation seems to point to the directorÂ’s prerogative in determining music cues. The thirteen cues in the recording do not always coincide with those suggested by the playwright and, in several instances, music is utilized where none is indicated in the stage directions. During the 1956 revival of the play, still other changes were made in the music cues. However, in the script, in the recording, and in the revival the purpose remains the same. Music in A Streetcar Named Desire serves several functions: (1) as stage-setting and architecture, (2) as additional characterization of persons in the play, (3) as an X-ray of a character's memory, (ij) as a property, and (5) as ironic contrast to emphasize dialogue. The last function is less emphatic in the actual performance than in the stage directions. The style of the music is an authentic part of the stage setting and furnishes local color of the Vieux Carre via the "blue piano" requested by Williams and amplified in the recorded music to include trumpet, trombone, and brush drum. This music is as much a part of the actual 17 'For discussion of disagreement, see Chapter IV, supra , pp. 155-156.

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275 locale Williams selected for the play as the street noises and cries of a Mexican woman selling flowers. Jazz of the type heard in small bars in the New Orleans French Quarter opens and closes the play. Because of this function, it can be classified as part of the play's f ramework--as architecture. This same jazz idiom serves still another function in that it typifies the society and the manners of Stanley Kowalski with his open praise for sensuality. Dixie-land music is contrasted with the more delicate "Varsouviana" which serves as a motif for Blanche DuBois, his sister-inlaw. Blanche shuns reality, even to the extent of covering naked light bulbs, yet she can live immorally as long as good manners are observed. The motif used for Blanche is one of the more vivid symbols of the play. It symbolizes her memories of Belle Reve, her plantation home, and of her brief marriage. As the play progresses, the increasing distortion in this motif symbolizes her mental disintegration. Only twice is music mentioned In dialogue. Once, Blanche tells Mitch she hears a tune in her head. Another time, a rhumba from the radio causes a major disturbance in the household and motivates a display of Stanley's characteristic temper tantrums. In two scenes the playwright requests music for contrast. As btanley bellows in bull-like tones for his

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276 wife to come home after a fight, stage directions state that the jazz band is to play "Paper Doll." The recording replaces this cue with "Pat Boy Blues." During the scene in which Stanley relates to his wife the lurid past her sister has lived, Williams' stage directions read: "Blanche is singing in the bathroom a saccharine popular ballad 1 O which is used contrapuntally with Stanley's speech."' 1 The delivery of the sordid story is interrupted with specific words from the song "Paper Moon." No mention is made of the text of Blanche's song, but her singing is alluded to in crude fashion. The jazz idiom is heard at the opening of A Streetcar Named Desire and at the beginning of several scenes. The "Varsouviana" polka, performed on a novachord, is introduced faintly at the first mention of Blanche's marriage, but it moves quickly into bluejazz, played by piano and trombone, which is in keeping with the tempo of the scene. The next use of Blanche's motif is with a discussion of love-letters from the boy she married and who committed suicide when they were both quite young. At each of these early moments when the polka is heard, Stanley is berating Blanche about the loss of a family plantation home. His brutal lack of concern for emotional feelings is contrasted with 10 Scene 7.

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277 Blanche's sensitive verbal and physical reaction and its effect is heightened by the brief phrases of music which symbolize her character. By emphasizing her frailty, the music increases the concept of Stanley's brutality. One scene of the 1956 revival of A Streetcar Named Des ire employs music in a fashion not suggested in either the script or the original recording. Blanche is alone in the house and a young man comes to collect for the newspaper. There is a brief flirtation on the part of Blanche before she sends the boy away. In text and recording, this scene is underscored by jazz, but in the revival, strains of the "Varsouviana" explain clearly (without a word or movement on stage) that the boy reminds Blanche of her husband. This gives a new dimension to the scene and enlarges the sympathetic response to Blanche by explaining her actions as motivated not by immorality, but by mental illness caused by a memory too strong to be erased. The audience already understands that the "Varsouviana” symbolizes her youth with Its unhappy marriage and grief over the loss of Belle Reve. Later in the production the motif underscores her narration of early events In her life and a distorted variation of it accompanies the final scene when she has been defeated by the strength of her sensual antagonist. By audible volume and by quantity, the musical jazz outweighs the delicate polka. Also, by instrumentation the music of the Quarter overcomes the tenuous theme

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278 played by the novachord. Furthermore, the dream-like distant quality suggested by the metallic timbre of the novachord conveys BlancheÂ’s distorted concept of refinement, The two types of music symbolize the forces and characters in conflict and illustrate the greater strength of Stanley who starts with an advantage and who is victorious in the final scene. Lehman Engel, who was musical advisor for the original production of A Streetcar Named Desire , has stated that the music was a matter of careful selection and arrangement rather than composition. Â’Â’Varsouviana" and jazz were requested by the playwright, but the instrumentation is not given in the script. In an interview, Engel explained that musicians from New Orleans were hired to improvise the jazz interludes and accompaniment during rehearsals. This music was written down as they played it so that, if necessary, other musicians could be 19 used during the performance run. Tennessee WilliamsÂ’ first play to receive praise from the critics was The Glass Menagerie , produced by Eddie Dowling in 19l|5* In form, the play is frankly theatrical. The narrator doubles as a character, the stage setting contains transparent walls, and symbolic stage properties are abundant. This play imaginatively ^Engel, Interview, January 30, 1958.

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279 combines objectively stated realism with a sense of subjective sympathy for the characters and situations. Williams has called it a "memory play" and in the exposition, Tom Wingfield, the narrator, explains to the audience that "In memory, everything seems to happen to music ." 20 The play-text, as published by John Gassner, contains twenty-five music cues, but Paul Bowles' score, as performed and recorded by an ensemble under the direction of Max Marlin, consists of eighteen cues. Since some of the music suggested in the stage directions is dancehall music and fairly easy to obtain, it may have been used in performance and omitted in the recording. Judging from moments involving music and the mood created by it, Williams' chief purpose in using music was to establish the memory quality, though within the play, more specific functions are evident. The description of "The Glass Menagerie" theme, given by Williams in the preface, has been artistically satisfied by Paul Bowles' score. The comparison the playwright makes between this tune and delicate, sad circus music in the distance indicates a 20 Tennessee Williams, "The Glass Menagerie,” A Treasury of the Theatre: Henrik Ibsen t o Arthur * Miller ed. Gassner, pp. 1032-105^. “ — * 21 Paul Bowles, Music for "The Glass Menagerie " recorded by Major (New York: Thomas J. Valentino, Inc.),

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280 desire for theatricality, rather than reality. ^ While Williams selected LauraÂ’s fragile and unreal music for the principal theme, there is other music to characterize Amanda WingfieldÂ’s constant nostalgia for her Blue Mountain Home, as well as music which serves to establish the location of the Wingfield apartment near a dance hall. Music from the dance hall serves several purposes: it is contrapuntal to AmandaÂ’s philosophy of life; it accompanies Jim and Laura's attempt at dancing; it sounds a foreboding note when Laura learns that the "gentleman caller" is someone she knew in high school; and it supplies an ironic waltz for the "gentleman caller's" exit. Tennessee Williams has explained that in The Glass Menagerie, music is used to give "emotional emphasis" to suitable passages. Actually, the play floats on music. Of first interest is the shimmering motif for Laura that at times drifts from the realm of organized musical sounds and becomes the random happy music of a soft wind blowing through a glass mobile in an old-fashioned window. Music for LauraÂ’s mother, Amanda, is more familiar in its connotation, suggesting Southern folk-music. The four sentimental music cues used for emotional emphasis are played by violin and an old home organ. A soft stylized distortion 22 Mention of sad circus music is made in WilliamsÂ’ preface to the play, cited in Chapter IV, supra , pp. 169-

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281 that blends with dreams Is used In performance of these cues. Tom requests music at certain moments to assist his memory-narrative and music seems ever-present to explain the deep silences and fears of Laura. The Victrola on stage is heard once or twice. This music, along with the collection of glass animals, serves as an escape for Laura. Her motif, ’’The Glass Menagerie Theme” is often heard as scenes dim out. Instrumentation in The Glass Menagerie score Is not complex in numbers, but it is unusual in combination* In the execution of the main theme, for example, organ, violin, harp, and drums seem to be supplemented by celesta orchestra bells, and some woodwind Instrument. There is a discrepancy between stage directions in the published text and the recording of the score. The difference in the number of cues and the possibility of another source for the dance-hall music have already been mentioned, but a more puzzling question is raised by the fact that in one place stage directions refer to ’’theme three” when no numbers have been suggested for music cues prior to that moment. Also, the text does not make the source of music clear. Several times only the word "music” is given in directions, with no hint as to the nature of this music, or whether it is to come from the dance-hall, from the victrola, or from the ensemble.

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82 In most cases, the text does make plain the source and suggests the nature of music, but in several scenes the cue has ambiguous meanings. One such scene is the embrace of Jim and Laura. Turbulent music swells up here, but whether it is dance-hall music or the symbolic music for Laura is not stated. Two motifs are introduced in the music and later repeated. One of these is the music suggestive of Southern folk-music and the other is a harp arpeggio which is interrupted by gramaphone Jazz and then followed by a mysterioso string passage. The most lengthy music cue, one side of a ten-inch 78 r.p. un— recording, begins with high, tenuous, shimmering strings playing against a background of harp or celeste and very distant wind instruments. The melodic movement is both fragile and frightening, progressing at times in quarter-tones and modulating into a distorted stylized jazz. Then the tempo slows, slows again, and the music stops, with no final cadence. It just quits as do several other cues. Many of the cues contain, as would be expected, glass— like tinkling sounds, but they never become trite. Toward the end of the play, this tinkling music is combined with a sad woodwind melody, with the prick of percussions in an oriental mood. In some cues, it becomes metallic and rapid /\sugges ting the sounds that might be made by an oriental dance of dolls on a table of glass.

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283 If, in performance, The Glass Menagerie should tend to become too earth-bound to be a "memory,” a few notes of the music Paul Bowles has composed should lift the spectator out of reality and into a kind of hypnosis produced by haunting memories. Music serves as part of the symbolism in Tennessee Williams’ Summer and Smoke , Nothing about this play is realistic. Settings, situations, and plot development are theatrical and unreal. The playwright indicates in the production notes that he desires to have one recurring theme woven into the play . 23 However, in the stage directions other music is requested, and Paul Bowles wrote a score that is lengthy for a spoken drama produc« I tion. According to stage directions. Summer and Smoke makes use of music in three ways; the text requires: ( 1 ) property music, ( 2 ) background music, and ( 3 ) sym2g bolic music. ^ Property music is heard in the opening scene of the play which takes place during an off-stage concert in 23 a for Slimmer 169. discussion of the playwright’s production notes an 9 ^moke appears in Chapter IV, supra , pp. 1682li Paul Bowles ’ by Quality (New York: score for Summer and Smoke recorded Thomas J. Valentino,' Inc., 19l;8). 29 ^Tennessee Williams Repertory , ed. Hatcher, pp. , "Summer and Smoke," A Modern 311-385.

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284 the park. For this the "Santiago Waltz" is used, played by a small group, with strings and tambourine playing the loudest in a slightly off-key and purposely dull performance reminiscent of a small townÂ’s summertime orchestra. The voice of a soprano, which represents the singing of Alma, the principal character, is also heard in the first scene and may be classified as property music. The two types of property music motivate conversation, give insight into some facets of character, and into the pace of living in the community. Background music, or music to establish setting, is of two types. There is music which comes from the Cassino on Moon Lake, the local "honky-tonk." For this, "Fulton Street Blues," "Careless Love," "Yellow Dog," and "Tudor City Blues," in excellent jazz arrangements, are included. These have all the elements of uninhibited jazz combined with polished tone quality and musical precision in performance, Quite possibly this background music furnished competition for the actor and actress in the scene at the Cassino, In Act II, a long three-minute cue, "Danza Mora," is played on the zither as background for a dance. The bulk of the music in Summer and Smoke fulfills a double function. By virtue of its hypnotic, hazy nature, it surrounds action with the heaviness of the summer heat which is discussed throughout the play. By creating the

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285 type of nostalgia one senses with the playing of "The Last Rose of Summer," it serves as a symbol of the fears and frustrations that almost smother, but finally release Alma's Doppelganger. The play-text requests music that is a lovetheme, and a variation of this theme to concur with the calling of Johnny's name. The architectural music accompanying dim-outs actually continues the symbolic function of music within scenes. The instrumentation is arranged in a fashion to disguise individual tonal identity. Prom the recorded performance of the Summer and Smoke score, instruments that can be identified are: tympani, two violins, violoncello, clarinet, English horn, bassoon, piano, organ, harpsichord or novachord, harp, muted trumpet or saxophone. Some of the passages defy description. They have no definite rhythmic or melodic pattern, but evoke an unearthly and enchanting quality. Many of the cues are short, some lasting only ten or fifteen seconds. Often tones are sustained by one or more of the wind instruments while strings produce a pulsating plucking sound, A syncopated rhythm is included and, occasionally, the music is definitely mysterioso in style. About half way through the play (Part II, scene 7, when it seems that John and Alma may reach an understanding), a theme, possibly the one Williams desired to have recur, is introduced in slow, sentimental fashion as a harp solo with oboe and strings for accompaniment.

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286 This may be a variation on "The Last Rose of Summer"-at any rate, it furnishes the same symbolic effect in its identity with Alma in her state of despair and loneliness. Later music cues suggest greater confusion and when the sentimental motif is introduced again, it is played in rapid tempo by a horn, and this time, with the accompaniment of a tinkling music-box sound. Subsequent variations make use of strange harmonies. By identifying music with the leading lady, her progress through desolation and hope can be told in action, dialogue, and musical variations. Unfortunately, this music and play were analyzed separately, one, from a recording and the other from the printed page, so that the actual interplay achieved in production cannot be evaluated. This music is extremely unorthodox and extremely appealing. It conveys uncertainty, pressure, unhappiness all elements of the play-text. This is done within a musical framework suggesting the brevity and flimsiness suggested by the economy and choice of words for the play-title. I-Tusic in The Rose Tattoo is definitely a planned part of the play setting. ^ The action occurs in a Gulf Coast Sicilian community and Sicilian folk songs not only serve to bridge the scenes, but function as a musical 26 p + » , Ten ^® SS9e Williams, "The Rose Tattoo," Production Prompt Book, Cheryl Crawford Productions, New York City.

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287 curtain to open and close the play. ’’Come Le Rose,” the folk song used most frequently, also serves as a repetition of the over-used ’’rose” symbol which is found in several tattoos, and in perfume, hair-oil, and silk shirts. (See Chapter IV, supra , pp. 170-171. ) In all of his plays, Williams has demonstrated a keen awareness of the theatrical value of music. The nature of his musical requests indicates that he is equally aware of the emotional impact to be gained by employing familiar sentimental symbols. The ’’Varsouviana, ” known to most Americans by the popular title ’’Put Your Little Foot,” has a general association with happy occasions. The spritely rhythm and lilting melody suggest delicacy and contentment. These elements alone symbolize Blanche DuBois ’ genteel childhood. When the element of familiarity is combined with them, there is a strong likelihood that this music may stir memories in members of the audience and through these memories arouse a sympathetic feeling for Blanche. Evidently, Williams does not endorse the belief that familiar music will crowd out the perception of the play. Most theatre composers feel that familiar music is dangerous in a drama. It may start an identification quiz in the listener’s mind, or it may bring to mind situations that distract from the mood of the play. Perhaps the

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288 distortions given to variations of familiar music in WilliamsÂ’ plays account for part of their success. Enough of the familiar is recognized to produce the proper sentiment, but the distortion enables the listener to react without consciousness of the identity of the music. The strains of "The Last Rose of Summer," heard in Summer and Smoke , serve as a good example of music that is familiar, or evoke a sentiment by association. In analyzing the recorded music, it is difficult to identify this theme, but the familiar nostalgia is produced by it. Summer and Smoke and A Streetcar Named Desire both include recognizable popular jazz music. Williams has specified titles for the Jazz in both playtexts. The Glass Menagerie music depends more on mood and atmosphere than on association. But again, in this play, the music for Amanda is faintly suggestive of Stephen Poster songs. Of course the folk songs in The Rose Tattoo are only known to a limited segment of playgoers. In a production of a Williams play, his synthesis of theatrical devices is so effective that there is little consciousness of the individual elements. However, when play-texts and music stage directions are dissected for analysis, the playwrightÂ’s choice of music becomes so obvious as to seem trite. Nevertheless, his sense of

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289 theatre has woven the trite choices into moving dramatic moments, Williams, more than any contemporary playwright, believes in the integration of music and spoken drama. confu _ assification is Arthur Miller. Only one of Miller's plays has necessitated music and in that play a psychologically realistic situation is treated in an abstract fashion. common man, Death of a Salesman , is described by critics in ambiguous terms. This play exemplifies the fact that American writers often fuse several styles in the writing of drama. Critic Alan Downer thinks that the extreme limits of selective realism may have been reached in Miller's play, f< Death of a Salesman, with its skeletal setting, non-reallstic lighting, musical leitmotivs and free movement in time and space, suggests expressionism rather than realism; but these elements involve no distortion of reality. ^ * John Gassner applies the label "poetic drama," at the same time pointing out the use of colloquial dialogue and authentic suburban background. Gassner also refers to the use of the expressionistic dream or memory sequence and the symbolistic treatment of the character, Ben. According The second of the controversial playwrights to Arthur Miller's prize-winning tragedy of the 27 'Downer, Fifty Years of American Drama , p. 73.

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to Gassner, Miller has, in short, succeeded in projecting his social realism ... by imaginative means that tell the story of Willy's errors and failures with dramatic economy and suggestive emphasis. Here, . . . the expressionistic and realistic styles exist in a fused state . d0 The stage design, created by Jo Mielziner, is a skeleton of a house suggesting lower middle-class living, but constructed so that characters may walk through walls and spectators may view the inside and outside of the house simultaneously. is heard by the audience before the curtain rises. This opening melody, ”... played upon a flute ... is small and fine, telling of grass and trees and the horizon. When the last line of dialogue has been spoken and Willy's sobbing widow has been led off stage, the flute motif concludes the play. ^ There are seventeen rtiajoi music cues within the drama's two acts and requiem. Most of these short cues coincide with a flashback or transition into a memory sequence, though sometimes they introduce or establish the mood of a scene in the pres ent.] The purpose of music in Death of a Salesman was 28 Gassner, A_Treaaury of the Theatre: Henrik Ibsen to Arthur Miller , p. 1062. — — 2 9 Ibld .. p. IO 63 . 30_ . , Sid., p. 1099.

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clearly stated by the playwright when. In a letter, he said. My Intent was to abstract the extreme condensation of feeling In Willy’s mind through music so as to Invest even his most deadly thoughts with the romantic quality he believed In and with which he surrounded his thoughts. 3 * There can be no doubt that this Is a play n born with music,” for in the same letter Miller stated, I did conceive of using music as I wrote the play and the original manuscript is full of directions for the kind of music and the moments when it was to be heard. 32 Without music, it would be difficult to understand the characters’ rapid transitions from reality to memorysituations. Willy may stand in the same position on the stage, lighting may continue to suggest realism, but the subtle musical underscoring conveys the change, showing that Willy is thinking, feeling, and talking in the world of memory, not the world of reality. The playwright’s original idea was to use a single flute, and he selected the composer Alex North to write for the play^” . . . after having heard a very few fragments of some scores he had done for short 16 mm films,” In performance, the music conformed to Miller’s original concept, for he has stated: "The final production did have precisely the kind of music 31 Miller, Letter, March 15, 1956. 32 Ibid.

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292 I had envisioned, except for the augmentation of the number of instruments; however, the end result was suff iciently pure and simple. The principal motif North composed for Death of a Salesman evokes a dreamy melancholy that states, in abstract terms, the naive idealism in which Willy is submerged and the sadness he experiences with the repeated failure of his idealism. Even the scenes of surface joviality are colored with musical melancholy. In addition to bridging and announcing flashback sequences, music comments on events. Often, this comment is a musical statement of Willy's reaction to a person or situation. An example of this is found in the theme composed for Uncle Ben. This is also a sample of music that adds emphasis by means of contrast. Alex North has explained the music for Uncle Ben by stating that . . . instead of establishing a leitmotif for him which would possibly be one of a sinister character, I played Willy Loman's relation to him, attempting to indicate his (Loman's) desires, frustrations, and childlike worship of him--consequently the music is naive, warm and sympathetic. 34 A quotation from a piano arrangement of "Ben's Theme" (Figure 23) illustrates the simplicity Miller desired ^^Miller, Letter, March 15, 1956. 3^North, Letter, March 29, 1956.

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293 in the music as well as the naive, warm quality which demonstrates WillyÂ’s reaction to the ghost of his brother. 35 instrumentation in Death of a Salesman assists in the identification of the motifs belonging to specific ^ / characters. North explained his selection by saying, / I used the particular instrumentation in "Salesmintt because I thought it could give me a wide range of expression within the limitations of numbers only four men were used . . . [North's ellipsis], I used the alto flute for Willy Lornan; the cello for Linda; the jazz trumpet for the Boston woman; the bass-clarinet for various purposes and the four instruments used together enabled me to set up a t W Upe which made it possible to evoke many moods 35 All of the quotations from Death of a Salesman music are piano arrangements of the individual "themes . as published by Mills Music, Inc., New York, 1950. 36 North, Letter, March 29, IQ 56 .

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294 The principal motif of the play, Willy's theme, evokes a paradoxical, optimistic melancholy. The timbre of the flute is suggestive of abandon and contentment, and the melodic upward skips are expressive of hope, but the lack of security provided by the absence of a key-sense and the sadness produced by the use of minor and augmented intervals counterbalance the timbre and melodic movement, so that the result is haunting and nostalgic. This motif, quoted from a piano arrangement in Figure 24, recurs more frequently than any of the other themes. Fig. 21; — Excerpt: "Willy's Theme," Death of a Salesman North composed a theme for Linda, Willy's wife, and jazz music as an accompaniment for scenes with the woman in Boston. Besides the motif for Willy and the theme for Ben, which illustrates Willy's reactions to him,

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295 there is a theme, titled in the piano arrangement, "GrandfatherÂ’s Theme." This further illuminates WillyÂ’s habit of romanticizing reality. It occurs when, in memory sequences, Ivilly and his boys are happy together as they practise with a football or talk about building and travel. Even here, a mood of melancholy is present in the music to comment on the scene enacted, as if warning the spectator: "Things look fine here, but the situation is unhealthy. " The arrangement for piano does not convey this as clearly as the instrumental version used in production, but some idea of the mood and undercurrent is given in Figure 25. The polyrhythmic design of the score for Death of a Salesman with two meters set against each other, indicates that things are not quite right. Frequently, the rhythmic pattern of the several voices is slightly out of step. Through the use of suspension and syncopation, one voice may wait for another so that they are harmonious for a moment and then just slightly at odds. Throughout, there is a subtle suggestion of things that do not quite meld. As stated earlier, music introduces and underscores flashback scenes. Also, it may be thought of as framing these scenes, since they are set apart from the other sections of the play by music. Toward the end of the drama, at the climax of Act II, Willy Loman commits

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296 suicide off-stage. This scene’s effectiveness is due largely to the handling of music. North has composed music ' to substitute for physical action . . difficult to achieve on stage. ...” The Willy Loman theme is the basic ingredient of the crash music (see quotation. Figure 26). Starting slowly and at the normal pitch, it is repeated on higher intervals and moves into a piercing repetition of a single high note, finally seguing into the music for the Requiem— music also

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built around the Willy Lornan motif / Although neither Alex North nor Arthur Miller mentions' the use of music as a narrator in Death of a Salesman , the music seems to serve this function. By using a chorus of musical instruments rather than voices, they have followed the classic style. The flute, violoncello, trumpet, and clarinet ensemble provides musical motifs to identify relationships and reactions of each of the principal characters, hints at disaster in a happy scene, and replaces physical actionA In performing these multiple functions, the ensemble comments on action. both on and off stage, as certainly as Greek choruses commented and explained the action of Greek tragedies, The tendency away from realism as typified by

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298 the plays of Williams and Miller has been evident In much of the dramatic writing of recent years. Narration with pantomime, disregard for chronology of events, flashback scenes, dream sequences — all figure in these departures from realism. Recognizing their non-illusionistic traits and theatrical elements, it is apparent that plays with these characteristics can be grouped with expressionistic drama. Writers of verse plays and authors of religious, allegorical, and folk dramas often modify events and characters in order to emphasize a particular theme. Many of their plays are characterized by the inclusion of expressionistic tableaus, elements of fantasy, and reliance on music. Scores or recordings for five expressionistic dramas with these special qualifications are available for analysis. Narrators, pantomime, and music were all a part of Guthrie McClintic's production of Thornton Wilder's adaptation of Andre Obey's Lucrece . This play can be classified as non-realistic , since as a verse play it employs a non-realistic use of language symbols. Secondly, it is written for narrators and pantomime with no attempt at an illusionistic portrayal of events. Deems Taylor's musical accompaniment is another of the non-realistic elements of the production. (See Chapter V, supra , p. 21+lj.. )

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299 A religious historical play based on the early life of Jesus, Family Portrait , written by Leonore Coffee and Will Joyce Cowen, was produced in 1939 by Cheryl Crawford. For the production, Lehman Engel wrote and directed two types of music. The choral music is suggestive of the Roman Catholic Mass and muted trumpet or bugle calls act as announcements and as reminders that the people in the play live under the military rule of another nation. The prompt book stage directions also request scattered bells and chimes which are actually sound-effects rather than music. 37 Music recorded for the production consists of eight muted trumpet calls and five choral numbers. 3® For the first three cues, an a cappella choir sings in Latin with a boy soprano soloist. The next two choral numbers, also performed a cappella , are sung in English. One song, by a male choir, is a typical sailing song and the other, by a mixed choir, is based on the theme "We will find him." Some scenes are played to musical accompaniment, but generally there is alternation. The most accurate description would be that this is music 37 Leonore Coffee and Will Joyce Cowen, "Family Portrait," Prompt Book, New York Public Library, Theatre Collections. •^Lehman Engel, Recording of music for Family Portrait (New York: Thomas J. Valentino, Inc., 1939).

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300 in an allegory. Certainly, the mixture of Latin church music (non-existent in 12 A.D. ), English sailing songs, and modern bugle calls does not promote any concept of reality. The play, while more complex in moments than many religious plays, is more a pageant than a drama. One of the few Broadway productions of spoken drama to involve a full orchestra, and almost the only one since the days of the Federal Theatre, was Ben HeehtÂ’s A Flag is Born . 39 Directed by Luther Adler in I 9 I 4 . 6 , this Jewish documentary pageant had an overture, interludes, and temple music composed by Kurt Weill. The dramaÂ’s four complete compositions are very theatrical and impressive. For the opening, a vigorous, spirited overture becomes an andante religioso theme and finally swells into a majestic prelude for the first speaker of the play, who begins to talk above the last tympani roll, M Partisan, " the second composition for the play, is music suggestive of conversation. Broad tremolos mixed with a semi-pizzacato effect hint at subversive plotting. The interlude, with its decorative arpeggios is happy, optimistic music. "Temple Music," though 39 The play was produced by the American League for a Free Palestine. Israel was established by the United Nations Assembly, May, 19ij.8. Kurt Weill, A Flag is Born . ConductorÂ’s score (Library of Congress files, November 21, 1946, E unnub 54032). F

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301 written in a tempo di minuetto has a simple, quiet dignity, which, when compared to most majestic processional music, is distinctly Individual. HechtÂ’s dramatic one-act pageant utilizes WeillÂ’s dramatic score to increase the impressiveness of his Israeli propaganda theme. The setting is a European graveyard where a dispossessed elderly couple are attempting to make their way to Palestine. The music has freshness and vigor, but its function in the production is traditional. It serves to set mood, increase audience empathy for the characters, and secure emotional response for a cause, which is, of course, the main purpose for a propaganda play. While praising Hecht's writing skill, critics were reluctant to call A Flag is Born , drama; however, all of the reviewers gave favorable mention to Kurt Weill's music. William Hawkins thought it "... a dramatically appropriate score which speaks in emotional moods, and Brooks Atkinson called it a "beautiful theatre score. In describing the relationship between score and script, Howard Barnes stated that Weill wrote "... an effective musical accompaniment to the wisps of action punctuated by successive tableaus. . . . ^New York Theatre Critic Reviews (191+6), p. 350. ^ Ibid ., p. 31+8. U3 Ibid. , p. 3^9.

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302 Marc Connelly’s Green Pastures can best be described as a religious folk drama. In his discussion of the playwright's combination of folk imagination and New Testament faith, John Gassner stated: "The Green Pastures is unique: it cannot be placed in any existing classification without some reservations."^ In form, the play is somewhat allegorical, with scenes in a Sunday School class serving as an introduction to the enactment of Biblical scenes as Interpreted by Southern Negroes, Twenty-five spirituals are interspersed with dialogue and action. Three were composed for the play by Hall Johnson and the others were arranged from spontaneous music sung by the Negro people. The enthusiasm and freshness inherent in the play had a contagious effect on the composer and choral director. Hall Johnson, who stated In the introduction to the published version of The Green Pastures Spirituals that " . , , the play grew into the songs and ... songs grew back into the play, so unmistakably were both permeated by similar dramatic essence whether sung or spoken."^ Music was truly an integral part of the production, and in the memory of many is as clear as individual characters and scenes. Gassner, A Treasury of the Theatre: Henrik Ibsen to Arthur Miller , p7“?^T"Play-t e^t, pp‘7“597<52 £ . ^Hall Johnson, The Green Pastures Spirituals (New York: Carl Fischer and Brothers, 193C).

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303 In order to have homogeneous music for the production of Oreen Pastures , the playwright went to New Orleans and listened to country spirituals, selecting those most pertinent to the action. He considered that the main purpose of music was not only to bridge scenes, but to call attention away from the time lapses between the scenes.^ Actually, the music accomplishes other functions. It unites the scenes, sets the locale of action for a new scene, and occasionally, continues action unfinished at the close of a scene. Twice during the play, jazz music is used to aid characterization and to assist with establishing locale, but the major portion of music is heard during the blackouts between scenes. Many times this bridge music is motivated by the final lines of dialogue and sometimes it suggests or previews action to follow. One example of motivated bridge music is the end of scene 2, Act I. De Lawd has chastised Cain and the choir sings, "Run, Sinner, Run," After Cain meets CainÂ’s Gal, the chorus sings a warning with the spiritual "You Better MinÂ’." When De Lawd announces his intention of visiting earth, the choral bridge is "Dere's No HidinÂ’ Place Down Here." Musical bridges in Act II follow a similar pattern. "Go ^ Connelly, Interview, February 6, 1956,

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30U Down Moses” is the choral response following the scene between De Lawd and Moses at the burning bush, and ”A City Called Heaven" precedes a scene in Da Lawd's office. Music is also heard within scenes. One time in Act I, music grows gradually from dialogue. Da Lawd, talking with a group of cherubs, begins a series of questions to which they reply, "Cert’ny, Lord” with increasing syncopation until they are singing. Sometimes music is introduced casually and for no purpose other than to satisfy the desire of a character, such as an Archangel, to hear "When the Saints Come Marchin' In." At the close of one scene, the choir continues action suggested on stage. When Noah has the ark completed and the first drops of rain begin to fall, the lights dim out and the choir sings "De 01' Ark’s a-Movering" until lights come up on the ark at sea. This music is motivated by the action and also descriptive of action that cannot be portrayed on stage. Music is used effectively in a conversation between God and Moses, as they talk about Joshua. Sound effects blended with the song "Joshua Pit de Battle of Jericho" depict the off-stage battle. Two of the songs composed by Johnson for the Green Pastures are 3erious in nature. "Death's Gwinter Lay His Cold Icy Hands on Me" follows the moment of repentance in Babylon while the serious but rejoicing "Hallelujah, King

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305 Jesus” is the finale of the play, and climaxes a description of the crucifixion, Marc Connelly has said that many of the spirituals used in the play were little known in America prior to the production of the play. Composer Hall Johnson mentions the research that had to be done ”... in finding the musical equivalent for each dramatic incident of the play,” He also alludes to the variety of rhythms and tempi ”... ranging from the mournful ’City Called Heaven’ to the exuberant ’You Better Min’ . Duties performed by music in Green Pastures can be summed under these headings: (1) architecture, (2) atmosphere, (3) narration, (4) characterization, and (5) entertainment. Music was so much a part of the production, that even twenty years later. New York critics hasten to mention Green Pastures as one of the finest examples of music skillfully integrated with spoken drama, Paul Green’s symphonic folk play, Roll, Sweet Chariot , was produced in 1934 by Margaret Hewes with incidental music by Dolphe Martin. Burns Mantle described the play as ”... a series of dramatic episodes acted against a background of choral and orchestral music, depicting moral and physical disintegration of Potter’s Field, ^Johnson, The Green Pastures Spirituals , Introduction.

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306 a Negro shanty town in the South. The play has been published under the title Potter’s Field and the music was originally copyrighted with that title. Action in Green’s play moves swiftly and rhythmically and reveals a town in the process of being destroyed by a new highway. A climax is reached when a member of the community, having killed an escaped convict, dies at work on the chain-gang road crew. Dolphe Martin’s unpublished score for ’’Potter's Field” contains seventy-eight cues written in parts for u soprano, alto, baritone, and bass voices, the B clarinet, and tympani.^ For the 1934 production, music was furnished by an orchestral choir of nineteen voices, a baritone soloist, clarinet, tuba, and tympani.^ 0 Quite a few changes were made in music when Potter’s Field was revised and retitled, Roll, Sweet Chariot . The earlier version had a greater quantity of music, but less of it was in true song form. With the more direct presentation, which included songs for individuals to perform, much of the subtle background humming was omitted. In the revision, ^ 8 Mantle, Best Plays of 193U-1935 , p. 385. h.9 H Dolphe Martin, ’’Potter's Field” music score (Library of Congress Copyright files, 1934. E unpub 86800). 90 Playbill for production of Roll, Sweet Chariot , New York Public Library Theatre Collections.

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307 music continues to aid in characterization, since the songs furnish an index to the character of the individual singing. The acting edition of Hoi] , Sweet Chariot has only twenty-six song cues.^ 1 The first of these (Figure 27) isa very short fragment sung by a woman 5n the chorus. 'c m i M f H Oh where is my lov ing Dad dy gone? Fig. 27 — Song 1, Roll, S weet Chariot The solos are divided among four characters: John Henry, Dode, Zeb Vance, and Farrow. John Henry, the prison escapee who is returned to the chain-gang by the last act of the play, poses as a city preacher in early scenes. Five songs performed by John Henry characterize his selfassertive manner, while his determination as a leader of people is illustrated when he starts the choral songs of mourning in the final scene. Songs assigned to Farrow, the community clown, contrast with those of John Henry by virtue of their basic warmth and good will. This is • illustrated in the opening scene (Figure 28) when Farrow suggests the religious feelings of his people and his own Jovial temperament. French, gl Paul Green, Roll, Sweet Chariot Inc., 1934) . (New York: Samuel

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308 1 1 m | i ;M § i j'l j m 1 I Eve-ry where I look I look this mawn ing, looks like rain. Lord, Look a like rain. I got a rain-bow round my shoul der — . Fig, 28 — Song 3, Roll, Sweet Chariot Rhythms of song and dance are essential elements or Paul Green’s play. They convey the temperament and philosophy of the group as surely as the use of colloquial dialect and syntax project manners of speech and behavior. Throughout the play, music punctuates dialogue and stage business. Speeches written in rhymed verse are set to music. On one instance, music furnishes counterpoint to the sounds of road-blasting, elsewhere, it enhances the charm of a love-scene. Music as a character index is perhaps the most clear-cut in the songs of John Henry. His cock-of-thewalk attitude is indicated in the sneering syncopation of lyrics and rhythm in his singing. In his pose as the preacher, John Henry begins to sing before he introduces himself on his first entrance (Figure 29). He concludes a sermon being delivered by a small boy with this phrase " . . . And the people of the world saw the devil and thought was a shooting star falling through that lonesome

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309 night," and begins to sing. While the citizens stand tjhr A black e-vil spi-rit-hanh? One hun-dred years he slept in the hill, ±= | j r. ? _ y + j i. A' J Couldn't turn ov-er, couldn't lie still. They thought he was a rock PHi j ^ i || • i i j J deep urxter ground. And they blasted him out with the earthquake sound. Fig. 29 — Song 10, Roll, Sweet Chariot aghast at their dynamic visitor, John Henry performs with all the charm and wit that are his stock in trade as an imposter. First, he pronounces the small boy an ordained minister of the gospel, then quickly he begins to sell "charms." After he has unsettled the community, his fellow-escapee. Bantam Wilson, a former resident of Potter's Field, comes out of hiding. An unpleasant scene follows. Tom Sterling, also an ex-prisoner, has reformed and is making preparations to marry Bantam Wilson's prison widow. After much provocation. Sterling kills Wilson and the cast sings a mournful song (Figure 30 ) while pondering over their course of action.

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310 3 ^1 Hush, hush, some-body call a his name, Hush'i hush. S ?? Fi / i j I j !/;/?_$> %. Some-body call a his name. Hush, hush. Some-body call-a name. Oh, my Lawd, Oh, my Lawd, What shall 1 dot Fig. 30 — Song 19, Roll, Sweet Chariot Before officers of the law arrive, the chorus chants a spontaneous requiem (Figure 31) for Bantam as a climax to the murder scene. i 0 ? f\ T ' XR =T — ---fi J7J ' r -V t^zzrzz-. II »v Spare me o ver an oth er day. Fig. 31 — Song 2 5, Roll, Sweet Chariot

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311 Some evidence of the bitterness a decaying community feels toward the forces destroying it is stated in the final song Roll, Sweet Chariot . Tom Sterling, shot by a guard after he collapses from illness and fatigue, is mourned by his sweetheart and the other citizens of Potter’s Field, The chain-gang’s rhythmic pounding of rocks continues as John Henry, now a member of the road-crew, leads the conFig. 32 — Song 25, Roll, Sweet Chariot Music in Roll, Sweet Chariot serves several simultaneous functions. The free moving rhythm, lyrics, and melody are typical expressions of the Southern American Negro. Dy including this facet of Negro life, both locale and period are firmly established. Songs accent the characterization of individuals in the play and add an element of variety. The element of tempo serves an even more important function. The easy-going, naive, and doleful pace of the people in Potter's Field is vividly expressed in the music they sing. Thus established, it seems to set the dramatic pacing for the entire play.

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312 Since fantasies are abstract, it is natural that music be included in their production. In fantasy, liberty may be taken with historical facts, characters may suddenly assume new characterizations, spirits and mortals may converse freely, dreams may merge with reality, ghosts may haunt human bodies, or serious subjects may be dealt with In a comic fashion. Under the division of fantasy, certain specific classifications are possible* Besides the moderate fantasy of a play like The Grass Harp , there are plays which can be considered as historic fantasy, ghost fantasy, or comedy fantasy. Some plays in each of these groups have been presented as music-integrated productions. The Grass Harp , a fantasy by Truman Capote, is set in the South during the Victorian era.^ 2 The 19£2 production, directed by Robert Lewis, utilized music composed by Virgil Thomson. The plot deals with problems of Miss Dolly, a spinster, who Is forced to choose between a staid Victorian existence and a fanciful freedom symbolized by a tree house. Five vivid descriptions of music are given in the production prompt book. The first of these is found at the close of Act I, scene 2: ’’Music, a memory of the wind in the grass, accompanies their long exit into the 52 m Truman Capote, ’’The Grass Harp,’’ Prompt Book, New York Public Library Theatre Collections.

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313 left wings." This scene closes with Dolly in an attitude of prayer. Virgil Thomson has composed music for eight major cues. Describing the purpose of this music, the composer explained the need for re -enforcement of the two major forces in the play. As a result, he has written music to represent the voice of the town house (symbol of Victorian tradition) and music to be the voice of the tree house and the forest (symbol of freedom). Characters in the play reflect the pull of both of these "voices" in their sentiments and behavior. Evidently music is used earlier in the produc tion than suggested by the script, for the first real cue (Figure 33)^ is music representing Victorian decor. It suggests the nostalgia evoked by "No Place Like Home." With harp passages suggesting a lute, this first cue is a folk-song parody. Harp and flute predominate in the instrumentation, but violin, viola, violoncello, and celesta are also used. In its second appearance (Figure 34) music becomes the voice of the forest. The cue begins with a variation on the Victorian theme, and, after one phrase, changes to the frolicking flute melody suggestive of the lure and magic of the forest. £3 a11 Q f -j^e quotations from Virgil Thomson, Conductor’s score for "The Grass Harp," are quoted with the permission of the composer.

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315 Fig* 33 — Music Cue 1, The Grass harp icontmueaj Fig. 3U — Music Cue 2, The Grass .".srr

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316 the strings, harp, and flute seem to have a musical picnic In playing variations on the forest motif. For several cues, the voice of the forest is obviously winning the conflict, but as the play builds to a climax, the composer has used the two motifs as counter melodies carried by viola and flute. This cue, occurring when Miss Dolly and her friends are in the forest watching for shooting stars, begins with four chords on the celeste. It is interesting to note that no lighting effect is used for the star — it is. In essence, only a flash of sound. The cue moves swiftly into a flute and string conversation based on variations of the Victorian theme. The counterpoint of the two voices serves to characterize Miss Dolly and the Judge and their ways of thinking and feeling. After a fatal accident terminates the stay in the tree house, the music produces a funereal atmosphere with

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317 a march based on the Victorian theme. Once Dolly has determined to endure the rigidity of town life, a heavy ponderous violoncello melody accompanies her conversation: yet, blended with this are violin and viola counter melodies which hint of the forest motif by the syncopation of their rhythm. An exquisite trio performed by violin, viola, and violoncello accompanies the one love-scene of the play, a scene between Miss Dolly and the Judge. In final movements, the flute again sings forth with the forest melody as the violin follows with a version of the Victorian motif. All the instruments blend into the Edwardian music and come to a cadence (Figure 35).

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318 The final seven arpeggios of the play are a repetition of the first notes sounded at the opening of The Grass Harp (Figure 36). Thomson might call this the musical proscenium arch. Fip. 36 — Opening and Closing measures, Tke Grass Harp Music represents the two forces which vie for the attention of the characters in The Grass Ilarp , but it has more subtle functions too. Besides representing the dissimilarity of freedom and tradition, it measures the intensity of the desire for freedom and the tenacity of customary habits. One cue is completely removed from the realm of atmospheric music when the two melodies supplement the voices of characters in conversation. Another cue epitomizes the inner feelings of characters. In the final cue, music brings action and dialogue into perspective. The characters are back in the town house and the forest is only remembered. While the forest theme is present in the music, the theme of tradition is dominant.

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319 The production of Lillian HeilmanÂ’s adaptation of Jean Anouilh's The Lark , a play that can be classified as expressionistic and theatrical, treats the subject of Joan of Arc with more humorous fantasy than previous dramatists have chosen to use. Jo MielzinerÂ’s stage design is a series of carpeted platforms of varying heights and shapes. Gothic windows or flames from a cross are projected on the cyclorama at the rear of the stage during appropriate scenes. Pieces of furniture essential to action are moved on stage when needed. The play is set in a cathedral during a trial, where JoanÂ’s history is given in flashback. The composer, Leonard Bernstein, successfully created music to harmonize with the production. For some plays, music functions to smooth the transition into and out of a flashback, but this is not the function assigned to it in The Lark. Beautifully performed choral music is a part of the setting. Liturgical motets specify immediately a locale in a European church of the Middle Ages. The off-stage singing belongs as much to the play as the garments worn by the monks who interrogate Joan at her trial. The conflict between church and state that is aroused by JoanÂ’s trial is emphasized by music. Secular music of the era is sung by unaccompanied voices during JoanÂ’s visit to the DauphinÂ’s court.

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320 Since Th e Lank la non-raalistic, music might be expected to underscore abstract features of the play. However, music and costumes are the most lllusionistio parts of the production.^ The only real ghost story in the group of American Plays incorporating music is William Archibald's adaptation of Henry James' novel, Turn_o f the Screw . gg Th e e9rle 3tage version, titled Th e Inno cents, is accompanied by unearthly *usic composed by Alex North. * Set in an English country house of the l88o's, the play relates the experiences of a governess who finds that ghosts inhabit the souls of her two young charges. In an effort to free one child from the power of the ghost, she Inadvertently causes the child's death. Piano practise and children singing ghostly folksongs are the only music acknowledged in the play, but a strange vibration produced by harp, novachord, and a muted horn permeates the atmosphere when one of the two ghosts lurks in the shadows or becomes briefly visible on the staircase. Some of the fifteen music cues blend the 54 New York, Performance January 2 0, of The 195 ^ 7 “ Lark, The Longacre Theatre, Coward-McCann^*i95oT? h ** >a ^ ’ ^-J“}«en^ (New York: Quality by

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321 haunting sounds with the pulsating beat of a clock; others, with a merry syncopation, suggest a distorted nursery rhyme. The purposely wierd timbre makes it difficult to distinguish individual orchestral instruments . Some of the music-box nursery ghost tunes seem to be played by celeste. Though according to the composer’s statement of instrument, they must be performed on a novachord. Bassoon, English horn, harp, tympani, and gongs complete the instrumentation. Alex North's score is atmospheric music, used when the element of atmosphere is essential to the creation of suspense. Here, special lighting and the eerie music substantiate Miss Gidden’s facial reactions, physical tensions, and verbalized fears of the presence of unnatural beings. The composer's description of the music explains the function of the score. In a letter. North said, I had to establish a "sound” for the most part which would lend suspense and tension to the scenes. Here the songs were original and the novachord plus percussion provided that "eerie" character, inherent in the play. I used English horn and bassoon because of their impersonal quality (at least to my ears). Here the music rarely played the characters. Instead it was used to provide an abstract, indiscernible sound which is and isn’t present. . . .57 In a review of the play. Brooks Atkinson referred to " . . . a witches' chorus that is pity, practical and 57 North, Letter, March 29, 1956.

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322 terrifying. Other plays that include supernatural beings do so in a sense of make-believe magic. Even the imagined presence of Ben in Death of a Salesman , which also has music by North, does not create suspense and fear of an unseen and uncontrollable danger. Since the ghosts in The Innocents appear on stage only two or three times, music that re-enforces the concept of their presence adds to the believability of Archibald’s horror story. Very little of the great amount of music that Lehman Engel has composed for theatre is available for analysis. One brief recorded sample, of a type not mentioned before, was utilized in the Robert Lewis production of Albert Bein’ s play. Heavenly Express . ^ In this ”... rather earnest satirical fantasy about a hobo's heaven . . . musical and realistic animal noises punctuate action and speech. The plot is concerned with the return of the spirit of the Overland Kid to a boarding house for railroad men. As the Advance Ticket Taker for the Almighty Vagabond, he summons Melancholy Bo ^ New York Theatre Critics Reviews (1950), p. 36 O. ^Lehman Engel, Recording of music for Heavenly Express (Thomas J. Valentino, Inc., 19i|0). k°Mantle, Best Plays of 1939-19i|.0 f p. 10.

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323 and Bo’s mother to ride on the Heavenly Express. ^ The musical contribution is made by a mixed a cappella choir which sings syncopated rhythms and harmonies to the simple "lu-lu-luh, lu-lu-luh, loo” lyrics. Will Irwin composed music for the comedy-fantasy, Angel in the Pawnshop , written by A. B. Shiffrin and pro6>2 duced by Eddie Dowling in 1951* Critic George Jean Nathan considered the play a concoction of theatre stereotypes with ”... enough off-stage music to make Tennessee Williams turn pale with envy." J The list of music cues is lengthy, totaling sixty-two.^ Many of the cues are a natural part of the action, since one of the cast of characters is a clarinetist, whose solos are predominant in the score. Other instruments are two violins, a violoncello, a harp, French horn, tympani, cymbals, vibraphones, and orchestra bells. These instruments are used in solo passages or insmall combinations. Seldom has Irwin 6l Ibid ., p. 1+57. zl p Will Irwin, "Angel Waltz Theme," and "Music Box Gavotte," Angel in the Pawnshop (New York: Sam Fox Publishing Co., i95^)« ^Nathan, The Theatre Book of the Year, 1950-19 1 ?! * p. 195. 6i| Will Irwin, Piano score manuscript for "Angel in the Pawnshop" (New York: Dramatists Play Service, copyright, 1951).

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32k scored one music cue for the whole group of instruments. Music serves as architecture for Angel in the Pawn shop , with a short overture and music to cover scene changes. One job of the orchestral instruments is to produce soundeffects that are a part of the fantasy. Some of these are music-boxes, chiming door-bells, and musical tea-kettles. Songs and dances are also a part of the action of Angel in the Pawnshop . One song, "Music Box Gavotte," (Figure 37) seems to epitomize the idiom of the play. Its stately yet dainty accompaniment suggests fantasy while the lyrics portray the popular love theme. Fig* 37 — Excerpt: "Music Box Gavotte," Angel in the Pawnshop

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325 Fig. 37 — Excerpt: "Music Box Gavotte," Angel in the Pawnshop ( continued ) A variety of moods are suggested by the score's many changes in tempo. This bears out Nathan's evaluation of the potpourri nature of the Angel in the Pawnshop . Critic Brooks Atkinson agrees with this judgment. In reviewing Shiffrin's work he contended that a playwright who lacks style and ideas should not attempt to incorporate music in a play. ^ Nathan believes that Irwin's music is more Important in terms of an evening's entertainment than the play for which it was written, and he concludes his criticism by stating "All in all. Will Irwin's incidental music, though overly insistent, is the exhibit's only tolerable item. ^Chapter IV, supra , p. 223 • ^Nathan, The Theatre Book of the Year, 195> 0-1^51, p. 196.

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326 Dream Girl , as the title suggests, is a stylized fantasy, in a very light vein written by Morton da Costa. The twelve music cues arranged by William Brooks are performed by a salon orchestra, which fluctuates in style from a pleasant dance-orchestra background to a drumdominated progressive jazz passage. Popular music from the 1920’s is also incorporated. A tenor sings ”0 Sole Mio," but through the record static he seems to be singing new words beginning ”0 Bella Rose." The song is probably an authentic early recording. Another variation is found in a cue representing the popular Charleston dance of the flapper era, and one long cue soars to symphonic sonata allegro form and volume. Generally, the music suggests a potpourri such as might be used in a stage review, for songs are strung together with a small thread of story 67 continuity. Leighton Tif fault composed music for Paul Crabtree’s A Story for Sunday Evening , a comedy in two acts, written in non-realistic fashion with a narrator posing as a playwright who has rented a theatre on a Sunday evening in order to try-out scenes from a play he is writing. 6 ® 67 'william Brooks, Recording of music for Dream Girl (Thomas J. Valentino, Inc,, 195D. 68 Paul Crabtree, "A Story for Sunday Evening," Library of Congress, Copyright Cffice, D unpub 20371.

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327 The narrator-playwright is also the leading man in the fanciful bedroom farce which pokes fun at Hollywood triangles. The sixteen cues in the recorded music run from 4.0 thirty seconds to five minutes. Divorced from the play, this is banal, trite music that seems suited for the most melodramatic of the radio-television soap operas. There is no individuality or originality expressed in the musical style, and extended use is made of the Hammond organ, a favorite background instrument for melodrama. Generally, the music may be described as ranging in style from light concert to popular music, as arranged for a matinee performance of a light drama. The play employs music to announce or accompany entrances and exits, to underline pantomime, to suggest the effect of traffic sounds, to underline a memory dance sequence, and to aid a segue into a flashback scene. During one scene, music is in the foreground, with bits of the scene serving as an accompaniment to it. Most of the time Tiffault's music suits the tonguein-cheek banality of Paul Crabtree's dialogue and action. The play is not particularly exciting, but, as the title suggests, pleasant entertainment for an evening. The charming comedy-satire. Teahouse of the August Moon , was a Broadway hit for three years and is now being 69 Leighton Tif fault. Music for "A Story for Sunday Evening,” Recorded by Quality (New York: Thomas J. Valentino, Inc.).

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328 performed internationally by a number of road companies. John Patrick's stage adaptation of the Vern Sneider novel won the Drama Critics Circle Award and the Antoinette Perry Award. The action of the play occurs in Okinawa in the recent past, and involves a cast of characters consisting of Marine officers, natives of Tobiki Village, and a 70 cunning interpreter, Sakini. Classified as a "play with music" by the Musicians' Union, the production incorporated twenty-five music cues. Dai-Keong Lee's fifty-six page score was composed for an instrumental ensemble consisting of three violins, two harps, a Hammond organ, a flute, and Oriental percussions.^ 1 Most of the music is written in a oentatonic scale which is patterned after, but not identical with, the scale used in 72 the Japanese Kabuki theatre. Music is subtly integrated 70 John Patrick, The Teahouse of the August Moon (New York: G. P. Putnam r s Sons, 1952 ) . 71 Percussions as listed on the title page of the "Teahouse of the August Moon" score: (1) Hyoshiga (Kabuki blocks), (2) two sets of Oriental bells, (3) Taiko (m.s. Japanese drum), (4) cymbal, (5) woodblock, (6) Tom Tom (Chinese drum), (7) gong (at least 24 inches), (8) three temple blocks, (9) rachet, and (10) 4 mallets (2 bass drum mallets and 2 medium hard rubber mallets). 72 The pentatonic scale used in August Moon" score is : rjh&Gm "The Teahouse of the

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329 to punctuate speeches by Sakini, to underline dance and wrestling sequences, to bridge scene changes, and to characterize several of the dramatis personae. Teahouse of the August Moon begins with a four page overture, quoted in Figure which, in classical tradition, previews the major musical motifs to be heard 70 during the play. Announced by an Oriental gong, the overture really begins with two repetitions of the play score's pentatonic scale. The timbre of this combination of instruments, the nature of the scale, and, indeed, the entire score produces a sweetness of tone. Though the sequence of intervals is unfamiliar to Western ears, and though many times the harmonies are peculiar, they never result in a clashing dissonance. As soon as the overture ends, music for Sakini is heard. This short skipping passage terminates with three gongs designed to synchronize with Sakini' s three bows. Instructions in the score (Figure 39) indicate that should the actor portraying Sakini not be a musician, the conductor must observe his movements so that music and action will coincide. When he enters, the tattered Sakini is chewing vigorously. He explains "Tootie-fruitie — most generous ^All quotations from Dai-Keong Lee's conductor's score for "The Teahouse of the August Moon” are quoted with the composer’s permission.

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330 Fig, 38 — Excerpt: /C*c« rrmt Ct la* 715 Wwt *71* St-wl tn *K« BUY "Overture," Teahouse of the August Moon

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