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The long-term effects of a drop-out prevention program for junior and senior high school students

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The long-term effects of a drop-out prevention program for junior and senior high school students
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Voss, Phyllis MacKenzie Gierlotka
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Child psychology ( jstor )
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Fathers ( jstor )
High school students ( jstor )
High schools ( jstor )
Parents ( jstor )
School dropouts ( jstor )
Schools ( jstor )
Social psychology ( jstor )
Students ( jstor )
Counselor Education thesis Ph. D
Dissertations, Academic -- Counselor Education -- UF
High school dropouts -- Florida ( lcsh )
City of Jacksonville ( local )
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Thesis--University of Florida.
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Bibliography: leaves 162-182.
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Typescript.
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Vita.
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by Phyllis MacKenzie Gierlotka Voss.

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THE LONG-TERM EFFECTS
OF A DROP-OUT PREVENTION PROGRAM
FOR JUNIOR AND SENIOR HIGH SCHOOL STUDENTS















By

PHYLLIS MacKENZIE GIERLOTKA VOSS


A DISSERTATION PRESENTED
THE UNIVERSITY IN PARTIAL FULFILLMENT OF
DEGREE OF DOCTOR


TO THE GRADUATE COUNCIL OF OF FLORIDA THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE OF PHILOSOPHY


UNIVERSITY OF FLORIDA


1976


















With admiration, love and gratitude, this study is dedicated to my Mother,


Christina Ann MacLean MacKenzie


on her 95th birthday

June 15, 1976

























Youth is the period of building up in
habits, and hopes, and faiths. Not an
hour but is trembling with destinies;
not a moment, once passed, of which the appointed work can ever be done again, or the neglected blow struck
on the cold iron.


- JOHN RUSKIN
















ACKNOWLEDGMENTS


This research could not have been accomplished without the help and cooperation of a number of people to whom I am greatly indebted and deeply grateful:

My doctoral committee, mentors and friends, who gave so generously and patiently of precious time and wise counsel: Dr. Mary H. McCaulley; Dr. Larry C. Loesch; Dr. Harold C. Riker; Dr. E. L. Tolbert; and Dr. David Lane.

Dr. Andrew A. Robinson, Dean of the College of Education, University of North Florida, for making it possible to work with Project HOLD, and for interest and help in the pursuit of the research.

My colleagues at the University of North Florida, especially Dr. Darwin 0. Coy, Dean of Students, and Dr. Travis A. Carter, Director of Counseling Services. Without their constant encouragement and sympathetic understanding the study and research could never have been accomplished.

Mr. and Mrs. Cranmore W. Cline whose cordial and unfailing hospitality over the past three years greatly diminished the distance between Jacksonville and Gainesville.

Finally, without the unflagging confidence and encouragement of my husband, Carl, and my daughter, Christina, this work would not have been possible. They were always convinced that it could be done, even when I knew it couldn't; and in the end, somehow, they proved to be right.

















TABLE OF CONTENTS


Page


ACKNOWLEDGMENTS ...............


LIST OF TABLES .......... .......................... .. vi

ABSTRACT ............ ............................. .. vii

CHAPTER I - INTRODUCTION ........ ...................... 1

The Problem ......... ......................... . 1
Current Dimensions of the Problem ........ .............. 3
The Concept of Compensatory Education ....... ............ 6
Programs to Prevent School Drop-out ....... ............. 10
Project HOLD ......... ......................... . 12
Need for the Study ........ ...................... . 17
Purpose of the Study . . . . ..... ................. . 19


CHAPTER II - REVIEW OF THE RELATED LITERATURE . ...

A. Aspects of the Adolescent Experience .......


Poverty and Inequality . ...
Literacy: Key to Opportunity
The Influence of the Family
Parent-Child Relationships
The Influence of the School
Peer Influence ... ........
The Coleman Report ........

B. Research on Drop-Outs . ...

Summary of Related Literature . .


. . . . . . 21


. . . . 120


CHAPTER III - RESEARCH METHODOLOGY .. ........


Selection of Subjects ..... Collection of the Data...... The Hypotheses ... ..........
Analysis of the Data ........ Limitations of the Study . . ..


125 126 127 128 128










Page


CHAPTER IV - RESULTS ........ ....................... . 130

CHAPTER V - SUMIARY AND DISCUSSION ..... ................ . 139

Summary of the Investigation ..... ................. . 139
Summary of the Results ....... .................... . 139
Interpretation and Discussion of Results ... ........... . 141
Implications of the Study ...... .................. 146
Suggestions for Further Research .... ............... . 147

APPENDICES

A. Excerpts from Project HOLD Report ... ............ 150
Preface to Project HOLD Report ... ............ 151
Objectives of Project HOLD .... .............. . 154
Major Activities ...... ................... . 155
Socio-Drama ........ ...................... . 158

B. Data Collection Sheet ...... .................. 160

REFERENCES ........... ............................ 162

BIOGRAPHY ........... ............................ 183
















LIST OF TABLES


- ASSIGNMENT OF SUBJECTS INTO GROUPS AND
SUB-GROUPS ...... ...............

- MEANS OF CRITERION VARIABLES .......

- ANALYSIS OF VARIANCE OF GRADE POINT
AVERAGE ...............

- ANALYSIS OF VARIANCE OF UNEXCUSED
ABSENCES ...... ................

- ANALYSIS OF VARIANCE OF DISCIPLINARY
REFERRALS ..............

- ANALYSIS OF VARIANCE OF DISCIPLINARY
SUSPENSIONS .............

- ANALYSIS OF VARIANCE OF AGE IN MONTHS


TABLE I TABLE II TABLE III TABLE IV TABLE V TABLE VI TABLE VII


Page 130 132 133


134 135 137 138


8 � � g Q O Q

















Abstract of Dissertation Presented to the Graduate Council
of the University of Florida in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree of Doctor of Philosophy



THE LONG-TERM EFFECTS OF A DROP-OUT PREVENTION PROGRAM FOR JUNIOR AND SENIOR HIGH SCHOOL STUDENTS


By

Phyllis MacKenzie Gierlotka Voss

August, 1976

Chairman: Larry C. Loesch
Major Department: Counselor Education

The term "drop-out" is applied to anyone who leaves high school without a diploma. Today, the act of dropping out is usually interpreted as an indication of an individual's unwillingness or inability to learn, or as a manifestation of some deeper disturbance. The general public regards the drop-out with dismay because, outside high school, there is no appropriate place for the young person of high school age. Failure to provide an alternative status or role to that of a high school student is as much a function of the cultural value orientation of society as of the modern economic conditions that pattern social structure. As a result of concern about the fate of the drop-out in a labor market where unskilled labor becomes increasingly obsolescent, many drop-out prevention programs have been undertaken in the last decade.

In the 1974-75 school year, a drop-out prevention program, Project vii









HOLD, was implemented in one junior high school and two senior high schools in Jacksonville, Florida, under the aegis of the College of Education, University of North Florida, and funded by the Department of Health, Education and Welfare.

Fifty students, identified on the basis of low grade point average, excessive number of absences, and large numbers of disciplinary referrals, as potential drop-outs, were assigned to each of the participating schools, while a similar control group of 150 students was divided among 3 other schools. Final evaluation of the program indicated that it had been successful, although no tests of the statistical significance of the difference between the two groups were carried out.

The current study sought to determine whether, a year after the end of the program, any significant difference between members of the two groups who had remained in school for the full year could be established. The four criteria for the original selection were used as variables, and in addition age was noted.

Data were collected on a group of 40 former Project HOLD students and 44 of the control group. The sample was fairly evenly distributed by race and sex. One-third was in junior high school, two-thirds in senior high school.

A series of analyses of variance showed the Project HOLD group to have a higher grade point average and a lower incidence of disruptive behavior than the control group. The differences were statistically significant at the 0.1 level. There was no significant difference in absences. In addition, grade point average was found to have a statistically significant and inverse relationship to frequency of absence (r = 0.001, p < .01).


viii









It may be inferred, therefore, that Project HOLD had results which significantly affected the school lives of the participants in positive and lasting ways which were evident during the year following the program.

















CHAPTER I

INTRODUCTION


A major problem of democratic society is inconsistency between encouragement to achieve and the realities of limited opportunity. Democracy urges individuals to act as though social mobility were universally possible; status is to be won by individual effort, and rewards accrue to those who work for them. However, as Clark (1960) pointed out, hierarchical work organizations permit a steadily decreasing number of people to succeed on ascending levels. Thus democratic societies which, like the United States and the industrial societies of Western Europe, are meritocracies, must not only motivate achievement but also "mollify those denied it to sustain motivation in the face of disappointment, and to deflect resentment" (Clark, p. 391).


The Problem

In the United States, such credentials as high school diplomas and number of years of education completed have long been important in affecting a person's job and income prospects. Since World War II, these symbols of education have become crucial; and in the 1970s the nation has become determined to persuade and assist all youth to enter adulthood armed minimally with a high school diploma or its equivalent.

Such a campaign harmonizes well with the popular view of education as a required mechanism by which to lift oneself in modern life; but the motivating sentiment contains not so much esteem for adequate










schooling as it does a feeling of alarm over the effects of its absence. Without a diploma, it seems, the chances of rising in prestige, power, and economic security are reduced, and the likelihood of gravitating toward crime and despair increased. Small wonder that undereducated, drifting adolescents are viewed as a threat and a liability to society. It is this problem, realistically labeled by Conant (1962) "social dynamite," that has aroused so much public clamor to keep young people in school.

More recently, the public has been shocked to learn that the high school diploma may mean nothing in terms of the educational level it has been thought to represent. Sheils and Boyd (1976) described the latest findings thus:

Until recently, promotion from grade to grade through high
school was almost automatic, making the diploma hardly
more than a certificate of twelve years' attendance.
(Newsweek, May 24, 1976, p. 50).

Under these circumstances one may ask whether withdrawal from high school is actually so crucial. Is the focus on the drop-out perhaps a facade for a more fundamental policy problem, the intensifying underemployment of youth? How much does graduation really contribute to the status mobility of a lower class youth? Can he indeed hope to improve his social and economic prospects on the strength of a high school diploma? What awaits him in the job market without this evidence of completed education?

The specific problem to be studied here is whether or not participation in Project HOLD, a drop-out prevention program, by a group of junior high and high school students identified as potential drop-outs, had effects which lasted beyond the end of the school year in which the program was offered.










By extension, the more universal problem to be studied is the

lasting effectiveness of any or all such drop-out prevention programs, part of the whole series of compensatory education programs so widespread in the United States in the last fifteen years.

The background against which the problem will be studied -- the rationale for such programs, their value and their limitations, the psychological, economic, and social implications of dropping out of school today, as also the factors affecting the total phenomenon of dropping out -- will be reviewed and discussed in depth.


Current Dimensions of the Problem

It seems ironic that schools should be pressured to reduce dropout rates at a time when the retention record could hardly be more impressive. For good or ill, nowhere in the world has universal prolonged education taken root so firmly as in the United States. Moreover, the superior holding power of the schools improves steadily from one generation to the next. For every 1,000 children who were fifth graders in 1942-43, only 505 finished high school on schedule in 1950. Contrast this with the figure a decade later: 621 of each 1,000 fifth graders earned diplomas in 1960 (National Education Association, 1963). Retention rates were anticipated as rising to 70 percent by 1975, and to 80 percent by the end of the century (Dentler, 1964), despite the fact that absolute numbers have steadily increased. This means that in a span of 80 years American schools will have lowered the drop-out rate from 80 percent to 20 percent.

Considering the success that has been achieved thus far in lengthening school attendance, why is it thought more necessary than ever










before to step up the good work? The answer seems to be that several social and economic developments have converged at this point in history to dramatize the drop-out problem and its insidious effects.

Among the most potent of these forces is automation. Thurow (1972) estimates that from 1950 to 1970 as many as 24 million unskilled or semi-skilled jobs in agriculture, industry, and construction were rendered obsolete. Because of the prevalent high rate of illiteracy, most workers affected were those least prepared for retraining to capitalize on new opportunities on a blue-collar level. The result has been a chaotic job market in which there was already not enough lowskill work available for those who must rely on it, while upper-level unemployment has been dramatically increased by the on-going economic recession.

What makes the high school diploma so crucial in defining the dropout is its traditional credential value. This, however, may be vanishin, ''' goes on. It was probably an important guarantee of opportunity in an age when relatively few possessed it; but as it becomes more and more common-place, its worth will diminish. In addition to the seldom publicized fact that many drop-outs do in fact return to some type of education, some sooner, some later, the current efforts to adapt classes and programs to make it possible for all but the most deviant to receive high school diplomas may backfire and a form of Gresham's Law will begin to operate on the total value of all high school diplomas.

A strong case must be made, nevertheless, for adequate schooling on the grounds that a democracy is weakened by the existence of a large sub-group of poorly educated citizens. The magnitude of undereducation in the United States is illustrated by figures from the armed services






5


and the Bureau of the Census. For example, some 13 percent of the young men rejected for military service between 1958 and 1962 could not pass the Army's examinations in basic skills, a test based no higher than an eighth grade level of achievement. Four-fifths of this group were school drop-outs; and the unemployment rate among them was four times that of other men aged 20 to 24 (President's Task Force on Manpower Conservation, 1964). According to more recent estimates, at least 12 million adults aged 25 and older who have completed fewer than 8 grades of schooling are probably functionally illiterate, while an additional

7 million or more below the age of 25 are out of school and in fact illiterate, which means they are not even capable of filling out a job application (U.S. Bureau of the Census, 1975). It is difficult to imagine how such people can be expected to function as enlightened, responsible citizens in a community life that relies heavily on their participation in making decisions vital to the well-being of all its members. As human knowledge proliferates, ignorance and illiteracy must be regarded as an ever heavier, more dangerous, and less tolerable burden to a free society.

The problem of the school drop-out is by no means purely educational. For most potential drop-outs, more schooling will not alone make the difference. While education has its part to play, it can serve best in that role, says Tannenbaum (1967), when its strengths are realistically assessed and its efforts complemented by other forces in society. By simply discouraging the inclination to withdraw, education cannot alone obliterate the personal, psychological, and social handicaps that are so often variables in the drop-out equation. On the other hand, any constructive social action on behalf of school misfits must make










provision for their educational needs. While the schools may not have a magic recipe to cure all of society's ills, they may well be able to provide some of the essential ingredients. Lack of education is closely associated with the major human ills such as poverty, disease, and superstition, says Berg (1960). But it is also a waste of talent.


The Concept of Compensatory Education

Although the American people have become increasingly aware of

the economic and social disparities which exist everywhere in the world, nowhere are the handicaps imposed by deliberate and accidental underdevelopment of human resources a source of greater embarrassment and concern than in the United States in the second half of the twentieth century (Gordon & Wilkerson, 1966). The relation of limited education to job insecurity is ubiquitous; but it is especially noteworthy in large cities. Big city economies have changed in the years since World War II from dependence upon cheap, abundant, unskilled labor to increasing dependence upon technical skills and job flexibility, two abilities correlated with literacy and the trainability associated with certain minimal levels of formal education (Dentler & Warshauer, 1968).

Since the end of World War II, therefore, there has been a rapidly growing interest in the needs of children whose school progress and life chances are adversely affected by social handicaps such as poverty, a broken or incomplete home, a background offering little stimulation, or membership in a minority racial group. In the mid-1960s, the term compensatory education was coined to describe certain educational and social measures aimed at solving, or at least alleviating, the problems faced by those children now categorized as "socially disadvantaged," "culturally deprived," or some similar term.










Target populations

The populations at which compensatory programs were originally

directed were first, Blacks; secondly, other underprivileged minority groups in urban ghettos, e.g., Puerto Ricans; and thirdly, Mexican Americans and American Indians. All of these groups suffer from both material and cultural deprivation in terms of the dominant culture. In addition, programs have been designed to help White children, some of them in urban slums, some in isolated rural areas such as Appalachia. The problems resulting from such material and cultural deprivation are discussed by Chazan (1968), Jensen (1967), and Passow and Elliot (1967).

Many different meanings have been assigned to terms such as

"deprived" or "disadvantaged" and, as Stodolsky and Lesser (1967) suggest, different definitions obviously have different implications for educational policy or social action. In their view, there is a need for a new definition of disadvantaged status based on a much more refined assessment of environmental circumstances and further examination of the individual patterns of learning ability, to which instructional strategies should be matched. Kenneth B. Clark, president of the Metropolitan Applied Research Center, New York City, has written extensively on the subject, and especially in The Educationally Deprived (1972), based on a conference sponsored jointly by the Center and the Edward W. Hazen Foundation. Clark is severely critical of the term "cultural deprivation."

How does this term affect the identity concepts of minority children? To describe the Negro and Puerto Rican in these
terms is to rob him of the positive aspects of familial,
racial, and national pride. Simultaneously, the term adds
to the negative images of inferiority and self-hate found
in members of oppressed groups. (p. 69)










Aims and emphases

Compensatory programs have, from the outset, been comprehensive in aim and scope. They have attempted to achieve no less ambitious a goal than "to make up for those environmental deficiencies in society and school which retard and limit educational progress" (Smiley, 1970, p. 7). To this end, programs have included measures to alleviate poverty, the provision of additional medical and dental facilities, the rehousing of families, the construction of new schools, free breakfast and lunch programs, changing teaching approaches, devising new educational materials and techniques, increasing the impact of educational technology, extending children's experience, providing personal, vocational and family counseling, and establishing projects to involve parents and community. They have also aimed at the reduction of the size of classes and the increased availability of specialized support personnel for the teacher. Comprehensive reviews of American compensatory education may be found in Gordon and Wilkerson (1966), Miller (1969), and Passow (1972).


Assessment of compensatory education

According to Chazan (1973) the concept of compensatory education has come under fire in recent years, mainly on the following grounds:

1. Compensatory education has not been successful in achieving its aims.

2. Programs have tried to change what cannot in fact be
changed to any great extent. As genetic factors are
much more important than environmental factors in producing differences in measured intelligence, the premises on which compensatory education efforts have been
based should be re-examined.

3. It is wrong to identify and label children as "disadvantaged."









4. Too much emphasis has been placed in compensatory education on the significance of the early years of the child's
life in the shaping of his later development.

5. The school itself, and the educational system within which
it functions, not the children of the poor, should be the first targets of change. The concept "compensatory education" distracts attention from the deficiencies of the
school and focuses upon deficiencies within the community,
the family, and the child.

6. Too often the child is treated to the "compensatory" program without ever having been exposed to the regular education which the program is allegedly supplementing. (pp.
14-15)

In the light of the available evidence, however, says Chazan, and while these criticisms are not without some justification, the case against compensatory education appears to have been overstated.

McDill, McDill and Sprehe (1969) carefully and objectively

examined the evaluation research carried out up to 1969, including the Westinghouse Report (Cicirelli & Granger, 1969), and came to the conclusion that the evidence regarding the effectiveness of compensatory programs is ambiguous. Whether one believes that all compensatory efforts have failed, or whether one argues that it is still too early to assess their impact which must, by its very nature, be long-range, it is difficult to refute the charge that the programs have not, on the whole, demonstrated substantial and widespread success. However, McDill and his colleagues consider that out of the many highly diversified, broad-ranging, and blanket-coverage programs, some evidence is emerging as to which strategies are more promising than others and thus merit consideration as a basis for further compensatory efforts.

Those who condemn all compensatory programs out of hand should be mindful of the magnitude of the task attempted, the relatively brief experience of coping with it, and the paucity of scientific knowledge










relevant to the problems of disadvantaged children. This stance, adopted by McDill et al., is certainly more positive than assuming prematurely that compensatory education is, as Eysenck (1969) puts it, "a lost cause." It seems reasonable to regard what has been done as experimental, and to continue along those lines which appear most likely to produce lasting results. The development of the concept has, at the very least, focused attention on the problems of disadvantaged children in many parts of the world, especially in the United States, in Great Britain, and in Israel.

A rather naive expectation that well-meaning but hastily planned compensatory programs would produce substantial changes in a short period of time has given way to greater sophistication and a better understanding of individual differences, and of differences within as well as between, social class groups.


Programs to Prevent School Drop-out

In January, 1968, approval of the Title VII amendments to the Elementary and Secondary Education Act of 1965 brought the federal government into the struggle to improve education so as to reduce the number of children failing to complete their elementary and secondary schooling. Recognizing the complexity of the problem and the dearth of reliable information in the area, the Office of Education refrained from developing a model for funded programs. The uncertainties surrounding remedial efforts and the resistance of the problem to solutions have since been described by Kruger (1969):

Numerous studies and experimental programs have made it
clear that no simple cause-and-effect relationship explains why some students leave school. No socio-economic
level, intelligence stratum, physical classification, or










ethnic group is immune from the problem. No panaceas
have been discovered, and few situations are responsive
to short term or inexpensive measures. (p. 7)

Model projects under Title VII have not been lacking in scope or imagination. They have ranged from sensitivity training for teachers through curriculum revision and innovation, storefront and other special schools, work-study programs, students' being paid to learn, group and individual counseling, and home visitations by teachers and counselors. Supporters and critics alike recognize all of these as a random search for solutions for the drop-out problem. But then, as Winschel (1970) points out,

.even when questioning, one must recognize that problems are as often solved through the random as through
the systematic. (p. 14)

Most, if not all, of the retention-oriented programs studied show a successful outcome in terms of the objectives of the program. However, no program appears to have lent itself, after a pilot study, to wholesale and continuing implementation in an entire school system to eliminate the drop-out phenomenon and retain all but handicapped or the most deviant students. The program most nearly approaching such a level of development, perhaps, is the Demonstration Guidance Project of Junior High School 43, initiated in September of 1959, much earlier than the Elementary and Secondary Education Act. Sponsored by the Board of Education of New York City, it was continued in subsequent years at George Washington High School as the Higher Horizons Program, and ultimately reached into many elementary, junior high, and high schools in Manhattan, Bronx, Brooklyn, and Queens. Although it had its share of critics, some quite outspoken, it was nevertheless widely imitated in other cities.









Apart from programs of this type, which are essentially longitudinal, little retrospective evaluation of the long-term effects of such projects appears to have been undertaken. This is undoubtedly because of the nature of the funding of such programs which makes no provision for later re-evaluation. A careful examination of 80 reports on various programs aimed directly or indirectly at retaining potential drop-outs revealed none having provisions for subsequent evaluation (Jablonsky, 1974).


Project HOLD


Initiation of the Program

In March of 1974, the College of Education of the University of North Florida at Jacksonville applied for, and was awarded, a grant of $169,408 from the Department of Health, Education and Welfare, funded under Title VII of the Emergency School Aid Act (1965), to operate in the Duval County school system a retention program for 150 students identified as potential drop-outs.


Chief Investigator

The originator of the program was Dr. Andrew A. Robinson, Dean of the College of Education, University of North Florida. Dr. Robinson was designated "chief investigator." Advisory Committee

When the grant application was submitted, a district-wide advisory committee was set up. Committee members were representatives of the local school board, of civic and social service organizations, interested lay persons in the community, and teachers and students designated by










the three participant schools. Throughout the year, the committee met monthly to hear progress reports from the Project HOLD staff, visited the Project schools from time to time, attended performances of the socio-drama group, participated in workshops for students and parents, and counseled individual students in a "big brother" relationship. The total committee membership was 20.


Purpose of the Program

The stated purpose of the program was "to produce within the

potential drop-out inner feelings of positive self-worth, self-awareness, and a healthier self-concept" (Project HOLD Report, p. 120). Presumably such positive feelings would induce the marginal student to persist in school rather than dropping out. Objectives

A number of behaviors which characterize the potential drop-out

were chosen as the focus of the program's objectives. These manifestations of marginality were as follows:

1. referrals for misconduct; 2. disciplinary suspensions; 3. unexcused class absences;

4. low, grade point average.

The objectives of the program were to influence all of these areas:

1. 80% of Project HOLD participants would have 40% fewer
referrals in 74/75;

2. 80% of Project HOLD students would have 45% fewer suspensions in 74/75;

3. 80% of Project HOLD students would have 50% fewer absences
in 74/75;










4. 55% of Project HOLD students would increase their GPA
by .50 in 74/75.

Although the students' "self-concept" and "coping ability" were mentioned in descriptions of the program, no measure of these factors was attempted. Furthermore, although retention in school was implicit in the purposes of the program, and although the final evaluation showed tables to compare the drop-out rates of the Project HOLD students and the control group, retention was not actually mentioned in the original stated objectives.


Locale

The program was located in three public schools in Duval County, Paxon High School, Andrew Jackson High School, and Kirby-Smith Junior High School, the students being divided equally among the three schools. Selection Criteria

The criteria used to select participants in the program were those mentioned above -- large numbers of disciplinary referrals and suspensions, numerous unexcused class absences, and a low grade point average. Subject Selection

From a total population in excess of 500 students who met the above academic and behavioral criteria, the Project HOLD staff, in consultation with school administrators and teachers, chose 50 students from each school who would, in their opinion, benefit from the program. A similar but somewhat larger group, 70 to 80 students, was identified in three other schools as a control group.

The students chosen for the Project HOLD program were equally

divided by sex; one-third were in junior high school, and one-third in









each of the senior high schools. The ultimate ethnic distribution was approximately 60 percent Black, 40 percent White.


Parent Participation

One of the basic philosophies of those who planned Project HOLD

was that parent participation is essential. To this end, social events were planned at the beginning of the program to which parents and other family members were invited. Every effort was made not only to solicit parent participation, but indeed to make parents feel important and very much involved. Parents took part in many of the activities, and some parents were present on all of the field trips.


Staff

The program was operated by a director based at the University of North Florida. In each school was a team of three persons, one clerical assistant, and two social worker/counselors who regularly visited the homes of the participants. The home visitation proved to be among the most popular aspects of the program.


Activities

The activities of the Project HOLD program were entirely outside the classroom, for students were assigned to regular classes. Program activities were as follows:

1. Individual counseling sessions were held on a daily basis.
The counselors established a close, warm relationship with
the students.

2. Informal group counseling sessions were held daily with
different approaches used for differing problems or purposes.

3. Tutoring in academic subjects was made available where it was
perceived as needed to provide success experiences and resultant motivation. Special emphasis was placed on reading and
math.










4. Peer group counseling sessions were held weekly, using peer
counselors trained by the adult counselors.

5. Career counseling was provided for each student. Some students
were placed in work situations.

6. Community relations efforts consisted of home visits by counselors, and consultations with public and private service
agencies to provide resources for the Project HOLD students and/or their families. Such services included free medical
and dental care and consultations, financial aid, family
planning and counseling, vocational counseling, and job
placement.

7. In one high school a program of socio-drama was carried on.


Outcomes

The outcomes of the program in numbers of absences, referrals and

suspensions, and the level of grade point average for the two groups

were tabulated, but no tests of statistical significance were carried

out. In his report, the director wrote:

The greatest single indication of the impact of the Project
activities, as viewed by the Project staff, school principals,
deans, and counselors, on students' behavior is the increased ability of the students to identify their own contribution to crisis situations as opposed to placing the
blame elsewhere. (p. 6)

The Abstract of the Project HOLD report read as follows:

The numbers of suspensions, referrals, absences, and the grade point average of students participating in Project
HOLD during the grant year were compared with the students'
levels on each of the measures for the previous year. In addition, identical comparisons with each of the measures
were made with a group of control subjects.

The amount of change on each of the measures between the
1973-74 school year and the Project year for the HOLD
students and the control subjects was calculated and compared. The percent of the Project and control students meeting performance criterion set down in the grant was
also calculated.

The data reveal that numbers of referrals and suspensions
for HOLD students declined by 60% and 42% respectively over the previous year while the level of referrals and










suspensions for control subjects increased by 12% for
referrals and 33% for suspensions over the previous year.
When levels of change in absences and GPA were compared,
data revealed an increase in absences of 17% and a decline in GPA by 9% for students enrolled in Project HOLD.
Among the controls, an increase in absences of 45% was
observed and a decline of 29% in GPA was noted. (Project HOLD Report, 1975, p. 10)


Need for the Study

The evaluation of the long-term effectiveness of drop-out prevention programs is important and urgent. Vast sums of public and private money have been and continue to be expended on such projects; and while immediate success has been demonstrated in almost every case, it must be recognized that good results could be explained by phenomena such as "self-fulfilling prophecy" or "Hawthorne effect." The real question is: are the lives of these marginal students in fact being touched and influenced in meaningful and lasting ways?

It must be borne in mind that being disadvantaged in childhood

may well mean being disadvantaged throughout life. The massive problems caused by poverty and social inequality in the United States have been amply documented in recent years in the many books, articles, and reports on compensatory education. In the post-war period, a number of factors combined to make the need for compensatory programs more urgent: the increasing value placed by society on educational achievement; the wastage of talent arising from the inability of numerous children to avail themselves of their educational opportunities; the number of unskilled jobs rendered obsolete by technological development; the riots in many urban slum areas; and a growing dissatisfaction with the school system.

Too often in the past the arguments used to persuade disaffected










youth to stay in school have been misleading and unrealistic. The persistence of inequality of economic opportunity and lack of social mobility in spite of increased educational opportunities is discussed elsewhere in this study. The high school diploma must never be represented to young people as the "open sesame" to a financially sound and socially mobile future. Nevertheless, there are cogent arguments against school drop-out.

The well-documented plight of the under-educated in an increasingly technological society -- untrainable, illiterate, almost certainly condemned to a life of poverty, frustration, and despair, employable only in ill-paid, dull and menial jobs -- is in itself argument enough. Kenneth B. Clark (1964) asserts and Riessman and Gartner (1973) substantiate the importance of jobs that provide the worker with dignity, respect and opportunity. Clark found a significantly higher correlation between unskilled work and social pathology than between unemployment and social pathology.

The amount of money spent on compensatory programs is not in

itself the salient factor, and an examination of the long-term effectiveness of the Project HOLD program is not approached from that standpoint. Rather the question is whether the dedicated and wellmeaning persons responsible for the program are indeed accomplishing their goals, or whether in fact they are deceiving both themselves and the children whose lives they seek to improve by using strategies which make only an immediate impact and have no lasting effectiveness.

The urgency of ensuring, not only to the students in Project HOLD but to as many young people as possible, a maximum opportunity for self-development and personal fulfillment and a future which includes










the self-respect deriving from meaningful and gainful employment, constitutes the need for this study.


Purpose of the Study

The program which is the subject of this study, Project HOLD,

was evaluated in June, 1975, on the basis of whether or not the objectives established for the students had been met. The criteria used were the school-related behavior and academic progress of the participants and of the control group.

This study seeks to establish whether, a year after the end of

the program, those students who participated in Project HOLD, and who were enrolled in school for the entire year following the program, sustained the improvement they had made, or enhanced it, as compared with those members of the original control group who were similarly enrolled for the entire school year.

The criteria to be examined are those used in the original evaluation in 1975 -- school-related behaviors as measured by unexcused absences, disciplinary referrals and disciplinary suspensions, and academic progress as reflected in grade point average. Results will also be examined for differential effects on the basis of sex, race, or grade level in school.

If it can be shown that a correlation exists between participation in Project HOLD and a lower incidence of unexcused absences, disciplinary referrals and disciplinary suspensions than for the control group, one may be justified in assuming that the individual student is indeed developing the "coping ability" referred to in the Project HOLD Report. If so, he will be better able to function effectively in school, and better prepared for the world of work.









If it can be shown that a correlation exists between attendance

in school and grade point average, a strong argument can be established for encouraging in every way possible regular and sustained school attendance.

To say that schooling does not explain as much of economic progress or social mobility as some have in the past naively assumed is not to say that lack of education has no consequences. To the extent that, on the basis of demonstrable skills or educational attainment, employers make decisions about whom to hire, the poorly educated find themselves for the most part relegated to the least attractive jobs or to unemployment.
















CHAPTER II


REVIEW OF THE RELATED LITERATURE

A. Aspects of the Adolescent Experience The Psychology of Adolescence

Historical background

Long before psychology became a science, there were philosophical, theological, educational, and psychological theories that contributed to an understanding of human nature and human development. In modern times, G. Stanley Hall (1844-1924), with his famous two-volume Adolescence (1904), is looked upon as the father of a scientific "psychology of adolescence." Prior to Hall, it was most often the philosophereducator who was especially concerned with a theory of human development and its implications for teaching, as can be seen through the centuries from Plato, Aristotle and Aquinas to Comenius, Rousseau, Herbart, Froebel and Pestalozzi.

The word "adolescence" seems to have first appeared in the fifteenth century, suggesting that historically the concept of adolescence was subordinated to theoretical considerations of the general nature of human development; and it is in such general theories of development that modern theories of adolescence may be said to have their roots.

In classifying theories of development Ausubel (1958) distinguishes between "preformationistic" and "predeterministic" approaches on the one hand, and the tabula rasa ("blank tablet") approach on the other. The










preformationistic theory is reflected in the theological proposition of man's instantaneous creation -- the homunculus theory -- and in the doctrine of original sin, as well as in more recent theories emphasizing instincts and innate drives. Predeterministic theories postulate universally fixed states of development but allow for environmental influences, as in Rousseau, and in Hall's theory of recapitulation (repeating during the development of the individual organism the evolutionary stages of the species), as also in Freud's stages of psychosexual development, and in Gesell's emphasis on maturation.

In contrast are the tabula rasa theories that minimize the biological and genetic factors and place the emphasis on the environmental determinants of human development, and also the humanistic approaches and related modern theories of behaviorism and cultural determinism.


Greek view of the development of human nature

Any historical consideration of a theory of adolescence must begin with the early Greek ideas about human development. Their influence pervaded philosophical thought through the Middle Ages and is perceptible even today. The philosophical idea of dualism, for example, is essentially Greek. Plato (427-347) made a clear distinction between two aspects of the human entity: body and soul. Body and soul were of different substances; and although there was some interaction, the soul was an entity in itself, capable of leaving the body without losing its identity. It could perceive more clearly and reach higher realities when freed from the body. "Soma sema," declared Plato: the body is the grave of the soul. The body is matter and has all the defects of matter. The idea of dualism of mind and body reappeared later in










Christian theology and was of primary importance in the philosophical thought of the seventeenth century, especially of Descartes, Leibnitz and Spinoza.

Of greater interest from a developmental point of view is the idea of the layer structure of the soul which Plato developed in the dialogue Phaedo. Plato held that the soul has three distinguishable parts, layers or levels, probably the first historical emergence of the threefold psychological theory advanced in one form by Chaucer (1340?-1400) as appetite, will and reason, and later by Freud and others in various forms.

Plato's lowest part of the soul is described in terms of drives, needs and instincts; and its resemblance to Freud's concept of the id is unmistakable, as also to the two lowest levels in Maslow's (1954) hierarchy of needs. The second layer of the soul includes courage, conviction, temperance, endurance and hardihood. Man has both the first and the second layers in common with the animal world, and these two layers are of the body and die with it. The third layer is divine, supernatural and immortal, and constitutes the essence of the universe (Muuss, 1971). Plato describes this as reason which has its temporary seat in the body.

In contrast to Plato, Aristotle (384-322) denied the separation of body and soul and returned to the older Greek idea of the unity of the physical and mental worlds, of form and matter. Body was form, soul was matter. While Aristotle accepted Plato's view of the soul life which he called entelechy, a vital force urging an organism towards self-fulfillment (cf. Maslow's self-actualization), he viewed soul structure almost from a biological point of view as consisting of three










layers. The lowest is that of the plant, the life functions of which are reproduction and nourishment; the second, also found in animals, has the additional functions of perception, sensation and locomotion; and the third, which is distinctly human and sets man apart from the animal world, includes the ability to think and reason.

Interspersed throughout most of Plato's dialogues -- but particularly in Laws and The Republic -- are descriptive accounts of children and youth, and advice concerning the control of their behavior, giving considerable insight into Plato's conception of the nature of development.

Although Aristotle does not offer a systematically stated theory

of adolescence, as, in a sense, does Plato, he provides a quite detailed description of the "youthful type of character," part of which might well have been written by Hall or Gesell:

Young men have strong passions and tend to gratify them indiscriminately. Of the bodily desires, it is the sexual by
which they are most swayed and in which they show absence
of self-control. . . . They are changeable and fickle in
their desires, which are violent while they last, but
quickly over. Their impulses are keen but not deep-rooted.
(The Rhetorica, p. 38)

A number of modern psychologists share Aristotle's observations and concerns. Rank (1961), in particular, describes promiscuity as an adolescent defense mechanism against sexual urges, while among other writers, Lewin (1961) and Barker (1963) deal with the instability of the adolescent, and his "changeable and fickle" behavior. The further characteristics of youth cited by Aristotle can be continued at length and analogies to contemporary theory found without difficulty. Many of the qualities Aristotle describes make the young people of his day sound quite like the potential drop-out of 1976.










Under the impact of early Christian theology, Aristotelian thought suffered an eclipse; but later Aquinas (1225?-74) combined it with Christian ideas, and the Aristotelian Thomistic philosophy became dominant in the twelfth and thirteenth centuries and was most influential in the Middle Ages, especially in the form of scholasticism. To Aristotle is generally attributed the establishment of a more scientific approach to science and philosophy. Theological View of Human Nature

The theological view of human development is not as easy to

identify in terms of one man, a specific period of time, or even a particular church. Tertullian (160?-230?) expressed the idea of original sin when he spoke of the depravity of human nature. This concept was extensively developed by Augustine (354-430), later emphasized by John Calvin (1509-64), and appeared as a basic tenet of American Puritanism. The theories that follow in the seventeenth, eighteenth and nineteenth centuries, especially those of Locke, Rousseau and Darwin, can be understood in part as antitheses to this and other early theological doctrines regarding the nature and development of man.

Prior to Darwin, the story of the Creation as found in Genesis was generally accepted; and man was seen as divinely created and basically different from the animal world. Furthermore, acceptance of the doctrine of original sin produced the essentially realistic but pessimistic view of human nature which pervaded Catholic theology before the Reformation and, receiving new impetus from Calvin, set the intellectual climate for Puritanism.

The theological view of instant creation underlay preformationist










thinking which held that the child was conceived and came into the world as a miniature adult, differing from the adult quantitatively but not qualitatively (Ausubel, 1958). Medieval painting clearly depicts children as small adults dressed in exactly the same way as their parents. Qualitative differences in body build, bodily function and mental capacities were disregarded under this view. Contrasted with the logical theories of Plato and Aristotle, this represents a regression of thought; but the theory of homunculism persisted until it was finally challenged by advances in the field of medicine and the beginnings of modern science.

The Renaissance may be seen as a revolt against authoritarianism

in church, school, and society. During this period, Aristotelian logic, the presupposition of universal ideas, and scholasticism in general were challenged, especially by Erasmus (1.466?-1536) and his friend, the Spanish humanist, Vives (1492-1540). Learning was no longer seen as a deductive process, but as inductive, beginning with experiences. Learning is determined by the mind of the learner; and thus learning becomes concerned with individuality in the student (Boyd, 1965).


The Beginning of Modern Thought

Comenius (1592-1660), Moravian bishop and educator, accepted these new ideas of the Renaissance, combined them with Aristotle's classification of developmental stages, and advanced a theory of education based on psychological assumptions. In his Great Didactic (1632) Comenius suggested a school organization based on a theory of four developmental stages of human growth, each lasting six years, in contrast to Aristotle's three seven-year stages, and proposed a different kind of school










for each of the four stages (Keating, 1923). This suggested organization is based not only on assumptions concerning the nature of human development, but also on a specific theory of human learning, that of "faculty psychology," which, interestingly enough, closely resembles the pattern of school organization in many parts of the United States today, and has much in common with the contemporary ideas of Erikson and Nixon. For Comenius, development is not uniform, continuous and gradual as the homunculus theory implies, but each stage has its own characteristics, "teachable moments," as Havighurst would call them. Development is a process in which the intellectual functions gain progressively more control over other aspects of the soul. The right time for education of each of the faculties must be carefully chosen, the sequence "borrowed from nature." In this continuous focus on what children can do, know, and are interested in at each stage of development appear to lie the historical roots of a child-centered theory of education.


John Locke and Empiricism

The most serious challenge to homunculism with its emphasis on

preformationism and Plato's theory of innate ideas, a basic scholastic principle, came from John Locke (1632-1704). Locke was influenced by Thomas Hobbes (1588-1679), the first of the great English political theorists, whose position -- sensationalism, now known as empiricism

-- was that all knowledge is drawn from sensation. In Leviathan (1651) Hobbes had stated: "There is no conception in man's mind which has not first, totally or by parts, been begotten upon the organs of sense." Locke further developed this theory that there are no innate ideas, all










the contents of consciousness having been obtained directly through the senses or derived from sensations previously obtained. At birth, said Locke, the mind of the child is tabula rasa, a blank tablet.

Locke's assumptions have had far-reaching effects on social theory and, with amplification, have in some ways become the cornerstone of the modern democratic state. Since the minds of men (and women) are presumed at birth to be tabula rasa, present difficulties and the inequalities found in people are due to environment and experience; it follows, therefore, that all are at birth completely equal. Thus the democratic principle derives, in part at least, from a philosophicalpsychological theory concerning the mind of the child at birth. The irony of this will, of course, be readily understood, for as Hechinger and Hechinger (1975) point out, it would be misleading to portray Locke, essentially a man of his times, as "an avant-garde egalitarian whose benign prescription for the upbringing of the young was intended to revolutionize the treatment of all the world's children" (p. 162). Locke's concern in this area was limited to the education of English gentlemen; and the rights of the children of the poor were as far from his kindly thoughts as were the rights of black children from the thoughts of otherwise enlightened minds in nineteenth- and even early twentieth-century America. Hechinger and Hechinger write:

Locke's prescriptions for the children of the poor was harsh,
not excluding the workhouse and whippings -- and it was the separation of humanity into two distinct worlds of class and
caste that carried over into America despite the subsequent Constitutional pledge of equality. It was a concept, once
deeply ingrained in the Athenian idea of democracy, that has
been hard to eradicate, perhaps in part because the privileged
sector is always intent on securing its own powers at the expense of the underprivileged. In many subtle and covert
ways, the exclusion of poor children from the concerns
afforded the children of affluence has persisted well into










the twentieth century. It has been responsible for most of
education's accumulating problems. It constitutes much of
its unfinished business. (p. 163)

Nevertheless, Locke was essentially a reformer. In ethics, he maintained that happiness and pleasure are the pursuit of all people and, in later contradiction of Hobbes, held that the original state of nature is happy and characterized by reason and tolerance. In that state, all men are equal and independent; and none has a right to harm another in his "life, health, liberty or possessions." He blamed environmental conditions such as inadequate education and poor social milieu for the human misery in the world; and thus emerged a theory of faith in the perfectibility of the human race.

Locke found enthusiastic followers everywhere, among them Claude Adrien Helvetius (1715-71) and Etienne Bonnot de Condillac (1715-80), who, in France, carried his empiricism to its extreme, since for them even the powers of human faculties are the result of sensation. Furthermore, since poor living conditions and exploitation were the lot of the French lower and even middle classes prior to the Revolution, many French people were especially receptive to such ideas; and the words "liberte, egalite, fraternity" became the expression of a new concept of human nature. A new hope had emerged: by changing the environment, human nature could be changed. Man could be master of his own destiny.

In summary, one may say Locke's basic psychology stresses nurture rather than nature. His early form of environmentalism, though not directly related to behaviorism and cultural relativism, may nevertheless be regarded as a historical forerunner of these schools of thought, and in the theory may be found some support for social mobility. In










his refutation of the medieval homunculus theory Locke laid the foundation for a new theory of human development and urged the scientific study of human nature. Nevertheless, it was Rousseau who, deeply influenced by Locke, proposed a new concept of child development and a new approach to education.


Rousseau and Romantic Naturalism

Although Jean Jacques Rousseau (1712-78) owed much to Locke, he ultimately developed his own position concerning human nature. For Locke, reason was the most important aspect of human nature, whereas for Rousseau human nature was basically feeling. While Locke was concerned with constitutional government, Rousseau was the champion of individual freedom and individualism; and he directed his criticism against society and social institutions. Rousseau, like Locke, was concerned with general societal well-being; yet he was not really democratic, for he was afraid that a majority might be as bad as any monarchy. Rousseau distinguished between "will of all," i.e. majority will as determined by vote, and "general will," what is best for every member of society. He held that only when the populace was "educated and wise" would the ideal condition prevail so that the general will and the will of all could coincide.

Rousseau expressed his main ideas on child development in Emile (1762). He believed that man is essentially a natural animal, neither good nor bad; and in Discours sur l'orjgine de l'inegalite (1754) (Discourse on the origin of inequality) he developed the thesis that equality disappeared with the appearance of industry, agriculture and property, and man cannot regain the freedom he lost when he ceased to










be "natural man." Laws were made merely to consolidate the power of the oppressor over the oppressed; and thus inequality became permanent.

Supporting the four-stage theory of development, Rousseau's educational plan began with the point of view and interests of the child rather than with those of the adult observing the child. He believed the child to be innately good but, as a rule, corrupted by the restrictions of the adult world and by poor educational and rearing practices. To correct this, he advocated a natural environment with little restriction for the first twelve years. Emile would have felt at home in Summerhill.

Rousseau's theories have had a profound influence on posterity,

an influence by no means spent. In education, his ideas may be clearly seen in the works of Pestalozzi, Froebel, Basedow, Spencer, Horace Mann and John Dewey. In short, his ideas are basic to the childcentered approach to education.


Darwin's Theory of Biological Evolution

An entirely new trend in thought was begun by the publishing in 1859 of Charles Darwin's (1809-82) Origin of Species by Means of Natural Selection. Darwin's theory holds that the evolution of life is continuous through many stages of increasingly higher development, to the complexity of human mind and body. This complete refutation of the theological doctrine of Divine Creation caused a sensation and much opposition, opposition which continues even in 1976.

Darwin's theory destroyed the many earlier positions, both philosophical and theological, which had postulated an essential dichotomy between man and nature, for now man was placed in the order of nature,










now seen as part of the organic world, albeit as a more advanced, complex, and highly developed species.


Hall's Biogenetic Psychology of Adolescence

G. Stanley Hall was the first psychologist to advance a theory of adolescent psychology per se and to use scientific methods in his approach. In many ways he can be credited with bridging the transition between the philosophical, speculative emphases of the past and the scientific, empirical methods of the present.

Hall expanded Darwin's concept of a biological evolution into a psychological theory of recapitulation, holding that the experiential history of the human species has become part of the genetic structure of each individual. The law of recapitulation asserted that during its development the individual organism passes through stages corresponding to those marking the evolution of mankind, from early, animal-like primitivism, through a period of savagery, to the more recent civilized ways of life which characterize maturity.

Hall assumed that development was brought about by physiological factors genetically determined, and that internal, maturational forces controlled and directed development, growth, and behavior. If development and its behavioral concomitants occur in an inevitable and unchangeable pattern, however, and if this is universal, regardless of the socio-cultural environment, the socially unacceptable types of behavior, those characteristic of earlier historical phases, must simply be tolerated or endured by parents and educators, since they are necessary stages in social development. Remnants of this assumption may be found in Gesell's (1943) concept of maturity.










It was not long before Hall's position was challenged by a number of sociologists and cultural anthropologists who refuted his assertions on the basis of conflicting evidence.


Sturm und Drang

One aspect of Hall's theory was what he called Sturm und Drang,

or storm and stress. The term comes from a period of about 20 years in the late eighteenth century of German literary history characterized by writing which depicted youth in rebellion against accepted standards, a movement which in other countries found expression in Romanticism. The phrase is perhaps peculiarly apt as applied to the adolescent period of human development, for it carries the implications of a time of disruption, turmoil, and anxiety, even of what Rogers (1972) described as "internal civil war."

Hall wrote thus in 1904:

The "teens" are emotionally unstable and pathic. It is the age of natural inebriation without the need of intoxicants, which made Plato define youth as spiritual drunkenness. It
is a natural impulse to experience hot and perfervid psychic
stages, and it is characterized by emotionalism. We see here
the instability and fluctuations now so characteristic. The emotions develop by contrast and reaction into the opposite.
(Vol. 2, p. 74)

Almost all later psychoanalytic writing has supported this view, and Anna Freud's well-known description of adolescence is strikingly similar to that of Hall (A. Freud, 1937, pp. 149-150).

Ackerman (1958, 1962) is another "storm and stress" theorist,

whose belief is that much of this behavior is due to the instability of the modern family which, he feels, does not provide the security necessary for optimal growth.

In a fascinating article entitled "Youth, growth and violence,"









Greenacre (1970) uses psychoanalytic theory to explain "the nature and course of development in adolescence. . . of symptoms of unrest leading to violence and, in the extreme, to bomb throwing" (p. 340). She maintains that adolescence is often a time of "painful emotional revolution with a great variety of external manifestations as well as of inner stress" (p. 340); and it is evident that her point of view has much in common with that of G. Stanley Hall.

No consideration of the storm and stress theory would be complete without some mention of Erikson. His belief is that the developmental task posed by adolescence is the establishment of identity, the antithesis of which is a lapse into "identity diffusion" (1968). While it is extremely difficult to pin him down, Erikson's general position seems to be that adolescence is a time of identity crisis and implies a period of difficulty and disruption rather than one of stability.

Thus it is apparent that for many writers -- for Anna Freud, Blos, Spiegel, Erikson and others -- adolescence is a time of life at which very considerable disruption is to be expected, and further, that this perspective relates to the large majority of adolescents, rather than being true only of the relative minority who make up the clinical population.

There is, however, a strongly opposing point of view which has, in recent years, been supported by many well-known developmental and social psychologists, as well as by prominent psychiatrists, who argue that the storm and stress point of view has been grossly exaggerated. Most recent examples of this opposing standpoint are to be found in the writings of Bandura (1971), Bealer et al. (1969), Douvan and Adelson (1966), Douvan and Gold (1966), Offer (1969), and Offer et al. (1970).










Bandura feels that the storm and stress view of adolescence is

"continuously reinforced by mass media sensationalism" (p. 26). Since the deviant adolescent excites far more interest than the typical high school student, the adolescent is usually portrayed in literature, television, and in the movies as passing through a neurotic or even a semi-delinquent phase of development (Kiell, 1959). Such productions are accepted by the public as profound and sensitive portrayals of the typical adolescent turmoil, says Bandura; and thus Holden Caulfield, central character in The Catcher in the Rye (Salinger, 1945), has become the prototypic adolescent.


Stage Theories of Personality Development

As can be seen from the foregoing historical review, most of the theoretical conceptualizations of the developmental process have subscribed to some form of stage theory. Hall divided human development into four stages in a pattern similar to the four-stage theory of Comenius and Rousseau. Hall's stages were infancy, childhood, youth, and adolescence, this last stage ranging from puberty, around twelve or thirteen, until full adult status, which is reached relatively late, i.e. between 22 and 25. According to the Freudian viewpoint (1961b) behavioral changes are programmed in an oral-anal-phallic sequence; Erikson (1950) characterizes personality development in an eight-stage sequence; Gesell (1943) describes marked and predictable cyclical changes in behavior over yearly or even shorter temporal intervals; and Piaget (1948, 1954) delineates numerous different stages for different classes of response.

In his book On Adolescence, Blos (1962) makes a distinction among










pre-adolescence, early adolescence, adolescence proper, and late adolescence; yet he is clearly not happy withthese demarcations. In his later work (1967) he writes of adolescence generally as "a second individuation period." In this view, adolescence is seen as one stage with many themes running through it, some being prominent at one moment, some at another. J. C. Coleman (1974) feels that stage theory, as it is usually understood, provides too rigid a framework within which to conceptualize adolescence (p. 11), and would prefer "a more flexible model."

Although there seems to be relatively little consensus among these theories concerning the number and content of the stages considered to be crucial, they share the assumption that social behavior can be categorized in terms of a relatively pre-fixed sequence of stages with varying degrees of continuity and discontinuity between successive developmental periods.


Role Theory

Many writers who have attempted to make sense of adolescence have done so by using sociological concepts, and the consequent analysis has frequently been in terms of "role" or "self" theory. It is argued (Elder, 1968) that at least two-thirds of a person's life is characterized by role engagements and the building of a role repertoire which constitutes a crucial facet of the self. The years between childhood and adulthood, a period of "emerging identity," are seen as particularly relevant to the construction of this role repertoire.

The view that major role transitions lead to personality change,

and that adolescence is such a period of transition, has been supported










by numerous theorists, prominent among them Mannheim (1943), Sarbin (1964), and Sullivan (1950, 1953).

Probably there is some truth in all of these theories, as any

parent who has lived through the adolescence of an apparently otherwise normal offspring will attest. In any study of drop-out youth, however, these aspects of personal malaise cannot be ignored, for when family, economic and other situational stresses are added to inner turmoil and quest for identity, this period of the individual's development can be seen as crucial. Obviously much more is involved than finding a means of persuading troubled young people to sit daily in a classroom until a piece of paper which appears to have no relevance for them, immediate or even remote, is the ultimate "reward."

A real need today is to understand how the development of personality in adolescents is modified by the world in which they live and how far the reverse is also true. Although it is too easy to blame all the ills of the young on society, it is equally facile to see the failure of social processes affecting the individual as a result of a projection of inner disturbance (Miller, 1974).

The most common complaints of the young are that they feel lost, helpless, or rejected. Alternatively, they project their despair, see only the corruption of society, and seek a solution in alternate life styles. Some accept a degree of alienation and manage to live with it.

Emotional illness and personal maladjustment in adolescence can

neither be treated nor properly understood unless the helping adults of society understand something of the maturational processes of the young, how these are influenced by social systems, and what is then "normal" behavior. In addition to being knowledgeable about the effects, in










particular, of the social environment of the schools and, in general, of the world at large on the behavior of youth, such helping adults must also understand the relationships of young people with other adults, their families and their communities.


Poverty and Inequality

The sociology of poverty is the study of the social structural arrangements which ensure that a certain proportion of people in a society have a level of living so low that they are classified as poor. Poverty is important in the study of social stratification and can be understood only in this larger context. Major types of stratification include slavery, feudalism, caste, and class. Each one of these presents difficulties in definition; but certainly in broad outline each may be distinguished from the others.

Social stratification may be defined as the generational persistence in all societies of inequality in the distribution of valued rewards. This persistence is both explained and justified by an ideology, a comprehensive myth, which interprets ongoing reality at a particular place and time. When it is an explanation accepted by the strata who receive the highest rewards in a society, such a myth may be termed "the dominant ideology" (Huber, 1974).

In terms of such a definition, the dominant ideology in American society presents a basically individualistic explanation of success or failure. If people get ahead economically, it is because they worked hard; if they fail to get ahead, they must have been stupid or lazy, or undeserving in some other way (Leacock, 1971). Equal opportunity at the beginning of the race is thought to be the moral justification for










unequal rewards at the end, even though what constitutes "equal opportunity" is often a point of view rather than a definition.

Those who receive few of the material rewards in a society constitute a social stratum with similar life chances since many opportunities deemed important are in great measure determined by family income.


Education as an equalizing force

For many years, journalists, economists, manpower strategists, and educators have held that the answer to poverty is simply more education for the poor. They maintain that, in periods of normal economic growth, the total number of jobs is not insufficient, but rather the unemployed lack the skills and education to fill those jobs that are available. As Friedenberg (1966) has noted, in the past many of the poor were led to believe that getting an education was the way out of poverty and into the main stream of American life. It has become increasingly evident, however, that despite its undoubted importance, education is not a panacea for the deepseated ills of American society and the woes of the very poor are by no means alleviated just by their remaining in school for one or two more years. Chalfant (1974) suggests two main reasons for the failure of education to meet the needs of individuals from poverty groups. First, there is a middle-class bias in the structuring and curriculum of schools; and second, the schools which traditionally serve the poor, the ghetto schools, have been inadequately staffed, ill equipped, and generally in poor condition.

That schools in America are indeed closely tied to middle-class values has frequently been demonstrated (Hollingshead, 1961), and evidently little has changed in this respect in many places over the










past twenty-five years. Leacock (1971) notes that even the middleclass view of the poor is communicated to poor children; and it is made clear to them that little is expected from them, especially when minimal goals are set for them in the classroom. As Miller and Robey (1970) point out, however, many other factors are involved. There is, for example, the damage done both to individuals and to society by constricting alternative channels of occupational mobility and restricting the pluralism of social values; and further, there is the discrimination in selection and hiring practices, as well as other factors, which may intervene between education and income.

Thus, although from the perspective of human resources, education is viewed as an investment enabling the individual to become selfsupporting, in fact there exists no direct relationship between education and either income or social status.

This position may alternatively be stated as an interesting aggregation paradox of the kind well known in economic theory. For example, the famous "cobweb theorem" suggests that people can behave rationally, that is to say make decisions apparently well adapted to their objectives, yet by so doing obtain a result contradictory to these objectives. It is evident that, in the last analysis, every individual has a definite advantage to pursue in trying to obtain as much formal education as possible. The higher the educational level, the more favorable the status expectations. But as soon as all individuals achieve more education, the expectations associated with most educational levels degenerate; and thus people must seek still more education in the next period. According to Milner (1972), in 1950, one-third of the population over twenty-five had a high school diploma, but by 1970, three










quarters of a similar age group were high school graduates (U.S. Bureau of the Census, 1972). Thus the relative social and economic value of a high school diploma has decreased; and jobs which at one time required a high school education now require college training.

The aggregation paradox leads, in turn, to a number of provocative sociological questions and produces some clearly observable effects. Among the most significant of these is that people who are exposed over time to an ever increasing number of years of education receive no personal dividends from the increase, unless, of course, they experience an inner satisfaction from the cultivation of their minds. If a child born in the year y+k wants to have the same expectations as his father, born in the year y, he will be obliged, other things being equal, to secure x additional years of education. As a result, the overall educational level of the population will increase; and the collectivity will benefit from the increase, but not the individuals. From their standpoint, the aggregation paradox simply serves to require of them x additional years of education -- in other words, more years in a marginal positon. As soon as the process is sufficiently far advanced to keep a significant number of young people in this marginal situation long after their teen years, severe dysfunctions are likely to appear. This may in part explain the various manifestations of youth marginality that appeared in the 1960s when so many young men were enrolled in college in order to escape the draft for the war in Vietnam. As the current recession persists, it may be increasingly difficult to persuade potentially alienated youth at any educational level that it is really worth the time and effort to persist within the unfriendly and irrelevant strictures of the established educational system when the rewards seem so unattainable.










The expectation that higher education would automatically bring money, prestige and happiness was probably more appropriate to an age when there were only 16,000 high school graduates each year and 9,000 college graduates (Perrucci & Perrucci, 1970), the situation in the United States in 1870. Under conditions such as these, higher education would indeed have a high probability of resulting in success in all its forms. In those days, high school drop-outs were not a social problem. They were the working class.

If one considers the degree of correspondence between expectation of rewards in terms of occupational and social mobility and actual rewards realized, great disparities are significant, for it is under conditions of unfulfilled expectations that the legitimacy of institutional arrangements governing reward structures will be questioned (Lipset & Bendix, 1959).

Two different objects of reference for expectations must be considered. The first has to do with distribution of income among various occupational groups. One of the results of the occupational changes of recent decades has indeed been mobility of a certain kind. There has been a "structural push" of expanding numbers of higher status occupations caused by technical change, while at the same time numbers of unskilled jobs have vanished. Milner (1972) describes this as "status inflation" and maintains that it occurs at all levels of society. He writes:

In 1950, professional and technical workers made up seven or
eight per cent of the labor force, but this figure had
doubled to fifteen per cent by 1970. In the same period,
the percentage of white collar workers shifted from 37 per
cent to 50 per cent. . however, such rankings indicate only
that occupation A has a higher ranking than occupation B, B higher than C, but do not indicate whether the distance










between A and B or even the value of both have decreased.
.Most physicians were general practitioners before World
War II, but most recent medical school graduates have a
specialty. Apparently the general practitioners have
suffered a loss of status as a result of this trend.
(p. 6)

At the lower end of the scale, the man who used to sweep the

factory floor with a broom now rides a machine; and he must be able to maintain it in good mechanical condition, replacing parts when necessary. His is a blue-collar job with much more status; but he probably does the work that was formerly the livelihood of ten floor sweepers who needed no skills, technical or otherwise. A minimum estimate of the numbers of new jobs created by technical change between 1920 and 1950 was eight million (Kahl, 1961), while Thurow (1972) holds that from 1950 to 1970 as many as 24 million unskilled or semi-skilled jobs in agriculture, industry, and construction were made obsolete. One of the results of these occupational changes has been a growing belief that the upward shift in real income for all groups has been especially pronounced in the blue-collar category, and that such advances in income have served to narrow the gap between upper and lower occupational groups. This belief has served as the basis for a number of theories explaining the conservative orientations among blue-collar workers who are enjoying both absolute and relative increases in wealth, and interpreting, too, the anxieties supposedly experienced by lower white-collar workers threatened by the status advances of the blue-collar worker. In fact, however, it appears that this income gap has not been narrowing as popular belief would have it (Hamilton, 1964; H. L. Miller, 1964). Kolko (1962) asserts that between 1910 and 1959 there was no systematic trend towards greater equality of income, while Thurow










(op. cit.) shows that, from 1949 to 1969, the share of the total national income going to the lowest fifth in the nation had, in fact, decreased from 3.2 percent to 2.6 percent, while at the same time the share going to the highest fifth had risen from 44.8 percent to 46.3 percent. H. L. Miller (op. cit.) and Fuchs (1967) reached similar conclusions. It seems to be true that, in relative terms at least, the rich get richer and the poor get poorer.

The second consideration in expectation of rewards is, as has

already been mentioned, that an increase of overall educational level redounds to the benefit of collectivity, and hence to the good of all members of the population. Yet, as Olson (1965) has shown, people tend to evaluate public and private good very differently, essentially because everyone expects the others in a society to bear the burden of providing a public good. Thus the young man who is obliged to seek x additional years of education simply to align himself with his father must realize that (a) he must pay more for a private good; and (b) the value he receives will not exceed the value his father received at a lower price. Moreover, he will tend to forget that this apparent devaluation is compensated for by the increase in public goods which the rise in the overall educational level made possible. In other words, while he himself may appear not to have progressed further than his father in spite of his extra effort, in fact his general standard of living will be higher because of the public good accruing from an overall improvement in the level of education in the society.

The substance of the totally unexpected findings of the 1966 Department of Health, Education and Welfare report (J. S. Coleman, Equality of Educational Opportunity) has been widely misquoted and










almost as widely misunderstood. What was reported was that Black and White segregated schools were not, in fact, as different as had been expected and therefore educational opportunity must consist of something more than simply a lot of additional money poured into an existing school system.

In sociological terms, inequality of educational opportunity, often referred to as IEO, means the differences in level of educational achievement according to social background. It is appropriate to consider here the other factor in the rewards system by which the individual is thought to be motivated -- social mobility. By social mobility is meant the differences in social achievement according to social background. The individual may be socially mobile either upwards or downwards. When considered in this restricted sense, social immobility may also be called inequality of social opportunity, often referred to as ISO. Thus a society is characterized by a certain amount of IEO if, for instance, the probability of going to college is smaller for the worker's child than for the banker's child. Similarly, a society displays a certain amount of ISO if the probability of reaching a higher social status is less for the former than for the latter.

In the space of a relatively few years, the sociology of education has contributed significantly in effecting a radical change in society's views of schools and schooling. For decades both social scientists and policy-makers had thought about and acted towards education on the basis of an optimistic philosophy. It was uncritically assumed that education could cure all kinds of social problems and, particularly, that it could bring about more equality among individuals within society. With the development of educational sociology, however, this view has been










progressively reversed, and a new and somewhat pessimistic philosophy has emerged more and more convincingly. Boudon (1973) summarizes it thus: ". . schooling is unable to reduce to any considerable extent the inequalities among individuals which result from social background" (p. xii). The Coleman Report (1966) supports this with clear evidence that education in itself makes no difference to the outcome of the educational process if that process is depended upon as the sole instrument of change. The bulk of empirical research, however, has been concentrated on the effects of family and school variables on the inequality of educational rather than social opportunity, although there are notable exceptions such as Blau and Duncan (1967). Furthermore, a review of research shows much more attention given to macrosociological variables than to microsociological variables. Inequality of educational opportunity (IEO) seems everywhere to emerge as the dominant dependent variable.

This limitation in the scope of empirical research is easily

accounted for. First of all, explaining IEO is in itself a difficult task. Secondly, empirical study of IEO is incomparably less expensive than that of ISO: a small-scale local survey may produce interesting and even significant findings on IEO, whereas the proper study of ISO requires national surveys.

Most people would probably take for granted that a reduction in IEO should result in a decrease in ISO, and this basic assumption probably constitutes a third reason for the heavy concentration by educational sociologists on IEO. However, empirical data show that all Western industrialized societies have, since the end of World War II, been characterized both by a steady decrease in IEO and by an almost complete










stability in ISO. Indeed, the educational growth observed in all Western industrial societies since 1954 has been accompanied by an increase, rather than a decrease, in economic inequality, even though the educational system has become more egalitarian (Anderson, 1961; Girod, 1971; Husen, 1969; Lipset & Bendix, 1959).


Microsociological Theories on IEO Generation

It is impossible to contain in a limited space a complete review of the ever-expanding body of literature on IEO. However, the following brief presentation of the most important theories and data pertaining to the problem may furnish a comprehensive background to the underlying nature of the essential aims of compensatory programs of education in general.


Value theory

One of the most important theories proposed to explain IEO, important if only because it has been presented by so many writers, is the value theory. According to this position, the main factor responsible for IEO is the existence of different systems of values among different social classes.

Hyman (1953), for example, shows that job expectations of young persons vary according to their social backgrounds, with upper and middle-class youth greatly concerned as to whether a job will meet their deep personal needs and interests, while lower-class youth are more concerned with monetary rewards, job security, and similar aspects of employment. According to Hyman's theory, therefore, people's evaluations of what social achievement means, and ultimately what might be considered efficient and even necessary means of achieving it, vary as










a function of their social background. This value theory is supported by a large number of writers -- Chinoy (1952); Kahl (1961); Parsons (1949, 1950, 1970); Porter (1968) -- as also in the many references cited by Hyman (1953).

One need not dig very deeply, of course, to find in such a theory clear evidence of the pressures from within the life experience of the lower class of the most basic levels of a hierarchy of needs (Maslow, 1954), for these are the concerns to which their socio-economic background has accustomed them. For this group, self-actualization is a luxury that will, of necessity, come only much later. Social position theory

A second theory, developed partly as a reaction to the value interpretation, may be called the social position theory. It is most clearly presented by Keller and Zavalloni (1962, 1964).

Weighing Hyman's data, Keller and Zavalloni discovered that, although it is apparently true that lower-class young people on the average value higher education less than do middle-class youngsters, the deviant cases in both groups are significant and should not be overlooked. In other words, a significant proportion of lower-class youth put a high value on higher education, and a significant proportion of middle-class youth gave it a low value. Even if a significant proportion does not mean a majority, its very existence makes the value interpretation presented by Hyman at least questionable. One cannot but wonder why an important minority of both classes would deviate from the basic patterns associated with each social class.

Keller and Zavalloni's contention is that a much more comprehensive










interpretation of Hyman's results is reached by bearing in mind that the social status an individual wants to reach must be related to his origins and to the length and difficulty of the road he would have to travel in order to attain a higher social status.

Educational credentials notwithstanding, the person who does not

always speak grammatically, who wears the wrong kinds of clothes, whose table manners are not considered "acceptable," who may have been out of work for several years, who is unaccustomed to the work-a-day world in terms of what it means to keep regular hours and carry out responsibilities, is at a definite disadvantage in the labor market (Huber & Chalfant, 1974). The social know-how which is required for many positions, the racial and ethnic discrimination which occurs in the recruitment, selection, and promotion of employees, and the uneven rewards of various levels of educational attainment intervene between education and income, and between education and social status. Most social learning takes place outside the school; and much depends on friends, classmates and family (Hall, 1948).

For some persons, the "correct" way to behave means following the family traditions and patterns to which they have been accustomed, the family's cultural behavior which may be ethnic, racial or religious in emphasis, often all three. For others, there comes an inevitable break with the family's way of life, and even with the family itself, as so often happened in the lives of the children of immigrant families, has happened more recently with Cuban families, and may well occur among the recent Vietnamese arrivals. The anguish of such a break has been frequently discribed in psychological and sociological literature; and there is little doubt that the price of such mobility is high (Douvan, 1956; Douvan & Edelson, 1958; Hollingshead et al., 1954; Sexton, 1969).










Cultural theory

The value theory was popular chiefly in the 1950s; but in the next decade, when more data on IEO had been gathered, another theory to a considerable extent replaced it. This may be called cultural theory, to indicate the belief that IEO is generated mainly by differences in cultural opportunities afforded by families according to their social backgrounds. When lower-class boys and girls go to school, it is argued, they must develop skills, patterns of behavior, and values for which their family life has not prepared them, while there is a high degree of consonance between the aptitudes and attitudes valued and taught by middle-class families on their part and those of the schools (Dreeben, 1968; Merton, 1957; Ossowski, 1963).

This relationship was accepted for a long time. Indeed it was

believed, implicitly if not explicitly, that one of the main functions of the schools was precisely to neutralize these "inequalities"; education not only could but should carry out this function. From the earliest days, the nation-builders, progressives and conservatives alike, had assigned to the schools the task of Americanization and unification; and even Jefferson, despite his abiding faith in a diversity of views and the rights of people to differ, spoke of Americans as becoming "perfectly homogeneous." The process of unification was initially served by the circulation of textbooks in all types of schools; but the one name that remains emblazoned on American history is that of William Holmes McGuffey, author of the readers which sold almost 130 million copies. They combined morality, patriotism, and thrift as the fundamental virtues, at the same time promising obedient youngsters the reward of material success. This was the codification of those middle










class aspirations which were to remain synonymous with American education (Hechinger & Hechinger, 1975). McGuffey, in the absence of a national system of education, gave children across the country a "shared baggage," as Henry Steele Commager called it, of knowledge and allusion with a popularity and effectiveness that were not to be matched again until in 1969 the medium of television gave children "Sesame Street."

When experimental data began to accumulate, however, it became increasingly clear to sociologists and, furthermore, to policymakers, that the schools were not able adequately to fulfill the function of inculcating in all children the same cultural patterns. As recent American and other studies have shown, it is difficult to conceive of a school system that could erase the inequalities for which differences in family cultural background are responsible. Low achievers will probably remain low achievers, and high achievers will remain high achievers. Social stratification, already clearly evident in the first grade, will only intensify as the child moves through the school. More and more attention has been drawn to the fallacy of this type of expectation; and in addition to the work of Coleman, Mosteller, Moynihan and Jencks, hard evidence regarding the impact of social background on verbal achievement at a very young age has been provided, among others by Bernstein (1961), Hamblin and Hamblin (1972), and Sampson (1956). Researchers in Israel found the same situation when children of European immigrants went to school with those of immigrants from the Orient, from Yemen, and from Libya and North Africa (Silberman, 1964).


Other factors

Additional studies have pointed to other factors that may also










account for lEO. One shows, for example, that when other factors are controlled for, permissive interpersonal relationships between parents tend to be related to higher levels of aspiration, and that such relationships are more common in middle-class than in lower-class families (Elder, 1965). Other researchers have found that, on the average, the first-born sons or daughters, or children from one-child families, achieve better at school than later-born children (Girard et al., 1963). In this regard, too, it is revealing to consider the generally higher fertility rate among the lower classes (Wrong, 1958).


Economic Aspects of Inequality

In considering the economic aspects of inequality of educational opportunity (IEO), it must be stressed that, if educational growth is in part responsible for the production of the variety of public goods or benefits summarized in the notion of economic growth, it can also have the effect, over time, and other things being equal, of making the benefits of economic growth less equally distributed. Certainly, promoting adult education, as is the trend, will relieve to some extent the dysfunctions generated by the overall increase in demand for education and the effects of unusual situations such as the sudden accessibility of education to large numbers of people as a result of the GI Bill; but beyond any doubt, Western societies are facing a problem which may be insoluble and may lead, in Coombs' (1968) view, to a state of latent crisis.

A relevant question may be whether Price's (1971) illuminating views on the growth of science can be applied here. Price suggested that exponential growth, under definite circumstances, can give rise to










externalities that serve to generate a braking process proportionate to the growth trend. As a result, growth follows a logistic rather than an exponential curve. Boudon (1973) maintains in his IEO-ISO model that, as long as the educational demand is regulated by market-type mechanisms, no "rational" individual can find an interest in reducing his own demands for education. For example, if investments in education are decelerated as a consequence of the braking process described by Price, the net result will be the exposure of an increasing proportion of students to second-rate education.

Indeed, what matters from the point of view of the "rational"

individual is his formal level of education and educational attainment, rather than the quality of the educational experience he has. Perhaps this explains why students attending relatively undistinguished institutions are often less critical of the education to which they are exposed than are those from more prestigious institutions. It may explain, too, the rioting among French students as the government seeks to adapt the more classical education traditional in France to the needs of a more technological society. It is also probable that the concern of all industrial societies with short-term higher education can be better understood in the light of the dialectic between the exponential growth of the educational demand and the braking process described by Price.

A variety of empirical findings drawn from mobility research

appears to be in close agreement on a variety of crucial points with the outcomes of the IEO-ISO model as developed by Boudon:

1. As predicted by the model, the most plausible conclusion to be

elicited from mobility surveys is that mobility in industrial










societies does not appear to change over time according to any

definite general pattern. In almost all cases, the over time

change that could be observed in the structure of mobility appeared to be limited and oscillatory; it did not seem to

follow any definite trend to increase or decrease.

2. This outcome was derived from the proposition that, although

IEO decreases, the overall increase in demand for education

causes the expectations associated with a given level of education to be non-constant over time. Boudon presents quantities of data to support the proposition that international comparisons (Britain, Denmark, Sweden, West Germany and France) as well as over time comparisons show that status expectations

become less favorable as an effect of the overall increase in the demand for education. The outcome of the model, according

to which intermediate levels of education should be comparatively more affected by this increase over time than either the lower or the higher levels, appears also to be supported

by the empirical evidence.

3. A further outcome of the model that must be borne in mind is

that a weak rather than a strong relationship between education

and mobility is to be expected in industrial societies. Even with a high level of IEO and a strong influence of educational

level on social status, the relation between education and mobility is very weak. Attainment of the highest level may

often be followed by social demotion, whereas social promotion

quite frequently occurs, a poor level of education notwithstanding. Anderson (1961) produced several items of data to










support this contention, drawing on the work of Boalt (1953),

Centers (1949), and Glass (1964). These studies show that, in

the United States as well as in Britain and Sweden, the correlation between education and mobility was very weak in the early

1950s. In the United States, the correlation appeared to be somewhat stronger, although on the whole, as demonstrated in the work of Blau and Duncan (1967), it could not be described as strong. Janowitz (1958) and Svastaloga (1959) reached the same conclusion with respect to West Germany and Denmark; yet in both cases the correlation was stronger than in the cases

considered by Anderson. Once more, the interesting finding is

that even very meritocratic societies are unable to generate a strong correlation between educational level and mobility.

Blau and Duncan's data show that Americans with one to three

years of college education are often more mobile downwards

relative to previous social standing than those who have completed only elementary school or one to four years of high

school.

Thus it can be said that most of the significant outcomes of the Boudon IEO-ISO model are well supported by empirical evidence, and may help to clarify a number of sociological problems, especially those directly concerned with a consideration of the value of compensatory programs of education whose basic premise is that additional educational opportunities will, ipso facto, generate upward economic and social mobility.










Literacy: Key to Opportunity

In any modern, civilized society, reading and writing are taken for granted as indispensable elements in the individual's equipment for living. Children are taught to read and write at the earliest possible age, for the rest of their education depends on possession of the skill of literacy. The whole social, political, and economic structure of the modern community rests on the assumption that every citizen can communicate and be communicated with by means of the written or printed word.

The truth is that literacy is a comparatively recent development in human history, and, even today, affects only limited areas of the world. Some two-fifths of the world's population 15 years of age and above cannot, at the present time, read or write (UNESCO, 1967).

The invention of reading and writing -- that is to say, the use of conventional, visual symbols to represent the sounds of a spoken language -- goes back into remote pre-history. Next to man's discovery of the art of using articulate sound to express and communicate human thought, it is perhaps the most decisive and far-reaching achievement of the human mind. The pictorial images of the ancient Egyptian and Aztec civilizations, the knotted cords of the Peruvian Incas, were effective only up to a point: they could not possibly have become the basis of such intellectual and material advances as have been realized by the possessors of what the American historian, Prescott (1907), called "that beautiful contrivance, the alphabet."

It is impossible [wrote Prescott] to contemplate without interest the struggles made by different nations, as they
emerge from barbarism, to supply themselves with some visible
symbol of thought, that mysterious agency by which the mind
of the individual may be put in communication with the minds










of a whole community. The want of such a symbol is in itself the greatest impediment to the progress of civilization. . . . Not only is such a symbol an essential element
of civilization, but it may be assumed as the very criterion of civilization; for the intellectual advancement
of a people will keep pace pretty nearly with its facilities for intellectual communications. (Vol. I, p. 59)

Nevertheless, apart from a few special cases, even in those communities which have possessed an alphabet, the knowledge and use of it have been limited throughout most of history to a particular class and have not been diffused over the general population. It was, so to speak, a secret code, an instrument of power, kept in the hands of the religious and political rulers and of those who directly served them. As social organization became more complex, there was a corresponding widening of the circle within which ability to read instructions and write reports was needed; and there was a growing appreciation of the essential part the written word had to play in the preservation and dissemination of religion, culture and ideas.

Even so, the spread of literacy was a gradual process; and in the most highly developed societies its extension to the mass of the people is a fairly recent innovation. Before the introduction of printing, there was little to be gained from literacy for the great majority of the people, for there was nothing for them to read. Such books as existed were copied by hand and very expensive. Even wealthy people normally employed trained scribes to write for them, and often the scribes also read for their masters. The Hebrews, the "People of the Book," whose way of life was rooted in the Scriptures, were probably as literate as any of the inhabitants of the ancient world; yet the New Testament indicates that Jesus caused some astonishment by his ability to read the sacred literature although he was not a trained










rabbi, and his disciples were despised by the authorities as unlettered men. St. Paul dictated his epistles, his personal postscripts apparently being added in a clumsy hand.

In England, it was not until the sixteenth century that, with the development of grammar schools, a literate middle class came into being in response to needs which could no longer be met by the clergy, a term which covered a number of minor orders as well as priests, who had until that time carried on all the necessary legal, financial, secretarial and other paper work for the rulers, the nobility, and the merchants, most of whom were themselves illiterate. The supreme importance attached by Protestants to the Bible was a significant factor in encouraging the spread of literacy after the Reformation (Trevelyan, 1943).

Until comparatively recently, illiteracy was never considered as a problem per se or dealt with on its own account in the United States or in comparable countries. The illiterate were the working classes. Their occupations, mainly in factories or in agriculture, did not require that they be able to read or write.

As social and, in particular, industrial development called for an increasing supply of educated people, schools and educational institutions came into being to meet the need. In due course, compulsory education of children was introduced: for example, in the United Kingdom in 1870, in France in 1882, and in most of the United States by 1900. Although enforcement of the laws lagged far behind the laws themselves, in the long run, general illiteracy faded away as successive generations of children emerged from the schools able to read and write, until now only the mentally handicapped or the few deprived by some special circumstance of the opportunity for a normal education should remain without this essential skill (Jefferies, 1967).










Concerning literacy in the United States, Hansen writes in 1956:

For all our boasting of being an educated nation, a nation
which provides universal and compulsory education for all its citizens, the cold fact remains that we still have a shocking degree of illiteracy in the United States. (p.
127)

Ten years later, Gilbert Wrenn (1966), equally perturbed, writes:

The solid core of need, however, the unseen and largely unacknowledged nine tenths of the iceberg, is the substantial
number of the illiterate, the functionally illiterate, and the barely literate in our society. The illiterate form a
segment whose presence in our internationalized and technological society is beginning to hurt not only them but all
the rest of us. (p. vii)

Americans in general regard themselves as a highly literate people, and the real facts about literacy astound and, quite rightly, profoundly disturb them. In the United States in 1870, 20 percent of the population were estimated to be illiterate, while by 1910 the total had fallen to 11.4 percent, and in 1930 to five percent (Berg, 1960). More recent figures are far from reassuring, however, especially when the absolute numbers produced by an increase in population are considered. The term "functional illiterate," says Berg, is used of an adult 25 years of age or older who has had less than five years of formal education. The 1975 Bureau of the Census reported that in 1970, a total of just under two million Americans aged 25 or older had had no schooling whatsoever, while a further 4.25 million of the same age group had completed from one to four years.

Thus, in 1970, 6.25 million adults fell clearly into the functionally illiterate category, a total of 6.65 percent of all persons in that age group. A further 6.15 million had completed six years of formal schooling, a total of 5.5 percent of the age group. Berg continues:

Experience shows that, while many of these adults may once










have been able to read and write, many of them have, through lack of use, lost these abilities. Added to these statistics
from the census bureau are an unknown number who, while beyond the census taker's data, function as illiterates through
failure to learn to read. (p. 48)

In 1970, therefore, 12.40 million Americans over the age of 25 were either completely illiterate or nearly so, while an estimated 7 million more, out of school but below the age of 25, were probably illiterate. To these must be added the product of the "baby boom" who were expected to reach high school in the 1970s. To say that this constitutes a problem is a considerable understatement in today's highly technological society. The tragedy is not that they are untrained; but as long as they remain unable to read or write, they are in great measure, untrainable. It is into the midst of this problem, vastly compounded by the widespread unemployment caused by the current economic recession, that the reluctant high school or junior high school student today "drops

out."

In actual fact, the drop-out who possesses basic skills is much less of a problem, either to himself or to society. There are many ways in which he can complete a high school equivalency diploma, and he often does. Even when he does not do so, he can learn on the job or through specialized training programs. For the illiterate it is quite another matter.

Democracy, more than any other form of government, calls for a

literate populace. The founding fathers in the United States recognized this; however, they did not specifically provide for it in the organic law. Nevertheless, the principle has been so generally accepted that the population assumes all is well. The problem is, however, one of the first magnitude and not only remains unresolved but constitutes a national issue of the most serious dimensions.










There are many reasons why adult education is currently receiving major attention in America, not only from educators but from legislators and industrial leaders as well. Large numbers of adults now wish to return to school -- often must return -- in order to survive occupationally and intellectually. In a society where the general level of education has risen perceptibly, where equality of educational opportunity has steadily increased over the past 25 years, and where, at the same time, technological developments have done away with so many semiskilled and unskilled jobs while creating demands for new and specialized skills, a return to education has, in many cases, been less of a choice than a matter of basic necessity. The illiterate are seldom reached by the type of program available to the average adult, however, even the poorly educated adult.

To be illiterate is to be extremely handicapped, intellectually, socially, politically, and economically. The illiterate unemployed cannot even complete a job application. How can anyone shop in a supermarket if he cannot read? How can he drive a car if he cannot read signs or street names? The worker who cannot read signs and instructions in a factory may endanger his own life and those of others. The illiterate parent is not only unable to help his child with his school' work, but he cannot read a report card, a letter from a teacher, or instructions on a bottle of medicine. No matter how earnestly such parents may wish to have their children avoid a similar fate, the whole climate of the illiterate home will militate against them; and if circumstances produce for the child an unrewarding school experience, his proneness to becoming not only a drop-out but, much worse, an illiterate drop-out, will be greatly reinforced.










Social and psychological implications

The research dealing with social and psychological implications of adult literacy -- and here "adult" refers to persons 15 years of age and older -- appears to be limited. Much of what is known has been determined by implication from related research in the areas of psychology, sociology, and social psychology; yet without such information it is impossible to understand the full significance of undereducation in the United States. The flurry of interest generated in the late 1960s and early 1970s has in official circles apparently given way to political expediencies; and the budget of the Department of Defense is to some people much more urgent a demand than the problem of the literacy of the very poor.

One of those who made significant contributions to the learning psychology of the adult was Thorndike (1928, 1932, 1935) who was assisted in his research by Lorge (1930, 1935, 1939). In general, Thorndike demonstrated that the laws of human modifiability do not change with age. Procedures that are fundamentally sound in learning at ages 10 or 20 will not, according to Thorndike, change substantially at later ages. Although some of the inferences to be drawn from his findings are pessimistic with respect to the cognitive processes of the adult learner, the substance of his conclusions indicates that, if only programs of outreach could be brought to the adult illiterate, there is no reason why they should not or could not overcome their handicap.

Rhyne (1962) adds to the findings of Thorndike the importance of stress as a factor in adult learning. As a person ages, generalized anxiety increases. If there is too much stress in the learning situation, there is the strong possibility this will tend to demoralize









the adult and interfere with the learning process itself. In any effort to teach illiterate adults, this factor is of the utmost significance.

Kirchner (1963) emphasizes motivation as a key factor in adult learning. She herself deplored the lack of research in the area of adult motivation, a dearth due, she feels, to the rapid growth of adult education and the resulting institutional and administrative pressures which seemed to demand more research study than the quite evident motivational forces. Kirchner presents a synthesis of findings from research, and stresses the social and psychological implications of the relationships of motivation to complex social influences and values.

Fay (1964) emphasizes the differences between the learning of adults and that of children and notes the importance of recognizing some of the adult psychological characteristics which relate to the learning situation. Among these are concept of self, need fulfillment, conformity, and inhibition. Like Rhyne, Fay draws attention to the existence and importance of stress in adult learning.

Freeman and Kassebaum (1968) propose six hypotheses concerning illiteracy, suggesting that illiteracy itself may be a factor in poor race relations. Chilman and Sussman (1969), Haggstrom (1965), Hines (1968), and Shannon (1969) consider various aspects of poverty and their relationship to educational and social effects upon the individual, while Haggstrom suggests a need for some broader social movement among the poor themselves to make education more effective. Chilman and Sussman conclude that poverty has a deleterious effect on almost every aspect of life, including education. Hines suggests that the social










expectations of the larger society can limit or extend the behavior of the culturally disadvantaged. Finally, Shannon contends that it is possible to bring about a movement of man's sense of valuing from ethnic and racial considerations to his ability to manipulate symbols and perform tasks which are valued by society, and thus, properly used, education can, and indeed should, play a crucial role in overcoming poverty and illiteracy.


The learning process

When children fail to learn, one may find fault either with the teaching or with the children. If the children who fail are in a minority, even a fairly large minority, one may have convenient ground for asserting that the defect lies with the children.

Every student of mental measurement knows the story of how the intelligence test was born, how French education authorities asked Alfred Binet to devise some means of identifying children who were too dull to profit from regular schooling (Vernon, 1960). Thus, from the outset, intelligence testing has been rooted in an effort to locate the causes of school failure in the child rather than in the way he was taught. It is interesting to speculate whether, had a different type of instruction been in use in the schools of France in 1904 and if as a result a different type of child had failed, there might exist today a different concept of intelligence. It is even more interesting to reflect that intelligence testing may have served to perpetuate the kind of instruction that happened to be in use in France at the turn of the century (Bereiter, 1970),

Jensen (1969) has suggested that basic scholastic skills could be










acquired in a variety of ways that make use of different mental abilities (pp. 116-117). Schools in general, however, have adhered to methods and criteria which allow only the child possessed of abstract, verbal, cognitive abilities, the complex that is variously called "scholastic aptitude," "g," or "IQ" to succeed. Jensen points out that functional mastery of skills such as arithmetic computation is not regarded as a sufficient criterion of success in itself, but that "understanding" in the abstract, verbal sense is required. Thus, argues Jensen, the same abilities that are involved in IQ predictors of success are used as criteria of success, producing a circular sequence of self-fulfilling prophecy.

Bereiter suggests that a more basic factor in maintaining the selffulfilling prophecy is the generally low quality of instruction. The more confusing, inconsistent, and full of gaps the instruction, the more the child must reason out for himself. Thus, even when the material to be learned is not in itself of a very abstract nature, the child, if he is to master it, must be able to form abstract concepts, to see relationships between abstractions, and to generalize from scattered and incomplete evidence. "To ensure that IQ predicts achievement," says Bereiter, "it is necessary only to teach badly" (p. 281).

The work with which Bereiter has been associated in the design of instructional material for young, disadvantaged children has been consciously aimed at reducing the conceptual, problem-solving difficulties of school learning. The approach has been one of trying to discover the underlying sources of difficulty in grasping various concepts and operations, and then devising ways to deal with them. This has been called the "general" as distinct from the "thinking" approach; and










expositions of it, together with some of the specific applications, may be found in Bereiter and Engelmann (1966) and in Engelmann (1969a; 1969b).

No longitudinal study reports could be found to indicate how much this method might actually accomplish in raising levels of achievement over the full span of the school years, and/or what overall value might accrue to the learner in terms of self-concept, attitudes, continuation in school, and related areas; but, as they stand, the results appear to lend strong support to Jensen's belief that basic scholastic skills can be acquired by children who nevertheless lack the attributes needed to master them through more conventional approaches.

If the concern is purely with a child's level of attainment relative to his peers, nothing much is to be gained by improving instruction, for the bright child will continue to be bright or even brighter, and the lowest child in the class may still be the lowest. If, however, there is thought to be value in absolute levels of attainment, there is much to hope for from instructional reform. If, under method A, the lowest child in the class does not learn to read, while under method B he does, then he is much better off under method B, even if he is still the lowest and just as far below the mean as under method A. Thus, to the extent that scholastic skills have value for the student outside the school itself, and they may represent the difference between employment with hope, self-respect and a life with meaning as contrasted with one of dependence, unemployability, degredation and despair, one renders a service to the child by any and every increase in his level of achievement, regardless of individual differences (Jensen, 1969).










The Influence of the Family

Human history, according to Judaeo-Christian theology, began with a family in crisis: the marital discord of Adam and Eve, the sibling rivalry of Cain and Abel. In the mythology of the classical Greeks, the principal crisis was the revolt of Zeus and his brothers against the tyrannical rule of their father, Cronus, while far away in Australia, in the legends of the Stone-age Wulumba (Malinowski, 1924), the crucial episode was the theft of tribal secrets by brothers from their sisters. In modern times, Freud has described the primal human event as the banding together of brothers in a savage horde whose members killed and ate their father in order to possess their mother (Freud, 1950).

At the base of all these disparate accounts, there is a sense of the family as something primordial, essential to the existence of man, yet at the same time imbued with instability, conflict, change and crisis.

The crisis can indeed be called eternal. There has probably never been a generation from Adam's to the present that did not, in some way, feel certain that the family as an institution was breaking down, that the good old ways were being eroded by laxity and permissiveness. It is easy to understand why: one forms one's ideas of what a family should be when one is young and impressionable. By the time one has grown up, the world has changed; and the family, that most adaptable of human institutions, has changed with it. Things are no longer the way they were -- or the way they are remembered as having been -- in Grandfather's day.

Most people think of the present century as the one that has most radically changed the human condition. Other centuries have seen










changes just as drastic when civilizations rose and fell, or cities and nations were swept away by plagues or wars, by migrations, or transmuted by technological developments such as the Industrial Revolution. It is beyond dispute, however, that in this century change is more nearly universal than ever before and all corners of the globe are caught up in the process. Industrialization, urbanization, the breakdown of traditional religious and moral codes, the spread of secularism, the consumer-oriented economy all combine to put traditional family values under strain everywhere. Relationships basic to family life -- between young and old, men and women -- are undergoing transformation more radically than ever before in the lifetime of one person. It is perhaps natural for older generations to feel that the family as a societal entity can no longer be counted upon.

Only a few generations ago, some social scientists were proclaiming the virtues of the type of family common in Western culture, the "nuclear" arrangement of husband, wife and children. Men like Lewis Henry Morgan, intellectually captivated by Darwin's theory of biological evolution, constructed an evolutionary social theory: just as men developed by stages from the primordial amoeba, so the modern Westerntype family must have evolved from older, more primitive forms, a theme similar to Hall's "recapitulation theory" of adolescent psychology.

The fact seems to be that people have always lived in families;

and the nuclear family, far from being the high point in an evolutionary process, is only one of a variety of family structures, and as old as any other. Murdock (1966), whose work at Yale has made him a leading authority on family life, concludes that all the structures are variants of three basic forms -- the nuclear family, based on one husband and










wife; the polygamous family: one husband with several wives, or one wife with several husbands; and the extended family: a structure which includes several generations, siblings, cousins and other relatives. All three structures were found in ancient cultures, and around the globe all three exist today. Looked at objectively, none can be said to be more civilized or less civilized than the others, none morally superior or inferior, none inherently better or worse. They are simply different.

All these distinctions in family organization vary from place to place, culture to culture, and time to time. Under certain conditions, each variation has advantages over the others; when conditions change, family patterns may change.

All families are, by their very nature, set up for dependency; the family institution exists primarily to care for children. However, many families must also provide for additional types of dependents, some of whom are more dependent than others. Their dependency may be temporary, as when the father or mother falls ill; or it may be permanent as in the case of a retarded child.

The traditional family fits the old and the young together into its way of life, partly because there is no alternative. In most societies today, as in the past, people are too poor, or the social organization is too rudimentary, to provide institutional facilities for weaker members, even though caring for them may put a great strain on the resources of the individual family. Caring for the weak is not only a matter of necessity, however, but an essential and inherent tenet of the traditional family code. Kinsmen are expected to stick together and to share and share alike.

The nuclear family that has evolved in the more advanced and










affluent Western societies tends to take a different view of its responsibilities. It frequently calls in outside professional advice and is often not only willing but eager to abdicate its caretaking functions to outside authorities. In fact, the proliferation of day-care centers, kindergartens, juvenile centers, hospitals, mental hospitals, and retirement homes is one characteristic that distinguishes Western society from all other societies, past and present.

In such institutions efficient, bureaucratic care replaces at least in theory, the generally affectionate and well-intentioned, if somewhat haphazard, methods of relatives' ministering to their kin in private homes. Sometimes the gain is all to the good; but there are many cases where the choice is not so clear-cut. The modern family is often faced with choices that may be traumatic for the family either way, and can have crucial, and unforeseeable, consequences for the future of the dependent person (Curtin, 1973).

Parental responsibilities begin with the birth of the child and do not end until childhood is over; but just when that turning point comes varies widely from culture to culture and from one historical period to another. For most cultures, it is when the child begins to contribute economically to his family by full-time work, or leaves it entirely to lead an independent life elsewhere. Stephens (1963) reports that nearly all of the societies described by ethnographers put children to work before they turn ten.

Until comparatively modern times, the Western world had a similarly pragmatic attitude toward childhood, their chief concern being to turn their offspring from economic liabilities into assets as soon as possible. This was reinforced by the homunculus theory of development which











regarded children as small adults, and failed to see in childhood anything other than a time-wasting preparatory stage for the important business of life. Beginning among the upper classes with the late Renaissance, and spreading gradually through the social scale in succeeding centuries, the custom of keeping children segregated from adult life has developed steadily.

In the United States, the uphill battle against child labor and the exploitation of the young for economic gain illustrates better, perhaps, than any other chapter in American history the country's ambivalent, often contradictory, attitudes toward children. Throughout the Colonial period, children had been an integral part of the family. Between 1642 and 1731, several colonies passed laws that reflected at least theoretical concern for the education of apprentices; masters who were unwilling or unable to tutor their apprentices were expected to send them to school. Although some children began work as early as age six, it was usually at about fourteen that their fathers chose a permanent calling for them (Hechinger &Hechinger, 1975). Toward the latter part of the eighteenth and well into the nineteenth century, the growth of the cotton industry led to a diversification of, and need for, labor that made the employment of children a key to industrial expansion. Advocates of child labor, a cheap and profitable commodity, built their case on the fear of idleness and sanctity of work. In his report on the advantages of manufacturing, Alexander Hamilton had, in 1791, expressed the conviction that, ". .in general, women and children are rendered more useful by manufacturing establishments than they would otherwise be" (Bremner et al., 1971, p. 171), A few voices protested the lack of humane concern, but no humanitarian force was strong enough to










eliminate a system on which the profits of the ever-spreading factories were, by the middle of the nineteenth century, so completely dependent. As industry expanded, so did the variety and scope of child labor; and the spread became particularly rapid in the South after the Civil War and the end of slavery. By 1900, one-third of all workers in Southern mills were children; and the same conditions were to be found from coast to coast. Huge fortunes were made in factories, mines and mills because children toiled in semi-starvation, while the Courts, accepting the supremacy of "laissez-faire," cited judicial excuses for the exploitation of child labor. In 1885, the New York Court of Appeals struck down a law forbidding the manufacture of cigars in tenements on the grounds that "the hallowed associations and beneficent influence of the home" could best protect the health and morals of the child (Hechinger & Hechinger, 1975). Clearly the judges either did not know or did not care about the conditions in the tenement sweatshops.

Against such practices, reformers established the National Child Labor Committee, supported by such prominent figures as Felix Adler, Florence Kelley, Jane Addams and Lillian Wald; but not until 1916 were they able to gain passage of federal legislation in the form of the Keatings-Owens Act. Regarded as a progressive triumph, the measure had been in effect for 275 days when, on June 3, 1918, in Hammer v Dagenhart the Supreme Court held that the act exceeded the authority given to Congress in matters involving interstate commerce (Clifford, 1975). Justice Oliver Wendell Holmes, in a historic dissent, wondered why it was proper to translate popular moral outrage into the prohibition of alcoholic beverages under the Volstead Act, but not permissible to prohibit the evils of child labor. Conservatives continued for twenty years thereafter










to argue successfully that federal child labor legislation would be in violation of states' rights, and thus they prevented such a federal law from being passed until the 1930s.

In spite of everything, the New York Times reported in April, 1971, on the dismal conditions of migrant children still being exploited in farm work and harvesting. Economic policy continues to be a powerful persuader, and arguments to prevent reforms are highly reminiscent of those in use a century ago. Although twenty states have enacted laws to restrict field work for children of migrant workers during school hours, enforcement remains as erratic as it was in the days of child labor in the mills and factories of the 1890s. Functions of the family

The family has two main functions in the nurturing process: the first is to care for the child biologically since he needs physical care if he is to survive; the second is much more complex -- the making of a human being. Behavioral scientists call the metamorphosis of the second process "socialization" or "enculturation," namely, the teaching and indoctrination by which patterns of human behavior are transmitted from one generation to the next (Wernick et al., 1974).

To convert the raw material of a child into a civilized human being, by whatever definition, the child's family must convey to him a heritage made up of three parts: knowledge, patterns of social behavior, and values.

In the first place, the child must be taught some facts and skills so that he can survive in his world. Children in pre-literate societies must know what plants and berries are edible, and which animals may be










hunted and used for food. Young Eskimos must be taught to fish, while Asian peasant children learn how to plant and harvest rice. For Western children, the basic skill of civilization emphasized above all others is reading. That there is wide variation in the degree of skill attained and the amount of use the skill gets cannot be ascribed entirely to individual aptitudes or even to subcultural pressures such as the ethnic and economic factors that affect the value placed by parents on reading skills. These are essentially family differences.

The family influence is equally noticeable in the second category of the socialization process, the development of patterns of social behavior. In the home the child learns how to interact with other people, how to subordinate his wishes to the wishes of others, how to impose his will on others, and which behavior is appropriate at different times. Other patterns learned in the course of socialization have to do with status or social position, exactly what society expects of someone occupying the child's particular niche, and what kinds of behavior will be rewarded, punished, ignored or simply tolerated.

The rules of status are important because they depend heavily on values, the third category of cultural material handed down in the family during the socialization process. Values are attitudes, standards by which people measure the relative worth to them of everything from material objects to philosophical ideas, from personality characteristics to life goals and acceptable ways of achieving them. Through socialization every human being learns what his society respects or rejects, loves or hates, values or despises.

One of the most subtle expressions of a family-induced value that










influences social behavior, especially, perhaps, the behavior of the adolescent in relation to education, was observed by the Oxford psychologist, Jereme Bruner. From his studies he concludes (1960) that one of the most reliable indicators of a child's social class in modern society is how he answers the question: "What do you think is more important in determining success, ability or luck?" Most lower-class children, whose economically hard-pressed parents have little reason to anticipate success through their own efforts, answer: "Luck." Middle-class children, who have been brought up to believe that effort brings its just reward, and who have observed that it usually appears to do just that, will answer: "Ability." Such class convictions, handed down from parents to child, have a profound effect on patterns of social behavior. Children of poverty are much more likely to develop poor work habits at school, not because they are either lazy or stupid, but because, in addition to having less of a cultural background to prepare them for the demands of school, they have little to expect in the way of benefits from hard work, and thus become much more easily discouraged.


Parent-Child Relationships


Psychoanalytic theory

The two most influential theories of parent-child relationships are probably Freud's theory of how children resolve the Oedipus conflict, and Talcott Parsons' theory of instrumental and expressive parental roles. Social-learning theory has also been fruitful in guiding research, especially research on the father's influence on the child's sex-role development.

According to Freud, the resolution for males of the Oedipus conflict










is motivated by fear of the father's aggression, the resolution for females by fear of the loss of the mother's love. Freud's theory is much clearer and more consistent for males than for females; in fact, he does not believe that females ever completely resolve the conflict, and they bear traces of it in their relationships with men throughout life. He concludes that, since the woman lacks the powerful motivating force of castration fear, a woman's superego, i.e. conscience, never becomes as thoroughly developed, and thus never becomes as relentless, impersonal, and as independent of its emotional origins as that of the man. He concludes, therefore, that women seldom develop a man's strong sense of justice or his readiness to submit to the urgent demands of life, and their judgments are greatly influenced by feelings of affection or of hostility (Freud, 1961a, 1961b, 1964). Parsons' instrumental-expressive theory

Talcott Parsons differentiates the father's "instrumental" role in the family from the mother's "expressive" role (Parsons & Bales, 1955). Parsons postulates the general principle that any group must differentiate the two functions, the expressive and the instrumental, and successful groups always work out ways to institutionalize instrumental and expressive roles. One very common way of assigning these roles is to differentiate sex roles along these lines, loading male roles heavily, though not exclusively, with the instrumental function. Thus, those aspects of Parsons' theory that focus on the family are in reality specific applications of a more global social theory.

The family is both a part of a large system, society, and a subsystem in itself. To relate the subsystem to the overall system, to










relate the family to society, requires effort. Parsons regards the father as the parent who primarily carries out this role and refers to the father's efforts to relate the family to society as the instrumental function. To keep the subsystem functioning smoothly as a unit is primarily the mother's role, which Parsons labels the expressive function. Fathers are able to execute their instrumental functions because they are traditionally less tied to child care than mothers, work more outside the home, and in their daily affairs tend to be more mobile and more involved with people. Hence they are in a strategic position to bring the concerns of society into the family.

According to Parsons, the father not only brings the society into the family but brings the family into society. Through the discipline and control he supplies, he pries the children loose from their motherdependency so that they can grow up and accept their responsibilities as adults. Thus one of his functions is to enable the family to function well as adults and to launch the children out into society.

The mother's concentration on child care traditionally precludes her focusing her primary attention outside the family. Her role as caretaker enables her to carry out the expressive functions, a role which involves keeping intact the internal affairs of the family by coping with its strains and stresses, regulating the tensions among family members, giving emotional support, and mediating the fatherchild relationship. These activities perpetuate family solidarity and sustain the children's emotional security.

Although not in relation to Parsons' framework, Lederer (1964)

makes several observations that seem appropriate to the instrumentalexpressive dichotomy. He maintains that fathers and mothers represent










two different modes of loving. The mother loves her child simply because he exists; mother's love is unconditional and will continue whether the child is a success or a failure. The father's love is demanding; it is conditional on performance. The father loves the child for what he can do. Such a love can be translated in Parsons' terms as representing the father's instrumental function. The mother belongs to the child personally; the father belongs to the world. The father is the mediator between family and society; his demands are based on society's values. Fathers cannot be taken for granted. They love their children, as Erikson says, "more dangerously" (1958, p. 123).

Both Freud's and Parsons' theories hold in common the view that the father is indeed the parent who incites the child to incorporate the prohibitions, rules, principles, and values of society, and both men regard him as symbolizing the authority of the society for everyone. What, then, are the implications if the father's potency, both in the home and as an image of society's authority, were to diminish, or if the father were to be absent from the home? The German psychoanalyst, Mitscherlich (1970), maintains that the father and his image in society have collapsed under the impact of modern industrialization and urbanization and the loss of the paternal image leaves cultures vulnerable to many ills such as alienation, irresponsibility, anxiety, and aggression. In the absence of direct paternal instruction in practical life, says Mitscherlich, and with the consequent loss of dependable tradition, people orient themselves to each other; and the peer group acquires its modern impact, with its concomitant risks of envy, rivalry, and unstable mass movements.

Erich Fromm (1971) also expresses the fear that the modern struggle










against patriarchal authority seems to be destroying the patriarchal principle, and thus society is returning in a regressive and non-rational way to a matriarchal principle. A matriarchal society, says Fromm, stands in the way of the individual's complete development, thus preventing technical, rational, and artistic progress. Social-learning theory

Initially the social-learning theorists translated Freud into learning-language theory. Mowrer (1950) distinguished two modes of identification, "developmental" and "defensive." Developmental identification is "powered mainly by biologically given drives -- 'fear of loss of love' in the analytic sense -- . . ." and defensive identification is "powered by. .socially inflicted discomforts -- 'castration fear' or, less dramatically, simple fear of punishment" (p. 592). Despite obvious similarities, this theory differs in many ways from Freud's. For example, defensive identification is generalized beyond Freud's principle to include fear of punishment.

Sears et al. (1965), also adapting Freud's theory into a learningtheory framework, stress dependency, in conjunction with the occasional withholding of love, as a mechanism that brings about identification. Sears (1957) holds that the actions learned by the child through imitation are those that the parent performs in gratifying the child's dependency. If the father, like the mother, were always present and nurturant, the boy would have little occasion to copy his actions in order to obtain self-reinforcement. On the other hand, if the father is not nurturant or is disapproving or punitive, the child will not be motivated to reproduce his actions and thus provide himself with a substitute. Thus the motive to identify will be strongest when the










child is given affection and nurturance that are periodically withdrawn in order to create a situation in which the child will be rewarded by reproducing his parent's behavior. Sears, like Mowrer, also uses the concept of defensive identification.

Some of the social-learning theorists have made much of the

boy's (but not the girl's) need to shift from his initial identification with his mother in order to establish his masculinity. The girl is conditioned by society to pattern herself after her mother. The boy not only has the problem of ceasing to pattern himself after the mother; he also has the second problem of identifying with the father, who, in many cases, lacks salience. The father is typically away from home all day; and even when he is at home, he does not participate in as many intimate activities as does the mother. He may not be present at all in many modern families. Consequently, as a model for the boy, the father may be like a map, showing the major outlines but lacking the details; and the boy must turn to his peers, heroes, teachers, and mother to help him define the masculine role. In a social-learning framework, these significant people in the boy's life, in addition to the father when he is present in the home, help spell out the masculine role for him by selectively reinforcing (rewarding) masculine behavior while discouraging (punishing) feminine behavior (Lynn, 1969).

Some social-learning theorists have abandoned the Freud formulation (Bandura & Walters, 1963; Hill, 1960), holding that essentially all of the development explained by identification theory could be accounted for by the principles of imitation theory (Lynn, 1974). Parental Influence on Education

Intellectual development seems to be a product of the interaction










of biology, family, and society. When a similarity is discovered between a parent and a child in a particular aptitude or style of thinking, it is difficult to determine how much of the similarity can be attributed to the genetic heritage and how much to the social influence of the parent (Lynn, 1974).

For example, Stafford (1964) offers good evidence that a particular spatial-orientation ability and a particular kind of reasoning can be accounted for by recessive genes in the X chromosome. The family pattern of associations that emerges comes remarkably close to the associations that would be expected in the case of a sex-linked genetic heritage. The association patterns suggest that there is a fatherdaughter genetic heritage, but no such heritage for father and son. They also suggest a genetic heritage between mother and son.

The results of many studies indicate that the general level of a person's scholastic aptitude has a genetic heritage; but, as a child grows up, an interaction of environment, personality, and social experience determines fluctuations in mental performance. The fact that scholastic aptitude has a genetic heritage does not imply that it is immutable (McCall, 1970). Furthermore, there are sex differences in the biochemical composition, structure, and function of areas of the brain itself that complicate, even confuse, a discussion of either parent's influence on the intellectual achievements and aptitudes of a son versus those of a daughter (Anastasi, 1958; Bardwick, 1971; Broverman et al., 1968; Lansdell, 1962, 1964; Money, 1971).

The education of the mother is apparently a better predictor than the father's education of a child's scholastic aptitude up to the age of ten, and a better predictor in girls than in boys (Bayley, 1954;










Cervantes, 1969; Kagan & Moss, 1969). The mothers concern with language development during the first three years of the child's life is found to be associated with his intellectual development (Moss & Kagan, 1958). Bayley (1966) reports higher rates of association in girls than in boys between parental education and child's mental growth. Honzik (1963) notes a positive relationship, increasing with age, between the child's mental growth and the parents' education; in girls the association becomes striking around age three, while in boys it is not significant until age five. Among other researchers, the level of parents' completed education was statistically significant in studies by Baldwin et al. (1962), Bertrand (1962), Bledsoe (1959), Clements and Oelke (1967), Davie (1953), Hollingshead (1949), Moore (1954) and Van Dyke and Hoyt (1958).

Christopher (1967) found that high school girls who earned above average grades viewed both their fathers and their mothers as close to their ideal, and also viewed both parents as highly valuing academic success. High school boys who made the best grades viewed their parents as only moderately similar to what their ideal parents would be but, like the daughters, saw both parents as valuing academic success. Parental Influence and Socio-economic Status

Although Americans like to regard themselves as a classless

society, in fact distinct socio-economic divisions exist, offering privileges to some and disadvantages to others. Geographical, historical, political, and social forces combine in different ways to form a variety of family patterns rather than one American family mold; and parents assume different roles within these various family forms. It










must be remembered in reading reports of studies which include families in broad categories such as "middle class" and "lower class" that there may be distinct differences within these classes. Within the lowerclass population, for example, the degree of poverty may be a critical factor in determining some paternal behaviors such as desertion. An upwardly mobile middle-class father might be much more concerned with the occupational goals of his children, especially his sons, than a middle-class professional man descending from a long line of comparable status who might simply assume that his son would follow the family tradition.

Hoffman (1963) found that the father's power in the family generally varies directly with the income and prestige of his work. The welleducated and successful executive/professional commands respect in the family without having to exercise coercion. The working-class man, on the other hand, is more likely to try to wield power in the family and less likely to achieve it. Despite the generally held belief that middle-class men are conformists, Nunn (1964) found that they are actually more tolerant of their children's being different from other children than are fathers in either the higher or the lower classes.

Fathers who are less frustrated at work because they possess autonomy on the job express less hostility towards their children (McKinley, 1964). Kohn (1959, 1963) maintains that there are major differences in the demands of middle and working-class occupations that subtly orient the father toward distinctly different childrearing approaches. Since middle-class work demands self-discipline, the father and mother both promote self-direction in their young children and encourage the child to be considerate and dependable. Since the










working man is more subject to direct orders, he and his wife encourage the child to conform to external standards and to be obedient; and they also train the child to defend himself. Mention is made later in this study of different types of punishment meted out by parents of different classes and the effect on the children.

Wives differ by class in the role they want their husbands to take with the children. Middle-class wives expect the husband to be as supportive of the children as they are and do not wish him to impose constraints on them. Working-class mothers, on the other hand, want their husbands to constrain the children, although the husbands are more likely to leave the child-rearing to their wives. Middle-class fathers leave the support of their daughters to their wives, but are more supportive and also more demanding of their sons than are lowerclass fathers (Kohn & Carroll, 1960). Children's School Achievement

Compared to the offspring of high status families, children from working-class homes are usually less well endowed with many of the attributes that make for high achievement in school: scholastic aptitude, level of aspiration, and motivation to achieve, especially the motivation to work towards intangible, distant goals. This does not mean that working-class children are less well endowed. The problem seems to be that working-class parents are less able to assist their children and lack both the skills and the familiarity with the total educational enterprise which could help their children.

In one study of educationally able fifth and sixth graders (Keller, 1969), the educational level of the parents proved to be more important










for school achievement than their vocational aspirations for the child, perhaps because, no matter how high the parents' standards may be, it is the educated parent who is more likely to know how really to help the child. In this study, the children's school achievement was positively related to the kind of home enrichment that well-educated parents often provide -- encyclopedias, books, magazines, musical experiences, hobbies, travel, and membership in formally organized children's experiences.

Such differences in the kind of enrichment that families can supply help to explain the finding that high-ability eighth grade children from low socio-economic homes achieved no better than their high socioeconomic counterparts with low academic ability (Covington, 1967).

In his book, The Affluent Society (1958), John Kenneth Galbraith states: "We [ought to] invest more than proportionately in the children of the poor community. It is there that high-quality schools. . are most needed to compensate for the very low investment which [poor] families are able to make in their offspring." (pp. 256258)

Parental dominance is yet another factor that appears to affect the child's attitudes, achievement motivation, and actual performance in school. Researchers generally agree that children of authoritarian parents, especially strict, autocratic fathers, tend to be poorly motivated to achieve in school and to continue their education. Extreme dominance by either parent appears to dampen scholastic motivation and actual school performance, as well as to generate anxiety and rejection of the parents by the child and inhibit his perspective on the future. Extremely weak or absent fathers on the one hand, or










extremely successful and dominant fathers, may equally pose problems for their sons: the weak or absent father is an inadequate model, while the dominant father overwhelms a boy and makes him sure he cannot measure up to his father's achievements (Bowerman & Elder, 1964; Cervantes, 1965; Elder, 1962; Grunebaum et al., 1962; Straus, 1962; Strodtbeck, 1958).

Sociologists have related the "sub-culture of violence" to social class differences in child rearing and to the resulting differences in the value systems of the various social strata. Patterns of discipline experienced in childhood may well affect the adult's tendency to act violently toward other persons (Wolfgang & Ferracuti, 1967, p. 193).

Studies show that working-class parents are more likely than those of the middle class to employ physical forms of punishment and to insist on outward behavioral conformity, whereas middle-class parents often use the threat of withdrawing love as a sanction and tend to stress the internalization of proper standards rather than simply demanding conformity. As a result, the middle-class child may react to frustration or conflict with guilt feelings and turn any consequent aggression inward, while the lower-class child is more likely to define any conflict-ridden situation as a kind of behavioral combat and to lash out at the presumed adversary. In this connection, both significant and interesting are the findings that, while homicide correlates highly with low socio-economic status, high rates of suicide tend to be associated with high socio-economic standing (Schur, 1968).

Sub-cultural influences go a long way toward explaining the social patterns of violence in society, but one is then left with the problem of explaining the sub-culture itself which, from a technical standpoint,










is not an easy task. The child-rearing analysis helps to explain the development of some of the values conducive to violence; but to explain fully these practices, one would have to explore some very complex aspects of social class phenomena and family structure. Obviously much more is involved than simply the impact of varying methods of childhood discipline (Cohen, 1955).

At a time when marital roles are becoming increasingly undefined, with women's realization of their de facto inferior status emerging ever more clearly, and with men threatened both by women's anger and by changing sex roles, the inevitable conclusion is that unhappy and broken marriages will increase (Gilder, 1973; Levine, 1972). As a consequence, the proportion of children who suffer the effects of conflict-laden or broken homes will increase. Because of the declining birthrate, the number -- in contrast to the proportion -- may not increase; but for so many present and potential casualties, there is a great need for agencies to help provide the child with a psychologically nourishing childhood. Single parents, often themselves in dire need of help in coping with the new stresses to which they have been exposed, find it very hard to meet their children's needs in these areas, especially when they really cannot identify such needs. When extreme poverty is an added factor, one can but wonder that so many of the young people affected do indeed continue through school to graduation and proceed out into the world of work to find some semblance of job satisfaction and personal fulfillment.


The Influence of the School

For a long time concerned parents, educators, and psychologists










have recognized that schools, rather than easing the stresses of the intellectual, emotional, social, and physical development of adolescence, often in fact complicate the normal course of this phase by such factors as pressure to achieve, over-emphasis on cognitive development, and conflict between the individual student on the one hand, and outmoded educational methods and obsolete goals on the other. Adolescence and the secondary school are of necessity closely related, says Muuss (1971), because an increasingly larger proportion of youth today spends more years than ever before in schools "ill-equipped to handle the physical and psychological needs of adolescents" (p. 10).

Criticism of the schools is not new. At the beginning of the

century, Hall (1904), in his monumental, two-volume, 1300-page study, Adolescence, included just such a critique. As Gallatin (1975) writes, "it was Hall, with his cataloguer's eye and empirical bent, who first sketched in the basic dimensions of the total adolescent experience" (p. 25).

Like many modern educators, Hall accused the American schools of being stifling and dehumanizing, continuing to use with adolescents methods which were suitable only for students in the "childhood" stage of development:

Everywhere the mechanical and formal triumph over content and
substance, the letter over the spirit, the intellect over
morals, lesson setting and hearing over real teaching, the
technical over the essential, information over education,
marks over edification, and method over matter. (1904, I,
p. xvii)

Some 50 years later, in the context of efforts to provide learning opportunities for disadvantaged youth which would equip them realistically with the training and habits to enter the labor market, Kenneth B. Clark (1957) expresses his concern:










With increased technological industrialization, and with promises of accelerated industrialization in the form of automation, the major problem which confronts contemporary youth
is not that they will be prematurely exploited by an industrial
economy insatiable in its demand for manpower, but rather that
they will be excluded from that participation in the economy that is essential for the assumption of independent economic and adult status. The vestibule stage of adolescence may be prolonged to a point where social and psychological stresses
on young people present for them and the society a most
severe problem.

Assuming that there will be a prolongation of the period of
vestibule adolescence,. . it is questionable whether this
period of restless waiting can be adequately filled for large enough numbers of these young people by merely increasing the period of compulsory education. (p. 12)

It is interesting to note that, almost 20 years after Clark's prescient statement, the findings of Boudon's (1973) IEO/ISO model indicate: "As soon as the process [the rising overall level of education in the population as a whole] is sufficiently far advanced to keep a significant number of young people in this marginal situation long after their teen years, severe dysfunctions are likely to appear" (p. 42). But a disquieting number of young people are still dropping out of school programs which they consider to be irrelevant.


Social Processes and Classroom Interaction

Within the sociology of education, considerable work has been done in the social psychology of the classroom. The interpersonal relationships that originate and develop there give rise to many unspecified and subtle attitudes, evaluations, self-images, and internalized modes of conduct; and this is as true for teachers as it is for the students.

Stub (1975) believes that the emergence and development of a

particular social climate, along with its attendant patterns of interaction, have a powerful influence on the attitudes and perspectives of










the student. The latter's view of school, family, neighborhood, friends and future prospects is influenced and shaped by the interaction and social psychological processes that originate or take place in the classroom.

Every class comprises students who differ in attitude toward school, in ability to do school work, in social, psychological and physical maturity, physique, appearance, temperament, and personal and social background. They are confronted with a teacher who brings his own personal perspectives on education, attitude toward the job, ambitions, biases, fears, inadequacies, experience, capabilities and varying degrees of capacity for concern and affection for school children into the classroom. On the basis of all these unique factors, human interaction takes place and there emerge patterns of relationships or roles, roles which give structure and form to life in the classroom, and determine to a great extent what kind of classroom it will be (Stub, op cit.).

Although the teacher is the dominant force, he cannot fully control the social life of the class. He has the most influence in determining the atmosphere of the classroom; but the social and psychological characteristics of the class and-the attitudes and expectations of other teachers, staff, and administrators also influence the direction and development of the interpersonal relationships. The influence of the teacher

It can be readily understood that a teacher's expectations can and will affect the student's performance in school. Shaw's Pygmalion is based on the critical nature of the phenomena of expectations. Eliza Doolittle observed to Colonel Pickering:









The difference between a lady and a flower girl is not how
she behaves, but how she is treated. I shall always be a flower girl to Professor Higgins, because he treats me as a flower girl and always will; but I know I can be a lady
to you, because you always treat me as a lady and always
will. (Shaw, 1938, p. 769)

As Silberman (1970) points out, a social climate of low expectations for

performance in school can have devastating results:

In most slum schools, the children are treated as flower
girls. One cannot spend any substantial amount of time
visiting schools in ghetto or slum areas. . .without being struck by the modesty of the expectations teachers, supervisors, principals, and superintendents have for the students in their care. (p. 84)

In effect, the level of teacher-student expectations may result in

social and psychological conditions that virtually obviate the principle of equal opportunity in education.

The work of Rosenthal and Jacobson (1968) in proving this has

given rise to what has come to be known as the "Pygmalion effect."

Rosenthal describes his experiment thus:

To anticipate briefly the nature of this new evidence, it
is enough to say that 20 percent of the children in a certain elementary school were reported to their teachers as
showing unusual potential for intellectual growth. The
names of these children were drawn by means of a table of random numbers, which is to say that the names were drawn
out of a hat. Eight months later, these unusual or "magic"
children showed significantly greater gains in IQ than did
the remaining children who had not been singled out for
the teacher's attention. (Rosenthal & Jackbson, 1968, p.
vii)

Obviously the interplay of expectations is at the core of the consequences that flow from classroom interaction within the school.

In describing self-fulfilling prophecy, Bloom (1968) writes:

Each teacher begins a new term (or course) with the expectation that about one-third of his students will adequately
learn what he has to teach. He expects about one-third to
fail or just "get by". . . This set of expectations becomes transmitted to the students ..... The system creates
a self-fulfilling prophecy such that the final sorting of




Full Text

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THE LONG-TERM EFFECTS OF A DROP-OUT PREVENTION PROGRAM FOR JUNIOR AND SENIOR HIGH SCHOOL STUDENTS By PHYLLIS MacKENZIE GIERLOTKA VOSS A DISSERTATION PRESENTED TO THE GRADUATE COUNCIL OF THE UNIVERSITY OF FLORIDA IN PARTIAL FULFILLMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY UNIVERSITY OF FLORIDA 1976

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With admiration, love and gratitude, this study is dedicated to my Mother, Christina Ann MacLean MacKenzie on her 95th birthday June 15, 1976 Youth is the period of building up in habits, and hopes, and faiths. Not an hour but is trembling with destinies; not a moment, once passed, of which the appointed work can ever be done again, or the neglected blow struck on the cold iron. JOHN RUSKIN

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ACKNOWLEDGMENTS This research could not have been accomplished without the help and cooperation of a number of people to whom I am greatly indebted and deeply grateful: My doctoral committee, mentors and friends, who gave so generously and patiently of precious time and wise counsel: Dr. Mary H. McCaulley; Dr. Larry C. Loesch; Dr. Harold C. Riker; Dr. E. L. Tolbert; and Dr. David Lane. Dr. Andrew A. Robinson, Dean of the College of Education, University of North Florida, for making it possible to work with Project HOLD, and for interest and help in the pursuit of the research. My colleagues at the University of North Florida, especially Dr. Darwin 0. Coy, Dean of Students, and Dr. Travis A. Carter, Director of Counseling Services. Without their constant encouragement and sympathetic understanding the study and research could never have been accomplished. Mr. and Mrs. Cranmore W. Cline whose cordial and unfailing hospitality over the past three years greatly diminished the distance between Jacksonville and Gainesville. Finally, without the unflagging confidence and encouragement of my husband, Carl, and my daughter, Christina, this work would not have been possible. They were always convinced that it could be done, even when I knew it couldn't; and in the end, somehow, they proved to be right. iii

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TABLE OF CONTENTS Page ACKNOWLEDGMENTS iii LIST OF TABLES vi ABSTRACT vii CHAPTER I INTRODUCTION 1 The Problem 1 Current Dimensions of the Problem 3 The Concept of Compensatory Education 6 Programs to Prevent School Drop-out 10 Project HOLD 12 Need for the Study 17 Purpose of the Study . . . . 19 CHAPTER II REVIEW OF THE RELATED LITERATURE 21 A. Aspects of the Adolescent Experience 21 Poverty and Inequality 38 Literacy: Key to Opportunity 56 The Influence of the Family 66 Parent-Child Relationships 75 The Influence of the School 87 Peer Influence 98 The Coleman Report 100 B. Research on Drop-Outs 107 Summary of Related Literature 120 CHAPTER III RESEARCH METHODOLOGY 125 Selection of Subjects 125 Collection of the Data 126 The Hypotheses 127 Analysis of the Data 128 Limitations of the Study 128 iv

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Page CHAPTER IV RESULTS 130 CHAPTER V SUMMARY AND DISCUSSION 139 Summary of the Investigation 139 Summary of the Results 139 Interpretation and Discussion of Results 141 Implications of the Study 146 Suggestions for Further Research 147 APPENDICES A. Excerpts from Project HOLD Report 150 Preface to Project HOLD Report 151 Objectives of Project HOLD 154 Major Activities 155 Socio-Drama 158 B. Data Collection Sheet 160 REFERENCES . 162 BIOGRAPHY 183 V

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LIST OF TABLES Page TABLE I ASSIGNMENT OF SUBJECTS INTO GROUPS AND SUB-GROUPS 130 TABLE II MEANS OF CRITERION VARIABLES 132 TABLE III ANALYSIS OF VARIANCE OF GRADE POINT AVERAGE 133 TABLE IV ANALYSIS OF VARIANCE OF UNEXCUSED ABSENCES 134 TABLE V ANALYSIS OF VARIANCE OF DISCIPLINARY REFERRALS 135 TABLE VI ANALYSIS OF VARIANCE OF DISCIPLINARY SUSPENSIONS 137 TABLE VII ANALYSIS OF VARIANCE OF AGE IN MONTHS 138 vi

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Abstract of Dissertation Presented to the Graduate Council of the University of Florida in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree of Doctor of Philosophy THE LONG-TERM EFFECTS OF A DROP-OUT PREVENTION PROGRAM FOR JUNIOR AND SENIOR HIGH SCHOOL STUDENTS By Phyllis MacKenzie Gierlotka Voss August, 1976 Chairman: Larry C. Loesch Major Department: Counselor Education The term "drop-out" is applied to anyone who leaves high school without a diploma. Today, the act of dropping out is usually interpreted as an indication of an individual's unwillingness or inability to learn, or as a manifestation of some deeper disturbance. The general public regards the drop-out with dismay because, outside high school, there is no appropriate place for the young person of high school age. Failure to provide an alternative status or role to that of a high school student is as much a function of the cultural value orientation of society as of the modern economic conditions that pattern social structure. As a result of concern about the fate of the drop-out in a labor market where unskilled labor becomes increasingly obsolescent, many drop-out prevention programs have been undertaken in the last decade. In the 1974-75 school year, a drop-out prevention program. Project vii

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HOLD, was implemented in one junior high school and two senior high schools in Jacksonville, Florida, under the aegis of the College of Education, University of North Florida, and funded by the Department of Health, Education and Welfare. Fifty students, identified on the basis of low grade point average, excessive number of absences, and large numbers of disciplinary referrals, as potential drop-outs, were assigned to each of the participating schools, while a similar control group of 150 students was divided among 3 other schools. Final evaluation of the program indicated that it had been successful, although no tests of the statistical significance of the difference between the two groups were carried out. The current study sought to determine whether, a year after the end of the program, any significant difference between members of the two groups who had remained in school for the full year could be established. The four criteria for the original selection were used as variables, and in addition age was noted. Data were collected on a group of 40 former Project HOLD students and 44 of the control group. The sample was fairly evenly distributed by race and sex. One-third was in junior high school, two-thirds in senior high school. A series of analyses of variance showed the Project HOLD group to have a higher grade point average and a lower incidence of disruptive behavior than the control group. The differences were statistically significant at the 0.1 level. There was no significant difference in absences. In addition, grade point average was found to have a statistically significant and inverse relationship to frequency of absence (r = 0.001, p < .01). viii

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It may be inferred, therefore, that Project HOLD had results which significantly affected the school lives of the participants in positive and lasting ways which were evident during the year following the program. ix

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CHAPTER I INTRODUCTION A major problem of democratic society is inconsistency between encouragement to achieve and the realities of limited opportunity. Democracy urges individuals to act as though social mobility were universally possible; status is to be won by individual effort, and rewards accrue to those who work for them. However, as Clark (1960) pointed out, hierarchical vjork organizations permit a steadily decreasing number of people to succeed on ascending levels. Thus democratic societies which, like the United States and the industrial societies of Western Europe, are meritocracies, must not only motivate achievement but also "mollify those denied it to sustain motivation in the face of disappointment, and to deflect resentment" (Clark, p. 391). The Problem In the United States, such credentials as high school diplomas and number of years of education completed have long been important in affecting a person's job and income prospects. Since World War II, these symbols of education have become crucial; and in the 1970s the nation has become determined to persuade and assist all youth to enter adulthood armed minimally with a high school diploma or its equivalent. Such a campaign harmonizes well with the popular view of education as a required mechanism by which to lift oneself in modern life; but the motivating sentiment contains not so much esteem for adequate

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2 schooling as it does a feeling of alarm over the effects of its absence. Without a diploma, it seems, the chances of rising in prestige, power, and economic security are reduced, and the likelihood of gravitating toward crime and despair increased. Small wonder that under educated , drifting adolescents are viewed as a threat and a liability to society. It is this problem, realistically labeled by Conant (1962) "social dynamite," that has aroused so much public clamor to keep young people in school. More recently, the public has been shocked to learn that the high school diploma may mean nothing in terms of the educational level it has been thought to represent. Shells and Boyd (1976) described the latest findings thus: Until recently, promotion from grade to grade through high school was almost automatic, making the diploma hardly more than a certificate of twelve years' attendance. (Newsweek, May 24, 1976, p. 50). Under these circumstances one may ask whether withdrawal from high school is actually so crucial. Is the focus on the drop-out perhaps a facade for a more fundamental policy problem, the intensifying underemployment of youth? How much does graduation really contribute to the status mobility of a lower class youth? Can he indeed hope to improve his social and economic prospects on the strength of a high school diploma? What awaits him in the job market without this evidence of completed education? The specific problem to be studied here is whether or not participation in Project HOLD, a drop-out prevention program, by a group of junior high and high school students identified as potential drop-outs, had effects which lasted beyond the end of the school year in which the program was offered.

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3 By extension, the more universal problem to be studied is the lasting effectiveness of any or all such drop-out prevention programs, part of the whole series of compensatory education programs so widespread in the United States in the last fifteen years. The background against which the problem will be studied — the rationale for such programs, their value and their limitations, the psychological, economic, and social implications of dropping out of school today, as also the factors affecting the total phenomenon of dropping out — will be reviewed and discussed in depth. Current Dimensions of the Problem It seems ironic that schools should be pressured to reduce dropout rates at a time when the retention record could hardly be more impressive. For good or ill, nowhere in the world has universal prolonged education taken root so firmly as in the United States. Moreover, the superior holding power of the schools improves steadily from one generation to the next. For every 1,000 children who were fifth graders in 1942-43, only 505 finished high school on schedule in 1950. Contrast this with the figure a decade later: 621 of each 1,000 fifth graders earned diplomas in 1960 (National Education Association, 1963). Retention rates were anticipated as rising to 70 percent by 1975, and to 80 percent by the end of the century (Dentler, 1964), despite the fact that absolute numbers have steadily increased. This means that in a span of 80 years American schools will have lowered the drop-out rate from 80 percent to 20 percent. Considering the success that has been achieved thus far in lengthening school attendance, why is it thought more necessary than ever

PAGE 13

before to step up the good work? The answer seems to be that several social and economic developments have converged at this point in history to dramatize the drop-out problem and its insidious effects. Among the most potent of these forces is automation. Thurow (1972) estimates that from 1950 to 1970 as many as 24 million unskilled or semi-skilled jobs in agriculture, industry, and construction were rendered obsolete. Because of the prevalent high rate of illiteracy, most workers affected were those least prepared for retraining to capitalize on new opportunities on a blue-collar level. The result has been a chaotic job market in which there was already not enough lowskill work available for those who must rely on it, while upper-level unemployment has been dramatically increased by the on-going economic recession. What makes the high school diploma so crucial in defining the dropout is its traditional credential value. This, however, may be vanishing .• • i :iiL' goes on. It was probably an important guarantee of opportunity in an age when relatively few possessed it; but as it becomes more and more common-place, its worth will diminish. In addition to the seldom publicized fact that many drop-outs do in fact return to some type of education, some sooner, some later, the current efforts to adapt classes and programs to make it possible for all but the most deviant to receive high school diplomas may backfire and a form of Gresham's Law will begin to operate on the total value of all high school diplomas. A strong case must be made, nevertheless, for adequate schooling on the grounds that a democracy is weakened by the existence of a large sub-group of poorly educated citizens. The magnitude of undereducation in the United States is illustrated by figures from the armed services

PAGE 14

5 and the Bureau of the Census. For example, some 13 percent of the young men rejected for military service between 1958 and 1962 could not pass the Array's examinations in basic skills, a test based no higher than an eighth grade level of achievement. Four-fifths of this group were school drop-outs; and the unemplojonent rate among them was four times that of other men aged 20 to 24 (President's Task Force on Manpower Conservation, 1964). According to more recent estimates, at least 12 million adults aged 25 and older who have completed fewer than 8 grades of schooling are probably functionally illiterate, while an additional 7 million or more below the age of 25 are out of school and in fact illiterate, which means they are not even capable of filling out a job application (U.S. Bureau of the Census, 1975). It is difficult to imagine how such people can be expected to function as enlightened, responsible citizens in a community life that relies heavily on their participation in making decisions vital to the well-being of all its members; As human knowledge proliferates, ignorance and illiteracy must be regarded as an ever heavier, more dangerous, and less tolerable burden to a free society. The problem of the school drop-out is by no means purely educational. For most potential drop-outs, more schooling will not alone make the difference. While education has its part to play, it can serve best in that role, says Tannenbaum (1967), when its strengths are realistically assessed and its efforts complemented by other forces in society. By simply discouraging the inclination to withdraw, education cannot alone obliterate the personal, psychological, and social handicaps that are so often variables in the drop-out equation. On the other hand, any constructive social action on behalf of school misfits must make

PAGE 15

provision for their educational needs. While the schools may not have a magic recipe to cure all of society's ills, they may well be able to provide some of the essential ingredients. Lack of education is closely associated with the major human ills such as poverty, disease, and superstition, says Berg (1960). But it is also a waste of talent. The Concept of Compensatory Education Although the American people have become increasingly aware of the economic and social disparities which exist everywhere in the world, nowhere are the handicaps imposed by deliberate and accidental underdevelopment of human resources a source of greater embarrassment and concern than in the United States in the second half of the twentieth century (Gordon & Wilkerson, 1966). The relation of limited education to job insecurity is ubiquitous; but it is especially noteworthy in large cities. Big city economies have changed in the years since World War II from dependence upon cheap, abundant, unskilled labor to increasing dependence upon technical skills and job flexibility, two abilities correlated with literacy and the trainability associated with certain minimal levels of formal education (Dentler & Warshauer, 1968). Since the end of World War II, therefore, there has been a rapidly growing interest in the needs of children whose school progress and life chances are adversely affected by social handicaps such as poverty, a broken or incomplete home, a background offering little stimulation, or membership in a minority racial group. In the mid-1960s, the term compensatory education was coined to describe certain educational and social measures aimed at solving, or at least alleviating, the problems faced by those children now categorized as "socially disadvantaged," "culturally deprived," or some similar term.

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7 Target populations The populations at which compensatory programs were originally directed were first, Blacks; secondly, other underprivileged minority groups in urban ghettos, e.g., Puerto Ricans; and thirdly, Mexican Americans and American Indians. All of these groups suffer from both material and cultural deprivation in terms of the dominant culture. In addition, programs have been designed to help White children, some of them in urban slums, some in isolated rural areas such as Appalachia. The problems resulting from such material and cultural deprivation are discussed by Chazan (1968), Jensen (1967), and Passow and Elliot (1967). Many different meanings have been assigned to terms such as "deprived" or "disadvantaged" and, as Stodolsky and Lesser (1967) suggest, different definitions obviously have different implications for educational policy or social action. In their view, there is a need for a new definition of disadvantaged status based on a much more refined assessment of environmental circumstances and further examination of the individual patterns of learning ability, to which instructional strategies should be matched. Kenneth B. Clark, president of the Metropolitan Applied Research Center, New York City, has written extensively on the subject, and especially in The Educationally Deprived (1972), based on a conference sponsored jointly by the Center and the Edward W. Hazen Foundation. Clark is severely critical of the term "cultural deprivation. " How does this term affect the identity concepts of minority children? To describe the Negro and Puerto Rican in these terms is to rob him of the positive aspects of familial, racial, and national pride. Simultaneously, the term adds to the negative images of inferiority and self-hate found in members of oppressed groups. (p. 69)

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8 Aims and emphases Compensatory programs have, from the outset, been comprehensive in aim and scope. They have attempted to achieve no less ambitious a goal than "to make up for those environmental deficiencies in society and school which retard and limit educational progress" (Smiley, 1970, p. 7). To this end, programs have included measures to alleviate poverty, the provision of additional medical and dental facilities, the rehousing of families, the construction of new schools, free breakfast and lunch programs, changing teaching approaches, devising new educational materials and techniques, increasing the impact of educational technology, extending children's experience, providing personal, vocational and family counseling, and establishing projects to involve parents and community. They have also aimed at the reduction of the size of classes and the increased availability of specialized support personnel for the teacher. Comprehensive reviews of American compensatory education may be found in Gordon and Wilkerson (1966), Miller (1969), and Passow (1972). Assessment of compensatory education According to Chazan (1973) the concept of compensatory education has come under fire in recent years, mainly on the following grounds: 1. Compensatory education has not been successful in achieving its aims. 2. Programs have tried to change what cannot in fact be changed to any great extent. As genetic factors are much more important than environmental factors in producing differences in measured intelligence, the premises on which compensatory education efforts have been based should be re-examined. 3. It is wrong to identify and label children as "disadvantaged."

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9 Too much emphasis has been placed in compensatory education on the significance of the early years of the child's life in the shaping of his later development. The school itself, and the educational system within which it functions, not the children of the poor, should be the first targets of change. The concept "compensatory education" distracts attention from the deficiencies of the school and focuses upon deficiencies within the community, the family, and the child. Too often the child is treated to the "compensatory" program without ever having been exposed to the regular education which the program is allegedly supplementing. (pp. 14-15) In the light of the available evidence, however, says Chazan, and while these criticisms are not without some justification, the case against compensatory education appears to have been overstated. •; McDill, McDill and Sprehe (1969) carefully and objectively examined the evaluation research carried out up to 1969, including the Westinghouse Report (Cicirelli & Granger, 1969), and came to the conclusion that the evidence regarding the effectiveness of compensatory programs is ambiguous. Whether one believes that all compensatory efforts have failed, or whether one argues that it is still too early to assess their impact which must, by its very nature, be long-range, | it is difficult to refute the charge that the programs have not, on ' the whole, demonstrated substantial and widespread success. However, McDill and his colleagues consider that out of the many highly diver! sified, broad-ranging, and blanket-coverage programs, some evidence is emerging as to which strategies are more promising than others and thus merit consideration as a basis for further compensatory efforts. Those who condemn all compensatory programs out of hand should be mindful of the magnitude of the task attempted, the relatively brief j experience of coping with it, and the paucity of scientific knowledge 5.

PAGE 19

10 relevant to the problems of disadvantaged children. This stance, adopted by McDill ^ al. , is certainly more positive than assuming prematurely that compensatory education is, as Eysenck (1969) puts it, "a lost cause." It seems reasonable to regard what has been done as experimental, and to continue along those lines which appear most likely to produce lasting results. The development of the concept has, at the very least, focused attention on the problems of disadvantaged children in many parts of the world, especially in the United States, in Great Britain, and in Israel. A rather naive expectation that well-meaning but hastily planned compensatory programs would produce substantial changes in a short period of time has given way to greater sophistication and a better understanding of individual differences, and of differences within as well as between, social class groups. Programs to Prevent School Drop-out In January, 1968, approval of the Title VII amendments to the Elementary and Secondary Education Act of 1965 brought the federal government into the struggle to improve education so as to reduce the number of children failing to complete their elementary and secondary schooling. Recognizing the complexity of the problem and the dearth of reliable information in the area, the Office of Education refrained from developing a model for funded programs. The uncertainties surrounding remedial efforts and the resistance of the problem to solutions have since been described by Kruger (1969): Numerous studies and experimental programs have made it clear that no simple cause-and-ef f ect relationship explains why some students leave school. No socio-economic level, intelligence stratum, physical classification, or

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11 ethnic group Is immune from the prohlem. No panaceas have been discovered, and few situations are responsive to short term or inexpensive measures. (p. 7) Model projects under Title VII have not been lacking in scope or imagination. They have ranged from sensitivity training for teachers through curriculum revision and innovation, storefront and other special schools, work-study programs, students' being paid to learn, group and individual counseling, and home visitations by teachers and counselors. Supporters and critics alike recognize all of these as a random search for solutions for the drop-out problem. But then, as Winschel (1970) points out, . . .even when questioning, one must recognize that problems are as often solved through the random as through the systematic. (p. 14) Most, if not all, of the retention-oriented programs studied show a successful outcome in terms of the objectives of the program. However, no program appears to have lent itself, after a pilot study, to wholesale and continuing implementation in an entire school system to eliminate the drop-out phenomenon and retain all but handicapped or the most deviant students. The program most nearly approaching such a level of development, perhaps, is the Demonstration Guidance Project of Junior High School 43, initiated in September of 1959, much earlier than the Elementary and Secondary Education Act. Sponsored by the Board of Education of New York City, it was continued in subsequent years at George Washington High School as the Higher Horizons Program, and ultimately reached into many elementary, junior high, and high schools in Manhattan, Bronx, Brooklyn, and Queens. Although it had its share of critics, some quite outspoken, it was nevertheless widely imitated in other cities.

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12 Apart from programs of this type, which are essentially longitudinal, little retrospective evaluation of the long-term effects of such projects appears to have been undertaken. This is undoubtedly because of the nature of the funding of such programs which makes no provision for later re-evaluation. A careful examination of 80 reports on various programs aimed directly or indirectly at retaining potential drop-outs revealed none having provisions for subsequent evaluation (Jablonsky, 1974). Project HOLD Initiation of the Program In March of 1974, the College of Education of the University of North Florida at Jacksonville applied for, and was awarded, a grant of $169,408 from the Department of Health, Education and Welfare, funded under Title VII of the Emergency School Aid Act (1965), to operate in the Duval County school system a retention program for 150 students identified as potential drop-outs. Chief Investigator The originator of the program was Dr. Andrew A. Robinson, Dean of the College of Education, University of North Florida. Dr. Robinson was designated "chief investigator." Advisory Committee \Jhen the grant application was submitted, a district-wide advisory committee was set up. Committee members were representatives of the local school board, of civic and social service organizations, interested lay persons in the community, and teachers and students designated by

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13 the three participant schools. Throughout the year, the committee met monthly to hear progress reports from the Project HOLD staff, visited the Project schools from time to time, attended performances of the socio-drama group, participated in workshops for students and parents, and counseled individual students in a "big brother" relationship. The total committee membership was 20. Purpose of the Program The stated purpose of the program was "to produce within the potential drop-out inner feelings of positive self-worth, self-awareness, and a healthier self-concept" (Project HOLD Report , p. 120). Presumably such positive feelings would induce the marginal student to persist in school rather than dropping out. Objectives A number of behaviors which characterize the potential drop-out were chosen as the focus of the program's objectives. These manifestations of marginality were as follows: 1. referrals for misconduct; 2. disciplinary suspensions; 3. unexcused class absences; 4. low, grade point average. The objectives of the program were to influence all of these areas: 1. 80% of Project HOLD participants would have 40% fewer referrals in 74/75; 2. 80% of Project HOLD students would have 45% fewer suspensions in 74/75; 3. 80% of Project HOLD students would have 50% fewer absences in 74/75;

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.14 4. 55% of Project HOLD students would Increase their GPA by .50 in 74/75. Although the students' "self-concept" and "coping ability" were mentioned in descriptions of the program, no measure of these factors was attempted. Furthermore, although retention in school was implicit in the purposes of the program, and although the final evaluation showed tables to compare the drop-out rates of the Project HOLD students and the control group, retention was not actually mentioned in the original stated objectives. Locale The program was located in three public schools in Duval County, Paxon High School, Andrew Jackson High School, and KirbySmith Junior High School, the students being divided equally among the three schools. Selection Criteria The criteria used to select participants in the program were those mentioned above — large numbers of disciplinary referrals and suspensions, numerous unexcused class absences, and a low grade point average. Subject Selection From a total population in excess of 500 students who met the above academic and behavioral criteria, the Project HOLD staff, in consultation with school administrators and teachers, chose 50 students from each school who would, in their opinion, benefit from the program. A similar but somewhat larger group, 70 to 80 students, was identified in three other schools as a control group. The students chosen for the Project HOLD program were equally divided by sex; one-third were in junior high school, and one-third in

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15 each of the senior high schools. The ultimate ethnic distribution was approximately 60 percent Black, 40 percent White. Parent Participation One of the basic philosophies of those who planned Project HOLD was that parent participation is essential. To this end, social events were planned at the beginning of the program to which parents and other family members were invited. Every effort was made not only to solicit parent participation, but indeed to make parents feel important and very much involved. Parents took part in many of the activities, and some parents were present on all of the field trips. Staff The program was operated by a director based at the University of North Florida. In each school was a team of three persons, one clerical assistant, and two social worker/counselors who regularly visited the homes of the participants. The home visitation proved to be among the most popular aspects of the program. Activities The activities of the Project HOLD program were entirely outside the classroom, for students were assigned to regular classes. Program activities were as follows: 1. Individual counseling sessions were held on a daily basis. The counselors established a close, warm relationship with the students. 2. Informal group counseling sessions were held daily with different approaches used for differing problems or purposes. 3. Tutoring in academic subjects was made available where it was perceived as needed to provide success experiences and resultant motivation. Special emphasis was placed on reading and math.

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16 4. Peer group counseling sessions were held weekly, using peer counselors trained by the adult counselors. 5. Career counseling was provided for each student. Some students were placed in work situations. 6. Community relations efforts consisted of home visits by counselors, and consultations with public and private service agencies to provide resources for the Project HOLD students and/or their families. Such services Included free medical and dental care and consultations, financial aid, family planning and counseling, vocational counseling, and job placement. In one high school a program of socio-drama was carried on. Outcomes The outcomes of the program in numbers of absences, referrals and suspensions, and the level of grade point average for the two groups were tabulated, but no tests of statistical significance were carried out. In his report, the director wrote: The greatest single indication of the impact of the Project activities, as viewed by the Project staff, school principals, deans, and counselors, on students' behavior is the increased ability of the students to identify their own contribution to crisis situations as opposed to placing the blame elsewhere. (p. 6) The Abstract of the Project HOLD report read as follows: The numbers of suspensions, referrals, absences, and the grade point average of students participating in Project HOLD during the grant year were compared with the students' levels on each of the measures for the previous year. In addition, identical comparisons with each of the measures were made with a group of control subjects. The amount of change on each of the measures between the 1973-74 school year and the Project year for the HOLD students and the control subjects was calculated and compared. The percent of the Project and control students meeting performance criterion set down in the grant was also calculated. The data reveal that numbers of referrals and suspensions for HOLD students declined by 60% and 42% respectively over the previous year while the level of referrals and

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17 suspensions for control subjects increased by 12% for referrals and 33% for suspensions over the previous year. \Vhen levels of change in absences and GPA were compared, data revealed an increase in absences of 17% and a decline in GPA by 9% for students enrolled in Project HOLD. Among the controls, an increase in absences of 45% was observed and a decline of 29% in GPA was noted. (Project HOLD Report , 1975, p. 10) Need for the Study The evaluation of the long-term effectiveness of drop-out prevention programs is important and urgent. Vast sums of public and private money have been and continue to be expended on such projects; and while immediate success has been demonstrated in almost every case, it must be recognized that good results could be explained by phenomena such as "self-fulfilling prophecy" or "Hawthorne effect." The real question is: are the lives of these marginal students in fact being touched and influenced in meaningful and lasting ways? It must be borne in mind that being disadvantaged in childhood may well mean being disadvantaged throughout life. The massive problems caused by poverty and social inequality in the United States have been amply documented In recent years in the many books, articles, and reports on compensatory education. In the post-war period, a number of factors combined to make the need for compensatory programs more urgent: the increasing value placed by society on educational achievement; the wastage of talent arising from the inability of numerous children to avail themselves of their educational opportunities; the number of unskilled jobs rendered obsolete by technological development; the riots in many urban slum areas; and a growing dissatisfaction with the school system. Too often in the past the arguments used to persuade disaffected

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18 youth to stay in school have been misleading and unrealistic. The persistence of inequality of economic opportunity and lack of social mobility in spite of increased educational opportunities is discussed elsewhere in this study. The high school diploma must never be represented to young people as the "open sesame" to a financially sound and socially mobile future. Nevertheless, there are cogent arguments against school drop-out. The well-documented plight of the under-educated in an increasingly technological society — untrainable, illiterate, almost certainly condemned to a life of poverty, frustration, and despair, employable only in ill-paid, dull and menial jobs — is in itself argument enough. Kenneth B. Clark (1964) asserts and Riessman and Gartner (1973) substantiate the importance of jobs that provide the worker with dignity, respect and opportunity. Clark found a significantly higher correlation between unskilled work and social pathology than between unemployment and social pathology. The amount of money spent on compensatory programs is not in itself the salient factor, and an examination of the long-term effectiveness of the Project HOLD program is not approached from that standpoint. Rather the question is whether the dedicated and wellmeaning persons responsible for the program are indeed accomplishing their goals, or whether in fact they are deceiving both themselves and the children whose lives they seek to improve by using strategies which make only an immediate impact and have no lasting effectiveness. The urgency of ensuring, not only to the students in Project HOLD but to as many young people as possible, a maximum opportunity for self-development and personal fulfillment and a future which includes

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19 the self-respect deriving from meaningful and gainful employment, constitutes the need for this study. Purpose of the Study The program which is the subject of this study, Project HOLD, was evaluated in June, 1975, on the basis of whether or not the objectives established for the students had been met. The criteria used were the school-related behavior and academic progress of the participants and of the control group. This study seeks to establish whether, a year after the end of the program, those students who participated in Project HOLD, and who were enrolled in school for the entire year following the program, sustained the improvement they had made, or enhanced it, as compared with those members of the original control group who were similarly enrolled for the entire school year. The criteria to be examined are those used in the original evaluation in 1975 — school-related behaviors as measured by unexcused absences, disciplinary referrals and disciplinary suspensions, and academic progress as reflected in grade point average. Results will also be examined for differential effects on the basis of sex, race, or grade level in school. If it can be shown that a correlation exists between participation in Project HOLD and a lower incidence of unexcused absences, disciplinary referrals and disciplinary suspensions than for the control group, one may be justified in assuming that the individual student is indeed developing the "coping ability" referred to in the Project HOLD Report . If so, he will be better able to function effectively in school, and better prepared for the world of work.

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20 If it can be shown that a correlation exists between attendance in school and grade point average, a strong argument can be established for encouraging in every way possible regular and sustained school attendance. To say that schooling does not explain as much of economic progress or social mobility as some have in the past naively assumed is not to say that lack of education has no consequences. To the extent that, on the basis of demonstrable skills or educational attainment, employers make decisions about whom to hire, the poorly educated find themselves for the most part relegated to the least attractive jobs or to unemplojmient.

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CHAPTER II , REVIEW OF THE RELATED LITERATURE A. Aspects of the Adolescent Experience The Psychology of Adolescence Historical background Long before psychology became a science, there were philosophical, theological, educational, and psychological theories that contributed to an understanding of human nature and human development. In modern times, G. Stanley Hall (1844-1924), with his famous two-volume Adoles cence (1904), is looked upon as the father of a scientific "psychology of adolescence." Prior to Hall, it was most often the philosophereducator who was especially concerned with a theory of human development and its implications for teaching, as can be seen through the centuries from Plato, Aristotle and Aquinas to Coraenius, Rousseau, Herbart, Froebel and Pestalozzi. The word "adolescence" seems to have first appeared in the fifteenth century, suggesting that historically the concept of adolescence was subordinated to theoretical considerations of the general nature of human development; and it is in such general theories of development that modern theories of adolescence may be said to have their roots. In classifying theories of development Ausubel (1958) distinguishes between "pref ormationistic" and "predeterministic" approaches on the one hand, and the tabula rasa ("blank tablet") approach on the other. The 21

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22 pref ormationistic theory is reflected in the theological proposition of man's instantaneous creation — the homunculus theory — and in the doctrine of original sin, as well as in more recent theories emphasizing instincts and innate drives. Predeterministic theories postulate universally fixed states of development but allow for environmental influences, as in Rousseau, and in Hall's theory of recapitulation (repeating during the development of the individual organism the evolutionary stages of the species), as also in Freud's stages of psychosexual development, and in Gesell's emphasis on maturation. In contrast are the tabula rasa theories that minimize the biological and genetic factors and place the emphasis on the environmental determinants of human development, and also the humanistic approaches and related modern theories of behaviorism and cultural determinism. Greek view of the development of human nature Any historical consideration of a theory of adolescence must begin with the early Greek ideas about human development. Their influence pervaded philosophical thought through the Middle Ages and is perceptible even today. The philosophical idea of dualism, for example, is essentially Greek. Plato (427-347) made a clear distinction between two aspects of the human entity: body and soul. Body and soul were of different substances; and although there was some interaction, the soul was an entity in itself, capable of leaving the body without losing its identity. It could perceive more clearly and reach higher realities when freed from the body. "Soma sema," declared Plato: the body is the grave of the soul. The body is matter and has all the defects of matter. The idea of dualism of mind and body reappeared later in

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23 Christian theology and was of primary importance in the philosophical thought of the seventeenth century, especially of Descartes, Leibnitz and Spinoza. Of greater interest from a developmental point of view is the idea of the layer structure of the soul which Plato developed in the dialogue Phaedo . Plato held that the soul has three distinguishable parts, layers or levels, probably the first historical emergence of the threefold psychological theory advanced in one form by Chaucer (13407-1400) as appetite, will and reason, and later by Freudand others in various forms. Plato's lowest part of the soul is described in terms of drives, needs and instincts; and its resemblance to Freud's concept of the id is unmistakable, as also to the two lowest levels in Maslow's (1954) hierarchy of needs. The second layer of the soul includes courage, conviction, temperance, endurance and hardihood. Man has both the first and the second layers in common with the animal world, and these two layers are of the body and die with it. The third layer is divine, supernatural and immortal, and constitutes the essence of the universe (Muuss, 1971). Plato describes this as reason which has its temporary seat in the body. In contrast to Plato, Aristotle (384-322) denied the separation of body and soul and returned to the older Greek idea of the unity of the physical and mental worlds, of form and matter. Body was form, soul was matter. While Aristotle accepted Plato's view of the soul life which he called entelechy , a vital force urging an organism towards self-fulfillment (cf. Maslow's self-actualization), he viewed soul structure almost from a biological point of view as consisting of three

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24 layers. The lowest is that of the plant, the life functions of which are reproduction and nourishment; the second, also found in animals, has the additional functions of perception, sensation and locomotion; and the third, which is distinctly human and sets man apart from the animal world, includes the ability to think and reason. Interspersed throughout most of Plato's dialogues — but particularly in Laws and The Republic — are descriptive accounts of children and youth, and advice concerning the control of their behavior, giving considerable insight into Plato's conception of the nature of development . Although Aristotle does not offer a systematically stated theory of adolescence, as, in a sense, does Plato, he provides a quite detailed description of the "youthful type of character," part of which might well have been written by Hall or Gesell: Young men have strong passions and tend to gratify them indiscriminately. Of the bodily desires, it is the sexual by which they are most swayed and in which they show absence of self-control. . . .They are changeable and fickle in their desires, which are violent while they last, but quickly over. Their impulses are keen but not deep-rooted. (The Rhetorica , p. 38) A number of modern psychologists share Aristotle's observations and concerns. Rank (1961), in particular, describes promiscuity as an adolescent defense mechanism against sexual urges, while among other writers, Lewin (1961) and Barker (1963) deal with the instability of the adolescent, and his "changeable and fickle" behavior. The further characteristics of youth cited by Aristotle can be continued at length and analogies to contemporary theory found without difficulty. Many of the qualities Aristotle describes make the young people of his day sound quite like the potential drop-out of 1976.

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25 Under the impact of early Christian theology, Aristotelian thought suffered an eclipse; but later Aquinas (12257-74) combined it with Christian ideas, and the Aristotelian Thomistic philosophy became dominant in the twelfth and thirteenth centuries and was most influential in the Middle Ages, especially in the form of scholasticism. To Aristotle is generally attributed the establishment of a more scientific approach to science and philosophy. Theological View of Human Nature The theological view of human development is not as easy to identify in terms of one man, a specific period of time, or even a particular church. Tertullian (1607-230?) expressed the idea of original sin when he spoke of the depravity of human nature. This concept was extensively developed by Augustine (354-430), later emphasized by John Calvin (1509-64), and appeared as a basic tenet of American Puritanism. The theories that follow in the seventeenth, eighteenth and nineteenth centuries, especially those of Locke, Rousseau and Darwin, can be understood in part as antitheses to this and other early theological doctrines regarding the nature and development of man. Prior to Darwin, the story of the Creation as found in Genesis was generally accepted; and man was seen as divinely created and basically different from the animal world. Furthermore, acceptance of the doctrine of original sin produced the essentially realistic but pessimistic view of human nature which pervaded Catholic theology before the Reformation and, receiving new impetus from Calvin, set the intellectual climate for Puritanism. The theological view of instant creation underlay pref ormationist

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26 thinking which held that the child was conceived and came into the world as a miniature adult, differing from the adult quantitatively but not qualitatively (Ausubel, 1958). Medieval painting clearly depicts children as small adults dressed in exactly the same way as their parents. Qualitative differences in body build, bodily function and mental capacities were disregarded under this view. Contrasted with the logical theories of Plato and Aristotle, this represents a regression of thought; but the theory of homunculism persisted until it was finally chall enged by advances in the field of medicine and the beginnings of modern science. The Renaissance may be seen as a revolt against authoritarianism in church, school, and society. During this period, Aristotelian logic, the presupposition of universal ideas, and scholasticism in general were challenged, especially by Erasmus (14667-1536) and his friend, the Spanish humanist, Vives (1492-1540). Learning was no longer seen as a deductive process, but as inductive, beginning with experiences. Learning is determined by the mind of the learner; and thus learning becomes concerned with individuality in the student (Boyd, 1965). The Beginning of Modern Thought Comenius (1592-1660), Moravian bishop and educator, accepted these new ideas of the Renaissance, combined them with Aristotle's classification of developmental stages, and advanced a theory of education based on psychological assumptions. In his Great Didactic (1632) Comenius suggested a school organization based on a theory of four developmental stages of human growth, each lasting six years, in contrast to Aristotle's three seven-year stages, and proposed a different kind of school

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27 for each of the four stages (Keating, 1923). This suggested organization is based not only on assumptions concerning the nature of human development, but also on a specific theory of human learning, that of "faculty psychology," which, interestingly enough, closely resembles the pattern of school organization in many parts of the United States today, and has much in common with the contemporary ideas of Erikson and Nixon. For Comenius, development is not uniform, continuous and gradual as the homunculus theory implies, but each stage has its own characteristics, "teachable moments," as Havighurst would call them. Development is a process in which the intellectual functions gain progressively more control over other aspects of the soul. The right time for education of each of the faculties must be carefully chosen, the sequence "borrowed from nature." In this continuous focus on what children can do, know, and are interested in at each stage of development appear to lie the historical roots of a child-centered theory of education. John Locke and Empiricism The most serious challenge to homunculism with its emphasis on preformationism and Plato's theory of innate ideas, a basic scholastic principle, came from John Locke (1632-1704). Locke was influenced by Thomas Hobbes (1588-1679), the first of the great English political theorists, whose position — sensationalism, now known as empiricism ~ was that all knowledge is drawn from sensation. In Leviathan (1651) Hobbes had stated: "There is no conception in man's mind which has not first, totally or by parts, been begotten upon the organs of sense." Locke further developed this theory that there are no innate ideas, all

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28 the contents of consciousness having been obtained directly through the senses or derived from sensations previously obtained. At birth, said Locke, the mind of the child is tabula rasa , a blank tablet. Locke's assumptions have had far-reaching effects on social theory and, with amplification, have in some ways become the cornerstone of the modern democratic state. Since the minds of men (and women) are presumed at birth to be tabula rasa , present difficulties and the inequalities found in people are due to environment and experience; it follows, therefore, that all are at birth completely equal. Thus the democratic principle derives, in part at least, from a philosophicalpsychological theory concerning the mind of the child at birth. The irony of this will, of course, be readily understood, for as Hechinger and Hechinger (1975) point out, it would be misleading to portray Locke, essentially a man of his times, as "an avant-garde egalitarian whose benign prescription for the upbringing of the young was intended to revolutionize the treatment of all the world's children" (p. 162). Locke's concern in this area was limited to the education of English gentlemen; and the rights of the children of the poor were as far from his kindly thoughts as were the rights of black children from the thoughts of otherwise enlightened minds in nineteenthand even early twentieth-century America. Hechinger and Hechinger write: Locke's prescriptions for the children of the poor was harsh, not excluding the workhouse and whippings — and it was the separation of humanity into two distinct worlds of class and caste that carried over into America despite the subsequent Constitutional pledge of equality. It was a concept, once deeply ingrained in the Athenian idea of democracy, that has been hard to eradicate, perhaps in part because the privileged sector is always intent on securing its own powers at the expense of the underprivileged. In many subtle and covert ways, the exclusion of poor children from the concerns afforded the children of affluence has persisted well into

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29 the twentieth century. It has been responsible for most of education's accumulating problems. It constitutes much of its unfinished business. (p, 163) Nevertheless, Locke was essentially a reformer. In ethics, he maintained that happiness and pleasure are the pursuit of all people and, in later contradiction of Hobbes, held that the original state of nature is happy and characterized by reason and tolerance. In that state, all men are equal and independent; and none has a right to harm another in his "life, health, liberty or possessions." He blamed environmental conditions such as inadequate education and poor social milieu for the human misery in the world; and thus emerged a theory of faith in the perfectibility of the human race. Locke found enthusiastic followers everywhere, among them Claude Adrien Helvetius (1715-71) and Etienne Bonnot de Condillac (1715-80), who, in France, carried his empiricism to its extreme, since for them even the powers of human faculties are the result of sensation. Furthermore, since poor living conditions and exploitation were the lot of the French lower and even middle classes prior to the Revolution, many French people were especially receptive to such ideas; and the words "liberte, egalite, fraternite" became the expression of a new concept of human nature. A new hope had emerged: by changing the environment, human nature could be changed. Man could be master of his own destiny. In summary, one may say Locke's basic psychology stresses nurture rather than nature. His early form of environmentalism, though not directly related to behaviorism and cultural relativism, may nevertheless be regarded as a historical forerunner of these schools of thought, and in the theory may be found some support for social mobility. In

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30 his refutation of the medieval homunculus theory Locke laid the foundation for a new theory of human development and urged the scientific study of human nature. Nevertheless, it was Rousseau who, deeply influenced by Locke, proposed a new concept of child development and a new approach to education. Rousseau and Romantic Naturalism Although Jean Jacques Rousseau (1712-78) owed much to Locke, he ultimately developed his own position concerning human nature. For Locke, reason was the most important aspect of human nature, whereas for Rousseau human nature was basically feeling. Wiile Locke was concerned with constitutional government, Rousseau was the champion of individual freedom and individualism; and he directed his criticism against society and social institutions. Rousseau, like Locke, was concerned with general societal well-being; yet he was not really democratic, for he was afraid that a majority might be as bad as any monarchy. Rousseau distinguished between "will of all," i.e. majority will as determined by vote, and "general will," what is best for every member of society. He held that only when the populace was "educated and wise" would the ideal condition prevail so that the general will and the will of all could coincide. Rousseau expressed his main ideas on child development in Emile (1762). He believed that man is essentially a natural animal, neither good nor bad; and in Discours sur I'origine de I'inegalite (1754) (Discourse on the origin of inequality) he developed the thesis that equality disappeared with the appearance of industry, agriculture and property, and man cannot regain the freedom he lost when he ceased to

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31 be "natural man." Laws were made merely to consolidate the power of the oppressor over the oppressed; and thus inequality became permanent. Supporting the four-stage theory of development, Rousseau's educational plan began with the point of view and interests of the child rather than with those of the adult observing the child. He believed the child to be innately good but, as a rule, corrupted by the restrictions of the adult world and by poor educational and rearing practices. To correct this, he advocated a natural environment with little restriction for the first twelve years. Emile would have felt at home in Summerhill. Rousseau's theories have had a profound influence on posterity, an influence by no means spent. In education, his ideas may be clearly seen in the works of Pestalozzi, Froebel, Basedow, Spencer, Horace Mann and John Dewey. In short, his ideas are basic to the childcentered approach to education. Darwin's Theory of Biological Evolution An entirely new trend in thought was begun by the publishing in 1859 of Charles Darwin's (1809-82) Origin of Species by Means of_ Natural Selection . Darwin's theory holds that the evolution of life is continuous through many stages of increasingly higher development, to the complexity of human mind and body. This complete refutation of the theological doctrine of Divine Creation caused a sensation and much opposition, opposition which continues even in 1976. Darwin's theory destroyed the many earlier positions, both philosophical and theological, which had postulated an essential dichotomy between man and nature, for now man was placed in the order of nature,

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32 now seen as part of the organic world, albeit as a more advanced, complex, and highly developed species. Hall's Biogenetic Psychology of Adolescence G. Stanley Hall was the first psychologist to advance a theory of adolescent psychology per se and to use scientific methods in his approach. In many ways he can be credited with bridging the transition between the philosophical, speculative emphases of the past and the scientific, empirical methods of the present. Hall expanded Darwin's concept of a biological evolution into a psychological theory of recapitulation , holding that the experiential history of the human species has become part of the genetic structure of each individual. The law of recapitulation asserted that during its development the individual organism passes through stages corresponding to those marking the evolution of mankind, from early, animal-like primitivism, through a period of savagery, to the more recent civilized ways of life which characterize maturity. Hall assumed that development was brought about by physiological factors genetically determined, and that internal, maturational forces controlled and directed development, growth, and behavior. If development and its behavioral concomitants occur in an inevitable and unchangeable pattern, however, and if this is universal, regardless of the socio-cultural environment, the socially unacceptable types of behavior, those characteristic of earlier historical phases, must simply be tolerated or endured by parents and educators, since they are necessary stages in social development. Remnants of this assumption may be found in Gesell's (1943) concept of maturity.

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33 It was not long before Hall's position was challenged by a number of sociologists and cultural anthropologists who refuted his assertions on the basis of conflicting evidence. Sturm und Drang One aspect of Hall's theory was what he called Sturm und Drang , or storm and stress. The term comes from a period of about 20 years in the late eighteenth century of German literary history characterized by writing which depicted youth in rebellion against accepted standards, a movement which in other countries found expression in Romanticism. The phrase is perhaps peculiarly apt as applied to the adolescent period of human development, for it carries the implications of a time of disruption, turmoil, and anxiety, even of what Rogers (1972) described as "internal civil war." Hall wrote thus in 1904: The "teens" are emotionally unstable and pathic . It is the age of natural inebriation without the need of intoxicants, which made Plato define youth as spiritual drunkenness. It is a natural impulse to experience hot and perfervid psychic stages, and it is characterized by emotionalism. We see here the instability and fluctuations now so characteristic. The emotions develop by contrast and reaction into the opposite. (Vol. 2, p. 74) Almost all later psychoanalytic writing has supported this view, and Anna Freud's well-known description of adolescence is strikingly similar to that of Hall (A. Freud, 1937, pp. 149-150). Ackerraan (1958, 1962) is another "storm and stress" theorist, whose belief is that much of this behavior is due to the instability of the modern family which, he feels, does not provide the security necessary for optimal growth. In a fascinating article entitled "Youth, growth and violence,"

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Greenacre (1970) uses psychoanalytic theory to explain "the nature and course of development in adolescence. . .of symptoms of unrest leading to violence and, in the extreme, to bomb throwing" (p. 340). She maintains that adolescence is often a time of "painful emotional revolution with a great variety of external manifestations as well as of inner stress" (p. 340); and it is evident that her point of view has much in common with that of G. Stanley Hall. No consideration of the storm and stress theory would be complete without some mention of Erikson. His belief is that the developmental task posed by adolescence is the establishment of identity, the antithesis of which is a lapse into "identity diffusion" (1968). While it is extremely difficult to pin him down, Erikson 's general position seems to be that adolescence is a time of identity crisis and implies a period of difficulty and disruption rather than one of stability. Thus it is apparent that for many writers — for Anna Freud, Bios, Spiegel, Erikson and others — adolescence is a time of life at which very considerable disruption is to be expected, and further, that this perspective relates to the large majority of adolescents, rather than being true only of the relative minority who make up the clinical population. There is, however, a strongly opposing point of view which has, in recent years, been supported by many well-known developmental and social psychologists, as well as by prominent psychiatrists, who argue that the storm and stress point of view has been grossly exaggerated. Most recent examples of this opposing standpoint are to be found in the writings of Bandura (1971), Bealer et al. (1969), Douvan and Adelson (1966), Douvan and Gold (1966), Offer (1969), and Offer et al. (1970).

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35 Bandura feels that the storm and stress view of adolescence is "continuously reinforced by mass media sensationalism" (p. 26). Since the deviant adolescent excites far more interest than the typical high school student, the adolescent is usually portrayed in literature, television, and in the movies as passing through a neurotic or even a serai-delinquent phase of development (Kiell, 1959), Such productions are accepted by the public as profound and sensitive portrayals of the typical adolescent turmoil, says Bandura; and thus Holden Caulfield, central character in The Catcher in the Rye (Salinger, 1945), has become the prototypic adolescent. Stage Theories of Personality Development As can be seen from the foregoing historical review, most of the theoretical conceptualizations of the developmental process have subscribed to some form of stage theory. Hall divided human development into four stages in a pattern similar to the four-stage theory of Comenius and Rousseau. Hall's stages were infancy, childhood, youth, and adolescence, this last stage ranging from puberty, around twelve or thirteen, until full adult status, which is reached relatively late, i.e. between 22 and 25. According to the Freudian viewpoint (1961b) behavioral changes are programmed in an oral-anal-phallic sequence; Erikson (1950) characterizes personality development in an eight-stage sequence; Gesell (1943) describes marked and predictable cyclical changes in behavior over yearly or even shorter temporal intervals; and Piaget (1948, 1954) delineates numerous different stages for different classes of response. In his book On Adolescence . Bios (1962) makes a distinction among

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36 pre-adolescence , early adolescence, adolescence proper, and late adolescence; yet he is clearly not happy with these demarcations. In his later work (1967) he writes of adolescence generally as "a second individuation period." In this view, adolescence is seen as one stage with many themes running through it, some being prominent at one moment, some at another. J. C. Coleman (1974) feels that stage theory, as it is usually understood, provides too rigid a framework within which to conceptualize adolescence (p. 11), and would prefer "a more flexible model. " Although there seems to be relatively little consensus among these theories concerning the number and content of the stages considered to be crucial, they share the assumption that social behavior can be categorized in terms of a relatively pre-fixed sequence of stages with varying degrees of continuity and discontinuity between successive developmental periods. Role Theory Many writers who have attempted to make sense of adolescence have done so by using sociological concepts, and the consequent analysis has frequently been in terms of "role" or "self" theory. It is argued (Elder, 1968) that at least two-thirds of a person's life is characterized by role engagements and the building of a role repertoire which constitutes a crucial facet of the self. The years between childhood and adulthood, a period of "emerging identity," are seen as particularly relevant to the construction of this role repertoire. The view that major role transitions lead to personality change, and that adolescence is such a period of transition, has been supported

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37 by numerous theorists, prominent among them Mannheim (1943), Sarbin (1964), and Sullivan (1950, 1953). Probably there is some truth in all of these theories, as any parent who has lived through the adolescence of an apparently otherwise normal offspring will attest. In any study of drop-out youth, however, these aspects of personal malaise cannot be ignored, for when family, economic and other situational stresses are added to inner turmoil and quest for identity, this period of the individual's development can be seen as crucial. Obviously much more is involved than finding a means of persuading troubled young people to sit daily in a classroom until a piece of paper which appears to have no relevance for them, immediate or even remote, is the ultimate "reward." A real need today is to understand how the development of personality in adolescents is modified by the world in which they live and how far the reverse is also true. Although it is too easy to blame all the ills of the young on society, it is equally facile to see the failure of social processes affecting the individual as a result of a projection of inner disturbance (Miller, 1974). The most common complaints of the young are that they feel lost, helpless, or rejected. Alternatively, they project their despair, see only the corruption of society, and seek a solution in alternate life styles. Some accept a degree of alienation and manage to live with it. Emotional illness and personal maladjustment in adolescence can neither be treated nor properly understood unless the helping adults of society understand something of the maturational processes of the young, how these are influenced by social systems, and what is then "normal" behavior. In addition to being knowledgeable about the effects, in

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38 particular, of the social environment of the schools and, in general, of the world at large on the behavior of youth, such helping adults must also understand the relationships of young people with other adults, their families and their communities. Poverty and Inequality The sociology of poverty is the study of the social structural arrangements which ensure that a certain proportion of people in a society have a level of living so low that they are classified as poor. Poverty is important in the study of social stratification and can be understood only in this larger context. Major types of stratification include slavery, feudalism, caste, and class. Each one of these presents difficulties in definition; but certainly in broad outline each may be distinguished from the others. Social stratification may be defined as the generational persistence in all societies of inequality in the distribution of valued rewards. This persistence is both explained and justified by an ideology, a comprehensive myth, which interprets ongoing reality at a particular place and time. When it is an explanation accepted by the strata who receive the highest rewards in a society, such a myth may be termed "the dominant ideology" (Huber, 1974). In terms of such a definition, the dominant ideology in American society presents a basically individualistic explanation of success or failure. If people get ahead economically, it is because they worked hard; if they fail to get ahead, they must have been stupid or lazy, or undeserving in some other way (Leacock, 1971). Equal opportunity at the beginning of the race is thought to be the moral justification for

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39 unequal rewards at the end, even though what constitutes "equal opportunity" is often a point of view rather than a definition. Those who receive few of the material rewards in a society constitute a social stratum with similar life chances since many opportunities deemed important are in great measure determined by family income. Education as an equalizing force For many years, journalists, economists, manpower strategists, and educators have held that the answer to poverty is simply more education for the poor. They maintain that, in periods of normal economic growth, the total number of jobs is not insufficient, but rather the unemployed lack the skills and education to fill those jobs that are available. As Frledenberg (1966) has noted, in the past many of the poor were led to believe that getting an education was the way out of poverty and into the main stream of American life. It has become increasingly evident, however, that despite its undoubted importance, education is not a panacea for the deepseated ills of American society and the woes of the very poor are by no means alleviated just by their remaining in school for one or two more years. Chalfant (1974) suggests two main reasons for the failure of education to meet the needs of individuals from poverty groups. First, there is a middle-class bias in the structuring and curriculum of schools; and second, the schools which traditionally serve the poor, the ghetto schools, have been inadequately staffed, ill equipped, and generally in poor condition. That schools in America are indeed closely tied to middle-class values has frequently been demonstrated (Hollingshead , 1961), and evidently little has changed in this respect in many places over the

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40 past twenty-five years. Leacock (1971) notes that even the middleclass view of the poor is communicated to poor children; and it is made clear to them that little is expected from them, especially when minimal goals are set for them in the classroom. As Miller and Robey (1970) point out, however, many other factors are involved. There is, for example, the damage done both to individuals and to society by constricting alternative channels of occupational mobility and restricting the pluralism of social values; and further, there is the discrimination in selection and hiring practices, as well as other factors, which may intervene between education and income. Thus, although from the perspective of human resources, education is viewed as an investment enabling the individual to become selfsupporting, in fact there exists no direct relationship between education and either income or social status. This position may alternatively be stated as an interesting aggregation paradox of the kind well known in economic theory. For example, the famous "cobweb theorem" suggests that people can behave rationally, that is to say make decisions apparently well adapted to their objectives, yet by so doing obtain a result contradictory to these objectives. It is evident that, in the last analysis, every individual has a definite advantage to pursue in trying to obtain as much formal education as possible. The higher the educational level, the more favorable the status expectations. But as soon as all individuals achieve more education, the expectations associated with most educational levels degenerate; and thus people must seek still more education in the next period. According to Milner (1972), in 1950, one-third of the population over twenty-five had a high school diploma, but by 1970, three

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41 quarters of a similar age group were high school graduates (U.S. Bureau of the Census, 1972). Thus the relative social and economic value of a high school diploma has decreased; and jobs which at one time required a high school education now require college training. The aggregation paradox leads, in turn, to a number of provocative sociological questions and produces some clearly observable effects. Among the most significant of these is that people who are exposed over time to an ever increasing number of years of education receive no personal dividends from the increase, unless, of course, they experience an inner satisfaction from the cultivation of their minds. If a child born in the year y+k wants to have the same expectations as his father, born in the year y, he will be obliged, other things being equal, to secure x additional years of education. As a result, the overall educational level of the population will increase; and the collectivity will benefit from the increase, but not the individuals. From their standpoint, the aggregation paradox simply serves to require of them X additional years of education — in other words, more years in a marginal positon. As soon as the process is sufficiently far advanced to keep a significant number of young people in this marginal situation long after their teen years, severe dysfunctions are likely to appear. This may in part explain the various manifestations of youth marginality that appeared in the 1960s when so many young men were enrolled in college in order to escape the draft for the war in Vietnam. As the current recession persists, it may be increasingly difficult to persuade potentially alienated youth at any educational level that it is really worth the time and effort to persist within the unfriendly and irrelevant strictures of the established educational system when the rewards seem so unattainable.

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42 The expectation that higher education would automatically bring money, prestige and happiness was probably more appropriate to an age when there were only 16,000 high school graduates each year and 9,000 college graduates (Perrucci & Perrucci, 1970), the situation in the United States in 1870. Under conditions such as these, higher education would indeed have a high probability of resulting in success in all its forms. In those days, high school drop-outs were not a social problem. They were the working class. If one considers the degree of correspondence between expectation of rewards in terms of occupational and social mobility and actual rewards realized, great disparities are significant, for it is under conditions of unfulfilled expectations that the legitimacy of institutional arrangements governing reward structures will be questioned (Lipset & Bendix, 1959). Two different objects of reference for expectations must be considered. The first has to do with distribution of income among various occupational groups. One of the results of the occupational changes of recent decades has indeed been mobility of a certain kind. There has been a "structural push" of expanding numbers of higher status occupations caused by technical change, while at the same time numbers of unskilled jobs have vanished. Milner (1972) describes this as "status inflation" and maintains that it occurs at all levels of society. He writes: In 1950, professional and technical workers made up seven or eight per cent of the labor force, but this figure had doubled to fifteen per cent by 1970. In the same period, the percentage of white collar workers shifted from 37 per cent to 50 per cent. . .however, such rankings indicate only that occupation A has a higher ranking than occupation B, B higher than C, but do not indicate whether the distance

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43 between A and B or even the value of both have decreased. . . .Most physicians were general practitioners before World War II, but most recent medical school graduates have a specialty. Apparently the general practitioners have suffered a loss of status as a result of this trend. . . . (p. 6) At the lower end of the scale, the man who used to sweep the factory floor with a broom now rides a machine; and he must be able to maintain it in good mechanical condition, replacing parts when necessary. His is a blue-collar job with much more status; but he probably does the work that was formerly the livelihood of ten floor sweepers who needed no skills, technical or otherwise. A minimum estimate of the numbers of new jobs created by technical change between 1920 and 1950 was eight million (Kahl, 1961), while Thurow (1972) holds that from 1950 to 1970 as many as 24 million unskilled or semi-skilled jobs in agriculture, industry, and construction were made obsolete. One of the results of these occupational changes has been a growing belief that the upward shift in real income for all groups has been especially pronounced in the blue-collar category, and that such advances in income have served to narrow the gap between upper and lower occupational groups. This belief has served as the basis for a number of theories explaining the conservative orientations among blue-collar workers who are enjoying both absolute and relative increases in wealth, and interpreting, too, the anxieties supposedly experienced by lower white-collar workers threatened by the status advances of the blue-collar worker. In fact, however, it appears that this income gap has not been narrowing as popular belief would have it (Hamilton, 1964; H. L. Miller, 1964). Kolko (1962) asserts that between 1910 and 1959 there was no systematic trend towards greater equality of income, while Thurow

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44 (o2.. cit.. ) shows that, from 1949 to 1969, the share of the total national income going to the lowest fifth in the nation had, in fact, decreased from 3.2 percent to 2.6 percent, while at the same time the share going to the highest fifth had risen from 44.8 percent to 46.3 percent. H. L. Miller (02.. cit . ) and Fuchs (1967) reached similar conclusions. It seems to be true that, in relative terms at least, the rich get richer and the poor get poorer. The second consideration in expectation of rewards is, as has already been mentioned, that an increase of overall educational level redounds to the benefit of collectivity, and hence to the good of all members of the population. Yet, as Olson (1965) has shown, people tend to evaluate public and private good very differently, essentially because everyone expects the others in a society to bear the burden of providing a public good. Thus the young man who is obliged to seek x additional years of education simply to align himself with his father must realize that (a) he must pay more for a private good; and (b) the value he receives will not exceed the value his father received at a lower price. Moreover, he will tend to forget that this apparent devaluation is compensated for by the increase in public goods which the rise in the overall educational level made possible. In other words, while he himself may appear not to have progressed further than his father in spite of his extra effort, in fact his general standard of living will be higher because of the public good accruing from an overall improvement in the level of education in the society. The substance of the totally unexpected findings of the 1966 Department of Health, Education and Welfare report (J. S. Coleman, Equality of Educational Opportunity ) has been widely misquoted and

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45 almost as widely misunderstood. Wliat was reported was that Black and White segregated schools were not, in fact, as different as had. been expected and therefore educational opportunity must consist of something more than simply a lot of additional money poured into an existing school system. In sociological terms, inequality of educational opportunity, often referred to as lEO, means the differences in level of educational achievement according to social background. It is appropriate to consider here the other factor in the rewards system by which the individual is thought to be motivated — social mobility. By social mobility is meant the differences in social achievement according to social background. The individual may be socially mobile either upwards or downwards. When considered in this restricted sense, social immobility may also be called inequality of social opportunity, often referred to as ISO. Thus a society is characterized by a certain amount of lEO if, for instance, the probability of going to college is smaller for the worker's child than for the banker's child. Similarly, a society displays a certain amount of ISO if the probability of reaching a higher social status is less for the former than for the latter. In the space of a relatively few years, the sociology of education has contributed significantly in effecting a radical change in society's views of schools and schooling. For decades both social scientists and policy-makers had thought about and acted towards education on the basis of an optimistic philosophy. It was uncritically assumed that education could cure all kinds of social problems and, particularly, that it could bring about more equality among individuals within society. With the development of educational sociology, however, this view has been

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46 progressively reversed, and a new and somewhat pessimistic philosophy has emerged more and more convincingly, Boudon (1973) summarizes it thus: ". . .schooling is unable to reduce to any considerable extent the inequalities among individuals which result from social background" (p. xii). The Coleman Report (1966) supports this with clear evidence that education in itself makes no difference to the outcome of the educational process if_ that process is depended upon as the sole instrument of change . The bulk of empirical research, however, has been concentrated on the effects of family and school variables on the inequality of educational rather than social opportunity, although there are notable exceptions such as Blau and Duncan (1967). Furthermore, a review of research shows much more attention given to macrosociological variables than to raicrosociological variables. Inequality of educational opportunity (lEO) seems everywhere to emerge as the dominant dependent variable. This limitation in the scope of empirical research is easily accounted for. First of all, explaining lEO is in itself a difficult task. Secondly, empirical study of lEO is incomparably less expensive than that of ISO: a small-scale local survey may produce interesting and even significant findings on lEO, whereas the proper study of ISO requires national surveys. Most people would probably take for granted that a reduction in lEO should result in a decrease in ISO, and this basic assumption probably constitutes a third reason for the heavy concentration by educational sociologists on lEO. However, empirical data show that all Western industrialized societies have, since the end of World War II, been characterized both by a steady decrease in lEO and by an almost complete

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47 stability in ISO. Indeed, the educational growth observed in all Western industrial societies since 1954 has been accompanied by an increase, rather than a decrease, in economic inequality, even though the educational system has become more egalitarian (Anderson, 1961; Girod, 1971; Husen, 1969; Lipset & Bendix, 1959). Microsociological Theories on lEO Generation It is impossible to contain in a limited space a complete review of the ever-expanding body of literature on lEO. However, the following brief presentation of the most important theories and data pertaining to the problem may furnish a comprehensive background to the underlying nature of the essential aims of compensatory programs of education in general. Value theory One of the most important theories proposed to explain lEO, important if only because it has been presented by so many writers, is the value theory . According to this position, the main factor responsible for lEO is the existence of different systems of values among different social classes. Hyman (1953), for example, shows that job expectations of young persons vary according to their social backgrounds, with upper and middle-class youth greatly concerned as to whether a job will meet their deep personal needs and interests, while lower-class youth are more concerned with monetary rewards, job security, and similar aspects of employment. According to Hyman' s theory, therefore, people's evaluations of what social achievement means, and ultimately what might be considered efficient and even necessary means of achieving it, vary as

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48 a function of their social background. This value theory is supported by a large number of writers — Chinoy (1952); Kahl (1961); Parsons (1949, 1950, 1970); Porter (1968) — as also in the many references cited by Hyman (1953). One need not dig very deeply, of course, to find in such a theory clear evidence of the pressures from within the life experience of the lower class of the most basic levels of a hierarchy of needs (Maslow, 1954), for these are the concerns to which their socio-economic background has accustomed them. For this group, self-actualization is a luxury that will, of necessity, come only much later. Social position theory A second theory, developed partly as a reaction to the value interpretation, may be called the social position theory . It is most clearly presented by Keller and Zavalloni (1962, 1964). Weighing Hyman' s data, Keller and Zavalloni discovered that, although it is apparently true that lower-class young people on the average value higher education less than do middle-class youngsters, the deviant cases in both groups are significant and should not be overlooked. In other words, a significant proportion of lower-class youth put a high value on higher education, and a significant proportion of middle-class youth gave it a low value. Even if a significant proportion does not mean a majority, its very existence makes the value interpretation presented by Hyman at least questionable. One cannot but wonder why an important minority of both classes would deviate from the basic patterns associated with each social class. Keller and Zavalloni 's contention is that a much more comprehensive

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49 interpretation of Hyman's results is reached by bearing in mind that the social status an individual wants to reach must be related to his origins and to the length and difficulty of the road he would have to travel in order to attain a higher social status. Educational credentials notwithstanding, the person who does not always speak grammatically, who wears the wrong kinds of clothes, whose table manners are not considered "acceptable," who may have been out of work for several years, who is unaccustomed to the work-a-day world in terms of what it means to keep regular hours and carry out responsibilities, is at a definite disadvantage in the labor market (Huber & Chalfant, 197A). The social know-how which is required for many positions, the racial and ethnic discrimination which occurs in the recruitment, selection, and promotion of employees, and the uneven rewards of various levels of educational attainment intervene between education and income, and between education and social status. Most social learning takes place outside the school; and much depends on friends, classmates and family (Hall, 1948). . For some persons, the "correct" way to behave means following the family traditions and patterns to which they have been accustomed, the family's cultural behavior which may be ethnic, racial or religious in emphasis, often all three. For others, there comes an inevitable break with the family's way of life, and even with the family itself, as so often happened in the lives of the children of immigrant families, has happened more recently with Cuban families, and may well occur among the recent Vietnamese arrivals. The anguish of such a break has been frequently discribed in psychological and sociological literature; and there is little doubt that the price of such mobility is high (Douvan, 1956; Douvan & Edelson, 1958; Hollingshead et al., 1954; Sexton, 1969).

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50 Cultural theory The value theory was popular chiefly in the 1950s; but in the next decade, when more data on lEO had been gathered, another theory to a considerable extent replaced it. This may be called cultural theory , to indicate the belief that lEO is generated mainly by differences in cultural opportunities afforded by families according to their social backgrounds. When lower-class boys and girls go to school, it is argued, they must develop skills, patterns of behavior, and values for which their family life has not prepared them, while there is a high degree of consonance between the aptitudes and attitudes valued and taught by middle-class families on their part and those of the schools (Dreeben, 1968; Merton, 1957; Ossowski, 1963). This relationship was accepted for a long time. Indeed it was believed, implicitly if not explicitly, that one of the main functions of the schools was precisely to neutralize these "inequalities"; education not only could but should carry out this function. From the earliest days, the nation-builders, progressives and conservatives alike, had assigned to the schools the task of Americanization and unification; and even Jefferson, despite his abiding faith in a diversity of views and the rights of people to differ, spoke of Americans as becoming "perfectly homogeneous." The process of unification was initially served by the circulation of textbooks in all types of schools; but the one name that remains emblazoned on American history is that of William Holmes McGuffey, author of the readers which sold almost 130 million copies. They combined morality, patriotism, and thrift as the fundamental virtues, at the same time promising obedient youngsters the reward of material success. This was the codification of those middle

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51 class aspirations which were to remain synonymous with American education (Hechinger & Hechinger, 1975). McGuffey, in the absence of a national system of education, gave children across the country a "shared baggage," as Henry Steele Commager called it, of knowledge and allusion with a popularity and effectiveness that were not to be matched again until in 1969 the medium of television gave children "Sesame Street." When experimental data began to accumulate, however, it became increasingly clear to sociologists and, furthermore, to policymakers, that the schools were not able adequately to fulfill the function of inculcating in all children the same cultural patterns. As recent American and other studies have shown, it is difficult to conceive of a school system that could erase the inequalities for which differences in family cultural background are responsible. Low achievers will probably remain low achievers, and high achievers will remain high achievers. Social stratification, already clearly evident in the first grade, will only intensify as the child moves through the school. More and more attention has been drawn to the fallacy of this type of expectation; and in addition to the work of Coleman, Hosteller, Moynihan and Jencks, hard evidence regarding the impact of social background on verbal achievement at a very young age has been provided, among others by Bernstein (1961), Hamblin and Hamblin (1972), and Sampson (1956). Researchers in Israel found the same situation when children of European immigrants went to school with those of immigrants from the Orient, from Yemen, and from Libya and North Africa (Silberman, 1964). Other factors Additional studies have pointed to other factors that may also

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52 account for lEO. One shows, for example, that when other factors are controlled for, permissive interpersonal relationships between parents tend to be related to higher levels of aspiration, and that such relationships are more common in middle-class than in lower-class families (Elder, 1965). Other researchers have found that, on the average, the first-born sons or daughters, or children from one-child families, achieve better at school than later-born children (Girard et al., 1963). In this regard, too, it is revealing to consider the generally higher fertility rate among the lower classes (Wrong, 1958). Economic Aspects of Inequality In considering the economic aspects of inequality of educational opportunity (lEO) , it must be stressed that, if educational growth is in part responsible for the production of the variety of public goods or benefits summarized in the notion of economic growth, it can also have the effect, over time, and other things being equal, of making the benefits of economic growth less equally distributed. Certainly, promoting adult education, as is the trend, will relieve to some extent the dysfunctions generated by the overall increase in demand for education and the effects of unusual situations such as the sudden accessibility of education to large numbers of people as a result of the GI Bill; but beyond any doubt, Western societies are facing a problem which may be insoluble and may lead, in Coombs' (1968) view, to a state of latent crisis. A relevant question may be whether Price's (1971) illuminating views on the growth of science can be applied here. Price suggested that exponential growth, under definite circumstances, can give rise to

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53 externalities that serve to generate a braking process proportionate to the growth trend. As a result, growth follows a logistic rather than an exponential curve. Boudon (1973) maintains in his lEO-ISO model that, as long as the educational demand is regulated by market-type mechanisms, no "rational" individual can find an interest in reducing his own demands for education. For example, if investments in education are decelerated as a consequence of the braking process described by Price, the net result will be the exposure of an increasing proportion of students to second-rate education. Indeed, what matters from the point of view of the "rational" individual is his formal level of education and educational attainment, rather than the quality of the educational experience he has. Perhaps this explains why students attending relatively undistinguished institutions are often less critical of the education to which they are exposed than are those from more prestigious institutions. It may explain, too, the rioting among French students as the government seeks to adapt the more classical education traditional in France to the needs of a more technological society. It is also probable that the concern of all industrial societies with short-term higher education can be better understood in the light of the dialectic between the exponential growth of the educational demand and the braking process described by Price,. A variety of empirical findings drawn from mobility research appears to be in close agreement on a variety of crucial points with the outcomes of the lEO-ISO model as developed by Boudon: 1. As predicted by the model, the most plausible conclusion to be elicited from mobility surveys is that mobility in industrial

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54 societies does not appear to change over time according to any definite general pattern. In almost all cases, the over time change that could be observed in the structure of mobility appeared to be limited and oscillatory; it did not seem to follow any definite trend to increase or decrease. 2. This outcome was derived from the proposition that, although lEO decreases, the overall increase in demand for education causes the expectations associated with a given level of education to be non-constant over time. Boudon presents quantities of data to support the proposition that international comparisons (Britain, Denmark, Sweden, West Germany and France) as well as over time comparisons show that status expectations become less favorable as an effect of the overall increase in the demand for education. The outcome of the model, according to which intermediate levels of education should be comparatively more affected by this increase over time than either the lower or the higher levels, appears also to be supported by the empirical evidence. 3. A further outcome of the model that must be borne in mind is that a weak rather than a strong relationship between education and mobility is to be expected in industrial societies. Even with a high level of lEO and a strong influence of educational level on social status, the relation between education and mobility is very weak. Attainment of the highest level may often be follov>7ed by social demotion, whereas social promotion quite frequently occurs, a poor level of education notwithstanding. Anderson (1961) produced several items of data to

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55 support this contention, drawing on the work of Boalt (1953), Centers (19A9) , and Glass (1964). These studies show that, in the United States as well as in Britain and Sweden, the correlation between education and mobility was very weak in the early 1950s. In the United States, the correlation appeared to be somewhat stronger, although on the whole, as demonstrated in the work of Blau and Duncan (1967), it could not be described as strong. Janowitz (1958) and Svastaloga (1959) reached the same conclusion with respect to West Germany and Denmark; yet in both cases the correlation was stronger than in the cases considered by Anderson. Once more, the interesting finding is that even very meritocratic societies are unable to generate a strong correlation between educational level and mobility. Blau and Duncan's data show that Americans with one to three years of college education are often more mobile downwards relative to previous social standing than those who have completed only elementary school or one to four years of high school. Thus it can be said that most of the significant outcomes of the Boudon lEO-ISO model are well supported by empirical evidence, and may help to clarify a number of sociological problems, especially those directly concerned with a consideration of the value of compensatory programs of education whose basic premise is that additional educational opportunities will, ipso facto , generate upward economic and social mobility.

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56 Literacy: Key to Opportunity In any modern, civilized society, reading and writing are taken for granted as indispensable elements in the individual's equipment for living. Children are taught to read and write at the earliest possible age, for the rest of their education depends on possession of the skill of literacy. The whole social, political, and economic structure of the modern community rests on the assumption that every citizen can communicate and be communicated with by means of the written or printed word. The truth is that literacy is a comparatively recent development in human history, and, even today, affects only limited areas of the world. Some two-fifths of the world's population 15 years of age and above cannot, at the present time, read or write (UNESCO, 1967). The invention of reading and writing — that is to say, the use of conventional, visual symbols to represent the sounds of a spoken language ~ goes back into remote pre-history. Next to man's discovery of the art of using articulate sound to express and communicate human thought, it is perhaps the most decisive and far-reaching achievement of the human mind. The pictorial images of the ancient Egyptian and Aztec civilizations, the knotted cords of the Peruvian Incas, were effective only up to a point: they could not possibly have become the basis of such intellectual and material advances as have been realized by the possessors of what the American historian, Prescott (1907), called "that beautiful contrivance, the alphabet." It is impossible [wrote Prescott] to contemplate without interest the struggles made by different nations, as they emerge from barbarism, to supply themselves with some visible symbol of thought, that mysterious agency by which the mind of the individual may be put in communication with the minds

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57 of a whole community. The want of such a symbol is in itself the greatest impediment to the progress of civilization. . . .Not only is such a symbol an essential element of civilization, but it may be assumed as the very criterion of civilization; for the intellectual advancement of a people will keep pace pretty nearly with its facilities for intellectual communications. (Vol. I, p. 59) Nevertheless, apart from a few special cases, even in those communities which have possessed an alphabet, the knowledge and use of it have been limited throughout most of history to a particular class and have not been diffused over the general population. It was, so to speak, a secret code, an instrument of power, kept in the hands of the religious and political rulers and of those who directly served them. As social organization became more complex, there was a corresponding widening of the circle within which ability to read instructions and write reports was needed; and there was a growing appreciation of the essential part the written word had to play in the preservation and dissemination of religion, culture and ideas. Even so, the spread of literacy was a gradual process; and in the most highly developed societies its extension to the mass of the people is a fairly recent innovation. Before the introduction of printing, there was little to be gained from literacy for the great majority of the people, for there was nothing for them to read. Such books as existed were copied by hand and very expensive. Even wealthy people normally employed trained scribes to write for them, and often the scribes also read for their masters. The Hebrews, the "People of the Book," whose way of life was rooted in the Scriptures, were probably as literate as any of the inhabitants of the ancient world; yet the New Testament indicates that Jesus caused some astonishment by his ability to read the sacred literature although he was not a trained

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58 rabbi, and his disciples were despised by the authorities as unlettered men. St. Paul dictated his epistles, his personal postscripts apparently being added in a clumsy hand. In England, it was not until the sixteenth century that, with the development of grammar schools, a literate middle class came into being in response to needs which could no longer be met by the clergy, a term which covered a number of minor orders as well as priests, who had until that time carried on all the necessary legal, financial, secretarial and other paper work for the rulers, the nobility, and the merchants, most of whom were themselves illiterate. The supreme importance attached by Protestants to the Bible was a significant factor in encouraging the spread of literacy after the Reformation (Trevelyan, 1943). Until comparatively recently, illiteracy was never considered as a problem £er se or dealt with on its own account in the United States or in comparable countries. The illiterate were the working classes. Their occupations, mainly in factories or in agriculture, did not require that they be able to read or write. As social and, in particular, industrial development called for an increasing supply of educated people, schools and educational institutions came into being to meet the need. In due course, compulsory education of children was introduced: for example, in the United Kingdom in 1870, in France in 1882, and in most of the United States by 1900. Although enforcement of the laws lagged far behind the laws themselves, in the long run, general illiteracy faded away as successive generations of children emerged from the schools able to read and write, until now only the mentally handicapped or the few deprived by some special circumstance of the opportunity for a normal education should remain without this essential skill (Jefferies, 1967).

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59 Concerning literacy in the United States, Hansen writes in 1956: For all our boasting of being an educated nation, a nation which provides universal and compulsory education for all its citizens, the cold fact remains that we still have a shocking degree of illiteracy in the United States. (p. 127) Ten years later, Gilbert Wrenn (1966), equally perturbed, writes: The solid core of need, however, the unseen and largely unacknowledged nine tenths of the iceberg, is the substantial number of the illiterate, the functionally illiterate, and the barely literate in our society. The illiterate form a segment whose presence in our internationalized and technological society is beginning to hurt not only them but all the rest of us. (p. vii) Americans in general regard themselves as a highly literate people, and the real facts about literacy astound and, quite rightly, profoundly disturb them. In the United States in 1870, 20 percent of the population were estimated to be illiterate, while by 1910 the total had fallen to 11.4 percent, and in 1930 to five percent (Berg, 1960). More recent figures are far from reassuring, however, especially when the absolute numbers produced by an increase in population are considered. The term "functional illiterate," says Berg, is used of an adult 25 years of age or older who has had less than five years of formal education. The 1975 Bureau of the Census reported that in 1970, a total of just under two million Americans aged 25 or older had had no schooling whatsoever, while a further 4.25 million of the same age group had completed from one to four years. Thus, in 1970, 6.25 million adults fell clearly into the functionally illiterate category, a total of 6.65 percent of all persons in that age group. A further 6.15 million had completed six years of formal schooling, a total of 5.5 percent of the age group. Berg continues: Experience shows that, while many of these adults may once

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60 have been able to read and write, many of them have, through lack of use, lost these abilities. Added to these statistics from the census bureau are an unknown number who, while beyond the census taker's data, function as illiterates through failure to learn to read. (p. 48) In 1970, therefore, 12.40 million Americans over the age of 25 were either completely illiterate or nearly so, while an estimated 7 million more, out of school but below the age of 25, were probably illiterate. To these must be added the product of the "baby boom" who were expected to reach high school in the 1970s. To say that this constitutes a problem is a considerable understatement in today's highly technological society. The tragedy is not that they are untrained; but as long as they remain unable to read or write, they are in great measure, untrainable. It is into the midst of this problem, vastly compounded by the widespread unemployment caused by the current economic recession, that the reluctant high school or junior high school student today "drops out." In actual fact, the drop-out who possesses basic skills is much less of a problem, either to himself or to society. There are many ways in which he can complete a high school equivalency diploma, and he often does. Even when he does not do so, he can learn on the job or through specialized training programs. For the illiterate it is quite another matter. Democracy, more than any other form of government, calls for a literate populace. The founding fathers in the United States recognized this; however, they did not specifically provide for it in the organic law. Nevertheless, the principle has been so generally accepted that the population assumes all is well. The problem is, however, one of the first magnitude and not only remains unresolved but constitutes a national issue of the most serious dimensions.

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61 There are many reasons why adult education is currently receiving major attention in America, not only from educators but from legislators and industrial leaders as well. Large numbers of adults now wish to return to school — often must return — in order to survive occupationally and intellectually. In a society where the general level of education has risen perceptibly, where equality of educational opportunity has steadily increased over the past 25 years, and where, at the same time, technological developments have done away with so many semiskilled and unskilled jobs while creating demands for new and specialized skills, a return to education has, in many cases, been less of a choice than a matter of basic necessity. The illiterate are seldom reached by the type of program available to the average adult, however, even the poorly educated adult. To be illiterate is to be extremely handicapped, intellectually, socially, politically, and economically. The illiterate unemployed cannot even complete a job application. How can anyone shop in a supermarket if he cannot read? How can he drive a car if he cannot read signs or street names? The worker who cannot read signs and instructions in a factory may endanger his own life and those of others. The illiterate parent is not only unable to help his child with his school work, but he cannot read a report card, a letter from a teacher, or instructions on a bottle of medicine. No matter how earnestly such parents may wish to have their children avoid a similar fate, the whole climate of the illiterate home will militate against them; and if circumstances produce for the child an unrewarding school experience, his proneness to becoming not only a drop-out but, much worse, an illiterate drop-out, will be greatly reinforced.

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62 Social and psychological implications The research dealing with social and psychological implications of adult literacy -and here "adult" refers to persons 15 years of age and older — appears to be limited. Much of what is known has been determined by implication from related research in the areas of psychology, sociology, and social psychology; yet without such information it is impossible to understand the full significance of undereducation in the United States. The flurry of interest generated in the late 1960s and early 1970s has in official circles apparently given way to political expediencies; and the budget of the Department of Defense is to some people much more urgent a demand than the problem of the literacy of the very poor. One of those who made significant contributions to the learning psychology of the adult was Thorndike (1928, 1932, 1935) who was assisted in his research by Lorge (1930, 1935, 1939). In general, Thorndike demonstrated that the laws of human modif lability do not change with age. Procedures that are fundamentally sound in learning at ages 10 or 20 will not, according to Thorndike, change substantially at later ages. Although some of the inferences to be drawn from his findings are pessimistic with respect to the cognitive processes of the adult learner, the substance of his conclusions indicates that, if only programs of outreach could be brought to the adult illiterate, there is no reason why they should not or could not overcome their handicap. Rhyne (1962) adds to the findings of Thorndike the importance of stress as a factor in adult learning. As a person ages, generalized anxiety increases. If there is too much stress in the learning situation, there is the strong possibility this will tend to demoralize

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63 the adult and interfere with the learning process itself. In any effort to teach illiterate adults, this factor is of the utmost significance. Kirchner (1963) emphasizes motivation as a key factor in adult learning. She herself deplored the lack of research in the area of adult motivation, a dearth due, she feels, to the rapid growth of adult education and the resulting institutional and administrative pressures which seemed to demand more research study than the quite evident motivational forces. Kirchner presents a synthesis of findings from research, and stresses the social and psychological implications of the relationships of motivation to complex social influences and values. Fay (1964) emphasizes the differences between the learning of adults and that of children and notes the importance of recognizing some of the adult psychological characteristics which relate to the learning situation. Among these are concept of self, need fulfillment, conformity, and inhibition. Like Rhyne, Fay draws attention to the existence and importance of stress in adult learning. Freeman and Kassebaum (1968) propose six hypotheses concerning illiteracy, suggesting that illiteracy itself may be a factor in poor race relations. Chilman and Sussman (1969), Haggstrom (1965), Hines (1968), and Shannon (1969) consider various aspects of poverty and their relationship to educational and social effects upon the individual, while Haggstrom suggests a need for some broader social movement among the poor themselves to make education more effective. Chilman and Sussman conclude that poverty has a deleterious effect on almost every aspect of life, including education. Hines suggests that the social

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64 expectations of the larger society can limit or extend the behavior of the culturally disadvantaged. Finally, Shannon contends that it is possible to bring about a movement of man's sense of valuing from ethnic and racial considerations to his ability to manipulate symbols and perform tasks which are valued by society, and thus, properly used, education can, and indeed should, play a crucial role in overcoming poverty and illiteracy. The learning process l-Jhen children fail to learn, one may find fault either with the teaching or with the children. If the children who fail are in a minority, even a fairly large minority, one may have convenient ground for asserting that the defect lies with the children. Every student of mental measurement knows the story of how the intelligence test was born, how French education authorities asked Alfred Binet to devise some means of identifying children who were too dull to profit from regular schooling (Vernon, 1960). Thus, from the outset, intelligence testing has been rooted in an effort to locate the causes of school failure in the child rather than in the way he was taught. It is interesting to speculate whether, had a different type of instruction been in use in the schools of France in 1904 and if as a result a different type of child had failed, there might exist today a different concept of intelligence. It is even more interesting to reflect that intelligence testing may have served to perpetuate the kind of instruction that happened to be in use in France at the turn of the century (Bereiter, 1970). Jensen (1969) has suggested that basic scholastic skills could be

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65 acquired in a variety of ways that make use of different mental abilities (pp. 116-117). Schools in general, however, have adhered to methods and criteria which allow only the child possessed of abstract, verbal, cognitive abilities, the complex that is variously called "scholastic aptitude," "g," or "IQ" to succeed. Jensen points out that functional mastery of skills such as arithmetic computation is not regarded as a sufficient criterion of success in itself, but that "understanding" in the abstract, verbal sense is required. Thus, argues Jensen, the same abilities that are involved in IQ predictors of success are used as criteria of success, producing a circular sequence of self-fulfilling prophecy. Bereiter suggests that a more basic factor in maintaining the selffulfilling prophecy is the generally low quality of instruction. The more confusing, inconsistent, and full of gaps the instruction, the more the child must reason out for himself. Thus, even when the material to be learned is not in itself of a very abstract nature, the child, if he is to master it, must be able to form abstract concepts, to see relationships between abstractions, and to generalize from scattered and incomplete evidence. "To ensure that IQ predicts achievement," says Bereiter, "it is necessary only to teach badly" (p. 281). The work with which Bereiter has been associated in the design of instructional material for young, disadvantaged children has been consciously aimed at reducing the conceptual, problem-solving difficulties of school learning. The approach has been one of trying to discover the underlying sources of difficulty in grasping various concepts and operations, and then devising ways to deal with them. This has been called the "general" as distinct from the "thinking" approach; and

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66 expositions of it, together with some of the specific applications, may be found in Bereiter and Engelmann (1966) and in Engelmann (1969a; 1969b). No longitudinal study reports could be found to indicate how much this method might actually accomplish in raising levels of achievement over the full span of the school years, and/or what overall value might accrue to the learner in terms of self-concept, attitudes, continuation in school, and related areas; but, as they stand, the results appear to lend strong support to Jensen's belief that basic scholastic skills can be acquired by children who nevertheless lack the attributes needed to master them through more conventional approaches. If the concern is purely with a child's level of attainment relative to his peers, nothing much is to be gained by improving instruction, for the bright child will continue to be bright or even brighter, and the lowest child in the class may still be the lowest. If, however, there is thought to be value in absolute levels of attainment, there is much to hope for from instructional reform. If, under method A, the lowest child in the class does not learn to read, while under method B he does, then he is much better off under method B, even if he is still the lowest and just as far below the mean as under method A. Thus, to the extent that scholastic skills have value for the student outside the school itself, and they may represent the difference between employment with hope, self-respect and a life with meaning as contrasted with one of dependence, unemployability , degredation and despair, one renders a service to the child by any and every increase in his level of achievement, regardless of individual differences (Jensen, 1969).

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67 The Influence of the Family Human history, according to Judaeo-Christian theology, began with a family in crisis: the marital discord of Adam and Eve, the sibling rivalry of Cain and Abel. In the mythology of the classical Greeks, the principal crisis was the revolt of Zeus and his brothers against the tyrannical rule of their father, Cronus, while far away in Australia, in the legends of the Stone-age Wulumba (Malinowski, 1924), the crucial episode was the theft of tribal secrets by brothers from their sisters. In modern times, Freud has described the primal human event as the banding together of brothers in a savage horde whose members killed and ate their father in order to possess their mother (Freud, 1950). At the base of all these disparate accounts, there Is a sense of the family as something primordial, essential to the existence of man, yet at the same time imbued with instability, conflict, change and crisis. The crisis can indeed be called eternal. There has probably never been a generation from Adam's to the present that did not, in some way, feel certain that the family as an institution was breaking down, that the good old ways were being eroded by laxity and permissiveness. It is easy to understand why: one forms one's ideas of what a family should be when one is young and impressionable. By the time one has grown up, the world has changed; and the family, that most adaptable of human institutions, has changed with it. Things are no longer the way they were ~ or the way they are remembered as having been — in Grandfather's day. Most people think of the present century as the one that has most radically changed the human condition. Other centuries have seen

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68 changes just as drastic when civilizations rose and fell, or cities and nations were swept away by plagues or wars, by migrations, or transmuted by technological developments such as the Industrial Revolution. It is beyond dispute, however, that in this century change is more nearly universal than ever before and all corners of the globe are caught up in the process. Industrialization, urbanization, the breakdown of traditional religious and moral codes, the spread of secularism, the consumer-oriented economy all combine to put traditional family values under strain everywhere. Relationships basic to family life — between young and old, men and women — are undergoing transformation more radically than ever before in the lifetime of one person. It is perhaps natural for older generations to feel that the family as a societal entity can no longer be counted upon. Only a few generations ago, some social scientists were proclaiming the virtues of the type of family common in Western culture, the "nuclear" arrangement of husband, wife and children. Men like Lewis Henry Morgan, intellectually captivated by Darwin's theory of biological evolution, constructed an evolutionary social theory: just as men developed by stages from the primordial amoeba, so the modern Westerntype family must have evolved from older, more primitive forms, a theme similar to Hall's "recapitulation theory" of adolescent psychology. The fact seems to be that people have always lived in families; and the nuclear family, far from being the high point in an evolutionary process, is only one of a variety of family structures, and as old as any other. Murdock (1966), whose work at Yale has made him a leading authority on family life, concludes that all the structures are variants of three basic forms — the nuclear family, based on one husband and

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69 wife; the polygamous family: one husband with several wives, or one wife with several husbands; and the extended family: a structure which includes several generations, siblings, cousins and other relatives. All three structures were found in ancient cultures, and around the globe all three exist today. Looked at objectively, none can be said to be more civilized or less civilized than the others, none morally superior or inferior, none inherently better or worse. They are simply different. All these distinctions in family organization vary from place to place, culture to culture, and time to time. Under certain conditions, each variation has advantages over the others; when conditions change, family patterns may change. All families are, by their very nature, set up for dependency; the family institution exists primarily to care for children. However, many families must also provide for additional types of dependents, some of whom are more dependent than others. Their dependency may be temporary, as when the father or mother falls ill; or it may be permanent as in the case of a retarded child. The traditional family fits the old and the young together into its way of life, partly because there is no alternative. In most societies today, as in the past, people are too poor, or the social organization is too rudimentary, to provide institutional facilities for weaker members, even though caring for them may put a great strain on the resources of the individual family. Caring for the weak is not only a matter of necessity, however, but an essential and inherent tenet of the traditional family code. Kinsmen are expected to stick together and to share and share alike. The nuclear family that has evolved in the more advanced and

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70 affluent' Western societies tends to take a different view of its responsibilities. It frequently calls in outside professional advice and is often not only willing but eager to abdicate its caretaking functions to outside authorities. In fact, the proliferation of day-care centers, kindergartens, juvenile centers, hospitals, mental hospitals, and retirement homes is one characteristic that distinguishes Western society from all other societies, past and present. In such institutions efficient, bureaucratic care replaces at least in theory, the generally affectionate and well-intentioned, if somewhat haphazard, methods of relatives' ministering to their kin in private homes. Sometimes the gain is all to the good; but there are many cases where the choice is not so clear-cut. The modern family is often faced with choices that may be traumatic for the family either way, and can have crucial, and unforeseeable, consequences for the future of the dependent person (Curtin, 1973). Parental responsibilities begin with the birth of the child and do not end until childhood is over; but just when that turning point comes varies widely from culture to culture and from one historical period to another. For most cultures, it is when the child begins to contribute economically to his family by full-time work, or leaves it entirely to lead an independent life elsewhere. Stephens (1963) reports that nearly all of the societies described by ethnographers put children to work before they turn ten. Until comparatively modern times, the Western world had a similarly pragmatic attitude toward childhood, their chief concern being to turn their offspring from economic liabilities into assets as soon as possible. This was reinforced by the homunculus theory of development which

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71 regarded children as small adults, and failed to see in childhood anything other than a time-wasting preparatory stage for the important business of life. Beginning among the upper classes with the late Renaissance, and spreading gradually through the social scale in succeeding centuries, the custom of keeping children segregated from adult life has developed steadily. In the United States, the uphill battle against child labor and the exploitation of the young for economic gain illustrates better, perhaps, than any other chapter in American history the country's ambivalent, often contradictory, attitudes toward children. Throughout the Colonial period, children had been an integral part of the family. Between 1642 and 1731, several colonies passed laws that reflected at least theoretical concern for the education of apprentices; masters who were unwilling or unable to tutor their apprentices were expected to send them to school. Although some children began work as early as age six, it was usually at about fourteen that their fathers chose a permanent calling for them (Hechinger & Hechinger , 1975). Toward the latter part of the eighteenth and well into the nineteenth century, the growth of the cotton industry led to a diversification of, and need for, labor that made the employment of children a key to industrial expansion. Advocates of child labor, a cheap and profitable commodity, built their case on the fear of idleness and sanctity of work. In his report on the advantages of manufacturing, Alexander Hamilton had, in 1791, expressed the conviction that, ", . .in general, women and children are rendered more useful by manufacturing establishments than they would otherwise be" (Bremner et al. , 1971, p. 171). A few voices protested the lack of humane concern, but no humanitarian force was strong enough to

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72 eliminate a system on which the profits of the ever-spreading factories were, by the middle of the nineteenth century, so completely dependent. As industry expanded, so did the variety and scope of child labor; and the spread became particularly rapid in the South after the Civil War and the end of slavery. By 1900, one-third of all workers in Southern mills were children; and the same conditions were to be found from coast to coast. Huge fortunes were made in factories, mines and mills because children toiled in semi-starvation, while the Courts, accepting the supremacy of "laissez-faire," cited judicial excuses for the exploitation of child labor. In 1885, the New York Court of Appeals struck down a law forbidding the manufacture of cigars in tenements on the grounds that "the hallowed associations and beneficent influence of the home" could best protect the health and morals of the child (Hechinger & Hechinger, 1975). Clearly the judges either did not know or did not care about the conditions in the tenement sweatshops. Against such practices, reformers established the National Child Labor Committee, supported by such prominent figures as Felix Adler, Florence Kelley, Jane Addams and Lillian Wald; but not until 1916 were they able to gain passage of federal legislation in the form of the Keatings-Owens Act. Regarded as a progressive triumph, the measure had been in effect for 275 days when, on June 3, 1918, in Hammer v Dagenhart the Supreme Court held that the act exceeded the authority given to Congress in matters involving interstate commerce (Clifford, 1975). Justice Oliver Wendell Holmes, in a historic dissent, wondered why it was proper to translate popular moral outrage into the prohibition of alcoholic beverages under the Volstead Act, but not permissible to prohibit the evils of child labor. Conservatives continued for twenty years thereafter

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?3 to argue successfully that federal child labor legislation would be in violation of states' rights, and thus they prevented such a federal law from being passed until the 1930s. In spite of everything, the New York Times reported in April, 1971, on the dismal conditions of migrant children still being exploited in farm work and harvesting. Economic policy continues to be a powerful persuader, and arguments to prevent reforms are highly reminiscent of those in use a century ago. Although twenty states have enacted laws to restrict field work for children of migrant workers during school hours, enforcement remains as erratic as it was in the days of child labor in the mills and factories of the 1890s. Functions of the family The family has two main functions in the nurturing process: the first is to care for the child biologically since he needs physical care if he is to survive; the second is much more complex — the making of a human being. Behavioral scientists call the metamorphosis of the second process "socialization" or "enculturation, " namely, the teaching and indoctrination by which patterns of human behavior are transmitted from one generation to the next (Wernick et al. , 1974). To convert the raw material of a child into a civilized human being, by whatever definition, the child's family must convey to him a heritage made up of three parts: knowledge, patterns of social behavior, and values. In the first place, the child must be taught some facts and skills so that he can survive in his world. Children in pre-literate societies must know what plants and berries are edible, and which animals may be

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74 hunted and used for food. Young Eskimos must be taught to fish, while Asian peasant children learn how to plant and harvest rice. For Western children, the basic skill of civilization emphasized above all others is reading. That there is wide variation in the degree of skill attained and the amount of use the skill gets cannot be ascribed entirely to individual aptitudes or even to subcultural pressures such as the ethnic and economic factors that affect the value placed by parents on reading skills. These are essentially family differences. The family influence is equally noticeable in the second category of the socialization process, the development of patterns of social behavior. In the home the child learns how to interact with other people, how to subordinate his wishes to the wishes of others, how to impose his will on others, and which behavior is appropriate at different times. Other patterns learned in the course of socialization have to do with status or social position, exactly what society expects of someone occupying the child's particular niche, and what kinds of behavior will be rewarded, punished, ignored or simply tolerated. The rules of status are important because they depend heavily on values, the third category of cultural material handed down in the family during the socialization process. Values are attitudes, standards by which people measure the relative worth to them of everything from material objects to philosophical ideas, from personality characteristics to life goals and acceptable ways of achieving them. Through socialization every human being learns what his society respects or rejects, loves or hates, values or despises. One of the most subtle expressions of a family-induced value that

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75 Influences social behavior, especially, perhaps, the behavior of the adolescent in relation to education, was observed by the Oxford psychologist, Jereme Bruner. From his studies he concludes (1960) tbat one of the most reliable indicators of a child's social class in modern society is how he answers the question: "What do you think is more important in determining success, ability or luck?" Most lower-class children, whose economically hard-pressed parents have little reason to anticipate success through their own efforts, answer: "Luck." Middle-class children, who have been brought up to believe that effort brings its just reward, and who have observed that it usually appears to do just that, will answer: "Ability." Such class convictions, handed down from parents to child, have a profound effect on patterns of social behavior. Children of poverty are much more likely to develop poor work habits at school, not because they are either lazy or stupid, but because, in addition to having less of a cultural background to prepare them for the demands of school, they have little to expect in the way of benefits from hard work, and thus become much more easily discouraged. Parent-Child Relationships Psychoanalytic theory The two most influential theories of parent-child relationships are probably Freud's theory of how children resolve the Oedipus conflict, and Talcott Parsons' theory of instrumental and expressive parental roles. Social-learning theory has also been fruitful in guiding research, especially research on the father's influence on the child's sexrole development. According to Freud, the resolution for males 9f the Oedipus conflict

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76 is motivated by fear of the father's aggression, the resolution for females by fear of the loss of the mother's love. Freud's theory is much clearer and more consistent for males than for females; in fact, he does not believe that females ever completely resolve the conflict, and they bear traces of it in their relationships with men throughout life. He concludes that, since the woman lacks the powerful motivating force of castration fear, a woman's superego, i.e. conscience, never becomes as thoroughly developed, and thus never becomes as relentless, impersonal, and as independent of its emotional origins as that of the man. He concludes, therefore, that women seldom develop a man's strong sense of justice or his readiness to submit to the urgent demands of life, and their judgments are greatly influenced by feelings of affection or of hostility (Freud, 1961a, 1961b, 1964). Parsons' instrumental-expressive theory Talcott Parsons differentiates the father's "instrumental" role in the family from the mother's "expressive" role (Parsons & Bales, 1955). Parsons postulates the general principle that any group must differentiate the two functions, the expressive and the instrumental, and successful groups always work out ways to institutionalize instrumental and expressive roles. One very common way of assigning these roles is to differentiate sex roles along these lines, loading male roles heavily, though not exclusively, with the instrumental function. Thus, those aspects of Parsons' theory that focus on the family are in reality specific applications of a more global social theory. The family is both a part of a large system, society, and a subsystem in itself. To relate the subsystem to the overall system, to

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relate the family to society, requires effort. Parsons regards the father as the parent who primarily carries out this role and refers to the father's efforts to relate the family to society as the instrumental function. To keep the subsystem functioning smoothly as a unit is primarily the mother's role, which Parsons labels the expressive function. Fathers are able to execute their instrumental functions be cause they are traditionally less tied to child care than mothers, wor more outside the home, and in their daily affairs tend to be more mobi and more involved with people. Hence they are in a strategic position to bring the concerns of society into the family. According to Parsons, the father not only brings the society into the family but brings the family into society. Through the discipline and control he supplies, he pries the children loose from their motherdependency so that they can grow up and accept their responsibilities as adults. Thus one of his functions is to enable the family to function well as adults and to launch the children out into society. The mother's concentration on child care traditionally precludes her focusing her primary attention outside the family. Her role as caretaker enables her to carry out the expressive functions, a role which involves keeping intact the internal affairs of the family by coping with its strains and stresses, regulating the tensions among family members, giving emotional support, and mediating the fatherchild relationship. These activities perpetuate family solidarity and sustain the children's emotional security. Although not in relation to Parsons' framework, Lederer (1964) makes several observations that seem appropriate to the instrumentalexpressive dichotomy. He maintains that fathers and mothers represent

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two different modes of loving. The mother loves her child simply because he exists; mother's love is unconditional and will continue whether the child is a success or a failure. The father's love is demanding; it is conditional on performance. The father loves the child for what he can do. Such a love can be translated in Parsons' terms as representing the father's instrumental function. The mother belongs to the child personally; the father belongs to the world. The father is the mediator between family and society; his demands are based on society's values. Fathers cannot be taken for granted. They love their children, as Erikson says, "more dangerously" (1958, p. 123). Both Freud's and Parsons' theories hold in common the view that the father is indeed the parent who incites the child to incorporate the prohibitions, rules, principles, and values of society, and both men regard him as symbolizing the authority of the society for everyone. What, then, are the implications if the father's potency, both in the home and as an image of society's authority, were to diminish, or if the father were to be absent from the home? The German psychoanalyst, Mitscherlich (1970), maintains that the father and his image in society have collapsed under the impact of modern industrialization and urbanization and the loss of the paternal image leaves cultures vulnerable to many ills such as alienation, irresponsibility, anxiety, and aggression. In the absence of direct paternal instruction in practical life, says Mitscherlich, and with the consequent loss of dependable tradition, people orient themselves to each other; and the peer group acquires its modern impact, with its concomitant risks of envy, rivalry, and unstable mass movements. Erich Fromm (1971) also expresses the fear that the modern struggle

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79 against patriarchal authority seems to be destroying the patriarchal principle, and thus society is returning in a regressive and non-rational way to a matriarchal principle. A matriarchal society, says Fromm, stands in the way of the individual's complete development, thus preventing technical, rational, and artistic progress. Sociallearning theory Initially the social-learning theorists translated Freud into learning-language theory. Mowrer (1950) distinguished two modes of identification, "developmental" and "defensive." Developmental identification is "powered mainly by biologically given drives — 'fear of loss of love' in the analytic sense — . . ." and defensive identification is "powered by. . .socially inflicted discomforts — 'castration fear' or, less dramatically, simple fear of punishment" (p. 592). Despite obvious similarities, this theory differs in many ways from Freud's. For example, defensive identification is generalized beyond Freud's principle to include fear of punishment. Sears _et al. (1965), also adapting Freud's theory into a learningtheory framework, stress dependency, in conjunction with the occasional withholding of love, as a mechanism that brings about identification. Sears (1957) holds that the actions learned by the child through imitation are those that the parent performs in gratifying the child's dependency. If the father, like the mother, were always present and nurturant, the boy would have little occasion to copy his actions in order to obtain self-reinforcement. On the other hand, if the father is not nurturant or is disapproving or punitive, the child will not be motivated to reproduce his actions and thus provide himself with a substitute. Thus the motive to identify will be strongest when the

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80 child is given affection and nurturance that are periodically withdrawn in order to create a situation in which the child will be rewarded by reproducing his parent's behavior. Sears, like Mowrer, also uses the concept of defensive identification. Some of the social-learning theorists have made much of the boy's (but not the girl's) need to shift from his initial identification with his mother in order to establish his masculinity. The girl is conditioned by society to pattern herself after her mother. The boy not only has the problem of ceasing to pattern himself after the mother; he also has the second problem of identifying with the father, who, in many cases, lacks salience. The father is typically away from home all day; and even when he is at home, he does not participate in as many intimate activities as does the mother. He may not be present at all in many modern families. Consequently, as a model for the boy, the father may be like a map, showing the major outlines but lacking the details; and the boy must turn to his peers, heroes, teachers, and mother to help him define the masculine role. In a social-learning framework, these significant people in the boy's life, in addition to the father when he is present in the home, help spell out the masculine role for him by selectively reinforcing (rewarding) masculine behavior while discouraging (punishing) feminine behavior (Lynn, 1969). Some social-learning theorists have abandoned the Freud formulation (Bandura & Walters, 1963; Hill, 1960), holding that essentially all of the development explained by identification theory could be accounted for by the principles of imitation theory (Lynn, 1974). Parental Influence on Education Intellectual development seems to be a product of the interaction

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81 of biology, family, and society. When a similarity is discovered between a parent and a child in a particular aptitude or style of thinking, it is difficult to determine how much of the similarity can be attributed to the genetic heritage and how much to the social influence of the parent (Lynn, 1974). For example, Stafford (1964) offers good evidence that a particular spatial-orientation ability and a particular kind of reasoning can be accounted for by recessive genes in the X chromosome. The family pattern of associations that emerges comes remarkably close to the associations that would be expected in the case of a sex-linked genetic heritage. The association patterns suggest that there is a fatherdaughter genetic heritage, but no such heritage for father and son. They also suggest a genetic heritage between mother and son. The results of many studies indicate that the general level of a person's scholastic aptitude has a genetic heritage; but, as a child grows up, an interaction of environment, personality, and social experience determines fluctuations in mental performance. The fact that scholastic aptitude has a genetic heritage does not imply that it is immutable (McCall, 1970). Furthermore, there are sex differences in the biochemical composition, structure, and function of areas of the brain itself that complicate, even confuse, a discussion of either parent's influence on the intellectual achievements and aptitudes of a son versus those of a daughter (Anastasi, 1958; Bardwick, 1971; Broverman et al. , 1968; Lansdell, 1962, 1964; Money, 1971). The education of the mother is apparently a better predictor than the father's education of a child's scholastic aptitude up to the age of ten, and a better predictor in girls than in boys (Bayley, 1954;

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82 Cervantes, 1969; Kagan & Moss, 1969). The mother's concern with language development during the first three years of the child's life is found to be associated with his intellectual development (Moss & Kagan, 1958). Bayley (1966) reports higher rates of association in girls than in boys between parental education and child's mental growth. Honzik (1963) notes a positive relationship, increasing with age, between the child's mental growth and the parents' education; in girls the association becomes striking around age three, while in boys it is not significant until age five. Among other researchers, the level of parents' completed education was statistically significant in studies by Baldwin ejt al. (1962), Bertrand (1962), Bledsoe (1959), Clements and Oelke (1967), Davie (1953), Hollingshead (1949), Moore (1954) and Van Dyke and Hoyt (1958). Christopher (1967) found that high school girls who earned above average grades viewed both their fathers and their mothers as close to their ideal, and also viewed both parents as highly valuing academic success. High school boys who made the best grades viewed their parents as only moderately similar to what their ideal parents would be but, like the daughters, saw both parents as valuing academic success. Parental Influence and Socio-economic Status Although Americans like to regard themselves as a classless society, in fact distinct socio-economic divisions exist, offering privileges to some and disadvantages to others. Geographical, historical, political, and social forces combine in different ways to form a variety of family patterns rather than one American family mold; and parents assume different roles within these various family forms. It

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83 must be remembered in reading reports of studies which include families in broad categories such as "middle class" and "lower class" that there may be distinct differences within these classes. Within the lowerclass population, for example, the degree of poverty may be a critical factor in determining some paternal behaviors such as desertion. An upwardly mobile middle-class father might be much more concerned with the occupational goals of his children, especially his sons, than a middle-class professional man descending from a long line of comparable status who might simply assume that his son would follow the family tradition. Hoffman (1963) found that the father's power in the family generally varies directly with the income and prestige of his work. The welleducated and successful executive/professional commands respect in the family without having to exercise coercion. The working-class man, on the other hand, is more likely to try to wield power in the family and less likely to achieve it. Despite the generally held belief that middle-class men are conformists, Nunn (196A) found that they are actually more tolerant of their children's being different from other children than are fathers in either the higher or the lower classes. Fathers who are less frustrated at work because they possess autonomy on the job express less hostility towards their children (McKinley, 1964). Kohn (1959, 1963) maintains that there are major differences in the demands of middle and working-class occupations that subtly orient the father toward distinctly different childrearing approaches. Since middle-class work demands self-discipline, the father and mother both promote self-direction in their young children and encourage the child to be considerate and dependable. Since the

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84 working man is more subject to direct orders, he and his wife encourage the child to conform to external standards and to be obedient; and they also train the child to defend himself. Mention is made later in this study of different types of punishment meted out by parents of different classes and the effect on the children. Wives differ by class in the role they want their husbands to take with the children. Middle-class wives expect the husband to be as supportive of the children as they are and do not wish him to impose constraints on them. Working-class mothers, on the other hand, want their husbands to constrain the children, although the husbands are more likely to leave the child-rearing to their wives. Middle-class fathers leave the support of their daughters to their wives, but are more supportive and also more demanding of their sons than are lowerclass fathers (Kohn & Carroll, 1960). Children's School Achievement Compared to the offspring of high status families, children from working-class homes are usually less well endowed with many of the attributes that make for high achievement in school: scholastic aptitude, level of aspiration, and motivation to achieve, especially the motivation to work towards intangible, distant goals. This does not mean that working-class children are less well endowed. The problem seems to be that working-class parents are less able to assist their children and lack both the skills and the familiarity with the total educational enterprise which could help their children. In one study of educationally able fifth and sixth graders (Keller, 1969), the educational level of the parents proved to be more important

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85 for school achievement than their vocational aspirations for the child, perhaps because, no matter how high the parents' standards may be, it is the educated parent who is more likely to know how really to help the child. In this study, the children's school achievement was positively related to the kind of home enrichment that well-educated parents often provide — encyclopedias, books, magazines, musical experiences, hobbies, travel, and membership in formally organized children's experiences. Such differences in the kind of enrichment that families can supply help to explain the finding that high-ability eighth grade children from low socio-economic homes achieved no better than their high socioeconomic counterparts with low academic ability (Covington, 1967). In his book. The Affluent Society (1958), John Kenneth Galbraith states: "We [ought to] invest more than proportionately in the children of the poor community. It is there that high-quality schools. . .are most needed to compensate for the very low investment which [poor] families are able to make in their offspring." (pp. 256258) Parental dominance is yet another factor that appears to affect the child's attitudes, achievement motivation, and actual performance in school. Researchers generally agree that children of authoritarian parents, especially strict, autocratic fathers, tend to be poorly motivated to achieve in school and to continue their education. Extreme dominance by either parent appears to dampen scholastic motivation and actual school performance, as well as to generate anxiety and rejection of the parents by the child and inhibit his perspective on the future. Extremely weak or absent fathers on the one hand, or

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86 extremely successful and dominant fathers, may equally pose problems for their sons: the weak or absent father is an inadequate model, while the dominant father overwhelms a boy and makes him sure he cannot measure up to his father's achievements (Bowerman & Elder, 1964; Cervantes, 1965; Elder, 1962; Grunebaum £t al. , 1962; Straus, 1962; Strodtbeck, 1958). Sociologists have related the "sub-culture of violence" to social class differences in child rearing and to the resulting differences in the value systems of the various social strata. Patterns of discipline experienced in childhood may well affect the adult's tendency to act violently toward other persons (Wolfgang & Ferracuti, 1967, p. 193). Studies show that working-class parents are more likely than those of the middle class to employ physical forms of punishment and to insist on outward behavioral conformity, whereas middle-class parents often use the threat of withdrawing love as a sanction and tend to stress the internalization of proper standards rather than simply demanding conformity. As a result, the middle-class child may react to frustration or conflict with guilt feelings and turn any consequent aggression inward, while the lower-class child is more likely to define any conflict-ridden situation as a kind of behavioral combat and to lash out at the presumed adversary. In this connection, both significant and interesting are the findings that, while homicide correlates highly with low socio-economic status, high rates of suicide tend to be associated with high socio-economic standing (Schur, 1968). Sub-cultural influences go a long way toward explaining the social patterns of violence in society, but one is then left with the problem of explaining the sub-culture itself which, from a technical standpoint.

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87 is not an easy task. The child-rearing analysis helps to explain the development of some of the values conducive to violence; but to explain fully these practices, one would have to explore some very complex aspects of social class phenomena and family structure. Obviously much more is involved than simply the impact of varying methods of childhood discipline (Cohen, 1955). At a time when marital roles are becoming increasingly undefined, with women's realization of their de facto inferior status emerging ever more clearly, and with men threatened both by women's anger and by changing sex roles, the inevitable conclusion is that unhappy and broken marriages will increase (Gilder, 1973; Levine, 1972). As a consequence, the proportion of children who suffer the effects of conflict-laden or broken homes will increase. Because of the declining birthrate, the number — in contrast to the proportion — may not increase; but for so many present and potential casualties, there is a great need for agencies to help provide the child with a psychologically nourishing childhood. Single parents, often themselves in dire need of help in coping with the new stresses to which they have been exposed, find it very hard to meet their children's needs in these areas, especially when they really cannot identify such needs. When extreme poverty is an added factor, one can but wonder that so many of the young people affected do indeed continue through school to graduation and proceed out into the world of work to find some semblance of job satisfaction and personal fulfillment. The Influence of the School For a long time concerned parents, educators, and psychologists

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88 have recognized that schools, rather than easing the stresses of the intellectual, emotional, social, and physical development of adolescence, often in fact complicate the normal course of this phase by such factors as pressure to achieve, over-emphasis on cognitive development, and conflict between the individual student on the one hand, and outmoded educational methods and obsolete goals on the other. Adolescence and the secondary school are of necessity closely related, says Muuss (1971), because an increasingly larger proportion of youth today spends more years than ever before in schools "ill-equipped to handle the physical and psychological needs of adolescents" (p. 10). Criticism of the schools is not new. At the beginning of the century. Hall (1904), in his monumental, two-volume, 1300-page study. Adolescence , included just such a critique. As Gallatin (1975) writes, "it was Hall, with his cataloguer's eye and empirical bent, who first sketched in the basic dimensions of the total adolescent experience" (p. 25). Like many modern educators. Hall accused the American schools of being stifling and dehumanizing, continuing to use with adolescents methods which were suitable only for students in the "childhood" stage of development: Everywhere the mechanical and formal triumph over content and substance, the letter over the spirit, the intellect over morals, lesson setting and hearing over real teaching, the technical over the essential, information over education, marks over edification, and method over matter. (1904, I, p. xvii) Some 50 years later, in the context of efforts to provide learning opportunities for disadvantaged youth which would equip them realistically with the training and habits to enter the labor market, Kenneth B. Clark (1957) expresses his concern:

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89 With increased technological industrialization, and with promises of accelerated industrialization in the form of automation, the major problem which confronts contemporary youth is not that they will be prematurely exploited by an industrial economy insatiable in its demand for manpower, but rather that they will be excluded from that participation in the economy that is essential for the assumption of independent economic and adult status. The vestibule stage of adolescence may be prolonged to a point where social and psychological stresses on young people present for them and the society a most severe problem. ... Assuming that there will be a prolongation of the period of vestibule adolescence,. . .it is questionable whether this period of restless waiting can be adequately filled for large enough numbers of these young people by merely increasing the period of compulsory education. (p. 12) It is interesting to note that, almost 20 years after Clark's prescient statement, the findings of Boudon's (1973) lEO/lSO model indicate: "As soon as the process [the rising overall level of education in the population as a whole] is sufficiently far advanced to keep a significant number of young people in this marginal situation long after their teen years, severe dysfunctions are likely to appear" (p. 42). But a disquieting number of young people are still dropping out of school programs which they consider to be irrelevant. Social Processes and Classroom Interaction Within the sociology of education, considerable work has been done in the social psychology of the classroom. The interpersonal relationships that originate and develop there give rise to many unspecified and subtle attitudes, evaluations, self-images, and internalized modes of conduct; and this is as true for teachers as it is for the students. Stub (1975) believes that the emergence and development of a particular social climate, along with its attendant patterns of interaction, have a powerful influence on the attitudes and perspectives of

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90 the student. The latter 's view of school, family, neighborhood, friends and future prospects is influenced and shaped by the interaction and social psychological processes that originate or take place in the classroom. Every class comprises students who differ in attitude toward school, in ability to do school work, in social, psychological and physical maturity, physique, appearance, temperament, and personal and social background. They are confronted with a teacher who brings his own personal perspectives on education, attitude toward the job, ambitions, biases, fears, inadequacies, experience, capabilities and varying degrees of capacity for concern and affection for school children into the classroom. On the basis of all these unique factors, human interaction takes place and there emerge patterns of relationships or roles, roles which give structure and form to life in the classroom, and determine to a great extent what kind of classroom it will be (Stub, op cit . ) . Although the teacher is the dominant force, he cannot fully control the social life of the class. He has the most influence in determining the atmosphere of the classroom; but the social and psychological characteristics of the class and the attitudes and expectations of other teachers, staff, and administrators also influence the direction and development of the interpersonal relationships. The influence of the teacher It can be readily understood that a teacher's expectations can and will affect the student's performance in school, Shaw's Pygmalion is based on the critical nature of the phenomena of expectations. Eliza Doolittle observed to Colonel Pickering:

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The difference between a lady and a flower girl is not how she behaves, but how she is treated. I shall always be a flower girl to Professor Higgins, because he treats me as a flower girl and always will; but I know I can be a lady to you, because you always treat me as a lady and always will. (Shaw, 1938, p. 769) As Silberman (1970) points out, a social climate of low expectations performance in school can have devastating results: In most slum schools, the children are treated as flower • girls. One cannot spend any substantial amount of time visiting schools in ghetto or slum areas. . .without being struck by the modesty of the expectations teachers, supervisors, principals, and superintendents have for the students in their care. (p. 84) In effect, the level of teacher-student expectations may result in social and psychological conditions that virtually obviate the princi pie of equal opportunity in education. The work of Rosenthal and Jacobson (1968) in proving this has given rise to what has come to be known as the "Pygmalion effect." Rosenthal describes his experiment thus: To anticipate briefly the nature of this new evidence, it is enough to say that 20 percent of the children in a certain elementary school were reported to their teachers as showing unusual potential for intellectual grovjth. The names of these children were drawn by means of a table of random numbers, which is to say that the names were drawn out of a hat. Eight months later, these unusual or "magic" children showed significantly greater gains in IQ than did the remaining children who had not been singled out for the teacher's attention. (Rosenthal & Jackbson, 1968, p. vii) Obviously the interplay of expectations is at the core of the consequences that flow from classroom interaction within the school. In describing self-fulfilling prophecy, Bloom (1968) writes: Each teacher begins a new term (or course) with the expectation that about one-third of his students will adequately learn what he has to teach. He expects about one-third to fail or just "get by". . . .This set of expectations becomes transmitted to the students. . . .The system creates a self-fulfilling prophecy such that the final sorting of

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92 students through the grading process hecomes approximately equivalent to the original expectations. (p. 1) Jackson (1968) holds that "most students soon learn that rewards are granted to those who lead a good life," and goes on to say that in school "the good life consists principally in doing what the teacher says" (p. 6). Do teachers in fact distribute a variety of maps routing different approaches to "the good life?" asks Good (1970). He suggests further that the "roulette wheel of opportunity which the teacher controls" does not stop at random; teachers call some numbers with significantly greater frequency (p. 262). Much research indicates that in fact teachers do treat pupils differently and that pupils get neither equal classroom opportunities nor equal amounts of praise. Charters (1968), describing the work of Davis and Dollard, concludes that lower-class children gather most of the teacher's corrections, while higher-class children reap the rewards Becker (1952), who interviewed 60 teachers in the Chicago school system notes that they voluntarily made evaluations of their pupils; and these evaluations were based on the student's social status. Some researchers suggest that inequalities in the ratio of student teacher contact are also related to level of achievement. Hoehn (1954) found that pupils who were low achievers had a greater proportion of "conflictive and dominative" contacts with teachers, and that teachers typically directed their "promotive and supportive" behaviors towards pupils who were higher achievers. Lahaderne (1967) maintains that the kind of pupil-teacher interaction, as well as the absolute and relative frequency of interaction, differs with achievement, while Thompson

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93 (1962) reports that sixth grade students who received the largest amounts of teacher approval during a school year were the best scholars. It is not difficult to understand the processes that induce the teacher to call on some students more than others. A teacher does not haphazardly pose questions or solicit answers. He has a reason for asking, and he tries to call on those who are capable of satisfying his purposes. A teacher who wants to motivate or encourage the class does not call on a student who consistently provides inappropriate responses; nor, when he himself needs reinforcement to prove to himself that he is doing a good job, does he call on students of low academic ability. Teachers may reduce the number of opportunities for slow pupils to respond in the hope of reducing their anxiety and to shield them from the criticism or ridicule of their peer group. Two critics of the contemporary high school, Friedenburg (1966) and Goodman (1969), condemn especially the rigid structure and the traditional curriculum as inadequate for the adolescent's need for self-control, responsibility, freedom, and relevance. Ringness (1971) compares the adolescent's identification with the father, the teacher, the school, and the peer group, with the subject's level of achievement. Basing his study on the assumption that most students Identify with the father and a generalized concept of the school, deriving their motivation from these sources, he concludes that the challenge for educators lies in the divergent goals of high and low achievers. Ringness believes that the reinforcements typically used in schools — praise, blame, grades — are simply not effective and urges that much more effort be spent on finding other kinds of reinforcers for academic achievement.

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94 Size of school There have been mixed findings on the effect of school size on students. A study of high-school size in Kentucky found that pupils from larger schools score higher on standardized tests than those from smaller schools (Street e^ al. , 1962). Altman (1959) reports no difference in achievement observed in a similar study. Perhaps the most conclusive evidence on the size of the school is a study by Barker and Gump (1964) on thirteen high schools of varying size in which they found that students from smaller schools participated more actively in a variety of extra-curricular activities and were afforded more opportunities for exercise of student leadership. Overall, the evidence seems to be that the smaller the school, the more influence the climate exerts on the students. Additional research There is also a rich and growing body of literature on cognitive and affective development differences among various racial, ethnic, and socioeconomic groups; on family structure, life styles, and childrearing patterns as these affect the educational processes; on language development and linguistic differences; and on other behavioral characteristics of individuals and groups which may be part of the whole pattern of school process and outcome. There has, for example, been increasing attention given to the health of the child. Reviewing a variety of studies. Birch (1967) concludes that a serious consideration of available health information leaves little doubt that children who are economically and socially disadvantaged and in an ethnic group exposed to discrimination, "are exposed to massively excessive risks for maldevelopment" (pp. 13-14).

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95 Poor scholastic performance has been so widely documented in the past decade that it has resulted in an outpouring of research and experimentation and the initiation of a vast array of programs and projects. Gordon (1965) notes that this research falls into two broad classifications — studies of the performance characteristics of poor achievers, and descriptions and superficial assessments of programs presumably designed to provide for them. J. S. Coleman (1974) reports that . . .only about 4 percent of a cohort do not reach high school. Of those in high school, about 14 percent drop out before graduation. About half of those graduating from high school will go on to college, but only about 60 percent of these will finish it. About half of the college completers will enter post-graduate education. Thus, the years between 17 and 24 are characterized by a more or less continuous decline in the fraction of the cohort remaining within the formal educational system. . . . (p. 68) Continuation of schooling is investment of what Coleman calls "a certain kind of human capital"; and the individual will continue to invest only as a measure of his perception of the extent to which additional time spent within the system will in fact increase his human capital. Drop-outs are concentrated heavily among children from poorer homes; but it appears that the most direct causes for dropping out are perception of lack of success, and the individual's probably accurate view that additional time spent on schooling would be wasted (Shea & Wilkins, 1971). Whether this is the fault of the system in not finding the right approach for the student, or a reflection of lack of ability or effort on his part in pursuing a particular line of study, is far from clear; but from the student's point of view, he is probably making the right decision (Bachman et al. , 1971).

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96 Gallatin (1975) believes that one reason young people "give up" in school may be that the concept of work in American society is closely associated with competition. In support of this conclusion, she cites Erikson (1968) : "Youngsters who are confused about their identities may be put off by the thought of competing; some of them are afraid to fail, while others are skeptical about the real value of trying to succeed" (p. 284). The success or failure of the educational process will depend in large measure on the active cooperation of the individual. In earlier periods, there was a fairly visible system of rewards and punishments; but with changes in societal values and a decline in the authority of parents and teachers, the whole rewards system has become more indirect and less immediate. It promises to the successful better opportunities of economic advancement and social mobility and threatens economic disaster for the failure. To the extent that the actual educational reality is flawed and little of real substance is learned, or to the extent that, for whole groups of students, the promised economic opportunity and social mobility appear entirely unrealistic, they will see little point in expending the effort the system is trying to elicit from them. Society has passed through two phases in its treatment of young people. In the first, which one may call the work phase, children were looked upon as potential assets, and young people were brought to maturity as quickly as possible to permit of their integration into the economic productivity of the family. In the second phase, which Clark (1957) calls "the vestibule stage," young persons are being kept out of the labor force and in school as long as possible, partly to reduce

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97 their impact on the labor force, especially in conditions of high unemployment accompanied by the presence of a large cohort of youth in the adolescent age range. J. S. Coleman (1974) proposes a third phase in society's treatment of its young, a phase to include school but "neither defined by it nor limited to it." Coleman feels it is time for the establishment of "alternative environments for the transition to adulthood, environments designed to develop not only cognitive learning but other aspects of maturation as well" (p. 3). At present the 14to 17-year-olds are still almost entirely in Clark's "vestibule state," dependent on their families and constrained to spend most of their time in school. Of considerable interest today are the special programs and schools that are being newly organized — or newly revised and emphasized — as attacks on student disaffection, and especially the revival of interest in work-study programs. However, in relation to the size of the problem, little has been accomplished. Support has been uneven and sporadic; and for the most part, the public high school, one single form of educational organization, is still attempting to meet, singlehanded , the increasing spread of group demands and cultural tasks. It becomes ever more clear that in trying to meet all public expectations — to solve national problems ranging from scientific preeminence, to disenchanted youth, unemployables in the work force, illiteracy, social inequality and even the breakdown of community — the school, in the end, will become decreasingly able to accomplish any of them well and may accomplish some not at all.

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98 Peer Influence The influence of the peer group on academic performance can be supportive of or antithetical to the formal educational norms concerning the importance of academic achievement and the internalization of the values and habits promoted by the school. The more cohesive the peer group, the greater the influence on its members. This explains the reason why many students, feeling rejected by the peer group, finally drop out of school altogether. Seashore (1954) demonstrates that cohesive work groups in industry with low-production informal norms — i.e., those norms that develop among the workers themselves, as distinct from those of the management — work very inefficiently compared to cohesive groups with highproduction informal norms. If students in a cohesive peer group agree about the undesirability of academic achievement, they will perform at a low level; but if they agree that it is important, as they might in a competitive college-preparatory program, there will be strong pressures toward achieving at the highest possible level (Engle ^ al. , 1968). Thistlethwaite (1959, 1960), studying Ph.D. aspirants in small, selective liberal arts colleges, concludes that National Merit students are influenced by student climate much less than is the average college student and are more likely to be influenced by pressures from faculty. Walberg and Anderson (1968) studied 2,100 high school juniors and seniors in 76 physics classrooms throughout the United States to see whether student perception of classroom climate and peer relationships affect their learning. They conceptualized classroom climate as consisting of both structural and affective dimensions, the structural dimension referring to the role expectations of the teachers for the

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99 students, and the affective aspects pertaining to the idiosyncratic personal dispositions of the students to act in given ways to satisfy their individual personality needs, such as felt satisfaction, intimacy, and friction in the classroom. The investigators found that different perceptions of classroom climate were associated with different kinds of cognitive and affective growth. There was considerable evidence that the tendency for class members to be treated equally, the efficient direction of classroom activity, and the perception of the class as being personally gratifying and without hostilities among the students were all positively associated with learning. After an extensive review of the literature, Freedman (1967) concludes that students are swayed more by fellow-students than by any other school influence, and that, especially in colleges, scholastic and academic goals and processes are in large measure transmitted to incoming students or mediated for them by the predominant student culture. Studies by J. S. Coleman (1961), Ramsy (1961), Turner (1964), and Wilson (1959) show that the socioeconomic background of the majority of the students has a significant influence on the educational aspirations of individual students and constitutes an important argument against segregation of students by social class in "neighborhood" schools in poverty areas. The Coleman Report (Coleman, 1966) shows that the educational background and aspirations of the majority of students in a school are the most important factors in improving achievement patterns of disadvantaged minority students. In contrast, students who come from homes that value education highly and who attend school with a majority of lower-ability and lower-aspiration students, do just as

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100 well as they would with peers sharing their aspirations. These results confirm the importance of a family background supportive of educational achievement; but when this is lacking, attending a school where one's peers are academically oriented may be an adequate substitute. The Coleman Report No review of literature on the schools would be complete without some account of the findings of the report by James S. Coleman (1966) on equality of educational opportunity. Since the days of Horace Mann and John Dewey — indeed since the days of Thomas Jefferson — education has occupied a special place in the optimistic vision of American progressives and, for that matter, of many conservatives too. As historian David Potter (1968) points out in People of Plenty , the American Left, encouraged by the resources of an unexhausted continent and by the experience of economic success, has always differed sharply from the European Left in that it has generally assumed social problems could be resolved out of incremental growth: that is, that the life of the have-nots could be made tolerable without taking anything from the haves. Education has always seemed one of the most acceptable ways of using the national wealth to provide opportunity for the poor without offending the comfortable, says Hodgson (1975). He goes on to say: As a tool of reform, education had the advantage that it appealed to the ideology of conservatives, to that ethic of self-improvement which stretches back down the American tradition through Horatio Alger and McGuffey's Readers to Benjamin Franklin himself. . . .The public schools of New York and other cities with large immigrant populations really did provide a measure of equality of opportunity to the immigrant poor. By the time the New Deal coalition was formed. . .these assumptions about education were deeply rooted. (p. 24) "These assumptions" were powerfully reinforced and virtually certified

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101 with the authority of social science by the Supreme Court's 1954 desegregation decision in Brown v. The School Board of Topeka, Kansas . In Brown , NAACP lawyers used social science evidence in support of their contention that segregated education was inherently unequal, citing especially work by psychologists Kenneth and Mamie Clark with Black children and black and white dolls. The Clarks' conclusions were that segregation inflicts psychological harm on Black children (Clark, 1965). As a result, some uncritical and very shaky assumptions were made, among them that similar educational processes would result in similar educational output and thus that the goal of educational opportunity is economic equality. In other words, if the runners start the race at the same time and place, they must all finish together. It was assumed that there was incontrovertible evidence in the findings of social science to prove not only that segregated education was unequal, but that if equality was desired, education could accomplish it. The prominence given to footnote 11 in the Brown judgment, which listed social science research showing that education could not be both separate and equal, had the effect of partially obscuring the real grounds for abolishing segregation, which were constitutional, political, and moral. In section 402 of the Civil Rights Act of 1964, Congress ordered the U. S. Commissioner of Education to conduct a survey "concerning the lack of availability of equal educational opportunities for individuals by reason of race, color, religion or national origin in public educational institutions at all levels. . ." (U. S. Office of Education, 1966, p. iii). The massive Coleman Report , 737 pages plus a 548-page supplemental appendix, yields a bleak picture of widespread segregation of both

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102 students and staffs, of scholastic attainment of Black students substantially below that of \i/hite students, and of disparities in achievement becoming progressively greater with each year of schooling. The astonishing result of that survey, however — just as astonishing to Coleman as to everyone else — was that most of the variation in student achievement lay within the same school rather than between schools and, in spite of differences in the quality of the schools, very little of the student achievement was related to these differences. Coleman himself had predicted quite the reverse. Jencks et^ al. (1972) pick out four major points in the findings of the report: 1. Most Black Americans and White Americans attend different schools . 2. Despite popular impressions to the contrary, the physical facilities, the formal curricula, and most of the measurable characteristics of the teachers in the different schools were quite similar. 3. Despite popular impressions to the contrary, such measured differences as existed in the school's physical facilities, formal curricula, and teacher characteristics had very little effect on either Black or White students' performance on standardized tests. 4. The one school characteristic that showed a consistent relationship to test performance was the one characteristic to which poor Black children were denied access: classmates from affluent homes. (p. 16) Coleman himself sums up the report thus: Children were tested at the beginnings of grades 1, 3, 6, 9, and 12. Achievement of the average American Indian, Mexican American, Puerto Rican, and Negro (in this descending order) was much lower than that of the average white or Oriental American, at all grade levels. . . .The differences are large to begin with, and they are even greater at higher levels. Two points, then, are clear: (1) these minority children have a serious educational deficiency at the start of school, which is obviously not a result of school, and (2) they have an even more serious deficiency at the end of school, which is obviously in part a result of school. (Hodgson, 1975, p. 26)

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103 It may be noted that Coleman slightly oversimplifies his own report on this point: in the first grade Blacks did better than Puerto Ricans, while in the twelfth grade, Mexican Americans did better than American Indians. Coleman adds that family background — whatever that might mean — must account for far more of the variation in achievement than differences between schools. Moreover, such differences as could be attributed to the schools seemed to result more from the social environment (Jencks' "affluent classmates," and also teachers) than from the quality of the school itself. This was the most crucial point. When other things were equal , the report said, factors such as the amount of money spent per pupil, the number of books in the library, physical facilities, or even differences in the curriculum, seemed to make no appreciable difference in the children's level of achievement. Nothing could have more flatly contradicted the assumptions on which the Johnson Administration in Washington and urban and state school boards across the country were pouring money into compensatory education programs (Hodgson, p. 31). A pupil-attitude factor which appeared to have a particularly strong relationship to achievement — stronger than all the school factors — was the extent to which the individual student felt he had some control over his own destiny. While minority students tended to have far less conviction than did Whites that they could affect their own environments and futures, when they did have such a belief, their achievement was higher than that of l-Jhites who lacked it. Furthermore, for Black students, the environmental-control variable appeared to be related to the proportion of l^hites in the school; the Blacks in schools with a higher proportion of Whites had a greater sense of

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lOA control. What the origins of strong feelings of fate or environmental control are is unclear — whether the conviction is a cause or an effect, and just how the school influences it (Passow, 1972). In 1972, six years after the appearance of the Coleman report, two major books appeared, both collaborative, and each an attempt to reassess the relationship between education and equality in America in the light of the Coleman findings. The first came out of a seminar organized in the fall of 1966 by Daniel Patrick Moynihan and Thomas Pettigrew of the Harvard School of Education. At the time, several attempts had been made to discredit the Coleman survey; but the findings were actually in greater danger of being ignored than controverted. With a grant from the Carnegie Corporation to underwrite the seminar, Moynihan and Pettigrew stirred up considerable interest: Harvard had seen nothing quite like it since the arms control seminars of the 1950s, at which the future strategic policies of the Kennedy Administration were forged and the nucleus of the elite that was to operate them in government was brought together. In the intervening decade, domestic social questions had reasserted their urgency. Education had emerged as the field where all the agonizing problems of race, poverty, and the cities seemed to intersect. (Levine & Bane, 1975, p. 28) The seminar became known as the Seminar on the Equality of Educational Opportunity Report (SEEOR) , and the collection of papers arising from it was published under the title On Equality of Educational Opportunity (1972), with Frederick Hosteller, professor of mathematical statistics at Harvard, and Daniel Patrick Moynihan as coeditors. The introductory essay was signed jointly by Hosteller and Moynihan. Hodgson (1975) comments: "If much of the technical analysis and of the drafting were Hosteller's, the essay's style and conclusions are vintage Hoynihan" (p. 35).

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105 Later the same year, Christopher Jencks, a member of the faculty of the Harvard Graduate School of Education, and seven of his colleagues published an only slightly less massive volume: Inequality : A Reassessment of the Effect of Family and Schooling in America. Although this book draws upon data from dozens of other largeand small-scale surveys, the findings of the Coleman report form the basis of the substance. The enormous body of analysis and reinterpretation in these two books represents the completion of the first stage of the reaction to Coleman. Levine and Bane (1975) are in the second stage; and many more are following. The heart of the debate generated by the original report — confusing, disturbing, prolonged, and often bitter — may be expressed as a simple syllogism: 1. The "quality" of the schools attended by Black and White children in America was more nearly equal than anyone supposed. 2. The gap between the achievement of Black children and White children widened instead of narrowing over twelve years at school . 3. Therefore, there was no reason to suppose that increasing the flow of resources into the schools would affect the outcome in terms of achievement, let alone eliminate inequality. (Levine & Bane, 1975, p. 35) Moynihan's attitude is basically one of optimism: It is simply extraordinary that so much has in fact been accomplished." He feels that there is no cause for pessimism. Moynihan (1972) objects to further expenditures on education, arguing that the production function, or what the layman knows as the law of diminishing returns, has set in: "Any increase in school expenditure will in the first instance accrue to teachers who receive about 68 percent of the operating expenditure of elementary and secondary schools" (p. 73). Like Moynihan, Jencks is concerned with equality, not only in the

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106 schools, but also in the world after school. The essence of his thinking is that he makes use of two crucial distinctions. In the first place, he distinguishes between equality of opportunity and equality of condition. Most Americans say they are in favor of equality; but what they mean by this is equality of opportunity. What has been learned from the Coleman report, says Jencks (1972), is that there cannot be equality of opportunity without a good deal of equality of actual condition. In the second place, the Coleman survey and most of the work published in the Moynihan-Mosteller book looks at the degree of equality between groups , whereas Jencks is more interested in equality between individuals. As Marshall Smith puts it (Jencks et^ al. , p. 39), "if the distribution curve of one group were laid over the distribution curve of the other group, and if they coincided exactly, then it could be said that the two groups were equal"; and Coleman found that between Black and White Americans this was more nearly true than anyone had suspected. In the preface to his book Jencks writes: It is cause for shock that White workers earn 50 percent more than Black workers; but it is a good deal more shocking that the best-paid fifth of all White workers earns 600 percent more than the worst-paid fifth. From this point of view, racial inequality looks almost insignificant. . .[compared with economic inequality] (op. cit . , p. iv) . Conclusion The Coleman report has raised many questions for policy makers and program planners. For example, Guthrie (1970) points out that, since the publication of the report, the belief has become increasingly pervasive that patterns of academic performance are immutably molded by social and economic conditions outside the school. The current dilemma.

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107 therefore, is to avoid the situation where, if such a belief were accepted, it could have the effect of a self-fulfilling prophecy with widely disabling consequences, whereas if the assertion is in fact correct, even in part, and allowed to pass unheeded, "the prospect of pouring even more billions of local, state, and Federal dollars down an ineffective rathole labeled 'schools' is equally unsettling" (p. 25). B. Research on Drop-Outs A review of the literature reveals a plethora of drop-out studies and articles reported both in professional journals and popular periodicals. These reports have made an impact not only by their content but also in keeping the problem before the public. Similarly, there are endless accounts of programs designed to prevent students' dropping out of school before graduation, but few which were followed up after a year or more to determine their longrange success; the nearest were those which followed through on a continuing basis, e.g. the New York City "Higher Horizons" project. C. G. Wrenn (1966) writes: "The environment of the elementary school is more favorable for treatment of drop-outs than is the high school. . .";(p. vi) yet most of the programs which have as their stated purpose the retention in school of jwtential drop-outs are aimed at the high school years, with a few, like Jacksonville, Florida's Project HOLD, the subject of this study, including junior high school boys and girls. Since the problems of drop-outs doubtless have multiple interacting causes accompanying early school experiences, the identification and alleviation of contributing circumstances as early as possible should

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108 be an appropriate educational endeavor. Pruett e^ al. (1967) suggest that comparison of data from persons who left school before graduation and those who did not might make it possible to draw inferences which could lead to more conclusive characteristics of drop-outs, a very tentative suggestion considering the numbers of studies which have done exactly that. However, those significant studies that do provide such predictive data tend to base their formulae on information available in the very late elementary school rather than in the earlier years. Unique among the studies of predictive factors is that of Lloyd and Bleach (1973) analyzing characteristics which might enable the identification by third grade of potential drop-outs. They not only predicted eventual drop-out, but differentiated between those who would drop out in earlier grades and those who would remain until later. The Illinois Drop-out Study (1962) developed prediction formulae to detect potential drop-outs at the junior high school level. One of the most comprehensive studies is that of Cervantes (1969) who lists twenty characteristics that may predict dropping out. Such prediction may be made as soon as these characteristics are clearly identifiable. Cervantes used interviews to assemble his data which relate to family, school, peers, and factors of psychological orientation. Walters and Kranzler (1970) studied students' cumulative records and determined that accurate prediction can be made as early as ninth grade. In a related study Dudley (1971) reports that ". . .several studies using the Glueck Social Prediction Table have been made by sociologists and have shown high success in predicting delinquent behavior quite early by focusing on parent-child relationships. . ." (p. 9); however, he is not specific either about the meaning of "quite early" or about the researchers in these studies.

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109 Characteristics of the Drop-out In the Illinois Drop-out Study (1962) , the following are identified as drop-out prediction characteristics in high school: 1. grade retention; 2. curriculum sought or chosen; 3. repeated absences; 4. aptitude test scores; 5. rank in class; 6. involvement in extracurricular activities; 7. disciplinary record; 8. school course thought (in retrospect, after drop-out) to have been most profitable; 9. hours of work per week outside school; 10. use of family car; 11. number of older siblings; 12. father's educational level; 13. father's occupation; 14. presence of strong or weak father figure, or no such presence. At the junior high school level, the final drop-out prediction form Included fewer and different predictors. At this level, the drop-out characteristics were these: 1. scores on (group) IQ tests; 2. grade retention (sometimes called retardation); 3. reading gain from fourth to sixth grade; 4. involvement in extracurricular activities; 5. repeated absences; 6. peer status;

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110 7. emotional adjustment; 8. father's occupation. In the Lloyd and Bleach study (1973) some of the measures that predicted time of drop-out were similar to those found in their earlier study (Lloyd & Bleach, 1972) to be significant in indicating whether or not the student would in fact drop out or graduate. These were: age or retention, and a measure of reading achievement (CAT reading score or course mark in reading). In the 1973 study, drop-out from earlier grades was associated with lower marks and test scores. Being older in the third grade, not from having started first grade late — which seemed to make no difference when that had occurred — but from having been held back, was associated with drop-out from later grades. Reporting on a three-year summer school program for potential and actual drop-outs, Hickman (1967) identified the drop-out as follows: 1. needs an opportunity for success experiences; 2. is resentful of authority; 3. has self as his primary interest; 4. is most seriously handicapped by inability to communicate effectively ; 5. usually has a history of poor grades, of numerous absences, and feelings of rejection and of unfair treatment; 6. is basically sincere and honest; is very frank and blunt with little tact or diplomacy; 7. appears to be lonely, would like a close friend but has difficulty in being one; attempts loyalty to peer groups; longs for kindness and affection but is very resistant to both; 8. is concerned with the present as it relates to him; now is the keynote of his time consciousness; 9. follows no clear pattern of intelligence — may range from very high to very low, but often retarded in reading;

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Ill 10. does not necessarily come from a broken home; 11. wants an education, money and fame; lacks perseverance; needs an opportunity to express himself freely; 12. has need for security as the overriding need. In his study, Cervantes (1969), after inverviewing drop-outs and graduates, found that certain central and characteristic tendencies emerged, some of them quite different from those listed by Hickman: School 1. two years behind in reading and/or arithmetic at seventh grade level; most of grades below average; 2. failure in one or more school years with retention; 3. irregular attendance and frequent tardiness, ill-defined sickness given as reason; 4. performance consistently below potential; 5. noninvolvement in extracurricular activities; 6. frequent changes of school; 7. behavior problems requiring disciplinary referrals; 8. feelings of not belonging; Family 9. more children than parents can readily control; 10. parents inconsistent in both affection and discipline; 11. unhappy family situation; 12. father figure weak or absent; 13. parents' education not beyond eighth grade level; 14. family has few friends — no "family" friends; Peers 15. friends not approved by parents; 16. friends not school-oriented;

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112 17. friends much older or much younger; Psychological orientation 18. resentful of all authority — home, school, police, job, church ; 19. deferred gratification pattern weak; 20. poor self-concept. Dudley (1968) found seven characteristics which he considered useful in early identification of potential drop-out: 1. father's primary occupation; 2. mother's level of occupation; 3. acceptance by peer group; 4. overage at grade level; 5. rank in class; 6. number of transfers to different schools; 7. number of siblings. Walters and Kranzler (1970) used cumulative record data in a study identifying and cross-validating predictors both of drop-out and graduation. Prediction was achieved by using various combinations of the following variables from the high school records: 1. age relative to grade; 2. tested IQ; 3. number of grade retentions; 4. reading achievement; 5. arithmetic achievement; 6. socio-economic background; 7. participation in extracurricular activities; 8. grade point average; 9. number of absences.

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113 The most complete, annotated bibliography on the subject of dropouts appears to be the one compiled by Miller et^ al. (1964). Several of the factors common to the studies cited by them deserve further comment. Father's occupation This did not appear to be a significant factor in studies by Adams (1958), Boggan (1955) and Livingston (1958); however, the results of eight other studies showed that, among drop-outs, there was a tendency for fathers' occupations to cluster in semi-skilled and unskilled groups. The studies by Bledsoe (1959), Billion (1959), Livingston (1959), Moore (1954), Thomas (1954), Van Dyke and Hoyt (1958) and Young (1954) all supported these findings. Parents' educational level Only one study listed in the Miller et^ al. bibliography did not detect as important the educational level of the parents of drop-outs, namely that of Boggan (1955). Among other researchers, however, the level of parents' completed education was statistically significant in studies by Baldwin et al. (1962), Bertrand (1962), Bledsoe (1959), Clements and Oelke (1967), Davie (1953), Hollingshead (1949), Moore (1954), Research Division, Syracuse, N.Y. (1959), and Van Dyke and Hoyt (1958). Class rank Differences in class rank were not significant in studies reported by Gregg (1940) and Thomas (1954). On the other hand, low class rank proved to be a significant factor among drop-outs in studies by Allen (1952-53, 1956), Bowman and Matthews (1969), Chaloupka (1958), Dillion

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114 (1959), Dresher (1957), Hollingshead (1949), Livingston (1958), New York (State) Division of Youth (1962), and Van Dyke and Hoyt (1958). The Miller bibliography was replete with studies indicating that repeating a school year — retention or retardation as it is variously called — is undoubtedly an important characteristic of school drop-outs. Few of the studies did more than refer in passing to possible reasons for this; but one may speculate on the association between this and self-concept. This connection with grade retention was found in a number of studies ((Allen (1952-53); Bakal £t al. (1968); Berston (1960); Bowman & Matthews (1969); Chaloupka (1958); Cook (1956); Dillion (1959); Gregg (1940); Hollingshead (1949); Livingston (1959); New York State Division for Youth (1962); Snepp (1951); United States Department of Labor (1960); and Wolfbein (1959)). Number of siblings Only one study (Boggan, 1955) reported the number of siblings as unimportant among drop-outs, while a number of others indicated that it was in fact of great significance, drop-outs being found much more often from large families. Reference has been made to this elsewhere in this study, as also to the associated factor of the higher fertility rates among the poorer classes. Significance for this factor was found by Bowman and Matthews (1969), Chaloupka (1958), Dillion (1959), Liddle (1962), and Young (1954). Broken home Most studies included in the Miller bibliography indicated that the drop-out usually resides with natural parents and is not the product of a broken home to any greater extent than a random sample of high school

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115 graduates (Chaloupka (1958); Dillion (1959); Lanier (1949); Livingston (1959); Van Dyke & Hoyt (1958); and Young (1954)). On the other hand, the studies by Brooke (1959) and New York State Division for Youth (1962) do show drop-outs to be more frequently from broken homes. Reading achievement Livingston (1958) found poor reading achievement a characteristic which differentiated drop-outs from graduates, while Brooke (1959), Lanier (1949), Penty (1959), Snepp (1956), and Thomas (1954) did not. Since functional literacy is so important and constitutes a significant distinction within the category of the drop-out, it is disappointing to find this variable given so little attention and relatively perfunctory follow-up comment in most of these studies. Programs to Prevent Dropping Out It is seldom that a student who is achieving well in school drops out. The characteristics attributed to the drop-out are those equally attributable to any unhappy, insecure and frustrated young person, and they are perhaps better viewed as effects of other factors than simply as causes of dropping out. One of the common denominators is poor selfconcept. A person's self-attitudes can readily lead to a self-fulfilling prophecy. A student who believes he is going to fail may fulfill his own prophecy; one who thinks he is unlikeable may find his own subsequent behavior causing his expectations to be confirmed. For the teacher and the counselor, the problem is to be able to break the cycle of negative, self-fulfilling prophecies and to create positive self-fulfilling prophecies instead. Merton (1957) maintains

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116 that the way in which the vicious circle of the negative self-fulfilling prophecy is broken is by abandoning the initial definition of the situation that has set the circle in motion. When the original assumption is questioned and a new definition achieved, the circle is broken. When the student who thinks he is too stupid to learn to read changes his conception of his reading ability, the self-fulfilling aspects of his self-attitude end. While there is no evidence that having a positive self-concept "causes" a student to achieve well, there is strong evidence that changing a student's negative self-attitudes may raise academic achievement, for the two are undoubtedly related (Johnson, 1970). Symbolicinteraction theory implies that, since self-attitudes are acquired through interaction with significant others who hold expectations of the student, the latter's self-attitude may be changed by a change in the expectations of the significant other. There is, for example, strong experimental evidence that a person's self-attitudes in an experimental situation may be manipulated by the information given him by the experimenter. Deutsch and Solomon (1959) created selfattitudes concerning ability on an experimental task by telling some subjects they performed exceptionally well on the task, and telling others they had done very badly. Glass (1964) manipulated self-attitudes by giving subjects a battery of personality and achievement tests and feeding back information that they had performed at either a high or a low level of personal maturity. From these and many other similar studies it may be concluded that a person's self-attitudes are susceptible to change by receiving information concerning his task performance or personality characteristics from an authoritative or significant other.

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117 There are many ways in which a student's self-attitude may be changed in a school setting. Most of these involve modifying the images and expectations that existing significant others hold of his abilities. Of the three significant others involved — parents, teachers and peers — Brookover (1962) found that parents were seen by the majority of the students he studied as being "most important in their lives" and "concerned with how well they are doing in school." Rosenberg (1963), furthermore, demonstrated that when parents manifested indifference towards their children, the children later exhibited low degrees of self-esteem. When Brookover counseled parents of lowachieving ninth-grade students regarding the need their children had for expressions of faith in the children's ability to achieve, and where the parents changed their attitude, a gain in grade point average was shown by 42 percent of the children. Another approach has been to offer intensive counseling to lowachieving students regarding their ability to achieve. Dolan (1964) conducted a study aimed at improving the reading scores of junior high school students over a six-month period by changing their self-attitudes through intensive counseling aimed at raising their self-esteem. The experimental group made significant gains over the control group in both reading and level of self-esteem. Perhaps some of this is attributable to Hawthorne effect. The expectations of the teacher have a great deal of influence upon a student's self-attitudes and, consequently, upon his academic performance as Rosenthal and Jacobsen (1968) demonstrated in their "Pygmalion" experiment. At the same time, it must be said that the teacher's expectations will not always affect the self -attitudes of the

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118 child. It seems reasonable that only when the child has a need for social approval from adults, or when the teacher or counselor has a warm and trusting relationship with the child, will the expectations of the adult have the most powerful influence on the self-attitudes of the child. A wide variety of studies shows that peers may also have a great deal of influence on attitudes and behaviors. J. S. Coleman (1961) found, for example, that in a survey of 10 midwestern high schools the student norms valued athletic achievement over academic success. In the schools where these norms were most powerful, the students who endorsed academic values were not the most intelligent but rather those most willing to work at an activity relatively unrewarded by their peers. In the light of all these factors, therefore, it is predictable that programs aimed at drop-out prevention will expect a low level of self-esteem among the enrollees, and that they will endeavor by various means — by counseling, by academic tutoring, raising the level of teacher expectations, providing "success" experiences, involving the parents, and utilizing the sympathetic peer group comprising other students with the same problem — to raise the individual's level of self-esteem. The variety and ingenuity of drop-out prevention programs is endless and reflects the national concern regarding the scope of the problem. In Phoenix, Arizona, "Careers for Youth" is a privately funded pupil-motivation program aimed at raising motivation by bringing students closer to the world of work, thus demonstrating the practical aspects of education. In Sacramento, a community program, "Neighborhood Study Centers," approaches the potential drop-out problem by

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119 providing 27 study centers in churches and other places throughout the city, complete with volunteer tutors, study and reference materials, and refreshments. In New Haven, Connecticut, the "Grade-Nine Work. Study Program" is an effort to identify the potential drop-out early and provide work opportunities for him while he is still below the age when he can find jobs on the open market. The District of Columbia is providing remedial academic programs with cultural enrichment and intensive counseling in a longitudinal program that follows the student for six years from elementary school. In Tampa, a special teacher has a class of 25 potential drop-outs who take a program of general education in the morning and work in the afternoons. In Chicago, a special facility, organized into classes of not more than 20 students, provides intensive work for students who are still in elementary school but who are overage for their classes, one of the commonest characteristics of the drop-out. Louisville, Kentucky, has programs of intensive counseling and cultural enrichment (Gordon & Wilkerson, 1966). The list of programs is long. Almost all are accompanied by intensive and extensive counseling and parent involvement of one kind or another. Camp (1966) described the success of a program for potential dropouts who were "placed in smaller classes with 'sensitive' teachers." Hoyt (1964) suggested that teachers are an important factor in dropout, and maintained that for years schools have nurtured the talented and sacrificed the less able to the interests of the college-bound, while Riessman (1962) contended that indeed much of the drop-out phenomenon is the result of the attitudes and expectations of teachers in regard to culturally deprived students.

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120 Dresher (1964) conducted a study involving more than 600 actual drop-outs, and concluded that had they received on-going guidance in school, they might not have dropped out. In a work-experience program for potential junior high school drop-outs (boys), Enteen (1968) concluded: "While the. . .program is an effective method of dealing with the drop-out problem, it is not a cure-all," He went on to recommend greater emphasis on the counseling aspects "to develop socially acceptable behavior patterns," and a follow-up study to determine the longrange value of the program (p. 54). Bender and Sharpe (1963) reported success with a group guidance project, while Ofman (1972) felt "the difficulty in evaluating the literature on outcomes [in group guidance projects] in unequivocal terms stems in the main from its methodological deficits. ..." He cited numerous references to support this contention, and continued: "There is heavy reliance upon 'beforeafter' studies and an almost predominant use of immediate rather than long-term criterion measures" (p. 362). This is precisely the criticism of this researcher, and forms the basis for the current study. Summary of Related Literature The forces that cause students to drop out of school are, for the most part, the same ones that influence education in general. For more fortunate students, these forces work to promote educational achievement and future well-being. In the case of the drop-out, however, they conspire to cut short his schooling and restrict his life opportunities. Psychological Influences Today's youth must meet the stresses of their adolescent developmental

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121 period in a matrix of events and circumstances unprecedented in man's existence. When one considers all factors involved — the weight of numbers currently involved in institutions dealing with the young; the affluence of society; the mobility, drugs, violence and instant communication — in the perspective of the events of the last twenty-five years, it is evident that parents, children, and educators alike face unprecedented challenges. These are more complex times, and adolescence, always a period of instability and stress, is even more difficult now. The search for identity is prolonged by the universality of the demand for more and more education. The young people held for longer and longer periods in a marginal or "vestibule" state vis-a-vis society, too old to be children, not allowed to be adults, are subjected to ever greater psychic strain. The interaction between home and school, and the effect of this on maturation and the integration of personality are poorly understood. The intense struggle between the dependence and the independence needs of the young will always produce turmoil even when positive emotional support is offered by both home and school. If such support is not forthcoming, frustration and alienation may cause rejection of the traditional road to adulthood — education — and eventual drop-out into a world where there is no role the under-educated, immature and often untrainable young school-leaver can assume. The Classroom The classroom is, in a sense, a micro-society in which a good climate of mental health can establish and raise the achievement of all students. On the other hand, a poor climate — uninterested or

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122 unconcerned teachers, low expectation on the part of the school, irrelevant or incomprehensible courses, constant failure — can isolate and reject students, as well as contribute to the development of poor selfconcepts and low levels of self-expectation. In an almost literal sense, students begin to succeed or to fail in the early grades. Ultimate success or failure depends in great measure on the quality of the social climate of the early classroom. Schools are much more impersonal than they were a generation ago. The computer schedules classes; and personal needs such as friendship, favorite teachers, group stability, emotional support, individual attention and encouragement, are not data that are fed into machines. Teachers no longer impinge significantly on the personal lives of children; and there is a dearth of counselors and other youth workers who could be emotionally involved with them. The Family and the Peer Group The social influences of the family and peer group are immense. The structure of the family, the interrelationships within the family, and the support derived from the home, are all of primary importance in the development of the child, but especially so during adolescence. If the family and peer group value educational achievement, the student at least makes a good beginning. Where it is downgraded, the student is handicapped from the outset. Where poor relationships with peers exist, the adolescent feels alienated and rejected, belonging neither in the world of the adult nor that of contemporaries who could help him since they, too, are suffering similar emotional stress; and this often contributes to drop-out.

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123 Social Class The whole apparatus of social class may work for or against motivation to learn. The social class conditions attitudes toward education and achievement, and economic and cultural circumstances condition ability to take advantage of educational opportunities. The cultural style of the school, its system of values and learned behavior, may stimulate high achievement or discourage it. The social climate of the school and its systems of human interaction may similarly inspire students to raise their sights or discourage them so that expectations from themselves and from the world are lowered. Many studies, including the Coleman Report, indicate that simply offering the same educational experiences to all children regardless of their background does not in fact constitute equality of educational opportunity. Different experiences have different meanings for different children according to their frame of reference. Children of poverty or from backgrounds unlike that of the dominant culture may not be able to avail themselves of the opportunities offered; and the gap between them and their classmates will widen rather than narrow over the years. In planning programs to prevent school drop-out, all aspects of the child's background must be taken into consideration. Although the availability of educational opportunity has greatly increased in the United States and the industrial countries of Western Europe since World War II, the rise in the educational level of the population, which has been accompanied by a corresponding rise in the overall standard of living, has not brought about nor been accompanied by a corresponding rise in social mobility.

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124 The Social Forces of Technological Change Like all other forces, technological change operates differentially in respect to educational achievement. It rewards high educational accomplishments, while the low achiever is penalized. While the dropout is its victim, the graduate, other things being equal, is able to ride the crest of its wave. The social forces of technological change make it possible for the educated to find room at the top, and almost impossible for the uneducated and the undereducated to find room at the bottom. For the literate drop-out, the future is unsettled, even precarious, but not hopeless. For the illiterate, however, the prospect is bleak. Unable to communicate save verbally, he is unskilled, often untrainable, in a job market where unskilled labor is increasingly obsolescent. His only prospects for work are for poorly paid, menial jobs which offer little personal fulfillment and few opportunities for advancement. The high school diploma, therefore, or at least the level of literacy it supposedly represents, will increasingly become the sine qua non of hope and self-respect for the young adult. The study of the drop-out is, in a sense, the study of all students and all forces that influence their education and their lives. In the case of the drop-out, unfortunately, the forces operate negatively in relation to maturation, school achievement, and educational aspiration.

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CHAPTER III RESEARCH METHODOLOGY Selection of Subjects For the purposes of the present study, the subjects were selected from those students who actually participated in Project HOLD in the academic year, 1974-75, and who remained formally enrolled in school throughout the entire academic year 1975-76, the year following the proj ect . To the extent possible, the number of students examined was proportionately divided among the following categories: a. male and female; b. White and Black; c. senior high school and junior high school. The junior high school students were those still in junior high. Last year's 9th graders who had since moved up were counted as senior high school students. Because the original group was composed of one-third junior high students, the group for this study was similarly assigned. The control group was selected from those students who constituted the control group for Project HOLD in the academic year 1974-75, and who remained formally enrolled in school throughout the entire academic year 1975-76, the year following Project HOLD. No attempt was made to involve in any way students from either 125

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126 group who had dropped out of school before the end of the 1975-76 academic year. Collection of the Data Lists of students who participated in Project HOLD and those assigned to the control group were obtained from the records of last year's program. The researcher, assisted on two occasions by a graduate assistant from the College of Education, University of North Florida, went to the high schools in which the students had been enrolled. With the permission of the school principals, the files were readily made available by the counselors, who were most cooperative. By searching the files, the records of those students who had completed the 1975-76 academic year were secured. There were not enough records to make possible any elaborate randomization of the sample. In some categories, use of all available records did not give the desired number of subjects; in other categories, while there were a few more than the desired number, there were not enough to make possible selection other than by chance. Instead of the 96 subjects sought, 32 from junior high school and 64 from senior high, a total of 84 subjects was found, 29 in junior high and 55 in senior high school. Data were gathered in the main categories originally used for selection for participation in Project HOLD — grade point average, unexcused absences, disciplinary referrals, and disciplinary suspensions — and in addition a number of other categories was used in order to see whether other significant variables might be found. A copy of the data collection sheet follows (p. 161). The only item which

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127 proved to be consistently available, however, was date of birth; and thus age in months was the only other variable used. The Hypotheses The research focused on two main areas: (1) academic achievement (GPA) , and (2) school-related behavior — unexcused absences, disciplinary referrals, and disciplinary suspensions. The following hypotheses and subhypotheses were tested: Hgl: — There is no difference in academic achievement for the academic year 1975-76 between subjects who participated in Project HOLD and members of the control group. Hq2 : — There is no difference in school-related behaviors for the academic year 1975-76 between subjects who participated in Project HOLD and members of the control group. Hq2^: — There is no difference in the number of unexcused absences for the academic year 1975-76 between subjects who participated in Project HOLD and members of the control group. HQ2g: — There is no difference in the number of disciplinary referrals for the academic year 1975-76 between subjects who participated in Project HOLD and members of the control group. Hq2^: — There is no difference in number of disciplinary suspensions for the academic year 1975-76 between subjects who participated in Project HOLD and members of the control group.

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128 Analysis of the Data Data were analyzed by 2x2x2x2 analyses of variance. Factors used were: 1. sex male or female; 2. class junior or senior high school; 3. race White or non-White; 4. group experimental or control. The same analyses were used for each of the five types of data: 1. grade point average; 2. unexcused absences; 3. disciplinary referrals; 4. disciplinary suspensions; 5. age in months. Level of Significance A significance level of 0.10 was sought. While for some studies this level might not appear to be sufficiently rigorous, in this case it was assumed that, for these students, improvement even on this level would make a difference in their development and on their prospects for the future. In addition, a Pearson Product-Moment correlation coefficient was used to check relationships between the variables. Limitations of the Study The study was limited in several ways: 1. Subjects were selected for the original study "at random"; however, there is no specific information as to how selection was made; and the director of the project is not available for consultation.

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129 2. One of the problems encountered in this type of study lies in the impossibility of controlling for individual teacher action and reaction. One teacher may grade more leniently than another, thus affecting the GPA. One teacher may be a "better" disciplinarian than another, thus affecting the number of disciplinary referrals and/or suspensions. 3. Among other variables which cannot be controlled for are: socio-economic background of the family; composition of the family in terms of number of siblings; subject's birth order; presence/absence of one or both parents; student's innate ability; student's physical and/or mental health; number of grade retentions the student may have experienced and the reasons for the retentions. However, the original selection of subjects and conduct and evaluation of Project HOLD was subject to these same limitations.

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CHAPTER IV RESULTS The experimental design described in Chapter III was used to test the five null hypotheses, and the data were analyzed according to the procedures described. All data were analyzed through the computer facilities of the Northeast Regional Data Center of the Florida State University System. The results of the study are presented below. The original intention was to work with a sample of 96 students, 32 in junior high school, 64 in senior high school, and equally divided by sex and race. It proved impossible to generate this number; but data were gathered on a total of 84 students, 29 in junior high school, 55 in high school, and fairly equally distributed by sex and race. Final assignment of the subjects is presented in Table I. TABLE I ASSIGNMENT OF SUBJECTS IN GROUPS AND SUBGROUPS PROJECT HOLD 40 CONTROL 44 Female 21 Male 19 Female 21 Male 23 Black 12 mite 9 Black 11 \niite 8 Black 12 White 9 Black 12 White 11 JHS 4 SHS 8 JHS 4 SHS 5 JHS 4 SHS 7 JHS 3 SHS 5 JHS 4 SHS 8 JHS 3 SHS 6 JHS 4 SHS 8 JHS 3 SHS 8 *JHS = Junior high school **SHS = Senior high school 130

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131 Data were gathered for the 1975-76 school year on the criterion variables used in the original selection of subjects for Project HOLD and the control group: grade point average; unexcused absences, disciplinary referrals; disciplinary suspensions. The students' age in months was also recorded. The results of the study indicated that Project HOLD students had significantly fewer disciplinary referrals and suspensions than the students in the control group, and their grade point average was significantly higher. No difference was observed in frequency of absence. A description of the data analyses leading to these results follows . Table II presents the means for the grade point averages, numbers of absences, disciplinary referrals, and disciplinary suspensions for all subjects in the study. Grade point averages for the Project HOLD group ranged from 0.0 to 2.9, while those for the control group ranged from 0.0 to 2.5. Absences for the Project HOLD group ranged from 8 to 178, those for the control group from 9 to 107. Similarly, disciplinary referrals and suspensions ranged from 0.0 to 10 and from 0.0 to 5 respectively for the HOLD group, and from 0.0 to 17 and from 0.0 to 4 respectively for the control group. Grade Point Average A2x2x2x2 analysis of variance was used to determine significant differences in grade point averages. The results of this analysis are shown in Table III. The analysis shows that the Project HOLD group had a significantly higher GPA than the control group. Junior high school students had significantly higher grade point

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132 TABLE II MEANS OF CRITERION VARIABLES average N Absences referrals Disciplinary suspensions Project HOLD 1.52 40 38.71 3.9 0. 8 Junior high 1.74 15 31.00 5.4 0. 7 Female 1.77 8 31.80 5.6 0. 5 Black 1.87 4 32.00 6.2 0. 6 White 1.67 4 31.70 5.0 0. 3 Male 1.70 7 30.00 5.2 0. 6 Black 1.75 4 31.50 4.2 1. 0 White 1.63 3 28.00 6.6 0. 3 Senior high 1.40 25 43.60 3.0 0. 5 Female 1.46 13 41.30 2.0 0. 1 Black 1.37 8 45.10 2.1 0. 1 White 1.60 5 35.40 2.0 0.2 Male 1.33 12 45.50 4.0 1. 0 Black 1.48 7 29. 70 3.7 1. 4 White 1.12 5 67.60 4.4 0. 4 Control 0.92 44 Junior high 1.29 14 Female 1.17 7 Black 1.20 4 White 1.13 3 Male 1.41 7 Black 1.22 4 VJhite 1.66 3 Senior high 0.74 30 Female 0.68 14 Black 0.90 8 White 0.40 6 Male 0.80 16 Black 0.75 8 White 0.85 8 40.63 6.9 1.2 42.91 8.0 2.1 44.00 6.5 2.2 34.72 7.0 2.7 56.30 6.0 1.6 41.89 4.8 2.0 37.73 5.2 2.0 47.32 4.0 2.0 39.56 6.4 0.9 48.71 4.5 0.5 55.25 5.1 0.6 40.00 3.6 0.5 31.56 8.0 1.1 25.62 7.7 1.2 37.50 8.3 1.1

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13) TABLE III A MAT VCTC Ur PR AHV POINT Source SS df MS F Main effects 1 1 AnQ XX . ouy A 9 Qn9 Group / . U T7n u . yu 7 Group/Race U. UUo 1 U . UUO u . ux y Class/ Sex n mo U. U j/ X n m9 U. U n n7Q u . U / 5 Class/Race 0.092 1 0.092 0.227 Sex/Race 0.101 1 0.101 0.249 3— way interactions 1 Ann A H n ISO Group /Class /Sex 0.007 1 0.007 0.016 Group /Class /Race 0.269 1 0.269 0.661 Group/ Sex/Race i . Uo J X 1 . Uo J Z , DO Z Class/ Sex/ Kace A HQ 1 X n no u . uy J U • Z J) J 4~way interactions U . -L D 3? 1 X U . -L U ^ 0 Al 7 Group /Class /Sex/ 0.169 1 0.169 0.417 Race Explained 13.968 15 0.931 2.289 Residual 27.664 68 0.407 Total 41.632 83 0.502 *p < .10 averages than did senior high students. Furthermore, grade point average was found to have a statistically significant and inverse relationship to frequency of absence (r = 0.001, p < .01). Unexcused Absences A2x2x2x2 analysis of variance was used to test for significant

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134 differences in frequency of unexcused absence from school. The results of this analysis are shown in Table IV. No significant differences TABLE IV ANALYSIS OF VARIANCE OF UNEXCUSED ABSENCES Source SS df MS F Main effects 1699 . 931 4 424.983 0. 499 Group 64. 955 1 64.955 0.076 Class 406.517 1 406.517 0.478 Sex 697.667 1 697.667 0.820 Rai V 583. 262 1 583. 262 0.685 2-way interactions 4700.926 6 783.488 0. 920 Group/ Class 1145.120 1 1145.120 1.345 Group/Sex 1138. 144 1 1138.144 1.337 Group/Race 103.436 1 103.436 0. 122 Class/Sex 113.548 1 113.548 0.133 Class /Race 1 TO ~7 / O 12 . 74o 0. 015 Sex/Race 2161.383 1 2161.383 2.539 3-way interactions 4323.367 4 1080.842 1.270 Group/Class /Sex 613.602 1 613.602 0.721 Group /Class /Race 1269.082 1 1269.082 1.491 Group /Sex/Race 341.188 1 341.188 0.401 Class/Sex/Race 2333.427 1 2333.427 2.741* 4-way interactions 39.813 1 39.813 0.047 Group/Class/Sex 39.810 1 39.810 0.047 Race Explained 10764.039 15 717.603 0.843 Residual 57886.398 68 851.271 Total 68650.437 83 827.114 Ap < .10 were found between the groups on the basis of sex, race, group membership or school level. However, there was a significant 3-way interaction for school level (class), sex, and race. The fewest absences were recorded

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135 for the combination junior high, Black males, while the highest absence rate was found for senior high. White females. Disciplinary Referrals Differences between the groups in number of disciplinary referrals were similarly tested bya2x2x2x2 analysis of variance. The results of this analysis are shown in Table V. Significant differences TABLE V ANALYSIS OF VARIANCE OF DISCIPLINARY REFERRALS Source d f Ho r Main effects 373.329 4 93.332 7.611 Group 187.606 1 187.606 15.298* Class 82.297 1 82.297 6.711* Sex 107.875 1 107.875 8.796* Race 1.472 1 1.472 0.120 • 2-way interactions 61.195 6 10,199 0.832 Group/Class 2.536 1 2.536 0.207 Group/Sex 25.114 1 25.114 2.048 Group/Race 10.731 1 10.731 0.875 Class/Sex 10.774 1 10.774 0.879 Class/Race 3.468 1 3.468 0.283 Sex/Race 7.076 1 7.076 0.577 3-way interactions 11.822 4 2.956 0.241 Group /Class /Sex 3.108 1 3.108 0.253 Group /Class /Race 5.367 1 5.367 0.438 Group/Sex/Race 2.444 1 2.444 0.199 Class /Sex/Race 1.143 1 1.143 0.093 4-way interactions 16. 722 1 16.722 1.364 Group /Class/ Sex 16.722 1 16.722 1.364 Race Explained 463.068 15 30.871 2.517 Residual 833.912 68 12.263 Total 1296.980 83 15.626 *p < .10

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136 were found between the groups and between the classes — the two levels of high school. The Project HOLD group had fewer referrals than the control group, while the junior high subjects had received significantly more referrals than the senior high group. No significant interactions among the variables were elicited by the analysis. Disciplinary Suspensions The number of disciplinary suspensions of each group was tested bya2x2x2x2 analysis of variance, the results of which are shown in Table VI. Significant main effects between the groups were observed. The Project HOLD group had significantly fewer disciplinary suspensions than the control group, the junior high students had significantly more suspensions than the senior high students, and the male students significantly more than the female students. No significant interaction among the groups was observed on the basis of sex, race, school level or group membership. A^e A2x2x2x2 analysis of variance was used to test for significant differences in the students' age, recorded in months. Table VII shows the results of this analysis. As was to be expected, the junior high group were significantly younger than the senior high group. In addition, the Project HOLD group were significantly older than the control group, the female students significantly older than the males, and the Black students than the White students. A two-way interaction showed that the female senior high students were significantly older than the other subjects, while a three-way interaction indicated that Black female students in Project HOLD were significantly older than the

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137 TABLE VI ANALYSIS OF VARIANCE OF DISCIPLINARY SUSPENSIONS Source SS df MS F Main effects 30.000 4 7.500 6. 041* Group 4.473 1 4.473 3. 603* \J V/ J Class 21.142 1 21.142 17. 030* Sex 4.908 1 4.908 3. 953* Race 0.888 1 0.888 0. 716 2-way interactions 4.148 6 0.691 0. 557 Group/Class 0.813 1 0.813 0. 655 Group/Sex 0.617 1 0.617 0. 497 Group/Race 0.028 1 0.028 0. 023 Class/Sex 2.503 1 2.503 2. 016 Liass/Kace 0.146 1 0. 146 0. 117 Sex/Race 0.183 1 0.183 0. 148 3-way interactions 4.639 4 1.160 0. 934 Group /Class /Sex 0.221 1 0.221 0. 178 Group /Class /Race 1.748 1 1.748 1. 408 Group/ Sex/Race 1.871 1 1.871 1. 507 Class/Sex/Race 0.997 1 0.997 0. 803 4-way interactions 0.028 1 0.028 0. 023 Group/ Class/Sex/ 0.028 1 0.028 0. 023 Race Explained 38.815 15 2.588 2. 084 Residual 84.422 68 1.242 Total 123.238 83 *P < .10 other students, and White males in the control group significantly younger. A four-way interaction showed that while Black, female senior

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138 TABLE VII ANALYSIS OF VARIANCE OF AGE IN MONTHS Source SS df MS F Mfl 1 n p'FFpr'f"'? 77QT 89S A U_)D Group 314.438 1 314.438 4. 689''' Class 6637.172 1 6637.172 98. 976* Sex 579.208 1 579.208 8. 637* Race 314.637 1 314.637 4. 692* / — tuT^iv "inf'PT^ir't'TO'nc wcxy X 11 u t; JcHw I, xu iio f, D ft 1 7 77 Ox . / / / 1 1 . Group/Class 31.092 1 31.092 0. 464 Group/Sex 40.227 1 40.227 0. 600 Group /Race 12.250 1 12.250 0. 183 ^ -Labo / OCA zy J . D jy 4 . o *7 n 3/9* Class/Race 48.469 1 48.469 0. 723 Sex/Race 90.051 1 90.051 1. 343 3-way interactions 1008.625 4 252.156 3. 760 Group/Class /Sex 0.004 1 0.004 0. 000 Group /Class /Race 42.434 1 42.434 0. 633 Group/Sex/Race 908.375 1 908.375 13. 546* Class/Sex/Race 19.584 1 19.584 0. 292 4-way interactions 688.129 1 688.129 10. 262* Group/Class /Sex/ 688.129 1 688.129 10. 262* Race Explained 9981.242 15 665.416 9. 923* Residual 4559.957 68 67.058 Total 14501.199 83 175.195 *p < .10 high school students in Project HOLD were significantly older than the other students. White junior high school males from the control group were significantly younger.

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CHAPTER V SUMMARY AND DISCUSSION Summary of the Investigation According to the writing and research reviewed in Chapter II, adolescence is for many a time of instability and stress, often of great distress. The young person, engaged in a struggle to develop an identity separate from his family, is caught up in the dichotomy of his own dependence and independence needs, torn between the two worlds of childhood and adulthood. The purpose of programs such as Project HOLD is to provide support at a crucial time of stress, often of crisis. The question to be answered is whether such support contributes to the individual maturation process, or whether it merely serves to help the young person over the rough spots today, leaving tomorrow for new problems and new crises. The investigation of the possible long-range effects of just such a program of support. Project HOLD, was based on analysis of the four variables used as criteria in the original selection of subjects for the program: unexcused absences, disciplinary referrals and suspensions, and grade point average. Results of the investigation were presented in Chapter IV. Summary of the Results Two null hypotheses and three null sub-hypotheses were tested 139

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140 during the investigation. The hypotheses and the results of the experimental tests on each are as follows: HqI: There is no significant difference in academic achievement for the academic year 1975-76 between subjects who participated in Project HOLD and members of the control group. Hypothesis not accepted. Hq2: There is no difference in school-related behavior for the academic year 1975-76 between subjects who participated in Project HOLD and members of the control group. Hypothesis not accepted. Hq2^: There is no difference in the number of unexcused absences for the academic year 1975-76 between subjects who participated in Project HOLD and members of the control group. Hypothesis accepted. HQ2g: There is no difference in the number of disciplinary referrals for the academic year 1975-76 between subjects who participated in Project HOLD and members of the control group. Hypothesis not accepted. ^O^C* ~ '^^^^^ "° difference in number of disciplinary suspensions for the academic year 1975-76 between subjects who participated in Project HOLD and members of the control group. Hypothesis not accepted. The results of the study showed beyond any doubt that, at least for some of those Project HOLD students who had remained in school, there was a significant difference in frequency of unacceptable schoolrelated behaviors, and an improvement in level of academic achievement as measured by grade point average, although there was no difference in frequency of absences. By inference it appears that, for those students, the program had met some needs, and as a result there was a lessening of disruptive and self-destructive behavior, increased motivation, raised educational aspiration, and undoubtedly improved self-concept.

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141 Interpretation and Discussion of Results All four criterion variables used in this study were manifestations of instability. One of the greatest needs of the adolescent years is for stability — stability of surroundings, and stability of relationships with both peers and significant adults such as parents, teachers, and counselors. The current trend towards centralization in school organization, e.g. in the Duval County School System where Project HOLD was implemented, has been severely criticized by parents and teachers on the one hand, and psychologists on the other. There are sixth grade centers, seventh grade centers, junior high schools consisting of grades eight and nine, and three-year high schools. At the end of fifth grade, sixth grade, seventh grade, and ninth grade, the child may be regularly removed from an environment to which he has just become accustomed and a familiar group of peers and significant adults on whose concern and support he greatly relies. Of these changes Miller (1974), a child psychiatrist, writes: The junior high school system. . .creates a school change usually at age twelve. This means that children lose the external support provided by known teachers and contemporaries just when the physiological tension of puberty is at its height for most of them, and they are besieged by inner turmoil. (p. 118) It is clear, therefore, that in many instances the needs of the adolescent for social stability are ignored, and that too often school changes occur at maturationally inappropriate times. Grade Point Average The difference in grade point average between the junior high school students and the senior high group may indicate that indeed the

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142 change at the end of ninth grade, possibly in many cases following a series of earlier changes after seventh grade, perhaps also after sixth and fifth grades, is disruptive. The increasing difficulty of the academic work as the child progresses through school should in itself be a sufficient challenge without the unsettling influences of frequent change of school. To these changes may be added the strain of a long bus ride; and the total impact may be an obstacle to learning, the more so if the student has already had difficulties, especially in reading. A low grade for the first marking period in the new high school may well produce a feeling of rejection, discouragement and failure in the already marginal student. If he has little social support at home, if his busy teachers are unwilling or unable to give him special attention and encouragement, and if his counselor can see him only once or twice each year, an irrevocable pattern of failure may be established. To the extent that the student's grade point average is a realistic representation of his level of education, the drop-out problem for the undereducated ceases to be a pedagogical problem and becomes an economic liability. Modern labor markets cannot absorb unskilled labor at the rate at which the undereducated continue to enter the labor market, and the untrainability of many of these young people constitutes formidable social problems for which rehabilitative measures are for the most part either ineffective or totally lacking. One extremely important finding was that grade point average had a statistically significant and inverse relationship to frequency of absence (r = 0.001). Because the only meaningful outcome of the school experience is what the student learns, and since achievement in any area contributes to positive self-concept, it can be incontrovertibly

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143 asserted that, even for the disruptive student, attendance at school is infinitely better than no attendance. One wonders, however, whether the school experience need be so frustrating and irrelevant that students want to escape from it. Surely what can be done for an experimental group of students in terms of personal counseling and increased attention to their problems and needs could and should be done for all students. The fact that the Project HOLD group had a significantly higher grade point average than the control group has important implications for the social and economic future of these students, and thus also for their psychological well-being. This finding should have great meaning for the educational planners and administrators in Duval County. Unexcused Absences The number of absences recorded for some of the subjects from both groups was startling ~ 178, 144, 143, 125 — out of a total of 190 legally required school days. One cannot but wonder what such young people do with this time. Most are escaping from the constraints of school rather than to some more attractive pastime, and they simply hang around the streets. One technique of escaping from psychological tension when it is felt to be unbearable is to take flight, either literally or by emotional withdrawal, from the painful reality that provoked the internal conflict. Many adolescents withdraw emotionally into a world of daydreaming and fantasy. At such times, they do not appear to be interested in communicating their thoughts or feelings to adults, nor are they much interested in listening to what adults have to say.

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144 In addition to the need to withdraw from others emotionally, perhaps with the exception of a few close peers, adolescents also develop a need to retreat physically from the adult world. This carries implications for the design of homes and schools, for often there is no place and no time for the adolescent to be alone. Habitual absence from school may well be a retreat from an environment with which the student is not able to cope, emotionally or academically, perhaps even physically. The philosophy of our secioeconomically affluent society has incorporated the need to gratify one's every desire immediately, the wish to avoid frustration at any cost, the urge to be constantly happy, and the peer acceptance of evasion as a way of life. As a result, many young people simply run away from the realities and frustrations of everyday living. When school is difficult or uninteresting, the young person absents himself, and perhaps eventually drops out. Often, when the youth finds himself overwhelmed by life he turns to drugs, alcohol, psychological withdrawal, or even suicide as an escape. Tho se Project HOLD students whose record of absences was significantly lower than that of the control group may well have developed some of the "coping ability" mentioned in the Project HOLD Report . For those not able to cope there exists the danger of a lifetime of flight from difficulty or failure, and a pattern of self-fulfilling prophecies. Disciplinary Referrals and Suspensions Referrals and suspensions are the result of disruptive behavior, which is, in turn, a manifestation of rebellion, the desire to challenge

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145 authority and to assert one's own power. Adolescents often respond to a lack of social support by disturbed and disruptive behavior. American teen-agers express aggression in the revolt against authority, bravado, delinquency, gang activity, vandalism, and the like. In school, rebellion is essentially a manifestation of lack of interest or involvement — the teacher with the student, the student with the activity. The problem of dissatisfaction with school among students is of theoretical and practical significance both to psychologists and educators. At the theoretical level, dissatisfaction with school becomes part of a broader area of inquiry aimed at an understanding of an individual's functioning in an institutional setting. At a practical level, the question is directly related to a number of school problems — grouping procedures, curriculum, scheduling, and, of course, to drop-outs. Those who are low in ability and achievement often show dissatisfaction because of the numerous frustrations and disappointments they experience in the classroom. Those who are high in ability and achievement may show dissatisfaction because of the relative lack of stimulation they find in the classroom. Both of these explanations imply that dissatisfaction with an institution arises out of the individual's interaction with that institution. An alternative explanation might be that the individual brings to the institution a set towards satisfaction or dissatisfaction, that it is a reflection of a more pervasive personal orientation and many other circumstances, and that success or failure experiences within the institution are limited in the influence they have upon the individual. Be that as it may, the school, next to the home, is the

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146 most influential force in the life of the child. Schools often have to provide the environment in which young people learn a way of life, and teachers and other professional workers with young people must become the adults on whom adolescents can model themselves. The empathy, interest, acceptance and support implicit in the relationships within the Project HOLD program have apparently, at least to some extent, lessened the tensions and stress of some of the HOLD students, and the result has been a level of disruptive behavior significantly 1 oweiT than that of thG control group. Age Although age was not one of the original criteria used in selection for the Project HOLD program, the analysis of this variable showed interesting results, the explanation of which must remain speculative. Only in the one instance may one propose an explanation. The age of the White high school Project HOLD males was significantly lower than that of other students. Four White males who had been in the Project had transferred to Florida Junior College instead of returning to school for their senior year. Since the FJC high school diploma program is open only to students 18 years of age or above, it seems evident that the four transfers were older students, already overage for the senior year, and their going left the liJhite male HOLD group uncharacteristically young in relation to students in other sub-groups. Implications of the Study The striking statistical significance of the differences between the two groups in the criteria used tends to support the whole philosophy of counseling and strengthen the raison d'etre of the counseling profession.

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147 The one major difference between the treatment of the Project HOLD students and the control group was the accessibility of counselors and the resultant empathic, supportive and nonjudgmental atmosphere in which the interaction with the students took place. If only there were in schools a sufficient number of counselors to enable them to work effectively with the students, to follow them from year to year in a school organization based on stability, consistency and continuity, and if these counselors were free to counsel rather than spend their time on the clerical work needed to maintain records, or the busyness of scheduling which is inappropriate for counselors, many of today's educational, often psychological, casualties might be rescued , To argue that such an arrangement would be too expensive is shortsighted and unrealistic. Ultimately, undereducated , unemployable individuals are a double financial loss to society. Not only do they not contribute in the form of taxes, but too often they must be maintained while they are unemployed or unemployable. Many become delinquent, and society is the victim, perhaps even supporting the criminal in jail. As if this were not enough, even worse is the immeasurable and tragic waste and loss of human talent, human happiness and fulfillment. To what heights of personal fulfillment can such people aspire when for them life must consist mainly of meeting basic survival needs? Suggestions for Further Research The analysis of the data in the current study gave a very clear picture of the relationship between the two groups. Project HOLD and control, in terms of the four original selection criteria. The very

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148 statistical significance of the results, however, pointed to other questions which should be answered in a serious consideration of the long-term effectiveness of such compensatory programs. Data were collected on the records of the students in the sample for the years 1974, the year of selection, 1975, the year of the program, and 1976, the year after the program. The students' records for 1975 were compared with their 1974 records when Project HOLD was evaluated; but no tests of statistical significance were made. The conclusion was that, although in some areas both groups were doing less well than hoped or expected, the Project HOLD group were doing less badly than the control group (cf. pp. 16-17). It would be important to compare the records of all three years for each individual student, comparing him only with himself, and charting his progress, attempting to find patterns of progress or regression, and through personal interviews determine, at least to some extent, the possible underlying causes. A further study of importance would be to contact those members of both groups who dropped out, and, using an instrument such as Flanagan's Critical Incident Technique, search for a pattern of causation which might lead to a different type of drop-out prevention program and perhaps to implementation at a much lower grade level in the schools. It is not to be expected that one type of program could be effective with all students. Another follow-up study which might be undertaken on a continuing basis would be to follow drop-out and stay-in classmates, and to compare the effects of these alternative choices on the lives of the individuals a certain number of years later, using not only social and

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149 economic criteria, but also psychological data such as self-concept, personal orientation, personal values, vocational interest, and job satisfaction. A similar longitudinal study could be carried out on those members of both groups who did not drop out but continued through graduation. Such a study might pinpoint effectiveness of the program in areas other than the basic retention of the individual through graduation.

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APPENDIX A EXCERPTS FROM PROJECT HOLD REPORT

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151 PREFACE TO PROJECT HOLD REPORT Educational failure is interlaced with a multitude of societal failures and as these failures mount in intensity it becomes increasingly apparent that in order to facilitate a reversal, the schoolsociety relationship must be one of awareness, appreciation, and cooperation. The University of North Florida's Project HOLD, a sociologically based Drop-Out Prevention Program, actively encouraged and provided means through which local community, social, civic, industrial and governmental agencies could become aware of and involved in an effort to eliminate many of the educational problems of its youths, more specifically, the potential school drop-out. Before the 1960s little attention had been focused on high school drop-outs. Even now many educators treat the problems in education as if all youth are from a single population and experience the same difficulties. College courses that study people primarily as members of a certain culture rather than as individuals are prevalent. Not enough consideration is given to the many individual differences among people. The question is now being raised with increasing frequency as to whether everyone in our society is allowed to live up to his potential — this is especially being asked of the potential school drop-out and by the drop-out himself. The drop-out, like many other groups, is isolated from the majority group because of cultural and psychological differences. Drop-outs exhibit behavior which shows hostility, instability, hyperactivity, and impulsiveness. In contrast, graduates tend to be calm, friendly, controlled, and stable. In the educational system of our society, self-worth can be a basic

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152 and strong determinant of behavior in school and in society. Because of this, a positive sense of self-worth should have a favorable influence on one's ability to function in school. Thus, coupled with a reciprocal relationship involving community resources and input into the educational setting. Project HOLD has concerned itself with building a core of self-awareness within its participants. This "core building" has provided mechanisms through which students can deal and cope with the particular problems in their environment in a healthier and less frustrating manner. Project HOLD, by way of its varied and innovative project activities, focused on the assumption that if a student learns to function successfully in his school environment, he will then be able to make a smoother transition to the larger society. Project HOLD set out to examine the following hypotheses: (1) If a student begins to show a significant increase in his ability to cope successfully with the problems confronting him in the school, and given continued personal attention and character building, he can then progress to a level which will enlarge his "coping ability" and enable him to function more effectively in the larger and more complex society outside of school. (2) If a student can gain a core of strength in character with the assistance of special support personnel, and his peers, family, and community, he will improve and catalyze his expectations of himself and his ability to act in a more constructive and positive manner. Project HOLD has demonstrated, during the 1974-75 school year, that positive and effective interpersonal interaction with students can

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153 indeed produce within the potential drop-out inner feelings of positive self-worth, self-awareness, and a healthier self-concept. James M. Corbett, Jr. Director , Project HOLD

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154 OBJECTIVES OF PROJECT HOLD Referrals for Misconduct . By the conclusion of the Project period, July 1, 1974, through June 30, 1975, 80% of the population of 150 school non-performers will have 40% fewer referrals for misconduct reported among the same students for the 1973-74 school year. The number of referrals for the 1974-75 school year will be determined by an actual count compiled by dean's office personnel of the participating schools. The number of referrals for the 1973-74 school year will be determined by an analysis of school records. Suspensions . By the conclusion of the Project period, July 1, 1974, through June 30, 1975, 80% of the population of 150 school nonperformers will have 45% fewer suspensions over the number of suspensions among the same students for the 1973-74 school year. The number of suspensions for the 1974-75 school year will be determined by actual count compiled by personnel of the principal's office of participating schools. The number of suspensions for the 1973-74 school year will be determined based on examination of school records. Unexcused Class Absences . By the conclusion of the Project period, July 1, 1974, through June 30, 1975, 80% of the population of 150 school non-performers will have 50% fewer unexcused class absences over the number of unexcused class absences for the same students for the 1973-74 school year. The number of unexcused class absences will be determined by actual count compiled by personnel in the dean's office. The number of unexcused class absences for the 1973-74 school year will be determined by examination of school records. Grade Point Averages . The individual grade point averages will increase by .50 among 55% of the 150 school non-performers for the second semester, 1974-75 over the individual grade point averages each achieved during the second semester, 1973-74. Grade point averages for each term will be computed by assigning a numerical weight to each letter grade, then computing the mean. Means for each individual will then be compared and the direction of change noted.

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MAJOR ACTIVITIES 155 The activities described below (combined) had a highly significant effect relative to increased positive self-awareness and positive goal setting by the students. Evidence of these changes has come via statements by the students themselves, teachers, parents, court counselors who have been involved with particular students and their families, and the reduction of "disruptive acts" in schools. The greatest single indication of the impact of the Project activities (as viewed by the Project staff, school principals, deans, and counselors) in students' behavior is the increased ability of the students to identify their own contributions to crisis situations as opposed to placing the blame elsewhere. Individual Counseling Sessions were held on a daily basis with each student to ascertain indications of positive growth, to provide the students with ample opportunity to share their problems with the counselors, to negotiate with the counselors possible ways of resolving particular problems and finally, to set expected levels of success in the resolution of the problem. By being warm, friendly, kind and imaginative, the counselors had an opportunity to establish rapport with individual students in these sessions. Peer Group Counseling sessions were held weekly to provide students opportunity to express themselves openly and honestly in order for them to receive immediate feedback from peers who had resolved their problems to some extent. Peer counselors were trained by the adult counselors. These sessions were helpful in assisting the student with developing skills for solving his problems, with seeing himself more

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156 clearly, with understanding others and with dealing with reality immediately. Group Counseling sessions were held daily and were organized according to interests or similarities in problem areas. Others were formed through random selection. Most groups were very casual in nature and setting, lasting only 45 minutes each session. Some groups focused on sensitivity, others on light encounter and team problem solving. Some small group sessions were held in order to design new approaches to problem solving and learning. Tutoring : After assessing students' learning difficulties, tutoring was provided in order to motivate and insure student mastery of curriculum skills with special emphasis on reading and math. Career Counseling was provided to each student to involve and introduce him to the real world of work. Positive work attitudes, communication skills and other skills germane to effective and productive work habits and the importance of being competent in a vocation were emphasized in these sessions. Some students were placed in private industry and business with staff members conferring and consulting with employers to provide an atmosphere of production for the employer and growth for the student. Community Relations efforts consisted of consulting with service agencies, public and private, whose aims included delivering services and making resources available to individuals in need. This effort resulted in a network of resources being available and provided to individual students and their families. Some of the services provided by these agencies were free dental and medical services and consultation, financial aid and other substantive aid to needy families,

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157 family planning and counseling, and vocational counseling and job placement. The Human Relations Programs revolved, in large part, around the student advisory committees at each of the participating schools. Their activities focused on making the general student body and school community aware of the Project's being in the schools and of the purpose, the objectives and accompanying activities of the Project. Some attention was given by the student advisory committees to perceived effective and non-effective aspects of the Project activities.

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158 SOCIO-DRAMA A Special Innovative Technique Utilized at Paxon Senior High School Socio-drama is one of the many ways that young people can learn to vent their frustrations, anger and feelings. This technique was used with Project HOLD students at Paxon Senior High School. Group sessions utilizing this technique developed into the "Drop-In Performers' which is in essence improvisational theatre. The students involved acted out dramatic interpretations of real-life situations, or told it like they felt it is in life today. Performances were held for churches and civic groups in Jacksonville, as well as at the University of North Florida, University of Florida in Gainesville, and during the Spring Festival at Florida A & M University in Tallahassee. Each performance, rolling with mature comedy and pointed satire, pounded home special messages and visibly stirred audiences of varying ages, religious denominations, and ethno-racial backgrounds. The subject matter of the skits ranged from self-pride and drugs to Black-White and human relationships. The development of this socio-drama group was a rewarding experience for the students. It allowed them to discover and examine their innermost feelings and learn how to deal with them. It also gave them courage and self-confidence to stand before audiences and express their feelings. It was indeed a positive growth experience. As a result of participating in this group, these young people are aspiring to goals they never dreamed possible; for example, continuing their education and even exploring careers in the field of the performing

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159 arts. Even more importantly, these students have grown to be positivethinking individuals with feelings of self-worth and self-awareness.

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APPENDIX B DATA COLLECTION SHEET

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iol YEAR 1974 1975 1976 1974 1975 1976 DATE OF BIRTH SUSPENSIONS REFERRALS ABSENCES G.P.A. W Q CODE tJUMBER GROUP : CLASS: SEX: RACE: o o U 10 CODE NUMBER GROUP : CLASS: SEX: 1 RACE: SCHOOL:

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BIOGRAPHY Phyllis Gierlotka Voss (n^e MacKenzie) was born in the Highlands of Scotland, near Inverness. She was educated in the far north of Scotland, in Sutherlandshire , and later in Edinburgh. She received the degree of Bachelor of Arts from the University of London with a major in psychology and a minor in industrial psychology. She then pursued studies in French language and literature at the Sorbonne in Paris for one year and spent a second year in similar studies in German at the University of Berlin. She returned to the University of Edinburgh, where she completed master's degrees in English, French, and German with emphasis on philology and linguistics. She studied at Moray House College of Education, Edinburgh, for the post-master's Diploma of the Scottish Education Department, specializing in secondary school and university level teaching of French, German, and English; and, at the same time, she entered a program for the two-year post-master's University Diploma in Education, majoring in educational psychology and testing, at the University of Edinburgh. She became an educational psychologist and testing specialist for the Kent Education Committee in England, and while there pursued parttime studies in Slavic languages at the London University School of Slavic and East European Studies. In 1945, she joined the staff of the war-time Polish Ministry of EducationinExile in London as special assistant to the Minister of Education and confidential translator. 183

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184 In the summer of 1946, she accepted the invitation of the international office of World University Service (also known as World Student Service Fund and International Student Service) in Geneva to become field representative in Poland and to set up a program of relief in the war-devastated Polish universities. After working with this program in Warsaw for two years, in 1948 she married Dr. Emanuel Gierlotka, then president of the Polish Medical and Dental Students Association. Dr. Gierlotka, who was completing his medical studies when Germany invaded Poland in 1939, was arrested by the Germans in November of that year as a member of the Polish Underground Army. He was imprisoned in the concentration camp of Auschwitz and remained there until the camp was liberated in the Spring of 1945. Dr. and Mrs. Gierlotka lived in Cracow for the next two years, while he pursued post-doctoral studies in pharmacology at the medical school of the 600 year-old Jagiellonian University; and she taught English literature at the University and psychology at the Academy of Comraerce. Early in 1950, Mrs. Gierlotka left Poland for London so that their child would be born with British as well as Polish citizenship. Their daughter was born in London in January, 1950; but her father died a few months later from the effects of his long imprisonment in Auschwitz and without seeing his daughter. Mrs. Gierlotka returned to work with World University Service in the British Office in London, channeling and administering all scholarships for foreign students in the United Kingdom and Eire, most of whom at that time were refugees from communist-dominated Eastern Europe, displaced persons, survivors of concentration camps, or Palestinian

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185 refugees from the recently established State of Israel. She also acted as advisor for these students. At the same time, under the auspices of UNESCO, Mrs. Gierlotka initiated and implemented in the United Kingdom and Western Europe, a program to provide financial support for professional women who were refugees, enabling them to learn a new language, take professional examinations, and receive certification so that they could be resettled and work in a new country. Mrs. Gierlotka entered a part-time program at the University of London School of Slavic and East European Studies and continued the work leading to the degree of doctor of philosophy in comparative Slavic philology. She completed the courses, but the University's time limitations made it impossible for her to begin the dissertation while working full time to support herself and her infant daughter. In 1952, Mrs. Gierlotka came to the United States to work with the U. S. Office of World University Service as representative for the New England area. In 1954, she became chairman of the English department at Emma Willard School in Troy, N. Y.; and, in 1957, she moved to Buffalo, N. Y. to become associate headmistress of Buffalo Seminary. In 1958, Mrs. Gierlotka was appointed director of admissions and financial aid at Skidmore College in Saratoga Springs, N. Y. , a post she retained until 1970. In May of 1959, Mrs. Gierlotka married the Rev. Dr. Carl Hermann Voss, a graduate of the University of Pittsburgh and Union Theological Seminary, New York, N. Y. The now Mrs. Voss left Skidmore College in July of 1970 to become director of IJartram School in Jacksonville, Florida. She resigned that

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186 position in June of 1973 and, in January, 1974, entered a doctoral program in the department of counselor education at the University of Florida in Gainesville. Her doctoral minor was in psychology, with a sub-specialization in foreign student advising. In September, 1974, Mrs. Voss joined the faculty of the University of North Florida in Jacksonville, She currently holds the position of counseling psychologist and is coordinator of testing and advisor to foreign students at the University. Mrs. Voss is a member of Phi Kappa Phi. She holds membership in the American Association of University Women, the American Personnel and Guidance Association, the Association for Measurement and Evaluation in Guidance, the American College Personnel Association, the International Society for Hypnosis, the American Society for Ethical Hypnosis, and the American Society of Clinical Hypnosis. Mrs. Voss resides in Jacksonville with her husband, an author and lecturer, who is professor of philosophy and religion and chairman of the humanities division at Edward Waters College. He is currently (1976-78) a scholarin-residence at the Ecumenical Institute for Advanced Theological Studies at Tantur, near Jerusalem. Their daughter, Christina Elisabeth Gierlotka, is a graduate of Yale University (A.B., 1971) and Stanford Business School (M.B.A. , 1975) and resides in Palo Alto, California.

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I certify that I have read this study and that in my opinion it conforms to acceptable standards of scholarly presentation and is fully adequate, in scope and quality, as a dissertation for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy. Larry Cy;p3joesch, Chairman Assistarfit Professor of Counselor Education I certify that I have read this study and that in my opinion it conforms to acceptable standards of scholarly presentation and is fully adequate, in scope and quality, as a dissertation for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy. Mary H.'-^cCaulley ~T Assistant Professor of Clinical Psychology I certify that I have read this study and that in my opinion it conforms to acceptable standards of scholarly presentation and is fully adequate, in scope and quality, as a dissertation for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy. I4r. K^v.^^ C Harold C. Riker Professor of Counselor Education This dissertation was submitted to the Graduate Faculty of the College of Education and to the Graduate Council, and was accepted as partial fulfillment of the requirements for the .degree of Doctor of Philosophy. August, 1976 Dean, Graduate School