The New Africa

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The New Africa Dispatches from a Changing Continent
Press, Robert M.
Press, Betty
Place of Publication:
Gainesville, FL
University Press of Florida
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Subjects / Keywords:
Africa, Sub-Saharan -- Politics and government -- 1960 ( lcsh )
Africa, Sub-Saharan -- Social conditions -- 1960
Democracy -- Africa, Sub-Saharan -- History -- 20th century
Human rights -- Africa, Sub-Saharan -- 20th century
Operation Restore Hope, 1992–1993
United Nations Operation in Somali
United Nations -- Armed Forces -- Somalia
Rwanda -- Politics and government
Genocide -- Rwanda


Creation/Production Credits:
The new Africa: dispatches from a changing continent / Robert M. Press; photographs by Betty Press.
Robert M. Press grew up in Missouri, USA, where he graduated from the University of Missouri with a degree in journalism. After working in Africa for the U.S. Agency for International Development, he and his wife, Betty Press, hitch- hiked and flew around the world for two years. He then worked as a staff writer for The Christian Science Monitor in various locations, including eight years based in Kenya (1987-1995), travelling across East and West Africa with his wife, a photographer. He was a Visiting Professor at Principia College in Elsah, Illinois, USA, and an Adjunct Professor at Stetson University in DeLand, Florida, USA, before moving to Mississippi. He is currently an Assistant Professor in the Department of Political Science, International Affairs and International Development at the University of Southern Mississippi, USA.

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University Press of Florida
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University Press of Florida
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Copyright 1999 by Robert M. Press. This work is licensed under a modified Creative Commons Attribution-Noncommercial-No Derivative Works 3.0 Unported License. To view a copy of this license, visit You are free to electronically copy, distribute, and transmit this work if you attribute authorship. However, all printing rights are reserved by the University Press of Florida ( Please contact UPF for information about how to obtain copies of the work for print distribution. You must attribute the work in the manner specified by the author or licensor (but not in any way that suggests that they endorse you or your use of the work). For any reuse or distribution, you must make clear to others the license terms of this work. Any of the above conditions can be waived if you get permission from the University Press of Florida. Nothing in this license impairs or restricts the author's moral rights.
Resource Identifier:
9780813017041 ( ISBN )


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AFRICATHE NEWDISPATCHES FROM A CHANGING CONTINENTRobert M. Press / Photographs by Betty Press Postcold war conicts in Africa have received scant coverage and were often presented as current incomprehensible manifestations of traditional tribal hatreds. Not in this study by journalist and Africa scholar Robert Press, which admirably blends the authors personal insights as a reporter, an acute sense of history, and a pioneering human rights approach. Mr. Press sees the hope beyond the wreckage of such devastating conicts as the ones that almost tore Somalia and Rwanda apart in the early nineties: it lies, he tells us, in the collective struggle of ordinary Africans for human rights and dignity. This book will carry a valuable message to the world: about the importance of human rights in Africa and for Africas future.Suliman Baldo, Human Rights Watch /Africa This is reporting on Africa at its best. Press draws on his insights as a long-time journalist based in Africa, but goes beyond what his media colleagues do by integrating into his analysis of trends and events references to the relevant scholarly literature on Africa. The result is a very thoughtfuland hopefulbook. Goran Hyden, University of Florida; former president of the African Studies Association It is a now a truism that the distinguishing characteristic of good photojournalism is that the photographer must truly care about her subjects, not as subjects but as people. Betty Presss love and respect for Africans and their astonishing diversity animate her photography, bringing the struggle, achievements and sorrows of individuals and nations home to the rest of us who did not accompany her.Ellen Tolmie, UNICEF Photo graphy Editor, New York ,!7IA8B3-abhaee!:k;m;o;T;PUNIVERSITY PRESS OF FLORIDAISBN 0-8130-1704-1IN The New Africa, former Christian Science Monitor correspondent Robert Press tells his rst-hand story of triumph and tragedy in contemporary sub-Saharan Africa. Featuring photographs by Betty Press, whose work has appeared in The Christian Science Monitor, New York Times, Time, and Newsweek, the book offers a compelling account of the continents emerging movements toward democracy. Drawing on hundreds of interviews, Press also explores the causes of the extraordinary human tragedies of civil war in Somalia and genocide in Rwanda and offers explanations for the Wests failure to curb them. While providing broad, in-depth coverage of sweeping social and cultural upheaval, The New Africa also introduces readers to some of the many individual Africans struggling for greater personal freedom. We meet the Mercedes Benz women of West Africa who made small fortunes in the wholesale cloth business; Peter, once a homeless Kenyan, who took up tailoring lessons until he was stricken with the AIDS virus; and Nike Davis, a Nigerian artist who escaped a polygamous marriage and abuse to establish a tuition-free art school. Both general readers and students of African politics will nish The New Africa better informed about the intricate diplomatic and political problems surrounding the struggle for human rights in Africa today, while bearing witness to vivid and moving portraits of indi -vidual Africans who, often in the face of danger, strive for greater liberty.After serving as foreign correspondent in Africa for The Christian Science Monitor from 1987 to 1995, Robert M. Press has been a visiting scholar and adjunct professor of journalism at Stetson University, DeLand, Florida, and a visiting professor at Principia College, Elsah, Illinois.$24.95Betty Press, currently an adjunct professor of photography at Stetson University, worked in Africa as a photojournalist from 1987 to 1995; her photographs have appeared in numerous national publications. She is represented by Panos Pictures, London, and Woodn Camp & Associates, New York.Front cover photographs: top, children playing ball, Asmara, Eritrea, 1993; bottom, food vendors going home from market, Sokoto, Nigeria, 1989. Back cover: Asmara, Eritrea, 1993. Women wind their way through the streets, celebrating their countrys independence referendum. Courtesy of Betty Press. University Press of Florida 15 Northwest 15th Street Gainesville, FL 32611-2079 http://www.upf.comUPF PRESSphoto by Senta M. Goudy photo by Betty PressAFRICATHE NEW 6727217041 6 3


The New AfricaCopyright 1999 by Robert M. Press. This work is licensed under a modied Creative Commons Attribution-Noncommercial-No Derivative Works 3.0 Unported License. To view a copy of this license, visit You are free to electronically copy, distribute, and transmit this work if you attribute authorship. However, all printing rights are reserved by the University Press of Florida ( Please contact UPF for information about how to obtain copies of the work for print distribution. You must attribute the work in the manner specied by the author or licensor (but not in any way that suggests that they endorse you or your use of the work). For any reuse or distribution, you must make clear to others the license terms of this work. Any of the above conditions can be waived if you get permission from the University Press of Florida. Nothing in this license impairs or restricts the author's moral rights.


University Press of Florida Gainesville / Tallahassee / Tampa / Boca Raton Pensacola / Orlando / Miami / Jacksonville


THE NEWDispatches from a Changing ContinentRobert M. Press / Photographs by Betty Press


Copyright by the Board of Regents of the State of Florida Printed in the United States of America on acid-free paper All rights reserved Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data Press, Robert M. The new Africa: dispatches from a changing continent / Robert M. Press; photographs by Betty Press. p. cm. Includes bibliographical references and index. (cloth: alk. paper) Africa, Sub-SaharanPolitics and government. Africa, Sub-SaharanSocial conditions. DemocracyAfrica, Sub-SaharanHistoryth century. Human rightsAfrica, Sub-Saharanth century. Operation Restore Hope, 1992. United Nations Operation in Somalia. United NationsArmed ForcesSomalia. Rwanda Politics and government. 9. GenocideRwanda. I. Title. rf r' nt The University Press of Florida is the scholarly publishing agency for the State University System of Florida, comprising Florida A&M University, Florida Atlantic University, Florida International University, Florida State University, University of Central Florida, University of Florida, University of North Florida, University of South Florida, and University of West Florida. University Press of Florida / Northwest th Street / Gainesville, FL


To Betty Press, my wife and partner, who with her camera traveled the same roads I did and who loves the present good and future potential of Africa as much as I do. To Yvonne Razandr avelontsoa, our foster daughter from Madagascar, whom we love very much. To Africans of all w alks of life whose pursuit of freedom is an example for us all. In memory of: Maxine Press, my mother and an important source of my love of life, who gave me the freedom to go anywhere and try anything good; John Press, my father, who loved life and those around him; Lee and Chloe Maxwell, my grandparents, who always had faith in life and in me.


CONTENTS List of Illustrations viii Acknowledgments xiii Somalia Chronology xvi Maps xviii Introduction African Freedom: The Unnished Journey Challenging the Dicta tors The Politics of Ambiguity Things Fell Apart: Somalia Genocide Ignored: Rw anda One Family s Escape from Rwanda Per sonal Freedom Notes Select Bibliograph y Index


ILLUSTRATIONSIntroduction Child imitating photographer, Nasir, southern Sudan, Chapter Koranic school, Sokoto Nigeria, Freedom from ignorance, Dakar, Senegal, Freedom of expression, Cotonou, Benin, Chiuri Ngug i, Nyahururu, Kenya, Freedom from hunger, Efeson, Ethiopia, Slav e house museum, Goree Island, Senegal, Family planning Nairobi, Kenya, Economic freedom, Nairobi, Kenya, Political freedom, Accra, Ghana, Freedom of the press, Lagos, Nigeria,


Chapter Mother and child, Lom, Togo, Grand mosque, Djenn, Mali, Sinaly Dembl and Djibril Coulibaly Bamako, Mali, Lt. Col. Amadou Tumani Tour, Bamako, Mali, Presidential campaign of Alpha Oumar Konar, Bamako, Mali, Voting Timbuktu, Mali, Presidential primar y, Oshogbo, Nigeria, Sen. Louisa Bucknor-Akerele, Lagos, Nigeria, Dr. Beko Ransome-Kuti, Lagos, Nigeria, Olusegun Obasanjo, Otta, Nigeria, Human rights la wyer Djovi Gally, Lom, Togo, Newspaper editor Pius Njaw e, Douala, Cameroon, Human rights activist Logo Dossouvi, Lom, Togo, Delegates a t National Conference, Lom, Togo, Gov ernment-sponsored rally, Lom, Togo, Chapter Monica W amwere, Nairobi, Kenya, Human rights la wyer Gibson Kamau Kuria, Nairobi, Kenya, Conserv ationist Wangari Maathai, Nairobi, Kenya, Presidential campaign, Nairobi, Kenya, President Daniel arap Moi, Nairobi, Kenya, Njeri Kababere, Nairobi, Kenya, Mothers protest, Gladys Kariuki, Nairobi, Kenya, Mothers protest at Freedom Corner, Nairobi, Kenya, Mothers protest, Nairobi, Kenya, Police a ttack on mothers protest, Nairobi, Kenya, Tear gas victim Gladys Kar iuki, Nairobi, Kenya, Multiparty elections, Nairobi, Kenya, Opening of Parliament, Nairobi, Kenya, Parliament b uilding, Nairobi, Kenya, Ethnic clashes, Londiani, Kenya,


Chapter Children at feeding center, Baidoa, Somalia, Damaged school, Hargeisa, northern Somalia, Muslim ghter praying Mogadishu, Somalia, Damaged buildings, Mogadishu, Somalia, Downf all of Barres governmnent, Mogadishu, Somalia, Gen. Mohamed F arah Aideed, Mogadishu, Somalia, Starving child, Baidoa, Somalia, Somali relief worker Amina Sheik Mohamed, Baidoa, Somalia, UNICEF goodwill ambassador Audrey Hepb urn, Baidoa, Somalia, U.S. soldiers landing, Mogadishu, Somalia, Injured Keny an journalist, Mogadishu, Somalia, U.S. soldiers meeting children, Baidoa, Somalia, Orphanage, Baidoa, Somalia, Somali botanist Ahmed Warfa, Nairobi, Kenya, Somali elder, Boroma, northern Somalia, U.S. soldier at sunset, Bardera, Somalia, Mother, child, and relief worker, Baidoa, Somalia, Mother with two children, Baidoa, Somalia, Chapter Girl on crutches, Kigali, Rwanda, Childrens relief center near Goma, Zaire, Nyar ushishi refugee camp, southwest Rwanda, Rwandan machete victim in refugee camp near Goma, Zaire, Woman and children, Musambira, Rwanda, Hutu political demonstrations, Kigali, Rwanda, Prime Minister Agatha Uwilingiyimana, Kigali, Rwanda, Rwandans in Benaco Refugee Camp Tanzania, Rwandese P atriotic Front soldiers, Rusumo, Rwanda, Massacre site, Muyumb u, Rwanda, Skulls at Ntarama church, Nyamata, Rwanda, Relief worker a t Katale Refugee Camp, Zaire,


Hutu prisoners, Kigali, Rwanda, Impromptu Rwandan refugee camp near Goma, Zaire, Social worker s and child, Kigali, Rwanda, Reunication of mother and sons, Rwamagana, Rwanda, Grateful mother, Rwamagana, Rwanda, Chapter Rwandans ee to Zaire, near Gikongoro, Rwanda, Faustin Hitiyise and his f amily, Nairobi, Kenya, Chapter Research scientist, Nairobi, Kenya, Far m couple in their home, Machakos, Kenya, Ter racing, Machakos, Kenya, Duny ah Ablavi, Sokod, Togo, Businessw oman Patience Sanvi, Lom, Togo, Peter Chege, Nairobi, Kenya, Mahad Mohamed Moalim, Mogadishu, Somalia, School, Bor, southern Sudan, Teacher Margaret Waigu Githegi, Chuka, Kenya, Woman judge and a ttorney, Bamako, Mali, Nike, Niger ian artist, on a visit to Florida, Batik ar tist Kemi Akinwale, Oshogbo, Nigeria, COLOR ILLUSTRATIONS following pagePriest, Addis Ababa, Ethiopia, Independence referendum celebration, Asmara, Eritrea, Elder at National Conference, Lom, Togo, Journalists family, Nairobi, Kenya, Music lover, Lagos, Nigeria, Woman farmer tending corn near Arusha, Tanzania, Muslim prayers, Kaduna, Nigeria, Mona Lisa beauty shop, Addis Ababa, Ethiopia, Father and sons, Nairobi, Kenya, Nuer cattle camp, Nasir, southern Sudan,


Middle-class family, Abidjan, Cte dIvoire, Kings Amao, artist, Oshogbo, Nigeria, Cultural dances, Oshogbo, Nigeria, Reclaiming arid land near Dira Dawa, Ethiopia, Skyline, Abidjan, Cte dIvoire, Nigerian artist Nike on a visit to Florida, Primary school, Lagos, Nigeria,


ACKNOWLEDGMENTSAs readers and authors well know, a book may be conceived by one person, but it takes a collaborative effort to make it say something worth reading and to get it completed, published, and distributed. I am solely responsible for any errors of facts, and the interpretations of those facts, based on my rsthand observations and research, are also my own. But this book would not have been possible without the help of many people in Africa and the United States. Here are some of them. The many Africans you will meet in these pages are the foundation of the book. Their lives and actions are the basis for the analyses included in the text. I am deeply indebted to those who took the time to talk with me and share their lives, their concerns, and their dreams. The world has much to learn from Africa and Africans. The Christian Science Monitor my longtime employer, sent me to Africa, trusted my judgment about news and feature topics, and published my hundreds of articles and many photos of Betty Press during


xiv / Acknowledgmentsour eight years there. In seeking to carry out the ideals of the news papers founder, Mary Baker Eddy, my editors and I tried to uphold high standards of concern, fairness, objectivity, and balance between news of disasters and more encouraging stories. Former editor Kay Fanning and her managing editor, David Anabel, sent Betty and me to Africa; we were allowed to stay on by editors Richard J. Cattani and later by David Cook, who also granted me leave to write this book. Each of my numerous regional editors over the years provided skilled and loving support for our work. Longtime Monitor colleagues and friends David Willis, Curtis J. Sitomer and Leon Lindsay helped shape my writing and observation skills over the years. The staff of the former Monitor Radio Service helped me bring some of Africas news to a global listening audience. When I took leav e from the newspaper and moved to DeLand, Florida, to spend time with my mother and write this book, Stetson University in DeLand welcomed me as a visiting scholar, providing an ofce, telephone, fax, computer services, and full library privileges. President Doug Lee and former provost Eugene S. Lubot made the initial invitation; Paul D. Steeves and others in the history department provided the ofce for much longer than originally envisioned; Vice President Sharam Amiri and the dedicated team of computer specialists supplied critical assistance. Margaret L. Venzke read early drafts of two chapters and made helpful comments on them. Other members of the Stetson facultyT. Wayne Bailey, Ann Croce, Paul Croce, Anne M. Hallum, Jeff Horn, Thomas R. Horton, Eugene E. Huskey, Neal B. Long, Elizabeth A. Magarian, Gary L. Maris, Michael W. McFarland, Leonard L. Nance, William R. Nylen, Ranjini L. Thaver, Richard H. Wood, Mal com M. Wynn, and othersoffered information or encouragement, or both, at various times. Senior secretaries Robin L. Carter, Dinah W. McFarlane, Sherry Kent, and Divina Bungard were gracious and patient in helping meet ofce needs. Library director Sims Kline, Jane T. Bradford, M. Susan Connell, David Everett, Terry J. Grieb, Betty Johnson, Susan Ryan, Peter C. Shipman, Ruth Slavin, and the others never tired of helping me track down source materials. Campus printer Ronald E. Gosselin helped me consider book titles. Stetson seniors Barbara Berry and Steve Nicks provided valuable assistance in the early stages of the book as research assistants.


Acknowledgments / xv The John J. and Lucille C. Madigan Charitable Foundation, Inc., pro vided a grant to cover some of my research expenses. Patricia J. Drabik, secretary/treasurer of the foundation and her husband, Robert Drabik, president, offered consistent encouragement and vision to help me nish the project. Thomas DEvelyn, literary agent in Providence, Rhode Island, and former book editor for The Christian Science Monitor, provided invaluable guidance through the entire conceptualization, research, and writing of the many revisions of the book. Our long conversations about the manuscript, exchange of faxes and e-mail messages, his editing comments on early drafts, and patient answers to my many questions were crucial. At the Univer sity Press of Florida in Gainesville, Meredith Morris-Babb, editor in chief, Susan Fernandez, senior acquisitions editor, Larry Leshan, Amy Gorelick, Tom Thomson, Judy Goffman, and others, including UPF board members, worked jointly with interest and professional skills to approve and publish the book and make it available to both nonspecialist readers and those studying Africa. They did it all with a sense of enthusiasm. UPFs two manuscript readers made very good suggestions. Copyeditor Victoria Haire did an excellent job. My mother, Maxine Press, understood why writing this book was important and why it was worth the effort. It was a very happy day for both of us when I brought her a completed copy of the manuscript, just two months before she passed away. More than any one, Betty Press knows the time, energy, and inspiration needed to write a book. Many evenings over dinner, Betty and I discussed details of the chapters. With uninching support, she shouldered extra responsibilities for keeping our home going while teaching and working as a photographer; she allowed me countless late evenings and writing weekends during the approximately two years it took to complete the manuscript. (The writing period was extended by journalism classes I was happy to teach at Stetson University as an adjunct professor and by travels Betty and I made together.) I am and shall forever be grateful for her patience, faith, understanding, and love.


SOMALIA CHRONOLOGYJuly : United Republic of Somalia is formed after independence gained from British (in north) and Italians (in south). Colonization began in October : General Mohamed Siad Barre assumes power after a military coup and gains Soviet backing. : Somalia goes to war with Ethiopia over territory. Soviets shift backing to Ethiopia; United States shifts support to Somalia, provides military aid. : Somali rebels start campaign against General Siad Barre. : Drought, civil war, and land seizures by rebels create major food shortages in central Somalia. January : Siad Barre ees Mogadishu; rebel faction names Mohamed Ali Mahdi interim president, angering his rival, General Mohamed Farah Aideed. Heavy ghting ensues between them. The increased famine attracts the help of International Committee of the Red Cross and some private relief agencies.


Somalia Chronology / xviiJulySeptember : Fifty unarmed UN monitors sent to Mogadishu. Famine intensies; a major U.S. relief airlift begins in August. UN sends in lightly armed Pakistani troops, who are forced by Somali militia to remain at the airport. December : U.S. Marines land in Mogadishu to escort relief convoys to famine zones. At peak, nearly U.S. and UN troops of twenty-four nations take part in operation. March : Fifteen faction leaders sign peace pact to set up transitional government; pact is never implemented. May : United States hands over military control to UN forces. June : Twenty-four Pakistani UN troops killed in Mogadishu after they inspect a weapons cache near Aideeds radio station. This begins four months of nearly daily skirmishes in capital between international forces and those of Aideed, although much of the rest of the country remains relatively quiet. June : UN issues warrant for Aideeds arrest. July : In an unannounced attack, U.S. troops bomb a suspected Aideed command post, killing dozens of Somali civilians. An angry Somali mob kills four international journalists who arrive to photograph the damages. October : Eighteen U.S. Rangers killed in battle with Aideeds forces; four days later, President Clinton orders withdrawal of U.S. troops by March Sporadic ghting among rival clans continues. February : UN abandons main compound in Mogadishu, which is quickly looted, and begins to withdraw last troops with help from a U.S.-led multinational force that includes marines. Final withdrawal completed in March : Sporadic ghting continues in the south among rival clans. Aideed seizes control of Baidoa. He is killed in by gunre in Mogadishu; his son, Hussein Mohamed Aideed, a former U.S. Marine, pursues his fathers plan to achieve dominant power in Somalia for his faction. In the north, self-declared independent So maliland continues to be more peaceful than the south as com merce and reconstruction take place in many areas.


From Maps On File. Reprinted by permission of Facts On File, Inc. Note: Democratic Republic of Congo was formerly named Zaire.AFRICA


From Maps On File. Reprinted by permission of Facts On File, Inc.SOMALIA


From Maps On File. Reprinted by permission of Facts On File, Inc. Note: The name Zaire was changed to Democratic Republic of Congo in 1997.RWANDA


INTRODUCTION Nasir, southern Sudan, 1993 A boy photographs the photographer. Credit: UNICEF/Betty Press


2 / The New AfricaHIS book is about human rights and the human spirit in Africa today. These true stor ies are from Africa, but they could be from anywhere. They describe the hunger people have and the risks they sometimes take for more human rights, or freedom, and they show how sometimes those rights are trampled. Africa headed into the tw enty-rst century after one of the most dramatic and contradictory decades in modern times in terms of human rights: it was both hopeful and deadly. On the whole, Africa turned more democratic after hundreds of thousands of people of all backgrounds stood up and demanded change. But there were also major abuses of human rights and failures on the part of the international community to help stop them. A civil war in Somalia showed how U.S. and UN military intervention failed when it was based on a lack of understanding of local culture and history. And the world did little more than watch as genocide engulfed Rwanda, killing up to one million people, most of them in three months. But beyond politics and w ar, another, quieter change became more evident in the closing years of the century. Many people were gaining personal freedom in their own lives, including freedom from ignorance, from poverty, and from traditional social barriers such as those limiting the rights of women. These three themes from Afr ica todaya resurgence of political freedom, world lessons in responding to humanitarian and political crises, and personal freedomform the basis of this book. Many useful studies of the democratic movement in Africa have been made, and some are cited in this book. But in most of the studies the individual is missing, except perhaps for a brief mention of some. Yet individuals have played a key role in changing the face of African politics in the s.


Introduction / 3 The New Africa is a combination of academic analysis, on-the-scene repor ting of key events, and proles of some of the many individuals who are part of the changes occurring in Africa today. The book examines both events and individuals in their historical and political context. It presents some of the ordinary people who took extraordinary steps to win more freedom for their country or in their own lives. The focus is mostly East and West Africa, where the author and his wife, Betty Press, whose photos accompany the text, traveled extensively from to while based in Kenya for The Christian Science Monitor, in terviewing hundreds of government ofcials, including several heads of state, opposition leaders, guerrilla ghters, students, businesswomen, artists, lawyers, church leaders, doctors, children, refugees, diplomats, aid ofcials, and many others.Political FreedomA long-simmering discontent and anger with politics as usual boiled over in Africa at the end of the Cold War in Pervasive poverty and international and domestic pressures for democracy set the stage for change to some degree, but mostly it was the power of an idea, the idea of freedom, that changed the shape of African politics more than at any time since independence. Africans caught a fever of freedom which spread rapidly across the continent, prompting confrontations and other challenges to longtime authoritarian rulers. Ordinary people, not just political opposition leaders, stood up for democracy, often against great odds, sometimes against brutal force. Chapter introduces this theme. The ending of the Cold War meant the end of political chess games in Africa between the two superpowers. Suddenly autocratic leaders no longer could appeal for military or economic aid from the United States or the Soviet Union with any certainty of getting it. They were left exposed to the demands of their people for change. As the winds of freedom stirred across eastern Europe, they also began blowing across Africa. People of all backgrounds began demanding change after three decades of mostly dictatorial rule by black leaders. The release of Nelson Mandela after twenty-six years in prison in South Africa sent another pro-freedom jolt throughout Africa.


4 / The New Africa For a few years, changes came quickly. Most African states switched from a one-par ty to a multiparty system with competitive elections. Formerly docile parliaments became lively centers for debates on government corruption. South Africas transformation into a democratic, majority-rule country in was one of the most hopeful changes in the decade. Success of the democratic movement varied from country to country in Africa. (In this book the term Africa refers to sub-Saharan Africa.) Some incumbent leaders were replaced through elections; others resisted reform and merely played the democracy game, sometimes getting reelected. Often the opposition was poorly organized and poorly funded or was led by individuals more interested in obtaining power than creating checks on its misuse. The pace of change slow ed in the later part of the s; but apart from the successes or failures of the pro-democracy movement, the ground swell of demands for more political freedom revealed to the rest of the world that Africans, like people everywhere, put great value on human rights, on individual liberties. They insisted on the right to speak ones mind, vote in fair elections, and read uncensored materials. Chapter also puts the renew ed push for freedom in Africa in the context of earlier struggles in Africa and Latin America and in the s by blacks in the United States. With the help of historian of ideas Isaiah Berlin, the chapter raises the question what is freedom? And with the help of Joseph Conrad, another question is probed: why is Africas image so bad in the rest of the world? The views of several African academics who challenge the idea of winner-take-all elections and call for more inclusive, alternative approaches are also included. Chapter features individuals who have taken bold steps to gain new human rights and freedom in their countries. Students tell how they battled the police and army tanks in Mali, where democracy was restored; a student leader in Togo withstood torture by police to keep an underground opposition movement secret; in Nigeria, human rights activists risked their lives to keep the world informed of abuses under a repressive military regime. Their courage is reected in the actions of many others in the s and illustrates the dangers and difculties of expanding human rights in Africa. Chapter sho ws how pro-democracy advocates can gain ground, then lose it to authoritarian governments bent on crushing reform.


Introduction / 5With the focus on Kenya, this chapter features a daring public protest by mothers to get political prisoners released. Other Kenyans proled include a political opposition leader, two human rights lawyers, and a young former insurance saleswoman who bravely insisted on political freedom and the rule of law as an authoritarian president tried to keep ethnic tensions hot and his opponents off guard.InterventionThe second theme, of world lessons on intervention (or lack of it), takes a close look at two of the most important postCold War tragedies in Africa where human rights were trampled, Somalia and Rwanda, and shows how the two are linked. Chapter tells how the civil war in Somalia led to a famine of such massive proportions that the United States sent rst a military airlift of food, then troops, to help deliver relief. It was one of the rst ventures in President George Bushs new world order. But when the U.S., European, and some African troops tried to help the United Nations bring peace to Somalia, things turned deadly. Unfamiliar with the culture of Somalia and the back streets of its capital, Mogadishu, U.S. and UN troops soon found themselves under re from one Somali faction. When eighteen U.S. servicemen were killed in an ambush, and the body of one of them was dragged naked through the streetsa scene that ashed across television screens worldwidePresident Bill Clin ton called the troops home. The chapter examines why Somalia fell apart and how the United States and the United Nations were ineffective peacemakers because they did not understand the history or the culture of the people. The title of the chapter on Somalia will remind readers of African literature of Nigerian author Chinua Achebes acclaimed novel Things Fall Apart (London: Heinemann, ; also published in other editions). On the opening page Achebe credits W. B. Yeatss poem The Second Coming for that title and quotes part of the poem: Turning and turning in the widening gyre/The falcon cannot hear the falconer;/ Things fall apart; the center cannot hold;/Mere anarchy is loosed upon the world. Fortunately, anarchy in Africa today is the exception, but one of the worst exceptions in history occurred in Rwanda.


6 / The New Africa Chapter tells how the United States, badly burned by Somalia, ducked the next African crisis where the ultimate human rightthe right to livewas destroyed for many in a genocidal civil war. Up to one million people were slaughtered in Rwanda in most of them in just three months and often by machetes wielded by their neighbors. The killings were carefully planned and executed, the outcome of years of hate propaganda and racial tensions nurtured in part by colonialist prejudice, then by self-serving leaders in Rwanda. Could the genocide have been halted or at least slowed? Yes, according to military analysts familiar with Rwanda. So why didnt the United States or the UN try? For its part, the United States refused to send troops because of the death of their soldiers in Somalia. The United States was unwilling to risk any more lives in Africa. African troops were available to go to Rwanda, but the UN was unable to fund them without U.S. backing, which the United States withheld until the killing was over, afraid it might be dragged into the war to help the African troops. The chapter puts Rwandas genocide in the context of other examples of mass world violence in the twentieth century, including Stalins farm famines and the Holocaust. It probes the roots of the Rwandan genocide, showing why it occurred and how it was carried out. Chapter 6 tells the story of one family who escaped the killing.Personal FreedomWhile many Africans strove for political freedom, many more were striving for freedom as individuals. Some sought changes in social practices; others sought to expand their education and earnings to break free of ignorance and poverty. Rather than a broad, economic analysis of Africa, chapter presents a number of people who have gained additional freedom of one kind or another. A Nigerian ar tist breaks loose from an abusive, polygamous marriage and later establishes a tuition-free art school for low-income students, overcoming some of the social barriers women face in her culture. A Kenyan shopkeeper and a Togolese baker use small loans to expand their businessesand prots. A Kenyan couple farming on dry


Introduction / 7land and members of a womens hand-irrigating vegetable cooperative in The Gambia tell how they made progress. The Mercedes Benz ladies of the West African nation of Togo talk about how they became wealthy selling cloth and developed a taste for expensive cars. Several women jurists in Mali explain how they fought to give girls the right to refuse female circumcision. Some students and teachers in two countries with civil warsSudan and Somaliacarry on their classes, and a model teacher in Kenya tries modern classroom techniques that her students appreciate. After a long war, female ex-soldiers in Eritrea seek greater recognition of their rights in a male-dominated society. And a young homeless man in Kenya sets out on a journey from poverty to tailoring.* *As the century drew to a close, police in some countries continued to use torture, and journalists and others highlighting government corruption were being arrested. In Rwanda and Burundi, ethnic killings continued. In central Africa scores of thousands of Rwandan refugees had been slaughtered and attempts made to cover up their deaths. In parts of Somalia civilians continued to die in ghting between rival factions, though many areas were mostly peaceful. Africa today is challenged by such issues as poverty, AIDS, and numerous authoritarian governments. But the new insistence on political freedom and human rights continued in most countries, even where there was oppression. Surviving authoritarian rulers kept coming under pressure from people demanding more freedom. Individuals kept pursuing greater personal freedom. Africa is troubled, but it is also vibrant and alive with energy and is more democratic than it has ever been. The determination of millions of Africans to make more progress will not disappear and does not depend on forms of government. Many of the changes taking place in Africa today are mental, not just governmental. Africans across the continent are expressing their long-held sense of dignity and steely insistence on human rights and freedom. This insistence provides a hopeful starting point for the twenty-rst century.


8 / The New Africa* *Mother Teresa had a way of saying a few words directly to each person she met. When it was my privilege to meet her in Kenya, she told me, When you write, always write something to uplift people. The examples in this book of individual sacrice for the achievement of greater freedom, in society or personally, are uplifting. Even the harsh lessons from Somalia and Rwanda can be uplifting if taken seriously enough to learn from them.


African Freedom: The Unnished Journey / 9 1 AFRICAN FR EEDOM The Unnished Journey Sokoto, Nigeria, 1989 This Muslim girl on her way to Koranic school holds a reusable wooden tablet with verses from the Koran.


10 / The New AfricaCROSS Africa in the s, mothers, lawyers, labor leaders, students, and others took stands in favor of greater human rights against authoritarian governments. They faced riot police, staged massive demonstrations, and in some countries even fought tanks or resisted torture to gain new political freedom. Sub-Saharan Africa,1 the focus of this book, starting in entered a period of the most profound political change since the days of independence in the late s and early s. Democracy was suddenly not just a distant dream but rather a tangible goal. In the year the Berlin Wall was torn down, only ve African states had what might be called democracy, with more than one political party and contested elections.2 The rest of Africa was under authoritarian or military rule or engaged in civil war. South Africa and Namibia were still under white minority rule; Nelson Mandela was in prison. Yet by three out of four African states had competitive party systems.3 Many African dictators had been ousted, replaced by men more beholdenby circumstances or desireto the constraints of democratic rule.4 Almost every nation had undergone major political reforms. In Namibia, white South African rule was over and the country had a freely elected black president, Samuel Daniel Nujoma. In South Africa, Nelson Mandela was president. A pow erful force had been unleashed in Africa; people were insisting on greater political and economic freedomand getting it. As longtime Nigerian diplomat Joseph Garba said of the peoples renewed taste for freedom, The genie is out of the bottle. One academic tracker of this trend noted, In a relatively short period the vast majority of African states moved towards an acceptance of political pluralism and a rejection of single-party and military rule.5 Despite enormous obstacles, setbacks, and deviations from the new pattern, the markedly increased role played by democracy in African politics over


African Freedom: The Unnished Journey / 11the last few years is unlikely to dissipate or become atrophied in the future. Cautious optimism is justied.6 As the century drew to a close, however, other analysts were less optimistic The pace of change had slowed; there were fewer demonstrations for democratic government. The rush toward democratic rule appeared to have stalled. In fact in some countries, ousted dictators returned to ofce, victors in the very kind of multiparty elections they had previously blocked. Even where new leaders were elected, they sometimes did little to improve the lives of the people. A few countries were bogged down with civil war; others still had military rulers or had ousted their civilian presidents in coups. One noted African writer and economist spoke of an Africa in chaos,7 as he surveyed failed economic programs, and lamented the failure of most African intellectuals to grapple with the tough reform issues. But even if the str uggle for democracy was totally crushed (which is unlikely); even if it was allowed to die slowly for lack of support by people who, in the face of dire economic conditions, had to focus all their energies on survivaleven then Africa and Africans would never be the same. Despite the setbacks, the hunger for freedom would continue. For the change occurring today in Africa is not just about the form of governments; it is a mental change, a renewed energizing of the human spirit. The political chemistry has changed in Africa. People expect more freedom, more human rights, and have shown courage in demanding it, as this book reveals. Their stories are important because, in the rush to highlight the rise of the democratic movement, then in the rush to pronounce its slippage, little attention has been given to the kinds of individuals who have helped or tried to bring about change. Some excellent studies have been conducted on this renewed drive for more freedom and democracy in Africa, and in this chapter I examine some of their major conclusions. But although most of these studies are well researched and set forth intriguing theories to explain the political changes in Africa today, somehow the spirit of the Africans involved usually gets left out. That spir it is exemplied by ordinary Kenyan mothers who deed riot police in a protest demanding release of their sons, all of whom were political prisoners.It is evident in the spontaneous decisions by


12 / The New Africastudents in Mali to brave not only police but tanks to try to topple a dictatorship. It is seen in the refusal of a university student in Togoeven after being torturedto reveal the name of fellow students working against the dictatorship there. There is strength in those actions, and other s like them, a kind of gritty determination to achieve something better in life. Many of the attempts were not coordinated and were not effective in changing governments. But some were. The point is that this renewed determination to achieve more freedom, both political and personal, has come to the surface again, and it is not likely to be submerged again. This is one of the reasons for cautious optimism about the future of Africa, even as the tallying of the progress or failure of economies and governments continues. Whenever and whatever kind of long-term changes in govDakar, Senegal, 1988 Freedom from ignorance: Young Senegalese students attend an assembly program to celebrate the ideals of John F. Kennedy at their high school, named after the late U.S. president.


African Freedom: The Unnished Journey / 13ernment come, this bedrock quality, this conviction that things can be betterand should beis there to build on in the twenty-rst century. As dramatic as the responses of man y Africans to tyranny were in the s, they were not entirely new. Resistance to unjust rule goes back in African history at least to the era of slavery. African slave traders ran into resistance from the moment they entered villages to seek captives. They encountered more resistance along the long marches to the coast; non-African slave dealers met resistance from slaves on many ships and in the lands where slaves were sent to work. The same spirit was seen again during colonization: the conquest of Africa by Europe was far from peaceful. Africans waged wars of resistance, some of which lasted for years. Thousands of Africans were killed ghting the colonialists. And once the disillusionment of postindependence politics in Africa set in, when it became clear that many black African leaders were determined to use single-party rule to maintain orderand keep themselves in power, curtailing many freedoms in the processresistance began again, at many levels, from political opposition movements to individual protest. Although authoritarian rule was very common it had failed to extinguish the underlying belief of many Africans that a more democratic Africa was both attainable and desirable.8 Through this postindependence period, discontent and calls for democracy continued, but without the momentum or impact seen since .Africa: Part of a World StruggleIn his second trial, in this time for treason, Nelson Mandela drew connections between the struggle for freedom in South Africa and similar struggles in other parts of the world. Under tight security, in a full courtroom which included his mother and his wife, Winnie, he gave his last public remarks before being sentenced to prison, where he would spend nearly twenty-six years of his life before his release and subsequent election as the rst black president of South Africa. The Magna Carta, the Petition of Rights and the Bill of Rights, are documents which are held in veneration by democrats throughout the world. The American Congress, the countrys doctrine of separation of powers, as well as the independence of its judiciary, arouse in me


14 / The New Africasimilar sentiments.9 Then he sounded a chord that vibrated across South Africa, where blacks were under the oppressive apartheid system of a white government: The lack of human dignity experienced by Africans is the direct result of the policy of white supremacy.10 At the end of his lengthy statement, which took four hours to read, Mandela set his papers on the defense table, looked up directly at the white judge, and brought the courtroom to silence with his nal words that day. During my lifetime I have dedicated myself to this struggle of the African people. I have fought against white domination, and I have fought against black domination. I have cherished the ideal of a democratic and free society in which all persons live together in harmony and with equal opportunities. It is an ideal which I hope to live for and to achieve. But if needs be, it is an ideal for which I am prepared to die.11 Africans current push for freedom is part of a global demand for g reater freedom. Although more gains have been made in many other parts of the world, the typical forces involvedat whatever time in historyare roughly the same in all geographic locations. On one side, ordinary people call for release from tyranny; on the other, a deant government digs in to maintain something it claims is worth even more than individual liberties: stability. Without stability, the governmental authorities argue, there would be little freedom for anyone, though this argument is often used to serve their own interests in remaining in power. Latvian-bor n writer and thinker Isaiah Berlin spent years studying the meaning of freedom and its relation to values and different concepts of truth. He started by studying those who he says had the view that ultimately there is only one set of acceptable behavior: Plato, Soc rates, and others. Jews, Christians, and Muslims also believe in one set of values, a divinely revealed true answer.12 Marx, he notes, did not seem to propose any ultimate truths. Yet even Marx, according to Berlin, believed that ultimately man would escape being victim of his own nature, that reason would triumph; universal harmonious cooperation, true history would at last begin.13 Machiavellis writings challenged Berlin with the concept of choices: crudely put, the choice is between the virtues of good men and the evils of bad ones. Neither one ultimately replaces the other, according to Machiavelli. Berlin concludes, in part, there is not one pattern of life that reconciles all


African Freedom: The Unnished Journey / 15contrasting views and values. He describes the dilemma this way:We are faced with conicting values; the dogma that they must somehow, somewhere be reconcilable is a mere pious hope; experience shows that it is false. We must choose, and in choosing one thing lose another, irretrievably perhaps. He continues: If we choose individual liberty, this may entail a sacrice of some form of organization which might have led to greater efciency. If we choose justice, we may be forced to sacrice mercy. If we choose knowledge we may sacrice innocence and happiness. If we choose democracy, we may sacrice a strength that comes from militarization or from obedient hierarchies.14 In Africa, as elsewhere, the argument for stability instead of democrac y has its defenders, especially among the wealthy, who stand to lose more in times of upheaval. A ruler such as Marshal Josip Broz Tito in Yugoslavia argued that only he could hold his country together. One might have doubted it, but the war in Bosnia in the s made Titos argument more believable. In Somalia, Major General Mohamed Siad Barre, the army commander who took power in was popular at rst; he initiated a number of reforms. When he began to lose his popularity, he started using ruthless tactics to squash dissent, claiming the measures were necessary to keep the country united. Many contend Barre merely wanted to hold on to power. But the civil war, famine, and chaos that followed his overthrow in resulted in far more deaths and destruction than anything seen during his regime, with the exception of his heavy bombing and destruction of the northern city of Har geisa. Freedom. Ho w many denitions of this concept, this value, have been proposed? These denitions are often at odds with each other and thus a potential source of conictconict which reduces everyones freedom, at least temporarily. If there is a best denition of freedom, a right one, and the others are wrong, then the choice is clear. Many philosophers and religious leaders believe there is a right set of ideas or values. All we have to do is strive toward it, satised that we are on the right path. The struggle over a denition of freedom is one that has played out in almost every country at one time or another, including China, where Mao Tse-tung established his concept of the countrys best path; the Philippines, where a peoples revolution led to the over-


16 / The New Africathrow of Ferdinand Marcos; Germany, where Adolf Hitler imposed his warped vision of freedom for the so-called Aryan race; France, which once had its revolution. What is happening toda y as Africans seek expanded political rights and freedom is part of a worldwide, historic movement that once swept through colonial America and ignited a wave of civil rights protests in the United States in the s and s. We shall not be moved, sang resistant blacks and their white supporters in the United States as they engaged in civil disobedience in the name of freedom. The same insistence on freedom helped shatter most Communist regimes in eastern Europe starting in the late s. Latin America made major progress in shedding dictators in the s and s before most African nations were taking their rst steps in that direction. There are many differences between the two regions, but one common feature is their quest for democracy. Latin Americas move toward democracy involved trade unions, grass-roots movements, religious groups, intellectuals, artists, clergymen, defenders of human rights, and professional associations, a list which could just as accurately have been written about Africa as Latin America.15 One group not on the list is mothers; but mothers played a role in political transfor mation in countries such as Argentina, Chile, and later Guatemala, protesting against authoritarian rule and human rights abuses in the s and s. Like their Kenyan counterparts, they demanded freedom for their sons imprisoned for political reasons. Irish mothers in the s marched for peace, defying the separation norm of the day between Catholics and Protestants. Africa s drive for freedom is clearly part of a universal movement. Yet often there has been a psychological barrier between Africa and the rest of the world, imposed from the outside, sealing Africa off as different, as an exception to world trends. From outside the barrier, Africa is seen mostly as a continent where a handful of egotistical rulers make most of the decisions and where the people accept this condition. The push for democracy in the s showed that Africans are just as hungry for freedom as any other people. There is also a tendency among Westerners to shrug off what happens in Africa as beyond their understanding. Africa, like anyplace else, is complex, with nuances puzzling to an outsider, but it is not beyond


African Freedom: The Unnished Journey / 17 Cotonou, Benin, 1991 Freedom of expression: A. Jean Godjo Sonon paints a self-portrait in his small roadside studio.


18 / The New Africaour comprehension. People with different values are not necessarily unable to understand each other.Members of one culture can, by the force of imaginative insight, understand the values, the ideals, the forms of life of another culture or society, even those remote in time or space, writes Berlin.16 In when he was ten, Berlin moved from Latvia to England, where he later became a professor of social and political theory. He also became president of the British Academy and is known as a historian of ideas. He appreciated diversity among cultures but saw a certain unity among people. To mentally isolate a people or a culture in our minds as not understandable, as unknowable, is something to avoid, he argues. We are free to criticize the values of other cultures, to condemn them, but we cannot pretend not to understand them at all, or to regard them simply as subjective, the products of creatures in different circumstances with different tastes from our own, which do not speak to us at all.17 Berlin saw the possibility of a bridge between various cultures. Intercommunica tion between cultures in time and space is only possible because what makes men human is common to them, and acts as a bridge between them.18 The universal desire for freedom is one of those bridges, which can be seen in the lives of Africans such as Chiuri Ngugi.* *Ngugi, a friend of mine, is a living bridge between the culture of the United States and his Kenyan culture; he is also a proponent of greater political freedom in his own country. In a letter to me in September he wrote of his letdown at returning to no job in Kenya after studying in the United States for a year and making a short visit to South Africa. It was an ignoble homecoming. Ngugi was like many college students around the world who get a degree, perhaps travel abroad, then come home to the realities of making a living. An idealist, he discovered that during his year at law school at Columbia University in New York, little had changed in Kenya. Daniel arap Moi was still president; large-scale government corruption continued, and many Kenyans were desperate as the economy slid farther and farther downhill; and the government persisted with intimidation of its critics.


African Freedom: The Unnished Journey / 19 There is no wa y out of this mess, he wrote. Then he added a few lines that made me worry about him. Some people have to suffer, sacrice, lead the way for the realization of the beauty and dignity of the human person in a civil society under the rule of law. What did he mean by sacrice? The tone made me uneasy, especially after what he had said while visiting me in Florida just before his return to Kenya: Id rather die guarding the right of my opponent to be heard than engage in subverting that right.19 We met when he was a student at the University of Nairobi. He g rew up poor, like most Kenyans.The only avenue for betterment and progress was through education, he said. By studying until as late as A.M., he managed to nish number one or two in his primary and secondary classes. His father, a preacher, died when he was sixteen. His mother, with a warm smile and sense of humor, kept the family together with her love and down-home advice. He attended the university using a loan granted on the basis of merit, graduating with a bachelor of laws in After a year at the Kenya School of Law he was admitted to the Kenyan bar in May His choice of law as a career Nyahururu, Kenya, 1990 Lawyer Chiuri Ngugi with his mother.


20 / The New Africawas based on an equation: I equated law with justice, he said. My dad believed in justice, being a preacher. He always preached reconciliation, support for other people, harmony among people. Ngugi said he got his sense of f air play from his mother. She had very strong faith and she was very hardworking. He is close to his mother. My mom has a very strong pull. Everywhere I go I can still feel the hand of my mother on me, in a great way. My moms faith, and my moms love and commitment and sacrice to make sure the kids are educated, is like a cry for responsibility and duty. Just out of law school, Ngugi landed a plush job with a private company, even before he had passed his bar exam. He was given use of a company car, a good salary, and a number of other impressive perks. But there was a catch: he was soon asked to do things that legally could only be performed by a licensed lawyer; he could see his job was taking him down a path of corruption and disrespect for the laws. So he quit. His friends almost uniformly told him he was crazy to walk away from such a comfortable position. Betty and I congratulated him on his maturity and sense of ethics. He went on to start a national legal service for the poor. Ngugi wrote in his letter of a univ ersal goal: the rule of law. In Kenya, there was law, but it was not the rule. Laws were outed by government ofcials. He enclosed a color photo of himself sitting alone on a tree stump, probably near the mud-walled home of his mother, who lives on a farm in north-central Kenya. He looked lonely, vulnerable, discouraged, except for a wisp of a smile. I had watched this young man mature from a college student to a trial court lawyer, listened to him for long stretches expounding his idealism, expressing an unbending fervor for democracy and law. He was not sure what to do now. He had to earn a living. After studying in the United States, he suddenly found himself faced with helping support the three children of his deceased sister, in addition to helping his mother. Still bothered by the corrupt politics of his country, he wanted to help improve the situation. He opened his own law practice, which allowed him to continue working for the rule of law in Kenya.


African Freedom: The Unnished Journey / 21* *Berlin settled on the idea of a collision of values as the most accurate explanation of life.20 He had long disagreed with those who saw an ultimate truth; his own ultimate truth was that there were many truths, many values, often conicting with each other. Berlin asks, What is to be done in a world of conicting and colliding values, of mutually exclusive choices? What and how much must we sacrice to what?21 He leaves the question unanswered, but he says the rst obligation of a society is to avoid extremes of suffering. To do this, Berlin says, there have to be what he calls trade-offsrules, values, principles must yield to each other in varying degrees in specic situations.22 Then he challenged people like Ngugi, and all of us, to take actions in whatever country we live in and regardless of our position in life. We can only do what we can; but that we must do against difculties.23 This is what men and w omen at critical times throughout history have done when they fanned into ames the embers of discontent over lack of freedom, in Africa, Europe, the United States, and elsewhere. In his rst trial, in Mandela made an appeal to the universality of human rights and the need for legal justice and political freedom. Facing charges of having left the country illegally and inciting a labor strike, Mandela stood before a court of the apartheid government and spoke of a conict. I would say that the whole life of any thinking African in this country drives him continuously to a conict between his conscience on the one hand and the law on the other. This is not a conict peculiar to this country. The conict arises from men of conscience, for men who think and who feel deeply in every country.24 Young Africans like Ngugi may be up to the challenge. I believe justice is the r st condition of humanity, Ngugi says. And human beings need dignity and freedom to realize their creative potentials. The state, he adds, should be subjected to the rule of law. My highest dream is to eventually be involved in shaping the destiny of my country and Africa at large. Folding his hands, he continues, with that deadly serious look that comes over him when he discusses his core beliefs: Id like to see the rule of law and constitutionalism, and a veritable system of justice established throughout Africa.


22 / The New Africa So would a growing number of Africans today. And many in the s took steps to try to make that happen, often with disregard to their own safety. For most of us, standing up for a cause may mean little more than missing a days work to join a protest march or speaking up at a public meeting. For others it involves years of working with a nonprot organization, often for little or no pay, or nancially helping support such a group. Unless you are a war veteran, freedom, including the freedom to vote, is usually something won by others. In the United States, where only about half the electorate voted in the U.S. presidential elections in freedom is underused. Freedom is also the right to criticize the head of state openly without fear of punishment and to walk down the street and not be afraid of arrest for political reasons, though in the United States minorities have complained of police harassment on the streets.25 For Africans in the s, taking a stand for freedom meant more than inconvenience: often it meant risking injury or death. But many took the risk. This willingness to die if needs be for a just cause is part of the force that is pushing Africa down the road toward more freedom, as it did blacks in the United States. Leaders of the U.S. civil rights movement faced great risks. Martin Luther King, Jr., died for the cause. In he went to Memphis, Tennessee, to help organize a sanitation workers protest and was gunned down while standing on the balcony of a motel. King once made a statement that sounded very much like Mandelas courtroom commitment to die for his cause if necessary: If a man has not discovered something he will die for, he isnt t to live.26 Both King and Mandela thus pose a question many of us would like to avoid: are we prepared to die for anything? Both men went on to win the Nobel P eace Prize, along with Man delas counterpart in the negotiations that led to South Africas rst free elections, President F. W. de Klerk. Although few are cast into leadership roles as King, Mandela, and de Klerk were, Berlin challenges us all to do what we can against the difculties.


African Freedom: The Unnished Journey / 23Africa and the Darkness LabelThe ongoing search for freedom in Africa is taking place against a backdrop of the worlds persistent classication of Africa as mostly a negative place. Negative impressions of Africa are so strong, even among many Africans, that they tend to blot out positive accomplishments when they occur. This kind of discouraging atmosphere is not the best one in which to foster hopeand hope, as vague as that term is, is an important ingredient for future successes in Africa of whatever nature, even according to veteran African diplomats who are not at all shy about describing glaring ills of Africa. I chose HOPE, RESOL VE AND CHANGE, as the title of this address, since I strongly believe that all three are prerequisites for overcoming our present predicament, Nigerian diplomat Joe Garba told an audience in New York. Garba, a realist, added, lest anyone think he was talking about hope for a windfall from the West: But such hope, resolve and change must materialize from within Africa itself. For us to believe otherwise, or for us to put our expectations elsewhere, will merely mean prolonging the lingering, malignant problems that afict our continent.27 Mandelas long b ut eventually triumphant road from open political activist to underground opposition, to prison, and nally to the presidency of South Africa in did more than inspire people around the globe as a political event. His character offered renewed hope about the possibilities of mankind. Mandela emerged from prison with no apparent bitterness, only eagerness to get his country moving on a democratic track. Another Afr ican who is candid about Africas problems, Clestin Monga, writes about hope in Africa today: If complacent optimism is unrealistic, then Afro-pessimism has no basis either. Despite many challenges, Africa is forging new trails toward the afrmation of its dignity.28 Both Monga and Garba also focus on the question of leadership in Africa. The democratic process will improve when African leaders manage to stop doing so much inghting among themselves and concentrate on building institutions.29 Garba pleads for African leaders


24 / The New Africa who will rise above mediocrity and also show greater respect for the property of state and for human rights.30 *Clearly wars and famines share much of the blame for Africas negative image. But it is not just a matter of image; the issue is painfully tangible. By late for example, another famine in the war zones of southern Sudan left some million people facing possible starvation.31 Con ict and dying are not typical of the continent, y et journalists have often taken little time to cover positive developments. As I was reviewing some of my own articles after eight years reporting in Africa, I was surprised to nd how few nonpolitical stories I had written, and how many of the stories were about conict and dying. Part of Africas negative image has nothing to do with modern-day journalists, however. It goes back to Joseph Conrad, who traveled to the Congo in and wrote a novel, Heart of Darkness, though his use of the word dark had more to do with the human soul than the continent of Africa. With one word Conrad, more than any other writer, fashioned an image of Africa that has stuck in the minds of many around the world. Deepest, dark Africa; dark continentthe terms conjure up images of impenetrable jungles and a sense of mystery, or foreboding, of evil or unknowable dangers. Conrads no vel is an account of his trip up the Congo River. As his boat heads upriver, he writes, We penetrated deeper and deeper into the heart of darkness.32 In another passage Conrad strives to assure his readers that Africans are humanas if there was a need for such assurance: It was unearthly, and the men wereNo, they were not inhuman. Well, you know, that was the worst of itthis suspicion of their not being inhuman. It would come slowly to one. They howled, and leaped, and spun, and made horrid faces; but what thrilled you was just the thought of their humanitylike yoursthe thought of your remote kinship with this wild and passionate uproar. Ugly.33 It was just a novel. But its impact has lasted. Conrad lures the reader into a mental trap not by insisting that Africans are inhuman, but by encouraging the idea that they are beyond Western understanding. Saying we do not understand Africa may mean we do not want to be exposed to horrible news from a far-off place. Such news is depressing,


African Freedom: The Unnished Journey / 25especially when viewed outside the context of possible solutions. People come to expect the worst from Africa. Certainly Conrad s boat mates in the story expected the worst on their trip. His book has been cited in many other books. Journalist Blaine Harden, for example, cites Conrads trip on the rst page of his thoughtful and colorful book on Africa. Harden does go on to say that a century of commerce on the [Congo] river has tamed much of its menace and burned off the Conradian gloom.34 That is true. When Betty and I rode the river on a packed boat in what was then Zaire, we felt a sense of excitement rather than danger. Traders living along the shore paddled out to our boat in long wooden canoes, tied up, and oated along with us as they scrambled aboard to sell and buy everything from monkeys to household goods. As another passenger boat passed ours heading downstream, one of the passengers came to the railing wearing a cap and waving what looked like a stick. It was Mo butu Sese Seko dictator of Zaire. In public he wore his leopard skin cap Efeson, Ethiopia, 1987 Freedom from hunger: These sisters lost their parents during the 1984 famine.


26 / The New Africaand carried a mace, his symbols of ofce. My biggest complaint on our ride up Conrads Congo River was not about some mysterious cries in the jungle but the insane volume of the U.S. rock and roll hits blasting from the ships loudspeakers. Africa can be as fr ightening as a writer, or a reader, wants it to be. Even on safari, most fears prove groundless. Once on a camping trip in Kenya, I peered out of our pup tent into the darkness and saw two red eyes low to the ground coming toward us like an animal preparing to attack. I shouted to Betty and we jumped into our car. Only then did we see our predator, a civet cat, about the size of a large house cat, and not dangerous. Some safari fears are real. On a game hunting trip in Kenya, the late George Adamson was nearly killed by a lion; later the same day he was almost killed by an elephant. But he spent his last years preparing young lions to shift from captivity to freedom and especially enjoyed the birds that came to his open-air dinner table where he fed them nuts. Reading adventure tales from Africa is a vicarious thrill, a way to confront danger seated in ones living room. The notion of dangerous, unknown, dark Africa lives on in books and movies because we want it to live on, apart from the facts. Fear still sells.SlaveryAfricas record does have some truly dark pages. The institution of slavery, for example, deprived millions of Africans of basic freedom and formed an important part of the world image of Africa for years. The European image of Africa evolved during the era of the slave trade. Works by travelers and slave traders during this period had much to say about the cultural conditions of the dark continent and, although their tone ranged from sympathetic to hostile, the overall picture was unfavorable.35 Slav ery linked Africa and the rest of the world in a negative way: it involved Western and Arab slave traders working with African slave sellers. African slavery predated the arrival of European or Arab slave buyers. In Africa, as in other parts of the world, warfare was a principal means of recruiting slaves.36 And as strong centralized states were established in Africa, they often demanded that weaker states pay an annual tribute consisting of a certain number of slaves.37 Other slaves


African Freedom: The Unnished Journey / 27were also accepted in compensation for such crimes as homicides or by those with food in cases of desperation from hunger. From the s to the Portuguese transported slaves from other parts of Africa to Elmina on the Gold Coast, modern-day Ghana. And British ships were contracted to transport other slaves from the African state of So Tom to Elmina during the seventeenth century.38 Estimating the number of slaves shipped out of Africa has been the topic of much deba te. One Ghanaian scholar, using gures of Western researchers, estimates million were shipped in the cross-Atlantic trade alone and that nearly million landed in the New World.39 A high proportion died between the point of capture and delivery in the Americas. Africa is not the only continent to suffer massiv e trauma. The Western hemisphere contained million inhabitants before the EuGoree Island, Senegal, 1988 From this house, now a museum, slaves were sent to the Americas.


28 / The New Africaropean conquest of the region, with only million inhabitants left after the rst century of European colonization. Mexico alone had a population of million in reduced to just over million by .40 If these demographic estimates are correct, the impact of European conquest and the ravages of disease upon Amerindians far exceed the worst ravages of the Atlantic slave trade upon the African peoples.41Colonial RuleAnother critical page in Africas history in terms of freedom and human rights was the period of colonial rule. Many African and other scholars write about the importance of Africans assuming the primary task of reforming their political systems; the legacy of colonialism made that task all the harder. A key element in the legacy is the way Africa was divided up by the colonial powers, with boundaries that divided some ethnic groups and put many others together against their wishes. At a conference in Berlin in and and in diplomatic intrigues around the edge of the conferencekey decisions about the future of African rule were made without the participation of Africans. When the West Africa Conference opened in Berlin on November it was a snowy, blustery day. The nineteen delegates and their assistants from fourteen countries gathered around a horseshoe table to begin their work. Prince Otto von Bismarck of Germany greeted the participants, addressing them in French. He began with a pious declaration that took them back to the Cscommerce, Christianity, civilizationand the ideals of [David] Livingstone. The aim of the conference was to promote the civilization of the African natives by opening the interior of the continent to commerce.42 Then he reached a key point: the conference might decide the rules for the Scramble [by Europe for African territory] but it would not debate the lines of the carve-up itself.43 He then sat down. The British and French had come to the conference w ondering how much was at stake. Both had already laid large claims to parts of Africa and worried that the conference could threaten their claims. Now they began to relax, seeing the conference as a minor event rather than a danger.44 The real threat to British and French designs on central


African Freedom: The Unnished Journey / 29Africa was from someone not even attending the conference, King Leopold II of Belgium. He was about to cap a six-year struggle to start an empire in the Congo, playing the Great Powers off against each other. By the time the conference was over, Leopold, using various intermediaries, had secured his vast claims in Africa. Germany and Britain had given away to Leopold most of the Congo basin, meaning most of Central Africa, a million square miles of jungle and bush. The main objective was to keep this enormous prize out of the hands of France.45 Although the Berlin conference did not draw up Africas borders, it did set new rules of the game. One rule was that claims to territory had to be backed by an actual physical presence in the territory, not just verbal claims on it. The Scramble had precipitated Berlin. The race to grab a slice of the African cake had started long before the rst day of the conference.46 The colonial powers over a period of years sliced up Africa with arbitrary boundaries, helping to set the stage for later ethnic conicts. This also delayed attempts in many countries to fuse a national identity during the colonial era and after independence. Most Afr ican heads of state after independence subscribed to the principle of national integrity, meaning no border changes. They had no desire to give up any of what was suddenly their territory. It would be some three decades after independence before this principle was overridden by wars. Two new nations would appear: Eritrea, which ofcially gained its independence from Ethiopia in and the Republic of Somaliland, a northern area which claimed its independence in from the rest of Somalia but failed to win international recognition. Borders w ere not the only colonial legacy that would interfere with the freedom and human rights of Africans after independence. Africas post-colonial states are successors to profoundly anti-democratic colonial forms of governing.47 Africas rst postindependence leaders were schooled in despotism by their colonial rulers. Despotic forms of government were imposed upon Africans in the Belgian Congo, Portuguese Africa, and the white settler states of Kenya, Rhodesia, and South Africa.48 Should it have been surprising that many of Africas rst heads of state after independence carried on with despotic forms of government? Should it have been shocking that Kenyan pres-


30 / The New Africaident Moi, for example, used some of the same methods of control, including certain torture techniques, as the British had used in Kenya? The inheritors of power from scheming, self-serving, and often brutal colonial rulers had, far too often, become scheming, self-serving, and often brutal leaders themselves. Many African leaders also inherited from the colonial rulers habits of mind and a penchant for elitist management and personal enrichment, another word for corruption.49* *Each colonial power had its own method of ruling. In British Africa local chiefs and others were handpicked to help run the country under the control of the Crown. This indirect rule was in sharp contrast to the subjugation of local leaders in French West Africa. The Portuguese used what they called a colonial trinity approach, consisting of three forces: a strong administration, a conservative Catholic Church, and companies that extracted mineral and other resources for use in Europe.50 African leaders did emerge under these systems, in different ways. Under French r ule, where Frances mission civilisatrice was the guiding principle, France groomed a relatively few cultured volus for political roles within the framework of a greater France. Far less known is the cultivation of an elite culture of Africans in British Africa.51 Not enough attention has been paid to the important roles these African leaders played in the pre-independence days, one scholar argues, calling them under-appreciated African builders of durable institutions under colonialism.52 This scholar argues that as negative as colonial rule was for Africa, it should not be used by Africans and their leaders today as an excuse to explain away current problems. Africans themselves must take responsibility for their actions today, he says. The colonial imprint [on Africa] is indelible, but it need not be pervasive. It did have a depressant effect on Africa, but in time the colonial imprint on Africa will become negligible by comparison with Africas own imprint on world culture and politics.53 In other words, Africa is no longer simply acted upon by the world but has become an actor, largely responsible for its own destiny.


African Freedom: The Unnished Journey / 31 African economist and author George B. N. A. Ayittey writes that too many power-hungry African leaders have blamed their countrys problems on the legacy of colonialism, including arbitrary borders. African leaders, not the past, are the real problem, he argues. The leadership in much of Africa has not only been a hopeless failure but also a disgrace to black people. He suggests looking forward, not backward, because a mind deeply obsessed with the past is captured by it.54Stagnation and Progress after IndependenceIn the late s, African leaders did accept more responsibility for Africas economic woes. They signed on almost without exception to a United Nations quid pro quo plan to generate more money for development in Africa in exchange for their admission that they were responsible for their countrys economy and their promise to make certain economic reforms, some of which were politically risky. One could argue that such statements from African leaders were window dressing. When the sole bank in town offers you a loan only if you sign a statement saying you are responsible for your actions, you are likely to sign it. Until then, most African heads of state rarely admitted any responsibility for their nations economies. They tended to blame the West, blame the former colonial rulers, blame everyone but themselves for economic and political problems during three decades of independence. Of course, pious words can be exposed as just that. Sudans military leader, Omar Hassan al-Bashir, endorsed the rights of children at a UN summit organized by UNICEF. At almost the same hour he spoke, one of his military planes was bombing a rebel-held area in southern Sudan where a relief plane belonging to the International Committee of the Red Cross had landed to bring aid to children and others. Since independence, Africa has made substantial progress in many areas. The percentage of students enrolled in primary schools has increased sharply, though with some leveling off in the s. Africans on average are better fed, healthier, and live longer than they did at the time of independence. A vast network of roads, ports, and telecom-


32 / The New Africamunications facilities has been constructed, much of it with the help of foreign donors. Africans have made progress in many elds. I wrote a story on biotechnology in Africa and never had to interview anyone outside Kenya; the experts I needed were Kenyan. A number of Africans have become known in the West for their achievements, including singers such as Salif Keita of Mali, and Nigerian writers Wole Soyinka, winner of the Nobel Prize in literature, and Chinua Achebe, author of the acclaimed Things Fall Apart. Food production in Africa has steadily increased since the s, though gains are not enough to keep up with population growth. One of the few bright spots in population trends is in Kenya. By the mids, Kenya had the continents fastest-growing rate of population, more than percent, enough to double the population in roughly seventeen years. But between and fertility rates in Kenya dropped about percent following major education efforts nanced in part by the U.S. Agency for International Development. The average Nairobi, Kenya, 1991 Many families are being educated about raising healthy children and using family planning.


African Freedom: The Unnished Journey / 33number of children born to a Kenyan woman fell from to That meant there would be millions fewer mouths to feed in the twenty-rst century than if the decline had not occurred. The message is, if it can happen in Ken ya, it can happen anywhere, said Ayo Ajai, director of the Kenya ofce of the New York based Population Council, a private research organization. Ironically, it was increased urban poverty, not economic progress, that convinced many Kenyan families to have fewer children. Poor city families living in single rooms smaller than many bedrooms in the United States realized they could not afford to raise and educate more children. Men also became more receptive to family planning measures. But as the twentieth centur y drew to a close, the population of sub-Saharan Africa was still growing at roughly percent per year, nearly twice the world average and enough to double the population of the region in twenty-seven years. Despite notable increases in contraceptive prevalence and decreases in fertility in a few African nations, the continent as a whole is an anchor that the rest of the world is dragging on its voyage toward population stabilization.55 The list of other major economic and social challenges still facing Africa is a long one. AIDS, for example, has swept parts of eastern and central Africa. Some two-thirds of AIDS cases are believed to be concentrated in sub-Saharan Africa, with HIV prevalence estimated at nearly percent among adults in urban areas in the worst-hit countries, including Uganda, Zaire, and Tanzania.56 In alone, AIDS orphaned million children, more than percent of them in Africa south of the Sahara.57 But AIDS awareness programs in Zaire by the early s, and in a few other countries, have shown that behavior can be modied. Increased use of condoms to protect against AIDS could also slow population growth rates. Economic gro wth slowed in the s and s in most parts of Africa. In sub-Saharan Africa the per capita GNP (gross national product for each person) in was on average only the equivalent of $, compared to $, in the more developed countries.58 Nearly half the people were living on less than $ a day.59 Compared to the other developing regions (East Asia, South Asia, and Latin America), sub-Saharan Africa was doing the worst on major social indicators such as the following: life expectancy was only fty-two years; the literacy rate was


34 / The New Africaabout percent; just over one half of eligible school-age children were in school; just under one half were immunized for childhood diseases; Africa had the lowest daily caloric intake and the highest infant mortality rate ( of every children die before age ve; of the seven million infant deaths in the world each year, ve million occur in sub-Saharan Africa).60 By backed by the World Bank, more than half the nations of sub-Saharan Africa had begun major economic reforms, with some countries showing modest gains by the last half of the s. Compared to a negative gross domestic product (GDP) growth rate for most of the region in the s, the average GDP was up to about percent in Togo, Lesotho, and Uganda averaged percent growth rates between and French-speaking West African countries moved from a negative percent ( to ) to a positive percent growth rate ( to ). More than half of the continents economies were growing at rates higher than the population growth rate, though effective development of the region would require to percent annual economic growth rates. Foreign investment was growing.61 Many Africans, however, claimed that the economic reforms were hur ting the poor in the short run by forcing government layoffs and a reduction in government food subsidies, resulting in higher food prices. One of the strongest critics was Nigerian Claude Ake: In the name of economic growth, real incomes are reduced by as much as percent or more overnight. The prices of social services and staples are raised enormously, and ination rates soar. The International Monetary FundWorld Bank reforms, he argued, do more than hurt economies. They break down social consensus, cause violent conict, anxiety, and deep despair, and sometimes premature death on a large scale, especially among children.62 Ake, like Garba and Ayittey, blamed some of the problem on African leader s. With few exceptions, the African elites have been more interested in political survival than in development, and the conditions of their survival have usually been inimical to development.63 He proposed a system of community-based, self-reliant development projects that put the farmer at the center of the effort. But such projects may conict with one another and require arbitration by independent


African Freedom: The Unnished Journey / 35third parties based on the rule of law, according to Kenyan political scientist Michael Chege. Now is the time to search for new solutions in Africa, Chege says. With the Cold War over, the African intelligentsia have an unprecedented opportunity to abandon the rigid and dogmatic positions that formerly characterized debate on African politics and development. Decentralized authorityeven federalismmay be better attuned to African needs, given the regions ethnic diversity and political differences.64Africas Renewed Push for FreedomAgainst this background, there was a renewed push for greater political freedom and democracy across the continent in the early s. Two key developments in the last part of the twentieth century changed the dynamics of African politics, so that the advocates of democracy had a better chance for success. The rst dev elopment was the ending of the Cold War, which reduced international tensions in Africa between the United States and the Soviet bloc, and stripped African client states on each side of the ideological divide of guaranteed economic and military support. When the Berlin Wall came down in eastern Europe, for the most part, was shedding its outdated Marxist ideology and beginning to replace its Communist leaders. The visually and politically dramatic dismantling of the wall, reported throughout Africa by TV, radio, and newspapers, had an immediate effect. People began talking about the possibilities of real political change in Africa. Events in Eastern Europe not only emboldened pro-democracy activists in Africa [they] also weakened the condence of authoritarian leaders.65 President Omar Bongo of Gabon said, The winds from the East are shaking the coconut trees.66 In Kenya, a prominent clergyman, the Reverend Timothy Njoya, suggested that the events in eastern Europe would have repercussions in Africa. His remarks were immediately denounced by the Moi government. For the next few months a strange phenomenon occurred in Kenya: almost daily, the government denounced calls for democracy as subversive, even though few except Njoya were calling for it, at least not openly. What the government knew, however, was that


36 / The New Africapressure for change was building beneath the surface; it soon would explode in the form of protest rallies, and violence in favor of multiparty elections. The second development tha t boded well for democracy throughout Africa was Nelson Mandelas release from prison on February Just before P.M., Mandela walked through the prisons gates with his wife, Winnie. The scene, described by Mandela, was chaotic but not without humor. [There were] hundreds of photographers and television cameras and news people as well as several thousand well-wishers. I was astounded and a little bit alarmed. Within twenty feet or so of the gate, the cameras started clicking, a noise that sounded like some great herd of metallic beasts. Reporters started shouting questions; television crews began crowding in; ANC [Mandelas African National Congress] supporters were yelling and cheering. It was a happy, if slightly disorienting chaos. When a television crew thrust a long, dark furry object at me, I recoiled slightly, wondering if it were Nairobi, Kenya, 1993 Economic freedom: Stock markets have been established in a number of African countries after years of state-dominated economies.


African Freedom: The Unnished Journey / 37some newfangled weapon developed while I was in prison. Winnie informed me that it was a microphone.67 Some Africans told me that they thought Mandelas release had a g reater impact on Africas new drive for freedom than the fall of the Berlin Wall. Mandelas freedom sent a powerful, positive message to Africans: never give up the struggle; freedom is attainable. As all this was happening international lenders to Africa were insisting on economic reforms. Economic conditions had worsened in much of independent Africa. Many workers in the late s were earning about what they had at the time of independence. Prices for many African export commodities were at record lows. The World Bank and the International Monetary Fund, along with most government and private lenders, began focusing more on recovery of old debts than issuing new loans; Africa had fallen far behind in debt repayments. Liberalization of the economy was seen by lenders as a way to help Africa climb out of its deepening nancial hole and pay off its debts. It was not until that the Bank began a major debt relief program in Africa.68 Freedom: A Powerful IdeaWhile a few analysts argue that international pressure has been the major factor in Africas turn toward democracy, most disagree. From what I saw during eight years covering Africa as a correspondent for The Christian Science Monitor, the main impetus for change has come from Africans themselves. In a few cases, such as Kenya, an international freeze on new aid just as domestic pressure was mounting brought a switch to multiparty elections. But without the local pressure, such a freeze would have had little effect. Kenya and Malawi were among the few countries where international aid was used so overtly to try to force change. But neither pressure from abroad nor the often appalling economic conditions within a par ticular country seemed by themselves to tip the scales of public sentimentand actionagainst authoritarian incumbents. The key, according to one exhaustive analysis of the entire sub-Saharan region, was local politicswhat those dissatised with the government did to force change.69 And the greatest changes came, the


38 / The New Africasame analysis found, in countries where the incumbent government previously had allowed the greatest amount of political activity.70 To put it another way: the pressure from the providers of international aid (the carrot-and-stick approach) and the poverty of the people were elements in the swift political changes that began in but the key element was the actions of Africans themselves in ending abuses of power. Their efforts met with the most success against regimes that were not so oppressive and whose political systems had already given the people some freedoms. The people themselves had to decide enough w as enough. And they did. Their long-simmering discontent, and anger, with politics as usual boiled over. In the end, it was the power of an idea, the idea of freedom, that swept across Africa like a tidal wave in the early s, changing the shape of politics more than at any other time since independence.* *Africas move toward greater democracy has been led by both educated elites and ordinary people. Leaders in the movement have included academics, members of the clergy, lawyers, doctors, human rights workers, journalists, trade union organizers, students, and others. The educated middle class has supplied much of the organizing manpower and leadership of political parties and pressure groups, but at key moments, ordinary people have supplied the mass force needed to make opposition movements effective. Participation in such movements is risky at all levels. Street demonstrations sometimes end in a hail of bullets from police or the army; leaders of political movements and prominent lawyers are sometimes jailed. Historian Laurent Gbagbo ran for president in Cte dIvoire in lost, and was jailed for several months in Businessman Kenneth Matiba of Kenya, one of the rst to call for multiparty elections, spent months in jail as a result. He later ran unsuccessfully for president in and Matiba never recovered fully from the effects of a stroke suffered during his con nement in harsh prison conditions. At one point, he had been forced to sleep on the cement oor of his cell. Lawy ers have been prominent in the struggle for democracy in many countries, such as Nigeria and Kenya, often defending each other when one of them was arrested. That one person is willing to take


African Freedom: The Unnished Journey / 39up the struggle when another is forced to stop, by death or imprisonment, is an important element in Africas political reform movement. Often, ordinary people in large numbers have risen up in collective anger over economic and political issues and have caught governments off guard. In in the island state of Madagascar, off the east coast of Africa, months of public protests against the authoritarian government of President Didier Ratsiraka brought up to people at a time into the streets, month after month. Sitting on a downtown street for hours at a time, day after day, sounds uncomfortable but relatively easy; in this case, it was also dangerous. Several opposition leaders were murdered; and on August the presidents bodyguards red into a large crowd of demonstrators, killing some and wounding many more. The public pressure nally led to new elections in which Ratsiraka lost by a to percent margin to Albert Zafy, a medical professor and protest leader. In November Zafy and Rat siraka ran for president again; this time Ra tsiraka won. The legal return of some of the ousted author itarian leaders Mathieu Krkous election as president of Benin in was another caseunder the new democracy banner is one of the ironies of the reform movement. By the mid-s, African and other political scientists had begun reassessing the strengths and weaknesses of the drive for democracy in Africa, questioning, among other things, the skills of the opposition as well as those of wily incumbents. African analysts began questioning the nature of democracy and whether the Western emphasis on winner-take-all elections made sense on a continent where ethnic identities remain strong. The mass uprising in Madagascar w as not unique. States where mass action played a signicant part [in bringing political change] include: Benin, Burkina Faso, Cameroon, Central African Republic, Comoros, Cte dIvoire, Equatorial Guinea, Gabon, Guinea, Guinea-Bissau, Kenya, Lesotho, Madagascar, Malawi, Mauritania, Niger, Nigeria, Sierra Leone, South Africa, Swaziland, Togo, Zaire, and Zambia.71 In Mali massive demonstrations helped topple a military regime. Africans, like American blacks when they demanded their civil rights, were fed up with the status quo. But the freedom movements on both continents often evoked a violent government response, even as the leaders sought to keep the protests peaceful.


40 / The New Africa In the United States, King, following the example of Mohandas Gandhi, called on his followers to respond to violence with nonviolence as they protested the U.S. version of apartheidlaws restricting where blacks could eat, sleep, and how they could travel. King called nonviolence the most potent weapon available to oppressed people struggling for justice.72 He gave these marching orders to his followers: If he [a policeman] doesnt beat you, wonderful. But if he beats you, you develop the quiet courage of accepting blows without retaliating. If he doesnt put you in jail, wonderful. Nobody with any sense likes to go to jail. If he puts you in jail, you go into that jail and transform it from a dungeon of shame to a haven of freedom and human dignity.73 Gandhi developed his r st notions of passive resistance in South Africa, where he lived for years before returning to lead a nationwide movement for independence in India. But in Africa, nonviolence often did not work. Mandela at rst called for nonviolence; but he later helped form an armed resistance movement when he and his supporters made no progress against the apartheid government. In other parts of the continent, Africans fought back when attacked by police or the military during pro-democracy protests. African dictators had less compulsion to back off in the face of nonviolent tactics than the British ultimately did in colonial India. Many African heads of state called out their version of shock troops to bash heads, shoot, and arrest pro-democracy demonstrators. In Mali, the army used tanks against demonstrators, killing many of them before other branches of the military halted the action.Popular Protests Help Bring ChangesAs the new democracy movement in Africa began scoring victories, starting in more and more people joined it. The rush toward democracy was, indeed, contagious; each new victory encouraged more actions as the message spread across Africa that change was attainable. In many countries, people gained a greater voice in how their country was run. The gains, where they were achieved, were not uniform from country to country; nor were they always long-lasting. But the very fact that signicant gains were made in numerous countries


African Freedom: The Unnished Journey / 41showed that people would no longer tolerate suppression; now they demanded freedom. Some examples of the changes and reverses included the following:74 In Benin in massive crowds lled the streets in angry protests against longtime dictator Krkou. At a national conference the next year he was stripped of most of his powers and, in lost his bid for reelection to Nicphore Soglo, a former World Bank ofcial. In Krkou ran again, defeating Soglo. This time he was under the constraint of democratic rules, though some analysts saw signs of the old Krkou reemerging. In Cameroon, President Paul Biya, facing mounting public discontent and strikes, accepted a multiparty system in He won reelection in with less than percent of the vote, amid charges of fraud. In the tiny island state of Cape Verde, multiparty politics went into effect in The opposition won both legislative and presidential elections in In Central African Republic, the military agreed in to restore a multiparty system. In opposition leader Ange-Flix Patass beat military head of state Andr Kolingba in the election for president. In Congo, opposition parties were legalized in and the government abandoned its Marxist-Leninist ideology. In Cte dIvoire, Flix Houphout-Boigny, president since independence, agreed in to multiparty elections, which he won the same year. In Gabon, President Bongo agreed in to multiparty elections, which he won in amid opposition claims of fraud. In Mozambique, the government abandoned its Marxist-Leninist ideology in and legalized nonviolent opposition parties. Multiparty elections were held in won by the government party, FRELIMO, against the former rebel opposition, RENAMO. In Niger, the government accepted multiparty politics in ; the opposition candidate, Mahamane Ousmane, won the presidential election in


42 / The New Africa In Tanzania, opposition parties were legalized in In Zambia, multiparty politics were restored in ; opposition leader Frederick Chiluba won a presidential election in re placing authoritarian leader Kenneth Kaunda, who had held power for twenty-seven years. But Chiluba soon began suppressing critics and the opposition, discrediting his reelection in .75 Statistically the gains were impressive at both the legislative and presidential level. From to only nine countries held competitive elections in which the opposition gained a presence in the national legislature. From to the number jumped to thirtyeight. The oppositions share of legislative seats in the region increased from percent in to percent in And in the same period, despite the long-standing pattern of presidents enjoying tenures that sometimes lasted for decades, fourteen new heads of state were elected. Still, fteen incumbents were reelected, twelve of them in elections that fell short of internationally accepted standards.76Resistance to ReformWhen Africans pent-up frustrations with authoritarian rule erupted, beginning in changes came swiftly. But as incumbents learned to respond more cleverly to the growing discontent, playing the democracy game to their advantage, or using force to quell protests, the pace of change began to slow. Some gains were reversed. In Nigeria, a military government annulled presidential election results in and later jailed the winner, businessman Chief Moshood Kashimawo Olawale Abiola. In Chad, a military government, after allowing the formation of opposition parties in had instituted, by the systematic use of torture and ill-treatment including rape in detention and summary and extrajudicial executions, primarily of suspected thieves.77 But sometimes even militar y regimes felt the pressure of the democracy movement. Nigeria faced massive labor strikes when the military annulled the presidential elections. And the uncertainty of a military regimes tenure was illustrated by events in Sierra Leone. In a new, multiparty constitution was approved in that nation; the next


African Freedom: The Unnished Journey / 43year, the military took over in a coup led by Valentine Strasser. When Strasser showed signs of reneging on elections, demonstrations by the public and pressure from international lenders made it clear both groups wanted an election. In January Strasser was overthrown in a coup led by General Julius Maada Bio, who went ahead with the election. The winner, Ahmed Tejan Kabbah, was overthrown in another military coup in May by Major Johnny Paul Koroma. Then Nigeria, long present in nearby Liberia as a peacekeeping force, attacked the rebel government in February and restored Kabbah to power. In areas the rebels retreated to, there were shocking reports of the murder, mutilation, and rape of hundreds of civilians, amid calls for the international community to help protect human rights in those areas.78 In Sudan, Omar Hassan al-Bashir led a military coup in that ousted a civilian, democratically elected president. In Togo, Etienne (Gnassingbe) Eyadma, who had seized power in a military coup in eventually allowed multiparty elections and won them in after intimidating the opposition. In Zaire, Mob utu, who had seized power in a military coup in restored multiparty politics in in his own way. He encouraged a proliferation of opposition parties and clandestinely started some himself to dilute his opponents strength. By late Zaire had slipped into anarchy amid the near-total collapse of state services. In an eightmonth civil war beginning in late Mo butu w as overthrown by Laurent Kabilas rebel force, which included many ethnic Tutsi from eastern Zaire. Kabila took power amid accusations of wholesale massacres of tens of thousands of Hutu refugees who had ed to Zaire in fear of Tutsi revenge after Hutu carried out genocide against the Tutsi in Rwanda in Kabilas war was greatly assisted by Rwandas Tutsi-led government, whose leaders were anxious to eliminate the possibility of refugees staging attacks against Rwanda. There was irrefutable physical evidence of massacres of Hutu refugees by troops ghting with Kabilas [forces]. Refugees found themselves attacked not only by remnants of Mobutus army and even the former Rwandan Hutu army (when the refugees refused to support them), but by Kabilas and Rwandas Tutsi-led army. But it was the latter two forces that engaged in wholesale killing of Hutu refugees and massive attempts to cover up the murders.79


44 / The New Africa A year after taking power, the Kabila regime had proved to be one of ter ror. Human rights activists were often arrested; suspected opponents were jailed and often tortured. Kabila was determined to stamp out any dissent through a deliberate and calculated policy to kill, maim, torture and arbitrarily arrest untold number of innocent civilians, according to Amnesty International. Amnesty called on the international community to put an end to the tolerance of human rights abuses and take action for the protection of human rights in the Dem ocratic Republic of Congo the new name Kabila gave to Zaire.80 In a rebel force supported by Rwanda, Uganda, and Angolan rebels turned against Kabilas regime after it had begun to persecute the very ethnic Tutsi who had helped him overthrow Mobutu. The prominent Tutsi presence in the country had angered many citizens of the Democratic Republic of Congo. Rwanda wanted control of the eastern Kivu provinces on the Rwanda-DRC border as a buffer against Rwandese Hutu attacks against the Tutsi-dominated government in Rwanda. Angola, Zimbabwe, Chad, and Namibia, each with an interest in seeing Kabila remain in power, joined in the ght against the rebels. The scale of human rights ab uses that had been taking place in the new DRC were exceptional although Amnesty International reported, All over Africa, torture is the rule rather than the exception. [For example] all over Africa journalists and reporters are being imprisoned, harassed, tortured and killed because they have been critical of the government of their country. But Amnesty also noted the prolifera-tion across Africa of Amnesty International groups promoting human rights.81* *Some states, even after multiparty elections, were still dominated by a single party. In many countries democracy became the banner under which politiciansincumbents and the oppositioncarried on their usual power games, using the word to gather more support, whether or not they believed in the concept. But there were also many others who did believe in the concept, who did present themselves as candidates, and who did rally greater support not only for themselves but for the cause of democracy. Win or lose, those candidates left a residue of hope


African Freedom: The Unnished Journey / 45and, for many voters, a new sense of involvement in politics, a sense that maybe their vote did count after all. In Kenya, for example, people waited in line for hours to vote, held up by organizational delays; they were determined to cast their ballot under the new multiparty elections that replaced an entrenched single-party system. Ideology often meant little. An ofcial of the former government of Mobutu told me in his hotel suite in the capital, Kinshasa, as he munched on black olives, that there is only one ideology in politics: the outs want into power and those in power want to keep it. Kabila, who seized the capital in May came from a Marxist background, but after the Cold War ended, Marxism died on the continent almost as fast as air escaping from a balloon. A new trend surfaced: strongmen masquerading as converts to democracy but ruling in authoritarian style, as in Kenya. Often these strongmen would manipulate elections to win. In West Africa by late eleven of the seventeen governments were headed by former military men who had won election as civilian presidents.82 But in most cases they found themselves under new constraints. In Ghana, for example, where former military coup leader Jerry Rawlings won election as civilian president in one of his senior aides complained candidly to me that democracy was tedious because it was so slow. When Rawlings was the benign dictator, he got things done more quickly, without having to consult others, the aide said. Now, in a democratic government, he had to work with many elected leaders, the aide explained. There was bound to be a slo wing down of the electoral gains in the pro-democracy movement. The easiest targets were won fairly quickly; the harder ones proved more resistant. But what problems did the reformers run into? Analysts identied several key issues. Often the widely disparate groups of people who came together to try to topple a regime were not united enough to come up with a follow-through program if they won, or a repeat campaign if they lost. In the international and economic context of Africa in the early s, mass political demands may have been enough to tip the balance in favor of multiparty elections and the installation of new governments, but protest-led reform did not necessarily lay a rm foundation for the subsequent institutionalization of democratic regimes. This helps us to understand


46 / The New Africa Accra, Ghana, 1992 Political freedom: Multiparty elections for president were held in 1992 and 1996. Former military coup leader Jerry Rawlings won both times. A public signboard was used to record vote totals.


African Freedom: The Unnished Journey / 47how popular efforts for political reform in Africa often started with great enthusiasm but soon zzled out.83 Political opponents of authoritarian regimes sometimes failed to win elections because they could not decide on a single candida te. Moi won in and in multiparty electionseach time with much less than half the vote against a divided opposition. Opposition groups often were poorly organized and poorly nanced. And they tended to focus on one individual rather than on building a strong party structure. Some of the old-guard incumbents got wise to the new democracy movement. Having seen electoral defeats of incumbents in other parts of Africa, they learned quickly how to adapt, how to make just enough political concessions to take the heat off for a while, how to tamper with the electoral machinery just enough to win again. Some heads of state used outright force or had the potential to do so, which is why there were few pro-democracy victories against military regimes. Most civilian authoritarian regimes were more subtle, calling elections quickly, before opponents could get organized, or not allowing potentially broad-based parties to run for various reasons, or passing laws designed to prevent particular strong potential candidates from running. Many of those in the refor m movement were relatively new to politics. They had not been part of the independence movement of the s and s, nor part of the entrenched regimes ghting democracy. These newcomers came forward at the same time as the appearance of an authentic grass roots movement for fundamental democratic change.84 Yet neither the new leadership in the movement for democracy nor the grassroots support for change has managed to overcome the resistance of numerous ingrained authoritarian leaders because the new popular pressure often has not effectively and decisively challenged the autocratic basis and patterns of politics on the continent.85 Africa, one Western scholar argued, might not have been ready socially or economically for a rapid transformation to democracy. Everyday conditions in Africa [with exceptions] appear singularly unfavorable to democracy at present.86 Low literacy and a poor economy were cited as unfavorable conditions. But some poor countries such as Mali, with a percent literacy rate and an annual per capita GNP of only $, made the transition to democracy, though not without


48 / The New Africadifculties. As the momentum in the democratic movement slowed by the latter half of the s, some analysts were questioning basic issues, such as what kind of democracy works best in Africa.Democracy ExaminedOverall there has been progress toward greater political freedom in Africa. In in sub-Saharan Africa, only two states (Botswana and Mauritius) were Free, according to Freedom House, an independent research institute in New York. By the number had increased to nine (Benin, Botswana, Cape Verde, Malawi, Mali, Mauritius, Nam ibia, So Tom and Prncipe, South Africa). The number of Partially Free countries also had increased, from twelve in to twenty by The number of Not Free countries had declined from thirty-two in to nineteen by (The total includes two countriesEritrea and Namibianot included in .) The momentum tow ard greater freedom appeared to have slowed by about : there was little change between and ; but neither were the gains disappearing, according to the Freedom House data. In classifying a country as Free, Freedom House uses twenty-two criteria, including free and fair elections, a viable opposition, independent media and judiciary, freedom of assembly, and other civil liberties. Even among man y of the Not Free countries, something important was happening: people were becoming aware of their power to change things, or at least to try. What w ere the best kinds of changes? Which ones would last? And whose concept of democracy and freedom was being used? Freedom House is not the only measuring stick for democracy in Africa. Democracyno matter what type of democracy it might beworks best when a broad range of people are involved in it at all levels, not just at the top, according to African and Western analysts. What was lacking in Africas new democracy movement, some of these analysts maintain, was an effective way of linking the urban and the rural populations in the political process.87 Clestine Monga argues that it would be a mistake to say, as is commonly argued, that the pro-democracy protests were an urban creation. Urban residents may have been at the front


African Freedom: The Unnished Journey / 49lines of the struggle, but rural residents had long sought more political freedom. In the rush to ward freedom in the early s, both incumbents and opposition groups turned to the one vehicle for change most promoted by Western governments: multiparty elections in which the winner of the presidential race takes all the executive power. Known as the winner-takes-all format, it was adopted with little question. Some African scholars and others began questioning its validity, the effect of some of the new elections, and the frequent abuse of the election process itself, mostly by incumbent regimes. Betw een and early there were multiparty elections in thirty-ve of sub-Saharan Africas fty nations.88 But seventeen of these elections did not bring about signicant change in the direction of democracy, one scholar notes. In seven countries (Burkina Faso, Cameroon, Ethiopia, Gabon, Guinea, Mauritania, and Togo), elections were seriously awed; in another four (Angola, Gambia, Nigeria, Lagos, Nigeria, 1991 Freedom of the press: After years of having mostly state-run newspapers, independent newspapers and magazines have sprung up across Africa.


50 / The New Africaand Burundi), election results were voided by subsequent nondemocratic interventions; and in six (Congo, Djibouti, Ghana, Cte dIvoire, Kenya, and Senegal), the elections were at best marginally free and fair.The results of this wave of elections are thus at best mixed. Nevertheless, some headway has been made.89* *Some analysts and some African leaders have blamed certain instances of ethnic strife on multiparty elections. Some contested elections intensied ethnic rivalries, according to one analyst. Elections have increased competition for power and thus the incentive to rely on ethnic appeals to get support. Ethnic conict has intensied in Burundi, Ethiopia, Kenya, and Nigeria, all countries that held elections recently. However, the analyst notes that democratization is rarely a painless process. Thus the increase in violence cannot in itself be taken as a sign that the process of democratic transformation is seriously off track.90 And in some of these cases it is not clear that the elections by themselv es caused an increase in ethnic conict. In Ethiopia, after rebels won a prolonged civil war, ethnic conict occurred in the period leading up to the nations rst contested elections, in and continued after the elections. But the scale of conict was minuscule compared with the massive battles in Ethiopia in the later years of its decades-old civil war, which ended in In Kenya, there was ethnic conict both before and after the elections of and as President Moi had predicted. But there is credible evidence reported by human rights organizations that in many cases the violence was organized and supported by the government.91 This, not the elections themselves, increased ethnic tensions. The violence had the effect of pushing many potential opposition voters off their land and making the land available to supporters of the government. Friends of mine in Kenya told me their school-age children seldom talked about the ethnic identity of their classmatesuntil after the government-induced ethnic conicts began prior to the election. Nigeria actually sho wed how a presidential election can unite people, not increase ethnic tensions. The winner in Abiola, a southerner, drew strong support from the predominately Muslim


African Freedom: The Unnished Journey / 51north and from all other regions of the country. Soyinka calls this a robust detonation of the much-touted, much-analyzed north-south split in Nigeria. And he adds: We cannot ignore the treason represented by the annulment of that election, for it was more than the election of an individual. It was the annulment of Nigerias declaration that it wants to be one nation.92 As Africans got more chances to vote in the s in multiparty elections, they often voted along ethnic lines, as in Kenya. But there were some signs, as in Nigeria, that people were breaking out of such narrow classications when it came to voting for candidates who endorsed basic human rights and political freedom. In addition to being Yorubas, Bamilekes, Kikuyus, or Zulus, African voters are taxpayers, employed or unemployed, Catholics or animists, inhabitants of large cities or small towns; the competition between the multiple aspects of their identity make them less likely to vote automatically with their ethnic group, which may not represent their self-interests.93 There are more than ethnic groups in Africa, but ethnicity is an overused argument to explain political strife in Africa, argues Cameroon scholar Monga. The ethnic issue has allowed African governments to deect public opinion from the only question that really matters: their abysmal record of rule.94 Making a similar point, Nigerian analyst Ake attributes most of the so-called ethnic problems in Africa to manipulation by self-serving political leaders. Chege suggests a wa y to reduce governments opportunities for manipulating the ethnic issue. Rather than trying to banish ethnicity from African politics, he recommends nding ways to reconcile cultural diversity with constitutional democracy, as he says Switzerland and some large U.S. cities have done. What are needed are formal and informal structures of power sharing to replace the winner-take-all policies widely used in Africa.95 South Africas rst multiracial election in followed intense negotiations between all sides and agreement on a power-sharing formula that resulted in de Klerk becoming a deputy president. The opposite approach, winner-take-all, failed to end the war in Angola in with a presidential election when rebel leader Jonas Savimbi, long backed by the United States with the help of the Central Intelligence Agency, refused to accept defeat. The war resumed.


52 / The New Africa But beyond misuse of the election machinery, and the ethnic issue, lies a larger question: what does democracy mean in Africa today? Here Ake is helpful in detailing a kind of democracy quite different from the traditional Western model. Ake suggests four characteristics of any democracy that will survive and be useful in Africa: Popular po wer beyond just the vote. This would include, for example, a powerful central legislature sharing some of its power with local democratic organizations. A social democrac y that emphasizes concrete political, social and economic rights, as opposed to abstract political rights. The government would invest heavily in health and education to help people participate more effectively in running their country. As much emphasis on collective r ights as individual rights. This could mean a second legislative chamber known as the chamber of nationalities in which all nationalities irrespective of their numerical strength are equal. Or elections would be held under a system of proportional representation, and parties would be required to gain a set minimum of votes over a large part of the country to win. The latter would serve to block victory by a party whose strength is primarily among one large ethnic group or groups in one part of the country. Legisla tive membership should include representatives of nationality groups, youth, labor, women, and other mass groups.96 Monga steps aside from the debates o ver whether a Western model for democracy would work best in Africa, calling that beside the point. What matters most, in his view, is expanded involvement by the public in the political process, something he says is often blocked by urban-based political leaders who write the rules of the game in a way that favors themselves. Popular leaders who have widespread support are considered suspect by these leaders. But ordinary Africans are wise to the political games some leaders play, and they are angry, Monga states. Their resort to violence in many countries is a reection of the peoples desire for revenge against illegitimate governments and of the governing elites inability to see what is really at stake. Recognizing this simple truth would be enough to move things forward, for Africa is no more cursed than any other part of the world.97


African Freedom: The Unnished Journey / 53 One way or another, Ake, Monga, Chege, and others argue for systems tha t allow for greater inclusion of people in the politics of Africa in the new century.* *Whether they were successful or not, the new wave of competitive elections in Africa has helped to expand the horizons of individual liberty to an extent that few could have anticipated in .r ffnftbttfbnfr tfftrf ftbffbffbffb tf


2 CHALLENGING THE DICTATORS Lom, Togo, 1990 Mothers, students, attorneys, and many others pushed back barriers to freedom in Africa in the 1990s.


N the side streets of Bamako, Malis capital, a powdery coating of ne Sahara sand pours in through any open car windows and sneaks up through cracks in the oorboards, bathing drivers and passengers. The poor foot travelers disappear in a billowing, brown wake which leaves grit between their teeth. Downtown is less dusty because most of the streets are paved. But it is a chaotic place, more like a large West African village than a city. Pedestrians are forced onto the narrow streets by sidewalk hawkers who spread their wares, selling everything from traditional medicine to the latest cassettes of Malian singers such as Salif Keita, whose music is played over scratchy speakers. Bamako is cloaked in noise. Cars and taxies blast their horns; motorbikes rev their whining engines. Under this raucous, overarching sound, loud market talk lls whats left of the ears capacity to absorb. Keita developed his high-pitched singing voice in the Bamako markets, where his notes had to carry above the din. Bamako is not a glitzy city, but it is too modern to give more than a hint of the antiquity of the Malian empire, whose onetime crown jewel, Timbuktu, lies far to the north, surrounded by the Sahara. There are relatively few evident signs of power or wealth in downtown Bamako, though both are present. There is a military base at the edge of the city, but soldiers are seldom seen downtown. And except for jewelry and occasional fancy cars, wealthy Malians generally do not display their afuence. They do display a taste for fashion. In contrast to the dull suits, slacks, and Western dress shirts of Kenya and many other parts of East Africa, Bamakos streets are living fashion shows. Women typically wrap themselves in large, loose cloths of rainbow colors, leaving one shoulder casually bare. Head scarfs accentuate or copy the colors of the dress but are often partially covered with a larger cloth draped over head and shoulders. Men commonly wear matching loose pants and shirts with open neck or full-length robes. In the mud mosques, robes and skullcaps are common.


56 / The New Africa A hotel, a bank, and some other ofces are among the few tall buildings in Bamako Most structures are squat, low to the ground, like a person who hunches over to become less of a target of the ne sand blowing in from the desert. Many shops are made of mud reinforced by sticks. The smoothed mud walls resemble cement. Most of the fancy homes in Bamako are not ostentatious by Western standards. There is a notable exception. Malis powerful president, Moussa Traor, lived in a castle of sorts, atop a steep hill at the edge of the city. He was not chosen to live up there, at least never legitimately. He simply installed himself. When Malians nally rose up and challenged him, violence engulfed the city. Part of it took place in a shopping center downtown called Sahel Verte, French for green Sahel, that dry, vast area just south of the Sahara. In March a crowd of Malians ed through the doors of Sahel Verte to escape policemen and soldiers rampaging on the streets in pursuit of rioters. Instead of charging in after them, police barred the doors and set re to the place. There was no escaping.1 It happened during Malis three-day revolution, one of the shortest in Africa. It pit mothers, university students, and others against a dictator and his army. At rst the demands were for educational and economic reforms; but the explosion of public fury at the governments crackdown on demonstrators quickly went beyond that and the people demanded Traors resignation. At least people took to the streets in the second and third day of the protests.2 Sinaly Dembl was studying English a t the time at the National Teachers College in Bamako. He recalled what happened the rst morning of the battles. I woke up around seven and found smoke everywhere. All the other children in my family, whether students or not, went out. What he saw was enough to intimidate all but the most determined. The military and police were chasing civilians through the streets ring tear gas; two tanks rumbled by. But instead of hiding, he joined other students on the streets. I saw a boy fall down, he said. We saw it was real bullets. Most of the people withdrew, but we kept throwing stones at the soldiers. One tank red at us. We were about ten people. Malis ba ttle was a contest between students, workers, opposition politicians, and others demanding political freedom and the right to be


Challenging the Dictators / 57heard, on one side, and a dictator refusing to listen and intent on staying in power, on the other. It was typical of what was happening in many parts of Africa at the time; military and civilian dictators were suddenly put on the defensive by those calling for freedom and recognition of basic human rights. As one historian notes, The fundamental sense of freedom is freedom from chains, from imprisonment, from enslavement by others.3 This denition is still literally relevant to some Africans in Sudan, where slavery persists, and in parts of Mauritania where slaverylike conditions continue. But millions of other Africans have felt enslaved by military or civilian dictatorial leaders, though a good number of them have been forced out of ofce since the start of the pro-democracy movement in Africa in Mass protests against such gov ernments grew increasingly frequent in the s. Civil societyincluding the wide variety of nongovernmental organizations and associationsplayed a critical role in many of the protests. For example, in Niger, Army Chief of Staff Ali Sabou had succeeded another military head of state, Seyni Kountch, his cousin, who died in after thirteen years in ofce. He endorsed the single-party system but said there could be competition within the party. In February the army intervened to stop student demonstrations at the University of Niamey on several educational issues. Several students were killed, according to ofcial reports. In May, as student protests grew despite further security crackdowns against them, a workers federation, the Union des Syndicats des Travailleurs du Niger (USTN), called for introduction of a multiparty system. In June the USTN organized a strike to protest the treatment of the students and a government wage freeze. In November the USTN organized a march in support of its demands for political pluralism, and an estimated people participated in Niamey, the capital.4 In Nigeria, trade unionists and other groups organized mass protests after the annulment of the presidential election by the military. After General Sani Abacha assumed power several months later, the protests grew, as did the arrests by the military of opposition leaders and human rights advocates. One thorough study of pro-democracy mo vements in the s found that in countries where there had been numerous trade unions


58 / The New Africaand other civil society organizations, including a relatively free press, there were more demonstrations. And protests came earlier than in countries with few independent associations.5* *The rampages in Mali stemmed from deep dissatisfaction with the economy and with the lack of political freedom, especially on the part of students, who were playing an increasingly signicant role in prodemocracy drives in many African countries. Malis revolution is an example of a popular uprising that helped bring about a change of government, in this case a democratic one. Malis experience also offers insights into the difculties of a transition to democracy and some of the expectations people have about democracy in a very poor country. When Mali gained its independence from the French in June it was federated to Senegal. Senegal seceded from the union two months Djenn, Mali, 1994 Markets are held weekly in front of this historic mosque. There has been a mosque on this site for centuries.


Challenging the Dictators / 59later and the Republic of Mali was born. The rst president, Modibo Keita, led the country along a socialist path and declared the nation a one-party state. In the face of internal political disputes and strong opposition to his continued rule, Keita dissolved the National Assembly in January It was both the emergence of a militant youth movement which carried out purges within Malis sole legal political party and the arrest of several army ofcers that led to a successful military coup in November .6 Malis swing to military rule was part of an African movement in that direction. In the rst twenty-ve years after independence, the military coup dtat became the more recurrent instrument for changing top political leadership.7 A committee headed by Lieutenant (later General) Moussa Traor as president promised to return Mali to civilian rule as soon as the countrys economic problems were overcome. Had a Western military leader imposed the same condition for his departure, he might as well have declared himself president for life, which is what Hastings Banda actually did in Malawi. Traor gradually gained most of the power, which eventually led to opposition from university students, who found they could not get the presidents attention on issues important to them.Students Lead ProtestsStudent activism is a feature in the politics of many countries. In France massive numbers of students clashed with riot police in demanding educational reforms. In the same period, many students and others in the United States were challenging their governments war in Vietnam. Students at all levels have played a major role in African politics, from grade school pupils striking in black townships of pre-democratic South Africa, to university students who went to the bush in Ethiopia to ght a long war that led to a new government and the independence of Eritrea. University students went to the streets to protest the continued rule of the late president of Cte dIvoire (Ivory Coast), Flix Houphout-Boigny, who died in Students rioted against Kenyas president Daniel arap Moi on numerous occasions and in many other African countries as democracy became more than a distant goal in Africa.


60 / The New Africa In Mali, student activism is wrapped around the political life of the countr y like the cords that tie heavy slabs of salt onto camels in caravans that still arrive in Timbuktu from desert salt mines. (One salt mine was used by Traor for detention of political opponents until he shut it down in twenty years after he assumed power.) For the most part, however, Malian schoolchildren do not protest in Bamakos streets. Grade schoolers, for example, in their billowing slacks, shirts, and plastic or rubber sandals, are usually in the streets on their way to or from their mud-walled schools. If it is the rst day of a new term, children carry their school desks from home. Because the desks are the childrens personal property, parents fear they may be stolen if left at school during breaks. As they walk, the young pupils practically wear their wooden, homemade desks like a garment, slipping into the space between writing surface and sitting bench. The genesis of student militancy against the Traor government in Mali, as in many African countries, was a combination of poverty and the growing tendency of government to ignore student demands. Traor banned political opposition parties and ran as the sole candidate in several elections. But by late people were fed up with political dictatorship, recalled Djibril Coulibaly, a college student in Bamako at the time. During the second half of two underground opposition groups went public in Mali, the National Committee for Democratic Initiative (CNID in French) and the Alliance for De mocracy in Mali (ADEMA). Both groups organized pro-democracy marches in December of that year. Djibril joined one of the marches; it attracted some people. The march was peaceful; it drew a mix of democracy advocates: students seeking more government aid; civil servants and teachers who had not been paid for several months. Among the marchers were Montagne Tall, an opposition leader, and human rights lawyer Demba Diallo; both were later presidential candidates. Traor s response to the nonviolent march was violence. He reorganized his government, installing General Skou Ly as minister of the interior. Ly cracked down on the budding democratic movement, banning marches. When opposition activists organized rallies to protest the restrictions, the government arrested some of the leaders, including Oumar Mariko, head of the Association of Pupils and Students of Mali (AEEM). The arrest of Mariko sparked more protests. In subsequent


Challenging the Dictators / 61clashes with government security forces, several civilians were killed. In Bamako, Malians suddenly found themselves forced to decide whether to go home and accept further arbitrary and forceful rule by an illegitimate government, or join the swelling ranks of protestors in the streets and risk getting injured or killed. For many it was a case of spontaneous escalation: people who had not planned to challenge the legitimacy of the government began ghting back when the army shot into the crowds and arrested protest leaders. Rather than being cowed by the police, they were incensed. Such a reaction in the face of intimida tion was seen many times in the United States during civil rights demonstrations and in the willingness of many college students to continue their antiwar protests after violent clashes with police or national guards. Vietnam war opponents on the street outside the Democatic Convention in were confronted by Chicago police wielding clubs; police attacked reporters as well as demonstrators. But in Mali, the enemy would not be just police or the national guard; soon it would be the army and its tanks. Students were in the v anguard of the protests, though they were later joined by workers, teachers, and others. Some of the initial student demands were for improved toilets and better medical services. Other demands were more costly: high school scholarships; bigger payments for boarding students at all levels. As it became clearer that Traor was not listening to their demands, students and others raised the ante and began planning how to force him from ofce. People were eager to overthrow Moussa [Traor], said Djibril. Outraged by government violence against them, students went on a rampage, burning some government buildings in Bamako. The police responded with more arrests, sparking yet more protests. Students began organizing underground meetings to plan further actions. The government closed down the schools. Students had set a deadline of March for the government to meet their demands, but the government failed to comply. Protestors took to the streets again, and this time the army responded without restraint. Downto wn, at a bridge now known as Bridge of the Martyrs because of what happened that day, soldiers were heaving students into the river. Some drowned; others were dead before they were dropped off the bridge like trash. The military had the obvious advantage in


62 / The New Africaweaponry; but students and others who joined them had the advantage of passion. Selif Keita (whose name resembles that of the famous Malian singer) was chairman of the English Students Club at the teachers college. I saw many tanks, coming from every side, shooting people. Soldiers were shooting with ries from the top of the tank. And I saw some people on the ground, injured. And those who tried to bring the injured people to the hospital were also attacked. The tanks kept ring on the students; those not hit kept regrouping. Finally, the tanks ran out of ammunition. It was then that a few brave students leaped up on the tanks and threw Molotov cocktails down the turrets. Bamako, Mali, 1994 Sinaly Dembl and Djibril Coulibaly were among the thousands of Malian students and others who fought against police and even army tanks to help overthrow dictator Moussa Traor in 1991. A civilian president was elected in 1992 in democratic, multiparty elections.


Challenging the Dictators / 63 At his home, Djibr il awoke the next morning, March to see smoke in the direction of some government buildings. Our group [of students] was already destroying a drugstore nearby. Soldiers came and people were scattered. The soldiers did not re. Students ran on to a bookshop and ransacked it. When police and the gendarme arrived there, they were pelted with stones by students. By now there were thousands of people on the streets, mostly students. We were afraid, but there were so many students; and many others joined us. We were eager to go to the market and try to destroy it, said Djibril. But the protestors were blocked by security forces. Bamako was in total chaos. Students would attack a building; government forces would arrive and attack the students; then the students would disperse, only to strike again somewhere else. The day ended with President Traor still in power. The next day would bring more violence, however, and a turning point. On March a crowd eeing for their lives ran for safety into the Sahel Verte shopping center. That is when security forces locked the people in and set the place ablaze, incinerating them. Such horric violence would reappear on a massively larger scale in Rwanda in when mobs chased people into churches, then tossed in grenades, slashing to death any survivors running out. In Liberia in the capital, Monrovia, sank into temporary anarchy as rival militia forces clashed. Such scenes are what many people think of when considering Africa, though they are not typical. Most of the continent was at peace during these wars. Africas violence, viewed from afar, is confusing. There is a tendency to lump African countries together and think of barbarity, tribal vengeance, and cycles of revenge. There were all these kinds of violence in Africa in the centurys last decadethough they were the exceptions, as was the violence in the former Yugoslavia and parts of the former Soviet Union. The da y the government forces burned Sahel Verte and the people trapped inside it, mothers and students marched on the Presidential Palace. They wanted to demand an end to the ghting. There were old women in front, because we thought they [the army] would dare not re on them, Sinaly recalled. But they red on an old woman. She was seriously injured. Had the wounded person been a student or an adult male, things might have turned out differently. But ring on a


64 / The New Africawoman broke one of the unwritten taboos in Mali and many other parts of the world. Such taboos are part of the glue holding societies together. Malians were stunned, then angry. There are other examples of attacks rousing na tional and even world sentiment. When Chinese troops red on civilian crowds in Tiananmen Square in China in during pro-democracy demonstrations, it brought world condemnation, though no change in the countrys leadership. The massacre at Sharpeville, South Africa, in brought no immediate change either. But it had a resounding, long-range impact on the future of that country. Blacks in South Africa were angry with a government-imposed system of passes required to move from one part of the country to another. In March in Sharpeville, a small township some thirty-ve miles south of Johannesburg, in a grim industrial area, several thousand people surrounded the police station. The police panicked. Nelson Mandela writes about what happened next. No one heard war ning shots or an order to shoot, but suddenly the police opened re on the crowd and continued to shoot as the demonstrators turned and ran in fear. When the area had cleared, sixty-nine Africans lay dead, most of them shot in the back as they were eeing. All told, more than seven hundred shots had been red into the crowd, wounding more than four hundred people, including dozens of women and children.8 Messages of condemnation poured in from around the globe, including the United States. The United Nations, for the rst time, urged the South African government to begin to bring about racial equality. Further black protests followed, and the government declared martial law. It would be thirty-ve years before South Africans would achieve majority rule, however. In Mali, change came much quicker The attempted march to the presidents ofce ended abruptly. It was a chaotic retreat. We ran for our lives, Sinaly said, as he, Djibril, and I sat at a table at the small Hotel de la Fleuve in Bamako in Traor offered political reforms, but he refused to step down. The next day, when a crowd gathered at a local cemetery to bury some of the victims of the previous days violence, the military red on the mourners. Funerals have been a rallying point for protestors in many African countries, especially in South Africa before the election of Mandela as president in


Challenging the Dictators / 65 During the three days of ghting, an estimated to persons w ere killed in Bamako, according to various Malian sources; the government admitted to only about deaths. Early on March Lieutenant Colonel Amadou Tumani Tour, a cheerful and audacious man, led a group of ofcers to arrest President Traor. In m y interview with him in the downtown ofce he made his own as head of state, Tour explained why he had seized power. Faced with many young and old people and children that were dying, we felt that Mr. Moussa Traor had not respected the oath the head of state had taken. We decided to take him out, to put in place democratic organizations. His informal style and lack of pretension, as well as the fact he had deposed an unpopular dictator, quickly made Tour, or A.T.T., as he affectionately became known by his initials, a popular man. But would he be tempted to use that popularity as an excuse to stay in power? Or might he run for president himself? My most dear vow is that I am not a candidate, and I prefer that elections take place for a civilian as head of state, he said. Bamako, Mali, 1992 Lieutenant Colonel Amadou Tumani Tour overthrew dictator Moussa Traor in 1991, then stepped down about a year later after the election of a civilian president.


66 / The New Africa Military coup leaders in Africa have seldom stepped down voluntar ily. Among the notable exceptions was General Olusegun Obasanjo of Nigeria, who handed over power in to an elected civilian president. He was arrested in however, by Nigerian military head of state Abacha, for allegedly plotting a coup; he was released in after Abacha died. General Obasanjo was elected president of Nigeria in February Flight Lieutenant Jerry Rawlings of Ghana was another exception. He seized power in but he stepped down a few months later after a presidential election. Then he seized power again, in In November he was elected president with percent of the vote. Only percent of the voters turned out. In December he won again, and percent of the voters turned out in an election generally acknowledged as free and fair.9 In the interview Tour spelled out three conditions he deemed necessary to avoid future military intervention in Mali: the civilian government must maintain national security for the whole country; it must correctly run the country; it must have respect for the constitution. All three conditions were broad enough to leave a door open for another coup. Some eager military leader, perhaps Tour himself, might one day refer to these points as justication for intervention. Political contacts in Bamako told me that despite his popularity, Tour would not have had strong public backing had he tried to stay in ofce. For his popularity depended in large part on his promise to hand over power to a democratically elected president. Tour kept his promise. He rst said he would step down January less than a year after the coup. But the political parties were not ready for an election, so he postponed it until March.On the Campaign Trail in MaliGetting elected president in Mali requires a far different campaign than in Europe or the United States. TV viewing in Mali is still limited to a tiny minority, primarily in the cities, though often the owners of TVs play them in their yards or outside the gates of their property, where friends and neighbors gather to watch. There is a wide variety of newspapers, but the national literacy rate is only about percent.


Challenging the Dictators / 67 From the beginning the leading candidate for president in Malis rst democratic election was Alpha Oumar Konar, a former academician who helped organize ADEMA, the main political protest group. Konar had earned his political credibility among opponents to Traor when, as one of Traors ministers, he stood up near the head of state at a public assembly and denounced corruption in the government. His gesture was seen as a brave act, which it was under a dictator who locked up dissenters in a salt mine. In his campaign Konar relied on the nationwide organizational presence of ADEMA and his personal appearances. I spent a day with him as he campaigned for votes in Bamako. Unlike Western candidates with their large advance teams, press following, and the rest of an entourage, Konar traveled with only a few aides and a few reporters. His strategy was to seek out local religious and other community leaders. Through winning their support, he hoped to win over the people they represented, he conded as we approached a neighborhood gathering of notables. Presidential candidate John F. Kennedy used a similar approach in his successful race, wooing local party bosses when they still had considerable inuence. He also campaigned in primary contests. At the modest home of a Muslim leader, Konar took off his shoes, walked in, and sat down on the mat-covered oor. Later, arriving in another neighborhood, he got out of his car and walked several hundred yards to where a group of community and religious leaders were waiting in a courtyard. Most of the men wore typical and handsome Malian robes; many also wore skullcaps. The women, sitting behind the men, wore gaily colored dresses and head scarves. Unlike some Muslim countries in the Middle East, Muslim women in Mali and most other parts of Africa do not wear veils. Konar, in slacks and a short-sleeved shirt, plus a long green scarf, one end thrown over his shoulder, said little as he sat listening to one local leader after another greet him and tell him what to do if elected. He endured the long remarks, hunched over like a schoolboy taking instructions from a parent. Occasionally he lifted his eyebrows or wrinkled his forehead, but he maintained his silence except for brief remarks at the end. We re here to identify the problems, he said as he strode back to his car. But had he made any promises? I asked. I simply said ADEMA


68 / The New Africadoesnt have money to distribute right and left. What we guarantee is good management. To ward the end of the day, at a public rally, I saw another side of Konar. Using a microphone to address the crowd of several hundred, he was no longer humble and quiet. His voice boomed out from the public address speakers. A young Malian in the crowd, translating Konars Bambara to French for me, said Konar promised little but implied that if elected he would help nd jobs for the masses. His formula for good government, Konar told the crowd, was based on good management, honesty in accounting of public funds, a minimal state role in a free market, and a reduction of taxes to encourage expansion of business. Despite his minimal specic pledges of progress, was he still stirring up hopes that the next government could not afford to meet? And after twenty-three years of dictatorship, would the people of Mali really appreciate the importance of voting? Some Malians I inBamako, Mali, 1992 Alpha Oumar Konar campaigns in Malis rst democratic election. He won easily and was reelected in 1997.


Challenging the Dictators / 69terviewed the day of Konars rally were noncommittal, admitting they knew little about democracy and elections. Just outside Bamako, traveling with another presidential candidate, I would nd out what people in an African village expected from democracy.Voters Wish ListMalians, after the three-day revolution, entered a new era of expectations. People wanted more than political freedoms such as the right to free speech: Malians also wanted material progress. This ratcheting up of hopes in a democratic era, a phenomenon occurring in many parts of Africa, was happening among some of the worlds poorest people. In Mali the per capita share of the gross national product, a crude measurement of individual wealth, was less than $ a year, compared to about $ for all of sub-Saharan Africa. Life expectancy in Mali was only forty-three years for men and forty-six years for women, much lower than in the West.10 Against this backdrop, another presidential candidate, attorney and human rights advocate Demba Diallo, wearing a full-length, goldcolored, Malian robe, yellow slippers, and dark sunglasses, arrived in Lassa, a small, hillside village just outside Bamako. According to the World Bank, two out of every three people in sub-Saharan Africa live in villages and other rural areas; in Mali the gure is percent. Lassa is made up of several clusters of cracked mud homes, a few shops, and three schoolrooms built of solid materials with nancial help from the U.S. government. The dirt road leading up a steep hill to the village is in bad condition. Built by the French when Mali was still a French colony, it has been poorly maintained. There are few cars in Lassa; many residents walk the several miles to their jobs in Bamako. Despite its location close to the capital, residents complained that their village had been ignored by the federal government. Our concern is that since independence we havent beneted much, said Baba Coulibaly, a male nurse who worked in Bamako but lived in Lassa. What did the village get from the twenty-three-year dictatorship of Moussa Traor? I asked. Three soccer balls, said another resident. Lassa needed a maternity clinic. Some women gave birth before arriv-


70 / The New Africaing at the hospital in Bamako. They found it hard to get a taxi to drive them to the hospital because many of the drivers were reluctant to make the steep climb up the rough road to Lassa.Coulibaly listed other needs of the village: more classrooms; a well so that women, the traditional water haulers, did not have to spend hours walking for water; and an improved health center. Lassa w as already feeling some changes by the time Diallo arrived for his campaign rally. In the months since the ouster of dictator Traor, Nessa Kamara, a villager, had noticed something she liked: We can freely express ourselves, she said. Had there been any tangible change? Ossman Cesse, a cook in Bamako who lived in Lassa, responded: Things cant change all at once. The money [in the governments treasury] is zero. What did people expect from Mali as it turned democratic? I asked. Wassa Keita, a mother of three, admitted something many people probably were reluctant to say: I dont understand what multiparty and democracy are. But she knew what the problems in Lassa were. Theres not enough to eat. And in the dry season theres no water. And we live in the darkno electricity. So I was curious to hear what Diallo would offer after Konar promised only good management at his Bamako rally. The villagers were curious too. And they were as ready to fete Diallo as he was to woo them for their votes. Election banners hung from mud walls; music blared over a microphone; chairs had been set up in a small, open area surrounded by homes. Dancers entertained the crowd. From the waist up, the dancers were spirits in wooden masks trimmed with long, hairlike, frayed rope; from the waist down they were mortals in slacks and plastic shoes. Like Konar in Bamako, Diallo rst stopped by the home of an elderly Muslim leader in the village. Mali is about percent Muslim, percent animist, and only percent Christian. Diallo sat on a cow skin rug with the man, slipping him some money as he left. When he got to the area prepared for his speech, Diallo watched the dancing until it concluded, then he picked up two microphones. He sounded like a cheerleader, and from time to time the crowd cheered. When he n ished, Diallo tur ned toward his car. He had to pass through a shouting gauntlet of villagers happy a candidate had come to see them, even one


Challenging the Dictators / 71who had promised more than he could deliver. Another candidate, not Konar, had stopped in Lassa and promised a road, a maternity clinic, and a health center. Diallo promised the rst two, but not the health center. What U.S. presidential candidate has not promised beyond his capacity to deliver? What European candidate has not painted the choices in a race as critical and stark and told crowds he would deliver what they needed? In Nigeria, voters are accustomed to grandiose promises, but they are not overly impressed. According to Nigerian author and satirist Uche Onyebadi, voters should keep their eye on the moneythe candidates moneyand collect something from them when they come to campaign. They know too well that the only time they shall have the opportunity to be appealed to by the politician is during electioneering campaigns. Thereafter, the politician becomes inaccessible. According to Onyebadi, a candidate may promise a road, and even assemble tractors and graders and start clearing the bush before the election. But once the elections are over, all machines are withdrawn and the road construction abandoned .until the next round of elections.11 A few days after accompanying Diallo to Lassa, Betty and I returned there. Coulibaly and I walked to a rise overlooking the village. There he shared his hope for the future. Democracy should bring us something, he said. As Betty and I descended the rocky trail to Bamako, I wondered: After the people of this village had waited through twentythree years of dictatorship for something and only gotten three soccer balls, would they now just sit back and wait to see what a democratic government brought them? Or would the new political climate of freedom prompt them to lobby the government or join those who took to the streets when their hopesor demandswere not met? I came away from Lassa with a clearer notion of how democracy can be translated into a wish list, which most likely would remain unlled for years.Timbuktu: Blue Men, Bullets, and BallotsTimbuktu. I grew up knowing the name only from a song. For many, the name has come to symbolize a far-off place, the end of the world. It is one of the best-known, and least-visited, towns in the world. It is also


72 / The New Africaone of the oldest African cities, and the place British explorer Mungo Park never reached in the late s because angry residents chased away this perceived intruder. On Januar y the day Malians voted on their new constitution, which called for competing political parties, a step toward the countrys rst democratic election, Betty and I were in Timbuktu, in Malis northern desert. There we got a sense of how a culture that had never been democratic, a culture based on kings and empires, and later ruled by dictators calling themselves presidents, would take to the concept of free elections. We also got a measure of the depth of civil strife in the area, the kind that has blocked some African countries from attaining more political freedom, and which in some cases has led to war. Timbuktu is in the region of the famed hommes bleus, or blue men, nicknamed after their indigo blue turbans, whose color eventually rubs off onto their tan skin. These proud nomads of the desert Timbuktu, Mali, 1992 Malians vote on their new constitution, which they approved. Voter turnout was low across the country.


Challenging the Dictators / 73periodically fought with the governments of Mali and neighboring Niger in their quest for greater autonomy. In December a few months before our visit, a local government security force attacked and killed a leading Tuareg resident of Timbuktu, in reprisal for a Tuareg attack on the town. As a result, most Tuaregs ed the city. Subsequent bandit raids along the road to Tim buktu w ere blamed on the Tuaregs. A diplomat in Bamako claimed some Tuareg were Libyan-trained bandits who stole four-wheel-drive vehicles and killed both soldiers and civilians. Their rebellion had consequences for the rest of Mali as it moved toward elections. If the rebellion continued, warned a Malian negotiator with the Tuaregs, Colonel Brehima Sire Traor, the election might be postponed. After all the hype, waiting, and curiosity, our arrival in Timbuktu was a little disappointing. The roads through town are sand; the buildings are made of mud brick, usually covered by a peeling, outer coating of mud. Among the highest structures are the minarets of the mosques, pointed towers of two or three stories, with protruding sticks which allow workers to climb up the sides and reapply fresh mud from time to time, as if smearing icing on a chocolate cake. During very heavy rains, it is not unusual for the roof of a home or two to collapse. Swarms of pesky, would-be child guides, desperate for business, diminished most of the exotic excitement of the town on our walks through the back alleys. Eventually, however, all but the most persistent children gave up. On closer look you realize Timbuktu is a museum. Here and there are markers on the walls of residences of early foreign explorers. One such visitor, Ren Cailli, experienced the sort of up, down, then up again feeling about the town that I did. In he wrote, On entering this mysterious city, which is an object of curiosity and research to the civilized nations of Europe, I experienced an indescribable satisfaction. Then he took a second look around: The city presented nothing but a mass of ill-looking houses, built of earth. Nothing was to be seen in all directions but immense plains of quicksand of a yellowish white color. Then he took a third reading: Still, though I cannot account for the impression, there was something imposing in the aspect of a great city, raised in the midst of the sands, and the difculties surmounted by its founders cannot fail to excite admiration.12


74 / The New Africa At the Ahmed Baba Center, a modest collection of small, one-story b uildings on a sandy street, researcher Ali Ould Sidi opened a glass case displaying books in Arabic dating back and years. The dry climate helps preserve them; the pages looked almost new. Timbuktu, he explained, was begun around A.D. by Tuaregs. By around it was a thriving trade and academic center, attracting many students who came from as far away as Spain to study under local tutors. At the time of our visit, Timbuktu had a population of only about Many Tuareg had died in the droughts of the early s and mid-s, which also decimated their herds of camels and other livestock. A couple of miles out in the desert that surrounds Timbuktu, Betty and I found a few Tuareg families living in their traditional squat, domed huts of sticks and reed mats covered with tough ber cloth. Near one tent, Ibrahim Malale lay on the ground, protected from the sandblast wind by only a short mat and a worn blanket. He had run away after the killing of the Tuareg in Timbuktu a few months earlier, returning only recently to discover stray donkeys had eaten the reed mat walls of his former home. Now he, his wife, and their six-year old son, Mohammed, were surviving practically in the open until he could build another home. If theres peace, well stay, he said, too weak from illness to stand. He apologized for not having any tea to offer us. The people of Timbuktu say all Tuaregs are rebels. But its not true, said another Tuareg, sitting on a mat in the protection of his reed shelter. He gave me his name but asked me not to use it. Were not happy they [the rebels] continue like that. People are suffering. In Timb uktu, I climbed the steps to the small police ofce. Inside, a policeman sitting at a wooden table insisted that Tuaregs are animals, murderers. The only solution is to kill them. But it turned out there was another solution: a negotiated peace. After protracted talks between the government and Tuareg rebel representatives, the two sides signed a pact in to restore civilian rule in northern contested areas. Konar traveled to neighboring countries urging war refugees to come home. A ceremonial burning of surrendered rebels weapons was held in Timbuktu in March Ethnic animosity is an old issue in Afr ica, as in other parts of the world, though the fact that the Malian empire is centuries old has given most tribes a chance to establish patterns of coexistence. Religious


Challenging the Dictators / 75animosity is another ancient fact of life. When Park made the rst of two journeys to West Africa in the late s, he heard the following tale of religious strains from an old Negro who told him of his visit to Timbuktu: an innkeeper spread a mat for him (the Negro) on the oor and laid a rope upon it saying: If you are a Mussulman, you are my friend, sit down; but if you are a Kafr, you are my slave, and with this rope I will lead you to market.13* *On Malis constitutional referendum day, January lines formed early at the schools, mosques, and other voting sites in Tim buktu. Lines is a generous word; crowds bunched up at the doors of polling stations, while inside, temporarily disorganized election ofcials shouted at each other and the voters. But the confusion soon subsided and an orderly system was established. Men and women voters led in wearing traditional, full-length robes. Many of the men wore brown, white, or indigo turbans; others were bareheaded. All the women wore head scarves. They were handed two paper ballots (white for oui, or yes, pink for non, or no). In a screened-off booth, voters put the ballot of their choice in an envelope, then slipped it into a locked wooden box. Reverence for the ballot is widespread in Africa. In Eritrea I saw women kiss the ballot box in the referendum that ofcially established that countrys independence from Ethiopia, in after thirty years of war. The week of the referendum, thousands of Eritreans poured into the broad, clean streets of the capital, Asmara, to march and dance until the early morning hours. War veteran amputees in ghter jackets propelled their wheelchairs down the streets or were pushed by friends. As many as Eritreans died in the war, and nearly a third of the population ed the country. The postwar optimism was almost tangible. People remember the odds against them [in the war], said Tekle Fassenchatzion, an Eritrean who taught economics at Morgan State College in Baltimore, Maryland, and who had come back to vote. They feel they can accomplish anything. There was much to accomplish: whole hillsides lay barren of trees from overcutting and lack of reforestation programs; unemployment was high even before the troops, demonstrating during their independence referendum week for


76 / The New Africahigher pay, were demobilized; and women, having fought alongside men, were determined to win an equal place in political organizations and in the workplace in a peacetime economy. Democracy was not a top priority for Issaias Afewerki, who took over as head of state after leading the later war effort. He was making no promises on when multiparty elections would be held.* *On election night in Timbuktu ofcials counted ballots by lantern light. Voter turnout was low; many people had not received their voter identication cards in time, and others stayed home to listen to a radio broadcast of an international soccer game. Just percent of the voters nationwide cast a ballot. The new constitution was approved by percent, paving the way for multiparty, democratic elections. Municipal elections follow ed later in January contested by twenty-three of the countrys forty-eight parties that had sprung up. This time only about percent of the voters turned out. ADEMA won of the municipal seats. Legislative elections took place in February and March. ADEMA won of the seats. Only an estimated percent of the voters turned out. In the presidential elections in April Konar won with percent of the vote in a two-way runoff. Again, voter turnout was a mere percent. Democratic elections had come to Mali, but given their rst chance to vote in fair elections, most Malians had taken a pass. In many rural areas, voters would have had to walk miles to the nearest polling place. In Bamako, indifference played a part in the poor turnout. Some voters I spoke with were not convinced their vote would change anything. And Malis low literacy rates probably contributed to the dismal voting pattern. In a late ev ening interview, after a long day of campaigning, his voice hoarse from shouting, Konar had expressed his concerns that if Malians supported him and his party too much, Mali would be a de facto, one-party state, something he had worked against. I cant recall any other African head of state having such preelection worries. After Konars ADEMA party captured an easy majority in the new Parlia-


Challenging the Dictators / 77ment in he appointed some opposition party leaders, to form a coalition government and try to ensure agreement on key policies. Some of these leaders later abandoned the coalition over political disputes.Postelection TwistsTwo years after the election, in March I returned to Mali. In January of that year, France had devalued the currency used in Mali and thirteen other former French colonies, sending an economic shock wave through French West Africa. President Konar was installed in the same hilltop ofce that Traor had used. In an interview, he was formally dressed in an elegant open collar suit. He appeared less relaxed than in previous interviews, but he still sounded candid. He acknowledged that economic tensions in the country meant there was a risk of a military coup. Diplomats and opposition leaders were also talking about the possibility of a coup. Konar saw a big risk of a social explosion due to the multiple public demands on the states meager budget. Ordinary people were grumbling about almost anything. There weren t trafc jams like this before, Adama, a taxi driver stalled in downtown trafc, said with obvious exaggeration. Ive tried everywhere [to nd a job], said Draman Samake, who could not afford to buy a sewing machine when his tailoring apprenticeship had ended the year before. In a new democracy the road is never a royal one, Konar said. Democracy is a process. He insisted that even when there were serious problems, the democratic process must be allowed to correct itself and not be abandoned to military rule. It is a hope shared by millions of Africans. Konar listened to all sides on major issues and tried to operate by consensus. Some Malians and Western diplomats in Bam ako complained that he w as too conciliatory, too slow making up his mind. The real problem was money. The nancially strapped Malian government simply could not meet economic expectations aroused by the arrival of democracy. But a military government was unlikely to do any better, and probably would do worse, according to gross data on food production under civilian and military regimes in Africa. And


78 / The New Africawhile accounts of corruption in civilian regimes are outrageous, military governments are often just as scandalousand usually increase the size of the military beyond logical defense needs.14 In December I ew back to Mali once again. Prime Minister Ibrahim Boubakar Keita was using the same ofce the popular interim military head of state, Tour, had used. As Keita tried to speak, his private phone kept ringing; he nally asked an aide to hold his calls. He reminded me that we had met before, in a small, dusty room at ADEMAs modest headquarters where he had been working on the Konar campaign, in charge of foreign affairs. In early students had revived their old tactics of burning public property to force the government to pay higher scholarships. But this time the government used a more subtle approach to the student riots than Traor had applied. Prime Minister Keita did arrest student lawbreakers. He also halted nancial aid to students with low grades, which gave the government extra funds to pay larger scholarships to the majority of students. It worked; the suddenly-better-paid majority of students ended their protests.The people had become hostage of a pressure group, said Keita. A minority cannot take the majority hostage. In April police red tear gas and rubber bullets to break up a banned demonstration by Malian opposition parties upset about the way legislative elections were held. People burned car tires and ran from the police. Konars party won the majority of seats, but the opposition claimed the elections were tainted with irregularities. The government admitted there were organizational problems; international observers cited problems with the distribution of electoral lists, voting slips, and electors cards but called the elections secret and fair.15 Nevertheless, a court annulled the results and rescheduled the elections for July Again, ADEMA won overwhelmingly. In his reelection campaign in Konar said he did not want to be the only candidate. Finally Mamadou Maribatrou Diaby, an opposition party leader, entered the race. Most opposition leaders boycotted the election, demanding new registration lists. In what international observers again called a fair election, Konar won with percent of the votes cast. The turnout was percent of the eligible voters, up percent from the election. Violent demonstrations followed the election, and a number of opposition leaders were tempo-

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Challenging the Dictators / 79rarily jailed. In his new government, Prime Minister Keita appointed several opposition members. Despite the demonstrations and complaints, the government survived, amid promises by Konar to sort out the problems. Mali, one of Africas poorest and least-educated countries, had turned the corner from military to democratic rule. The salt mine prisons were closed; an elected president up on the hill was listening to the people. It could end in a moment if the army or the opposition got too restless. But the people had tasted a new level of freedom, including the slow, often ponderous process of democracy, a process open to diverse views and unable to satisfy most economic wish lists. At a conference in Bamako in May President Konar said, The high hopes raised by democracy are far from being satised but oppression and poverty are not inevitable.16When a Dictator Digs in His HeelsIn countries with military governments, like Nigeria, pro-democracy movements were often less successful than in Mali. Nigeria is the most populous country in Africa, with an estimated million people in This compares to an estimated population of million in sub-Saharan Africa in .17 The military repeatedly has thwarted efforts to regain civilian rule. Because of its oil, Nigeria has the potential of being an economic engine in sub-Saharan Africa, along with South Africa. But its economy has been damaged by massive corruption, inattention to agriculture during periods of high world oil prices, and years of inefcient and at times harsh government. Most democratic rights were stripped away from the people during the s by military regimes. When Chief Moshood Abiola, a wealthy publisher, won the election for president, he received support from most parts of the country. According to initial election results released by the government for fourteen of Nigerias thirty states, Abiola won a majority in eleven of the fourteen. Later, Campaign for Democracy, a private organization, promulgated full results, indicating Abiola won nineteen states and his opponent, Alhaji Bashir Othman Tofa, eleven.18 His victory was based on support nationwide, not just from areas where his own Yoruba eth-

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80 / The New Africa Oshogbo, Nigeria, 1992 Campaign posters for presidential primaries were put up for the 1993 election, which was won by Chief Moshood Abiola. The results were voided by the military government. Lagos, Nigeria, 1992 Louisa Kofo Bucknor-Akerele (center, holding mans hand) ran successfully for the senate in 1991. The senate was later dissolved by the military government.

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Challenging the Dictators / 81nic group was in the majority. But Nigerias military head of state at the time, General Ibrahim Babangida, annulled the election. When General Sani Abacha assumed power a few months later, he went farther, clamping down hard on the opposition, risking provoking ethnic tensions with his use of force by police from one part of the country against people of another. He also later arrested Abiola.19 Yet the pressure from Nigerians for democratic change has continued, despite the risks. Nigerian attorneys Clement Nwankwo and Olisa Agbakoba, for example, started the Civil Liberties Organization in the year I arrived in Africa as a correspondent, when General Babangida was head of state. Beko Ransome-Kuti, a Nigerian medical doctor, established the Committee for the Defense of Human Rights (CDHR). All three and many others continued their advocacy for human rights even after Abachas clampdown. While African trade unions and other organizations can wield signicant clout by rallying large numbers of people for protestssuch as the strike by Nigerian oil workers after the aborted election therededicated individuals help keep the ames of freedom burning during the long years when there are no single incidents major enough to draw masses to the streets. They often operate alone, in full view, vulnerable to repressive regimes. On one of my numerous repor ting trips to Nigeria, I met Dr. Ransome-Kuti in his medical ofce. He pointed up to ceiling panels damaged during one of several raids by government security agents; one of the agents carrying out his arrest had entered through the ceiling. Ransome-Kutis soft-spoken manner contrasted with his strong conviction that Nigerians deserved a democratic government and freedom from arbitrary arrest, torture, and state murder. Such high-prole opposition can be dangerous. Ransome-Kuti, who had consistently demanded accountability from the government on controversial human rights cases, was arrested in by the military. Although he lived in the southern coastal city of Lagos, former capital of Nigeria, he was taken to a prison in the far north. In Amnesty International launched a worldwide campaign for his release. He was freed in after the death of Abacha. Many less-kno wn Nigerians were also subject to arrest during the time of Abachas rule. In one human rights report stated that human rights violations by the government do not affect only Ni

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82 / The New Africagerias elite political classes and those involved in protests against military rule. Nigerian citizens with no political involvement are subjected to arbitrary and brutal actions of the Nigerian government in various forms on a daily basis. Police and soldiers are better known for extortion, torture, and summary executions than for keeping law and order.20 Nigeria, according to the report, was in a state of permanent transition on the road to democracy, with military rulers showing no evidence of their commitment to basic human rights and a return to civilian rule. Yet some Niger ians did not give up the quest for freedom. When I visited Nigeria again in February the secretary general of Ransome-Kutis CDHR, Jiti Oguyne, met with several members of our private delegation from the United States.21 To see us, he had to walk past government security agents in the hotel where we were staying; the government tolerated our meetings with such dissidents but was not pleased about them. In a room that might easily have been bugged, Ogunye told us: The human rights in Nigeria are very terrible; very bad. The regime [of Abacha] we have on hand in Nigeria is unprecedented. Weve never had it worse. People are taken from their homes and dumped in jail; the family is not told where they are. Most are kept in solitary connement. Another Nigerian who met with us in Lagos w as Sylvester Odion, general secretary of Campaign for Democracy. He had been arrested the year before and only recently released. He was visibly nervous but Lagos, Nigeria, 1992 Dr. Beko Ransome-Kuti, a leader in Nigerias campaign for human rights and democracy, was jailed by military head of state Sani Abacha in June 1994, then released after Abacha died in ofce in 1998.

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Challenging the Dictators / 83just as determined to tell his story. At one point he recalled how he was held in a cell so cold the frost was coming in. I almost froze to death. I had no clothes on. I wrote [notes] with blood from urine. He was later put in solitary. The meals were horrible: ground leaves with oil, and too much salt. I never had contact with the outside world. His account of arrests and prison conditions concurs with those described in human rights reports.22 Like so many Africans in his situation, despite his vulnerability to further detention, Odion had not missed the chance to speak to usrepresentatives of the outside world. He had no objections to our taking notes, hoping his story would somehow make a difference in world opinion about Nigeria. We would soon be on a plane home, but what about Odion and others who risked their own safety to talk to us? On the same trip we visited the area where the late Ken Saro-Wiwa had led a rebellion against the government over lack of economic development and environmental issues in one of Nigerias main oil-producing zones. Saro-Wiwa was hung in convicted by a military tribunal for causing the deaths of several traditional Ogoni leaders who were said to have opposed his campaign. Human rights reports and conversations I had with his supporters indicate Saro-Wiwa was not at the scene of the murders of the Ogoni leaders; the government accused him of inciting the murders. Saro-Wiwas campaign was not pacic, however. His movement took over a large part of the Ogoni state, chasing police away and allegedly killing some government supporters. But human rights reports make clear that when the government sent police back to the area, the police used strong-arm tactics, resulting in many more deaths and destruction of many homes. At a brief visit to the site of the murders Saro-Wiwa was convicted of, government ofcials made every effort to portray things as normal. They were not. There was a heavy police presence in the area. One young man, trembling, approached me, wanting to talk. Shaking with fear, he said, Ive been seen [by local government ofcials]. He felt in danger talking to me but was determined. He said people in the area remained afraid and that the government was not addressing the basic problem of dire poverty, which Saro-Wiwa fought against. Later that day, we met with two members of Saro-Wiwas organization in our hotel, which undoubtedly was under surveillance. One of the two said he had to leave early

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84 / The New Africabecause it was getting dark. I asked him if he was afraid for his life. He looked at me and said, Anything can happen. One Nigerian killed for his earlier outspokenness w as journalist Dele Giwa, assassinated in A stubborn and fearless critic of the government in his last years as editor in chief of Newswatch magazine in Nigeria, Giwa came under increasing scrutiny by security agents of the head of state, General Babangida. Instead of being intimidated by interviews with the agents, Giwa often ew into a rage and told them to stop trying to harass him and his publication. Shortly before his death, he had the following exchange with Lieutenant Colonel Halilu Akilu:23 Akilu: You cant just write any rubbish against the government. Giwa: I can write what I bloody well please. Whether or not you like it, the truth has to be told and it is not for you to tell me what to write.24 That was typical of Giwa. There was something in him that ultima tely rebelled, if he found it necessary to do so. All through his life, at some point, he always had to preserve ercely his individuality and independence, and in the process, dominated others.25 After the exchange with Akilu, Giwa went back to working on a sensitive article highly critical of the government. On October at : A.M., the bell at Giwas home rang; the guard received a parcel from two men who drove up to the house at Talabi Street in Lagos in a white Peugeot The large brown envelope was sealed with red wax and stamped Condential; it appeared to have come from the ofce of the military head of state. At : Giwa sat down and opened the parcel. A blinding ash of light, followed immediately by a deafening explosion, shattered the serenity of [the] Sunday morning. A ball of re sprang into the ceiling. The house shook.26 Within the hour, Giwa was dead at a hospital. Giwas murder recalled the assassination of Eduardo Mondlane, leader of the Mo zambique independence mov ement, by a parcel explosion in What w ould Giwa have written or said about Abachas repression of most free expression and his charade about organizing a presidential election? The transition program [leading to a presidential election] put in place by General Abacha is a sham, said Peter Takirambudde, executive director of Human Rights Watch/Africa.27 By most prominent opponents had been arrested, journalists writing critical

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Challenging the Dictators / 85articles had been jailed, and Abacha was on his way to being chosen president in a referendum set for August. All ve government-approved opposition parties had been told to endorse him, and had, so no election was needed. But the people protested in one of the few safe ways left to them: they boycotted the April election of a national assembly. Overall, the turnout was extremely low; many polling stations around the country reportedly had only a handful of voters. An opposition coalition of pro-democracy groups still managing to function organized the largely successful boycott. We shall continue with discrediting this transition process and hope that we can end military rule before August, said Olisa Agbakoba, leader of the organizing group, the United Action for Democracy.28 Then in June Abacha died of an apparent heart attack and was replaced by Nigerias chief of defense, Staff Major General Abdul Abubakar Salam, who quickly released many prominent political prisoners and promised to release Abiola as well. But before he did, Abiola died, apparently of natural causes, veried by an international team of physicians. He had been ill, and his family had complained he had not been getting proper medical care while a prisoner. Soon after becoming Nigerias military head of state, Abubakar promised return to elected Otta, Nigeria, 1992 Olusegun Obasanjo, a former military head of state (1976), gave way to an elected civilian successor. Then, in 1999, he was elected president.

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86 / The New Africagovernment. On February retired General Olusegun Obasanjo was elected president of Nigeria with approximately percent of the vote with some reported fraud. He took of fi ce in Ma y.Tortured for FreedomLogo Dossouvi, a broad-shouldered, heavyset, friendly young man, seemed too easygoing to stand up to a dictator in the name of democracy. Yet in his nger-shaped West African nation of Togo, where the president would later use his army against critics to enforce his version of government, Logo took a stand for freedom. To win the right to express ones self freely, Logo of Togo challenged Etienne (Gnas singbe) Eyadma, the entrenched head of state who had never faced a competitive election and who did not allow freedom of speech. Eya dma was a member of the Kabiy e ethnic group, dominant in northern Togo. In he led a revolt against President Sylvanus Olympio, who had become authoritarian. Eyadma invited Olympios brother-in-law, Nicolas Grunitzky, a former prime minister, to head a new government. Then in January Eyadma, who had moved up from sergeant to army chief of staff, seized power himself. During his long r ule he had fended off numerous coup attempts. In a wave of bombings hit Lom, the capital. Eyadma cracked down with arrests of political dissidents. By then his lavish style of ruling was well known. David A. Korn, U.S. ambassador to Togo from to says Eyadma ran Togo as his own private efdom. while most Togolese struggled in poverty, he had a luxurious palace built for himself near his hometown. He kept a eet of airplanes for his personal use, dressed up spifly in expensive French suits, and threw huge gala dinners at which visiting dignitaries gorged on Norwegian smoked salmon and Chateaubriand steaks own in from Paris, all washed down with the best French wines.29 His lavishness compared to that of Zaires head of state, longtime dictator Mobutu Sese Seko. Not surprisingly, Togo was Mobutus rst stopover on his humiliating exodus from Zaire after he was chased out of the country by rebels in In Logo and several other college students began distributing pamphlets challenging government statements made on the state-run radio. There was no free press, so each time Eyadma made a major

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Challenging the Dictators / 87 Lom, Togo, 1991 Human rights lawyer Djovi Gally was among the rst to speak out for democracy in Togo. Douala, Cameroon, 1991 Newspaper editor Pius Njawe, one of many brave journalists across Africa who helped establish a freer press in their countries in the 1990s. Lom, Togo, 1991 Logo Dossouvi stood up to dictator Etienne Eyadma. In the background stand the ruins of a large statue of the dictator, torn down during a push for democratic elections.

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88 / The New Africaannouncement, Logo and his clandestine network of students wrote and photocopied counterstatements; they distributed them by motor scooter around town. It was copy machines and scooters versus a military-backed dictator. The public, used to hearing only one version of things, eagerly read the underground tracts. One night in August the police caught Logo and twelve others. I was a t home. It was about P.M. Four people came in wearing civilian clothes and handcuffed me, Logo recalled when we met the following year in Togo. They searched my home for seven hours. They turned everything upside down. They found nothing. The police were looking for evidence to use against him in court. Logo was jailed along with the other twelve. We were thirteen in a little cell, Logo explained. We had made a pact not to reveal the names of those we worked with. Eleven of those arrested were soon released, but Logo and Doglo Agbelenko were held longer, in a small cell where they had to sleep on the cold, cement oor. He and his cell mate did exercises to warm up. We prayed a lot, said Logo. Logo was taken to a secret tor ture center. Such centers were once more common across Africa. (In Sudan they are called ghost houses). They beat me. They tied my hands behind me. Twenty po licemen bea t me with sticks and kicks. In addition, police tortured Logo with electric shock during a three-day period. The police wanted him to name who had been collaborating with him to print and distribute the antigovernment leaets. I said nothing, Logo told me, with a steely eyed look of conviction. On September he was taken to court. Perhaps the police thought he had been subdued by the torture. If someone had beaten you up, held you for a month or so, attached electric wires to your naked body, shocking you senseless, would you stand up in a court run by the same government that tortured you and complain? Defendants knew they could be returned to their cell and tortured again for not cooperating. Logo told me his torture was frightening beyond beliefbut something in him said this was the moment to stand up for freedom, regardless of the danger. So Logo stood up in court and cried foul: he described how he had been tortured. This kind of bravery is an example of the individual decisions that have complemented work by organized groups in moving the pro-democracy movement forward in

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Challenging the Dictators / 89Africa. Logos story was rapidly spread all over Lom. And thanks in part to Togolese attorney Djovi Gally, people soon had an opportunity to use his case to express their own anger at the government. In the late s Gally had given a series of public lectures in Lome criticizing the government. But his most controversial statements came in at a lecture organized by Dudley Sims of the United States Information Service in Lom. Most U.S. ofcials I met in Togo were reluctant to rock the boat and speak out against Eyadma as he continued his almost fascist regime. Sims, looking for ways to crack the ice in Togo, organized the lecture where Gally spoke. Gally called for a multiparty government to replace Togos one-party rule. Sims was later criticized by his superiors for organizing the lecture, but Gally credits it with helping to open the dialogue in Togo for greater political freedom. The next day, Gally was summoned to a state security ofce and lectured about criticizing the government. Now as the lawyer for Logo, Gally made a move that would turn Logos case into a national cause leading to disruption of the countrys politics. The court had disregarded Logos statements that he had been tortured, and found him guilty. Gally got the court to delay sentencing from the day of his conviction, in late September to October That gave activists enough time to organize a large antigovernment demonstration. The day of sentencing, several thousand people showed up at the courthouse, lling hallways, stairways, and the streets outside. Before that protest, you didnt demonstrate, a Western diplomat in Lom said, typically declining to be named. The demonstration at the courthouse in Lom caught the police off guard. But after a brief hesitation, police charged into the crowd, bashing heads with their batons. The police won the day, but now there was momentum for change. Strikes and more confrontations with police followed. In October, Logo and his former cell mate, Agbelenko, were granted presidential pardons. By early June Eyadma had agreed to a National Conference of government ofcials and dissidents to discuss Togos political future. His agreement, however, would prove to be merely a delaying tactic in his scheme to hang on to illegitimate power. Many dissidents in Togo were southerners. Along the West African coast there has long been a political and ethnic divide between northern and southern ethnic groups. Those in the south, where colonial

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90 / The New Africagovernments set up their headquarters, often got more benetssuch as schools and roadsthan their northern counterparts; northerners generally felt left out. Eyadma, a northerner, was not without supporters, even in the south. One woman with high-level political connections told me at her spacious home in Lom, between shouts to her servants, that Eyadma had changed the country, even if its a one-party state. Theres been improvement. She cited construction of new roads, hospitals, and schools. I met Eyadma in in his presidential ofce at a breakfast for a group of journalists traveling on a UN-organized trip to Tanzania and Togo.30 He sat at the head of a table both long and wide, as security guards stood solemnly along the walls. Power ows from the people, he said, presenting his case that the people of Togo still wanted him as their ruler. He showed no impatience with our many questions, including those on human rights. Eyadma said he had sent his representatives out to sample public opinion regarding an end to the monopoly of his party, the Rally of the Togolese People. But the debate, as Eyadma called the series of soundings, was a comedy, according to one Togolese intellectual too afraid to have his name used. The government shaped the questions. A number of Togolese told me that government ofcials would call people together, then lecture them on what they saw as the merits of a one-party system, namely, stability. One Togolese complained that what Eyadma had brought them was not just stability but immobility, with no political or economic progress. His critics said that at the government hearings ofcials would ask the peoplemany of whom depended for their livelihood on government jobsif they were happy with the president. Not surprisingly, state television announced in midthat the people had expressed a rm and unanimous no to a multiparty system. Eyadma again insisted he was willing to step down, but that the people always insisted he stay. In his book Ho w to Be a Nigerian Politician,Onyebadi, a former Nigerian journalist, warns of African leaders who claim to have the support of my people, as Eyadma did. My people is a highly amorphous term, he writes. Nothing says my people cannot be a mans wife and their kids [or] a battalion of hangers-on, jobless people, outright thugs.31

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Challenging the Dictators / 91 Eyadma staged rallies to give the appearance on state-run television tha t he was popular. Astute viewers claimed they kept seeing the same people over and over again among the so-called Eyadma supporters. I got a glimpse behind the gossamer nature of such rallies at one organized to welcome the foreign journalists on the UN tour. We were own north to visit Eyadmas hometown of Kara. Minibuses met us at the airstrip and took us directly to a shrinelike exhibit built as part of Eyadmas effort to create a personality cult. The exhibit featured wreckage of a plane in which, our guides said, Eyadma had crashed. The fact that he was not killed was supposed to be a divine signal that Eyadma was a saintly man spared to lead Togo. Next we went to his hometown. There, in a huge open parking lot, some young Togolese stood cheering the journalists. I know journalists have some popularity, but this was unreal. As the other journalists walked into a large government building for a meal, I slipped into the cheering crowd. Several participants told me it was not their choice to be standing in the hot sun; they had been ordered there by government ofcials. It was just a crack in the political f acade of Eyadmas regime, but it was enough to whet my desire to nd out more. My opportunity soon came and in a way I had not expected. In separate conversations and locations, which I still do not want to reveal lest I jeopardize their safety, a Togolese man and later a woman observed that I was asking questions about human rights. I was not surprised at the risk they took in talking to me. I had repeatedly seen such risks taken across Africa by people eager to get the story out about abuses by governments. As a professional journalist I often promised anonymity to my sources in such cases. In the United States, such promises, given less often, might keep an ofcial from being red for criticizing a superior. In Africa, revealing a name could mean the source would be arrested, jailed, tortured, even killed. The man took me aside and, in privacy, gave me a long, detailed account of some of the abuses of power taking place in the country, accounts which I was later able to corroborate from other sources, both diplomatic and Togolese. The woman asked me, in the presence of several other persons, what I was trying to learn while in Togo. I took a chance that the others were not government spies and replied that I was concerned about the well-being of all people. It was general, but it was also a clue to anyone paying attention that I was not simply writing the

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92 / The New Africaeconomic stories the UN and the government wanted us journalists to write. She gave me her card and suggested I call her. I did, and she came to meet me at my hotel, driving me to see a relative who was active in the then underground human rights struggle in Togo. That led to another interesting appointment, with a couple who told me to sit by the large statue of Eyadma (later torn down) near my hotel and wait for a car to come by and blink its lights. Late that evening, a car slowed down and the driver blinked the lights. I walked over to the car, got in, and was driven to the home of an educated and employed couple who had two other friends waiting. In a long interview, they detailed abuses in the country, including: arbitrary arrests and detention of suspected opponents of the regime, torture of some dissidents, and expulsion of thousands of farmers from their lands. The cleared land was slated to be a game park, but critics contended Eyadma and other senior ofcials had been using the land as a private hunting ground. Such allegations surf aced in public in August at the National Conference Eyadma had agreed to hold, condent he would be able to control it. In a large hall in the fanciest hotel in town, delegates from dozens of political opposition groups, most of which had been operating underground, crowded in to vent their anger. Like condent peacocks, men in colorful, full-length, West Africanstyle robes, and others in suits, stood up to speak or roamed the aisles, talking and laughing. Women delegates also were elegantly dressed. The conference had the air of a social event. A handful of senior government ofcials were present as well. The conference was supposed to be a dialogue on the countrys future between government and its many critics, but it was almost solidly an opposition conclave. One of the rst things the delegates did was to declare the conference sovereign. Opposition delegates claimed the right to make laws and to be above all other authority in the country. It was a claim that would ring hollow before long. Delegate after delegate denounced alleged atrocities and corruption of the regime. Their remarks were greeted by roars of applause. Those few speaking on behalf of the government were sometimes drowned out by boos. The conference was exciting but surrealistic: a few blocks from a sitting dictators ofce, critics were openly denouncing him. I rst met Logo a t the conference. We found a relatively quiet corner at the back of the hall, and I turned on my tape recorder and listened to

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Challenging the Dictators / 93 Lom, Togo, 1991 At the National Conference of opposition and government delegates, an opposition leader was elected prime minister of Togo. Togolese president Etienne Eyadma was able to block many of the oppositions democratic reforms. Lom, Togo, 1991 A government-sponsored rally was staged to support dictator Etienne Eyadma, whose photo is carried by a supporter.

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94 / The New Africahis story. When he had nished, he pointed out several of the policemen in the hall who had been among his torturers. Logo said he had shaken hands with them in a gesture of reconciliation.* *I left Togo just before Joseph Kokou Kofgoh, a lawyer and human rights leader, was elected interim prime minister at the conference. The delegates also passed resolutions reducing the powers of the president to symbolic ones. Kofgoh was to take up day-to-day management of the government. I took a taxi across the nearby border to Benin, which had held a successful national conference leading to elections and a new president. As I checked into a small hotel, the desk clerk asked me if I had heard the news about the borders being closed in Togo. He said tanks had surrounded the hotel where the National Conference was meeting. The government demanded the delegates come out of the hotel and go home; but they had refused. While the tanks remained parked outside, the delegates inside nished selecting interim government leaders; then they went home. Kofgoh set up his new government, even though Eyadma said it was not constitutional. Later that year, in December Eyadma struck back. His army, consisting primarily of his own tribesmen, surrounded the prime ministers ofce, ring into it with artillery. More than a dozen people were killed. Kof goh, who hid in a protectiv e area, pleaded for intervention of French troops. France was the last colonial power in Togo. The French had intervened before to help Eyadma keep his dictatorial rule; now they refused to help Kofgoh establish a democracy. The French position on democracy in Africa was more one of words than of substance. Kofgoh was alive but politically dead. At one point he was escorted by the army to Eyadmas ofce, where the two decided on the makeup of a new cabinetwith more Eyadma supporters. In his well-guarded ofce, the following November, Kofgoh told me Eyadma has never wanted democracy, and he doesnt want it now. The T ogolese did get some changes. In multiparty elections for Parliament the opposition won a substantial number of seats. By there were some sixty parties. Most of the opposition lost faith in Kof goh, consider ing him a captive of Eyadma. Presidential elections

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Challenging the Dictators / 95were repeatedly postponed. When they were held, in August they were widely boycotted by opposition parties, which claimed irregularities in the election process. U.S. and German observers withdrew from election monitoring over similar complaints. Eyadma won percent of the vote, down only a few percentage points from his previous sham elections. Only percent of the voters turned out. In legislative elections in February the opposition won a narrow majority. But some things did not change. The oppositions choice of prime minister, Yao Agboyibo, was stymied when Eyadma nominated another opposition leader, Edem Kodjo, who took ofce over Agboyibos objections. In the next by-elections for the national assembly, in Eyadmas party won and managed to sway several more members to his side, giving the party a majority. In January on the thirtieth anniversary of Eyadmas seizing power, thousands of soldiers and civilians marched through the streets of Lom to celebrate in another staged show of support for him by the people. A few weeks after the celebrations, journalist Abass Dermane, editor of an opposition weekly, was detained for allegedly defaming the president in an article titled The Horrors under Eyadmas Regime. Abass was released a few days later, after writing an apology to the president. But human rights had continued to deter iorate in the years since Eyadmas questionable election in August Between the election and May Amnesty International reported, there had been dozens of extrajudicial executions by security forces, twenty-one deaths of government opponents in custody, and there were at least thirteen political prisoners, some of whom had confessed under torture. Amnesty also reported that since more than Togolese had ed the country, fearing human rights violations.32 (The United Nations estimated the population of Togo in was .) Eyadma sta yed in contact with the leaders of the opposition, apparently not so much to comply with their demands as to keep them split. It was a pattern some other rulers were using. Eyadma kept in touch with international lenders, as well, who continued to show their support. In May the World Bank made another loan to the government of Togo, $ million, and with the International Monetary Fund announced plans for new loans through the year

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96 / The New Africa* Logo of Togo had helped pry open a Pandoras box that held changes for his tiny countrywith some positive resultsthough the changes had not resulted in a new head of state. In Kenya, another head of state was hunkering down in the face of growing demands for more freedom, more human rights.

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3 THE POLITICS OF AMBIGUITYNairobi, Kenya, 1992 Monica Wamwere and a group of other mothers of political prisoners in Kenya, staged a year-long public protest to win their sons release.

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98 / The New AfricaOR most tourists in the Kenyan capital of Nairobi, it was a pleasant afternoon for shopping before traveling to more game parks. Only a few of them caught a whiff of the tear gas drifting from Freedom Park. Keny as game parks, like those of South Africa and Tanzania, draw a steady ow of tourists from around the world. At Amboseli, on Kenyas southern border, in full view of the snowy peak of Mount Kilimanjaro, you can sit on the balcony of a luxury lodge and watch elephants browse on the grass. At dawn, you ride in a minivan onto the plains to gaze at families of elephants munching their way along a marsh. Your Kenyan driver stops the van so close you dont need a telephoto lens. Betty and I would drive down to Amboseli from Nairobi in our Toyota station wagon, a car built too low for most off-road travel but well suited for many of the maintained tracks in Kenyas parks. We adopted a strategy of continuing our game drives during the postlunch nap and tea breaks that tour drivers offer their clients. Then we could park by elephants or study a pair of lolling cheetah without other vans near us. We tried not to disturb the elephants, but sometimes they got so close we were the ones disturbed. On one occasion, as Betty held her camera out the side window, she had to change her lens from telephoto to wide angle and point her camera higher and higher as the elephants got closer and closer. A large bull suddenly stopped just behind our car. Snifng the air, he wheeled gracefully about, facing us. Our front and rear windows were rolled down; Betty was in the back seat, on the same side of the car as the bull. Anxiously I put my hand on the key in the ignition and slipped the shift into rst gear. I wasnt sure whether to start the engine and risk startling the bull or wait. I waited. After snifng the air for a few more seconds, he turned and sauntered off noiselessly on giant padded feet.

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The Politics of Ambiguity / 99 Such are the delights of Keny a for visitors. But Kenya was not all fun, especially for Kenyans. Street crime in Nairobi, the capital, threatened Kenyans and visitors alike. The economy had deteriorated. And as in much of Africa today, Kenyas politics has all the ingredients of a classical drama: passion, suspense, cruelty, bravery, and subtle twists in the plot that leave the outcome as well as the nature of some of the characters in question. In Freedom (Uhur u in Swahili) Park that afternoon, in March as most tourists went about their business of pleasure, Monica Wam were, a short, fearless Kenyan mother with a gap between two of her front teeth, stood up in the midst of a group of mothers, many of them elderly. As Kenyan riot police began circling the mothers, she started singing a traditional song of her Kikuyu people, adding her own political words. We are going to stay in the wilderness and pray for our children to be released. The two dozen or so mother s, many of them farmers, were on a daytime hunger strike demanding freedom for Kenyas political prisoners, including their sons, who had criticized the government. Some of the prisoners had called for free elections and an end to one-party rule. The government claimed they had tried to overthrow the regime, and, according to human rights reports and statements by some of the imprisoned, had tortured many of them to extract confessions.1 Ken yan ofcials, including President Daniel arap Moi, denied charges of government torture, though they did admit that an occasional case of torture may have occurred contrary to government policy. An open-sided canopy offered the protesting mothers protection from the sun, but they had no protection against Kenyan riot police armed with long, wooden batons and wearing face shields; some wore gas masks. The only shield the mothers had was a human one: dozens of Kenyan supporters sat in a tight circle around the canopy, arms linked, determined not to be moved. While students in T ogo, Mali, and many other African countries in the s aimed at bringing about a change of government, Africans across the continent, such as the Kenyan mothers, were showing a brave determination to force governments to show greater respect for basic human rights. Such determination, carried out in protest marches and strikes, as well as the more methodical pressure of law-

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100 / The New Africasuits against authoritarian governments, was having an effect in many countries, including Kenya. Even as the mothers sat there, deantly, the politics of Kenya was changing. A year earlier, the police might simply have charged the mothers the rst day of their strike and locked up their leaders. But the mothers had been striking for a number of days now, and the government seemed unsure what to do about them. This was not politics as usual. President Moi was usually much more decisive. Keny a was still a one-party state, and Moi still ran things pretty much the way he wanted. But there had been numerous opposition rallies calling for multiparty elections; a number of African heads of state had already been forced into agreeing to such elections. In Kenya, as in most African countries, previously, police usually broke up rallies and demonstrations by political opponents of the head of state. But now pressure was being applied against leaders like Moi to open up the political system to competitive elections for the rst time in decades. Keny a, which became independent of the British in had had only one other president, Jomo Kenyatta, who had chosen Moi as his vice president in Moi was sworn in as president when Kenyatta died in Moi quickly released all political detainees. He took some popular measures, including ordering free distribution of milk to primary school children; he expanded the university admissions, doubling enrollment. The later move allowed many of his fellow Kalenjin and others to go to college, but it also played havoc with the national budget and the quality of education. Keny atta was a Kikuyu. He had picked Moi, a former teacher and a Tugen (part of the cluster of small tribes called the Kalenjin), to help him with political issues in which the Kalenjin were involved. Kenyatta often ignored other tribes in lling government posts, favoring the Kikuyu. Moi in turn made no effort to hide his own tribal bias, sacking many qualied senior civil servants of various tribes, especially Kikuyu, and replacing them with Kalenjin and others who often had little or no training for their new jobs. Kenyatta had stacked the civil service with members of his Kikuyu tribe and favored central Kenyahome of the Kikuyu, Embu, and Meruin parceling out state funds. Moi shifted more economic development to other parts of the country, a move appreciated by those who beneted but resented by those who didnt,

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The Politics of Ambiguity / 101especially the Kikuyu. But many Kenyans were leery of seeing another Kikuyu elected president. They felt left out of power and deprived of many economic benets when Kenyatta was in ofce. People who lived outside the central Kenyan [predominantly Kikuyu] region looked to Moi as a welcome change in the nations ethnoregional balance of power.2 In June as Moi grew increasingly intolerant of criticisma characteristic which became more evident as the years passedKenya, under his leadership, constitutionally became a one-party state. When Moi assumed ofce he adopted the slogan Nyayo Swahili for footsteps, promising to follow in Kenyattas footsteps. But as he solidied his power, forcing out of government many of his own allies and supporters of Kenyatta, he turned the phrase into one identifying his own administration. Kenyans began talking of Moi as Nyayo and few dared to ask what happened to his intentions to follow Kenyatta. In August a faction of the Kenyan air force, with some university student support, attempted a coup but failed to take control. The government eventually suspended death sentences against twelve airmen and granted amnesty to most of the other detainees. For a while, Moi continued this conciliatory pattern, including meeting with students at Nairobi University. At the same time, Moi worked to solidify his political base in the then sole party, the Kenya African National Union (KANU). And he began stacking the government with members of his own small ethnic group. In it was revealed that a number of Kenyans had been detained under the Public Security Act and were to be charged with publishing seditious documents. The detainees were allegedly members of an underground organization named Mwakenya.3 The coup attempt had shaken up Moi, and he was determined to root out his enemies. He began cracking down on dissidents, becoming more and more intolerant of criticism and more restrictive of peoples freedoms. Moi considered the growing opposition against him as largely a Kikuyu plot. International human rights organizations contend the Mwakenya existed but never amounted to much of a threat to the stability of the country.4 Nevertheless, many alleged Mwakenya members arrested in government sweeps were brutally tortured in and .5 Martin Luther King, Jr., in his civil rights campaigns in the United

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102 / The New AfricaStates in the s, had promised dignity behind prison walls for those arrested during the protests. But instead of dignity, many Kenyan political prisoners found torture. Systematic torture is carried out by the Special Branch [a government security force], who interrogate political prisoners on the th oor of Nyayo House [a government ofce directly across the road from Freedom Park], according to a U.S.-based human rights organization.6 Mirugi Kariuki, a Kenyan arrested on charges of treason in suffered per manent kidney damage from Special Branch ofcers who assaulted him. According to documents submitted to the government by Kenyan attorney Gibson Kamau Kuria, Kariuki was blindfolded and taken before a panel of eleven plain clothes interrogators who savagely beat him with whips, pieces of rubber tyres and timber. At later sessions, he was sprayed with water coming out of a pipe at great pressure every day at A.M., at A.M., at about P.M., about P.M., and at midnightthat water making him feel as though he was being punched with sharp objects; being hit with two buckets of water every morning after he refused to make a confession.7 Another form of tor ture was especially hideous; it involved the use of ooded cells. The small cells were painted red or black; the door was raised a couple of feet from the ground so that the cell could hold some water. Prisoners must either stand in the water, causing intense pain and swelling in the feet and ankles, or sit, causing damage to the buttocks and genitals as well as inducing infections in the bladder and kidneys.8 It was not just men who were tortured. A Tanzanian woman accused of murdering her husband, a crime to which another man later confessed after torture, was herself the victim of police brutality. She was stripped naked, her legs were forced open and she was tortured with pliers. Her head was covered by a tin lled with hot peppers peppers were inserted into her injured genitals.9 Kenya had an undeserved reputation as a mecca of economic prog ress and political stability. This image was based on a number of factors: the presence of many European settlers; Kenyattas charismatic and international stature; use of Nairobi as a base for many foreign journalists and development agencies; tourism; and government discouragement of probing political research by foreign scholars.10 In

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The Politics of Ambiguity / 103reality, Kenyas economy was in serious decline by the late s, a problem critics linked to massive ofcial corruption. And as political pressure for change grew, especially from the Kikuyu, Moi showed less and less regard for human rights. If the Kenyan government had had the repressive reputation Ethiopia had under Mengistu Haile Mariam, or of the military regime that took over Sudan in countries well known for government torturethe brutality carried out at Nyayo House might have been less surprising.* *It was against this background that the rst of six Kenyans proled in this chapter, constitutional and human rights lawyer Gibson Kuria, challenged the government over allegations of torture against some of the Mwakenya detainees. The other Kenyans proled, in addition to Monica Wamwere, include: attorney Pheroze Nowrojee; a political opposition leader, Martin Shikuku; an insurance saleswoman turned political activist, Njeri Kababere; and a conservationist and political activist, Wangari Maathai. Jailed for Telling the TruthGibson Kuria got in trouble doing what defense lawyers are supposed to do: defending the accused. His problem was that the accused were considered enemies of the state. It was There had been a few derailments of railroad cars, blamed on the underground movement Mwakenya, and Moi was determined to prevent another attempted coup. Word had leaked out to some Kenyan lawyers, including Kuria, that the authorities were torturing Mwakenya defendants. Sham trials were under way which lasted only a few minutes. If an accused somehow stubbornly refused to plead guilty, he was returned for more torture.11 Three of the accused managed to get word to Kuria, asking him to represent them. He prepared a suit against the government, seeking to halt the torture and claiming damages for his clients. Before he led the charges, he told the Washington Posts Nairobi-based correspondent, Blaine Harden, that if I am picked up, it is important that people know the reason why. I have determined that peoples rights must be en-

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104 / The New Africaforced, so I am going to press the government. I have decided I am not going to compromise on the principle even if it means being detained.12 Kuria is obviously a principled man. Usually looking contemplative and a bit unkempt, he works in an ofce that also looks unkempt: his desk and shelves are piled high with books and papers. He is most comfortable giving long, detailed talks about constitutional law; the basis of those talks is always the principle to which he is dedicated: the rule of law. He is one of the most stubborn people I have ever met when it comes to human rights, which are guaranteed under the Kenyan constitution. Kuria does what infuriates any egotistical political leader who would trample on those rightshe cites the law. Like many African leaders, Moi was not used to that. To Moi, the law was something to be ignored when necessary. Richard Nixon tried to do that in the United States but was nally forced to resign. Coups have replaced some African leaders when the people got fed up. In the Nairobi, Kenya, 1987 Gibson Kamau Kuria, a Ken yan human rights lawyer, was detained for alleging government tortur e of political prisoners, then resumed his legal work after his release.

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The Politics of Ambiguity / 105s, a signicant number of leaders were thrown out by the ballot after years of disregarding the law. On Febr uary the day after Kuria led the charges, he was detained by police, just as he had anticipated. On March on page one, the Washington Post ran Hardens article on the alleged torture in Kenya, the day after Moi visited the White House. The headline Police Torture is Charged in Kenya ran under a photograph of Moi and President Ronald Reagan. Moi apparently was furious. Harden was nearly kicked out of the country; he was allowed to stay only after the U.S. Embassy pressured the government at the last minute. In one of his rare interviews, Moi told Harden, There has never been a torture in Kenya. Then he went on to say: If there is a minor incident, it should not be taken to mean Kenya government policy. How many people die in Michigan? Is this U.S. government policy? We are the freest country in Africa.13 There is a scenario under which torture might have taken place without Mois personal orders, but probably not without his knowledge. Sycophantic ofcials, eager to please the head of state, might have interpreted Mois anger against the alleged Mwakenya group as a carte blanche for torture. Nairobi, Kenya, 1992 Wangari Maathai, a conservationist and political opponent of President Daniel arap Moi.

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106 / The New Africa Shortly after I rst arrived in Nairobi, in June after the Washington Post article, a senior Kenyan ofcial welcomed me into his ofce. He did not want to be quoted by name, but he pointed out that since the president had returned from the United States there had been no more reports of torture in Kenya. It seemed to be a roundabout way of admitting there had been torture, which the ofcial obviously realized. I felt, perhaps naively, that this particular person was offended by knowledge of the torture and glad when it stopped. Moi could hardly apologize for it or condemn it, having denied it ever happened. Systematic torture apparently did die down after the publicity on it. Kur ia was not tortured in prison, but he was subjected to tiring and humiliating physical exercises. He was released after nine months. Meanwhile, in an act that must have frustrated Moi and his team, but one which hints at the depth of resistance in Kenya and many other African countries today, Kurias law partner, Kiraitu Murungi, led the same papers Kuria had been trying to le. Murungi was not arrested. He later went on to win election as an opposition member of Parliament.* *Another Kenyan who resisted what she saw as the arbitrary nature of the Kenyan government was conservationist Wangari Maathai, who later would be with the striking mothers the day they faced the riot police.A Political ConservationistPresident Moi had a plan to build a sixty-story building for his political party in downtown Nairobi, in Freedom Park, one of the few green spots left in the so-called Green City in the Sun. Outside the building would be a four-story statue of himself. Moi, like many political leaders, was not known for his modesty. Most Kenyan currency carried Mois picture; a sports stadium and a main street in Nairobi, plus numerous schools around the country, also bore his name. He did not discourage visitors from bowing to him. Broadcasts on Kenyas stateowned radio and television often began with the phrase His Excel-

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The Politics of Ambiguity / 107lency todayno matter what was happening elsewhere in the world. An ardent supporter of Moi might argue that all this was not ego, but nation building, an effort to instill a sense of unity. It came across as ego. Maathai w as founder of the Green Belt Movement, a private, non prot, tree-planting and conservation organization based in Nai robi. When she lear ned of the planned construction in she began a publicity campaign against it, pointing out that the land was public and needed by Kenyans. With such low salaries, many working Ken yans could not afford lunch in restaurants. Most earned the equivalent of only about a dollar a day and used any open space to eat their lunch; Freedom Park was a favorite spot. In the park, some Kenyans take naps beneath the trees; others sit on benches to chat; photographers hawk their services; ice cream vendors push carts through the crowd. Mois planned construction would have usurped a third of the park. Wester n lenders nally got involved, calling the project unsound. For one thing, there was the potential for an earthquake in the area, experts noted. Lenders also argued that it made little sense to provide development loans to Kenya if the government squandered large sums of its own money on grandiose projects such as party headquarters.14 President Moi was upset by Maa thais challenge on several counts. First, she was a woman; Moi rarely missed an opportunity to try to put her down her in his speeches. Second, she was a Kikuyu, which was especially irritating since he equated most Kikuyu with his opponents. Third, like most African leaders of the nondemocratic school, Moi took any criticism of his government as criticism of himself. Moi could have had the trees cut down on the intended construction site as he sought uncertain funding, but he did not. Months after donors derailed the project in Moi ordered the fencing around the site removed. Freedom Park went back to the people, with the trees. Maathai quickly dubbed the area of the intended construction Freedom Corner.* *As the pro-democracy movement was picking up speed around Africa in another Kenyan lawyer stubbornly challenged Mois handling of an inquiry into the death of a popular critic of the government.

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108 / The New AfricaAccused for Insisting on Speedy JusticeThe small courtroom in downtown Nairobi was packedwith lawyers. Every seat was occupied; even the aisles were full. It was an impressive moment. Many of Kenyas most respected and experienced lawyers were there, along with some new ones seeking their professional niche in a country where the law was abused by the government that was supposed to enforce it, where cases with political overtones almost always went the way the president wanted them to go because he was given the power to appoint or dismiss judges. The accused was attorney Pheroze Nowrojee, a thin, quiet Kenyan citizen, a Parsi of Indian descent. Wearing a suit and tie, he sat at a table in the front of the courtroom. Usually the one to be presenting a case, today he was being judged. Nowrojee had dared to criticize the judicial system for delay in a sensitive case that might expose possible government involvement in the death of a popular critic of the government, Bishop Alexander Kipsang arap Muge. Muge had been killed in a car crash, August The immediate question in the case: was it an accident or premeditated murder? Just a week earlier, Labor Minister Peter Okondo had threatened that if Bishop Muge traveled to Busia, in western Kenya, he would be killed. Muge had been attacking the government on various issues, including the alleged stealing of private land by senior government ofcials. His attacks were especially annoying to the government because he and the president were both from the same ethnic cluster of tribes, the Kalenjin. Okondos threat against Bishop Muge could not be ignored in a country where there had been a number of political assassinations. As Bishop Muge was retur ning from Busia, having gone in spite of the ministers threat, a truck rammed into his vehicle and he was killed. The government quickly opened a case against the truck driver. The family of the bishop wanted an inquiry into the deatha broader investigation that would go beyond possible guilt of the driver to see if anyone else might be involved. The government agreed to the inquest, but only after starting the trial against the truck driver who slammed into Muge. If the driver was found guilty, the verdict would give the government a reason not to proceed with the inquest. So Nowrojee, on behalf

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The Politics of Ambiguity / 109of Bishop Muges family, led suit to delay the truck drivers trial to try to oblige the government to proceed with its promised inquest rst. A judge heard the petition to stop the trial but delayed responding. To try to speed things up, Nowrojee told me he wrote a letter to the registrar asking him to ask the judge what was happening, and stating that these continued delays in the judgement could be construed as being timed to have the proceedings in the truck drivers case be completed rst. What Nowrojee was alleging, in so many words, was a possible government cover-up in the death of a popular dissident. The court responded quickly this time, citing Nowrojee with contempt of court. The signicance of this was not in respect of myself, but it was an attempt to intimidate the bar, said Nowrojee.15 Both Kuria and Nowrojee are quiet in demeanor, humble in manner Both have a bedrock sense of justice that comes through in their carefully chosen, strong, and fearless statements insisting on the rule of law. Nowrojee is especially measured in his way of talking. When I asked him what it was that drew him to human rights cases, a dangerous choice, he responded calmly, deliberately. I think the criteria is: is there a need? We would be glad not to be doing this, because that would mean, hopefully, that there were no cases brought arising out of violation of human rights. We would be happy to go back to contract and property transaction and bills of exchange. That da y, when he himself was judged, in December many of his fellow lawyers backed him up with their presence in the courtroom. They were, Nowrojee said, indicating by their presence, both to the judges, and to the governmentand to the publicthat these charges they saw were charges against the whole profession and that they resisted that. After a long winding discourse, the judge acquitted Now rojee, who called it a very important victory in relation to showing the younger members of the profession that they should not be stopped in their defense of any accused person; that the clients interests come rst, and the governments efforts to intimidate the legal profession in Kenya had failed.But the government won its point, too: the promised inquest was never made.16 Such legal sparr ing with the government is not the stuff of fancy headlines. As far as I know, I was the only foreign correspondent in the courtroom the day Nowrojee was acquitted. In February at a

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110 / The New Africadinner in honor of an outspoken Kenyan magazine Law Monthly, Now rojee gav e a stirring speech about democracy. Though ill (he ducked out and went back to bed immediately after the speech), he spoke with passion about freedom and human rights. One afternoon in his home, a few months later, Nowrojee was not hesitant to point out the kinds of tactics the Kenyan government had been using to intimidate opponents: continuous use of the newspaper, the party newspaper, to spread a mixture of truth and lies, and to use the technique of repeating lies constantly; a monopoly on radio on television to insure that the electoral commission is not an independent body; to insure that [voter registration] is not an automatic process; to block public meetings of the opposition parties.17 To Nowrojee, one of the most troubling legacies in his country w ould be the acceptance of repression. The danger of not expressing ones political view is very, very clear. And it is the experience of the Nazi period in Germany [when] many people said that they were not political. And they thought that was the correct way to be, but all of them were subservient to the Nazi demands. If each Kenyan simply refused injustice, even to himself, oppression and this governments activities would be reduced very substantially.18* *A politician with a air for the dramatic was soon to challenge injustice in Kenyaand get away with it. His gesture would help many Kenyans overcome their fear of standing up in public for greater political freedom.The Day Fear BrokeSometimes a single act of bravery can nudge a people toward greater deance of authoritarian rule. Even one day can help break peoples fear. Such a day in Kenya was November four months before the mothers began their protest in Freedom Park. The day started quietly, but it would end violently. Tipped off by U.S. diplomats, a small group of journalists were waiting that morning outside the U.S. Embassy in downtown Nairobi. A car with tinted glass windows pulled up to the curb; a rear window

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The Politics of Ambiguity / 111was lowered, and journalists got a fresh look at the man about to defy the president of Kenya. It was Martin Shikuku, an opposition leader and former member of Parliament. He was on his way to address an illegal political rally that would denounce Mois one-party rule. Shi kuku, a man with a quick laugh, a sense of theater, and a good sense of timing, leaned toward the reporters crowding up to the window. An outspoken opponent of the gov ernment, Shikuku was irrepressible. He had been expelled periodically from the previous Parliament for his controversial statements against the government, but it never silenced him. He once claimed in Parliament that senior Kenyan of cials clandestinely were stashing a way large amounts of money in Swiss bank accounts. Pro-government members of Parliament loudly challenged him to present proof. Shikuku tabled a sheaf of papers; they were not a secret list of deposits but a World Bank document on the estimated amount of money sent out of Kenya by Kenyans. It was not the smoking gun he had implied he had, but for critics of the government, it was proof enough of high-level stealing. Though not taken seriously by most Kenyans as a possible president, in part because of his lack of organizational skills and his unpredictability, Shikuku was admired for his bold candor and as someone in the forefront of the democracy movement. Shikukus planned opposition rally w as not the rst in Kenya in the postBerlin Wall political era. In July two other opposition politicians had tried to hold one calling for multiparty elections. The two, Kenneth Matiba and Charles Rubia, were arrested and imprisoned without trial. Their rally had been scheduled for July In Swahili, seven is saba and July is month number seven, or saba. So the aborted July rally became known as Saba Saba. Police blocked the rally, triggering riots in several cities. The term Saba Saba became such a unifying slogan among Kenyans that Moi banned its use. The Nov ember rally Shikuku hoped to address was planned for Kamakunji, an empty eld in a low-income neighborhood near downtown Nairobi. There Shikuku hoped to make his call for multiparty elections. The rally was scheduled shortly before a Paris meeting of international lenders who would decide whether or not to make new loans to Kenya. President Moi announced the rally would be illegal, which meant police and the governments paramilitary force would be

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The Politics of Ambiguity / 113used to arrest organizers and participants. Shikuku and the other organizers had gone underground a few days before the rally to avoid arrest. That morning, only a short time before the scheduled start of the rally, was the rst time reporters had seen him since he began hiding. But just as he was starting to address the journalists, he spotted a police car approaching. We better mo ve, he ordered the driver. We better move. Lets move! Lets move! he shouted. The police car was getting closer ; the rally might never take place. But Shikukus driver sped away, prompting a dramatic chase by police. The driver zipped down Haile Selassie Avenue and just managed to squeeze through a roadblock being set up a couple of blocks away by the paramilitary troops, who were armed with batons. A reporter for the Voice of America, Sonya Lawence, and I ran to my car and sped after him, but we were blocked by the troops. We drove in the opposite direction, then circled back on another route. On a hill a few blocks from the rally, we could see clouds of tear gas; police were chasing people away. A few reporters had gotten to the scene, where they, too, were chased and some of them clubbed by riot police. I was not eager to risk a clubbing myself; I also had an obligation to get my story out to my newspaper and its radio service instead of spending the day in a hospital or a jail. So I decided not to go to the site but stay nearby and be ready to escape from police. We began interviewing some of those who had been chased from the rally. They are throwing tear gas to [sic] people, said Danson, offering only his rst name. Then he added, deantly, angrily: Im not afraid. I asked him why he was at the rally. Nobody wants corruption. Nobody wants to ght. They only want to talk, peacefully. Another man approached us on the hill. He, too, was angry. As long as they [the opposition] are not going to be violent, they should be let to have a meeting, peacefully.Nairobi, Kenya, 1992 Supporters of Kenyan presidential candidate Kenneth Matiba carry a poster of him before the countrys rst multiparty elections in many years. One of several candidates, he nished second behind President Daniel arap Moi and lost to him again in 1997.

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114 / The New Africa From our loca tion we could see police chasing people, and we could smell the tear gas. Police are trying to beat people with guns, said Samuel, another young Kenyan. No one wanted his last name used. The people are just peaceful. They want two parties. Kenya needs two parties. I turned to the crowd and asked how many were bila kazi, the Swahili term for jobless. Most of them raised their hands. As we continued our interviews, we noticed a new pattern. The year before, people had run away from the aborted Saba Saba rally when police started clubbing people. This time was different. Some who had run away from the tear gas and clubbing were now heading back to the rally; they were not giving up. People were taking a stand, going de antly back to the rally or as close as they could get to it. We are determined to ght now, shouted another man. Its today or never. Just then a truckload of police stopped a t the bottom of the hill. They jumped down and started jogging up toward us, carrying their batons and wearing helmets. We halted our interviews and ran to my car. I had anticipated both lanes of the divided street might be blockedand they wereso I had parked in the median strip, facing away from the rally. We reached the car, jumped in, and drove off just as the rst police got to within a few feet of the rear of the car. I gave my cassette of taped interviews to my colleague, who slid it inside her bra as a precaution in case we were stopped and searched by police. I sped down the median until we reached a section of open street. After ling my story I returned to the same hilltop for more interviews. Shikuku had managed to reach the rally; his dr iver had pulled brazenly around a police car guarding the entrance to the street leading to the Kamakunji grounds. At the rally, Shikuku made a few quick remarks from the roof of a van he had switched to. Then he was driven rapidly away as police cars began chasing him. The chase proceeded along some of Nairobis main streets to the cheers of bystanders. Sitting on the roof of the van, his legs draped over the luggage rack, Shikuku held both hands over his head, giving a V sign with each hand. V in Keny a was more than a sign for victory; it was used by those calling for multiparty elections to replace Mois one-party system. It had become such a symbol of rebellion that ofcials had tried to ban its use. One ofcial even threatened to chop off the ngers of anyone

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The Politics of Ambiguity / 115caught ashing the V ; some of Mois aides would say anything to try to please him. But the V continued to be used. Even at a rally addressed by Moi, a man sitting on the ground in the front row hesitatingly ashed the V and even held up the headline of an opposition magazine which read Moi Must Go. The man was partially hidden behind a policeman standing in front of him with his back to the man. Photojournalists crowded up to take what looked like a photo of the surprised policeman. But the photographers merely used the policemans legs to help frame the smiling man ashing the V As Shikuku ed the police that da y, riding exposed atop the vehicle, some Kenyans said they heard the crack of gunre. The police nally caught and arrested him, though he was soon released. The chase was lmed by a TV crew who managed to stay near Shikukus van. Photos of him riding victoriously through the streets were spread across local newspapers and magazines in Kenya and around the world. The rallythough largely abortedmarked a psychological turning point for many Kenyans. People had come out, refused to go home as ordered, and decided enough was enough.19 After the rally many Ken yans began openly expressing their disgust at being told by an authoritarian government what was best for them, at having only one party, and at having leaders they considered corrupt. People who used to tell me their political opinions only in whispers in public began airing their views without looking over their shoulder for a government intelligence agent. The rally, said Kenyan pastor Timothy Njoya, was a milestone. It brought together a lot of people thousands from all directions of the city. It shows also the condence people have with the alternative to what we are having nowautocratic and dictatorial leadership. Another person who noted this histor ic moment was the U.S. ambassador to Kenya, Smith Hempstone. One of the most conservative U.S. envoys in Africa, but also one of the most outspoken for democracy, Hempstone had deed President Mois order to stay away from the rally. He and the German ambassador attempted to reach the rally but were turned away by police. Their joint appearance that day sent an unmistakable message to the government from two of Kenyas major donors: stop the intimidation; switch to democratic rule. We would be

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116 / The New Africahappy to see them [the Kenyan government] clean up their act as a single party but obviously wed be most pleased if they went directly to a multiparty system, Hempstone said on the eve of the rally. Few other American ambassadors would go on record that bluntly. I once chased the U.S. ambassador to Cte dIvoire up some embassy stairs trying to get a comment from him on democracy in that nation before its adoption of multiparty elections. He escaped without comment, to the amusement of some of his subordinates.Moi Agrees to Multiparty ElectionsJust days after Shikukus ride and the police beatings at the rally, international lenders meeting with the World Bank in Paris in November agreed to freeze new aid to Kenya. Their decision was a departure from their usual wrist-slapping gestures against autocratic rulers in Africa. The Bank, the International Monetary Fund, and bilateral lenders to Kenya had been pressing Moi to make economic reforms while steering clear, at least publicly, of calls for democratization. Those at the Paris meeting decided to freeze new aid to Kenya and Malawi; the freeze was aimed at forcing economic reforms, the lenders said. Ofcials at the meeting took pains to avoid mentioning democracy, even though Moi and President Hastings Banda of Malawi had refused to abandon one-party rule. I called Paris, reaching an ofcial at the meeting. My sources in Nairobi had been telling me the Bank was drawing the line in the sand for both Kenya and Malawi at least in part because of human rights abuses. Far down in my notes is conrmation by an ofcial at the meeting that such concerns were part of the reason for the cutoff of new funds. But the public statements issued later by donor nations and the Bank focused on the need for economic reforms, in the Banks traditional, neutral language. The public statements might ha ve fooled some people, but not Moi, who was already facing growing opposition at home. Within a week of the meeting Moi announced his decision to allow competitive elections in Kenya for the rst time in a quarter of a century. Moi apparently believed he needed aid to keep the country going and had to make some major political gesture to obtain it. Almost the entire Kenyan development budget of the stateincluding construction of roads and

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The Politics of Ambiguity / 117other public workscame from foreign aid. The potential social disruption from a halt to new projects, plus the economic penalty of no more foreign exchange for purchases abroad, might be too much for his government to sustain without provoking more riots. Mois decision caught some of his o wn supporters off guard. At the KANU party conference in December I spoke with a delegate from the northeastern part of Kenya moments before Moi made his surprise announcement to allow multiparty elections. No, he said, Kenya did not need multiparty elections. Yes, he said, he supported the president. No, he could not think of any issue on which he had ever disagreed with the president. After the announcement, I spoke to the same delegate again. Yes, he said, in an unabashed about-face, speaking just as condently, multiparty was just what Kenya needed. If he had winked, I might have felt better. But he was just bubbling along, like most party stalwarts, parroting whatever the president said. A junior Kenyan civil servant in Nairobi gave me an honest appraisal of why government ofcials were afraid to speak their minds: One mistake and youre out. The job of low-lev el ofcials in such an atmosphere is difcult. One ofcial in the Foreign Ministry called me and found himself in a dilemma. He complained about an article I had written about his boss, the minister, Stephen Musyoki. A few days earlier I had helped host a lunch for the minister sponsored by the Foreign Correspondents AsNairobi, Kenya, 1992 Kenyan president Daniel arap Moi bowed to domestic and international pressure and held multiparty elections in 1992 and 1997. He won reelection both times against a divided opposition.

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118 / The New Africasociation of East Africa. In his luncheon remarks, the minister had presented an almost paranoic view of the universe, blaming outsiders for most of Kenyas problems. The Foreign Ministry ofcial said he found my article very negative. I suggested he mention that to his boss, since the ministers taped remarks formed the basis for it. He said he would call me back; he never did.* *A combination of stiff pressure from international lenders and strong pressure from the Kenyan public had forced a major political change. When the mothers strike began, Moi was anxious to avoid further international repercussions over human rights, but he was also determined not to let the strike become a rallying point for the opposition.Standing Firm for Principle The day the mothers were confronted by the riot police in I stood among the women, not by choice or because of bravery on my part, but because I am the husband of a quietly courageous woman who is a photojournalist. Like many Kenyan and foreign journalists, I had been stopping by the mothers strike almost every day since it began. That afternoon I received a call from a colleague; she told me that riot police were gathering at Freedom Park, and that my wife, Betty, who was taking pictures there, had given her some lm. Betty wanted to ensure that some of her lm got developed in case the police conscated photographers cameras. I quickly nished my story for that days deadline, then drove to the protest site. Truckloads of police with batons, helmets, and face shields were milling around the area. Dozens of Kenyan supporters were sitting on the ground in a circle around the mothers; Betty was inside the circle. I made my way through the police and supporters to join her. Dont y ou think we should leave? I asked her. These guys [the police] are serious. Theyre coming in. More police had arrived and were beginning to circle the protestors and mothers. A showdown was certain. No, Betty replied calmly. Ive been here most of the day, and I think I should stay to see what happens. She continued taking pictures. I was the frightened one, amazed at how calm the mothersand

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The Politics of Ambiguity / 119Bettywere when I was sure we risked getting our heads smashed. I thought of how the civil rights marchers in the southern United States must have felt as police came toward them with clubs, tear gas, ries, and sometimes dogs at places such as Selma and Birmingham, Alabama.* *One of the youngest women on the scene that day was Njeri Kababere, an insurance saleswoman who had slowly been drawn into politics. Her story is another example of how nonpolitical Africans got involved in the pro-democracy, pro-freedom, pro-human rights movement that swept much of sub-Saharan Africa in the s.An Insurance Woman Turns ActivistNjeri Kababere is a soft-spoken, modest, and attractive woman who had a small insurance business of her own. She could have stayed in that profession, but several rebellious strands in her makeup apparently came together and took her in an unanticipated direction: she was now an advocate for freedom in a land where that activity was not safe. It is a dangerous life, she explained, as we sat on the balcony of my apartment in Nairobi on one of those frequent springlike afternoons.20 The owers in the garden, singing birds, and cool breeze provided a peaceful atmosphere that contrasted sharply with the harsh realities of the path Kababere had chosen for herself. How did y ou become an activist? I asked. She recalled the attempted coup in Kenya, when some university students and lecturers she knew were arrested as subversives. The case of David Olo Ony ango particularly shocked me, she said with emotion. After the coup attempt was put down, in Nairobi, students were told to go home. Onyango took the train down toward Mombasa, on the coast. The police usually have patrols on the train. They decided to go through the luggage. Inside his suitcase they found his university essays; one of the essays examined social and economic problems of Kenya. They just arrested him and decided the material was seditious. Onyango was tried, found guilty, and sentenced to four and a half years in prison. I remember him asking the court, How do you know what is the line

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120 / The New Africabetween constructive criticism and sedition? Onyango went to prison, served his sentence, then moved to Canada. I could immediately identify with such a person, said Kababere. He was about my age; he was a student. She inhaled deeply, then continued. He had a constructive mind. He was thinking about his country, about himself, about his family, and questioning many things. I would say thats how I started getting involved with politics in this country, by just seeing the injustice that I saw in courts, from onwards. Kababere used to skip out of her insurance ofce and go to the cour troom to hear the Onyango proceedings. Anyone showing up at a controversial hearing was almost certain to come under scrutiny of the governments Special Branch, the intelligence service. When I rst got to Kenya in several political cases were still being tried. One day as I was waiting in a courthouse hallway, an apparent member of the Special Branch began watching me. As he leaned forward, peering around several men between us, I leaned back against the wall. Then when I leaned forward to get a better look at him, he leaned back. I Nairobi, Kenya, 1995 Njeri Kababere, a Kenyan human rights and political activist.

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The Politics of Ambiguity / 121could never be certain whether my phone in Nairobi was tapped. One Western consultant to the government said it was unlikely, given the difculties the government had with technical problems. Yet a journalist from the United States, Colin Clark, who was particularly aggressive in uncovering government human rights abuses, heard breathing on his line, most likely from his tappers, he said. Sometimes he greeted the apparent phone spies on the line. Clarks work permit renewal was denied, forcing him to leave Kenya. The government did not appreciate human rights observers from Kenya or abroad, especially international journalists who took an interest in the cases of political prisoners. The government seldom expelled foreign journalists, however, even though most of us regularly wrote about human rights and other topics sensitive to the government. Many Ken yans were aware of the sham trials of students and dissidents and did nothing about them. Why was Kababere moved beyond concern to action? I asked her if she got some of her determination to be involved from her mother. Her mother was the victim of a very abusive marriage; there was a lot of violence, she explained. The family lived in a slum in Nairobi, yet Kababeres mother managed to earn enough money to send her children to some of the best schools in Kenya. Life was very hard. And she [her mother] was very strict; very, very strict. You should never cross her path. In those days, she said passionately, her voice suddenly dropping to a whisper, I would always think, God, you DARE not do this [cross her mother]. But now I look back and think, thank God she was that strict. My brothers, my sister, and myself take pride for her being our mother. Weve seen other people being brought up in the areas we got brought up in, and they either got into drugs, a lot of drinking, or never really bothered to go to school. We used to shuttle between my mothers house and my fathers house, my fathers house and my mothers house. Her parents had separated. The father had been instructed by the court to pay upkeep for the children and their mother. Despite the fact that he had a good job, he did not support them, she said. Finally her mother just accepted supporting the children as her burden in life and set about to do it. I dont think we ever lacked anything. Even today I wonder: I earn maybe thirty times what my mother used to earn [she laughs], so much more. And I have only one child. And sometimes Im broke.

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122 / The New Africa Kababere lived in tw o worlds from a very young age: the rich world of her schoolmates, from well-to-do families, and the poor one of her neighbors in a section of Nairobi known as Jerusalem. Pride played a part in her growing resolution to be actively involved in helping others. You have to be proud of yourself. I think its very difcult to take pride in yourself without looking at other people. If I had a good life throughout and I never cared about what other people were going through, I wouldnt feel proud of how my life is running. Another part of her activism stemmed from her school days, when she was secretary of the debating society, and both a school and dormitory captain. I had a lot of responsibilities with the school. I remember whenever there were debates, especially political ones, I would be put up as a speaker. So even within my school days I think there was that streakI dont know [she hesitates] whether youd call it political or caring. As an adult, she became an activist not just for political causes but for more mundane issues such as commuters rights. She rides Nai robi s infamous matatus, privately operated minibuses which are consistently overcrowded. On those buses, the fare collectors are called touts; they are a special breed.Some touts are courteous; most are hardworkingeven playful, executing dangerous acrobatic leaps off and on the moving matatus in trafc. But most touts have a reputation for being rude and pushy. Kababere, who does not like to be pushed, tried to stand her ground with touts. How can you push us like this? she would complain. How can you make us sit like bags of potatoes? A tout would reply: Why cant you buy your own car? Why cant you take a taxi? Kababere red back: No, I have a right to be in this matatu [she is speaking rapidly now, as if on a ride]. I have a right not to be pushed around. Sometimes she got pushed off a matatu at the next stop by a tout as a result of her complaints. Kababeres effor ts to stand up for human rightsbig and small included, as a student at the University of Nairobi, helping some of the political prisoners and their families. I used to visit them in prison and also introduce myself to the families and just say, Id like to help. It was her rst real involvement in Kenyan politics, a kind of backdoor approach which would lead her to broader issues. After the attempted coup of things went from bad to worse, she said. Even before

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The Politics of Ambiguity / 123 In 1992 a group of Kenyan mothers gathered in a downtown Nairobi park to begin a year-long protest demanding the release of their sons who were political prisoners. (Top left, counterclockwise): 1. A protesting mother, Gladys Kariuki (facing forward), wearing a Release T-shirt, is surrounded by other protesters. 2. The mothers hold the protest (background, under canopy) at a site called Freedom Corner in Uhuru park. Police maintained close surveillance. 3. The mothers walked to the attorney generals ofce to demand the release of political prisoners. (Left to right, facing forward): Monica Wamwere, Njeri Kababere, and Wangari Maathai.

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124 / The New Africathe coup, several university lecturers had been arrested on suspicion of trying to overthrow the government. Some were from Kenyatta University, others from the University of Nairobi. In and the pace of arrests by the government increased, as the Moi government clamped down on alleged conspirators. In December Kababere read about Monica Wamweres efforts in forming the organization Release Political Prisoners (RPP) to try to get her son and other sons out of prison. She went to one of their meetingsin the home of conservationist Maathaijoined, and later became their spokesperson.* *One of the driving forces behind the protesting mothers was Monica Wamwere. She symbolized the courage of many ordinary Africans and their determination to win more political freedom, including the right to criticize the government.A Mother Fights for Her Sons FreedomMonica Wamwere became politically active after noticing that the opposition leaders preparing for the elections in Kenya did not address the issue of incarcerated prisoners. She wanted her son, Koigi Wamwere, freed. She vowed not to stop protesting until he was released. Why is the go vernment so mad at Koigi? I asked Wamwere in July three years afer the mothers protest. Because he speaks the truth, she said. He likes following the truth. He doesnt like lies. And he insists on the rights of ordinary people. Koigi had been imprisoned on trumped-up charges of trying to overthrow the government with a few ries. He had been a perennial thorn in the side of the Kenyan government due to his unwillingness to curb his tongue about the autocratic, corrupt power he saw in Kenya, especially in the ofce of the president. Koigis accusations against the Moi government were similar to those from international human rights organizations, which cited political control of judges, torture by police, intimidation of journalists, destruction of a private press that printed critical publications, massive government corruption, government-inspired ethnic clashes, and the

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The Politics of Ambiguity / 125unsolved murder in February of Kenyan minister of foreign affairs Robert Ouko. Oukos charred body was found in a eld near his home just as he was preparing a report to the president on government corruption. A Scotland Yard investigator called in by Moi pointed the nger of suspicion at senior government ofcials before Moi called him off the case.21 Thunder crashed as we continued talking; it was pouring now. I had located her again for a long follow-up interview in the All Saints Cathedral in Nairobi. She explained one of her rst moves to draw attention to the prisoners issue in I started at the High Court, and I shouted at the top of my voice that people were being neglected and they were going to be killed [executed under the death penalty] without anyone knowing. When I said that, a lot of people listened to me. She found her next audience indoors, in early at a womens conference held in downtown Nairobi, in the Kenyatta International Conference Center, a tall building shaped like a giant corncob. Wamwere was asked to come to the front of the audience. Instead of talking just about her sons incarceration, she spoke of her own suffering as a result of being his mother. She said her house had been destroyed several times, apparently by government-hired thugs. The prosecution of her son had left her family destitute, she explained. My children have never been employed. They are mostly in prison; theyve not built houses, Wam were said. The women were shocked. People did not talk about such things in public. They urged her to continue, and she did. A second mother, whose son was in prison with Koigi, was called forward to speak. She said her son and some others were about to hang for their crimes. She was not going to sit aside and let it happen quietly. Those boys are going to hang, and we are not going to wait for them to hang.* *In late February some of the mothers planned to go to the prison just outside of Nairobi where their sons were being held. They would camp there until their sons were released. This plan presented a dilemma for some in RPP, including Kababere. If the mothers went to the prison, they could easily be stopped along the road outside the city, making their protest ineffective. So we had two choices, said Ka babere. Did we sit back and see these mothers go [to the prison] by

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126 / The New Africathemselves? Or did we assist them in organizing for a successful protest? We decided on the latter. Looking around for another site, the RPP chose Freedom Corner, the section of Freedom Park named by Maathai after she helped block government plans to build there. Its right in the center of the city, Kababere explained. Its a free park. Everybody has the freedom to sit there. And if you decided to sit there even in the night, really, its a public park. People might just sing protest songs, she added. People are always singing songs. And Christians are always preaching. [Lunchtime preachers attract crowds regularly in open spaces in downtown Nairobi.] And since its a peaceful protest, this is a good place to be. There was another, more subtle advantage to holding the protest in such a public place. It wont take the attorney general [Amos Wako] and any other person who wants to nd out what is going on too long, Kababere said. The mothers ag reed to shift their protest to Freedom Corner. RPP members, including Kababere, rushed around town telling political opposition parties of the plans, mobilizing whatever support they could get in terms of funds and supplies, and began making posters for the protest. A week after the womens conference, Attorney General Wako met with some of the mothers. Wako, a lawyer who prided himself on a willingness to be reasonable, told the mothers to go home and wait for his response. But the mothers would not hear of that. They said they had been home for months waiting, to no avail. At the time, there were some fty political prisoners, according to RPP, including eight facing death sentences. The eight had been in jail for roughly a year. So this wasnt something you could just sit back and say, Yeah, Im sure the government will do something, Kababere recalled. So we told Amos Wako that no, we were going to wait for the answer at Freedom Corner. If Wako had really thought the women would just go home and keep quiet, he was wrong. There is a tenacity, a rocklike quality about many Kenyan and other African women. Some look strong, others dont, but it is their spiritual strength that gives them the courage to act. Wam were and the other mother s who went on the daytime hunger strike in the park are among them. You see others in markets, on farms, in law ofceswomen who dont mince words, who can be pushed, but only so far.

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The Politics of Ambiguity / 127 So the protest began, across the street from the inf amous Nyayo House, the government building in which a number of Kenyan political prisoners had been tortured. Across the other street from the protest was a government statue that looked like a giant black, chunky rock, topped by a rendition of Mount Kenya, a mountain sacred to the Kikuyu. A big hand protruded from the top of this rock; the hand held a mace, the same style mace Moi carried as his symbol of ofce. There was little mistaking the intention of the statue: Moi dominated the mountainand the Kikuyu. It was political architecture. There w as an ethnic accent to the mothers strike. Wamwere and many of the other protesting mothers were Kikuyu, a group largely opposed to Moi. The president had been warning Kenyans they would see ethnic wars and a possible disintegration of the country if multiparty politics replaced his one-party rule.* *The rst day of the strike drew mostly curious onlookers. But by the second day, support for the mothers began. A lot of people just started streaming in with glucose, water, orange squash, juices. We thought, Wow, we are getting somewhere, Kababere said. At the beginning the mothers sat on the grass, leaning against trees as they welcomed family and other supporters. The mothers slept on mats under the branches of the trees. Soon someone erected an opened-sided canopy to protect the women from the weather. Going to Freedom Corner became a kind of litmus test for the average Kenyan bent on change. It was likely that government security agents were monitoring movements at the park and could easily question visitors; the government considered the protest an illegal, unlicensed meeting. In Kenya, control of licenses, or permits, for public meetings was the method used to block many opposition rallies. Government ofcials argued that the only events blocked were those likely to become riots, that the licensing process was needed to keep public order. At times they appeared to be right, but no one could recall when a government rally was blocked for lack of a license. From the governments point of view, opposition leaders were not bent on reform, just on getting into power. On that point, Kababere and many

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128 / The New Africaother Kenyans agreed. Kenyans were deeply disappointed that leaders of the opposition had let them down, seeking to advance their own interests instead of working together to defeat Moi or bring about real reform. Most opposition leaders, for example, gave little support to proposals to change the constitution to limit the authoritarian powers of the president, apparently preferring to inherit the presidency with all its powers intact for their own use. Since Moi had announced plans for multiparty elections, the opposition had succeeded in tearing itself apart. The original Forum for the Restoration of Democracy (FORD), of which Shikuku was a founding member, broke into two parties: Ford-Asili became primarily a Kikuyu party, and Ford-Kenya largely Luo, with nominal Kikuyu support. A third party, the Democratic Party, headed by Mois onetime vice president Mwai Kibaki, drew both Kikuyu and Kamba support. Several smaller parties were also formed. The mothers strike offered these opposition politicians an opportunity to be seen supporting a popular cause. Yet they never fully embraced the mothers on their hunger strike. Only a few opposition gures, such as the Reverend Njoya, came almost daily to be with them.The AttackAs the riot police began closing in that day, the mothers seemed outwardly unperturbed. Most of them were sitting; Wamwere was standing and began singing in Kikuyu. I held my microphone up to record her song; as she had done on other occasions that week, she reached out and took hold of it. The police were now walking toward us from all directions, with clubs in their hands. What followed is recorded on the tape I was making for Monitor Radio. Wamwere and some of the other mothers continue to sing. Then, shouts. Wamwere alone is singing her protest song. Next, screams. The police waded into the r ing of human protectors who sat with locked arms hoping to shield the mothers. They were armed with clubs against these unsung heroes of the day, using tear gas to force the would-be protectors to ee; many of them piled on top of the mothers in a desperate attempt to escape the police. Standing under the canopy with the mothers, I only had time to grab my microphone and tape

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The Politics of Ambiguity / 129 Nairobi, Kenya, 1992 Police with batons and shields clubbed supporters of the mothers and threw tear gas into the tent where the mothers were sitting, causing people to ee in panic. Nairobi, Kenya, 1992 A protesting mother, Gladys Kariuki (in white T-shirt), is overcome by tear gas.

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130 / The New Africarecorder and try to protect it as the rst of the supporters piled onto me. I was standing next to Maathai; we were both pushed to the ground. Still more people piled on, and I feared we might be crushed or smothered. For a eeting moment I thought calmly of death. Just then a policeman tossed a tear gas canister at us. The government later denied using tear gas against the mothers. But my head was still in the open, and I saw the canister coming toward me as if in slow motion. It slightly gashed my head, bounced off, and landed a few feet away; gas began spewing out in a cloud. It was a nasty combination: tear gas and being pinned down. With so many people on top of me, I could not escape the acrid fumes. Then the gas worked to our advantage; people on top of us began peeling off to escape the gas, dashing away in all directions. Within a few seconds, those of us on the bottom w ere free to ee as well. Thinking that the police might be targeting journalists, I hugged my tape recorder to my stomach and charged at a smoky opening in the crowd. Lunging forward like a football player trying to slice between opponents, I dashed out from the canopy and toward the street in front of Nyayo House. Still leery of being chased by the police, I ran out into the intersection. It was then I realized how disoriented I was from the tear gas, which was still burning my lungs and making me cough. This was my rst gassing. Ever alert to opportunity, several Kenyan pickpockets started to put their hands on me; that particular corner had quite a few. I asked them not to bother me, and they actually backed off. Then, as my head cleared, I looked around for Betty. There was no sign of her. I walked back to ward the mothers protest site, scanning the scene until I saw her. She was still near the canopy. She had managed to duck both the eeing crowd and the worst of the tear gas. Standing next to a canopy support pole and table, she had continued photographing. Most of the mothers had ed. Police milled around but were no longer chasing anyone; nor were they looking for journalists. Betty was able to keep taking pictures. But I wanted to get her out of there before some policeman decided to club her or grab her camera. I need to get some more shots, Betty insisted. No, Im also your husband; were going home, I insisted more strongly. Reluctantly, she followed me out of the park. We got into our car, which had not been damaged, though a large

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The Politics of Ambiguity / 131number of police had been standing by it. We drove home. One of her pictures published in The Christian Science Monitor showed police with clubs chasing people out of the area where the mothers had been sitting. In a nal gesture that da y, several mothers stripped to the waist. The stripping act traditionally signies an extreme form of curse and deance of the aggressor. In this case, the women were cursing and defying the authority of the oppressive Kenyan state.22 Wamwere, recalling her thoughts of that day in my interview, said tha t when the police broke up the protest, she was determined not to give up her efforts. Werent you afraid? I asked her. No, I wasnt afraid at all. Even when the police came? Even when the police came I was not afraid. Because we were ghting for the truth. At that particular moment, we felt very bad, and very humiliated. I assured myself that even if they were to [send] us back home, I would still come back. She was sent by police back to her home in Nakur u. She arrived there at : A.M. By A.M. I had organized myself and was on the way back [to Nairobi]. The protest did not die with the violence of Mois police. Instead, the mothers regrouped in the basement of the nearby All Saints Cathedral, an Anglican church. There they continued their protest, with periodic press coverage. I was a member of a community chorus that practiced and performed in the cathedral, so I frequently visited the mothers. The Reverend Njoya, a perennial thorn in the side of the government because of his outspoken criticism, continued ministering to the mothers in the church. When I met W amwere again in at the cathedral, we walked downstairs to the same bunker, or basement room, where the mothers had continued their protest. The bunker is a small, fortresslike space, with two doors, one leading upstairs, and the other outside. The windows are covered with a grill mesh for security against thieves. For a year, the mothers had lived there Spartan style, sleeping on mattresses or sometimes just mats laid on the cement oor. Ofcially the mothers remained on a daytime hunger strike, but the issue of food became less important than their continued presence in the church as a reminder to the government that the mothers still wanted their sons

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132 / The New Africareleased. I went home after one year and ten days, said Wamwere, smiling, speaking loudly as always, condent she had done the right thing. She had stayed on with a group of six or seven other mothers, one of whom was eighty-two. It was appropr iate that they carried on their vigil in a church. Prayer has long been an integral part of African protests for freedom, and African church leaders often are a part of demonstrations. Individuals like Wamwere pray their way through difcult times. When I asked her how she was able to maintain her good spirits during a whole year in the bunker, she laughed. I could remember in the Bible Paul was released from jail for speaking the truth. And I had the strength of the fact that I knew Koigi had done nothing wrong, only speaking for the people. And that made me happy, not sad. During the r st week the mothers were in the bunker, the police tried, halfheartedly, to dislodge them one sunny afternoon. The mothers were sitting on the lawn outside the church when a small group of riot police arrived, equipped with clubs and shields. The women ran into the bunker and locked the door behind them. Betty photographed the police as they walked around the church lawn. The leader of the police occasionally waved a menacing arm toward her. Betty and the police did a dance of sorts: the police advanced, Betty retreated; the police backed off, and Betty advanced, continuing to take pictures. A church ofcial appeared and told the few journalists on hand that the church objected to harassment of people seeking sanctuary. Sanctuary was not always sacred in Africa. In Rwanda, during the genocide of thousands who sought to escape the killings by seeking sanctuary in churches were instead trapped in them and slaughtered. Eventually the mother s succeeded. Twelve months after they began their protest, all but one of the approximately fty known political prisoners had been released. (The remaining prisoner was serving a life sentence related to the attempted coup in Kenya in .) Pressure on Moi to improve human rights, exerted by international lenders, may have helped convince him to release the prisoners. But international lenders had initiated the cutoff of new aid four months before the mothers protest began and Moi had not released the prisoners then. A senior Kenyan ofcial later told me Moi had been ready to start releas-

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The Politics of Ambiguity / 133ing the prisoners before the strike. But if that is true, it was a well-kept secret. When Koigi Wamwere was released, his mother sent word for him to come to the church before going home. I told him this is where we have been. I told him Im happy not only because of you, but for all the others who have been released. Koigi said he was glad people had come out to ght for him, especially the RPP. But once out, Koigi assured the people that the ght is still on, because nothing had changed until then; that people had to ght on, his mother said in the interview.A Political Spring, Then More RepressionThe year the mothers strike began, was a kind of political spring for Kenya, especially for womens organizations. With multiparty elections coming in December, and already under pressure domestically and internationally to move toward democracy, the Moi government eased up on its usual pattern of repression of critics. This gave many womens groups a chance to try out their political wings. Some women came together in February in a national convention to try to set an agenda for change. One of their priorities was to get more women to run for public ofce, and they succeeded. In the multiparty election, more than women ran for local or national ofce, double the number from earlier elections. Six women were elected to Parliament, and about fty won local government seats, the largest number ever, the result of hard campaigning and support from the various womens groups. Women also demonstra ted a unique ability to close ranks across class, race, ethnic, religious, and other identities, and to create unity in diversity as well as a womens agenda to guide the movement in shaping democratic change.23 *As the December election for president and Parliament neared, public excitement grew. Under a constitutional amendment passed by the preelection Parliament, Moi controlled, the winner in the

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134 / The New Africapresidential contest had to receive at least percent of the vote in at least ve of Kenyas eight provinces. This meant a candidate could win only if he or she had strength across the nation, not just with one or two ethnic groups. Moi calculated this gave him an advantage over the opposition parties, whose strength was based mostly in a few provinces. Voter tur nout was the highest since There were technical delays in many polling stations over lack of suppliesproper forms, ink, and other items. It was not clear if the delays were due to poor organization or an effort to discourage voters. If the strategy was discouragement, it failed. I visited several polling stations in Nairobi. Old and young stood patiently for hours in lines snaking back in some places for blocks. Many had arrived before the polls opened. After the election there were allegations from his opponents that Moi had cheated enough to ensure his victory. But he would not have had to cheat much. Moi was elected to another v e-year term with only percent of the vote against the divided opposition. If at least two of his three top opponents had backed a single candidate, they would have been able to defeat him. The opposition won parliamentary seats compared to for Mois party. This produced the most notable political change: Parliament was once again a place of lively debate as opposition members raised questions about alleged corruption and challenged the government on many other issues. But despite such open talk, little was done in the way of reforms. The public mood among those who had sought change in Keny a had reached a condent, almost cocky level before the election. After the election, many people who once had been silent grumbled out loud. Private newspapers and magazines were full of attacks on the government, despite periodic arrests of critical writers. Interna tional lenders began relenting on their preelection aid freeze. More aid was approved in ; still more in and, for the rst time since without any strong references to the human rights situation in Kenya.24 Moi had played the democratic game and won. Now he was being rewarded with more funds and less criticism from abroad. Nairobi, Kenya, 1992 A polling site shows crowds of people waiting to vote in 1992 in Kenyas rst multiparty election in many years.

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The Politics of Ambiguity / 135

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136 / The New Africa Nairobi, Kenya, 1993 Police keep crowds back as Parliament opens its new multiparty session after the 1992 election. Nairobi, Kenya, 1993 Parliament building.

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The Politics of Ambiguity / 137The money began to ow again despite continued human rights abuses by the government and continued ofcial corruption documented by human rights organizations. Moi soon reverted to many of his old habits of repression against critics.25 Moi made no mov ement toward accommodating the political or developmental agenda of the womens organizations. Laws and state practices discriminating against women remained unchanged. Nevertheless, some groups, such as the International Federation of Women LawyersKenya Chapter, and the League of Women Voters, continued to hold political and social awareness meetings aimed at making women a more formidable political force in the future. The womens groups in Kenya had correctly linked human rights and democratic rights; their leaders, however, realized they needed better organizing, more lobbying, and more training of members on these issues to be more effective in the political arena.26 In her study of womens issues in Kenya during this period, Maria Nzomo noted that in Kenya and many other African countries, work on womens issues was taking place in an undemocratic context despite multi-partyism. Democratic rules of tolerance, mutual respect, accountability, and transparency, and respect for basic human rights and freedoms, have not yet been accepted by the major political players.27* *After the election, still neglecting her insurance business, Ka babere switched her focus from the mother s to efforts to get the Kenya constitution changed to limit the power of the incumbent, whoever held the post. The Kenyan government is supposed to have three [branches]: the executive, legislative, and judiciary. But the executive controls all [three branches], she said. The president can, and routinely does, deny permits to opposition parties to hold rallies; even weddings and funerals have to be licensed. The president also appoints government ofcials from top to bottom. The laws underpinning such power stem from colonial rules the British used. We want a change in the laws. We just want to live simply, and we cannot do that with the controls government puts on our lives. Kenyans have realized that what happened in hasnt changed their lives. In fact, it has plunged us into a worse situation.

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138 / The New Africa A number of opposition members of P arliament were detained for short periods after the election in what critics called a pattern of harassment aimed at curbing criticism of the government. The ofce of Finance magazine, a publication critical of the government, was set ablaze and partially destroyed. A petrol bomb was thrown at the ofce of the Legal Advice Center, a private organization. Two security guards were shot at the LAC a month later, and another petrol bomb was used to damage the ofce. The government banned several other critical private publications.28 As a result of the renewed government repression, arrests, and deteriorated economy, the public mood swung back to discouragement and a reluctance on the part of many to speak out so freely. Ethnic violence, which began in in the period before Moi agreed to multiparty elections, subsided somewhat before the election in but then resumed after the election. Moi tried to blame the resurfacing of ethnic tensions on the switch from single-party to multiparty politics. But it became clear the governmentespecially key KANU politicianswas behind much of it, in part to force off their land members of ethnic groups associated with the opposition. For one thing, the uprooted were usually too afraid to return to vote near their abandoned homes, some of which were burned down. And in some abandoned areas, herdsmen of ethnic groups supporting the president, especially the Kalenjin and the Maasai, began grazing their livestock on the abandoned elds. The gov ernment was pursuing a calculated policy against ethnic groups associated with the political opposition. Despite Mois pronouncements, the violence has not been a spontaneous reaction to the reintroduction of multiparty politics. the clashes were deliberately instigated and manipulated by KANU politicians anxious to retain their hold on power in the face of mounting internal and external pressure for change in government.29 The a ttacks were focused on the Central Province, home to many Kikuyu, among others, who were largely opposed to Moi. The attackers, often members of Mois Kalenjin ethnic group, and often wearing similar uniforms, such as shorts and T-shirts of the same color and pattern, would attack with machetes, bows and arrows. Some people were killed, and another or more were driven from their

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The Politics of Ambiguity / 139lands.30 The government promised to help resettle the displaced, but the program moved very slowly, despite efforts by the United Nations to help speed it up. In a few areas, members of rival ethnic groups were able to keep violence at a minimum after meeting among themselves at the local level, counteracting attempts by some of their politicians on both sides to keep things stirred up. Another outspoken critic of the government was Robert Shaw, a businessman who had been kidnaped and locked in the trunk of his car in an apparent attempt to stop him from exposing government banking and other alleged scandals. He said that in the postelection period, the government was trying to push the clock back, reverting to its old ways. But, he contended, it would not work in the long run. You can buy time; you can be repressive; you can put people in jail. You can ruin certain peoples livelihoods; you can terrorize them. But at the end Londiani, Kenya, 1992 In the months leading up to the multiparty elections in 1992, ethnic clashes left hundreds dead and thousands (including Grace M. Kabiro and her family) homeless. There is credible evidence that the government encouraged such violence against those suspected of opposing Presi dent Daniel arap Mois authoritarian rule.

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140 / The New Africaof the day, you are not going to turn that clock back. And that is probably the biggest unnerving factor that this government faces.31 In early a new political party, Sana, was launched. Its leadership soon included several prominent white Kenyans, most notably, Richard Leakey, whohad made important discoveries of bones of early human ancestors. Shaw also joined the new party. Sana chose Kaba-bere as its rst treasurer. In early Leakey and Kababere were attacked in Nakuru by armed thugs, who whipped them as police stood by. Later that year, they were stoned by youths in Mombasa while police there stood by doing nothing. After the Nakuru beating, Leakey, a Kenyan citizen, was followed by government security agents, had his phone tapped, and received death threats. Yet he displayed the same spirit of determination Monica Wamwere had for freedom and human rights when he said, I am prepared to take beatings on my back, smashings of my cars, abuse, ridicule and whatever else they have in store for me because I truthfully and sincerely believe the cause [replacing Moi with a democratic president] is a just causeand that I can help.32 Wamwere summed up the feelings of many Kenyans in when I sa w her again. Up to now, things have not changed. Up to now people are being arrested. Even after the coming of multiparty politics, things are still the same as they were. And actually the repression is even more. The government is made up of thugs. Three years after the release of the political prisoners, the RPP reported there were more political prisoners than when the mothers strike had begun. Koigi himself was rearrested in and charged with attempted robbery of guns from a police station. He was found guilty and imprisoned after a trial human rights investigators say was unfair. He was released in December on medical grounds, following a worldwide publicity campaign by human rights organizations. The legac y of the mothers protest was much more than just a temporary drop in Kenyas political prisoner count. The mothers had helped Kenyans reach a higher level of awareness of the political freedom they want. Their bold deance of an authoritarian regime was the most celebrated strategy for inuencing democratic change in Kenya in the decade, one analyst concluded. It inspired many Kenyans, and helped fuel public pressure for more reforms.33

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Addis Ababa, Ethiopia, 1990 An Ethiopian Orthodox priest.

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Clockwise from left Asmara, Eritrea, 1993 Women wind their way through the streets, celebrating their countrys independence referendum. Lom, Togo, 1991 An elder attends a national political reform conference. Nairobi, Kenya, 1991 The family of Pius Nyamora, former publisher of Society, an opposition magazine, poses in front of their home. Lagos, Nigeria, 1989 This young man is happy with his purchase of a cassette player.

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Above: Near Arusha, Tanzania, 1990 A woman farmer inspects her corn crop. Below: Addis Ababa, Ethiopia, 1989 Looking for customers at the Mona Lisa beauty parlor. Kaduna, Nigeria, 1991 / Muslim prayers.

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Left: Nairobi, Kenya, 1990 This father and his sons stop to pose for a picture during their walk in Uhuru Park. Below: Nasir, southern Sudan, 1993 Nuer cattle camp.

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Top: Abidjan, Cte dIvoire, 1990 Yoro Mathias plays with his niece as other family members watch television. Above: Oshogbo, Nigeria, 1992 Nigerian artist Kings Amao is making a quilt using traditional adire cloth at Nikes Center for Arts and Culture. Opposite top: Oshogbo, Nigeria, 1992 Young women, dressed in indigo-dyed robes, dance for visitors at Nikes art school. Opposite bottom: Near Dira Dawa, Ethiopia, 1991 Young women ll plastic jugs to irrigate trees in a reclaimed oasis.

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Top: Abidjan, Cte dIvoire, 1991 The skyline as seen from the main market. Above: Lagos, Nigeria, 1992 A primary school. Left: Nigerian artist Nike on a visit to Florida, 1995.

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The Politics of Ambiguity / 141 For several months in early students protested against the go vernment, in a campaign reminiscent of the student protests in Mali before the overthrow of its government. As the crackdown by the Ken yan go vernment became more brutalseveral students were killed the student protests grew.34 The root cause of the clashes was government refusal to respect the autonomy of campuses and students basic civil and political rights, according to one human rights report that charged the government with using excessive force to stop the protests.35 In May with another multiparty election drawing near, Moi deplo yed hundreds of heavily armed troops in downtown Nairobi to break up a protest rally by opposition and church leaders in Freedom Park. As he had done with regard to the rally organized by Shi kuku, Moi had declared the rally illegal. One of its organizers, presidential aspirant Kenneth Matiba, went into hiding with other opposition leaders, just as Shikuku had in In what seemed almost like a rerun, though on a larger scale, of the crackdown on the mothers strike, police and paramilitary units red tear gas and used clubs to drive out protesters from Freedom Park. In December Moi was elected to a fth term, this time with percent of the vote, slightly higher than his total. Once again, the opposition had failed to unite behind a single candidate. His party, KANU, won seats in Parliament; the fragmented opposition won Half of Mois cabinet were defeated. A woman, Charity Kaluki Ngilu, ran for president, the rst one to do so. She alleged Moi tried to bribe her with the equivalent of $, not to run and to join the presidents party.36 There were some signs that, despite the election results, the pro-democrac y movement in Kenya was far from over. More Kenyans were taking an interest in the nuts and bolts of the democratic process. In some Kenyans monitored the elections; nearly did so in And the reelection process reinvigorated civil society and the presstwo fundamental components of any democratic system.37 After the elections ethnic violence increased. In April three international human rights organizations called Kenya a powder keg waiting to explode, due to a resumption of the ethnic violence in January of that year. The violence followed the pattern of and

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142 / The New Africaappeared to have the implicit support of the government which promoted a culture of impunity, the human rights team reported. The attacks were occurring only in areas that had supported opposition to Moi and his party in the election. In one case, Kikuyus under attack successfully fought back in an organized fashion, prompting calls from other Kikuyus to ght back more often.38 Since anti-Kikuyu propaganda has been a part of some government-run broadcasts and has appeared in the ruling partys newspaper, Kenya Times, Kenyan scholar Michael Chege noted. He accused the government of state-sponsored attacks on Kikuyu as well as Luo and Luhya farmers.39 Meanwhile, by 1997 torture had become a standard procedure in police investigations in Kenya, with virtual impunity for the police offenders.40 By late Moi had moved to defuse some of his opposition. Among other things, he appointed one of his most outspoken foes, Leakey, to run the Kenyan Wildlife Service, a post he previously held before joining the opposition. Others, however, like businessman Shaw and attorneys Nowrojee and Kuria, continued pressing for honest government and rule of law. Ngugi established a private law practice in Kenya and continued his interest in human rights. Political activist and conservationist Maathai continued challenging the government on various issues. Moi had subver ted or resisted most of the reforms Kenyans demanded in the s, but no one person or system can change the human spirit, which insists on freedom. Africans in many countries had achieved new political freedoms. Where authoritarian leaders continued to block such progress, as in Kenya, the res of political freedom were dampened. But they are still smoldering underground and will erupt again and again.* In Somalia, and later Rwanda, the issue was not one of greater political freedom but of survival. Civil war and, in Rwanda, genocide challenged the international communitys ability and will to respond effectively to humanitarian and political crises abroad.

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Baidoa, Somalia, 1992 Thousands ed to emergency feeding centers such as this one, run by Irish Concern, to escape famine and ghting. 4 THINGS FELL APART Somalia

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144 / The New AfricaIXTEEN Special Forces attack helicopters carrying nearly of the most elite U.S. soldiers, men of Delta Force and army Rangers, roared into the air over Mogadishu, Somalia, that bright Sunday afternoon, October Their pilots had taken part in the invasion of Grenada and Panama, searched Iranian waters for patrol boats attacking oil tankers, and carried Green Berets into the Iraqi countryside hunting for SCUD missile launch sites. Usually this supersecret unit of the th Aviation Regiment ew only at night; their nickname was the Night Stalkers and their motto: Death waits in the dark.1 But fresh intelligence indicated tw o of the top aides of Somali general Mohamed Farah Aideed were meeting in a house deep within the section of the city controlled by his militia. Maybe Aideed himself would be there. Since Aideeds forces had killed twenty-four UN soldiers from Pakistan in Mogadishu June the United States and the United Nations had been trying to capture him and his senior aides. U.S. troops had arrived in Somalia the previous December to guard shipments of relief food to starving civilian victims of a civil war among rival militia that had pushed Somali dictator Mohamed Siad Barre out of ofce in January Some militia were also looting relief shipments. The foreign troops had helped curb the looting. Now, in a bid to rule Somalia, Aideed and his militia were continuing the war, making it likely that another famine would occur if the U.S. and UN troops pulled out. The UN had taken ov er command of the multinational force in May but U.S. forces remained and they still had the most military muscle of any foreign troops in Somalia. Now, in a dramatic effort to try to grab Aideed, or at least his top lieutenants, the United States was sending some of its crack troops and the best of the best of its ying units into a neighborhood that UN troops had failed to secure. It was

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Things Fell Apart: Somalia / 145an area where Aideeds forces, men in wraparound Somali skirts and ip-ops, were armed with machine guns, heavy caliber weapons mounted on vehicles, and rocket-propelled grenades capable of bringing down a helicopter, part of the stockpile left over from years of mil itary aid to Somalia from the for mer Soviet Union and the United States. The attack began w ell for the U.S. troops. Blackhawk helicopters quickly reached the targetsa house and the Olympic Hotel. Troops slid down ropes; some took control of the buildings while others took defensive positions on the surrounding streets. But Somali re began coming at the men and planes from windows, doorways, and rooftops.2 Then came the rocket-propelled grenades. One of the Black hawks w as hit and crashed. Another crashed later. Though the U .S. troops could not know it right away, a fourteen-hour battle had begun that would reveal the limitations on how much Western nations are willing or able to help African nations safeguard the most basic human right of all: the right to live. By the end of the battle, eighteen U.S. servicemen would be dead; the body of one of them would be dragged naked through the streets of Mogadishu, the capital, a scene splashed across world newspapers and television screens. There was an immediate, angry public reaction in the United States: bring the troops home. The U.S. public decided they did not want to support casualties in a war they did not understand. But there would be another, much greater effect from those eighteen U.S. deaths that day for Africa in the rest of the s and for the new century ahead. Somalia was the rst African example in the postCold War period (which is often counted from the symbolic fall of the Berlin Wall in late ) of what role outside military forces might play in times of crisis. What happened in Somalia set the tone for wha t happened in several other crises in Africa, including Rwanda, where up to one million people were killed in a genocidal war in And the turmoil in several other countries, including Liberia in the early s, Zaire in and Sierra Leone in showed that Somalia, though different in many ways, was not an isolated case of extreme violence. After Somalia, the United Sta tes, and by implication most Western countries, would no longer risk sending soldiers to Africa, no matter

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146 / The New Africahow great the need. The fact that freed black slaves had formed the backbone of Liberias politics since the s made no difference on the U.S. decision to stay away as that country fell apart. West African peacekeeping forces did go to Liberia at the height of the war to try to stop the killings. If there had ever been a ser ious notion of the United States as the worlds postCold War supercop, Somalia cracked that notion, at least in cases where the overriding U.S. interest was simply one of safeguarding human rights. Safeguarding U.S. troops was not a policy without exceptions, however; U.S. and European forces would go to the former Yugoslavia as things fell apart there, threatening Europe with a tidal wave of refugees. But the United States conclusion that it cannot help slow down killings in Africa during a crisis is awed, in my view, based on my rsthand coverage of the war in Somalia as a journalist, interviews with scores of Somali on all sides of the conict and with other analysts, and examination of many reports and books on the conict. The United States could have been more effective in Somalia if U.S. military leadersand their troopshad learned more about the Somali culture, history, and politics. Lacking that, they were bound to step into the middle of a no-win situation, which they did by lining up against one faction instead of staying neutral. I hope to show in this chapter that if the United States had a better understanding of Somalia, it might have avoided being drawn into battles there. This in turn might have led the United States and other Western nations to be more condent about sending troops to Rwanda to try to halt the genocide in that country. There is no wa y to be sure what U.S. ofcials might have done had things turned out differently in Somalia. But there is little doubt that Somalia was decisive in keeping the United States out of Rwanda, where it might have been able to reduce the scope of the genocide. The Somalia-Rwanda connection will be examined more closely in the next chapter. On a strictly tactical lev el, the battle in Mogadishu showed that a well-armed militia, even one in which the men wore wraparound skirts and ip-ops, could beat the best-equipped and best-trained Western military in urban guerrilla warfare. U.S. and UN intervention was complicated by a striking state of affairs in Somalia at the time, one that

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Things Fell Apart: Somalia / 147would be in evidence several times during the last decade of the century: as a result of the civil war, there was no central government; no central authority represented the country. Sierra Leone, Liberia, and Zaire also collapsed as states in the s, though toward the end of the decade these countries had begun re-forming a national government.* *After the battle in Mogadishu that afternoon, one American pilot, Cliff Wolcott, would be dead; a second, Michael Durant, would be a prisoner. Durant, badly injured and beaten, his face swollen and bruised, was forced by his captors to appear in a video aired on international television. But the image most viewers in the United States would later recall was that of Master Sergeant Gary Gordon, from Lincoln, Nebraska, whose naked and mutilated body was dragged through the streets by smiling Somalis, a display caught on lm by Paul Watson, correspondent for the Toronto Globe and Mail, who risked being beaten himself by the unpredictable mob. Watson won a Pulitzer prize for the photograph. Gordon and Sergeant First Class Randy Shughar t, from Newville, Pennsylvania, both Delta Force snipers of the U.S. Special Forces, had attempted to rescue Durant after his Blackhawk crashed in the warren of narrow back streets in the midst of Aideeds territory in south Moga dishu. As the rescue helicopter neared the crash site, Gordon grinned, raised both thumbs, and went to the back of the aircraft with Shughart to prepare for what they knew was a very dangerous mission.3 Moments later the two men jumped about ve feet to the ground and headed toward the crashed aircraft. Downed pilot Durant had been decora ted for his ying in the invasion of Panama in and in the Gulf War the following year. Now in Mogadishu, a grenade had hit his planes tail rotor. The plane crashed upright; though several men were badly injured, his crew was still alive after the impact. Soon Shughart and Gordon were outside the cockpit trying to pull Durant from the plane. But before they could get him out they had to turn to ght approaching Somali militiamen. Intense ring broke out. Shughart was hit and fell. Gordon raced back to the helicopter to get another weapon, handing Durant Shugarts automatic Mrie. Gordon looked back at Durant with a slight smile and said,

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148 / The New AfricaTime to get some more Somalis. It was the last time Durant saw Gordon alive. A Somali mob overran the crash site. Durant threw up his hands. The mob began beating him and tearing off his clothes and equipment before some Somalis held the others back from killing the injured pilot. They had taken my clothes and they continued to beat me, he said later. They started parading me around in the streets naked. They beat his face and head with canes and clubs.4 Just four days after the ba ttle, President Bill Clinton, facing an avalanche of public sentiment against the killings of the servicemen, announced a March pullout date for all U.S. troops from Somalia. I was in the United States on home leave from my assignment for The Christian Science Monitor in Africa, based in Nairobi, Kenya, from where I covered the Somali famine and civil war through frequent visits. I saw the television portrayal of Gordons naked corpse being dragged through the streets, just a eeting glimpse in the newscasts, but a shocking enough scene to sear itself into my mind and the minds of millions of Americans. Several y ears later, while teaching an elder hostel course on Africa at Stetson University, in DeLand, Florida, I asked how many of the nearly fty members of the class recalled seeing that image. Most of them raised their hands. Americans who saw the coverage at the time asked: Why are we in Somalia? Why are they killing our soldiers who went there to help Somalis? What went wrong? Just ten months earlier, in December U.S. troops had landed on the beach of Mogadishu to a jubilant welcome by thousands of Somalis. They had come to stop the armed looting of relief food by militia, to get the food to displaced civilians, uprooted by the war and starving in large numbers. Now Americans were questioning even that humanitarian gesture. Clinton had failed to explain clearly to the American public that a shift had occurred in the U.S. mission in Somalia, from providing humanitarian aid as a neutral party to using force against one militia in an attempt to bring peace. Is the United States its brothers keeper? How bad do things have to be before the United States risks military engagement to stop suffering? In order to help, is the United States or any other Western nation willing to accept the price of body bags being sent

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Things Fell Apart: Somalia / 149home to grieving families and an angry public? Is there such a thing as peacemaking without risk of casualties? Had the United States any business being in Somalia? There is in most people a streak of generosity, an undeniable good. But generosity and kindness are sometimes tempered and opposed by other sentiments. In his poem The Road Not Taken, Robert Frost wrote of two roads and his decision to take the one less traveled by.5 In life we travel several roads simultaneously, pulled in contrary directions along the way, battling counterimpulses of selessness and sel fi shness, kindness and harshness, patience and bruskness, action and reaction, resolve and indecision, understanding and confusion. Sometimes we are sure we understand an issue, only to discover later we do not. Somalia was such a case, and for many, so was Vietnam.* *U.S. helicopter pilot John Plummer was in Vietnam in Plummer spotted bombing targets and ordered air strikes. In June that year he ordered an attack on the village of Trang Bang. Twice he had been assured there were no civilians in the village, only soldiers.6 The next day he saw what became a Pulitzer prizewinning photo by Nick Ut showing a group of children running from the village. One of them was a naked girl, Kim Phu, screaming in pain and confusion; napalm had burned off her clothes. Her image would haunt him for years, through three marriages and two divorces, through his bout with alcohol and through his dreams. It took me a long time, but I came to realize I would never have any peace unless I could talk to her, said Plummer. I had to look in her eyes and say how sorry I am.7 In the fall of Plummer, who had since become a minister, went to Washington, D.C., where Kim was to address veterans at the Vietnam Veterans Memorial. In her remarks, recalled Plummer, she said: If I could talk face-to-face with the pilot who dropped the bombs, I would tell him we cannot change history but we should try to do good things for the present and for the future to promote peace. Plummer managed to get a note to her with the message that he was in the crowd, that he was the one who ordered the bombing. By the time she got the note, he was right behind her. She stopped and turned. She just

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150 / The New Africaopened her arms to me. I fell into her arms sobbing, Plummer said. All I could say is, Im so sorry. Im just so sorry. She patted his back and said: Its all right. I forgive, I forgive.8 Forgiving is a form of kindness. Both qualities are apparent in Frost s Death of the Hired Man. Frost tell of a gruff, resentful farmer complaining to his wife that Silas, an old hired hand who had run out on him earlier, had returned. The wife tries to remind him that the old man is worn out and should be allowed to keep the dignity of being of service again. She persuades her husband to go in to comfort the dying man, which he does, only to return in a moment. Dead is all the farmer said.9 When I read this story, I resented the farmers crassness, but then I realized Frost had him going to comfort the man and that when he returned to tell his wife the news he rst took her hand in his.* *On one of my visits back to the United States during the Somali crisis, I was on a televised panel discussing international topics before an audience. A young boy rose and addressed a question to me: with so many needs of people in the United States, why should we help people in other countries? I paused, searching for words I had never managed to nd to my satisfaction until then. First I asked if he played football. Then: if players are injured, does the medical team help just some of them, depending on what part of the eld they are on? I said it was time to start thinking of the world as a giant football eld, of the worlds people as players united in humanity, one family, and begin seeing ourselves connected to everyone else. The world has responded to many disasters, including the famine in Ethiopia in the early s. The outpouring of concern and aid that saved thousands of lives there gave birth to the popular song We Are the World. It was frustrating when Ethiopia faced another famine in the late s as its long civil war continued. Once again the world responded; relief agencies still in Ethiopia from the earlier famine acted quickly. Famine was averted, a little-told story.

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Things Fell Apart: Somalia / 151The Land of HeerSomalia is a long, slender stretch of land on the Indian Ocean and the Gulf of Aden. Well before Europeans divided it up, Arab families settled along the coasts in the ninth and tenth centuries, bringing with them their Islamic religion.10 The Muslims found a society that had some similar values to theirs, including what the Somalis called heer, an unwritten code of conduct, widely accepted in Somalia. It emphasized interdependence and inclusiveness and thus formed the basis for social order.11 Rather than breaking down heer, Islam complemented it with its insistence on seeing fellow believers as brothers. Traditional pastoral Somali economy therefore was community-oriented in its production and kin-relations and, later, Islamic principles dened the main frame of reference for political and cultural life.12 Muslim traders from the Middle East established further inroads into Somalias way of life, leading to the growth of Somali traders and export merchants. The ar rival of the Christians was far more traumatic. In the late s, the area was the focus of European competition involving the Nile, territory farther west, and Somali cattle. The British, installed at Aden, across the gulf, wanted to check French inuence in the area. To this end, the British cooperated with the Italians; the French cooperated with the Russians. The French, British, and Italians all signed agreements with northern Somali clans in the s to purchase cattle. But all four foreign governments had their eyes on gaining control of neighboring Ethiopia, which they failed to do.13 Somalia, at that time, was a nation of widely scattered clans, not a state with a centralized political structure. And the territory was soon divided into ve sections. The British in established a protectorate in the north, with Har geisa as the capital, using indirect r ule; the Italians took control of the south, initially in and fully by Mogadishu was the southern capital, where the Italians used direct rule and eventually the most brutal facets of fascism.14 The French took control of what is now Djibouti, which has an important port for todays landlocked Ethiopia. Other Somalis came under British colonial rule in northern Kenya, and Ethiopia claimed another portion. The Somali ags ve stars represent these ve sections.

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152 / The New Africa The invasion of Somalia by these Christian nations, for that is what it w as, provoked an unsuccessful guerrilla war led by Ogadeni religious leader Said Mohamed Abdille Hassan, from to against the Ethiopians and the British. Just as signicantly, the intrusion of the powerful forces of the international market and imperialism led to the corrosion of the old Somali moral order.15 The moral and social rules that had worked well for an isolated, highly pastoral society were challenged as Somalia was thrust into international trade and politics. Somalia was g ranted independence from both the British and the Italians in and the two independent nations joined within days of gaining their freedom. The main political leaders came from the traders, artisans, bureaucrats, and literate religious leaders, but most of them were more interested in gaining personal advantage than building a state.16 Southerners took most of the positions in the new government, leading to jealousies and an abortive revolt in the north in By the elections, the number of political parties exceeded sixty, with party leaders appealing to their clans for support, fanning a sense of clan competition. The man named premier, Mohamed Haji Ibrahim Egal, a northerner, garnered much criticism for the corruption, inef ciency and nepotism of his government. Years later he would be chosen to head a breakaway northern state, Somaliland. On October a policeman assassinated President Abdir ashid Ali Sher marke. Six days later the military staged a bloodless coup, led by Barre. At rst Barre was popular. He announced the goal of restoring the morals of the country; he launched literacy campaigns and extended health and veterinary services; and he plunged into a round of public works and social reforms. In he introduced scientic socialism, setting up local community development groups using the unemployed, among others, and putting orphans and street children into Revolutionary Youth Centers where they were fed, clothed, and educated in new revolutionary ideals. He also attempted to create a personality cult: local government ofces and public places featured the new ruling trinity: Marx, Lenin, and Barre.17 But Barre lost much popular support in when he failed to make headw ay on his stated plan to gain control over Somali populations under foreign rule. Backed by generous Soviet support, he launched an attack on the Ethiopian area known as the Ogaden. The

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Things Fell Apart: Somalia / 153lightning attacks penetrated deep into the region. Then the Soviets, eager to curry favor with Ethiopia, a bigger plum in the Cold War than Somalia, switched sides. In with massive assistance from the Soviets, Ethiopia pushed its foe out of the country, which damaged Barres standing among Somalis. With the Soviets now aligned with the new Ethiopian regime of Mengistu Haile Mariam, who avowed he was a Marxist, the United States sided with Somalia. Barre became an ardent, or at least vocal, anti-Communist, as U.S. funds and military aid began owing into Somalia. But Barre was never able to get as much military support from the United States as he had from the Soviets. In the post-Barre civil war, both sides would use arms that came largely from these giant stockpiles of Soviet and U.S. military hardware, though each side also had to make new purchases. Barre claimed he w anted to rid Somalia of clanism. Clans are the ethnic groups Somalis identify with and turn to for help in times of danger; clan awareness tends to be higher during war or drought. A clan may be spread out over a large territory, sometimes over territory that is not contiguous. Somalis have developed complex methods for settling disputes between clans. But clan consciousness can also be the target of elite manipulation, deliberate efforts by the educated class to control clans or lead them into conicts.18 Barre manipulated clans to maintain his power, employing old-fashioned divide-and-rule tactics to keep his opponents off balance.19 The corruption of the Somali clan social system by Barre is an example of a leader destroying a state to stay in power. African leader s are not the only ones who have used ethnic politics. In a peaceful political system, ward politics in cities such as Chicago, New York, and Miami has long had an ethnic focus. Canadas wrestling with the future of Quebec is partly an ethnic issue. At the other extreme, ethnic conict has been evident in many parts of the world and is pervasive, persistent.20 Africa has had numerous instances of such conict. Togolese president Etienne (Gnassingbe) Eyadma, for example, relied on his own northern ethnic group, the Kabiye, to ll key military posts to repress southern tribes. As Barre continued consolida ting his personal control over the government, becoming more autocratic, opposition to his regime grew. There was an abortive military coup in ; Barre had the leaders

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154 / The New Africaexecuted in public. He also increased the size of the military, which had been around soon after independence, to by The army had a horrible record of human rights abuses. The army of liberation had been converted to a huge army of repression.21 More and more Somalis came to despise the state and its cruelty. Increasingly, the state was identied with concentrated power, fear and intimidation, and disregard for any form of law and due process.22 An Africa Watch report stated, Both the urban population and nomads living in the countryside have been subjected to summary killings, arbitrary arrest, detention in squalid conditions, torture, rape, crippling constraints on freedom of movement and expression and a pattern of psychological intimidation.23 Land grabbing was another feature of Barres regime. During the mid s, Barres government, which included a growing number of his family members, pillaged many rural communities near the Shabelle and Juba Rivers, prime farmland in a parched country. It had already expropriated large tracts of lands there. Barre was following a centuries-old pattern of stealing southern lands; the bulk of it had been taken by northern clans. The pattern continued in the post-Barre era.24 In opponents primarily of the northern Isaak clan formed the Somali National Movement (SNM). The SNM operated out of Ethiopia until Somalia and Ethiopia signed a peace pact in May requiring each country to expel rebels of the other. The following month, members of the SNM fought their way into several key northern Somali cities, including Burao and Hargeisa, killing a number of senior government ofcials. In reprisal, Barre sent his son-in-law, General Mohamed Siad Hersi (known as Morgan), to bomb Hargeisa without restraint. In the three-month battle of Hargeisa, an estimated people were killed and some people in the area ed to Eth iopia.25 More than percent of the buildings in Hargeisa were destroyed.26 Refugees I interviewed who had ed to Ethiopia from Har geisa told of planes intentionally bombing and shooting civilians in the streets The scope of the destruction w as still evident when Betty and I went there in early I had never seen such devastation. We stopped in front of the ruined home of Fadua Aden, who stood outside with her daughter, Nura Awil, and her grandson, Mohamed. It was a bomb,

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Things Fell Apart: Somalia / 155she said, explaining the damage. There were gaping holes in some walls; the home had no doors or windowsand no roof; roofs were one of the items often looted after the war. Hargeisa was returning to life, however. Somalis coming back from abroad were rebuilding homes and businesses from the rubble. Typically they began by clearing a single room, squeezing in the family until they could afford to continue reconstruction. But they had to be careful. Barres forces had planted thousands of mines, including some wickedly set inside homes to maim or kill those who returned. By the time of our visit, most of the mines had been cleared from the city, though many remained in other parts of the north. Land mines were also a problem in many other wars, including those in Angola, Sudan, and beyond Africa in countries such as Afghanistan. In the Hawiye clan established a political-military opposition group, the United Somali Congress (USC), based in Rome. Its military wing was headed by General Mohamed Farah Aideed. In Hawiye based in Mogadishu formed a Manifesto group calling for the resignation of Barre. He responded by arresting many of them. During my rst visit to Somalia, in December I met with representatives of Hargeisa, northern Somalia, 1993 This school was still in use even after it sustained damage in the civil war.

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156 / The New AfricaManifesto. Despite the arrests of many of their members, they were holding meetings directly across from a police station. By then the opposition to Barre was so strong, Barre apparently lacked the will to arrest more of the Manifesto members. Strange things were happening: the wife of Ali Mahdi, a key USC nancier and hotel owner turned politician, who was soon to become interim president of Somalia, was working in the security ofce of Barre. Mahdis soon-to-be archrival, Aideed, later claimed Manifesto was too close to Barre.Collapse of the StateBy late the Somali state had essentially collapsed; the central government was barely functioning. Most basic services had ceased. The state was a hollow shell about to crack in pieces. It is worth pausing here to look at just what that means because the collapse of a state affects not only the human rights of its population but the way other government and relief agencies respond to the crisis. Somalias experience offers insight into the nature of a collapsed state. Other Afr ican states that collapsed in the s include Liberia (in the early years of the decade) and Rwanda (in ). Zaire, later renamed the Democratic Republic of the Congo, had practically collapsed as a state by the time rebels seized power in and Sierra Leone essentially collapsed the same year under military leaders who conducted themselves like thugs.27 Beyond Africa, parts of the former Soviet Union went through turmoil after the Berlin Wall fell. Azerbaijan suffered a horrible conagration and butchering of people. Much of the former Yugoslavia fell into the abyss about the same time as Somalia, drawing greater and more rapid world response than the Somalia crisis did, which led to complaints by UN secretary general Boutros Boutros-Ghali that the world was operating on a double standard, one for whites and one for nonwhites.28 The Russians pulled out of Afghanistan in leaving a pro-Soviet government which held on to power for three years. But after that the country had no effective government as rebel groups competed for power. Some political scientists see patter ns in the way a state collapses. The collapse is seldom a sudden thing. The slippery slope, the descending spiral, and the downward trend are the marks of state col-

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Things Fell Apart: Somalia / 157 Mogadishu, Somalia, 1991 A Somali Muslim ghter lays his gun at his side while praying. Mogadishu, Somalia, 1991 Many buildings in the capital were heavily damaged during the civil war.

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158 / The New Africalapse, rather than deadlines and triggers.29 The collapse of a state is not without hope of reversal. State collapse is a long-term degenerative disease. However, it is also one whose outcome is not inevitable: cure and remission are possible.30 How did Somalia collapse? Somalia, like other collapsing states, appear s to have gone through several phases, including the government going on the defensive against its opponents at the cost of carrying out its normal functions. One effect of this was the absence of a political agenda for participation and programs.31 In Somalia, as in many countries, the agenda of the leaders became political survival. Instead of seeking to survive by meeting the demands of the citizens, Barre and his entourage concentrated almost entirely on self-enrichment and repression of real or suspected opponents. In some collapsing states, key factions that make up the central government are so busy ghting among themselves they lose control over the countryside. Local authority is up for grabs and local power-grabbersfuture warlords grab it.32 This happened both during Barres decline and during So malias post-Bar re civil war. Somali scholar Hussein M. Adam sees seven landmarks along the road to Somalias collapse. Per sonal rule. Barre moved through three stages of rule: an advocate of scientic socialism ( ); autocrat ( ); tyrant ( the year of his overthrow). Military r ule. Barres major expansion of the army and his control of it ensured his power. Rule by clan fa voritism. Barre increasingly depended on his own Darod clan family when making appointments in the army and other key posts. There was a growing perception that Barre was favoring three divisions of the Darod clan confederacy: his own, the Marehan; his mothers, the Ogaden; and his son-in-laws (Mor gans), the Dulbahante. Campaign against the elite or educated class Barre made deliberate purges of educational institutions and other places where clan members were showing promise, shifting them to military, espionage, and other government posts. This damage to the Somali elite class speeded state collapse.

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Things Fell Apart: Somalia / 159 Poisoning of clan relations. Barres troops armed some clans and encouraged them to ght other clans This left long-lasting scars on Somalias traditional system of cooperation between clans. Urban state ter ror. As in Argentina, young people began disappearing in Somalia as a result of state repression. In one incident, in July forty-seven people were taken from their homes in the middle of the night and executed on Jasiira Beach, near the capital. Neofascist campaign against the nor th.33 In practice, Bar res government was much more balanced in terms of clan representation than most people acknowledge.34 But by January Barres forces had lost control of most of the north to the SNM. He was overthrown on January and forced to ee Mogadishu. One of the failures of the inter national community in trying to help Somalia after Barre was ousted was that it acted as if there was still a state. Plans were developed that required a central government to make them work; but there was none.A New Civil War In late January I ew to the Somali capital of Mogadishu, just a few days after Barre had been forced to ee. The heavy cloud cover during most of the ight from the Kenyan capital of Nairobi to Moga dishu, in a small, chartered plane, allowed me to postpone concerns about the safety of going into the heart of a country without a government, to a city full of arms, where looting was rampant. For now, we journalists could sit in our comfortable cocoon and gaze out on a peaceful and numbing gray. Our only immediate worry was whether the pilot, though a veteran of bush ights, would nd the airport by instruments without benet of landmarks or help from the ground. He told us the control tower in Mogadishu was no longer operating. The ending of the government had not been peaceful. Somalia was not one of those countries that had used the ballot box to turn out an incumbent, as some African nations were beginning to do. But the battle of Mogadishu in January had brought a lasting peace, or so the winners thought at the time.

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160 / The New Africa A society with deep traditional roots, where male (almost exclusiv ely) community leaders commanded the respect of the people, where family and clan were more important than ofcial title or rank, had risen up against a tyrant and won a war. Desert nomads, goat herders, businessmen, politicians, scholars, and many others had joined forces to chase out of power the man who had tried to unbind the very social ties that were supposed to keep the country intact. Barre had played one clan against another in a murderous scheme to hang on to power, nearly destroying traditions of interclan cooperation. But now tha t he was gonechased from the capital in a convoy of small tankssome Somali politicians were telling visitors how the country would come together. Most other African countries were in the midst of a pro-democracy movement that had begun in ; people were demanding more political freedom, and in a growing number of countries were getting it. Longtime dictators were suddenly on the defensive as massive demonstrations, combined with some international pressures, forced one of them after another into agreeing to hold competitive (multiparty) elections, often for the rst time in decades. Most African nations had to contend with many ethnic groups, many languages, and different religions. Somalia, on the other hand, was composed of only one ethnic group (Somali), one religion (Islam), one language (Somali). Peace and representative government would come easily, optimistic Somalis were saying. It sounded good; unfortunately it would not turn out that way. Too much damage had been done during the Barre years from to to allow a quick x after he was gone.* *The tower at the Mogadishu airport had been looted, but our pilot brought the aircraft down through the clouds with impressive precision, coming into the open directly in line with the runway. We were met by Somali men of the Hawadley clan, who put us in a four-wheeldrive vehicle with several guards with machine guns and took us on a tour. The city had suffered far less physical damage than I had imag-Mogadishu, Somalia, 1991 Rebels celebrate the downfall of long-time Somali dictator Mohamed Siad Barres government.

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Things Fell Apart: Somalia / 161

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162 / The New Africained, though a few areas were gutted and many buildings were pockmarked with holes from artillery or machine guns. Looting had been thorough: even electrical wiring and water supply equipment had been stolen. Telephone and telex links to the outside world had been destroyed. But on the whole, the city still stood. Some buses, often without windshields, had begun operating again; in open markets, milk, tea and a few other items were for sale. Some shops had reopened. On many corners and along the roads, rotting bodies had been covered with lime powder as a protection against disease. Our escorts stopped at one damaged building, pulled away some branches in the front yard, and exposed several corpses not covered with lime. Perhaps they had been left there to show journalists and other visitors. The street ghting in Mogadishu during the takeover had been intense. All but one or two of the foreign relief ofcials had ed for their lives. One who stayed was Dr. Willi Huber of SOS-Kinderdorf, an international charity helping children. Looters ravaged other relief ofces, but Somali women had lined up in front of the SOS compound, which was treating sick and homeless children, to protect the place with their bodies. It worked: the looters respected the women and did not enter the compound. I later spoke with a Somali doctor who continued operating inside the SOS compound during heavy ghting. When bullets whizzed through the operating room, he ducked, waited for a lull, then stood up and nished the operation. He was the rst of many dedicated Somalis I would meet who, with no political agenda, were determined to do what they could for their fellow Somalis and their country in this dire time. They showed the same spirit and hunger for freedom as those I was meeting elsewhere in Africa who were engaged in various forms of political protest; but for many in Somalia, the struggle for freedom was at a very basic level: they were ghting for the right to live, the freedom to see another day. Many sa w the overthrow of Barres regime as a war of liberation that held the promise of real political freedom. In the middle of a main street several young Somali men holding machine guns stood proudly atop one of the tanks of the defeated Barre army. When Betty approached to take their photograph, they waved their guns jubilantly. Sitting on the turret was Abukar Ali Mohamed. I shot a lot of peopleto get democracy and make Somalia free from the dictatorship of

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Things Fell Apart: Somalia / 163Barre, he said. He had accomplished half of his goal: Barre was gone. The other halfdemocracywould have to wait. We w ere driven up a hill to Villa Somalia. Our Somali driver attempted to drive through the gates, past some other Somali guards, but the guards were furious and started yelling. After a long argument, the guards allowed us to pass. We learned that the guards were from one clan while our driver and escorts were from another. It was our rst example of the kind of post-Barre disputes over the spoils of war that would lead to the division of Mogadishu and continued ghting in parts of the country. The scene at Villa Somalia was one of calm disorder. Barres residence, with its wide staircases, was a series of bare, looted rooms. Several men sat outside on a sofa and chairs they had hauled out of the residence. Mohamed Egal Osman, an older Somali in the g roup, described Barre as a shameful man for having red rockets and tanks on his own people during his nal days in power. Some young rebels said they had climbed over the walls of Villa Somalia, opening re on those still guarding it. I spoke to one of them, still strutting around the compound, armed with a machine gun. He was proud of having helped rid the capital of a dictator. Could he have had any notion of what would follow?* *The swearing-in ceremony for a provisional government took place in early February One by one, as guards with machine guns stood outside the two-story building used for the event, the new ministers, representing the major clans, placed a hand on a Koran, the Islamic holy book, and took their oath. Somalia can be united, provided they get the right government, with the right leadership, Mahdi, the now interim president, had told reporters the day before, relaxed and barefoot in his brother-in-laws modest but nicely carpeted living room. He said his aim was to ll a gap until a broad-based government with the consultation of the opposition forces is made. I had a nagging feeling I should address him simply as Mr., rather than Mr. President, because he was not elected and his control was limited primarily to the city.

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164 / The New Africa Mahdi chose the majority of his cabinet from his Ha wiye clan. Mahdi was a member of the Abgal subclan of the Hawiye; Aideed was also Hawiye but of the Habir Gedir subclan. Somali clans form shifting alliances with other clans when it suits their interests. Sometimes clans or even subclans ght each other, as would be the case between the Abgal and Habir Gedir. Mahdis appointment did not sit well with the other clans, nor among other subclans of the Hawiye. As I was leaving the ceremony, a Somali businessman I knew from my previous visit beckoned to me. I followed him into a hallway one oor beneath the room where the ceremony had taken place. He laughed at me for paying so much attention to the new cabinet. Aideed, he said, was on his way to Mogadishu and angry that Mahdi claimed to be interim president. Aideed and his men bitterly resented the way in which they felt Mahdi and the Manifesto politicians had seized power while he and his guerrillas had fought to bring Barre down. The Darod and the Isaak clans in the north w ere also upset with Hawiye control of Mogadishu. These two clans had been major real estate owners in the city and had now lost much of their property to the Habir Gedir. As much as percent of the houses in Mogadishu probably belonged to members of the Darod and Isaak clans before .35 Most of this property was looted after Barre ed; the Hawiye took over much of it in the absence of the owners. Later Aideed established control over the southern portion of the capital, while Mahdi took over north Mogadishu. Although the interna tional communityand most journalists would focus on this conict in Mogadishu between the two rivals, other cities, including Kismayu, Baidoa, and Bar dera became crucial hot spots in the struggle. And outsiders almost overlooked another warover farmland in the south-central part of the country. Somalia was a clan struggle and a property struggle. Those who did not understand this found the war bewildering. One civil war to oust Bar re was over; another was about to begin. Aideed bid his time against Mahdi, w aiting for an opportunity to strengthen his political position in the capital. His chance came in July when Aideed was elected chairman of the USC, giving him a political power base from which he soon challenged Mahdi militarily in Mogadishu. The rst ghting between the two sides came in Septem-

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Things Fell Apart: Somalia / 165ber Hundreds were killed in just four days of ghting; thousands were wounded. In November, a general war broke out in Mogadishu between Aideed and Mahdi; the city was divided between their camps. A so-called green line between them became a dangerous no-mansland. Heavy ar tillery attacks were launched indiscriminately and with deadly frequency from both sides of the line. At least to were killed in the city before a cease-re was declared in early March .36 By then both sides were showing signs of exhaustion. On a trip to Mogadishu with several other foreign correspondents during the bombing, I visited the home used as the ofce of Mdecins Sans Frontier (Doctors Without Borders). I had just asked if there was a danger of this house being hit by a rocket and had been told no, when one whistled over the roof and landed a couple of blocks away, in the compound of a hospital. I noticed at lunch that many of the MSF foreign staff looked almost ghostlike; their faces were practically without expression, pale, showing extreme exhaustion. They worked long hours and never knew when a shell might kill them, too. Mogadishu, Somalia, 1992 General Mohamed Farah Aideed, who helped overthrow dictator Mohamed Siad Barre, later became the target of an unsuccessful manhunt by U.S. and other soldiers after Aideeds militia was blamed for killing Pakistani soldiers in the UN force.

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166 / The New Africa A Somali mother told me she had been preparing a spaghetti lunch for her family when two rockets hit her house, killing one of her children immediately. A second child died in the hospital. As I rode around the city with various relief ofcials, I tried not to think of the dangers of the random rockets being red into the area from Mahdis side. I was relieved when our plane, which had been late in returning, nally lifted us out of the city later that day; but I was also suddenly struck by the plight of those we were leaving behind. War, Hunger, and DeathUNICEF studies show that in wars today, nine of ten victims are civilians. In Somalias case, the victims were not usually killed by bullets, bombs, or mines, but by hunger. Former Tanzanian president Julius Nyerere once quoted an African proverb that when the elephants ght, the grass suffers. In Somalia, military leaders such as Barre, Aideed, and Mahdi were the elephants; the farmers were often the grass; and much of the grass died. The south-central far mlands between the Juba and Shabelle Rivers became a prime area of conict and starvation as clans and subclans fought each other. In the south-central triangle between Mogadishu, Kismayu, and Belet Huen (or Belet Uen), ghting broke out between rival militia of the various clans after Barre was chased out of Moga dishu. From his retrea t post in the southwest, Barre sent General Mo hamed Hashi Gani of his own Marehan clan to take control of the central Somali farming town of Baidoa in October Gani and his men were soon expelled by the local Rahanweyn with support from Aideeds forces. In J anuary Ganis group retook Baidoa. This time there were no clashes, possibly because Aideed was still engaged in a war in Mo gadishu against Mahdi. Then in April Barre himself moved to Baidoa, sending Gani to ght Aideed in Mogadishu, on the assumption that by then Aideeds forces were weakened.37 With help from the Ha wadley and Mur usade clans, Aideeds Habir Gedir were able to repulse Gani at Afgoi, a town less than twenty miles from Mogadishu. All this ghting devasta ted the people of areas such as Baidoa. Barre and his remaining military forces had pursued a scorched earth retreat

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Things Fell Apart: Somalia / 167 Baidoa, Somalia, 1992 Many young children were saved from starvation at feeding centers such as this one, run by Irish Concern.

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168 / The New Africaon his way to his southwest home area of Gedo. They destroyed crops, animals, and homes of civilians as they crossed through the Rahanweyn area, including Baidoa. These communities were devastated by looting, rape, and massacres during a period of military occupation by various factions.38 This was part of Somalias agricultural bread basketand it was devastated. Barres soldiers looted all the sorghum stores, they looted all the livestock in and around Baidoa, says a Somali veterinarian from Baidoa. And that was the main cause of death in Baidoa.39 In a village near Baidoa, months after Bar re had been chased away by Aideeds forces, the driver for the relief agency we were traveling with stopped to let Betty and me walk around. It was a scene of desperation and disorder. (At the time we did not think about mines that may have been in the area.) The thatch-roofed huts of stick and mud walls were still standing but abandoned. Personal papers, including school notebooks, had been left in a jumble on the dirt oors. Even more signicant, the underground grain storage bins had been torn open and were empty. The death ra te in Baidoa as a result of the war was horric. The U.S. Centers for Disease Control and Prevention estimated percent of the population, including percent of its children under ve, died of hunger or disease. At the peak, up to a day were dying in Baidoa, similar to death rates in other towns fought over by militia. In Baidoa, a to wn of only about to normally, people had died in the previous four weeks, said Mouse Adeen, a UNICEF doctor and native of the area, when I met him there in August By then some people were in feeding programs in Baidoa, many from the surrounding area. For Somalia as a wholeparticularly in the central region of the country, which includes Baidoathe number of people who died from ghting and famine between and was estimated to be .40 Much of the land in Somalia is primarily devoted to livestock maintained by nomads. When drought or conict hits such an area, herdsmen usually are able to ee with their animals. But farmers are not as mobile, and they often refuse to leave their farms and homes until it is too late, until they are already dying. In August when I rst ew into Baidoa with several other reporters (we were not the rst journalists to arrive) in a small plane, no

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Things Fell Apart: Somalia / 169one came to the airstrip to meet us. Aideeds men controlled the airport, and the town was full of armed bands driving around on their technicals, stripped-down, four-wheel-drive vehicles with the top cut off to allow room for heavy caliber guns. The pilot landed but took off again to circle the town, as a way of letting our host, a relief agency, know we had arrived. I went with him. As we ew low in circles over the city, I was aware of two things: most of the metal sheeting roofs had been looted, leaving residents exposed to the rains; and we were within easy ring range of any trigger-happy young ghter below with a rie, machine gun, or artillery. I suddenly felt very vulnerable. By the second time we landed, our Rahanweyn escorts had arrived. At the entrance to the bombed-out airport, some members of Aideeds militia did not let us pass until they asked our escorts a few questions. It became clear in snatched conversations with the local Rahanweyn that Baidoa was still an occupied town. Though residents apparently had suffered worse under Barres occupation, many were not happy with Aideeds forces being in charge. They loot us; they shoot us, one Rahanweyn, working with a private U.S. relief agency in Baidoa, whispered to me as we rode along with some of Aideeds ghters. They have the heavy guns. The Rahanweyn, many of them settled farmers, have never had the arms that most of the other, more nomadic clans have had. Barre forcibly recruited Rahanweyn to ght his enemies in the north. Former Baidoa resident Abdi Aziz Mohamed Ali, who moved to the United States in said the lack of arms among the Rahanweyn had a lot to do with their occupation and their attitudes toward life compared to more aggressive nomadic clans elsewhere who joined the militia. The nomads are willing to die; the farmer is not willing to die. The farmer is not willing to kill; the nomad is going to kill. Its different psychologies.41 That August day in Baidoa, we drove directly to one of four feeding center s for famine victims run by the Irish charity Concern. It consisted of several small rooms for the most serious cases and a large open courtyard where hundreds of women and children sat on long, green strips of shaded plastic on the ground where they were fed. Many of the children were gaunt, with emaciated, thin legs and shrunken faces. I saw a mother there one day with a baby on either side of her; one of the babies had just died, and the other appeared to be dying. The mother

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170 / The New Africawas weeping, silently. Many children had open sores on their bodies. In front of the feeding center, other Somalis were digging shallow graves for those who had arrived in Baidoa too late. Harado Maalim Mo hamed crouched by one of the freshly cov ered graves, where her granddaughter, Medina, had just been buried. She died early this morning, the grandmother said. She was very, very thin. Two of her other grandchildren had also died recently. Just as wrenching as the child starv ation was the adult starvation. One group of displaced Somalis who had nally left their village south of Baidoa were lying on mats and on the ground behind an abandoned building at the edge of town where a newly arrived relief agency, World Vision, was just starting to provide food for them. An exhausted nurse from the United States looked around the courtyard of the building, nearly overcome with dismay at the dying adults in front of her. She was the only trained nurse at the site but had several Somalis helping her. Many of the men and women were too weak to sit up and eat what was offered, and at rst there were not enough cooked rations for everyone. I stopped my reporting and began taking water and food to the dying, trying to comfort them in any way I could. Politics that causes such misery seems stupid and cruel; rarely do the perpetrators suffer in the least. The militia leaders I had seen looked well fed. Relief agencies in Baidoa were collecting bodies each mor ning by truck because most families lacked the strength and the money for a proper burial. Its a pity it had to wait to get to this, said Anita Ennis, a nurse working for Concern. Like the Somalis, she and other foreign relief workers were dismayed at how long it had taken the world to focus on the tragedy of Somalia. The situation is desperate, said Gregoire Tavernier, of the International Committee of the Red Cross (ICRC). As the dying continued in Somalia, relief agencies, such as Concern, the ICRC, CARE, Catholic Relief Services (CRS) and World Vision, were the main distributors of relief food. But they could not keep up with the demands. By March when Algerian Mohamed Sahnoun, the UN secretary generals rst special representative to Somalia, arrived on a fact-nding mission, Somalis had ed to neighboring countries and hundreds were dying each day.42

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Things Fell Apart: Somalia / 171Unheralded Heroes: Somali Relief WorkersAs the crisis grew, more and more international relief workers ew into Somalia, carrying out exhausting duties, living in sparse conditions, taking risks of getting shot or knifed in towns where armed militia were everywhere. For example, in Baidoa the main warehouse of the ICRC was raided; several workers were killed. There were still bloodstains in the courtyard outside the warehouse when I visited the site a few days later. In Kismayu, Sean Devereux, a cheerful, outgoing employee of UNICEF, was murdered. Devereux had begun discussing in interviews with journalists what he knew of alleged massacres by a militia leader then based in Kismayu. He also had just refused a demand by Somalis employed by UNICEF for a pay increase, a refusal which may have angered some of the Somali workers. Kurt Lustenberger, a Swiss employee of the ICRC, was shot and killed in Bardera by men demanding money. Wester n relief workers got some well-deserved press coverage never enough; Somali workers got even less, but they were just as committed and brave. For example, when a foreign employee of the ICRC was attacked by a Somali gunman in Mogadishu, a Somali relief ofcial jumped in front of him to try to shield him. Both men were killed. One of the most outstanding Somali relief worker s I met during more than four years of reporting on the Somali war was Amina Sheik Mohamed, who worked for Concern in Baidoa. On repeated visits to Baidoa, Betty and I admired her tenacity, courage, and strength as she cared for the dying and nursed many children back to life. One day Amina was kneeling down beside a hollow-faced boy lying on a mat on the ground in the shade of a tree. Someone had brought him to Baidoa two days earlier. Amina was spooning some rehydration liquid into the boys mouth; the boy feebly tried to take a sip. I was about to ask the childs name when Amina stopped spooning. The child had died that instant. I looked rst at the body of the child, then at Amina, with tears in my eyes. I had seen death all around meand would see much more in Somalia and later Rwanda: people dying, people dead. But until then, no one had actually died before my eyes. I continued writing down what happened next, despite the pain in my stomach, the momentary feeling of helplessness and despair.

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172 / The New Africa Amina had seen death man y times, but she was not calloused, not hardened. For a moment she closed her eyes, then she slowly waved a hand across the air in front of her, as if trying to erase the scene. She gently pulled a gray cloth over the childs face, took a deep breath, stood up, and continued her work. She asked an aide to carry another child in from the courtyard to a small room where she attached an intravenous drip to his desperately thin arm. She had many other lives to try to save. Many liv es were saved in Somalia by such help. At the Concern compound where Amina worked, Betty photographed a mother and her two children in ; one of the children was starving. Each time we returned to the Concern relief center in Baidoa, the child was stronger. Several months after our rst visit, just before the mother took her Baidoa, Somalia, 1992 A Somali relief worker, Amina Sheik Mohamed, employed by Irish Concern, worked tirelessly to save lives and help stem the rising death toll. For this child, help came too late; the child died.

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Things Fell Apart: Somalia / 173two children home, Betty photographed the three of them one last time. Both children were chubby and healthy. Life magazine published Bettys before and after pictures March While many Somalis ed their countr y, some who had been abroad returned. Miriam Mohamed, a Somali nurse, came back from her studies in India to tend to the sick and dying in the midst of heavy ghting in Mogadishu. Betty and I met her one day at a UNICEF feeding center. I asked why she had risked returning. These are my people, she smiled, bending down to embrace a young girl. She said there were very few trained nurses in Somalia at the time and she wanted to help. She had also helped save her husband, who had been wounded and pinned down under cross re in one of the many interclan battles after Barres overthrow. Miriam borrowed a vehicle, drove into the midst of the ghting, pulled her husband into the vehicle, then raced away. Many other Somalis under standably hesitated to return to their country during the conict. An agricultural expert who had studied in the United States told me in Nairobi he wanted to return to Somalia to farm, using modern techniques that would serve as an example for other farmers in Somalia. But he was afraid because of the lawlessness and murders still plaguing his country. Meanwhile, as the dying continued along the roads to Baidoa and in the feeding centers there and in other towns, the governments of developed countries nally began to take note of the suffering. Some private, international relief groups had been working in Somalia before the fall of Barre and were quick to return after the coup. The United Nations moved slower. The World Begins to RespondIn January a full year after Barre was deposed, the UN under secretary for political aff airs, James Jonah, was sent to Somalia to try to help negotiate a cease-re, which was reached in early March From the beginning Aideed was skeptical of UN involvement in Somalia. He repeatedly said in interviews that he welcomed humanitarian aid but not political interference. He did not trust the new UN secretary general, Boutros Boutros-Ghali, who he felt had been too close to Barre when serving as Egypts foreign minister.

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174 / The New Africa Baidoa, Somalia, 1992 UNICEF goodwill ambassador Audrey Hepburn visited Somalia to bring world attention to the plight of Somali women and children. Credit: UNICEF/Betty Press.

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Things Fell Apart: Somalia / 175 After the March cease-re, Boutros-Ghali sent a civilian UN team to Mogadishu to lay plans for observing its implementation. Soon unarmed UN monitors were sent to the city, followed by lightly armed UN Pakistani guards who took control of the airport in Moga dishu to allow relief ights safe passage. Both groups proved ineffective in curbing the rising anarchy. The guards were conned by Somali militiamen to the airport, almost like prisoners. Sahnoun, the UN special representative for Somalia, was later forced out of the post by Boutros-Ghali for criticizing in public the slowness of the UN response to the Somali tragedy. Ironically, Boutros-Ghali shared the same frustration. Meanwhile the U.S. presidential campaign was heating up. Among other issues, Democratic candidate Clinton criticized Republican president George Bush for not taking decisive action to help the starving in Somalia. Those of us foreign correspondents based in Nairobi led many articles on the Somali crisis during and My own reports described people starving in Mogadishu. But the July front-page story by The New York Times correspondent Jane Perlez about the dying in Baidoa brought new U.S. awareness about Somalia. The article described people so famished they were dying in feeding lines. I should have gotten to Baidoa sooner myself, though I was soon ling many articles from there.43 My newspaper allowed me to make many trips to various parts of Somalia from until my departure from the region in I was given time to report on areas at peace as well as those at war and on efforts to rebuild Somalia as well as the destructive actions by a few groups to destroy it. Many journalists, whether owing to pressure from their editors or their own lack of interest, spent little time reporting positive developments in Somalia. On August Bush announced plans for Operation Provide Relief, a U.S. military airlift of food to Somalia. Bush said politics had nothing to do with his decision or its timing, coming less than three months before the presidential election.44 Once delivered, much of the food was looted because the U.S. troops stayed on the ground only a few minutes after each ight. Unload and get out: those were the orders. Many relief g roups had worked out delivery systems using local guards, but much of the food was stolen anyway. The United States

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176 / The New Africadecided that only an international military force could safeguard the food convoys enough to stop most of the stealing. But if the marines took over deliveries of food, warned one human rights analyst, all the delicate webs of agreements and contracts that relief agencies had worked out to get food delivered and not looted would be destroyed.45 In late Bush approved a plan for a U.S. military force to go to Somalia to tr y to stop the looting and get food to the starving. It would prove to be a complicated mission. The United States was about to send troops to a collapsed state, whose central government had disintegrated, and which held no major political or strategic interests. Why did Bush approve the plan? What seems clear is that it was truly his [Bushs] personal decision, based in large measure on his growing feelings of concern as the humanitarian disaster continued to unfold relentlessly despite the half-measures being undertaken by the international community. Presumably, growing criticism from the numerous involved NGOs [nongovernment organizations; that is, private charities], from the Hill [Congress], and from the Clinton camp was a contributing factor.46 Bush wanted it to be a short-term mission, with troop withdrawals to be under w ay by the time Clinton was sworn in as president in January But it would be March before the last U.S. troops left.I Never Saw a Landing Like This OneMany people knew approximately when the U.S. troops were coming ashore: they arrived December International TV network crews were waiting in Mogadishu, along with print journalists, pho tographer s, andlater in the daythousands of Somalis. Navy Seals swam ashore before dawn, emerging with night vision goggles, only to be temporarily blinded by a curtain of photographers ashes and TV lights. It could have been a dangerous moment: battle-ready forces meeting an army of reporters crowding forward for a good shot. Fortunately, no one pulled a trigger. Later that morning, a perspiring marine, William Sears, from Coronado, California, standing on the beach in full battle gear, holding his rie, looked around. Its a strange sight, he said, as his gaze swept over the massive crowds of Somalis on the

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Things Fell Apart: Somalia / 177beach peacefully watching the landing crafts coming ashore and unloading men and vehicles. Gunnery Sergeant Franklin Reis, of Richmond, Texas, also looked around in amazement: Ive been in quite a few landings. Ive never seen one like this. The only control power the U.S. soldiers needed that morning was crowd control. One frustrated marine kept shouting to Somalis to back up so spray and sand blown by the landing craft would not hit them. He was having no luck. I asked a Somali for the words back up and then told the soldier. When he used them, people suddenly moved back, much to his delight. The soldiers had expected a worse reception. Somali gunmen had been attacking food convoys regularly. On November gunmen had attacked trucks carrying food to Baidoa; some forty people were killed in the battle.47 The U.S. landing at Mogadishu was historic for three reasons: It was the r st time an international military force had been deployed to Africa to deliver relief supplies to prevent starvation; it was the rst such Mogadishu, Somalia, 1992 Landing in Mogadishu, U.S. soldiers found crowds of Somalis and journalists watching them.

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178 / The New Africaintervention without the consent of the countrys governmentthere was no central government at the time of the landing; and it was the rst time U.S. ground troops had been deployed in Africa since the end of World War II except for training exercises.48 Some analysts thought that the U.S. air war against Iraq in January should provide a lesson for its intervention in Somalia. The United States had initiated this action as a result of Iraqs occupation of Kuwait. But the United States had failed to kill or dislodge President Saddam Hussein, who remained in power. The lesson of Iraq is that we ought to think through what the root problem is so we dont have to go in again on a more costly basis, one analyst said.49 The root problem in Somalia was a complex one. The state had collapsed under Barre; his victors were carving up the country; the system of interclan coexistence had been severely battered. Now foreign troops had arrived. The starving would be fed; that would largely succeed. But the basic problem, the political one, would remain until the Somalisif they couldreestablished a system of coexistence. Otherwise the country would remain fragmented, dangerous. From the start, the view among many Somalis and the few Westerners who knew much about Somalia was that a quick withdrawal of U.S. troops, as envisioned by President Bush, would accomplish little. After news that the United States was planning an intervention lasting only a few weeks leaked out from Washington, one relief ofcial in Nairobi said U.S. ofcials dont understand the realities of Somalia if thats what they are thinking.50 Closer to Somalia, U.S. ambassador to Kenya Smith Hempstone sent a cable to the State Department warning of the dangers of a U.S. military force in Somalia. His December cable warned that U.S. troops would be vulnerable to sniper re and mines, and he cautioned that a Western nation taking charge in a Muslim country could provoke a backlash from Muslims outside Somalia. Hempstone also wrote that the operation might reunite the Somali nation against [the United States], the invaders, the outsiders who may have fed their children but also have killed their young men.51 He was largely ignored by the State Department and the White House, though he was right about the vulnerability of U.S. troops.

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Things Fell Apart: Somalia / 179 Landing da y, as the airport and nearby main port in Mogadishu were lling up with U.S. soldiers, their ofcers began planning to send troops to interior towns such as Baidoa. Death rates in Baidoa had come down signicantly but largely because many of the most vulnerable, especially young children, were already dead. Where are all the starving people? is the question I was most frequently asked by earnest young U.S. Marines after they landed in Somalia. They looked around at the crowds of healthy Somalis watching their arrival and wondered if what they had been told about Somalis dying was true. Knowing their sincerity and obvious desire to be of help, I could never bring myself to tell them the stark truth: Youre too late; most who were starving are already dead. The post-Barre civil war that had caused much of the starvation was far from nished, however, and the United States and other troops saved many lives by keeping survivors fed and minimizing food looting. The issue of disarmament came up almost immedia tely. What should be done about all the guns Somalis had? That rst day the troops arrived, I spoke with numerous Somalis, who said they hoped the United States would disarm militia and restore order to their ravaged country. They said they would help the marines locate hidden weapons. Machine guns and ries were abundant; almost every family had a weapon for self-defense, if not for looting. But the Western troops paid little heed to arms. My Somali driver, for example, simply lay his machine gun on the oor behind his seat when we passed through checkpoints of U.S. or French Foreign Legion troops. U.S. policy on disarmament was ambivalent. No immediate effort was made to detect or seize weapons, nor would any consistent searchand-seizure policy be carried out later. Disarmament went from a hot topic to one rarely even discussed by the U.S. military or diplomats. In the nal months of the UN military presence in Mogadishu, after the United States had pulled out, technicals, the heavily armed Somali vehicles, were once again on the streets. Major armed clashes between rival Somali clans were again the rule, not the exception. In the rst w eek after the arrival of the U.S. military in Mogadishu, U.S. Marine Colonel Fred Peck told reporters, If we see weapons openly displayed in an area over which we hold control, we will consid-

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180 / The New Africaer them hostile. Robert B. Oakley, U.S. special envoy to Somalia for Presidents Bush and Clinton, said disarmament was impractical: We cant disarm New York or Washington; how could we disarm Moga dishu?52 With its ov erwhelming military force, the U.S. troops might have been able to round up more weapons than they did, especially large ones, including vehicle-mounted weapons. But they would have had to act quickly. Within days of their arrival, Somalis were spotted eeing with heavy weapons toward the Kenyan and Ethiopian borders. Ethiopian president Meles Zenawi told me in an interview in that he had ordered his soldiers to stop the entry of any Somalis with such weapons. Somali sources said some weapons had been buried far from Mogadishu. Italian troops in Belet Huen, a central Somali town, did round up and destroy some heavy weapons. In Mogadishu, some heavy weapons of both Aideed and Mahdi were put in caches subject to UN inspection. It was a clash in Mogadishu, after Pakistani Muslim soldiers inspected one of Aideeds caches, that led to the unraveling of both the UN and U.S. missions in Somalia. Well before tha t, however, there were signs the foreign intervention was heading into problems, especially in the coastal city of Kismayu, whose port and airport made it a prize fought over by rival militia. The lack of understanding of Somali politics by the occupying forces was becoming quite clear there. Kismayu was to become the rst example in Somalia of the limited effectiveness of an international military force trying to act as a peacemaker. Kismayu provided an early test of [U.S. and UN troops] commitment to enforce a cease-re and maintain the military status quo.53 They failed the test.Well Kick AssWhen Barre ed Mogadishu in January Morgan, his son-in-law, retreated to Kismayu, where he had some ties to local ethnic clans. Morgan had been in charge of Barres merciless bombing of the northern city Hargeisa, a deed that earned him the title butcher of Har geisa. But now, with Barre overthrown, Morgan joined forces with Barres enemy, Mahdi. Morgan later lost control of Kismayu to Col-

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Things Fell Apart: Somalia / 181onel Ahmed Omar Jess, who also had fought on Barres side but had since become aligned with Aideed. So the Mahdi-Aideed rivalry of Mogadishu was being played out in Kismayu by proxy, with Morgan on Mahdis side and Jess on Aideeds. Most senior U.S. and UN military ofcers I spoke with in Somalia appeared to know little about the countrys politics, though it lay at the heart of the war the United States was trying to curb. They especially showed a disturbing unfamiliarity with the Kismayu conict.54 On January six weeks after the rst U.S. troops arrived in Somalia, a combined U.S.-Belgian force launched an attack that turned back a column led by Morgan, who was headed toward Kis mayu to tr y to recapture the city. A month later, Morgans forces changed tactics and seized much of the city despite the presence of the same international forces. This time, instead of advancing as a unit on Kismayu, where Belgian tanks and U.S. armored personnel car-riers were guarding major intersections, Morgan sent his men and womeninto the city one by one or in groups of no more than two or three. They came in looking like herders, not soldiers, according to a U.S. military spokesman. Morgan got women to carry rearms under their skirts. Once in Kismayu, he routed Jesss forces out of most of the city. The change of pow er in Kismayu, under the noses of U.S. and Belgian troops, was only the rst of many Somali power shifts the foreigners were unable to stop. The following month, on March Morgans force took over the rest of Kismayu, clashing with Jesss forces directly in front of Belgian tanks, using women at the front of the attack. The Belgians did not shoot. What were we supposed to do, re on women? one Belgian soldier asked later. Kismayu was the rst clear indication that Somali soldiers could outfox the much better-equipped Western forces. Unfortunately, the lessons of Kismayu were largely ignored by the U.S. and UN bureaucracy in Mogadishu, where things would turn deadly before long. Somalia, especially Mogadishu, was to become a textbook example of the mismatch between the kind of overwhelming force Colin Powell, chairman of the U.S. Joint Chiefs of Staff, had called for in the Somali operation and an effective, urban guerrilla force whose tactics

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182 / The New Africaresembled a pack of African hyena nipping at the heels of a large buffalo until they brought it down. In Africa, it is not always the biggest and strongest animal that survives a hunt. Another example of the mismatch of forces came in Kisma yu as the U.S. military began reducing its troops in Somalia in early as part of its go-home-early plan. A U.S. offshore, rapid deployment force was assigned to respond to emergencies in Somalia. Some troops in that force sailed into Kismayu waters two days after Morgans militia took over the city from Jess. They came aboard the USS Wasp under the command of Commodore Ken Pyle. If the local militia leaders were contemplating upsetting the balance of power, the U.S. force is prepared to take action, he told me on board. He made no mention of the fact that the balance of power had just shifted and the United States, with troops in the city, had been unable to stop it. Though Morgans forces were now in charge of Kismayu, Jess was nearby and planning revenge. The U.S. troops arriving on the Wasp were putting themselves in the middle of Somali politics by supporting the temporary balance of power, which now favored Morgan. A marine commander on board the Wasp said the United States would kick ass if any militia leader tried something. How, exactly, would it do that? I asked. He said there were crowd control techniques that could be applied, and on a piece of paper he drew some lines I didnt understand. The marines were there to send a message to the warlords, he added. Which warlords? I asked. He hesitated, perhaps uncertain or unaware of who the warlords, or militia leaders, in that area were. But it was no secret which Somali forces controlled the city. And since Morgan was happy to have his force in charge of the city, any message the U.S. presence was sending about keeping the political status quo had to be addressed to Jess. I went looking for Jess the next day to see if he was getting the message. The U .S. forces were not searching for him; they were busy doing things in town like putting up sandbags near where Belgian troops had already done so. Western relief ofcials watched with some amusement at the futility of the exercise, for that is what the Kismayu operation seemed to be, an observation U.S. ofcers, speaking privately, did not deny. Belgian intelligence ofcers welcomed me to their makeshift headquarters in Kismayua couple of military vehicles parked behind

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Things Fell Apart: Somalia / 183a small building. They shared their rations, much tastier than U.S. Meals Ready to Eat, or MREs. (One evening I was sitting on some boxes in a hallway near the Belgian operations center at the port in Kismayu, eating an MRE, or trying to. A Belgian soldier took pity and invited me over to enjoy the fresh-cooked meal his troops were eating nearby.) The Belgian intelligence ofcer s had no idea where Jess was, but they agreed to take me with them to check an area where he had been seen the previous day. We drove some distance from town in a jeep. Along the way one of the Belgian soldiers threw packets of cookies to Somalis; hungry Somalis of all ages scrambled for the packets, and the Belgian soldier seemed pleased. He took pride in his cookie marksmanship, seeing how close he could get them to the feet of people. It made me angry: it reminded me of feeding animals at a zoo. The scrambling was undignied and emphasized the helplessness of the people. I wondered why the Belgians didnt just stop and distribute food in a respectable way, though with just one box they might have been mobbed. The Belgians w ere unable to nd Jess, so when we passed through a village I asked them to stop. I walked over to some Somalis standing by a store and asked them if anyone could show us the way to Jesss campthat I was a journalist and traveling with the Belgians. The men told a young boy to accompany us. He climbed onto the back of our jeep, and we continued up the road a few more miles. At a side road, the boy indicated we should turn. At the end of that dirt road was another one; it ended in a cluster of trees. I got out. After introducing myself as a journalist, and asking for an interview with Jess, I was told by a Somali man to sit down. He pointed to a log. In a few minutes, a short, solid man came out: it was Jess. He sat down on the log, and we talked as U.S. jets screamed overhead. What message are y ou getting from all this? I asked, pointing to the planes. No message, he said I want the U.S. and UN troops to go home so I can take over Kismayu. So much for the show of force. The U.S. military presence in Somalia reminded me of someone clapping with one hand: lots of motion but not much effect.

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184 / The New AfricaReporting the War in SomaliaIf Somalia was confusing to the U.S. military, it was also confusing to journalistsand dangerous. A number of journalists were killed; Betty and I considered ourselves fortunate to have come out unscathed. My main task was to try to understand not only the daily events but their background. This meant building trust with Somalis of competing factions to obtain insights on their views. It took time, repeated visits, a lot of travel, and still there was so much more I always needed to learn. But at least I was able to convince many Somalis that I was listening to their views and reporting them. The Somalia story emerged in pieces: the collapse of the state, including the decline of the central government during the time when Barre pitted clans against each other to keep them off balance and himself in power; the civil war and anarchy that followed the fall of Barre; relief efforts; and the foreign military intervention. The overall story was multilayered, yet I could penetrate some of the layers by traveling through the country, listening to a wide variety of Somalis, and cross-checking their accounts when possible. Somalis often were surprised, but usually helpful, when queried by an outsider about leaders in addition to Aideed and Mahdi, about political and military strategies, and about clan politics. One of the features of Somali politics tha t makes it seem byzantine is that clan alliances are uid. Members of a clan or subclan will change their allegiance when it serves their interest. The Hawadley are an example. The Hawadley, a major clan, supported Aideed and his Habir Gedir subclan militia when Aideed was battling Barre. The two clans continued to cooperate after Aideed occupied south Mogadishu. When Aideed and Mahdi fought and divided the city, establishing the green line of bombed-out, abandoned buildings downtown between territory of the two sides, the Hawadley remained aligned with Aideed. By early however, Aideeds forces began pushing southward, grabbing more farmland, including some the Hawadley had taken. Aideeds men in Mogadishu also seized some property belonging to the Ha wadley As a result, the Hawadley nally declared war against the Habir Gedir.

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Things Fell Apart: Somalia / 185 In August Aideeds forces attacked the Hawadley-dominated town of Belet Huen, in central Somalia near the Ethiopian border, driving the Hawadley out. Shortly after Aideeds men took charge, I ew back to the town with a private relief team assessing needs. The Hawadley, who had lived primarily on the east side of town, had ed; streets there were practically empty. On the west side, where more than a dozen non-Hawadley clans lived, life went on as normal. The unpaved side streets on the west side were full of people; outdoor market stalls were piled with goods. Interviewing people was difcult. Typical of an occupied zone, residents feared to criticize the occupiers. Nor did they want to criticize the Hawadleys in case they retook the town.55 Before the takeov er, when the Habir Gedir forces seized control of the main road near the town, the Hawadley had forcibly expelled some Habir Gedir families from Belet Huen. Aideeds forces retaliated, capturing the town, looting Hawadley properties, and forcing the Ha wadley to ee. In the process, the Habir Gedir captured a contingent of Zimbabwean UN troops, later releasing them, again illustrating the relative ineffectiveness of the UN troops in controlling ghts between clans.* *Covering the war had light and dangerous moments. As things began to sour for the U.S. and UN troops, as Aideeds forces began ghting them in mid-, most journalists stayed at the Al-Saha Hotel in Mogadishu. It was located near an intersection leading to the airport, which was in U.S. and UN hands after December From the roof of the Al-Saha, where journalists gathered to relax in the early evenings after ling their days story, one had a view of much of the city. Blocks of whitewashed homes with at roofs hinted at peace and the Mogadishu that had been a tourist spot. But there were plenty of reminders of the war. Now and then a Somali gunman on a nearby rooftop would re at one of the U.S. Cobra helicopter gunships sweeping over, lights out, on another mission. The gunmans tracer bullets left red trails arching skyward. Since we journalists were in plain view of pilots, we always hoped the newly arrived U.S. pilots had been briefed

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186 / The New Africathat our group on the hotel roof, with night vision lenses pointed at their aircraft, was friendly. Snipers could tur n our way, too, so most of the time we sat rather than stood on the roof, protected by a low wall. One night in response to Somali music blaring out from across the street, we put on Bruce Springsteens Born in the USA and turned up the volume, blanketing the evening air with an acoustical protest. Rival Somali factions sometimes peppered the Al-Saha Hotel with automatic weapons, not as a target, but because two groups were ring at each other from opposite sides of the building. Fortunately, I was not there on those several occasions. Some journalists bra vely went wherever there was gunre. In June Pakistani soldiers, on a rooftop in Mogadishu, red from behind sandbags on a group of Somali protestors entering the main intersection below. The Pakistanis denied using machine guns against the crowd, but a tape recording made by journalist Paul Watson captured the sound of either a machine gun or rapid-re automatic weapons. A television crew caught what appeared to be Pakistani troops on the roof using machine guns. The Pakistani command denied the use of such weapons. The crowd was unarmed except for a possible Somali shooter at the rear of the group, who some observers said red into the crowd to force the demonstrators toward the Pakistani guns and provoke a showdown to create further animosity against the United Nations. I freely admit I was not among those who rushed to battles. But I found myself impelled to go close to one the morning I was shaken awake in the hotel by aerial bombing. A U.S. spy plane with computer precision was chipping off parts of Aideeds house in a deliberate intimidation campaign. I jumped out of my bed; my roommate, a Japanese journalist, was already on his feet. We ran up to the roof and watched the attack. Soon helicopters were raking Aideeds neighborhood with re. I wanted to see if the intense re was killing civilians, so I went into the streets. I ran behind correspondent Watson alongside a wall. Snipers on the other side were ring into the street, so we ran close to the wall, sprinting across intersections until we got to one near the battle. At the intersection near Aideeds house there were a number of young Somali men. The attack was by the United States, so I had planned to tell Somalis I met that I was from Canada. But when they

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Things Fell Apart: Somalia / 187asked my nationality, I blurted out American. Yes, I added quickly, the pilots attacking were Americans, too, but Im down here with you; if you get hit, Ill get hit. They stared at me for a few long seconds. Many Somalis carry knives, and despite the presence nearby of an Italian tank crew I was nervous. I was already frightened by the whiz of snipers bullets overhead. I kept talking, trying to assure them I just wanted their views. Finally, they began answering my questions. Several other journalists wanted to try to get closer to the area under attack, only about a block away, but the Somalis with whom I had been talking told me it was too dangerous. The helicopters w ere still ying low over our heads, spewing out bullets. That morning I saw something that convinced me the battle against Aideeds forces could be a tougher one than most of us had imagined. Despite the intensity of the air attack, the Aideed ghters did not turn and run. They merely fell back, building by building, and continued ring at the helicopters from the side. It was this fearlessness that would help bring them victory. And it was Somali rage that would bring the deaths of four of my colleagues. Four inter national journalists were killed at the site of the U.S. bombing of a meeting of Aideeds supporters, a meeting which included many civilians, in May I was not in Mogadishu at the time. Journalist Scott Peterson told me he arrived at the site before the other four and had been struck on the head by some angry Somalis. Yet he was fortunate; he managed to get back to the Al-Saha Hotel. Reuters photographers Dan Eldon, a British-American, and Kenyan Hos Maina; Anthony Macharia, a Kenyan soundman for Reuter television; and Hansi Krauss, a German photographer, were killed at the scene. They were beaten to death by Somalis enraged by the U.S. attack on civilians with no warning. Another Kenyan journalist, Mohammed Sha fi who had gone with the four was lined up against a wall to be shot, but the gun jammed. He frantically pushed his way through the mob and leaped onto a moving pickup truck whose driver threatened to take him to the local market, where he, too, would likely have been beaten to death. But he convinced the driver he was a friend of Aideed and they deposited him, badly wounded, at the Al-Saha. Maina was a fr iend of Bettys and mine, a gentle and courageous photographer, always willing to help others, never pushy, never trying

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188 / The New Africato claim extra credit for himself. During riots that accompanied an aborted coup in Kenya in Maina was one of the few photographers brave enough to go out on the street, taking his photos with a camera hidden in a basket he was carrying. Eldon was known as the mayor of Mogadishu among his friends for his casual, cheerful manner and appreciation of Somalis. He could talk easily with everyone and seemed at home in a city of turmoil. He cheered up fellow journalists with funny stories and even sold postcards and T-shirts of Mogadishu. In Nairobi one evening I w atched as bodies were unloaded from a small aircraft. The mothers of the two Kenyans broke into loud wailing when the body bags were brought off the plane. As I felt the pain of the families, I couldnt help wondering how the mothers of the Somalis killed by the U.S. bombs must be feeling. Could their grief be any less heart rending? I was angry at the U.S. attack on the civilian meeting. Another colleague, Keith Richburg, of the Washington Post, who was frequently assigned to Mogadishu during his three years in Africa, also reacted to the killing of the four journalists: I didnt cry when my friends died; I became obsessed. I talked to military ofcers who planned the operation, who called it a good hit and the people inside punks and gangsters. I talked to a State Department ofcer who told me, Maybe we killed some people we wouldnt have wanted to kill, but we also got the guys we were after.56 Richburg saw a moral aw in the attack. Something had happened to the United States in this rst post [Cold War] military expedition in Africawe were behaving like they were. We had come into the jungle (or in this case, the desert) and adopted their survival-of-the-ttest rules. We had lost our moral high ground.57* *Anothers death makes one think of ones own mortality. We journalists, like relief workers, always assumed we were going to make it through the war, that somehow the bullets, bombs, and rockets would not hit us, that we could carry on with our work unharmed. One day I saw another Kenyan TV soundman, Hassan Ali, being taken to a hospital in a pickup truck. I jumped in with him and later helped carry him into the operating room. He was own back to Kenya, where he eventually recovered. I was angry at the circumstances in which he had been

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Things Fell Apart: Somalia / 189knifed by a Somali who robbed him and another Kenyan of their cameras. An Italian producer who had hired the Kenyans had insisted on their lming in front of a mosque despite Somali warnings on the scene to go away. Such warnings should have been taken seriously. The producer later bought back the stolen equipment, encouraging further armed robberies.Somalia the SunbirdOccasionally a gunght would break out within a few hundred yards of our hotel in Mogadishu. I would creep to the doorway leading onto the roof, trying to look out without exposing myself to re. One day, in the midst of such a battle I saw a bird sitting on a ledge of the roof, its singing nearly drowned out by machine gun re. The good qualities of Somalis during the war were like the beautiful greenish and bronze Mogadishu, Somalia, 1992 A Kenyan TV soundman, Hasan Ali, was knifed by angry Somalis while lming in front of a mosque. The author (right back) helped carry him into a Somali hospital.

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190 / The New Africacolors of an African sunbird, glinting momentarily in the sunlight, then disappearing in the noise and shadows of violence.58 During four years reporting on the war, ying there from Nairobi in comfortable chartered jets of relief agencies or on dawn cargo planes, sleeping on sacks of grain, packing plastic water bottles, a bedroll, and notebooks, I saw contrasting aspects of Somalis. The killings and the massive starvation were the shadows of the country; the seless, brave work of Somali relief workers and the tenacity and courage of the people, their endurance and will to live, were the sunbird qualities. Sometimes the gentle qualities of a Somali made me set aside my deadline reporting. One such person was a man in a hospital in Mo gadishu, a dismal f acility with few amenities, few doctors, and crowded with wounded and sick. A stray bullet had hit him when he had gone out looking for bread for his children, paralyzing him. One year later I came across the same man, still lying there, still trying to be cheerful and to stay alive. I was so moved I spent hours getting a U.S. military doctor from the base at the airport to come examine him. The doctor came, but he had to be guarded by a U.S. military escorta truck with several armed soldiers. The soldiers had not had much contact with Somalis off their base. Two of them, a man and a woman, took pictures of themselves outside the hospital with a small camera, posing with Somali children. They seemed delighted to meet some of the people they had come to help. For a eeting moment their two worlds came together: the children offered smiles and eager handshakes, spontaneous gifts these soldiers might remember as much as, or more than, the hardships or even the dangers of Somalia; for their part, the soldiers offered their genuine affection for the children, taking a break from acting like members of the military. The children of Somalia. I had seen so man y dying, but so many more were still alive with curiosity, hope, and laughter. Later, some youth became not only mischievous but dangerous, as they stole equipment from troopssometimes hopping moving military vehicles and grabbing anything they could pry loose. For the most part, it was not like the situation in Liberia, however, where child soldiers were among the killers. Somalia and its children affected some of the troops who came from abroad. Canadian soldier Vincent Fowles, sitting in the back of a truck

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Things Fell Apart: Somalia / 191 Baidoa, Somalia, 1992 U.S. soldiers take time to meet some Somali children. Baidoa, Somalia, 1992 Children in a Somali orphanage delight in catching raindrops. Credit: UNICEF/Betty Press.

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192 / The New Africain Belet Huen, told me one day: I saw kids drinking water as dirty as my laundry water. They use string to hold their sandals together. When I get home, Ill look at myself and say, Ive got enough. After covering Somalia for a while, I began to say the same thing. I gained a new appreciation for basic things: a meal; a place to sleep; being alive. One group of children who got a lot of a ttention lived at a small, rustic orphanage in a schoolhouse at the edge of Baidoa, the epicenter of the famine. Reporters, relief ofcials, diplomats, soldierseveryone went to the orphanage. I learned in interviews with some of the children that many of them were not orphans, but their parents were unable to provide for them. The orphanage offered safety and Spartan meals. The rooms, bare except for beds, opened onto a single dirt court yard. Wooden boards with Koranic lessons written on them with erasable ink were stacked next to the trees in the courtyard. The children laughed and played in the rain one afternoon, including a little girl in Mickey Mouse slippers sent from abroad. *Historian Isaiah Berlin once wrote that to be lonely is to be among men who do not know what you mean. His words could have applied to Americans looking at Somalis and Somalis looking at Americans. Exile, solitude, Berlin wrote, is to nd yourself among people whose words, gestures, handwriting are alien to your own, whose behavior, reactions, feelings, instinctive responses, and thoughts and pleasures and pains, are too remote from yours, whose education and outlook, the tone and quality of whose lives and being, are not yours.59 Lack of understanding between people of different countries naturally leads to miscalculations; Somalia was no exception. Somalia was a tragic example of how lack of understanding can lengthen the psychological distance between an African country and the West. For man y in the West, when things go wrong somewhere in Africa, they see all of Africa as a continent without hope; the country in trouble becomes the bellwether for all the other ones. Somalia, then, became the prism through which I came to view the rest of Africa, wrote one American journalist after covering the war there. It was to become the metaphor for my own disillusionment.60 At a time when many Africans were seeking greater freedom in their lives and often needed West-

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Things Fell Apart: Somalia / 193ern cooperation to get it, such analysis was unfortunate. It was also inaccurate; Somalia was not typical of Africa. As noted earlier, most of those who came to Somalia did not under stand the history or the culture or the politics of the people. Somalis were virtually unanimous that the international community failed to understand them and their country, failed to sufciently consult with Somalis before making key decisions regarding their fate and wellbeing, and failed to draw sufciently on the limited number of people familiar from previous experience with the country.61 U.S. military personnel arrived in Somalia with a small booklet explaining some basic elements of Somali society, yet most I spoke with had little understanding of Somalia. This unfamiliarity led to an us-versus-them attitude toward Somalis as Aideeds side became increasingly convinced that the United States and the United Nations were in Somalia to block their goal of taking over the country.Land of Oz: UN Headquarters in SomaliaThe decisions when to ght and whom to ght were made behind the long white walls surrounding the former U.S. Embassy, which became the UN headquarters as well as the U.S. political base as the conict heated up. I called the massive compound the Land of Oz because of its pretense at power despite its inability to change the military or political situation in Somalia. From the outside, the compound was quite impressive, but inside it seemed almost impotent. The people inside were quite isola ted from the reality of Somalia. As the streets grew more dangerous, their main contact with Somalis was limited to those working in or visiting the compound. For most personnel the wall around the compound was as much psychological as physical. Many times a reporter entering the compound was greeted with Whats it like downtown? Downtown was where we journalists and, until it got too dangerous, most private aid workers lived. A siege mentality had set in among most UN and U.S. personnel, and not without cause. Once Aideed was targeted, his supporters felt free to re on U.S. or UN personnel, which they did in ambushes. The occasional mortar red into the compound was also enough to make life in Oz unnerving. Protective gear was issued to UN employees. One woman

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194 / The New Africaworking in the press unit of the United Nations who wore a helmet and sometimes a ak jacket had a mortar explode next to her trailer one evening.By day the compound was full of Somali clerks, cleaning crews, construction workers, and others. Among them were almost certainly Aideed supporters. It was widely assumed that Aideed sympathizers may have given U.S. and UN military forces wrong information on the whereabouts of Aideed during the months international forces were hunting for him. Jour nalists dealing frequently with U.S. and UN press ofcials sparred with them on numerous occasions. The ofcials were friendly, sometimes helpful, but often under constraints that kept them from disclosing the full truth. For example, after one battle between U.S. and Aideed forces, a U.S. military spokesman would not conrm whether any U.S. personnel had been wounded. The spokesman did say no one was missing. He was talking from the compound by radio to a group of us journalists at the Al-Saha Hotel; we were unable to reach the compound due to heavy ghting on the street that day. I asked the spokesman why he could not conrm if any U.S. soldiers were hurt since they had accounted for everyone. How could he be sure they were alive and not know if they were wounded? On another occasion, a UN ofcial who had come to help reestablish a Somali police force was asked by a foreign reporter why the UN was working with a notorious thug from the Barre years on the new force. The ofcial, apparently unaware of the record of the ex-Barre man, made a general statement about how the UN was screening applicants. Despite the dangers of tra veling outside the UN-U.S. compound, some U.S. ofcers relished the risk. One who worked for the U.S. Psychological Operations ofce gave me a ride one day in his jeep. He drove rapidly down sandy side roads to a relief agency ofce a few blocks away, clenching a cigar between his teeth like a smoking version of John Wayne. He could have ridden in an armored personnel carrier, but he preferred the jeep, despite the possibility of snipers. Some UN troops who got outside the compound did more harm than good. Egyptians were selling vehicles [at the port in Mogadishu]; Nigerian forces were selling passes into the UN compound; Pakistanis were caught leaving [Somalia] with crates of military equipment that turned out to be full of UN air conditioners and appliances.62 The

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Things Fell Apart: Somalia / 195corruption at the port got so blatant that the UN ofcial in charge of port security brought the matter up at a meeting with a senior UN ofcial in Mogadishu, alleging Egyptian troops were involved. It was a delicate matter because the secretary general of the UN was Egyptian. Rather than listen and take note, according to another participant in the meeting, the senior UN ofcial ordered the port security man not to disparage Egyptian troops. Later, the senior ofcial did inspect the port. In the part of the compound the United States was still using for its own operations, a newly arrived U.S. military intelligence ofcer spoke with me at length as we stood under a tree. He seemed eager to learn but as confused as we reporters over the shifting orders given to the military regarding the purpose of the U.S. mission in Somalia. Unlike many other ofcers, however, he admitted his bewilderment. The U.S. military strategy was confusing: U.S. troop strength was built up, then reduced, then built up again. The United States never established a clear policy on disarmament. The missions purpose also kept changing, from humanitarian and noninvolvement in politics, to hunting Aideed, and later to negotiating with him, even ying him to a peace conference in a U.S. plane.Elusive PeaceThe U.S. peace strategy was also confusing. U.S. envoy Robert Oakley, as energetic and sincere as he was, fell into the trap of trying to negotiate mostly between Aideed and Mahdi and never developed the wider range of contacts the rst UN special representative to Somalia, Sah noun, did. Sahnoun contacted not only the heads of militia but traditional and other community leaders. His dismissal by Boutros-Ghali after criticizing the slow-moving UN bureaucracy left the United Nations in Somalia without the one person already well along the road to working with a wide variety of Somali authorities. That range of contacts was necessary to understand Somali political and military maneuvering. Somalis, like an y other people, see and describe events from their viewpoints. Once you appreciated clan bias or loyalty, which changes according to events, Somali politics was not impossible to fathom.

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196 / The New AfricaThere was also a logic behind most of the ghting. Fighting was seldom random and usually in response to attacks or as part of a plan of conquest in a contested area. Meanwhile peace was becoming an ev er more distant goal. Things might hav e gone better if the U.S. and the UN ofcials had known more about peacemaking in Somalia.63 The United States, joined later by the UN, tried to broker peace agreements between the lead militia leaders, primarily Aideed and Mahdi. This effort usually consisted of separate negotiations with each side to seek agreement on a cease-re in Mogadishu (several were reached, most of short duration) and on the formation of a coalition, central government. The United States and the UN often worked together on these negotiations, but the former continued to make its own direct contacts with the two sides from time to time. Aideed was not opposed to ag reements. On March he signed one in Addis Ababa, Ethiopia, with other leaders of the warring factions. This agreement called for the establishment of a Transitional National Council (TNC) to run the country; it would be composed of fty-four representatives from eighteen regions (three represenatives, including one woman, per region), ve additional seats for Mogadishu, and one nominee from each of the main political factions. Each region would establish a regional countil and under it district councils. At the time, Aideed claimed control of enough regions to give him control of the TNC, but his claims proved to be an exaggeration. In any case, the establishment of regional councils was never completed. The agreement fell apart as Aideed and rival factions fell into new rounds of ghting, but many district councils were set up with the help of the United Nations. Other peace pacts brokered by the United Nations would follow, with few lasting results. The UN-brokered conferences had time limits of several weeks, while traditional Somali peace talks took several months. The signatories to some UN-sponsored pacts signed only after the UN deadline for the peace talks expired, or more precisely, after the United Nations threatened to stop paying hotel bills for the delegates in cities such as Nairobi and Addis Ababa. There was nothing like the prospect of paying their own hotel bills to get intransigent Somali fac-

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Things Fell Apart: Somalia / 197tion leaders to sign a treaty, shake hands in front of the cameras, then go home and do nothinguntil they began ghting again. There were three ev en more fundamental weaknesses in the peacemaking process which the United States and the United Nations generally did not recognize. The collapse of the Somali state left r ival groups arguing about who had the power to represent whom at peace conferences. This in ghting at prepara tory meetings was more important to the Somalis than the actual peace negotiation because it determined how important one group was in relation to the others. Failure to recognize this important nuance was central to nearly every failed peace conference. Somali factional leader s also saw peace conferences as a place to gain prestige to enhance their position in dealing with challenges to their leadership within their own clans. Somalis I interviewed said Aideed had at least three rivals for leadership of his own Habir Gedir subclan of the Hawiye, including Osman Hassan Ali (Ato), a former nancial backer who later fought against him. Because the focus of the UN-organized peace conferences was primarily militia leaders, with less attention paid to other community and traditional clan leaders, the conferences tended to enhance the position of people like Aideed and Mahdi within their subclans. This reduced chances for others to make serious contributions toward peace. Some Somalis beneted from war Somalis who had seized valuable real estate in Mogadishu or farmlands in the south had little interest in a peace that might require them to give these spoils of war back. In this respect, not only was peacemaking in Somalia an unpopular pursuit, it was dangerous, especially for would-be Somali peacemakers.64 A Somali Botanist and PeacemakerAhmed Warfa is a tall, slender, and roughly handsome man, slightly bald, with gray hair and a wispy gray beard. With his digni fi ed manner when he walks, he looks royaland he is. Bloodlines on both sides of

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198 / The New Africahis family trace back to the equivalent of Somali kings. Warfa became a peacemaker after civil war forced the closure of the Somali National University in Mogadishu where he was a professor of botany. (He said he identi fi ed in the har sh Somali scrubland a tough little plant that goats eat and which today bears his family name.) He needed a job so he began working for the United Nations, rst translating, then helping to set up district councils under the Addis Ababa peace agreement. The militia leaders of Somalia, including Aideed, did not want the councils set up unless they controlled them. So for Warfas tireless efforts to help establish councils, he became a marked man. On the afternoon of F ebruary Warfa was being driven home from his UN ofce in Mogadishu. As the car neared his house, he spotted a group of men quarreling at the metal gate. When his driver slowed to let him out, Warfa heard one of the men say, Hes here; hes here. Within seconds, the men sprayed bullets toward his car. His Nairobi, Kenya, 1995 Ahmed Warfa, a Somali botanist, was a UN employee during the UN operation in Somalia.

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Things Fell Apart: Somalia / 199driver was wounded but managed to speed away with him. Warfa was hit ve times and was admitted to a Pakistani-run hospital in the city. Some people were happy I w as injured, hoped that I was killed, or handicapped, Warfa said after he had recovered and moved to Nairobi. The warlords did not want me going around [working] at the grass roots to establish district councils The most hated people by the warlords are the intellectuals, because they are the ones who understand [what is happening in Somalia]. He was working at the Swedish Life and Peace Institutes Nairobi ofce, doing what he could to reconcile rival Somali factions whose representatives were in Nairobi. There was one faction he was not eager to meet with, howeverAideeds, whose men may have been the ones who tried to kill him. But while peace was running into obstacles in southern Somalia, there was progress in the north.Making Peace the Somali WayIn a schoolhouse at the edge of the town of Boroma, dozens of community leaders in long robes and, many of them, turbans, gathered from different parts of northern Somalia in February for a peace conference. They came from all parts of a region that in May had declared itself independent of the rest of the country, taking the name Somaliland. Their leaders had set up a provisional government. (So far no other nation had recognized it.) Since then, rival factions had fallen into conict, and the provisional government had become discredited amid charges of corruption. The Boroma peace conference was an attempt to bring people back together again and select new leadersthe Somali way. For one thing, that meant leisurely negotiations where all views could be aired at length, rather than the usually hurried UN conferences. The meetings ran from February to May It was m y rst experience visiting a Somali peace conference. Between the initial organizing sessions, the dusty streets of the town lled up with elders, as Somali traditional leaders are called. At a crowded local restaurant I sat down with one of the oldest elders and asked him how they could control the kind of armed bandits who had menaced my wife and meand even some of the elderson the way to the peace conference.

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200 / The New Africa They will obey us, he said with assurance, shaking a long, bony nger to emphasize his point. Could unarmed, elderly men like himself really curb the violence racking the new country? Elders in Somalia have always played a key role in keeping peace. Unarmed, but highly respected in traditional Somali society, they are neither elected nor selected by politicians. Their base of legitimacy comes from their role in the community as respected civil leaders. Some are known as Ugas, a word usually translated as kings. But unlike despotic kings, they exercise their inuence peacefully. They listen to grievances, weigh the facts, and generally try to counsel and advise in line with what appears to be the majority tendency. Sometimes, however, they call men to arms. In the midst of the civil war, especially in Mogadishu, armed militia often disregarded the elders. But even so, elders never completely lost their inuence in Somalia and continued to have the respect of most ordinary Somalis. On numerous occasions during the post-Barre years, elders used their inuence to curb militia activity, sometimes as mediators. In Belet Huen, for example, one Uga of the Hawadley clan helped negotiate a truce with rival factions.* *Betty and I arrived for what we thought were the closing days of the conference. So much for Western thinking; the conference was just starting. It was being held without UN sponsorship and without U.S. involvement. In contrast to the UN conferences, which were held at luxury hotels in large cities, delegates to the Boroma gathering met in a schoolhousemany of them even slept on mats on the schools cement oorin a town where camels and pedestrians far outnumbered vehicles on the dirt streets. Overall, the conference represented a good example of the Somali decision-making process. The long Boroma [assembly] was a marvelous opportunity to air a lot of old quarrels, bad feelings and rank stories. A lot came out into the open. People shouted at each other. Poetry was written and recited, a very essential element in public Somali life. Some other people were made fun of. Quarrels were resolved through public excuses, arranged marriages and exchanges of ceremonial gifts [related to] the compensation of honor so important in Somali culture.

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Things Fell Apart: Somalia / 201 Boroma, northern Somalia, 1993 A Somali elder attends a traditional and successful peace conference.

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202 / The New AfricaIn a way, one could say that the political and cultural display of social dynamics became essential.66 The Boroma conference had signicant results: selection of a head of state for Somaliland and resolution of some major ethnic disputes, though some ghts continued to are up from time to time. Former Somali prime minister Ibrahim Egal was chosen as the new president. The man he replaced, Abdurahman Ali, nicknamed Tur, would later side with Aideed in a power struggle against Egal. But the coming together of major ethnic groups in Somaliland as a result of the Boroma assembly gave Egal a broad base of support against such attacks. In late ghting between forces of Egal and Tur broke out in Hargeisa, forcing three-fourths of the population to ee, many to Ethiopia. By early the ghting spread to other parts of Somaliland. Egal was reelected president for another ve years at a national communities conference in early Somaliland still had not received international recognition. Aspects of the Boroma experience might ha ve become a model for UN and U.S. peacemaking efforts. But like the unheeded military lessons from Kismayu on the limitations of a superpower dealing with a local insurgency, the peacemaking lessons from Boroma went largely unnoticed by ofcials of the United States and the United Nations, who were focusing on curbing Aideed in Mogadishu.The Turning PointOn June Pakistani UN troops inspected one of Aideeds arms caches located next to a radio station that his supporters used for propaganda. Aideed and Mahdi had agreed to UN inspections of their arms caches. For several days prior to the inspection, pro-Aideed announcers had broadcast invectives against the United Nations, charging that body with planning to take over the station. By the time the Pakistanis carried out their inspection, emotions among Aideeds supporters had been whipped to explosion level. According to U.S. ofcials, within ninety minutes [of the inspection] angry crowds were assembling at other locations in south Mogadishu. In midmorning [Aideeds Somali National Alliance], taking cover behind stone-throw-

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Things Fell Apart: Somalia / 203ing women and children, ambushed a group of Pakistani soldiers on October Road. SNA militia and civilians elsewhere in the city confronted the Pakistani patrols, which were caught by surprise.67 Twenty-four Pakistani soldiers were killed and many more wounded in the attacks, including some who had been distributing relief food. Some of their bodies were mutilated by Somalis. In the weeks that followed, UN and other ofcials debated whether the attack was planned or spontaneous. One thing was clear: few understood that the SNA had worked itself into seeing any interference with the radio station as a casus belli.68 Why not? The deputy director of the UN operation in Somalia, U.S. major general Thomas Montgomery, was commander of all U.S. forces in Somalia. (U.S. forces in Somalia worked with the UN but were never under its control.) He assigned twenty-two armored personnel carriers to the Pakistani inspection team, anticipating possible trouble. But when I spoke with the Pakistani commander, he said he was unaware of the heated propaganda Aideeds station had been broadcasting about the perceived threat to the radio station by UN inspectors. Had he known about the broadcasts, he told me, he would have sent the inspection team with additional protection. Why didnt he know? Somalis hired by the United States had been translating broadcasts at the former U.S. Embassy compound just across the street from the Pakistani headquarters. Apparently no one thought to warn the Pakistanis. Now the UN sa w itself in a bind: if it did not respond quickly and forcefully against those deemed responsible for killing the two dozen UN troops, other UN troops around the world might be seen as vulnerable. The day after the attack, the UN Security Council passed a resolution authorizing all necessary measures to capture and prosecute the guilty. Aideed was named in the initial draft of the resolution, but in the nal version, only his SNA was cited.69 The United States was strongly behind the efforts to go after the killers. Since the attack took place in the part of the city under Aideeds control, UN ofcials assumed Aideed was responsible, an accusation Aideed later denied. Whether or not Aideed was behind the attack, it almost certainly was carried out by people loyal to him. The UN resolution, passed before conclusive evidence was available back in New York, put the United

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204 / The New AfricaNations and, as it turned out, the United States, squarely in opposition to Aideed and his militia. That, as poet Frost said of his choice between two roads, made all the difference.70The United States Joins the KillingThe United States had come to deliver food and then to safeguard its delivery. It was not a political strategy. But that changed. The United States stayed on after the UN forces arrived, at rst just to allow time for an orderly transition. But the transition dragged on as the UN moved slowly in establishing itself. Meanwhile Aideed grew increasingly restless with the international presence, especially when the troops began trying to impose a military status quo on Somalia and to patch together a political structure in which he, Aideed, would likely not be in charge but have to share power. This was the background against which the attack on the Pakistani soldiers occurred. Still on hand and battle ready, the U.S. military took a giant turn away from its attempted positioning as a neutral force and joined the UN efforts to capture the attackers, which meant going after Aideed. The decision to go after Aideed star ted the United States and the United Nations down a much different road in Somalia, a road lined with more danger and uncertainty, a road that would, in the end, pit American might against the more supple and quick-moving Somali gunmen, who would outmaneuver the Americans militarily and politically and send them packing. The startling thing is that it appears most UN and U.S. ofcials did not fully appreciate at the time what a difference the new road would make in the nal outcome of the Somali intervention. From conversations with both senior and mid-level ofcials directly involved with Somalia, it is evident that there was not real appreciation of how much of a change of policy and mission this was for UNOSOM II [the UN operation in Somalia at the time] and the United States forces associated with it. Nor was there a realistic appreciation of just how tough it would be to successfully take action called for by the Security Council against the SNA in the back alleys of South Mogadishu.71 There were other miscalculations, part of what Berlin said can happen betw een cultures whose words and gestures are unfamiliar to

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Things Fell Apart: Somalia / 205each other. Before the rst U.S. troops arrived, one of the most common assumptions among both Westerners and even some Somalis was that the Somali militia would turn tail and run at the sight of well-equipped and well-trained U.S. troops. I, too, believed this. What neither I nor most Americans knew was just how tenacious the militia of Aideed would prove to be in the face of the overwhelming U.S. and other military force. Par t of the tenacity came from the money they received from the United Nations and from the nature of Somali militia. Nearly all of the UN ofces and residences in Somalia, before most operations were shifted to the U.S. compound for safety, were located in the part of the city Aideed controlled. He and his supporters had seized the property and in turn rented some of it to the UN and other international agencies at exorbitant prices. It was a racket that provided additional money for Aideeds militia to keep ghting. The United Nations thus helped pay the ones who later turned on them. Somali militiamen operate like sharks: when there is a kill, there is a feeding frenzy. Militia leaders have to provide enough for their men to feed on or risk losing their loyalty. Frederic Cuny, a consultant to the U.S. Agency for International Development (USAID) who later dis appeared, and presumably w as murdered in Chechnya, estimated Aideeds militia was earning enormous sums of money from the rents and the hiring of his gunmen to guard food convoys. In mid-July the ICRC made a payment of about $ million to Aideeds nancial supporter, Ato, in Mogadishu for security and cargo handling, according to Cuny. Within hours, an equivalent amount showed up in Lisbon for an order of ammunition, Cuny said.72 An ICRC ofcial in Nairobi said the most the ICRC paid for gunmen in a typical week was $ countrywide. A senior USAID ofcial who served as President Bushs relief coordinator for Somalia said the protection money relief agencies were paying concerns me a lot and to an extent was fueling the conict.73* *Retired U.S. admiral Jonathan Howe, the UN special representative in Somalia at the time, hesitated to go after Aideed, but not for long. Soon after the attack on the Pakistanis, he issued an arrest order offering

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206 / The New Africa$, for Aideeds capture. The move ruptured almost all peaceful contact between the United Nations and Aideeds forces. Like a Western sheriff, Howe put out a Wanted poster for Aideed and some of his top assistants. Though ofcially he said only that Aideed was the target, it soon emerged that U.S. helicopter crews in Mogadishu had also been given photos of several Aideed aides being sought. You know about that, too? Howe said in one of my interviews with him, shaking his head at yet another leak to reporters. There were good grounds for arresting Aideed, not just for the attack on the Pakistanis but to bring him to justice for crimes against humanity in causing the deaths of many thousands of Somali non combatants in the per iod before the UN troops came on the scene.74 Aideeds rival, Mahdi, and other Somali military leaders were also seen by one human rights leader in the United States as culpable for such deaths; and some UN ofcials were thought to be guilty of having disregarded the need to minimize civilian casualties.75 As a result of the orig inal U.S. plan to get its troops out of Somalia quickly, the United States turned over command of the international intervention force in Somalia to the United Nations in May But the United States did not withdraw from Somalia after the handoff to the United Nations; the political and military situations were too uid to justify an immediate pullout. Even so, the U.S. handover to the United Nations was premature, according to Howe. The United States should have comprehended that the UN was weak and should have accepted that it had a genuine need for substantial assistance. Howe blamed the U.S. eagerness to get out of Somalia and its lack of full support for the UN mission on conicting goals of U.S. policy. The United States wanted the UN to succeed, but it did not want to increase its involvement.76 *On July the United States ofcially abandoned its role as a neutral force in Somalia. The United States attacked without warning a meeting of Aideed supporters and clan elders. The United States and the UN justied the attack, approved by the White House and at UN headquarters, by describing the site as the SNA command center, where attacks on the U.S. and UN troops were planned.77 At least

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Things Fell Apart: Somalia / 207twenty civilians were killed, according to the United States. Aideed claimed the number was much higher; the ICRC estimated the total was close to seventy. Aideeds supporters said the gathering had been held to assess the political situation, a plausible story since elders were involved who might not have been present at a strictly military strategy session. If not true earlier, it was certainly true from that moment on that regrettably for the operation and for Somalia, UNOSOM and Aideed were now at war.78 And so were the United States and Aideed. The immediate result of the bombing was the murder of the four international journalists who arrived to report the casualties at the scene. The whole interna tional mission in Somalia had changed. What had begun as a world response to starvation was now a war against one Somali faction. The main focus of the Somalia mission had gone from humanitarian to military.79 In less than three months, the Somalis would take their full revenge and beat the U.S. troops at their own deadly game. Bardera, Somalia, 1992 A U.S. soldier is on guard at sunset. This Muslim town (mosque in background) was the scene of many battles between Somali factions.

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208 / The New AfricaDeath No Longer Waits in the DarkThe nal U.S.-led battle against Aideeds forces, the battle that saw the two U.S. helicopters downed, eighteen U.S. soldiers killed, and a high number of casualties on the other side, had continued through the night of October Now it was dawn, and the men of the Tenth Mountain Quick Reaction Force were preparing to ght their way out of their encircled position and back to the safety of a local stadium. A column of Malaysian and Pakistani armored vehicles had reached them; the body of pilot Wolcott and many wounded had been loaded on board. As we left our perimeter the Somali re increased just like we expected, First Sergeant David Mita later recalled.80 The convoy crashed through the Somali positions, but in the process the armored cars sped up, exposing some forty Rangers who had been running alongside them and using the vehicles as cover. The Rangers bringing up the rear started running harder. They fought building to building and block to block. The exposed soldiers later called this run for their lives the Mogadishu Marathon. The convoy broke up as the Pakistani and Malaysian drivers sped away seeking safety. U.S. commanders in the city could see what was happening by way of videos from the navy Orio spy plane overhead. Pilots of some of the Cobra helicopters could also see and began circling and ring to protect the exposed Rangers. Those helicopters saved us, remembered Ranger Specialist Melvin DeJesus. The brass casings from the bullet cartridges came down around us like rain. The convoy nally re-formed, and the Rangers fought their way out of the shooting gallery only to be taunted by a crowd of jeering Somali women and children. The troops continued back to the stadium without further incident. Admiral How e later faulted the United States for not sending the additional tanks U.S. forces in Somalia had requested, tanks he believed might have helped turn the tide in the battle.81 But the tanks would not have headed off the shootdown of the two helicopters and the ensuing reght [and] it is unlikely they would have been on the scene by October said one former U.S. Defense Department ofcial.82 More important, neither the Congress nor the public, and perhaps not the higher levels of the White House, adequately under-

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Things Fell Apart: Somalia / 209stood that the Somalia operation had been for several months a volatile and high-risk military endeavor.83 Many Bronze Stars, Silver Stars, and Distinguished Service Crosses w ere awarded to the troops for their part in the battle. Gordon and Shughart were awarded posthumous Congressional Medals of Honor. In a letter to his wife, Carmen, found among Gordons personal effects when his mutilated body was returned to his family, he had written: Carmen my love, you are strong and you will do well in life. I love you and my children deeply. Today and tomorrow let each day grow and grow. Keep smiling and never give up, even when things get you down. So in closing my love, tonight tuck my children in bed warmly. Tell them I love them. Then, hug them for me and give them both a kiss goodnight for daddy.Changing the Color of the GuardWithin four days of the killings of the U.S. servicemen, President Clin ton, besieged by an ang ry American public and a Congress just as angry, set the March pullout date for the last U.S. troops in So malia. Clinton sent Oakley back to negotia te the release of Chief Warrant Ofcer Durant and that of Nigerian UN soldier Umar Shantali. Aideeds decision to release the two was exceedingly difcult for him because his supporters strongly opposed this action, Oakley told reporters in Mogadishu. Aideeds faction was angry over the many deaths of their people at the hands of U.S. and UN forces. But even as he set the nal pullout date, Clinton sent additional troops as one more attempt to send a big guy message to the Somalis not to mess (further) with U.S. soldiers. The gesture proved hollow: the extra men did little more than guard themselves. This was in no way a reection on the dedication of U.S. troops but rather a result of an ambivalent U.S. policy that had run up against the reality that the war had little public support back home. A bunker mentality long evident in UN headquarters became just as evident among U.S. troops. At the peak of the foreign intervention in Somalia, there were some U.S. troops assigned to the operation. By February there were only about U.S. troops left in Somalia. Once the United States announced a pull-

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210 / The New Africaout date, other Western nations began planning their own withdrawal. But a curious thing happened: there was not only a change of the guard in Somalia but a change in the color of the guards. As the majority white nations were leaving, majority black and brown nations dug in to stay; more would come later, paid by the United Nations for their services. Somalia became almost entirely a black/brown peacekeeping effort. The predominantly white nations had concluded it was too dangerous for them to stay; apparently it was not considered too dangerous for soldiers of color from countries such as Pakistan, India, and Bot sw ana to stay. Lots of people see it as unfair, Abbas Zaidi, Pakistans diplomatic representative to Somalia, said in an interview in Nairobi when the color change occurred. I pressed him to say what I suspected he felt that it was cut-and-run time for the whites, but that the people of his country and others like it were expected to stay to do the dirty work. Somalia was becoming a racially segregated peace effort. Finally Zaidi got to the point. The various commanders [of other countries with troops staying] are saying if one [his emphasis] white, Western nation could stay on, then it would be less unfair.84 It was not only an issue of fairness but also one of safetysafety for those sta ying on. Zaidi was pragmatic; he knew the departure of the big powers meant departure of most of their big guns and the U.S. and other Western intelligence systems, as ineffective as those had proved. The presence of the big-power nations had meant Somali militia leaders could never be sure what might happen if they resumed full-scale war. Now that threat was gone. Troops from the developing nations, Zaidi said, would have to rely more on political and diplomatic initiatives. He said his troops would not re unless red upon. The interna tional military effort in Somalia was effectively over.Global Fallout from SomaliaThe impact of the U.S. and UN defeat in Somalia had wide-ranging effects. The main one: the decision by the United States to do nothing to stop genocide when it broke out in Rwanda in After failure in Somalia, the international community would again sit by as Rwanda imploded with a minimum of a half-million persons

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Things Fell Apart: Somalia / 211slaughtered in an orgy of genocide.85 (The experience in Somalia also left the United States more hesitant about its military role in Bosnia and kept U.S. troops out of Burundi, Rwandas ethnic twin, which was experiencing genocide in stages.)86 The defeat in Somalia fundamentally changed the course of U.S. foreign policy, marking a turn back toward isolationism in the U.S. Congress.87 Whether the new isolationism proves temporary or permanent will depend on how Americans come to view their role in the postCold War world.88 It also depends on what lessons Americans draw from the Somalia experience. Somalia challenged the idea of using U.S. troops to respond to humanitarian disasters in the midst of a war. U.S. troops would not have been killed in Somalia if the United States had not sent its military there in response to the famine during the civil war. As par t of the response to Somalia, the U.S. government came up with Presidential Decision Directive issued in April after intense debate within the Clinton administration. It placed many new restrictions on use of U.S. forces in UN operations, restrictions that have more to do with avoiding military casualties and embarrassing media coverage than with solving the problems of the countries concerned.89 It came out just as Rwanda was collapsing under genocidal waves of killing. The new U.S. guidelines on use of its troops abroad provided justication for the United States to stay out of Rwanda as to one million people were being slaughtered there. As in the biblical story of the Good Samaritan, when it came to Rwanda, the United States chose to be one of those who walked by on the other side of the road. Chester Crocker, a former assistant secretary of state for African affairs, said no one is especially proud of our performance in Rwanda, the rst victim of the post-Somalia backlash. [The] setbacks on the ground [for U.S. troops in Somalia] inevitably led to a reassessment in Washington and New York as to what peacekeeping entails, a reconsideration which has had resonance in Bosnia, Haiti, and Rwanda.90 By pulling out of Somalia, the United States made a crucial decision; it was a turning point in the U.S. contribution to world peacekeeping efforts. The United States was sending a message to the international community: it was willing to help seek peacebut only if it was nearly risk free. By early even purely humanitarian emergencies that

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212 / The New Africamight involve U.S. troops were being viewed differently. In March U.S. defense secretary William Cohen said U.S. foreign policy could no longer be swayed by humanitarian concerns.91 The United Nations began reassessing its o wn world peacekeeping efforts after Somalia. Reeling from such peacekeeping failures as Bos nia, Somalia, and Rwanda, the UN by midwas questioning its denition of peacekeeping, and debating its future role in policing global conicts. A senior UN peacekeeping ofcial said, The building of peacekeeping may stand, but it is heavily mortgaged and its foundations are fragile.92 An unsavory part of the international military effort came to light after the foreign troops left. In July a Canadian commission concluded that Canadian troops had murdered a Somali civilian in March and that the senior leadership tried to conceal the incident. Two Canadian soldiers were imprisoned. And in May a Belgian soldier was sentenced to jail for six months for offering an underage Somali girl to a friend for his birthday and tying a second child to a moving vehicle in .Lessons from SomaliaAt least ve major lessons from the Somalia crisis can be applied to future international crises involving the United States or the United Nations. Lesson When a state falls apart, the United Nations and countries responding have to decide whether the collapsed state can be put back together or whether a fragmented state is the most that can be achieved. Somalia involved more than a war and a famine; it involved the disintegration of a state. Not only the central government but most local governments ceased to exist as anarchy spread. Police, courts, and administration no longer existed in most of the country. The United States and the United Nations focused on ways to try to resuscitate the pieces of the state and put them back together. The idea of a united Somalia remained the centerpiece of UN plans right through the moment when the last UN troops were hunkered down in on a small strip of beach at the Mogadishu airport, wait-

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Things Fell Apart: Somalia / 213 Saving lives in Somalia Baidoa, Somalia, 1992 (Top ) Before: Bishaaro Macalin (left) with her emaciated three-year-old, Fadima, who is being fed by a relief worker with Irish Concern. (Bottom) After: Three months later, Bishaaro is found in the feeding center with a recovered Fadima (right) and her one-year old daughter, Amina.

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214 / The New Africaing to be evacuated with the help of the United States. Just outside the airport perimeter, hostile militia waited, eager to take over the terrain, which they quickly did after the last troops left. Reconstructing a collapsed sta te requires a difcult choice. Either you nd new leaders to create power structures from the bottom up, or you turn to the old ones with the hope that the source of the problem must be the source of the solution (foxes will act responsible in hen coops if given responsibility).93 In Somalia, the United Nations and the United States turned to the militia leaders to try to reconstruct a new state. It didnt work. Some analysts suggested trying to strengthen local and regional structures without attempting to build a Western-model state, but their voices were little heeded.94 Lesson Dela yed humanitarian responses mean higher death tolls. This evident point needs to be recalled again and again. The U.S. and UN humanitarian intervention in Somalia in response to the famine probably saved thousands of lives. But many more lives were lost because help came too late. The international community need not have waited to intervene until the Somali state collapsed and famine was rampant. Earlier, effective intervention either as Barres rule was waning or in the early months after his ouster might have halted the descent into complete collapse and thereby limited the degree of political reconciliation and institutional reconstructions necessary.95 There is a danger of drawing the wrong conclusions from Somalia, as one analyst cautions.96 Americans and others looking back at Somalia should remember not only the deaths of U.S. servicemen but the Somali lives saved in the earlier phase of the intervention. Americans should not recoil from the Somalia experience but use it in other crises to gure out how to provide help more quickly and effectively and how to reduce chances of conict in the process. The Clinton administration took half-steps, symbolic actions, and misplaced even-handedness, and failed to realize that impartial intervention is a delusion. Military intervenors should carve out areas of control so humanitarian operations can take place with minimal risk. A new humanitarian unit of the United Nations, attached to the Security Council, could direct such relief.97

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Things Fell Apart: Somalia / 215 Lesson P eacemaking must be based on a knowledge of the culture, history, and politics of the country at war. Most U.S. and UN efforts to negotiate peace in Somalia failed. Too much effort was focused on just two men, Aideed and Mahdi, shutting out other potential Somali peace brokers around the country. Somalia was like a big jigsaw puzzle with pieces, but the United Nations tried to look at it as a puzzle with two pieces.98 Several peace pacts organized by Somalis without the help of either the United Nations or the United States worked relatively well. Part of the problem was that few Westerners knew much about Somalia and its traditional ways of peacemaking. The United States did not understand that Somali factions leaders used peace conferences to bolster their own positions within their sub clans. And most outsiders missed entirely the ongoing war between factions over farmland in the south. Attempting to bring peace without knowing why the sides are ghting is of little use. The Somalia experience thus ma y yield valuable lessons for re conciliation initia tives in other complex emergencies.99 PostCold War peacemaking requires the highest levels of political-military skills. Despite the risks and isolationist tendencies in Congress, the United States cannot remain neutral before disorder and suffering.100 The U.S. military in Somalia never moved beyond being a bully, a tough guy with a lot of weapons, to the far more subtle role of a powerful but respectful visitor, knowledgeable about local politics and traditional peacemaking. Powell, among others, had urged President Bush to use overwhelming force in Somalia, as the United States had in the Gulf War. Overwhelming force was seen as a quick way of intimidating would-be looters of food relief. But it did little to bring peace or help Somalia rebuild politically. Lesson Gunmen in ip-ops can beat U.S. and UN troops. The violence against the U.S. and UN troops came primarily from one Somali faction: the Habir Gedir subclan of the Hawiye, whose military leader was Aideed. The other factions generally welcomed the international presence. Once the United States and United Nations abandoned their attempted neutral role and went after Aideed, they had to relearn another lesson: it is difcult for a conventional army to ght

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216 / The New Africaguerrillas, in this case in urban areas. Given that the United States did not want to cause large-scale civilian casualties, even sophisticated weaponry was of little use in trying to capture Aideed in the back streets of Mogadishu. Lesson Peacekeeping is risky business. How effective can an international military intervention be if the intervenors and the public back home are not willing to accept casualties? If a nations leader fails to explain the reasons for a war, the public is unlikely to support it once casualties start to mount. President Clinton failed to explain clearly the reason why the U.S. military was ghting in Somalia. And the public reacted vehemently when eighteen U.S. soldiers were killed in a single battle in Mogadishu. Views on acceptable risks differed among the forces in Somalia. As the international UN peacemaking mission was ending in February with the last Pakistani soldiers preparing to leave, Pakistani brigadier general Saulat Abbas summed up his views in an interview with me. Weve been able to save a lot of people from hunger, disease. But weve not been able to contribute anything politically, he said. When I asked him whether it was worth the effort, he replied: We lost dead and or wounded. On the humanitarian side it was worth it. As far as casualties are concerned, thats part of military life.101Unnished PuzzleOnce the last UN troops left Somalia, in February militia continued to hold sway over much of the country. There was no national government, no state; but there was no lack of military and civilian authority at the local level. Local communities have adapted to the prolonged collapse of the state by developing and in some cases rediscovering a variety of informal systems and mechanisms that, to varying degrees, provide minimal functions of day to day governance. [Among the various groups at the local level were] elders, faction leaders, intellectuals, clerics, district council members, businessmen, militiamen, former civil servants, womens groups.102 In Mogadishu there were Maa-like extortion rackets run by freelance groups or militia beneting from a continuing state of conict. Yet even leaders of some

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Things Fell Apart: Somalia / 217of these groups encouraged order so that business could be carried on more easily.103 Somalia was stateless, without a central government, but it was not anarchic. Indeed, in some parts of Somalia local communities enjoy[ed] more responsive and participatory governance and a more predictable, protable, and safer commercial climate than at any time in recent decadesall without the benet of a central government.104 When Aideed died as a result of gunre in Mogadishu in August his son, Hussein Mohamed Aideed, a former U.S. Marine and his fathers chief of security, continued his fathers campaign to make their subclan dominant in the broken country. There was less factional ghting in than in any year since but scores of unarmed civilians were deliberately and arbitrarily killed by armed militia, some in artillery bombardments.105 And as renewed ghting in Kismayu in showed, the jockeying for power among rival clan militia was far from over. The problems Somalia faced as the centur y drew toward a close were immense. It would be wrong to underplay the difculties facing this ruptured society. Schools and hospitals have been destroyed, social services operate on a minimal level, and insecurity prevails in many areas. There is still a problem of malnutrition, while disease exacts a heavy toll, reported a European investigative team visiting Somalia in early .106 Somalis interview ed by the team expressed a mixture of fatalism and optimism. Few believed there was a solution to the countrys problems just around the corner. Yet there was progress: most of the country was at peace, with ghting conned largely to the south and parts of Mogadishu; entrepreneurs were trading, lling the markets with consumer goods ; foreign exchange was coming in from a large livestock export business. And doctors, health workers, teachers and local administrators were back at work, often with little or no pay, trying to mend the social fabric of the nation.107 Somalis might not be able to put the pieces of their national government back together again, but even as deadly battles for power continued in some areas, the people who had survived the wars and famine were carrying on the best they could with energy and spirit.

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218 / The New Africa* The loss of eighteen U.S. lives in one battle in Somalia left U.S. ofcials unwilling to commit troops to try to stop the genocide in Rwanda that took up to one million lives. Military experts later said that had a signicant international force intervened in Rwanda, many people could have been saved.

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5 GENOCIDE IGNORED Rwanda Kigali, Rwanda, 1994 This girl on crutches lost the use of her leg in the 1994 civil war in which up to one million people were slaughtered in a planned genocide by Hutu against the Tutsi minority. Credit: UNICEF/Betty Press

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220 / The New AfricaT was a crazy place to be reading William Shirers Rise and Fall of the Third Reich: on the balcony of a luxury game park lodge in southern Kenya. But after the dawn game drive in our white Toyota station wagon and following a breakfast of fruit, omelette, tea, and toast, I sat in a large wooden chair on the stone balcony overlooking a grassy meadow where elephants often browsed. I was trying to come to terms with a question that had been nagging me since college days: how could a nation fall under the control of an Adolf Hitler? As a college student I had walked across the Univ ersity of Missouri campus to buy Shirers book secondhand from another student. Then I set it aside with the promise to read it later. The book had been on one shelf or another in every one of my residences since then. Now, years later, on vacation between reporting assignments in East and West Africa, I was nally reading about Germanys buildup to genocide. There was no way to know that the following year I would be reporting on another of this centurys genocides, that of Rwanda; it would prove to be one of the worlds quickest mass killings. Some one million people would be slaughtered, most of them in just three months, between April and July in that tiny, beautiful country, an African Switzerland in the heart of the continent, where tourists used to go to see gorillas in the mountains. Most of the dead would be Tutsi, a minority tribe in Rwanda ( percent); the killers were mostly of the Hutu majority ( percent). Thousands of Hutu considered moderates or sympathizers with the Tutsi were also killed. Behind the genocide lay several centuries of complex cooperation and relationships as well as colonial preference for the Tutsi. The Tutsi were taller and had fi ner fea tures than the Negroid-looking Hutu; therefore the Tutsi must be smarteraccording to the European thinking at the time. Then there was the pressure of

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Genocide Ignored: Rwanda / 221overpopulation: Rwanda was one of the most densely populated countries in the world. A series of massacres around the time of independence, which was in caused many Tutsi to ee the country and left behind a residue of mistrust between the two groups. But in the end it was political manipula tion, including hate propaganda, carefully used to fan existing fears and prejudices, that would whip the Hutu majority into a frenzy of genocidal killings that sent them out to hack their Tutsi neighbors to death with machetes. It was not just a racial conict, as the outside world at rst thought; by organizing themselves and executing a nely honed, nationwide plan, the Hutu nearly succeeded in exterminating the Tutsi. The story of ho w genocide developed in Rwanda is one of the most intriguing and horrifying stories to come out of Africa in any century. This ultimate in loss of human rights, the loss of the right to live, is a story that bears telling. Refusing to read or hear about it is to say, in effect, I dont care; or to place less value on Africans lives than the lives of victims of Hitlers much-studied genocide.Yet the Rwanda story is not well known. There is another aspect of the story: why, for the most part, did the world watch the killings happen without trying to stop them? After the killings, the Western world would forget Rwanda as other issues grabbed the attention of the press and political leaders. I would not have the luxury of being able to forget once my reporting work thrust me into Rwandas tragedy. I knew I would have to make an accounting of it as a reporter and also for myself. I knew I could not witness a countrys agony on such a scale and walk away without trying to understand what happened andmy question about Nazi Germanywhy.Rwanda and World ViolenceThe genocide in Rwanda should not be seen in isolation from other examples of genocide or mass killings. In some to million Armenians were massacred in Turkey. Under Hitlers genocide, nearly million Jews were killed.1 There are other cases of massive world violence in the twentieth century, including the wholesale murder of Chinese during the Japanese occupation; the collectivization and

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222 / The New Africaresulting famine under Stalin, which caused the deaths of an estimated million Ukrainians, Russians, and other people of the former Soviet Union, including million who were arrested and died later in camps;2 and Cambodias nightmare under the Khmer Rouge during which to million people were killed or died between and in a nation the size of Missouri. These later examples of world violence are what one analyst calls political genocide.3 The same analyst adds that in the United States the rst modern genocide was that of the American Indians, and it was largely successful.4 Each of these mass killings was hor rible, but somehow the Rwanda killings come off looking particularly barbaric. Reminded of the genocide in Rwanda, a friend of mine said she had heard of the killings but had forgotten the name of the country. Then she attributed the Rwandan massacres to the acts of savages. Was Rwandas genocide more savage than the others? The slaughter of innocent Rwandan civilians, often by crude means, was savage. But how does one describe the repeated and well-documented gunning of thousands of civilian Muslims by Serbs in Bosnia? Certainly the following scene indicates savage acts. Hundreds of dead Muslim prisoners lay in rows on the ground. Five Serb soldiers stood next to the corpses. A bulldozer was digging a mass grave.5 And so does this one: By now, the gym in Grbavci was packed with what looked like to men. A third of the men sat in other peoples laps. The Muslims were ordered to take off their hats, shirts and jackets when they entered. A large pile of clothes sat at the front of the gym. Serbs searched it for valuables.6 From the gym the prisoners were taken for a short ride by truck, lined up, shot, and buried in mass graves. The mass killings in Bosnia during the early s were, in at least one important way, very similar to those in Rwanda: neighbors often killed neighbors. Is there a word other than savage for the methodic gassing and cremation of German concentration camp inmates? There are many political and cultural differences in the context in which the Holocaust and the Rwandan killings occurred, but both have some facts in common: they were cases of genocide; hate propaganda was used to demonize the targeted victims; state machinery was used in carrying out the killings. The average German was not involved in the actual execution of Jews, but Hitlers attempt to annihilate Europes Jews was a

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Genocide Ignored: Rwanda / 223process [that] required the cooperation of every sector of German society. The bureaucrats drew up the denitions [of who is a Jew] and decrees; the churches gave evidence of Aryan descent; the postal authorities carried the messages of denition, expropriation, denaturalization, and deportation; business corporations dismissed their Jewish employees and took over Aryanized properties; the railroads carried the victims to their place of execution. the operation required and received the participation of every major social, political, and religious institution of the German Reich.7 In Rwanda many ordinary people took part in the killings. But gover nment ofcials or people with close connections to the government drew up lists of key victims and trained death squad militia; political party ofcials worked with these militia. Even if the circumstances of the Jewish genocide are different in regard both to the scale of the killings and in the methods used, it, or something very like it, has happened again.8 The genocide of Rwanda and the Nazi Holocaust are in tur n connected with some other examples of evil human behavior in both distant history and some uncomfortably recent history in the United States, according to Jewish theologian Richard L. Rubenstein. The Holocaust was an expression of some of the most signicant political, moral, religious and demographic tendencies of Western civilization in the twentieth century.9 He goes on to cite the slave trade from Africa as an example of early negative tendencies. North American slaves were among the rst group of human beings who lacked all effective legal and political rights and who were forcibly detained in areas of concentration in a country that regarded itself as an heir of the religious and cultural traditions of the Western world.10 Rubenstein hastens to point out the different treatment of slaves and concentration camp inmates, but then he writes: That, however, is not the fundamental issue. The institution of slavery in America is further evidence that the [Nazi] death camps were the end product of a very long cultural and political development involving all of the major countries of the Western world, rather than the specialized and extraordinary hatred of the Germans for the Jews. On the contrary, taken together, the record of the British, Portuguese, Dutch, French, and Spanish in Africa, Asia, and the Americas is quantitatively as blood-

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224 / The New Africastained as that of the Germans. For all its uniqueness, the Holocaust must be seen against the horizon of the unprecedented magnitude of violence in the twentieth century.11 He cites an example from W orld War I: ten million killed, some a day, including, at the Battle of the Somme alone, approximately Britons, Germans, and Frenchmen in ghting that advanced British lines just six miles. He mentions the Armenians; the Sino-Japanese War; the Spanish Civil War; the Stalinist purges and victims of his man-made famines; Hiroshima and Nagasaki; and the wars of Southeast Asia. We now can add the bloodstained record of the Hutu in Rwanda in carrying out their savage genocide against the Tutsi, not as a singular, strange event, but as one in a long chain of mass world violence. Smaller-scale state violence includes the use of pr isoners for medical experiments by the Nazis, and the fairly widespread use of medical experiments on prisoners in the United States.12 The latter prisoners, U.S. ofcials have argued, normally are paid a nominal fee for volunteering for such experiments. But as a reporter whose assignments have included prisons, I know inmates are looking not just for a little money to buy some cigarettes, but for an entry in their record that a parole board might like. Some of the tests on U.S. prisoners have been gruesome. In the experiments on black prisoners with syphilis, decades ago, half the group was treated and half, unbeknownst to them, received placebos, to test the effectiveness of the medicine. The organizer of the experiment had cold-bloodedly condemned the prisoners who received the placebo to the mutilating effects of disease and/or death in the name of scientic rationality. The syphilis experiments differed from those on Nazi concentration camp inmates. The American prisoners were completely unaware of what was being done to them. Most of the Nazi victims had some idea of what was happening.13 In May President Bill Clinton apologized on behalf of the U.S. government to the few survivors of the experiments. I am sorry, he said at a public ceremony. The history of the tw entieth century has taught us, observes Ru benstein, that people who are rendered permanently superuous are eventually condemned to segregated precincts of the living dead or are exterminated outright.14

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Genocide Ignored: Rwanda / 225 It is doubtful that anyone will ever be absolutely sure how many people were exterminated in the genocide in Rwanda. Many bodies were simply dumped into rivers or common, unmarked graves, or left to rot in forests. International relief organizations, the United Nations, and other groups have tended to use estimates ranging from 500,000 or 800,000 up to one million dead, most of them in just three months. When it comes to numbers we are really awash in a sea of speculation. The gure of one million dead makes sense, according to Ren Lemarchand, professor emeritus of political science at the University of Florida and author of Rwanda and Burundi (London: Prager and Pall Mall, ). Lemarchand has visited Rwanda many times, including after the genocide, and has continued to publish analyses of both Rwanda and Burundi. Near Goma, Zaire, 1994 As more than one million Rwandans ed to Zaire, thousands of children, including these, were separated from their families. Relief groups set up centers to try to care for them. Credit: UNICEF/Betty Press

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226 / The New Africa The largest portion of his estima ted one million victims included civilians killed by Hutu militia and individuals but also included: those killed in battles between the Hutu and Tutsi armies; the thousands who died of disease and starvation in the Hutu refugee camps in Zaire; and refugees killed in eastern Zaire after the war when ethnic Tutsi and other groups hunted down and massacred Hutu who had ed both Rwanda and the original refugee camps in Zaire during a rebel takeover of the Zairean government beginning in Many Hutu members of opposition parties in Rwanda were killed by Hutu extremists in the genocide. Lemarchand, in an interview with the author in October 1998, estimated that about to Hutu from the south and central parts of Rwanda were killed.Genocide DenedGenocide is a word to be used sparingly. On December the General Assembly of the United Nations passed a resolution that made genocide an international crime. Article of the resolution states: In the Present Conv ention, genocide means any of the following acts committed with intent to destroy, in whole or in part, a national, ethical, racial or religious group, such as: a. Killing members of the g roup; b. Causing serious bodily or mental har m to members of the g roup; c. Deliberately inicting on the g roup conditions of life calculated to br ing about its physical destruction in whole or in part; d. Imposing measures intended to prevent bir ths within the g roup; e. Forcibly transfer ring children of the group to another group. The UNs special rappor teur, or investigator, on Rwanda, Ren Degni-Sgui, said the Rwandan case qualied as genocide under the UN denition. About the same time, UN secretary general Boutros Boutros-Ghali, and U.S. secretary of state Warren Christopher also labeled the Rwandan Hutu killings of Tutsi as genocide.

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Genocide Ignored: Rwanda / 227 I nd it hard to explain why I think it is so impor tant for people to be familiar with the genocide in Rwanda, a tiny African country otherwise not of much global importance. The alternativenot knowing what happened thereseems to me tantamount to saying that it does not matter. Certainly, no one can say the murder of one million lives is not important, but anyone can pay it little heed. I have a better appreciation of the magnitude of the tragedy when I focus on the importance of each life lost in Rwanda.Each person was an individual; most had a family, with the same dreams of prosperity and healthy, educated children as any one of us. All who were killed were part of that greater family of man. Everyone who died on a hill or in the streets of Rwanda was just as important as anyone else. The genocide in Rwanda showed the worst side of human nature. By contrast it underlines the need for the opposite behavior, that of love and understanding. In the midst of the killing in Rwanda, there were many heroes, otherwise ordinary people who risked their lives to save others. A closer look at wha t happened in Rwanda, and why, may also shed light on what the role of outside governments should be in cases of mayhem. Most governments avoided sending troops to Rwanda to try to stop the killings. Four years later, in U.S. president Bill Clinton would admit the United States and others had not done enough to try to stop the genocide. I believe the United States and the rest of the international community had a moral obligationand, under the UN charter, a legal oneto try to stop the genocide.15 My interviews in and about Rw anda with both Hutu and Tutsi, as well as my examination of human rights investigations, books, and other materials, have helped me understand not only what happened but why it happened. I would like to share what I have learned with my readers. I begin with the story of Manuel, one of the near victims of the genocide. After an initial targeting of the few Tutsi ofcials in government and well-known Hutu moderates when the genocide began in April the killings spread quickly to ordinary Tutsi like Manuel, a farmer. Readers should be warned that he and others describe scenes that are upsetting. But not to know of them should be even more upsetting.

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228 / The New AfricaManuels Story BeginsAn illness starting shortly before the rst killings prevented me from reaching Rwanda before most of the mayhem had ended. I was still tired in June when I joined a group of UN and private relief ofcials on a two-day drive through southwestern Rwanda, where the French military had established a so-called safety zone. One stop was at a camp on a hillside in a rural area called Nyarushishi, near the city of Cyangugu. It was for Tutsi who somehow had survived attempts by the Rwandan majority Hutu to kill them. Now these Tutsi were living, still fearful, under the protection of the French. I noted earlier that the w orld, for the most part, just watched the genocide in Rwanda. The French did more than that, sending troops to secure one corner of the country for two months, probably saving to lives, including some Tutsi at the Nyarushishi camp. But such numbers pall against the total estimated killed in Rwanda. The French arrived after most of the killing was over and left before peace was restored. (I will return to their controversial intervention later in this chapter.) The scene at the camp w as deceptively serene. Rows of tunnel-shaped grass-and-stick huts, covered with neat, UN-issued white plastic, dotted the slopes. Little children played in the dirt; families or surviving lone individuals sat in the sun or prepared meals over outdoor wood res. But Bettys camera caught children in slacks and short-sleeved shirts reaching to the bottom of a barrel used to mix food, scraping up remnants and licking them off their hands. On closer look I saw people lying in exhaustion on the grass by their huts. Manuel, a thin, soft-spoken Tutsi, told me his story after I approached a group of young men and identied myself as a reporter. We sat together on the grass. I picked him out of the group on instinct, partly because he was not pressing his story on me but was willing to tell it. He asked me not to use his family name, fearing possible retribution by Hutu if he survived. We sat in a tight semicircle as other Tutsi pressed close to hear, nodding their agreement with Manuels version of events, which also squared with later human rights reports. He stopped talking whenever someone he did not know walked by close enough to hear. Despite the presence of the French military, even in

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Genocide Ignored: Rwanda / 229this camp the Tutsi did not feel safe. A few days earlier, the French had stopped a group of Hutu menarmed with axesheading for the camp. Some Tutsi normally lived in Manuels part of Rwanda, in and near the city of Cyangugu, on the border with Zaire. Now most of those known to be still alive were in this camp.16 The French were already talking of pulling out of Rwanda; they had arrived in June and would be gone by late August. Where would Manuel and the other Tutsi hide? Where could they be safe after the French left?Fleeing to the WoodsBefore the war, Manuel led a life typical of farmers in Rwanda. Farming there has nothing to do with large elds and big, air-conditioned tractors. Most farmland is cut up into small plots generally worked by hand and animals. Farm homes are modest, usually built of stick and mud walls. When the killings began, Manuel ran into the woods with Nyarushishi refugee camp, southwest Rwanda, 1994 This Tutsi man survived the massacres by Hutu.

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230 / The New Africahis wife and two children, hoping things would get better. Hutu and Tutsi had clashed before. He had no way of knowing that this time the stakes were much higher, that this time Hutu were bent on eliminating every Tutsi they could catch. And he had no idea there were two wars under way. One war w as between the Rwandan army, composed almost entirely of Hutu, against the Tutsi-led rebel military, made up mostly of Tutsi refugees who had grown up outside Rwanda and now saw a chance to return home. This was the conventional side of the Rwandan conict. The other war, the one Manuel was caught up in, was even worse. This war pitted neighbor against neighbor, civilian against civilian, in manhunts in which Hutu hunted Tutsi like animals, killing them in their homes, on the road, or in the woods. Not far from Manuel s camp is a large woods. It looks inviting. But in mid-, thousands of Tutsi took refuge there, trying to hide, usually unsuccessfully, from Hutu mobs raping and killing. One who survived in that area, Viateur Gahongayire, accused a local mayor and two school ofcials of organizing manhunts of Tutsi. He named an assistant mayor as guilty of carrying out Bosnia-like exterminations. He would come to a place and get all people killed, and then call in a caterpillar [bulldozer] to bury them all in one mass grave. They would throw between seventy and one hundred people in one. Latrines were also used for dumping bodies, he said.17 Those who ed to the forests had little food and water and often only sticks and stones to protect themselves against Hutu civilians or the gendarmes. The gendarmes drove us into the forest and many people were killed, said another survivor, Jean Franois Nzeyimana. We were about four hundred people when we entered the forest but only forty-ve got out.18 After the French arr ived, some Tutsi crept from those woods practically starving. One group hailed passing international journalists, who alerted French troops, who in turn took the Tutsi to protected camps. At his units encampment at an abandoned school complex on a hill near the town of Gikongoro, French navy ofcer Marin Gillier told me what he had seen when he rst reached the woods. We found in one valley several hundred bodies, from two months to two days old. Some had been killed with bullets, others with machetes. There was supposed to be to Tutsi [who had taken refuge in the

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Genocide Ignored: Rwanda / 231woods], he said. We found [alive]. Everywhere you walked there were bones. Hutu and T utsi had clashed periodically since a major conict in which some analysts think was the irrevocable dividing point between the two groups. The genocide of would dwarf all the other conicts combined, though from his hiding place in the woods, Manuel could not know this. He just knew the killings were continuing and that he and his family could soon be discovered. After two da ys I realized it was getting worse. I decided to leave my hill. For a Rwandan to leave his hill is like a nineteenth-century American or European leaving the town he grew up in, his security, his home base, to move on to the uncertain life of a big city. Manuel and his family ed to the one place they thought they would be safe: the cathedral in Cyangugu, the nearest city. The local priest received them as well as thousands of other desperate Tutsi. But there would be no safe place in this w ar. A few days after he arrived at the cathedral, Manuel heard the mayor of Cyangugu, Joseph Bugarama, order them out. He told us to go to the stadium in town. He said if we didnt go to the stadium that the interahamwe would destroy the cathedral. Interahamwe is Rwandan for those who attack together. In this case it meant the Hutu civilian militia of the governing, Hutu-dominated political party. Interahamwe was a word of terror for Tutsi.Concentration Camp in a StadiumSome Tutsi were crammed into the small stadium at the edge of the city on April .19 The day I met Manuel, I also visited the stadium. I could envision perhaps hundreds of people crowded into the modest facility, not Once herded inside the walls, the Tutsi prisonersfor by now the pretext that they were there for their protection had become a transparent liewere given little food. There was only one water tap and no sanitation facilities.20 From what followed, it soon became clear Hutu militants in control of the area were not concerned about amenities for the Tutsi. The stadium had become a concentration camp in every sense of the word, and soon the Hutu began systematically killing the inmates.

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232 / The New Africa Without accounts such as Manuels, there is a danger the world will forget what it failed to try to stop in the rst place. The world will never forget, nor should it, the Holocaust; details are passed down to each new generation through books, lms, plays, poems, and, so far, by accounts of the dwindling number of survivors. But who is talking about Rwanda? Subsequent world events, including Bosnia, pushed the Rwandan issue farther back in the publics mind, if it was still there at all. Yet it would be no more accurate to call Rwandas upheaval typical of Africa than it would be to point to the implosion of the former Yugoslavia, taking place as Rwanda fell apart, and call that typical of Europe. Manuel continued with his story still sitting on the hillside. The mayor came with a list. The rst time he took more than thirty Tutsi prisoners from the stadium. They were killed with machetes. One survived. The main weapon used in Rwandas genocide was not the gun but the machete, one of Africas most widely used tools. Normally it is reserved for whacking back persistent undergrowth choking farm crops. One version is also used to cut the lawns of the wealthy. I used a machete once: I joined a group of farmers in the East African nation of Tanzania, adjacent to Rwanda, who were clearing a eld with machetes. Each time I came to a bush, I reached down by hand and pulled the branches back to expose the stem to my machete chop. Seeing this, a man working next to me cut a notched stick to use in pulling branches back. I used it on the next bush only to nd a large snake curled up beneath the branches. Had I used my hand for one more bush, I could have been bitten. I scooped the snake up on my machete and held it out, asking if there was any local taboo against killing snakes. The other men came running over, took a look, then quickly knocked the snake to the ground and slashed it to death with machetes. It wasnt until someone translated the name of the snake from Swahili to English that I realized it was the very poisonous puff adder. I had been protected by the man who prepared the notched stick. Was this spiritual protection, or human protection, or both? My upbringing leads me to see a divine hand in such acts. But what about the act of genocide? And what about the protection Tutsi needed, probably prayed for, and didnt get? What kind of divine power would allow mass

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Genocide Ignored: Rwanda / 233killing? If, as I believe, genocide could not possibly be associated with a divine powerwhich is the source of good, not evilwhat is it associated with? Perhaps that last question is one more reason we prefer to turn our heads from genocide; its just too big an issue to contemplate, too unsettling to our faith, too discouraging to our concept of man. Genocide stems from mans worst tendencies, as Rubenstein pointed out. When I was a child, I saw some black-and-white snapshots my father, John Press, had brought back with him from one of the concentration camps in Germany. They showed naked, emaciated bodies stacked like piles of wood. It was so horrible it was almost unreal; or maybe I wanted to think it was unreal. My father rarely spoke about the photos. One day, years later, I found him throwing them out. I scooped them up, put them in a box, put the box in storage, and have not looked at them since. They are not forgotten, however; nor will they be in my Goma, Zaire, 1994 In a refugee camp near Goma, a Rwandan woman recovers from machete wounds. Many victims of the genocide were killed by machetes. Credit: UNICEF/Betty Press

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234 / The New Africalifetime. I no longer need the photos: the images are burned into my mind. Another image that has sta yed with me, since the afternoon working in Tanzania with the farmers, is that of the machete. I learned two things about it that day: the machete is a powerful tool; it can also be a powerful instrument of death. Using a machete, a strong-armed farmer can slice through a tough root or even a small branch with ease; the human skull is similarly vulnerable to the blade. Many of my wifes close-up photos of skulls in Rwanda show a gash, the result of someone slicing downward with a machete, or sideways if the victim was already on the ground. There are many cases of Rwandans being sliced up arm by arm, leg by leg, left to die in anguish, begging for death by a bullet.21 At the stadium where Manuel and his family w ere sent, the pace of killing by machete was picking up. The second time they took more than forty. The third time, they chose people by just pulling them outeveryone they saw in a good shirt. They took more than fty. In a ghastly echo of the warped logic of the Khmer Rouge in Cambodia, Hutu militia rst targeted the educated and intellectuals, whom they assumed were Tutsi. Later, not even the children were spared at the stadium or elsewhere in Rwanda. Marianne, a nun and nurse, recounted her days working in the intensive care unit of one of the hospitals in Kigali, the capital, shortly after the genocide began. I remember a three-year-old boy with a bullet in his right leg, a three-week-old baby with bullet wounds in the forehead, and a nine-year-old boy who had practically the top of his head cut off and a fractured arm. I kept asking myself: what kind of human beings can do this to children? Many had wounds that it is better not even to think about. The soldiers and interahamwe did not want wounded Tutsi, children or adults to be taken for medical care. Most were nished off at the rst roadblock.22 A macabre notion on the part of the killer s, according to survivors, was that baby Tutsi would grow up to be Tutsi soldiers and therefore must be killed along with the adults. Whole families were also murdered to eliminate claims on the farmland of Tutsi survivors. Thousands of Tutsi children were massacred without hesitation. Rwanda was one of the most populated countries in the world, a fact some analysts say contributed to the genocide.

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Genocide Ignored: Rwanda / 235 Manuel tried to escape from the dea th camp stadium with his wife and two children. We forced our way out. But the soldiers blocked us. We were forced to return. There were interahamwe along the route with machetes and grenades. According to a human rights report, On April [the] military and militia killed more than of the original hostages who had been held since April at [the] stadium in Cyangugu.23 Across the country rape was another hallmark of Rwandas orgy of violence. In one of many accounts of survivors told to human rights investigators, Maria Goretti told how Hutu raped her and her daughter, along with a large number of other women. My daughter, my sisterin-law and I were not only raped, we were raped and beaten every day for a month. They put about thirty women and girls in a house. They beat up the other women so badly that they all died. What they did to the women they killed is just too terrible. They were literally beaten to death with sticks. They stripped them down to their underwear before they killed them. Some were left completely naked and then paraded. Some were forced to walk several kilometers while naked on their way to being raped or killed or both.24 There is no wa y of knowing how many women were raped or held in sexual slavery. But systematic rape was one of the instruments of genocide.25 The raping was not an attempt by the Hutu to try to impregnate Tutsi women as a kind of cultural domination; many of the women raped were then killed. About a third of those who lived did become pregnant, according to a survey of rape victims by the Tutsi government after the war. Some to unwanted children were born in Rwanda to mothers raped during the civil war.26 Because of the stigma attached to rape victims in the society, many of the mothers ended up impoverished and unable to nd a new husband. Many contracted AIDS and other sexually transmitted diseases from the rapists.27 Beginning on May the surviving stadium residents were moved to the camp where I met Manuel, a few miles out of the city. Perhaps the move was an attempt to hide the atrocities from outsiders, such as international relief workers; or it may have been a gesture by the less militant Hutu, who hoped moving the Tutsi out of town would give

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236 / The New Africathem a better chance of surviving, away from the crowds of Hutu in the city. The Hutu military transported stadium survivors to the camp on buses. But along the few miles of road, many Tutsi were pulled off the buses and killed by Hutu mobs. And the Hutu menaced the Tutsi after they arrived at the camp. In late June, the day before the arrival of the French, Hutu militia circled the camp with the intention of killing us, Manuel said. They had guns, grenades, and machetes. But the Tutsi were spared. Colonel Innocent Bawgamenshi, a Hutu, sent gendarmes to protect us, said Manuel.Some Hutu Saved TutsiThe Hutu extremists goal of total annihilation of the Tutsi was not realized. The Tutsi rebel army entered Rwanda from Uganda and by July 1994 had forced the Hutu army and militia to ee to the Frenchpatrolled zone or to a neighboring country. The Tutsi army had won the Musambira, Rwanda, 1994 This Hutu woman saved these Tutsi children from being killed and cared for them after the civil war. Credit: UNICEF/Betty Press

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Genocide Ignored: Rwanda / 237war. Despite the extreme risks, many Hutu helped Tutsi survive during the genocide, working upstream against a dangerous ood of hysteria and cold scheming by Hutu hard-liners. Some Hutu police, presidential guards, even members of death squads, helped save Tutsi. In Kigali, shor tly after the Tutsi army had won the war, I visited a slum neighborhood where streets are dirt alleys between oneor tworoom mud homes. As I sat with Ladislas Mugarura, a Tutsi, in his tiny, lantern-lit living room, he told me of good Hutu, even including some who were involved in the killings. He described another aspect of the killings: Hutu who did not want to kill Tutsi often were threatened with death by other Hutu. Those [Hutu] who didnt want to kill someone were killed unless they managed to escape, he said. Mu garura said he has compassion for his for mer Hutu neighbors who ed, even those who were part of the death squads, knowing they may have been coerced. According to one human rights report: Using propaganda, bullying, the promise of looting and outright force, many ordinary people were made into members of the interahamwe, and were compelled to kill. But many others killed for greedstealing money or taking over land in a country where land was scarce. The killing had a momentum that built quickly, changing the norms of society. the extremists nearly succeeded in making mass murder a socially-normal activity.28 The kill-or-be-killed phenomenon also show ed up in the opening trial of the UN tribunal, in The Hague, on crimes against humanity committed in the former Yugoslavia. In June Drazen Erdemovic, a low-level, Bosnian Croat soldier ghting with the Bosnian Serbs, broke down in court and sobbed as he admitted taking part in a summary execution of hundreds of Muslim men. If I had refused, I would have been killed together with the victims. When I refused they told me, If you are sorry for them, line up with them and we will kill you, too, Erdemovic told the court. He said in his defense that he had a wife and a baby son. He pled guilty to crimes against humanity.29 Erdemovic said his victims were killed in groups of ten, shot in the back by himself and fello w soldiers of the Bosnian Serb armys Tenth Sabotage Detachment. He admitted killing seventy men, whose bodies were plowed into a mass grave. Thousands were killed in a similar

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238 / The New Africamanner in Bosnia. Among those on the courts wanted list for organizing mass killings were Serb leaders General Ratko Mladic and Radovan Karadzic, who continued to evade arrest as Erdemovic entered his guilty plea.* *In the Rwandan war, Mugarura had avoided being killed by Hutu extremists with the help of a Hutu. For more than two months, he had hid in this tiny home I was now visitinga one-bedroom, whitewashed, mud-brick home off an alley in the Kamicanga neighborhood. The living room where we sa t was furnished with only a few chairs and a trunk covered with a small piece of tapestry. On one wall hung a map of Africa, another of Rwanda, and a mat inscribed We pray to God, who is our light. Mugaruras protector was a Hutu shopkeeper, Emanuel Sebahire, who had risked his own life bringing him food each day before dawn. From a corner of the living room, Jean-Claude Kwi zera, a y oung Tutsi whose parents were murdered, said even some interahamwe protected Tutsi at the roadblocks put up by Hutu to catch Tutsi. There are many other examples of Tutsi being helped by Hutu, including the following: Marie Claire Kayigabwa, a twenty-two-year-old Tutsi student in the city of Gitarama, ed a Hutu mob and took shelter in the home of a Hutu friend, Franoise Rwimabera, who hid her for two weeks. She survived. In Kigali, Thrse Mukarusagaras husband and two teenage sons were killed and her house burned. She escaped with an uncle and two of her children. They were hidden by a Hutu shopkeeper in the ceiling of a house he was building. He brought the Tutsi family food twice a day. They emerged safely when Tutsi rebels seized the city in July.30Roots of the GenocideWhile some Hutu were trying secretly to help Tutsi, many more were trying openly to kill them. Genocide is egoism carried to an extreme; the perpetrator believes that I am important, but they are not. Yet it

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Genocide Ignored: Rwanda / 239is more than that. It is the loss of sensitivity to what it means to be a human being. To take someones life in the horrible manner in which many Hutu killed Tutsi in Rwanda and many Serbs killed Muslims in Bosnia is to deny the humanity of the victim. As Rubenstein warned, once a group of people are stripped of their identity as people, it is easier to limit their freedom and eventually eliminate them altogether. Many American soldiers in Vietnam, for example, called the enemy gooks, not North Vietnamese or Vietcong. Killing a gook is easier than killing a person. A gook is not a person, not someone with a family. In Rwanda, the Hutu had a dehumanizing name for the Tutsi: inyenzi, or cockroach. The name rst was applied to Tutsi commandos in the raids on Hutu in Rwanda, partly in spite and partly because, like the cockroaches, they [the Tutsi ghters] tended to move at night.31 Hutu extremists began using the name again in to describe the ghters of the Rwandese Patriotic Front (RPF), the Tutsi-led rebel force based in neighboring Uganda. The killing of the cockroaches was done openly and methodically, often led by local Hutu ofcials. Manuel and other Tutsi I spoke with at the camp insisted that the mayor of Cyangugu and a local businessman, Edward Bandestsa, organized many of the killings at the stadium. Tutsi have named many such alleged ringleaders, who made no attempt to hide their acts, apparently because they assumed there would be no survivors. In the hills, often it was not a stranger killing a stranger. Frequently in rural areas it was Hutu killing people they had grown up next to. In the densely populated countryside, overpopulation and land scarcity were two of the underlying embers of discontent fanned by Hutu extremists into ames of genocide against the Tutsi. Rwandas pregeno cide, midpopulation was million, with a projected population of million by Rwanda is smallonly square miles ( square kilometers), about the size of Vermont. The average prewar population density was more than per square mile. A visitor to Nebraska or many other midwestern farm states nds a square mile easy to spot: it is the area bounded by four roads and including elds and several farm houses. It is difcult to imagine people living within such a conned space.

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240 / The New Africa But population and land pressures alone w ere not enough to bring the Hutu to the point of trying to exterminate the Tutsi. Both groups had adapted to overcrowding and land shortages over the years, living in relative peace with each other at least until The high population in such a small nation, however, led Rwandans to develop a highly centralized society, with tight social controls.32 This would later work against the Tutsi when the Hutu used these social networks to mobilize killers from all levels of society. To under stand how relations between Hutu and Tutsi deteriorated, one has to look at the history of Rwanda, as well as the political manipulations and careful preparations for genocide in the year or two leading up to At the root of the conict is the question who is a Hutu and who is a Tutsi, which has been much debated over the years. According to one European historian, they are two separate races: Hutu are Bantu, and Tutsi are part of an exodus probably from southern Ethiopia.33 Others contend the two are one people, sharing one language and culture. The RPF took the position that distinctions between Tutsi and Hutu are social and not a question of distinct ethnic groups.34 In the precolonial years, the Tutsi had economic and social advantages over the Hutu: Tutsi generally were wealthier, the main cattle owners, while Hutu became known as farmers and generally owned fewer cattle. Distinctions between Hutu and Tutsi were somewhat uid, with some Hutu achieving the status of Tutsi. Intermarriage between Tutsi and Hutu partially obscured the stereotypical physical image associated with Tutsi (taller, thinner) and Hutu (shorter, heavier). When the rst European explorers arrived in the area, they found Tutsi kingdoms. The Tutsi dynasty had made signicant conquests in the interior since the end of the seventeenth century, eliminating the Hutu kings and chiefs one by one and no doubt thereby stirring-up tensions between castes.35 Historical fact and myth combined in Rwanda to create an image of T utsi superiority, which in turn played an important role in Hutu-Tutsi relations. Rwanda, a very small, compact and historically well-dened nation, was built in the late nineteenth and early twentieth century into a complex, unique and quasi-mythological land. With time this cultural mythology became reality, i.e., the social and political actors moved by

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Genocide Ignored: Rwanda / 241degrees from their real world into the mythological script which had been written for them (in a way, with their complicity).36 Europeans concluded, after seeing the institution of the Tutsi monarchy and noting the ne physical features of the Tutsi, that the Tutsi were superior to the Negroes (Hutu). It was a racist assumption that would haunt the country in years to come. One of the Europeans who reached that conclusion was John Hanning Speke, the famous Nile explorer. He took the fact of Tutsi kingdoms and added the theory that their ancestors were of a superior civilization.37 Later-arriving Europeans accepted this concept of Tutsi superiority as fact, sometimes creating their own myth about the origins of the Tutsi and their abilities. Colonial administrators pushed the myth to their own advantage, using the Tutsi minority to help them govern a country percent Hutu. The colonial rulers also gave the Tutsi special advantages in training and formal education, stressing the differences between Hutu and Tutsi for purposes of control. The Germans, in the early part of the century, favored the Tutsi as the superior race and gave them military assistance to help their conquest of Hutu chiefs. After World War I, the Belgians continued this same, one-sided policy. Thus in short, if the categories of Hutu and Tutsi were not actually invented by the colonizers, the policies practiced by the Germans and Belgians only served to exacerbate them.38 Just as important w as the impact all this had on the Tutsi themselves. The result of this heavy bombardment with highly value-laden stereotypes for some sixty years ended by inating the Tutsi ego inordinately and crushing Hutu feelings until they coalesced into an aggressively resentful inferiority complex.39 This attitude and the increasingly authoritative Tutsi monarchy, which was expanding its control over more Hutu lands, caused growing resentment among the Hutu. Deprived of all political power and materially exploited by both the whites and the Tutsi, [the Hutu] were told by everyone that they were inferiors who deserved their fate and also came to believe it. As a consequence, they began to hate all Tutsi. The time bomb had been set and it was now only a question of when it would go off.40 One scholar on Rwanda and Bur undi argues that relations between Tutsi and Hutu were complex and that often they were much more interdependent than is generally recognized. He contends that in Bu

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242 / The New Africarundi, which has the same ethnic mix as Rwanda but a different political history, it is a myth that ethnic conicts are due to historical antagonisms.41 Ethnic pride also g rew among missionary-educated Hutu and was increasingly articulated during the late s, in the years just prior to independence. Hutu intellectuals began characterizing the Tutsi as Ethiopian invaders and began verbally attacking their predominant role in society. In ethnic tensions turned to violence. Activists of a pro-Tutsi political party attacked a Hutu subchief who was a key gure in an all-Hutu political party. Hutu groups responded by killing some Tutsi ofcials. Tutsi ofcials answered with reprisals against the Hutu. Several hundred people of both groups died. The events of did not change the way Hutu looked at the Tutsi, but it boosted the Hutus self-image.42 As African nationalism spread rapidly across the continent, the Belg ians did a ip-op, shifting their support from the Tutsi minority to the increasingly vocal and powerful Hutu majority. The Belgians named more Hutu chiefs and subchiefs; until then, almost all such posts had been lled by Tutsi. The Hutu won local elections in and by had declared an end to the Tutsi monarchy. In some Tutsi who had ed Rwanda began making raids from neighboring countries. Following one such Tutsi attack, Hutu killed an estimated Tutsi. In July the Belgians granted independence to Rwanda. Tens of thousands of Tutsi were driven off their land by Hutu shortly after independence; many ed into exile. By following more clashes, some Tutsi had escaped the country.43 Tensions between the Tutsi and Hutu ared again in In Major General Juv enal Habyarimana, who was then minister of defense and head of the national guard, led a bloodless coup against President Gregoire Kayibanda, a Hutu and the countrys rst president. Habyarimana, president until he was killed in favored not only the Hutu majority but those Hutu from his own part of the country, thus incurring the wrath of Hutu from other areas in Rwanda as well as that of Tutsi at home and abroad. In the year after Habyarimana was again reelected president with percent of the vote, in an election with no other candi-

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Genocide Ignored: Rwanda / 243datescrop disease, soil degradation, and population pressures resulted in several hundred deaths by starvation. Rwanda s coffee income was hurt by low world prices.44 In May a Rwandan government commission recommended a more liberal policy toward Tutsi refugees who wanted to return home. But Ha byar imana, instead of adopting the recommendations, called for further study, in effect saying no to the return of the Tutsi. This was a touchstone issue for the RPF. In October the RPF invaded northern Rwanda from their bases in Uganda. Ugandan president Y oweri Museveni ofcially looked the other way. He claimed no part in the RPF invasion or even knowledge of its preparations, although many RPF ofcers had served in Ugandas army. There is little chance Musevenis intelligence system did not alert him to a military buildup under his nose. Museveni also consistently endorsed the aims of the RPF and criticized the Rwandan government. Habyar imana responded to the invasion by the RPF with large-scale arrests in and around Kigali, mostly of Tutsi. Fighting had not reached Kigali, but Habyarimana used the occasion as an excuse to crack down on suspected Tutsi allies of the RPF. Belgian and French paratroopers were dispatched to Kigali at the Rwandan governments request in response to the RPF attack. Sporadic RPF incursions into Rwanda continued until a cease-re was signed in July Whatever trust and cooperation might still have existed between Hutu and Tutsi in Rwanda before the Tutsi invaded in evaporated after the attack. The subsequent buildup of Hutu militia, with government support, only added to a feeling of pending doom among many Rwandans. Even a w ar might not have led to genocide, however. Political manipulation by Hutu extremists in government, it later became clear, managed to turn existing Hutu fears and hatred of Tutsi into the combustible mix that became genocide. Calls by some Hutu and Tutsi for reconciliation and political power sharing were drowned out, especially in the northern part of Rwanda, Habyarimanas stronghold. Only under international pressure, and probably to buy time to strengthen his own position and that of the Hutu militia, did Habyarimana begin negotiations with the RPF. Hard-liners dominated the government during the rule of Habyarimana and were against sharing power with

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244 / The New Africathe Tutsi. Moderates favoring cooperation with the Tutsi tried to build up opposition parties after the president conceded to their legality under international pressure in the early s. More ghting occurred early in when negotiations for a coalition government broke down. By late February, another cease-re had been signed. In October the UN Security Council adopted Resolution authorizing a UN cease-re monitoring team of personnel for Rwanda. In late December a contingent of armed RPF soldiers was escorted to Kigali by UN troops as part of the peace agreements reached at Arusha, Tanzania, between the RPF and the government of Rwanda. The agreements called for a coalition government and a merged military and police force. Hard-liners in the government were strongly opposed to the accords. There are indications Habyarimana had no intention of fully implementing them; he continued to arm and train Hutu militia against the Tutsi. Signs of Approaching GenocideAfter the RPF attack in the Rwandan government began creating a self-defense program. Guns were distributed to supporters of Hab yar imana, especially to members of his party, the Mouvement Rpub lican National pour la Dmocra tie et le Dveloppement (MRNDD), or National Republican Movement for Democracy and Development. Another organization allied to the MRNDD was the Coalition pour la Dfense de la Rpublique (CDR), or Coalition for the Defense of the Republic. Both the CDR and the MRNDD formed civilian Hutu militia, which were in the vanguard of the killings of Tutsi from at least onward and killed far more people than uniformed members of the Armed forces.45 An ad hoc interna tional commission determined that President Hab yar imana and his government tolerated and encouraged the activities of armed militia attached to the political parties, in clear violation of Rwandan law.46 In effect, these militia did much of the dirty work for the government in carrying out a gradual campaign of political terrorism against Tutsi. The militia of the MRNDD and the CDR are the most aggressive of the armed [civilian] groups, and the Tutsi and members of other parties represent by far the largest number of

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Genocide Ignored: Rwanda / 245victims, according to a human rights report in June ten months before the genocide erupted.47 But the arming and training of militia w as only one sign of a buildup to genocide. Another was the arrest of to people, some percent of whom were Tutsi, including priests, intellectuals, and businessmen, after the October invasion by the RPF.48 Their treatment was one more indication of the pending explosion. Many of the detainees were severely beaten or tortured. Some were not fed for up to eight days. At one detention center, in Gikondo, a man was tied to a tree like a goat and shot. He nally died two days later after suffering horribly, according to a woman detainee in the detention center. We heard his cries, she said.49 There was still another harbinger of disaster: a series of massacres of T utsi. After the RPF attack in local authorities incited Hutu living in Kibirira, a rural area near the city of Gisenyi, in the northwest, to attack their Tutsi neighbors. More than Tutsi were killed. In JanuKigali, Rwanda, 1993 Hutu political demonstrations like this one took place prior to the genocide.

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246 / The New Africaary when the RPF struck again, they captured the northern city of Ruhengeri for a day, releasing hundreds of prisoners. More than Bagogwe, a subgroup of Tutsi, were killed in the following weeks in northwestern Rwanda by police, military, civilian ofcials, and ordinary people. Increasingly, ordinary Hutu took part in the killings of Tutsi. The attackers generally lacked guns, using instead machetes and sticks, just as they would in In one such case, mobs attacked Tutsi on the night of November in Murambi. It was not al ways the number of victims that provided a clue to the coming genocide; sometimes it was the viciousness of the attacks. Hutu violence against Tutsi in late included the following cases: An eighty-ve-year-old woman chased from her home by a mob was stabbed to death with a spear while trying to hide behind some corn stalks by her fence. Men raping a girl of eighteen rushed off to join in the pillaging of the home of the girls grandmother, but not before lodging a spear in her foot to keep her pinned down so they could continue raping her later. A Tutsi woman eight months pregnant received eight blows from a machete to various parts of her body.50 The patter n of neighbor killing neighbor was becoming clearer. The government of Rwanda blamed these incidents on opposition parties and took no action to punish the perpetrators, some of whom were known and accused by Tutsi survivors.Planned, Systematic GenocideHabyarimana was returning from another peace negotiating session with the RPF in Arusha, April when his plane was shot down over Kigali. His death in the plane crash sparked, but did not cause, the ensuing genocide. Exactly who shot down the plane was not clear. Some blamed Hutu hard-liners; others intimated that elements of the French government may have had a hand in the affair. But regardless of who did it, there is clear evidence that the genocide that followed was, as UN investigator Degni-Sgui reported in June of that year, planned, systematic and atrocious.51

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Genocide Ignored: Rwanda / 247 Degni-Sgui, dean of the f aculty of law at Abidjan University, in the West African state of Cte dIvoire (Ivory Coast), presented evidence exposing the meticulous planning behind the killings and the way they were encouraged and carried out by the Hutu. A campaign of incitement to ethnic hatred and violence orchestra ted by the media belonging to the government, or close to it, such as Radio Rwanda, and above all Radio Television Libre de Mille Collines (RTLMC), or, in English, Free Radio/Television of One Thousand Hills. Distrib ution of arms to civilian militia after the RPF attack on Rwanda in and the training of militia at military installations from November to March The exceptional speed with which the massacres began after Hab yar imanas plane was shot down. A provisional government was formed within a few hours. Crude barricades were set up across most roads in Kigali between and minutes after the crash of the aircraft, and even before the news of it had been announced on the national radio. The existence of lists [before the plane crash] giving the names of persons to be executed.52 Among the rst victims w ere prime minister Agatha Uwilingi yimana, one of the few Tutsi in the government; Joseph Kavaruganda, president of the Supreme Court; and several other key members of the government. Ten Belgian members of the UN observer force were Kigali, Rwanda, 1993 Among the rst victims killed was Tutsi prime minister Agatha Uwilingiyimana.

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248 / The New Africakilled that rst night trying to protect the prime minister; some of their bodies were mutilated. The rst wave of killings included more Hutu than Tutsi victims, as hit squads hunted down prominent Hutu moderates.53 But the focus of the Hutu killers quickly turned to Tutsi, urged on by hate propaganda from the government radio. In a country where television is practically nonexistent for the average Rwandan, radio is the way most people get their information. By early the radio in Rwanda was being used to incite Hutu against the Tutsi. In its report in March an ad hoc international commission composed of several key human rights organizations documented the role of the RTLMC, the national radio, in heightening tensions between groups and political parties.54 RTLMC was a private broadcasting station which began operating in September ; the owners were directly tied to high government ofcials. The president of the board of directors was Flician Kabuga, a wealthy businessman whose son married Rwandan president Habyarimanas daughter. Technical assistance came from George Ruggiu, an Italian by birth who later became a Belgian citizen. The RTLMC editorial position was totally against the Arusha peace accords Habyarimana had signed. After the second attack by the RPF in the radio put out a false report that the RPF had massacred civilians in a camp for displaced persons.55 As the massacres by Hutu of Tutsi progressed in April the RTLMC got even more vitriolic, with broadcasts such as this one: Fight the inyenzi, pound them. Stand up. Keep away from lies and rumors. If they pound you with heavy artillery, bombs, go into bunkers. Then after that you take your spears, clubs, guns, swords, stones, everything, sharpen them, hack those enemies, those cockroaches, those enemies of democracy, show that you can defend yourselvessupport your soldiers.56 The RTLMC repeatedly broadcast statements aimed at stirring up frenzied ha tred against the Tutsi, and secondarily against Hutu moderates seen as accomplices to the Tutsi. Degni-Sgui quoted Reporters Without Borders as stating that the RTLMC broadcast that by May [ ], the cleansing of the Tutsi must be completed, and that the grave is still only half full: who will help us ll it [with dead Tutsi]? He also reported the comment of a senior UN ofcial that in Rwanda, with

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Genocide Ignored: Rwanda / 249an illiteracy rate of about percent among those fteen and older, such inammatory remarks on the national radio had a dangerous effect.57 They hold their radio sets in one hand and their machetes in the other, ready to go into action.58 The day the presidents plane was shot down, RTLMC told its listener s, The Tutsi need to be killed. The station called on Hutu to hunt out the Tutsi, claiming the RPF is coming to kill people; so defend yourselves.59 One can imagine the fear such broadcasts must have caused. There was an element of truth in the warnings: the RPF had attacked several times, and the rebels were determined to return to Rwanda. In Hutu homes, stories of ghting the Tutsi dated back to but stories of resentment of the Tutsi and domination by them dated back centuries. Benaco Refugee Camp, Tanzania, 1994 Rwandan refugees stand on the highest point in their camp to get better radio reception for war news.

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250 / The New AfricaJourney into Rwandas Killing FieldsMy encounter with Manuel and other survivors of the stadium concentration camp took place in June during the rst of numerous trips back to Rwanda. I had been to the country only once before, in and had failed to detect the genocidal explosion building up. Most reporters and diplomats also missed the pending catastrophe, though a few human rights groups in were noting a worsening pattern of abuses, primarily by Hutu. Cov ering the genocide was dangerous for reporters, and it deeply affected some of them. A colleague sat in my living room in Nairobi one day while I was still recovering, explaining how he felt to have been in a land of such death. Though he had not personally witnessed killings, as some reporters had, he was there when many homes in Kigali were still crammed with human bodies. The images were fresh in his mind, and he had a hard time describing what he had seen. When I arrived in Rwanda, I could still smell the stench of decomposing corpses on some streets in Kigali and along country roadsides. Many bodies had been left unburied. I visited a house near Kigali several months after the Tutsi captured Rwanda. A UNICEF employee had received word that her relatives bodies were lying untended in the ruins. We turned off the highway onto a secondary, unpaved road, then drove up a narrow dirt track. Back roads were sometimes still mined, a risk no one wanted to discuss. When we reached the home, we saw that the windows and doors had been smashed out. Inside two back rooms, partly destroyed by a grenade or other explosion, lay a horrible jumble of skeletal remains, apparently including members of the womans family. Bits of clothing remained on the bones; a metal spring bed lay twisted in the debris. A local resident, still terried, said the victims had been told by local Hutu ofcials to stay in the house; then they were murdered by the ofcials. The UNICEF employee wept silently. Just moving around the building was risky because of the possibility of mines. Several piles of dirt looked suspicious. I prayed as I walked around looking for other bodies. Rwandans discovering their family in such conditions had begun planning burial ceremonies as a nal tribute to the departed, and as a way to try to close a chapter they hoped would never be reopened.

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Genocide Ignored: Rwanda / 251* *Fighting was still going on when I arrived in Rwanda in June Tutsi rebels were close to claiming victory; the Hutu army had mostly ed to Zaire and other countries. But Tutsi were still being slaughtered in areas the RPF had not reached. The biggest area was the so-called safety zone that the French had set up in southwestern Rwanda. The French record in Rwanda is mix ed. France had helped arm and train the Rwandan army in recent years. A diplomat in Kigali alleged that the French even took part in some battles against the RPF. The French were far from being a disinterested party: they ignored the gov ernment s massive violations of human rights and publicly backed peace talks with the Tutsi while arming and training [Hutu] death squads and militia.60 But as the genocide in Rwanda continued, only the French had decided to intervene, though not until late June. By then the Hutu government was on the run. It appeared the French Rusumo, Rwanda, 1994 Soldiers of the Rwandese Patriotic Front (RPF), a mostly Tutsi force, forced the Hutu government to ee the country after three months of heavy ghting.

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252 / The New Africaintervened to protect the falling regime they had backed. French forces drew an invisible line around a huge section of southwestern Rwanda, declaring it to be off limits to the RPF, and dubbed their intervention Operation Turquoise. The French zone became a safe havenuntil months after the warfor far more Hutu than Tutsi. All of the onemillion-plus Hutu who ed to the zone were not killers, but there were undoubtedly many killers among them. Creation of the French zone certainly protected some escaped Tutsi, but [also] permitted the organizers of genocide to get out of Rwanda via Zaire or other routes.61 Tutsi like Manuel almost certainly would have been killed if the French had not gone into Rw anda when they did. But the French arrived much too late to save most Tutsi in the area. The French presence was sparse, despite the fact that killings of Tutsi were still taking place. Many Tutsi were still hiding from the Hutu while others waited nervously in French-guarded camps like the one where I met Manuel and Antoine.No SanctuaryAntoine was sitting in the same close circle with Manuel, there on the hillside. He, too, asked that his last name not be used. He explained that he had taken refuge along with nearly Tutsi in a church in Shangi, a village a few miles from the camp where we now sat. As the genocidal killings spread, it was natural for Antoine and many other Tutsi to ee to churches. They thought they would nd sanctuary. In the original lm version of Victor Hugos The Hunchback of Notre Dame there is a moving scene where the hunchback swings down from the cathedral on a rope, just as the woman who had befriended him is about to be hung. He sweeps her off the gallows and swings back to the church. Lifting her overhead as he stands triumphantly near the top of a bell tower, he shouts to the crowd below, Sanctuary. Sanctuary. By the custom of the day, she was safe as long as she stayed in the church, though a mob later stormed the cathedral. In Rwanda there was no safety for those who sought sanctuary in the churches. The churches became hunting grounds. The Hutu interahamwe (militia) and soldiers came to the church in Shangi April armed with grenades, guns, machetes, and spears,

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Genocide Ignored: Rwanda / 253Antoine recounted in vivid detail. The killers were led, he and others in the group insisted, by Cyangugu mayor Bugarama. Not content with having ushed out most of his towns Tutsi into a death camp stadium, Bugarama now went after other surviving Tutsi hiding in the church. The same thing was happening across the country. There were massive casualties in churches during the genocide in Rwanda: were slaughtered in four hours in a church in Kibungo by Hutu militia using grenades, machine guns, machetes, and R rockets; only about people survived; were attacked in a church in Cyahinda; only about lived; perished in a church in Kibeho; were murdered in a parish in Rukara.62 Even or phanages were not spared. Twenty-one Tutsi children in an orphanage in Butare were killed along with thirteen Rwandan Red Cross volunteers trying to protect them. Human Rights W atch estimates people were killed in the Shangi church where Antoine took refuge. The attacks were heinous and effective. First they threw in grenades, Antoine said. Then, after ring through various openings in the parish church walls, they broke down the door. The pattern of rst tossing in grenades, then attacking those eeing the church was repeated in many parts of the country. Those who managed to dash out of such death traps were met by others armed with machetes and clubs with nails sticking out the end, another popular Hutu weapon against Tutsi. Jonathan Randal of the Washington Post visited the church in Shangi and noted a pattern of bloody hand prints visible from oor to ceilinga virtual diagram of how desperate Tutsi stood on each others shoulders in a vain effort to reach the ceiling crawl spaces and roof to hide from their Hutu killers. One is reminded of the Jews in World War II and their desperate struggle to escape the gas chambers. What s terrible is they buried them in a common grave, said Antoine, speaking of the Tutsi bodies. As in Bosnia, mass graves were dug for some of the victims. One of Bettys photos shows the remains of some people massacred in the Ntarama church near the town of Nyamata. As a tribute to the victims, local residents had decided to leave the church as it was found. There are several gaping holes in the

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254 / The New Africa Muyumbu, Rwanda, 1994 UNICEF staff member Anne-Marie Kabatende (center, wearing head scarf) and others stand in front of her destroyed home where her family was massacred by Hutu. Credit: UNICEF/Betty Press Nyamata, Rwanda, 1994 Skulls of victims of a massacre in Ntarama church near Nyamata. The photograph was found at the site and is probably of some of the victims. Many of the skulls show machete blows. Credit: UNICEF/Betty Press

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Genocide Ignored: Rwanda / 255brick walls. The oor is piled with human debris and remnants of clothing. Outside the church dozens of human skulls, many smashed open or bearing machete slice marks, are laid out in a silent, sightless testimony from the victims. In front of the skulls, someone had laid a photograph of four schoolgirls probably killed in the church. They appear to be primary school students in a classroom. As with my fathers photos from World War II, I look away from the photograph of the skulls after a few seconds, then back again. The skulls have nothing to do with humans, I want to convince myself; these are not remnants of lives. Then I glance at the photo within the photo, of the four girls, and I cannot avoid making the connection: yes, these were people. Can surviving Tutsi from such villages ever accept back Hutu who might have done some of the killing there? Perhaps. Shortly after the war, UNICEF and other organizations helped reunite many displaced children with surviving family members. Often the social workers were Tutsi and the children Hutu.Barricades of DeathDespite the scattered presence of French troops in the safety zone, almost all the roads we drove along in the southwest in June were blocked with the same kinds of barricades that had been set up in Kigali and most other cities. Such barricades became death traps for the eeing Tutsi. Many were simply a pole across the road, supported by rocks, benches, chairs, or posts. Crowds of men armed with machetes waited at each barricade to demand a persons national identity card, which stated if the individual was Hutu, Tutsi, or Twa, the percent of the population also known as pygmies. Having a Tutsi or no identication card meant almost certain death, unless the intended victims could bribe their way through. I entered Rwanda from Bur undi, which was having its own ethnic slaughters, a kind of genocide by installments that led to a Tutsi military coup in August .63 I was traveling in a two-vehicle convoy with Betty, another journalist, a U.S. diplomat, several UN relief specialists, and some representatives of private relief agencies. On the rst day, we passed through about forty barricades, each one a moment of frightening uncertainty. A few hundred yards inside Rwanda, on a narrow,

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256 / The New Africapaved road, we had to stop at one of the last immigration posts still run by the collapsing Hutu government. Several members of our group did not have Rwandan visas; I had obtained one in Nairobi. We were all allowed to continue. By this time Tutsi rebels had methodically advanced on Kigali from their northern strongholds and had taken the capital, and now they were dug in around the edges of the French zone, not eager to take on the French military. The RPF was also busy securing other parts of the country. For a while tha t morning we were forced by the narrow road and many curves to follow a large transport truck belonging to the International Committee of the Red Cross, which was feeding Tutsi and Hutu alike. I wondered if the truck would be blocked by Hutu extremists anxious to starve out the remaining Tutsi in the zone. Now we were into the backwoods country of Hutu death squads. At the rst village we saw a group of men in civilian clothes trotting quickly in formation and carrying sticks. It appeared to be a training exercise of a local militia. It was unnerving. In striking contrast, the sound of hymn-singing wafted out of a nearby church. One da y, after the war, in a massive Hutu refugee camp in what was then Zaire, I saw hundreds of Hutu jogging in a long snaking column through the camp. It looked medieval and terrifying. Militants among the refugees threatened other refugees who wanted to return to Rwanda, telling them they had to stay and form an army to ght the Tutsi. This pressure was enough to keep most of the refugees from going back to Rwanda, as many wanted to do and later would when they got a chance. As we dro ve on that morning just inside Rwanda, we came to several barricades in the rst border village. At each one, unfriendly looking men with machetes scrutinized us. At one barrier a man asked to see our passports. Would they use the lack of visas as an excuse to send us back? Our driver held out a passport with a visa, and the barrier was removed. No one in our group spoke of what might happen if we were not allowed through. The presence of several diplomats and a couple of journalists seemed to be of no consequence to these men. We all felt extremely vulnerable as we penetrated deeper and deeper into this last big bastion of Hutu strength.

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Genocide Ignored: Rwanda / 257 The next day, in a village beyond the area the French protected, men a ttending the barrier raised it for the rst of our two cars to pass through, then began lowering it as the second car, in which I was riding, approached. Our driver paid no heed and rushed through before they could drop the pole back down. Another journalist, who traveled along the Rwandan-Burundi border not long after us, stopped on the Burundi side and peered across. He saw bodies, apparently Tutsi, sprawled out along the road. I once visited a border crossing point between East and West Berlin, before the wall came down. Fleeing East Germans must have felt like eeing Tutsi trying to escape, only to be killed a few yards from freedom. There were man y reports of bodies strewn around barricades in Kigali and other parts of the country as the genocide continued. To avoid barricades, thousands of Tutsi in the area we were now passing through had ed into the wooded hills where they had become targets of manhunts. As we traveled on, I kept wondering, Where are the French troops? They were, we learned, mostly in the main towns in the zone. On a pav ed road outside the city of Gikongoro, we stopped in the dense forest. A group of eeing Rwandans, including Tutsi, had stopped their trucks and cars, which were crammed with personal goods. Fearful of going forward, they were also frightened of returning to Gikongoro, a stronghold for Hutu militants. They were trying to make it to Zaire, but to get there they had to pass through numerous Hutu-manned barricades with no French troops to protect them. As we talked with them, a stink beside the road proved to be a rotting human body. A woman traveling with us recognized a woman in the eeing group who, nearly hysterical, begged us to go get French troops to escort them to a camp ahead. We promised to relay their request to the French. When we met the French forces, a few miles farther, they said they had another priorityguarding a small road that might be used as a Tutsi rebel inltration route. They said they could not escort the convoy; but we later heard they did, taking the group to a French-guarded camp closer to Zaire. When we ar rived in Gikongoro, it was ooded with displaced Hutu eeing nearby RPF advances. Some terried Tutsi in town were trying

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258 / The New Africato pass as Hutu. The main intersection in town, where a two-lane, paved road crosses a dirt one, was a human sea of people standing around with little to do and nowhere to go, especially if they lacked the money to travel onward into Zaire. I tried to nd a Rw andan who had called me in Nairobi, Faustin Hitiyise, and who might be there en route to Zaire. I found someone who had seen him a few days earlier. All I knew was that he was fairly young, thin, and wore glasses. I stood for forty-ve minutes on a spot overlooking the main intersection, scanning for someone with glasses, but few people were wearing them and no one t his description. Although the town appeared calm, this was deceptive. You see that man over there, a frightened Tutsi college student said to me in a low voice as we walked along a side road. Hes checking ID cards. Those with Tutsi cards would be killed, regardless of the presence of French troops in the town, the student said. This student was hoping to be evacuated on one of the French helicopters. I later met him in Nairobi, where he was on his way back to college studies in Italy. What terrible stories he would have for his classmates. Leaving Gikongoro the next mor ning, we soon passed beyond the French-patrolled area. Heading south toward Burundi, we found ourselves driving upstream against a human tide of Hutu owing out from Butare, one of the main cities in Rwanda, which had just been captured by Tutsi ghters. Hutu militants had killed many Tutsi there. Women, men, and children carried their most important survival items, often on their heads: sleeping mats, bags of grain, extra clothing for the cold nights outdoors. The procession ooded the dirt road and spilled over onto the shoulders, parting just enough for our vehicles to pass slowly through. Village after village was jammed. Cooking res were burning everywhere, enveloping the air with a fog of smoke. Villages consisted of stick and mud homes and sometimes a primary school made of the same materials. The eeing Hutu were pour ing along this back road to avoid an attack by Tutsi on the main road. Many intended to go all the way to Zaire to escape the Tutsi. We also wanted to avoid a battle, so we veered off our intended route and toward what villagers said was another border crossing back into Burundi. Tensions were high in the area. As we drove through a tiny village, a crowd of men and women were huddled

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Genocide Ignored: Rwanda / 259together. Our car windows were tinted, so it was difcult for anyone to see in. But as we made a sharp curve I rolled my window down partway and stuck my hand out and waved. The effect was like magic. Almost simultaneously, most of the crowd raised their arms and cheered, despite the fact that we did not stop. I can only guess they were relieved to see they had not been abandoned by the outside world. They may have thought we were a French military reconnaissance or a medical team. We reached the border just before sunset, but the gate was locked and had been for months. The key supposedly was with an ofcial back in Gikongoro. We had little choice but to stay the night at the border and try to gure out our next move in the morning. As we sat in our cars, unsure of where to sleep or how safe this area was, night fell. A group of men appeared and slowly walked around our cars; some of them pressed their noses and hands to the windows. We were far from French protection, but not wanting to stay cooped up all night, we got out of our cars and began greeting people. There was little response. Language was not a real barrier, since we and some of them spoke French. There seemed to be a coldness in the air that had little to do with the temperature. As I looked closer at the men I saw they were poor, probably farmers. Most of them were barefoot. They were not carrying weapons, not even machetes; they seemed merely curious. That ev ening our group pooled sandwiches and snacks and laid them on a cloth on the ground. We ate our meal by headlights. I later asked a border ofcial if we could bed down in the small ofce complex where he and his colleagues worked.He immediately agreed, giving us use of two cement-oor, bare rooms. In the morning we simply drove around the barrier, squeezing between two border post buildings. A Hutu immigration ofcial helped push our vehicles through the muddy passage. We w ere not sure if there were mines in the road ahead, but we drove on across the small no-mans-land between the border posts without a problem. On the other side, one of the relief workers with us hopped out at the barrier, bowed, and explained to the Burundi immigration ofcials what they already knew about our presence. They lifted the pole, our last barricade of the trip, and I felt a surge of relief as we left behind the land of mass killings, even though we were returning to another one.

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260 / The New Africa When French troops pulled out of Rwanda, in August soon after the RPF took power, United Nations troops replaced them. Later, an impatient RPF-led government took over the towns of the former French zone. Many Hutu who panicked and ran were shot and killed by RPF soldiers. The RPF was nally in control of all its territory.Abuses by Tutsi RebelsAuthorities of the deposed Hutu government started organizing small armed attacks on Rwanda from refugee camps in Zaire. They also alleged that Tutsi were carrying out systematic massacres, Degni-Sgui noted in his UN report on Rwanda. But, he added, there is no eyewitness evidence to conrm this information.64 There were, however, reported instances of killings by the RPF duringand aftertheir takeover of Rwanda in the wake of the genocide against their people. But the scale of such abuses in no way compares to the tidal wave of killings by the Hutu against Tutsi and moderate Hutu, according to Degni-Sgui. In his report he wrote there is little doubt that the Tutsi-led RPF has been guilty of summary executions. He cited a case in which the RPF, on June killed a number of members of the clergy, including two bishops and the Archbishop of Kigali. But reports of large-scale massacres by the RPF are rather rare, indeed virtually non-existent, perhaps because little is known about them, the UN special rapporteur wrote.65 A U.S.-based human rights organization, writing in May while the killing w as still under way, refuted charges of systematic killings by the RPF.66 But in a report in October Amnesty International cited eyewitnesses and other reports suggesting that hundredspossibly thousandsof unarmed civilians and captured armed opponents of the RPF have been summarily executed [many] in a series of arbitrary reprisals.67 Some Rwandan clergy blamed the RPF for killing hundreds of ci vilians. But the reliability of the Rwandan Hutu clergy is suspect. For example, several prominent Hutu church leaders supporting the Habyarimana regime met with reporters in Nairobi in mid-, after most of the genocide was over. They denied seeing any atrocities carried out by the Hutu. They cited only allegations of killings by the RPF,

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Genocide Ignored: Rwanda / 261a completely biased account. Several reporters who had been on the scene many times during the killings were so angry at the clergys one-sidedness that they nearly walked out of the press conference. The Hutu clergy seemed entirely unwilling to present anything resembling a balanced picture of events. Some of their reluctance may reect independently documented RPF atrocities against the clergy. The RPF itself admitted to killing some civilians, blaming indisci pline among their troops. There were other reports of civilians killed either by Tutsi civilians, or the RPF, or both, after being tied up. Some senior RPF soldiers were involved in the deaths of numerous Hutu living in camps for the displaced in the former French zone. There was no indication these ofcers were punished for their actions. Privately, some Tutsi ofcials in the new government told me and other reporters it would require almost superhuman discipline for a soldier to return home and not want revenge after nding his family had been massacred by Hutu. Lack of a judicial system after the war left many Tutsi convinced that personal retribution was the only way to respond to their personal losses.The World Watched It Happen AgainExcept for the late, and controversial, entry into the fray by French troops, the rest of the world largely watched genocide happen in Rwanda and did little to try to stop it. At the time of the genocide in Rwanda, the international community stood by while more than half a million people were slaughtered.68 Speaking of the growing ethnic conict in neighboring Burundi, Tanzanias former president Julius Nyerere said in June If there is an eruption of killings there, the international community must not sit again with its hands folded, as we did in Rwanda.69 After the French pulled out, a French militar y ofcer told me he thought French troops, had they been deployed quickly, could have stopped or at least slowed the killing in Rwanda. The French had men, arms, and vehicles in Kigali when the massacres began and could have beefed up their presence quickly, the ofcer continued. What did they [the killers] have? he asked rhetorically. Clubs and machetes. Four y ears after the tragedy, in there was a public round of

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262 / The New Africanger-pointing mixed with some apologies, starting with an emotional statement by General Romeo Dallaire, the French-speaking Canadian ofcer in charge of the UN troops in Rwanda when the massacres began. He said the Hutu extremists, even relying mostly on crude weapons, could kill people in minutes. He also told the UNs International Criminal Tribunal for Rwanda in February with his voice cracking and tears running down his cheeks, that given reinforcements, his UN troops could have prevented the genocide: Many people had been pressured into [participating in the killings]; they were acting out of fear. If we had had a force that could have convinced them that it was riskier to go to the barricades than stay at home, we could have stopped it.70 But at the time of the outbreak of the killings, the UN had fewer than troops in the country. And shortly after ten Belgian peacekeepers were killed, the UN ordered the withdrawal of all but a few hundred troops, leaving the UN forces incapable of doing anything more than securing a few key locations to which hunted Rwandans could ee. The French troops in Kigali when the massacres broke out were there to monitor the earlier peace accord; they were not assigned to try to stem violence or go on the offensive. Instead, the French troops, like the Belgian troops in Rwanda when the mass killing began, concentrated on getting their own citizens out. CNN showed troops escorting Westerners out of Kigali in early April The international relief [at the rescue of Westerners and departure of most UN personnel] was both legitimate in respect of those non-Rwandan lives saved but shameful in view of the vast numbers of Rwandans left to their fate.71* *The UN knew in advance that a genocide might be in the making, and took no steps to prevent it. Dallaire added in his testimony that he had faxed a memo January to UN headquarters saying what a former member of the security staff of Rwandan president Habyari-mana had told him: that arms were being distributed among the Hutu majority and lists of targeted Tutsi and moderate Hutu were being drawn up. The informant offered to help the UN raid the Hutu arms caches, which Dallaire notied the UN he intended to do.

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Genocide Ignored: Rwanda / 263 The Dallaire fax to the UN became public in ; the UN response, from the ofce of Ko Annan, who later became secretary general, was revealed in an article in the New Yorker magazine May .72 The reply Dallaire got back from UN headquarters said that under the current mandate of the UN in Rwanda, such offensive actions were not allowed. Instead of changing the mandate to allow offensive operations, the UN told Dallaire to take no action; it was suggested he share the informants information with the government and insist that the plan be stopped. The response was sent under the name of Annan but signed by his deputy, Iqbal Riza, who later became Annans chief of staff when Annan became secretary general. I was responsible, Riza said, adding, this is not to say that Mr. Annan was oblivious to what was going on. He added that the UN secretary generals ofce would have gotten copies of the Dallaire fax. He said the Dallaire fax was properly handled: We get hyperbole in many reports. A week after the New Yorker article was published, a former top French general told a French parliamentary commission looking into the Rwanda genocide that the international community could have halted the massacres if it had been less cowardly. Then, his own voice cracking with emotion, he blamed Canadian general Dallaire directly. I may shock you but the honor of a soldier is to know how to disobey. He might have been sacked later but my feeling is that with those men he could have halted the massacres which were then limited to Kigali.73 Annan, who at the time of the genocide was in charge of the UNs peacekeeping opera tions, defended himself before the Rwandan Parliament on a brief visit there in May In hindsight, he said, we see the signs which then were not recognized. Now we know what we did was not nearly enough to save Rwanda from itself, not enough to honor the ideals for which the United Nations exists. We will not deny that in their greatest hour of need the world failed the people of Rwanda. He also said the world must deeply repent its failure to stop the genocide.74 Rwandan ofcials were furious with Annan for having failed to take actions tha t might have avoided the genocide, and they let him know that. He was met at the airport by only one senior ofcial, without

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264 / The New Africaceremony. The president, vice president, and prime minister boycotted a dinner in Annans honor. And Foreign Minister Anastase Gasana blasted Annan and the UN in a speech before Parliament, with Annan sitting beside him. A few days earlier, a spokesman for Annan had tried to share the blame with the international community. The fundamental failure was the lack of political will, not the lack of information. No one can deny that the world failed the people of Rwanda. We should be asking how we can ensure that such a tragedy can never happen again, and how the international community can best assist the people and government of Rwanda.75Why the United States Stayed out of the ConictThe U.S. decision to stay out of Rwanda was critical and set the tone for the international response. It must be seen in a post-Somalia context. In March during the most extensive Africa trip of any U.S. president, Bill Clinton, speaking at the airport in Kigali, called the genocide in Rwanda the most rapid slaughter of the century. He said the international community must share the blame. Then, after hearing from some of the survivors, he admitted: We did not act quickly enough after the killing began. We did not immediately call these crimes by their rightful name: genocide. All over the world, there were people like me sitting in ofces, day after day after day, who did not fully appreciate the depth and the speed with which you were being engulfed by this unimaginable terror.76 If true, his admission is an example of the failure of the U.S. gover nment to keep its president informed of key world events. If true, it is also an example of how a president can fail to keep himself informed of something widely reported on television and in the newspapers. The information was there, about the nature and extent of the killings, said Janet Fleischman, Washington-based Africa specialist with Human Rights Watch.77 I believe Clinton knew what was happening in Rwanda. The killing star ted suddenly, but it lasted three months. It began just as South Africa was inaugurating Nelson Mandela as its rst black president, and there were many other world and domestic events vying for his attention. But Clinton was a detail president. And even though until

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Genocide Ignored: Rwanda / 265 he had never been to Africa, he was president during most of the Somalia episode involving U.S. troops. That episode w as the real reason the United States did not send troops to Rwandawhy, in fact, the United States attempted to delay an international military response to try to stop the killing. U.S. troops entered Somalia in December with a mission from the outgoing president, George Bush, to help deliver food to the starving. Anarchy in the wake of the overthrow of Somali president Mohamed Siad Barre in January had led to civil war between rival Somali factions, which in turn had caused massive famine in contested areas. Much relief food had been looted in the lawlessness engulng central Somalia. The U.S. intervention in Somalia, though late, initially was a success: troops helped get more relief food delivered. But after U.S. and other international troops in Somalia stayed on to try to end the civil war, they became targets of one Somali clan, or faction, led by Mohamed Farah Aideed. It was a single ba ttle in October that made the difference. Eighteen U.S. Rangers were killed; the naked body of one Ranger was dragged through the streets of the Somali capital, Mogadishu, a scene millions of Americans saw on television. Within days, and acting under intense pressure from the public and Congress, Clinton set a departure date for U.S. troops from Somalia. His deadline, March turned out to be just one month before Rwanda exploded. This w as a turning point in U.S. foreign policy: the United States, at least under Clinton, would no longer send its troops on peacekeeping missions that did not directly affect its national securityregardless of the humanitarian needs. The intervention of U.S. troops in Bosnia in late would be presented by President Clinton as in the U.S. interest. But a Somalia, Liberia, or Rwanda would be allowed to fester on its own, except for provision of humanitarian aid or a possible surgical military intervention to provide logistical aid or rescue Americans. During the presidential campaign, Clinton had described his vision of an international, United Nationsled army standing at the borders of countries threatened by aggression, preventing mass violence against civilian populations, providing humanitarian relief and combating terrorism.78 The episode in Somalia changed all that. In reecting on the deaths of the U.S. soldiers, General John

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266 / The New AfricaShalikashvili, chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff, said: Something has broken down in the debate about the use of force. Eighteen people died so thousands and thousands could live. To me thats glory. Anthony Lake, Clintons national security adviser, who was standing next to Shalikashvili, nodded.79 In fact, both men were wrong about the positive impact of the eighteen deaths in Somalia. Their deaths did not mean thousands could live. The earlier mission to deliver food helped keep people alive. But the shift of gears to a peacemaking mission based on ignorance of the culture and the politics of Somalia did little to help keep people alive Somalis or Americans. As the killing proceeded in Rwanda, one U.S. ofcial I spoke with, who had been in contact with senior ofcials from the National Security Council and State Department, said the United States was determined not to get into another Somalia-type situation. And facing a strengthening Republican opposition, soon to take over both the Senate and House leadership, Clinton did not want to lose another foreign policy round over such a far-off place as Rwanda. On May as genocide in Rwanda was expanding rapidly, and exactly seven months after the deaths of the eighteen U.S. servicemen in Somalia, Clinton signed Presidential Decision Directive It put strict conditions on U.S. military participation in international peacekeeping operations. According to one newspaper account at the time, PDD reects concerns after ill-fated peacekeeping operations in Somalia and Haiti and comes after more than a year of erce interagency feuding.80 The new directive effectively put a brake on any U.S. military involvement in a peacekeeping operation in Rwanda. The initially negative U.S. reaction to a proposed UN peacekeeping force for Rwanda was widely seen as due to the operations not meeting PDD requirements.81 Madeleine K. Albright, U.S. permanent representative to the United Nations, said the United States would insist on answers to key questions before deciding whether to commit U.S. troops to any UN peacekeeping operation: Will the UN involvement advance U.S. interests?; is there a real threat to international peace and security?; [are there] clear objectives[?]; and is there a clear end point or exit plan?82

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Genocide Ignored: Rwanda / 267 Not only did PDD block U.S. military intervention in Rwanda, it left the United Nations oundering there. The PDD clearly signied an abrupt end to any new initiatives [for the UN] on Rwanda, which would be impossible to implement now without American agreement.83 The United States was absolutely paralyzed by Somalia, a senior UN ofcial said in when the international leadership was wringing its hands and casting blame in connection with Rwandas genocide.A European diplomat put it this way: The Security Council was traumatized by what had happened, but Washington was more traumatized than the others. Then-UN secretary general Boutros-Ghali repeatedly asked the Security Council to send a bigger force to Rwanda. But when the council agreed to send a force of the Katale Refugee Camp, near Goma, Zaire, 1994 A relief worker cares for babies during an epidemic. Credit: UNICEF/Betty Press

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268 / The New AfricaUnited States forced a delay until there were moves to end the violence.84 Eventually after most of the genocide was over, the United States did send some troops to help with logistics and relief efforts aimed, primarily, at the more than one million refugees, predominantly Hutu, who had ed to neighboring Zaire. It was ironic that the United States had not responded when the Tutsi were being slaughtered, but rushed to help members of the ethnic group responsible for most of the slaughter, the Hutu, when they were dying in refugee camps. The needs of the Hutu refugees were staggering, everyone agreed. And among them were undoubtedly many innocent people as well as killers. A frustrated Western relief worker in Rwanda said she was glad to see the world responding to the needs of the Hutu refugees, but, she asked, where was the world when the Tutsi were being slaughtered? The United States Dithered as Genocide ContinuedAs the killing spread in April Salim Salim, Tanzanian secretary general of the Organization of African Unity (OAU), told UN secretary general Boutros-Ghali he had collected commitment pledges from African nations to send troops to Rwanda. The UNs role would be to equip and transport the troops and provide logistical support once they arrived. Boutros-Ghali asked the UN Security Council to approve payment for this. According to former U.S. assistant secretary of state for Africa, Herman J. Cohen, the quick dispatch to Rwanda of an African peacekeeping force could have brought the killings to a halt. But the United States, among other nations, balked, arguing there was no detailed plan for the operation of the African troops in Rwanda or their exit. Behind the United States dithering, which went on for about two months while genocide took its toll, and nearly took the life of Tutsi like Manuel and Antoinewas a deeper issue, said Cohen, who was assistant secretary from to I had heard back here [in Washington] there was a feeling in D.O.D. [Department of Defense] that African troops would get into difculty and it would require U.S. troops to come in and rescue them in a slippery slope syndrome. That scenario would have had U.S. troops returning to Africa soon after the U.S. military

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Genocide Ignored: Rwanda / 269pullout from Somalia. The feeling among U.S. ofcials was strong that the United States must not get burned twice, Cohen added. The African troops nally arrived in November well after the genocide had ended. Cohen gave two reasons for his belief that these troops could have stopped it completely had they been deployed earlier. First, most of the killing was being done by ordinary civilians frightened into a state of hysteria by the extremists. They were telling Hutu to kill every Tutsi before the Tutsi killed them. The presence of foreign troops on the ground, being brought in by American aircraft, would have had a calming effect. Second, Hutu extremists would not have had such a free hand to organize killings in the presence of African troops. The United States could have airlifted up to African troops into Rwanda within days, Cohen contended, recalling how it airlifted Moroccan troops into southern Zaire within seventy-two hours to quell a rebellion there in the s.85 On the other hand, West African peacekeeping troops stationed in the Liberian capital of Monrovia failed to prevent ethnic-based militia in the city from engaging in all-out ghting in .86 Without reinforcements, the sev eral hundred UN personnel still in Rwanda could do little to stop the killings. They were, however, able to rescue many Tutsi and others trapped in various parts of Kigali and to protect them. Most of the UN personnel in Rwanda were not what one would call front line troops. The majority were doing administrative work. The small number of UN troops still going out on the street were soon engulfed by the artillery battles that broke out between the RPF and the Hutu army. As the battles grew more intense, the mass killings, as discussed earlier, were mostly being carried out by people armed with machetes and clubs.UN artillery and heavy weapons would probably have proved as useless in stopping these killings as the big weapons of the United States and other nations had been in stopping guerrilla warfare in Mogadishu. Kigalis main streets are easily na vigable by military or any other vehicles. But the back alleys, where much of the poor population lives and where much of the killing took place, are a labyrinth, as I found out when another journalist and I accompanied Mugarura to his home. (Mugarura was the Tutsi who had hidden in his home during the killing.) By the time we got near his dwelling, it was night; none of us

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270 / The New Africacarried a ashlight. We walked uncertainly, feeling our way with our feet and hands along narrow mud alleys crisscrossed with ruts, ditches, and sewage canals. The heart of the slum had some larger passageways, but any military vehicle would have become stuck on turns, making it an easy target. In the initial days of the killings, the Hutu militia spread out in such neighborhoods. Anything short of a block-by-block oc cupation or destr uction of the entire neighborhoods might not have stopped the murders once started. While more foreign troops probably couldnt ha ve stopped the killing, they might have contained it. They might have kept genocide from engulng towns such as Butare, which remained calm for ten days after the outbursts began in Kigali. Butare was the most important southern city in Rwanda, an intellectual center with a university, and a hotbed for opposition to the hard-line Hutu government. International troops stationed in Butare might have prevented the interim Rwandan president, Thodore Sindikubwabo, from coming there and making an in-ammatory, anti-Tutsi speech which sparked the Butare massacres.* *Apparently missing from most of the ofcial discussions in Washington about the United States and Rwanda was a strong moral argument that people were dying as a result of genocide, and perhaps the United States should help. It is often said in the United States that we should rst take care of our problems at home before taking on those of the world. But there are times when the suffering of others is so great that nations capable of responding should do so. For the United States, the price of going into Rwanda might have been the loss of more soldiers. But the price, in terms of human suffering, of staying out and encouraging others to do the same was staggering. After years of hearing the message from the Holocaust to stay vigilant, to keep those events fresh in mind so that it would never happen again, the United States and Europe (except France, which had helped arm the Hutu forces) stood by when they might have made a difference in Rwanda. The world had let genocide happen again.

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Genocide Ignored: Rwanda / 271Justice and Reconciliation?As genocide was spreading across Rwanda, some UN and other of cials were already talking about the need to br ing the perpetrators to justice. If they were not, these ofcials argued, the world would be sending a message to future mass killers: you can get away with it. The ofcials called for an international tribunal to try the guilty, as the Allies had done after World War II. The world had to know that it was not just a few ringleaders behind all the murder, said one non-Rwandan analyst. The society is guilty. A UN ofcial who had traveled in most parts of Rwanda said he hoped the worlds attention to the needs of Hutu refugees didnt shift attention away from the need to prosecute the killers. In a UN tribunal nally began for crimes against humanity in the former Yugoslavia. An independent tribunal had begun in Ethiopia in December for those accused of crimes during the days of Red Terror in the s under ousted head of state Mengistu Haile Mariam. A UN trib unal on Rwanda eventually began, in Arusha, Tanzania, but proceedings crawled along for months in preparatory work. The rst accused, the former mayor of Gitarama, Jean-Paul Akayesu, went on trial in September .87 The tribunal moved so slowly that most Tutsi had little faith that justice would be served by it. In May Jean Kambanda, who was prime minister of Rwanda at the time his government led the genocidal attacks, pled guilty at the tribunal and promised to testify against other ringleaders. In September both men were found guilty. In Akayesus case, the judges ruled that rape and other forms of sexual violence in Rwanda in constituted genocide as well as the killings. Legal experts said the inclusion of rape under the UN denition of genocide set a precedent.88 In Rwanda, some prisoners awaited judgment on charges of crimes against humanity in the genocide.89* *During the massacres of Tutsi, few Hutu would talk about them, especially in public. One who did was Jean Damisen Uzabakiliho, in Gi kongoro, while the town was still under French protection. On a street crowded with Hutu, he said Hutu killers were acting under a kind of

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Genocide Ignored: Rwanda / 273mass psychology. (Cohens word, hysteria, may be a more accurate one.) No one could control it, and we deplore it [the killings], said Uzabakiliho. A second Hutu in the town, Jean Marie, who asked me not to use his family name, said of the slaughter by Hutu, I cant understand it. Then we walked together up a rocky street leading to an open eld overlooking part of the town. There, out of earshot of anyone including his friends, Jean Marie had something else to say. We need goodwill and moderation on the two sides [Hutu and Tutsi]. In an interview in a hotel he w as using as a temporary ofce in Kigali, just after the war, Rwandas prime minister, Faustin Twagira mungu, a Hutu, told me: If there is no reconciliation, we cant have a nation. If the Tutsi say, Well rule the Hutu with overwhelming power, it [Rwanda] explodes. Reports of retur ning Tutsi soldiers killing some civilians overshadowed hopes for early reconciliation. There were some counterattacks by remnants of the Hutu army. In for example, between January and August, some people were reportedly killed, according to Amnesty International. The specter of genocide still hovers over Rwanda, the report stated.90 In northern Rwanda, hate propaganda against the Tutsi reemerged in in areas inltrated by Hutu extremists. Rwandans who dared cr iticize the human rights abuses by the new Tutsi-dominated government risked death. One of the last independent journalists in Kigali, Appollos Hakzimana, was shot to death after criticizing the governments counterinsurgency policy. Previously he had been arrested and beaten, but despite threats to his life he had continued his work. Innocent Murengezi disappeared in Kigali. He had been one of the few lawyers in Rwanda willing to defend Hutu accused of genocide.91 Many ordinary Hutu found themselves caught in cross re between the Tutsi-led army and Hutu rebels still ghting the government. News of such violence convinced most Hutu refugees it was dangerous to Kigali, Rwanda, 1994 Hutu suspected of participating in the genocide were crowded into Kigali Central Prison to await trial by the new Tutsi-led government. Credit: UNICEF/Betty Press

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274 / The New Africareturn. Nearly one million Hutu had ed to camps set up near the Zaire border town of Goma, and hundreds of thousands of others escaped to Tanzania and Burundi or other camps in Zaire. In the camps, hard-liners began arming and training a Hutu army to return to Rwanda. They vowed to return much sooner than the thirty-ve years it had taken the Tutsi exiles of to ght their way home. There was little spir it of reconciliation within the camps. Militants feared certain arrest if they went home and feared being abandoned by the masses of poor Hutu who might consider returning. So they whipped up the fears that anyone going back would be subject to death or imprisonment. But it was worse than that: some Hutu refugees attempting to return were killed by Hutu extremists. Most of the refugees were caught between fear of staying in squalid camp conditions and fear of going home. Near Goma, Zaire, 1994 An impromptu Rwandan refugee camp formed as up to a million refugees ed to Zaire. These soon became death camps as thousands died from disease. Credit: UNICEF/Betty Press

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Genocide Ignored: Rwanda / 275 At the height of an early epidemic in the camps near Goma, some people were dying daily. I drove with UNICEF Rwanda director Nigel Fisher along a road leading out of Goma toward the sprawling camps of tents and plastic shelters set up on unforgiving lava elds. With no sources of clean water, the death rate had soared. And at rst there was not enough food for the mushrooming number of refugees. For several miles, bodies lined the roadside. Many were wrapped in sleeping mats, one of the few possessions of the refugees; one mat was tied with a red bow, a nal sign of love for the departed. But many bodies were simply left by the roadside, their limbs frozen in contorted positions, only partly clothed, abandoned by relatives too weak to care for themselves, much less for the dead. Conditions in the camps gradually improved due to the heroic work of relief ofcials from around the world, backed by an international outpouring of food and materials. Weeks later, I met an old man lying ill in front of his tiny hut of plastic and sticks. I asked him why he hadnt gone home. Until then, the rst reason refugees had been giving was fear of retaliation by the Tutsi. But the old man, lifting his upper body on one elbow to speak, said transportation and lack of money were his main reasons. Fear of being killed came last on his list.* *Many refugees also faced the prospect of arrest on genocide charges. In Kigali, shortly after the ghting ended, I visited the small federal prison. In the United States, prison ofcials generally accompany a visiting reporter, but at the front gate to the Kigali prison, I was let in by myself. Inside I was anything but alone. The courtyard was awash in people, mostly standing. Some wore the pink shirts of the prison, but those uniforms had quickly run out. The old prison, a series of rooms with bunks, built around a courtyard, was designed for about Incredibly, there were then about detainees in the prison, and the number was rising daily as Tutsi soldiers driving pickup trucks delivered new Hutu suspects. For lack of space, many men had to take turns sleeping on an open-sided, raised cement platform covered by a tin roof in the center of the courtyard. When it rained and everyone tried to crowd under the roof, even sitting space was at a premium. The men had to sit with legs

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276 / The New Africaspread and with the man in front of them crammed up between their legs. Standing up meant losing their place to sit down; then they had to stand in the rain because the cells already were overowing. The cells reminded me of drawings I have seen of slave ships. The tiers of bunks were divided into small cubicles, with up to six men sleeping in each one, tight against each other. In a separate room were more than a dozen children, watched over by an adult prisoner. (Nationwide some children were in detention.) Several dozen women, some with babies, were squeezed into a separate, narrow wing. Some, perhaps many, of the prisoners had been involved in the massacres. But some Hutu told a story of Tutsi army personnel, or other Tutsi with connections to the new government, occupying houses of those arrested. There was no way to sort out who might have been locked up because they had decent houses. Only a few people were w orking in the prosecutors ofce, just outside the prison gate. A dozen detainees sat on the porch, waiting for action on their cases. Sometimes a few were released. Inside the ofce ofcials worked without the help of a computer to keep track of the thousands of cases. A computer was later donated. An anguished UN ofcial told me a clear case could be made for the UN to supply tents and fencing for temporary prisons to relieve the overcrowding that was taking lives each day. But, the ofcial asked privately, what would it look like to the world community if the UN started building prisons? The UN, the ofcial said, could not afford politically to get into the prison business. And no one else wanted to either, so the overcrowding and dying in prisons continued. In August with many Hutu militants still holding out in the French-protected zone, I met in Kigali with Patrick Mazimhaka, vice president of the RPF, which had just won the war. We sat at a table in the Hotel des Diplomats, whose dining hall was back in operation, along with the tennis courts. The building had been spared destruction because it had been used for talks between the now-ousted Hutu government and the Tutsi forces. Mazimhaka took a napkin and began writing down gures with a pen when I asked him how many Hutu should be prosecuted for genocide. Until then, as far as I knew, no one in the RPF had publicly estimated the number. The killings, he said, were well orchestrated and involved essentially most of the Hutu army

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Genocide Ignored: Rwanda / 277( ), the civilian militia set up by the government party (, ), and organizers at the regional and local level (, ). This total of around Hutu are responsible for one million deaths, he insisted. They must all be tried and punished.92 An even greater number of Hutu participated in the killings but did not lead them, including men and women and kids who cut up their neighbors, said Mazim haka. They, too, must be tried, but they could be pardoned on the basis of being temporarily insane, he said.93 His point was clear: the RPF wanted justice. But the country also needed reconciliation to rebuild a nation, Prime Minister Twagira mungu had said. Hutu w ere the nations main farmers, the main food producers. They were also heavily involved in commerce and trade. Without them, the prime minister warned, there would be no Rwanda as a functioning state. Tutsi returning from Uganda and other countries, however, were happy to be home at last and not worried about who would occupy empty lands and houses. Another senior RPF ofcial told me reconciliation w as the key issue for postwar Rwanda. He asked how a Hutu and Tutsi child could grow up together after what had happened. Some form of punishment had to be meted out on the killers. But for the mass of villagers who might have taken part in the killings, he suggested not prison but some kind of community service after their admission of complicity. His suggestions were an attempt to come up with a middle ground solution, between prosecuting scores of thousands of Rwandans and doing little to restore a sense of justice among the Tutsi survivors. In Januar y the man who really ran Rwanda, Vice President Paul Kagame, said the solution was to put the masterminds of the genocide on trial, then execute them in public; those who carried out the genocide should be put to forced labor; those who were incited to join the killing should be handed over to traditional courts.94 The rst public executions were held later that year in Rwanda in the face of strong criticism from international human rights organizations, which claimed the trials were unfair because the accused received inadequate defense. Rwandas new regime had nailed two messages to their door, both addressed to the Hutu refugees: come home, we need you; and those among you who killed someone will be punished. Once again, history had reversed the roles of the two main ethnic groups in

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278 / The New AfricaRwanda. Once dominant, the Tutsi, who had ed the country to build up an army and wait for a chance to come home, were now back and in charge. Sorting out who did wha t during the genocide would take a long time. Among the many postwar accusations was one from the Tutsi that some Catholic clergymen had participated in the killings. About half of Rwandas prewar population was Catholic. In March Pope John Paul II released a statement saying that the Roman Catholic Church could not be held responsible for the genocide in Rwanda, though individual members may have sinned. All members of the Church who sinned during the genocide must have the courage to bear the consequences of the acts they committed against God and their fellow man, the pope said.95 In a prewar book, Fire in the Hills: The Revival which Spread from Rwanda, H. H. Osborn, a retired missionary who had worked in Rwanda, writes about the years of successful church work there.96 But neither Catholic nor Protestant churches were able to stem the tide of killings in Rwanda. A Rwandan clergyman who blamed the Rwandan churches said we stayed silent when earlier, smaller massacres were happening in Rwanda. On a street corner outside the temporar y ofce of UNICEF in Kigali, after the Tutsi had declared victory in July I asked a Rwan dan UNICEF employ ee to tell me his story. That is all you had to say at that time for someone to pour out their personal tale of grief. He told his story quietly, and briey. He said he had lost about thirty members of his family, including his wife, who was mutilated before she was killed by Hutu extremists. You must be v ery angry, I said. You must want revenge. No, he corrected me. He said he was beyond anger. He said Hutu and Tutsi had to reconcile now or it will happen all over again. We must get along. Later I lear ned that he had important political connections to leaders in the RPF. Was he saying what he believed, or was he saying what he assumed I and most Westerners wanted to hearthat Rwandans must have reconciliation? I wondered how I would feel if my family had been killed the way his was. Reintegration, if it is to succeed in Rwanda, must be a mental and emotional journey, as well as a physical

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Genocide Ignored: Rwanda / 279 UNICEF and Save the Children set up a program in Kigali, Rwanda, in 1994 to reunite children with their families after a civil war. Credit: UNICEF/Betty Press In Kigali, a teacher and two social workers, Rosine Kamagaju and Odette Uzayisenga, talk to Egide, fourteen, before taking him back to his family. Egide and his eight-year-old brother, Mbonigaba, are reunited with their mother in Rwamagana, Rwanda. Their father was killed during the conict. Egides mother thanks the social workers for returning her children.

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280 / The New Africareturn.97 However reconciliation takes place, Rwanda deserves the help of the world community that ignored the genocide in the rst place.Genocide by Installment in BurundiAs the world puzzled over how genocide had happened in Rwanda, and lamented world inaction, it was taking place more slowly in Rwandas ethnic twin neighbor, Burundi. And once again, the world largely watched. Since a military coup in some people had been killed in ethnic clashes by mid-.98 Both Rwanda and Bur undi had the same ethnic proportions. But unlike Rwanda, in Burundi the Tutsi minority had been in power since independence. And they controlled the military. In Melchior Ndadaye was elected as Burundis rst Hutu president in the nations rst free election. Incumbent military leader Pierre Buyoya, a Tutsi, had counted on his popularity to win the race. Buyoya did capture a portion of the Hutu vote.99 After the election, the Tutsi kept control of the military, rendering the presidency practically a captive ofce. In mid, I was one of the few foreign journalists to interview President Ndadaye before he was assassinated by elements of the Tutsi military just three months after taking ofce. In the interview, I noted he had spoken earlier in the day on the need for reconciliation. I asked him if he considered it conciliatory to purge Tutsi from most senior government posts, as he had been doing. I heard his response, but my wifes camera caught something more. In the silence of her prints I later saw a man who had been relaxed gradually lean forward and clench his sts. He looked angry, and in the photos he looked as if he were shouting, though he wasnt. The minority [Tutsi] has to share power with the percent of the people who were previously excluded from power. The population wants native people whom they know, he said, referring to the Hutu who wanted Hutu to take the posts Tutsi had held, for the most part, since independence, three decades earlier. Burundis Tutsi resented the purges, but Hutu extremists were pushing for even greater ones; they resented the presidents appointment of a Tutsi prime minister, Sylvia Kinigi. Were on a tightrope without a net,

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Genocide Ignored: Rwanda / 281said government spokesman Jean-Marie Ngendahayo, who later ed to South Africa after ethnic killing increased in Burundi. During the br ief presidency of Ndadaye, a Western diplomat told me the purges could lead to a dangerous situation if they go too far. The purges, a diplomat from another country said, risked causing a military coup. Or they might be giving the Tutsi-dominated military an excuse to do what they wanted to do, and might do anyway: reassert their power. A leading Burundi journalist, Innocente Muhozi, said the purges could reignite tensions between the Hutu and Tutsi. If they [the new Hutu government] continue to play the ethnic game, the massacres could recur. They did, in starting with the assassination of Ndadaye. Ndaday es successor, Cyprien Ntaryamira, a Hutu, became president in February after much wrangling between Hutu and Tutsi in Parliament. But he was killed with the president of Rwanda when the plane they were both riding in was shot down over Kigali in April unleashing genocide in Rwanda. Burundi, amazingly, stayed relatively calm, at least for a while, perhaps in part because of the power of the Tutsi army. The day I met Ntaryamiras successor, Sylvestre Ntiban tungany a, also a Hutu, he sounded strong, even bellicose, in an interview with me and a Tutsi journalist. I had the presidents private telephone number and called him later in the day, reaching him in his chauffeured presidential car. He agreed to a personal interview. As I climbed the steps of the presidents ofce again, having nally been allowed to enter the outside gate, which was guarded by the military, I was reminded of a harsh reality all three of the Hutu presidents of Burundi had had to face: the Tutsi military still held the real power, and Hutu militants still wanted it. A hard-line Hutu aide de camp was about to follow me into the presidents ofce, but I politely thanked him and closed the door on him. Alone with me, the president, who twenty-four hours earlier had sounded so tough in public, sat down quietly on the same chair President Ndadaye had used when I interviewed him. As we talked, President Ntibantunganya tucked one leg under him, informally. He leaned forward, looking anxious, even desperate. I had no way of knowing that once again I was interviewing a president of Burundi who soon would be taken out of power. He sur-

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282 / The New Africavived a military coup in August by seeking refuge in the U.S. Embassy. The man who took his place was for mer military head of state Buy oy a, who claimed he was the only one who could hold the country together. But his return gave the majority Hutu even more reason to suspect the Tutsi. The coup followed shortly after President Ntiban tungany a and his Tutsi prime minister had agreed to allow foreign troops to enter the country to help stabilize Burundi. The Tutsi military may have seen this as an intrusion on their own considerable powers. By early the military, once again under the presidential authority of Buyoya, had undertaken a massive campaign of military violence against Burundis civilian population, killing thousands of unarmed people, many of them women and children and elderly who had resisted moving into military-run camps. In the camps themselves soldiers [had] summarily executed hundreds of people accused of supporting rebel groups and [had] tortured and killed many others alleged to have violated camp rules.100 Before the coup that brought Buyoya back to power there had been a t least one international initiative to curb the violence. A few blocks from the presidential ofce, in a downtown hotel, two UN peacekeepers were putting in long hours trying to keep the ethnic pot from boiling over entirely. Both men were Africans: Ould Abdallah, from Mauri tania, and Han y Abdelaziz, an Egyptian. The Burundi UN mission is the worlds smallest peacekeeping operation and the most cost effective, Abdallah said when I met him. Both Hutu and Tutsi leaders praised the dedication of the two men but did not point to any particular achievements they had made. One international ofcial in Burundi indicated some of the tensions there were not ethnic. A Maa-like group of Hutu and Tutsi was anxious to keep things stirred up politically. They did not trust agreements worked out by Hutu and Tutsi politicians, which might bring peace and leave them with less room to do as they pleased. This element made peacekeeping precarious in Burundi. But at least the two UN ofcials were trying, which was more creative diplomacy than had been practiced in pre-genocide Rwanda. By mid, killings and revenge killings in Burundi had become frequent. Former Tanzanian president Nyerere was trying to head off a complete collapse of Burundi by bringing political leaders from both

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Genocide Ignored: Rwanda / 283sides together for talks. John Shattuck, U.S. assistant secretary of state for democracy, human rights, and labor, was one of several high-level U.S. ofcials to visit Burundi in When he returned, he wrote, Burundi today is standing on the brink of genocide. He described his visit to the King Khaled Hospital in the capital, Bujumbura, which recently had been attacked by Zaire-based Hutu guerrillas trying to overthrow the government. Windows in the hospital maternity ward had been shattered by rie butts. On the oor in one room was dried blood where a patient had been shot by the guerrillas. In the courtyard was a charred area where another patient had been set on re on her mattress. In apparent retaliation for the attack on the patients, a Tutsi militia, armed with machine guns, attacked a camp for displaced Hutu on the outskirts of Bujumbura, killing eight and wounding thirty-two others, according to Shattuck. I saw bullet-ridden tin shacks where men, women and children were killed or wounded as they slept. At the camp he spoke to some of the survivors. The women and children at the camp who crowded around me burst into applause when I told them I was there to hear their stories.101 Back in the United States, Shattuck called for greater human rights monitor ing in Burundi, support for Nyereres mediation efforts, and said the United States was engaged in contingency planning with [U.S.] allies to prevent further bloodshed. His concern was genuine; the remedies the United States was pursuing to curb the violence, however, were vague. And the United States was denitely not proposing to send in troops.A Slender Ray of Hope in Buyenzi, BurundiIn at least one neighborhood in Bujumbura, I found relatively peaceful coexistence between ethnic groups. Buyenzi is one of the oldest parts of the city. Hutu and Tutsi in Buyenzi work together and talk together; they have grown up together; they pray together, said Michelle Nombe, a local resident. On a side street in the modest neighborhood of mostly mud-walled homes, crowded with displaced relatives from other parts of the country, a tailor told me: People here arent into politics. They are into prayers and business.

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284 / The New Africa Iranian teacher Majid Sadat sa t on a wooden bench in the one-room library of the Ahlubait Islamic School. Buyenzi, he said, is a mixed neighborhoodboth Hutu and Tutsi. Musa Kikwemo, a teenage resident of Buyenzi and student at the school, explained why both groups got along: We know our neighbors. You cant kill your neighbors. Unfortunately, neighbors did kill neighbors in Rwanda, and it was happening in parts of Burundi, as most of the world looked on. Military inter vention can offer a cooling-off period in potentially explosive nations such as Burundi, but extreme care must be taken to stayin fact and in appearanceneutral. Creative, preventive diplomacy is needed in such countries long before hatred and fears between ethnic rivals ignite into genocide. Even if places like Buyenzi erupted in violence, the fact that people there got along long after most other parts of Burundi were enmeshed in ethnic killings was a hopeful sign that coexistence might be possible after all. It is that possibility that must be nurtured and developed, with the help of the rest of the world, in Rwanda, Burundi, and anywhere else ethnic tensions are.

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6 ONE FAMI LYS ESCAPE FROM RWANDA Near Gikongoro, Rwanda, 1994 Rwandans ee to Zaire. Credit: UNICEF/Betty Press

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286 / The New AfricaHE call was from Kigali, Rwanda, from someone named Faustin. How strange, I thought, that in the midst of what was building toward one of the worlds worst killing sprees, you could get a phone call from the eye of the capital city, which was already engulfed in mayhem. On a trip to Rw anda the year before, I had left my journalist business card with a number of people in Kigali. Faustin Hitiyise had seen it and now was calling for help. All across Kigali the Hutu majority was killing the Tutsi minority in what was to become a nationwide case of genocide. Faustin, though a Hutu, was also in grave danger. Any Hutu, especially an educated man like Faustin who was trying to escape Kigali, was suspected of being a Tutsi sympathizer, one unwilling to stand and ght the Tutsi. Now in clear and amazingly calm English, Faustin was asking for my help in getting himself and his family out of Rwanda. He needed a paper assuring the UN troops in Kigali that if he and his pregnant wife, Jeannette, and their three-year-old son, Richard, were evacuated, someone would pay for their maintenance abroad until they could return home. The UN troops were evacuating some people who worked for international organizations, as he did; he and his family might be allowed on a ight out of the country if he could obtain a nancial sponsor and the proper paper. Could I help? I said I would try. And so I began a nearly round-the-clock effort to help him obtain a nancial sponsor. I remember sitting in our big green chair in my ofce, a bedroom in our two-bedroom apartment which Betty and I used for our journalistic work. I was so tired. I was very ill and very weak at the time, but people were being killed by the thousands. It all seemed so hopeless, yet suddenly one mans life, and the lives of a young woman and small boy, were within reach of helping.

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One Familys Escape from Rwanda / 287 The killing so far was taking place in the suburbs. Faustin had made it to the downtown ofce where he worked as an accountant for Family Health International (FHI), a U.S.-based, nonprot organization with contracts with the U.S. Agency for International Development in family planning and AIDS prevention in various African countries. He had found the ofce unoccupied but not looted. There he was, sitting by a fax and a telephone, making international calls, desperately seeking help to get on one of the last UN evacuation planes. Ver y quickly whole neighborhoods had become killing grounds with Hutu extremists murdering Tutsi and Hutu moderates. The killings had begun within minutes of the shooting down over Kigali of the airplane carrying Rwandan president Juvnal Habyarimana. Faustin was at home when the plane crashed. I heard two explosions. We thought it was grenades, like there are so often in Kigali. I telephoned a friend, then I went to bed, he said. Nairobi, Kenya, 1994 Faustin Hitiyise, his wife, Jeannette, and their three-year-old son, Richard, shortly after they arrived safely from Rwanda.

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288 / The New Africa As he slept, the killings intensied. Around A.M. we heard a lot of noise, gunre. I turned on Radio Rwanda, the state radio; it was classical music. Around Radio Rwanda broadcast a message from the minister of defense, saying the president was dead, assassinated by the enemies of the country. He was not specic. He said people should stay in their homes, that the army would maintain order. But there was no order; militant bands of Hutu had begun roaming the streets, slaying Tutsi and suspected Hutu moderates. The city was beginning to ll up with crude barricades across streets, barricades manned by Hutu killers trying to prevent any Tutsi rebels from entering the city, and blocking Tutsi and Hutu from eeing. At rst, Faustin stayed home; the word from the government was to stay put, man the barricades, kill the Tutsi. Anyone attempting to leave was considered pro-Tutsi. I decided to remain home. I was with my family. There was gunre, everywhere, especially in the neighborhood of Kimihurura, where [government] ministers and many foreigners live. I telephoned two Americans. They said Lando was killed. Lando Ndasingwa, one of the few Tutsi ministers in the Hutu-controlled government of Habyarimana, was minister of labor and social affairs. He was one of the rst killed, along with his mother, his wife, and his children. So Faustin and his f amily remained at home. But even there they were in danger. And he was nearly forced to join the killing. Everyone was asked to keep guard, to go to the barricades. If you stayed at home, you risked being labeled as an accomplice of the Rwandese Patriotic Front (RPF), the Tutsi-led army now entering Rwanda. We put up stones to stop vehicles from passing, and asked people for documents. Every group was supervised by the interahamwe (militia). At the barricades the Hutu demanded to see the government-issued identity cards, which very clearly showed if the bearer was Tutsi, Hutu, or Twa. Tutsi showing their ID cards were usually killed immediately; eeing Hutu were often killed, too. I was afraid, because I was not known in the district, Faustin said. He and his family had moved to the neighborhood recently; strangers were suspected as possible spies. The barricades became the killing zones. I saw long lines of bodies. The interahamwe killed one man less than yards from Faustins house. They

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One Familys Escape from Rwanda / 289killed him with clubs with nails. Around twenty men came around him and clubbed him to death. Faustin and his wife, Jeannette, now eight months pregnant, planned to ee the neighborhood before it got caught up in ghting against Tutsi rebels, who were advancing southward from bases in Uganda. What nally convinced the couple to try to escape was the killing by the RPF of four people on the barricade near his home. Faustin had been scheduled to help man the barricade at the time, but he was late arriving, delayed by dinner at home. He feared the interahamwe would assume he had been plotting with the RPF and blame him for the deaths. Very early the next morning I made a decision to leave. Faustin w as not a ghter; he was an accountant. Born near Kigali, he attended Christ the King High School in the Rwandan town of Nyanza. After earning a degree in accounting at the National University of Rwanda in he obtained an advanced degree there in business administration in He liked to read newspapers and philosophy books. He was a quiet young man, dead serious most of the time. But once in a while he burst into a loud laugh; he was quick to see the irony in a situation. As he told his story, it was as if he were hearing it for the rst time himself, and it seemed to amaze him. Had it not resembled the stories of so many others, I might have thought he had exaggerated. Jeannette nished secondar y school in and wanted to enter any business that allowed her to travel abroad. She married Faustin in Her rst language was Kirwanda, and she knew only a few words in English and spoke French slowly, often searching for the correct word. His wife needed medical attention, and Faustin knew the ghting could sweep down on them at any moment. So the Hitiyise family stepped bravely out on the street early in the morning, a few days after the killing had started. It was a dangerous moment for them, one of many they would face in their attempt to escape Rwanda. He had been reading in his church textbook about the importance of overcoming fear.1 Faustin said his prayers helpedI wasnt at all afraid. During the familys escape from Rwanda, fear might have made him a marked man.

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290 / The New Africa At the rst bar rier, near their house, he gave his watch to a participant in the interahamwe and asked him to accompany them to the main road. I passed six barricades in to yards. At every barricade there were bodies. Their escort took them to the main road. There he saw Red Cross ambulances passing by. Some ambulances were attacked and the injured pulled out and killed if they were Tutsi. My escort stopped a private car, and we got in. A kilometer later, at another barricade, they said you should return to the house. I said she [Jeannette] is going to have a baby. I said my rst child was born with a caesarean that she had to go to a hospital. He looked around him: there were some fty bodies lined up along the street. I asked what happened. They said these are [Hutu] accomplices. The killers also went into the houses of Tutsi; they took entire families, told them to lie down, and clubbed them to death. After thirty minutes of discussion and dela y at this barricade, a civilian truck carrying government soldiers came along. Faustin and his family were allowed to get aboard with their house servant. They asked why the servant had to go, and I said to cook for my wife. On the trip toward downtown, they passed grisly scenes. At each barricade I saw fresh bodies. They were Hutu known to be in the opposition or Tutsi. At another barricade, everyone in the truck, including the military, was questioned. Some soldiers were eeing the city, and the in ter ahamwe wanted to stop them. The militants examined the familys identication cards. And they made them give up the servant, telling Faustin to cook for his wife. Finally, the family arrived at the center of town. I was surprised everything was calm. He took his wife and son to a local hospital and went to stay with a friend. But even downtown was not going to be safe very long, since ghting was spreading toward the city center. Nor was it safe to turn back to their home. The day after he left, many of his neighbors ed. Many RPF were passing by and had killed about people along the way. Another or so were killed the next night when the RPF went by again, according to survivors. I started tracking do wn his employers in the United States. As night wore on in Nairobi, it was getting closer to closing time for ofces on the East Coast. Finally I managed to nd the right person in the head ofce of FHI, who promised to fax me a letter of authorization to

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One Familys Escape from Rwanda / 291support Faustin and his family if they managed to escape from Rwanda. As soon as the fax came through, I relayed it to Faustin. But after all our exchanges of faxes through the evening, he had run out of paper just as the crucial document arrived. For lack of fax paper he and his family might not get out of the killing zone. Faustin said that in the morning he would risk a walk to the hotel nearby where UN guards were protecting Tutsi from Hutu mobs. The hotel had a fax machine, and I could send another fax there in his name. Identifying himself in front of the mob outside the hotel as a person trying to escape could prove fatal, so he found someone in the UN to go into the hotel and inquire quietly if my redirected fax had arrived. It had, but the last plane carrying refugees had just left. So Faustin gathered up his wife and child and, with a permit obtained from the still-in-power Rwandan government, headed south toward Gitarama, a town he hoped would be free of ghting. He traded a small radio for a ride with the military to the town, arriving April There, friends gave the family bus fare to Butare, which they reached the next day.The Killings SpreadButare is a classic example of how ethnic tensions can be fanned quickly into violence by politicians. For ten days after the killing began in Kigali, Butare, which had a Tutsi mayor, was calm. Hutu and Tutsi continued to get along. But Faustins arrival coincided with a turn in events that would prove disastrous for the Tutsi in Butare and nearly cost him his own life. Interim Rwandan president Thodore Sindiku-bwabo arrived from Kigali and gave a ery speech, which Hutu extremists took as a signal to start attacking Tutsi. Sindikubwabo later denied the speech was inammatory, but it triggered an orgy of killing there. Faustin had temporar ily settled his family in Save, a small town a few miles from Butare. The day of the interim presidents speech he had gone to Butare to seek permission to travel to neighboring Burundi. In Butare, he found lodging in a home where several Tutsi had sought refuge from the killings in other parts of the country. The morning after the speech, Faustin left the shared lodging and went into the center of town, where he was told the border with Burundi was closed. I went back [to his lodging] and discovered the horror: The

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292 / The New Africadoor and windows were smashed. Two Tutsi were lying shot dead on the oor. Had Faustin been in the lodging that morning, instead of getting information downtown, he might easily have been killed, mistaken in the raid for another Tutsi. It would not be his last br ush with death. Once the killing broke out in Butare, an y semblance of order vanished. Faustins main problem now was that he was a stranger in the area, as in Kigali. He returned to Save. Nearly broke, he wanted to get to Nairobi, Kenya, where he could get money from his employer; FHI had a regional ofce there. So he went back to Gitarama, hoping to go on to Tanzania via that route. But Gitarama had become as dangerous as Butare. He turned back. Then, walking along the road toward Save, Faustin was grabbed by two men with machetes. They said they did not know me in the region and said I was a Tutsi rebel. As Faustin recounted the moment, his voice dropped. They put their machetes against my neck and were about to kill me. Just then, with timing too supernatural not to be, two other men emerged from a nearby sorghum eld. One had a spear; the other, a bayonet. The new arrivals asked if the would-be killers had looked at Faustins identity card. But even after Faustin produced his ID showing he was a Hutu, just like his intended assailants, the two men with machetes still wanted to kill him. He must be a rebel sympathizer, they said, because he was a stranger. Faustin managed to tell them he was staying with a local priest, a well-known man in the area. The new arrivals knew the priest and accepted Faustins offer of two dollars to take him there. It was a miracle, said Faustin. Along the way to the priests, Faustin saw Hutu armed with machetes, spears, axes, and clubs studded with nails. When he reached home that night Jeannette said, I thought God made a miracle to save Papa Richard [or Father of Richard, their son, as she affectionately called her husband]. On May while the family was still in Save, Jeannette gave birth to a baby girl they named Fortunee. On July the advancing Tutsi rebels attacked just three miles from Save. Faustin ed with his family to Gikongoro, which by then was inside the French militarys protected safety zone. I went to the French zone too, to report on events there. Faustin and I missed each other in Gikongoro by only a few days. Faustin had shepherded his family west to Cyangugu, on the border

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One Familys Escape from Rwanda / 293with Zaire. But instead of crossing over to the relative protection of Zaire, Faustin took his family by bus to Gisenyi, in northern Rwanda. Gisenyi was one of the towns still held by the government, and Faustin was hoping to withdraw money from his account with the state bank, at a branch there. The family arrived in Gisenyi just as a human tide of hundreds of thousands of Hutu refugees swept through there to Goma, on the Zaire side. Faustin and his family joined the human ood because the RPF was approaching. A refuge for those eeing the killing zones of Rwanda, Goma became a dying zone, too, as tens of thousands succumbed to diseases. The refugees crossing the border panicked at one point when the RPF, apparently, lobbed several shells across from Rwanda. A number of people were trampled to death as the Hutu clawed their way into Zaire. It took four hours [to cross the border] because there were so many people, Jeannette recalled, having just missed the deadly stampede. I carried a bag with clothing for For tunee. F austins cousin took Richard by the hand. The family slept in a P entecostal church. Rwanda and the border area, including Goma, have long been saturated with churches and many foreign missionaries. Some churches welcomed the refugees; others closed their doors, Faustin recalled. Years earlier, Betty and I visited Goma, on Lake Kivu, where I bought some pastries for her birthday; we stayed at Hotel du Lac. Goma had been a tourist town; now it was a disaster. The main streets were packed with refugees, thirsty, starving, afraid, heading out of town to UN camps not yet fully established. The camps were little more than open space on a rough lava eld. At rst there was not enough fresh water to prevent epidemics among the huddled Rwandans, who sat in the open or under scraps of plastic until plastic tarpaulins were delivered. I was sick, Faustin said. During the rst and second nights, the military [of Zaire] red everywhere. Zaires army, one of the most undisciplined and lowest paid in the world, was unpredictable. At the border, the Zairean soldiers stole at random from arriving refugees. Faustin and his family had managed to get across the border unmolested because they were walking in a group of eighteen, including six men. With easier prey elsewhere, the soldiers let them pass with their goods. I cr ied; Richard criedbecause of hunger, said Jeannette of those

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294 / The New Africarst days in Zaire. Then Faustin did something most people around him did not: he decided to leave Goma. There was total insecurity [among the refugees], he said. Faustin sold another cassette radio he had managed to keep and bought tickets on a boat crossing Lake Kivu south to Bukavu, Zaire, a twelve-hour ride. It was no problem; it was beautiful, he said. In Bukavu they had no one to stay with; refugees were streaming across the border from Rwanda, and the UN was trying to set up camps. Meanwhile most people were staying in drafty public buildings or under trees, and in any open spot in town. Papa Richard looked for someone to show us a hotel, Jeannette recalled. Faustin described how he found a place. I asked a small child where I could stay. The child took him to a Christian lady who gave them a small room in her wooden, dirt-oored home. She was a good Samaritan, he said. Three days later, Richard left for Nairobi, determined to reach the FHI ofce and get some money to buy passage to Kenya for his wife and two children. Baby For tunee was exhausted and crying a lot by the time the family reached Bukavu. On July shortly after Faustin had left for Kenya, Jeannette took her to a hospital. The doctor said there was no medicine at the hospital and that it would cost the equivalent of three dollars at a local pharmacy. I didnt have any money, she said. On July Fortunee died. I was very weak, and sad. I refused to bury the child. I thought she would come back to life. The next day a woman helped her locate a tiny cofn. I wrote Fortunees name on the cross; I planted some owers next to the cross, Jeannette said quietly. Baby Richard was also in anguish at the loss of his sister. Jeannette recalled his words at the time: Where is the baby? Papa left us and [now] the baby. Young Richard clung to the idea that his mother could somehow buy another baby. Faustin, meanwhile, was undergoing new hardships. A doctor he knew had loaned him fty dollars for the trip to Nairobi. From Bukavu he took a bus south, along the Zaire border, then a train to Dar es Salaam, the Indian Ocean commercial capital of Tanzania. He spent the better part of two days and nights standing in a jammed, third-class car, unable to lie down and sleep, dozing off on his feet. From Dar he continued by bus to Nairobi, crossing the border with no difculties from Kenyan immigration ofcials. On August after a few days

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One Familys Escape from Rwanda / 295in Nairobi, he ew back to Bukavu on a ight carrying relief materials and chartered by Lutheran World Federation. With his wife and surviving child, Faustin took the train, this time by another route, completing the journey to Nairobi by bus, arriving four months after their long escape from Kigali began. Now in a clean, comfortable apartment rented by FHI, where the couple told their story, they were nally able to relax and to recover their strength. Throughout their journey they never lost their spirit; they never gave up. Now they were alive, and safe. This is paradise, said Faustin of his new surroundings. In the months that followed, Jeannette received word that her parents had survived; she had thought they were dead. She wanted to return to Rwanda, but it was still too dangerous. The Tutsi had won the war and had begun arresting thousands of suspected Hutu collaborators. Anyone could be named. So the family stayed in Kenya where FHI employed Faustin as an accountant for one year. After that the family moved to Mombasa, on the Kenyan coast, where Faustin found more work as an accountant. As the insecurity continued in Rwanda, the family decided it was not safe to go home. A year after their escape, Jeannette gave birth to a baby boy.* *The tragic events in Rwanda and Somalia are a crucial part of the history of these nations and should never be forgotten. Moreover, they provide valuable lessons in terms of human rights and international intervention issues. But the violence that wracked Rwanda and Somalia near the end of the century was the exception in Africa; for the most part, the continent was at peace. Rwanda and Somalia represented one end of the human rights and freedom spectrum in Africa in the s. A much more encouraging side of African life was also evident: millions of Africans were achieving greater freedom and dignity in a multitude of individual ways, apart from politics. The inspiring stories of a few individuals follow.

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7 PERSONAL F REEDOM Nairobi, Kenya, 1995 Research scientist Martha Okach

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QUIET revolution is taking place across Africa, one without guns and apart from politics. Africans are seeking more personal freedom and in many cases achieving it. The more dramatic stories of war and political confrontations overshadow what is being accomplished each day by Africans from all walks of life and in almost every part of the continent. It is a quest for dignity and human rights of all sor ts. Many people are attempting to pull themselves ahead economically or educationally. Others are simply trying to stay alive. Women are seeking to break social barriers that would hold them back. All these efforts form a part of the spirit and mental atmosphere of Africa today, an invisible bedrock of hope and expectations upon which future generations can build. Africans are extending personal liberties step by step in almost all elds. The stories that follow are about some of the individuals I have met who took such steps in the s. A Keny an shopkeeper tells how a small loan from a private, local organization helped him expand his business; a Kenyan couple living in a dry region show how their careful farming methods reaped results. In West Africa, participants in a womens gardening cooperative in The Gambia, and a baker in Togo, explain how they made small economic gains, and some of the Mercedes Benz women of Togo tell how they got rich selling cloth. At the opposite end of the economic scale, Peter, a young homeless man in Kenya, seeks to break away from life on the streets and become a tailor. Students in war zones in Somalia and Sudan strive to get an education against great odds, while a model teacher in Kenya introduces new teaching methods. Women jurists in Mali describe their ght against female genital mutilation; female ex-soldiers in Eritrea seek expanded political and social roles after the war for Eritrean independence. A Nigerian artist tells how she broke free of

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298 / The New Africapolygyny and several other local bonds to win greater freedom as a woman. Such individual efforts ma y depend on assistance from government, but the desire for greater economic and social freedom does not. Like the Nigerian artist, many Africans are winning more personal freedom, more rights, without any help from government. The stories of such individuals seldom make the news and thus go unnoticed by most Africans and non-Africans alike. Yet they make up an important part of what is happening in Africa today. Such efforts are often carried out through an association, a private, nongovernment organization (NGO) usually focused on a specic issue, such as womens rights or conservation. This is part of the explosion of activity in what is often called civil society, as opposed to government activities. One African scholar calls civil society spaces for communication and discussion over which the state has no control, then narrows it to mean those groups, organizations, and personalities that pursue freedom, justice, and the rights of citizenship against authoritarian states.1 Most denitions do not tie civil society to just a political framework. A former U.S. senator called civil society the place where [people] make their home, sustain their marriages, raise their families, hang out with their friends, meet their neighbors, educate their children, worship their God governed by values such as responsibility, trust, fraternity, solidarity, and love.2 Experts argue over how effective organized civil society in Africa is in prompting democratic change and under what conditions it thrives best. There has been a proliferation of pr ivate associations in Africa in recent years, especially since the s. Many of these associations, especially development groups, have received some international support as potential key players in Africas economic advancement. Some experts see them as as a force for achieving further political reform in Africa and as channels for avoiding the political decay that undermined new African governments a generation ago.3 At a time when many African governments are not strong enough or wealthy enough to provide all the basic services people need, such groups play a critical role in bringing people together to ll this void. Civil society has had a political impact. In Zambia, for example, Frederick Chiluba led the trade union movement into a coalition with

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Personal Freedom / 299business, professional, student, and church groups, and used teachers and civil servants in rural areas to force the government to allow multiparty elections, which Chiluba won in .4 In Tanzania, womens groups are becoming more politically active.5 Some farmers in Cte dIvoire came together to tackle political and economic problems, to demand more freedom in their lives. These actions, and many others, offer what one researcher calls the promise of a new politics.6 But in Kenya, another researcher found that many nongovernment organizations were led by Kikuyus, a group largely in opposition to the government. Any political actions by these groups may reect the attempts of displaced elites to regain access to state power, the researcher wrote.7 In the quest for freedom, one type of beha vior that can be political but is not carried out through any organization is the expression of anger. Apart from actions in a group, many Africans have found ways to express their discontent or anger with politics by channeling these feelings into what amounts to a kind of political resistance. People get angry when they are systematically oppressed.8 They express this anger in a variety of ways: political protest music, gestures, refusal to follow instructions or an irreverent attitude toward the hierarchy in place; [o]fcial bywords, slogans, speeches, leaders verbal ticsin short the entire vocabulary of dominationis mimicked and mocked with a rare creativity.9 Additional ways of expressing this anger include foot dragging, dissimulation, desertion, false compliance, pilfering, feigned ignorance, slander, arson, sabotage, and so on.10 I witnessed several expressions of anger o ver political repression in Kenya. The government organized a celebration of the Nyayo era, a term which had become the slogan identifying the administration of President Daniel arap Moi or Moi himself.11 Some Kenyans turned the phrase Nyayo era into Nyayo error. The two phrases are so similar it is practically impossible to tell them apart when they are said quickly. I heard one Kenyan use the latter phrase, which I was able to identify only because his friend laughed after he said it. On another occasion, someone who bravely imitated the gravelly voice of Moi drew raucous laughter from the crowd at a public gathering. Cameroon scholar C lestin Monga contends that this kind of informal protest goes almost unnoticed by most scholars yet plays an important role in the political

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300 / The New Africaclimate in Africa today, adding, in some cases, to political instability. Channeled anger, which stems from the desire for more political freedom, is not just an urban phenomenon; it has long been part of the rural atmosphere as well, Monga insists. Peasants in Africa and, more generally, people living in rural areas wanted the quest for dignity to be a top priority on the national agenda.12* *The story of personal freedom is best told by some of the many Africans who have made headway in their own way. One such person is Francis Muthee, who found a way to weaken one of Africas most persistent foes: poverty.Borrowing for ProgressDespite economic stagnation in Africa during much of the s, businessmen like Kenyan Francis Muthee, who operates a small, one-room retail shop, have managed to make progress. I drive to his shop in a low-income area of small stores and mostly tin-roofed, one-room homes on the edge of Nairobi. Children are playing in the alleyways and gather curiously around me as I arrive. The roar of buses without mufers, often belching black smoke, mingles with the metallic noises of old cars and minivans full of paying passengers. Muthees shop sits just off a main street, on an unpaved alley. He sells through a screened security window, though he often works with the door to his shop partly open to let in air and sunlight. When I enter, he offers me a chair and sits in another one in the unlit, semiobscure interior. We talk as customers continue to step up to his window. Running a retail business in Ken ya is tough, he says in English, the ofcial language of Kenya, along with Swahili. You need capital, knowledge, and exibility in the face of constantly shifting wholesale and retail prices, he explains. Many local shops have closed because their owners failed to keep abreast of price changes. You study the market; if you cant do that, youre in a mess. Being a shopkeeper is Muthees fth line of w ork. After graduating from high school in the mid-s, Muthee became an assistant export manager in a timber company in Kenya; he was later promoted to

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Personal Freedom / 301export manager. I was young and ambitious. Later he began farming, but government price controls on the sale of crops made it unprot able. Next, he became a salesman in a radiator rm, then an insurance salesman. Finally, he turned to retail shopkeeping. After experiencing three major robberies at another location, he moved his business to his present site in A customer debates whether to b uy a bar of soap costing sixteen Kenya shillings or another at fourteen shillings. She is making harsh economic decisions, he says. Its terrible today; it was better ten years ago. Ten years ago, middle-income families had two cars, a telephone, and could educate their children. Now they live in squatter conditions. Keny as economy has oundered in part because of massive corruption in the government. Billions of shillings have been lost in various scams involving high ofcials. Kenya was once the East African economic darling of the West. It was also once a food exporter. As donors blew hot and cold over Kenya, depending on intermittent progress on economic and political reforms, some local development programs showed a reasonable track record. The one that helped Muthee proved successful: it gave him a chance to get a loan so he could expand his business. The Kenya Rural Enterprise Programme (K-REP), funded initially by the U.S. Agency for International Development (USAID), made loans to small business operators. With the loan Muthee received, he was able to make bulk purchases, which translated into lower, more competitive retail prices. The loan enabled him to sell not only more goods but a greater variety, helping him stay competitive while some shops were folding. Small businesses are one of the mainsta ys of the African economy. K-REP was established in by World Education, Inc. and was locally incorporated in At rst the focus was lending to small businesses, usually those involving a number of people, and helping private, nongovernment organizations with technical assistance. But in the late s K-REP began focusing more on lending and less on technical assistance. Its new lending was focused on individuals through a group mechanism known as peer or group pressure, modeled on the Gra meen Bank in Bangladesh. Bor rowers operating in groups of ve agree to pay back their loans or allow the program to collect for nonpayment

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302 / The New Africafrom their fellow borrowers. Those taking out loans must have a certain amount of money in savings collectable by the agency in case a borrower in their group defaults, which rarely happens. In its nal evaluation of the program, in USAID concluded that the credit provided has contributed to business growth, reected by an increase in employment in most of the businesses assisted through loans.13 But the program was not without problems. Nearly percent of the businesses had experienced no employment growth since receiving a loan. Despite plans to make the program self-sustaining, the evaluation report noted that since K-REPs credit programs were part of an organization relying on donor grants, a sudden decrease in the ow of grants could threaten the survival of the credit programs.14 The Kenyan heading K-REP, Albert Mutua, in February noted borrowers had been approved too quickly in some cases, without adequate background checks. This allowed some proxies for wealthier businessmen, full time employees, or just opportunists to slip in as borrowers.15 Repayment rules were not properly explained, leading to defaults on some loans. To make matters worse, some borrowers got three times what they needed; others got less than a fth of what they required. From to early some loans were processed.16 Despite such problems, K-REPs deputy managing director, A. Dondo, told me weve also learned the people are very vibrant if you trust them. They repay rapidly. K-REP has, in fact, an excellent repayment record. (Most of the relatively low-income clients of K-REP would not have qualifed for bank loans because they could not have met the banks higher collateral requirements.) Many business owners could do even better except for another major restraint: they dont own the land their business sits on; the government owns it, Dondo pointed out.17* *Muthee stands up and scoops some lard out of a plastic bucket for a customer at the window. He weighs it for the woman. She wants only one tenth of a kilo. Behind him, his shelves are full of toothpaste, our, cookies, cigarettes, and other items. We talk a while longer, then I get back into my car, which he had advised me to park directly in front of his store to reduce the risk of theft. Car robberies have been on the

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Personal Freedom / 303increase in Kenya in recent years, some even taking place on the open highways, with drivers being forced out of their vehicles. I had informally tracked K-REP off and on for several years during the time I was a correspondent in Africa ( ); it is the only development program I wrote about twice. It has its faults, as does any aid program. And experts warn that such small-loan programs cannot solve the problem of poverty. But it is an example of the kind of aid narrow in focus and tailored to meet the individuals needsthat can work, that can make a difference.* In his book The Greening of Africa, Paul Harrison describes many examples of aid programs and local self-help efforts that have paid off. One of the methods he cites as saving farmland in Kenya is terracing. And the place where it is best used, he writes, is the Machakos district between Nairobi and the coast.18 There I visited a family of farmers who belong to the Kamba tribe, recommended to me by Donald Thomas, a British-born Kenyan expert on soil and water conservation, retired from the University of Nairobi.Joy and HarvestsAlphonse Muange and his wife, Angela, are no longer young, but they are still working hard on a farm in the dry Machakos area of Kenya. A fresh harvestjust a modest-sized pile of cornbrings such joy that Angela breaks into song and dance. Some of her friends, who are also farmers, join in. These women also sing as they show me how they work together building earth terraces that trap runoff soil. Singing makes the work easier, Angela says. Terracing, once required by the colonial British authorities in Kenya, fell out of favor after independence in It is only since the mid-s that it has regained its popularity as a way of increasing food production in an area where topsoil, left untended, washes down the steep slopes when it rains. Putting Kenyas case, and that of the Kamba especially, in context, Harrison writes that successes in soil conser va tion are few and far between. Perhaps the most outstanding

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304 / The New Africa Machakos, Kenya, 1995 Farmers Alphonse Muange and his wife, Angela, read the Bible in their home. Machakos, Kenya, 1995 Two women farmers build terraces to slow erosion.

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Personal Freedom / 305pro gramme in Africa has been Kenyas.19 With help from the Swedish government, and much later USAID, an old Kamba terracing method known as fanya juu was revived. It involves digging a narrow trench and throwing the dirt uphill to form a ridge. Over time, the terraces level themselves out, providing extra crop planting space and helping to avoid erosion from the occasional and sometimes heavy rains. Various crops can be planted in the ditch and along the upper lip of the new terraces. Machakos, a semiarid area, had been the scene of some of Kenyas worst soil degradation. Though poor by most standards, Alphonse and Angela display an unmistakable happiness, based on their material progress and spiritual wealth. In their cement-oored, solid-walled home, Angela likes to sit in the living room, furnished with a sofa and two stuffed chairs, and read the family Bible. Both she and her husband are active in their local Catholic parish. Angela describes their daily routine for me. They get up at A.M. and walk half a mile to the parish for prayers, seven days a week. By : they are back at home to eat a breakfast of tea, bread, and, when they can afford it, eggs. Sometimes there is nothing, she says calmly. Then its off to the elds for hand labor. They own thirteen acres near their house and another plot a fteen-minute walk away, which they use for grazing and growing trees for rewood. Angela carries the wood home on her back, the way most rural African women do. In Africa women may walk up to several hours in each direction gathering wood. Others walk just as long to haul water home. Its hard to nd wood, she says. And carrying it back, she adds, you sweat. Women also do the bulk of the farming in most countries. Around P.M., Angela usually takes a short rest before starting the cooking re for dinner around Then we pray. The small children go to sleep; the older ones stay up to do their studies until or : At the next morning, the routine begins afresh. Angela and her husband are also active in one of the man y private, local development groups that function throughout Kamba land. Such cooperative efforts account for much of the building of major terraces and check dams to slow water ow down gullies. Eventually many of the gullies ll up and are then farmed. One product of the cooperative

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306 / The New Africaefforts of Kamba women has been sold worldwide: the so-called Kenya bags: purses handwoven from local plants.* *On the west coast of Africa, a group of women gardeners are working just as hard on land often just as dry, and they, too, are making some progress.Women Gardeners of The GambiaThe Gambia is a slender country on the west coast of Africa that looks like a nger pointing into the continent. It is known best to outsiders as the inspiration for the drama Roots.20 The country is so dry that if farms are not irrigated, they turn to dust. Land for farming is becoming scarcer as the population continues to grow. So some of the women of The Gambia have formed cooperatives to grow vegetables in gardens, selling them in local markets. Musu Kegba Drahmmeh is one of them. Like her fellow coopera tive members living near the capital, Banjul, she spends a lot of time hauling water buckets up a well by hand, usually in a brightly colored, loose-tting, full-length dress. Then she carries the water over to her section of the garden and waters her vegetables. It is a cycle she repeats many times a day as the plants soak up the moisture. Previously when the crop was ready, she would take it to the nearest market for sale, which meant a bus trip and competition with other women gardeners and paying off middlemen. The rst middlemen would meet the women at the bus stop and for a fee they would distribute their vegetables to wholesalers. For another fee, the wholesalers would distribute the products to the retailers. Women tried selling their crops at the garden to cut transportation and middlemen costs, but sales were sporadic and the goods often spoiled. So the Roy al Norwegian Society for Rural Development (NRD) stepped in to try to help the women market their vegetables the way they grew themcollectively. The NRD bought two pickup trucks and contracted with one seller to pay cash for the vegetables and absorb any losses from spoilage. Its a good idea; its working, says Binta Khan, horticultural coordinator for the cooperative garden where Drahmmeh works. Njuma Cesay is another of the gardeners. She likes the coor-

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Personal Freedom / 307dinated selling effort, too. It helps me sell my vegetables. Last year I sold by myself. Now I have more time for domestic work. But at a meeting of the participating women, some questioned the fee that the NRD charges the women. Who benets from the fees collected? they asked. Claes Elliot, a Swede representing the NRD, countered that this thing [the program] isnt run without expenses. The project is not prot making. The idea, according to Elliot, is for the project to be self-nancing eventually. But K. E. Nordlie of the NRD estimated in that the project would end up spending as much as $, on such costs as building coolers and a marketing center, training, and education, plus administrative costs. Self-nancing may be a long time coming. But the women gardeners of the cooperative are making some headway meanwhile. So is a woman baker in another West African state.When Bread Is MoneyIt is that predawn hour when it is still quiet in Sokod, Togo, before the city turns up the volume with the high-pitched whine of motorbikes and the deeper growls of taxis and buses.21 Dunyah Ablavi has already been at work for several hours. The rst thing early shoppers look for across Africa is bread, and Ablavi is a baker. She does her baking in the small backyard of her home, using a long-handled, wooden shovel to slide each batch of golden-brown, loaves out of the clay oven. By the end of her workday, she will have baked hundreds of loaves of various sizes. Her efforts are paying off. I like the work because it helps me feed my family, says Ablavi, whose husband is retired. The year before ( ) she received the equivalent of a $ loan from a Togolese development group to buy greater stocks of our and other ingredients at wholesale prices, and to repair her oven and cover it with a small roof. The result: she is baking more bread and making more sales and more prots. The lender, Inter-Professional Artisans Group of Togo, is one of thousands of nongovernment organizations across Africa whose work is aimed at spurring economic development or advancement of various social causes. The organization received funds from both the U.S. Agency for International Development and the U.S.-based Catholic

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308 / The New AfricaRelief Services (CRS). The average loan under the program is $, though a few are as high as $ Borrowers are charged about percent interest, which is lower than Togos banks charge. The payback record has been good, according to John Corrao, CRS director in Togo. Ive seen much bigger foreign aid projects that havent gotten the results we have, he says. Borrowers must maintain a savings account with the program and can apply for loans up to twice their amount in savings. Among the other Sokod residents who have received such loans is shoe repair man Tchakpide Traore, who sits cross-legged as he works in his tiny wooden stall on a main street in Sokod. The loan of $ enabled him to buy more leather, shoe glue, and plastic soles to offer his customers a wider variety of shoes. This attracted more clients, and he was able to pay back the loan in less than six months, ahead of schedule.* Sokod, Togo, 1991 Dunyah Ablavi helps support her family by baking bread to sell. She enlarged her business with the help of a small loan, which she repaid.

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Personal Freedom / 309Down on the coast of Togo, a group of wealthy businesswomen not only are supporting their families but have acquired a taste for fancy cars.The Mercedes Benz Women of West AfricaOn the street outside Boe Allah Lawson Adjuas store in Lom, the capital of Togo, a crowd of shoppers and ambulant hawkers squeeze by each other, between the shops and temporary stalls full of goods: radios, record players, soap, fruits, and plastic toys.22 Young women with periscope piles of folded, brightly colored cloth balanced on their heads pass through the sea of people undisturbed. Inside her shop, Lawson is poking at a small adding machine to total up another sale of cloth, the kind of sales that have made her and a group of other women in Lom wealthy enough to be called the Nana Benz, or the Mercedes Benz women, after the cars many of them own. Operating out of small shops or even stalls in the central market, these women are highly skilled in business and among the wealthier residents of Lom. Lom, Togo, 1990 Patience Sanvi, a successful businesswoman, with her Mercedes-Benz.

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310 / The New Africa My mother began this [business] with her mother in a village, says Lawson, pausing between sales, as her mother sits nearby in the shop. Gradually the family built up the business and bought the store in Fabric sales was one avenue for women of Togo to move up economically. Today, not only are many of these women economically independent, but they provide a regular income for their husbands, using the rest for their children, their parents, and themselves. One of the best known of these cloth seller s is Patience Sanvi, who lives in a handsome and spacious home in Lom. Parked in the driveway is her light green Mercedes Benz. I talk with her as she stands next to the car that symbolizes her success, but our conversation is interrupted by a member of Sanvis house staff, who brings her a cordless telephone. I have clients from Benin, Nigeria, Ghana, Ivory Coast, and Lom itself who come to me to buy, she says after taking the call. Then she hollers a command to another member of the staff. Resuming our conversation, she tells me she began selling cloth as a teenager in the Lom market, gradually building up her business, which she now conducts mostly from her home. Many of the Mercedes Benz women send their children to private schools, have nice jewels, travel a lot, [and] know Europe better than you or I, probably. They have apartments in Paris and Geneva.23 Much of the cloth sold is imported from Holland, though some West African countries manufacture their own cloth. There is no guarantee that y et another generation of cloth sellers is on the way up, but there is little doubt that the children of the Mercedes Benz women of Togo will succeed at something. Perched on a pile of cloth in her mothers stall in the main indoor market building in Lom, Belmonda Santos tells me she has plans of her own. After selling cloth for four years, she is now looking ahead. I nished my secretarial training. Life doesnt stop here [in the market]. I have to do what I want to do, and not just follow someone elses goals. She is planning to become a designer of West African dresses. Her mother, Ino Aboi, is not pushing her to keep selling cloth.* *In sharp contrast to the Mercedes Benz women, many Africans struggle just to have enough to eat to stay alive. Yet the lives of the poor

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Personal Freedom / 311are often full of dignity and kindness. Peter Cheges life is a good example. He was born in Kenya, but his story, both sad and upliftingfor his courage and dreams, his determination to shake free of povertyis universal.From Rags to Stitches: Peters PlanOne of the color photos in the cheap plastic album showed Peter as Id never seen him. He was dressed in clean slacks and a long-sleeved shirt, standing jauntily in front of a fake backdrop in some photo studio. He looked more than happy; he looked amused, even cocky, sure of himselfsmiling, in a world apart from his other world, the one I had assumed was his only one. A staff member at the YMCA, in Nairobi, Kenya, where Peter had been living, told me Peter had gone to the Nairobi, Kenya, 1993 Peter Chege trained to become a tailor and leave behind a homeless life on the streets of Nairobi.

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312 / The New Africacoastal city of Mombasa. Another photo showed him on the beach there. Peter had never mentioned the trip or the small photo album. Among the few other photos was one of Betty and me which I had given to him soon after we rst met in Nairobi on a rainy afternoon. It was a meeting that almost didnt happen. I was just nishing a long r un and saw a young man, perhaps in his twenties, sprawled exhausted on the sidewalk, on a busy corner next to a church. A big bag, partially full of scrap papers, lay beside him. It was about to rain, but no one stopped to help him. I jogged by him on my way home. Sure, I thought, as I veered around him, I should help him. But I was a foreign correspondent, traveling all over a changing continent, ducking in and out of several war zones, and Nairobi was home. Nairobi was sanctuary; when Betty and I were in Nairobi, except for reporting and photographing stories on Kenya, we were in retreat from the world, hiding away from most social obligations, recuperating, rejuvenating ourselves for the next challenging trip to another country. Sometimes we would be on the road for several weeks at a time, so whoever was lying there as I jogged by was denitely not my problem. But after a lifetime of hearing the story of the good Samaritan, its message popped into my thoughts. I ignored it and jogged onuntil I jogged back. Its going to rain, I said to him in English and Swahili, as I knelt down amid the swirl of pedestrian trafc. He was conscious, so I helped him to his feet and together we walked to the nearby doorway of a church. That was enough, I told myself. I had hauled him out of the coming rain, and now I was free to leave. But I knew I wasnt. Hav e you eaten? I asked him. Hapana, he answered (no, in Swahili). I left him there, assuring him Id be back with food. Then I walked up the hill to a YMCA, where a kind cafeteria employee gave me some ugi (porridge) in a tin can. Peterhed told me his nameate it quickly. OK, now I was free to go. He was out of the rain; fed. I looked around, planning my escape. But the story of the Samaritan was driving me in another direction; I found myself trying to recall details of the story for a clue as to what to do next.There was something about taking the wounded man to an inn. The Y staff had told me about a cheaper YMCA in the industrial area, across town. I asked Peter if he had a place to stay.

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Personal Freedom / 313 The question was about as rhetor ical as the time I stopped to ask a homeless young man in Washington, D.C., if he had a place to go. He was huddled on top of a heating grate, in a heavy rain, covering himself with some plastic. Then, too, I had been out running. I took him down to the subway and got us both tickets to my stop near the Capitol; I took him to the guest house where Betty and I were staying prior to moving to Africa. The owner graciously accepted the man and gave him a free room on the top oor. He stayed for a couple of weeks, even helping with some of the housework; then he left. Gone. No word. Just gone. I saw him once after that, sitting against an outside wall of a government building, not far from our apartment. He smiled and said something about wanting to be on his own. Peter s rst concern was not a place to stay but getting to a clinic. He was ill and wanted to go to one near a downtown mosque where the poor got cheap help. I jogged home, got my car, and returned, loading him and his dirty bag of wastepaper into the vehicle. (Peter collected the wastepaper to receive a little money at a recycling center, so he did not want to part with it.)Then we set off for the clinic. From his few remarks about his past, I gathered that Peter had grown up poor and had been on his own from a young age, working the streets for a living as many of Africas children do. (In the s and s the number of African street children was rising due to economic conditions. Many lived full-time on their own; others spent some time at home.) Though Peter rarely talked about his family, he once mentioned having a blind mother on the edge of Nairobi. I was not sure if he was telling the truth or not; he guarded his privacy and avoided answering direct questions about his past. Now as an adult, Peter was part of an army of men who squeezed a few coins a day out of their long rounds to the public trash bins. On early morning jogs I would see these unofcial collectors at work in their dirty pants and shirts, carrying their bags over their shoulders. Schoolchildren in clean, pressed uniforms walked briskly by them going to classes with knapsacks full of books. The two groupsthe scavengers and the studentspassed in the street without a word. It was only after I met Peter that I began paying attention to these trash collectors. Some camped under old sheets of plastic, spread out in vacant lots. There were some youth among them. They started their rounds

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314 / The New Africaearly; competition was stiff. They nished late, exhausted, earning perhaps fty cents a day. After the clinic staff had checked him out and prescribed some inexpensive medicine, which I bought, I drove him to the other YMCA, which had a low-cost hostel. As Peter checked into the Y, I took his trash bag out of the car, carried it into the dormitory where he would be staying, and slid it under his bed. He had nearly lost the bag at the clinic, where an attendant had seen it lying near the door and thrown it out. I had to retrieve it. I saw him with tha t bag only one other time. It was a typically warm but not hot day in Nairobi. I was running some errands downtown when I saw Peter, crossing the street, bag over his shoulder. I stopped and we spoke for a while. He was broke again, out of the pocket money Betty and I had been supplying him. So he had reverted to collecting scrap paper, the one way he was sure to make money, even if only a little. He was also ill again; we stopped by the clinic for more medicine. The day w e met, and on many other occasions, Peter told me he did not want to go back to street life. His determination to leave the streets was clear from the moment we arrived at the Y that rainy morning, Seeing on one of the Y buildings the large letters that spelled out the name of its training center, Peter got excited. He said he used to do a little tailoring and asked if the Y offered training in that area. It did. And so Peter enrolled in a tailoring class and began his effort to learn a trade. When Betty and I came to visit, he would proudly pull out his latest patterns from classshirts and pants, drawn on brown waste paper. He seemed to know what he was doing. But the shift from street life to student life is a big one. At rst Peter was often absent from classes, and sometimes he was intoxicated, probably from cheap alcohol, or glue snifng, a habit from his years on the streets. Street kids in Nairobi can often be seen snifng glue from small plastic bottles, getting a cheap kick, a mental escape from a life of drudgery, danger, and dirt. The Y staff was incredibly tolerant. Instead of tossing him out, they would call me and I would talk to him. But they nally laid down an ultimatum that he had to shape up or leave. We started looking around for an alternative place, even while I lectured him in a friendly way about staying sober. Peter nally got the message when he inquired at a nearby hostel. It had military-like rules, which he

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Personal Freedom / 315did not like. Nor did he like the fact that the residents were mostly students, much younger than he. The Y started looking better in his eyes; so Peter started staying sober, with only an occasional slip. He became popular at the Y. I remember seeing him one day coming down from his tiny room and greeting some children at the bottom of the stairs. Everyone seemed to like him. He made friends with the cook, the stockroom attendant, the room cleaners. He laughed a lot. I kept the location of our apartment a secret from him. As much as Betty and I were growing to appreciate Peter, we suspected that if he knew where we lived, he would start hanging around our place. We never invited him over. That was probably not the nicest thing to do, but we valued our privacy. Yet Peters life and ours gradually became intertwined. One of the links was a slowly growing friendship; another was more concrete: money. Peter was a bargainer. He wasnt afraid to ask for money for his tailoring materials and incidentals, although he never asked for much. The Y ser ved simple but nutritious meals in a dining room, and he started gaining some weight. His face lled out some, too. At one point he apparently managed to get to the Kenyan coast for that vacation where he had the photos taken of himself. By most Western and Ken yan middle-class standards, Peters room at the Yonly big enough for a single bed, table, small cabinet, and a chairwas not much. But for Peter, after years of sleeping on the streets and never being sure of food, much less a hot shower, the days at the Y, he told me, were like heaven. Peter s trips to the clinic continued; he was never completely well. At rst I thought it was a minor problem. The nurses took an interest in him, telling me when I called that he should be sure to take his medicine. His coughing became intense at times but then would subside for weeks. In the meantime, Peter had found, through a friend of the cook at the Y, a single room in a slum at the edge of the city. I was curious to see the place but felt that my presence in his room would mark him for a robbery for having relatively afuent friends, although we did visit some other friends in slums. Nairobi has an international reputation as a cosmopolitan, modern city, and in many ways it is. It has numerous tall buildings and a skyline that is steadily becoming more crowded. Homes of the wealthy, with

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316 / The New Africatrimmed lawns and gardens exploding with owers, are protected by guards and sometimes dogs as well, day and night. The guards are backed up by their companys roving, radio-equipped, quick-response teams. But in the massive slums around the edges of the city, security is often little more than a cheap padlock securing a bent tin door; a good kick would force it open. Individual and gang robberies in the slums are frequent, but sometimes vigilante gangs of angry neighbors will chase down a suspect and club him to death. So I stay ed away from Peters new home. He moved in and purchased a mattress and a small cooker. Except for the Y room, it may have been the only time he had a room by himself as an adult. He continued to prepare for a national examination to obtain a certicate as a tailor. A few months after his mov e, I got a phone call from an employee at the Y, who said Peter was sick and needed help. The two sons of Peters landlady had brought him to the Y, afraid he was going to die in their house. He was very weak, yet he continued to smile and was pleasant, not panicked at all. I paid the two boys some money for their transportation and took Peter with me to the clinic. After that I took Peter back to the Y, where the staff was understanding enough to give him his old room back. The staff expressed concern about his health and a willingness to help him get back on his feet. Once again they demonstrated the compassion that is one of the principles of the YMCA. After a couple of weeks the staff called again saying Peter was in such critical condition he needed to be hospitalized. I took him back to the clinic. That day he nally agreed to take a test for AIDS. At rst AIDS appeared to be concentrated in eastern Africa, but later there was evidence that it had spread across much of the continent. Denial is still the biggest obstacle to curbing AIDS in Africa. Many African governmentsUganda was an early exceptionhave tried to deny the problem. Kenyas government slowly came to realize it has to do more about the issue. But the AIDS programs are still fairly limited, especially in areas outside the capital. Peter was probably denying the possibility of having AIDS in his earlier refusals to be tested. But now he must have wanted to know why he was doing so poorly. Was it TB? Was it AIDS? A combination of the two, quite common in Africa, was another possibility. So he took the test.

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Personal Freedom / 317 Later that day I got a phone call from the clinic to come get him. P arking at the clinic was always difcult. One time my car was towed away when I was inside the clinic talking to a nurse with Peter. Peter had insisted we go to the police and complain vigorously, but he was too weak to go in when we got to the station. I got my car back with a minimal ne after the taxi driver who took us there pleaded my case, having seen Peters condition. The driver even loaned me some money so I could pay the ne. This time at the clinic a staff nur se told me Peter was HIV positive, which meant he had the AIDS virus but not in an active stage. The nurse probably should not have told me, but the staff knew I had been paying his modest clinic bills and I had met them several times. Peter was lying outside on the grass; I helped him into the car. The head nurse came out of the clinic and walked up to the passenger side to tell Peter he had tested HIV positive. Knowing what she was going to say, I stepped out of the car to give him some privacy. When the nurse nished, I got back into the car. I waited for Peter to say something, but he said nothing. We drove to a small hospital about half an hours drive from Nairobi, in farming country. The head nurse at the clinic had written a note explaining Peters condition and asking for help admitting him. The hospital staff was quite friendlyat rst. Then they started backing off, looking at Peter strangely. The visiting doctor on duty asked me to come into the consulting room with Peter. He asked Peter if he knew what his problem was. Peter answered that he was HIV positive. He had not conrmed this to me in the car, but now it was in the open. The doctor bluntly told Peter there was no cure, but he also said people who are HIV positive sometimes live for years. Peter seemed sad but not grief-stricken. The doctor said the hospital would not admit him because it was not accepting HIV-positive patients. AIDS patients have ooded hospitals in some parts of Africa, cutting services available to others. That problem has made many institutions reluctant to accept an AIDS or HIV-positive person.If admitted, they require much attention yet often lack the money to pay their bills. As we dro ve back to the city to look for another hospital, I stopped the car and invited Peter to get out to appreciate the scene. The rolling green elds in front of us extended toward the setting sun. Peter was weak, so we stood outside for only a few minutes, but the view seemed

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318 / The New Africato perk him up. Searching for encouraging words, I told him healthy people never know when they will die; it can happen suddenly. He knew he had the AIDS virus, but death could still be years away. And at least he could live those years with new appreciation for life. It wasnt much, and I dont know if it helped. But I couldnt think of anything else to say. Peter nodded, smiled, and said a few words of agreement. That afternoon I became aware of his inner strength, which enabled him not to be overcome by despair. There were always some problems communicating with Peter because he spoke broken street Swahili in addition to his rst language, Kikuyu, and my Swahili was weak. But in his demeanor I saw signs of his grace and dignity, especially in his reaction to the HIV diagnosis. (In the weeks and months ahead, he sought to regain his health, and renewed his efforts to become a tailor, a dream that seemed so fragile now. Later I tried to enroll him in an HIV/AIDS/TB program operating out of Kenyatta National Hospital. We had to wait a while until the doctors arrived. They took a look at him and said he probably would not qualify, but agreed to give him an AIDS test. The examining Kenyan doctor said that not only did he have the HIV virus, he had a full-blown case of AIDS. Because Peter was not likely to live long enough, the doctor said, he was ineligible for their two-year treatment program. One of the doctors told me privately that Peter was not likely to live more than a few weeks. A Kenyan counselor who talked to Peter told me Peter had been sullen and evasive, especially when asked about his family.) The general patient section of Kenyatta National Hospital was the logical place to take Peter; AIDS cases were accepted there and comprised a large portion of the patients. But Peter had already taken that route. Once when he was feeling very ill, I stayed with him through an incredible eight-hour check-in process at Kenyatta. After two nights there he managed to walk out of the hospital and return to his rented room, where he lay practically helpless until the landladys two sons had brought him to the YMCA. Peter later explained that he had not been given a bed at the hospital, just oor space, and patients had to pay for their own medicines. He said hed rather be at home. The next hospital we stopped a t also refused to admit him, on the grounds of being full, which appeared to be true. The next, also private,

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Personal Freedom / 319refused him for being HIV positive. But the doctor was kind enough to counsel me on how I might get him into some hospital. The paper Peter was still clutching from the clinic clearly stated his condition. The doctor said no hospital was likely to allow him in with that. So he wrote another one without changing the truth, but listing just Peters symptoms, not the fact that he was HIV positive. It almost worked at the following hospital. But as Peter was about to be signed in, an attendant began questioning why he had had the same symptoms for months. The hospital nally decided against his admission, which was probably for the best. As I looked around, I realized from the appearance of the women patients that we had come to what was mostly a maternity clinic. Finally, we tried the last place on our list: a small, downtown hospital in a tough section of Nairobi. I worried about leaving my car unattended but walked with Peter up to the second-oor admitting area. It was more like a clinic. A doctor on duty took a look at the paper the other doctor had written and agreed to admit Peter. I ran back and parked the car in a safer location. By the time I returned, Peter was being checked in. He sat on a bench waiting until he was shown to a single room, still maintaining his humor and smile; he said he would be all right. He made progress there and after about ten da ys was released. I took him back to the Y, where the staff was amazed to see him again. So as not to alarm them, I had coached Peter to walk up the stairs to his old room with as little help from me as possible. He did. For days, Peter was so weak he lay in bed, barely able to lift his head. But after four or ve days, though no one else saw a change, I detected signs of progress, not in his movements, but in his expression. The focus was returning to his eyes. He was able to speak more than a few words. Throughout this convalescent period, his most serious so far, he continued to smile frequently and to laugh, though weakly. The Y staff somehow stuck with him, and he slowly regained some strength; he even began walking again and talking about his tailoring plans. Earlier he had taken the national tailoring exam, despite his weakness. A day I shall always remember from this period was the day Peter saved my life. We were downtown, walking toward the clinic; I was trying to help him keep his balance traversing curbs.At a very busy street, I was not paying attention and started to step out. Peter blocked me with his

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320 / The New Africaarm, just as a car I had not seen whizzed by exactly where I would have been after one more step. I thanked him. He laughed and smiled again as we walked on. We both knew I probably owed him my life. Then for three months I was so ill m yself I couldnt help Peter. Betty and a journalist colleague took over my contacts with Peter, meeting with him from time to time to cheer him up and provide pocket money. Peter continued to improve. During the later part of my own recuperation in mid-, while I was resting at a ranch in Naivasha, about ninety minutes drive from Nairobi, Peter was sent back to the same small hospital. I had just returned to Nairobi when a nurse at the hospital called to tell me he had died the night before and would I please pay his bill, including transportation to the city mortuary. When I went to the mortuary later that day to arrange for his burial, the staff there was taken by surprise. He was not in the section where bodies were stored individually. The street boy, as they called him, had been taken to another section of the building, a common storage area. Now that someone had shown up to inquire about the body, the staff stalled, asking me to go back to the waiting room while they clandestinely rushed him from the common storage area to an individual, pull-out container. When they nally showed me the body, an identication tag had been tied to one of his big toes. The staff tried to convince me there was no need to look closer, but I had to be sure it was him. I recognized the body as Peters, though it was only a cold shadow of his former self. There seemed little connection between the corpse and the Peter I had known. He had lost his battle to liv e and to become a tailor. But he had never lost his sense of humor, nor his dignity and will to keep trying, even after he knew he was dying. What an example he was. He had gained some personal freedom, coming in off the streets, studying a trade, eating and sleeping well for a change. He had, in his own words, lived in heaven for a year before he died, which is more than most people can say. The day he died, I returned briey to his room at the Y to collect his few personal belongings. As always, it was almost bare except for some of his last medicinesand the photo album. As I ipped slowly through the pages, I stopped at the one of him dressed up and smiling in Mom basa. He must ha ve had a good time.

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Personal Freedom / 321Freedom from IgnorancePeters hunger to break free of a life of ignorance and poverty can be seen in any African country today, even among children in war zones. If there is one force driving African families, it is the desire for education. Most families will cut practically every other expenditure before touching the money they put aside for their childrens education. This quest for freedom from ignorance is so strongamong children, teachers, and parentsthat even wars cannot completely halt it. In Somalia, during the prolonged civil war of the s, even when the capital, Mogadishu, was still the scene of frequent battles, unpaid teachers such as Mahad Mohamed Moalim would conduct classes for eager children, including many girls. Mahad taught English in a school run by a Muslim organization in a run-down building in which the younger children sat on the oor on plastic sheeting. I asked him why he was teaching, since the school had no money to pay him and there was no Mogadishu, Somalia, 1992 Mahad Moha med Moalim worked as an unpaid high school English teacher during the civil war in Somalia.

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322 / The New Africa Bor, southern Sudan, 1989 During the years of civil war in southern Sudan, many children living in extreme poverty continued their basic education. This boy studies under the shade of a tree.

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Personal Freedom / 323longer a central government to hire him. It is my duty [to teach]. The country has a lack of education. Instead of sitting at home, its better to come here and teach them what I know.24 In norther n Somalia, in the bombed-out city of Hargeisa, one school held classes in a two-room school so badly battered that it had no roof, no windows, and only part of a wall dividing the two classes. Amazingly, the day of our unannounced visit four classes were under wayone on either side of the remnants of the wall (the blackboards had survived in each classroom) and two more outside. The students sat on stones or on the ground. Im very happy here, said Abdura hman Ismail, one of the students He had begun school a week earlier and was studying math, Arabic, and English. Headmaster Hassan Osman Abdi, undeterred by the ruins of the tiny school, looked around at the students and teachersall four of them graduates of the College of Education at the now-defunct Somali National University in Mo gadishuand said, We are really proud of this. Parents, he reported, were beginning to contribute small amounts of money for school supplies. In southern Sudan, which has seen more war than peace since independence in Betty and I visited a school in a rebel-held war zone. It consisted of a class of forty-ve young boys and girls sitting in the dirt under a tree in the village of Feriak, near the small town of Bor, deep in rebel territory. The total supplies the teacher, Atiny Makidi Yoao, had were one book, a blackboard (propped up on three sticks), chalk, eraser, and for the pupilspencil stubs and notebooks from Kenya cut in half to go around. This is my name; my name is Andi. This is my name; my name is Andi, the children repeated in English after their teacher. Later they counted in English to fty. The girls wore only a loincloth; the boys were totally naked, not out of custom but out of poverty made worse by the war. As poor as the children were, when they ran up to a relief ofcial or other visitor they would often ask not for money but for a pencil. No sooner did these makeshift schools opensome were in the remnants of the original school buildingsthan the classes would ll up. What struck me about the open-air class we visited was the attentiveness of the students. Bettys arrival with two cameras around her neck and a long lens on one of them must have looked as if someone

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324 / The New Africahad just landed from Mars. But the children paid her no heed and continued with their lesson. From my vantage point I couldnt even spot children sneaking a sideways glance at her. The Christian Science Monitor ran one of Bettys photos of a boy with pencil stub and half a notebook in hand, looking intently at his teacher. When there is bombardment, the children are disper sed, said James Mayan Benjaim, who coordinated education in the Bor area for the rebel Sudanese Peoples Liberation Army (SPLA). The next day they come and we teach them again. All the teachers and the students are afraid of the bombings. They had a right to be afraid. The Sudan government occasionally sent a Soviet bomber into the area at an altitude high enough to avoid artillery re from the rebels below. But the height also meant the accuracy was unpredictable. At one point Betty and I were standing outside a UN relief compound in Bor when the plane came overhead and let go with a string of bombs. I lay down in a ditch the UNs local staff had dug in front of our tin-roofed compound, whose roof was clearly marked with the letters UN. Betty was determined to get a photo of the plane and ignored my shouts to get down until she got a nal shotshowing the bomb bay doors open. The closest bomb missed us by about yards. But one of them did wound a young girl who had just returned from one of the makeshift schools in the area. A bomb fragment dug into one of her legs; the explosion also set re to the thatched-roof home of her family. She might have ended up a cripple if not for a Sudanese bone specialist living in a nearby village who was able to set the bone properly. At another school, with g rass thatch walls and roof and a dirt oor, scores of children broke into a song when we arrived. A southern Sudanese adult there told me it was a song praising the SPLA, which was at war with the northern-based, Muslim-dominated government to obtain greater autonomy and to block imposition of a Muslim state. When I asked him to repeat his explanation on tape for a radio program, he turned away. SPLA leader John Garang was later accused of luring young boys to SPLA camps with the promise of educating them, only to train them in ghting as well. Many of them eventually joined the SPLA, according to Garangs critics. Garang denied the charges to me in a lengthy interview but admitted the boys got some training with wooden ries. His onetime assistant, Lam Akol, who later broke with

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Personal Freedom / 325the SPLA, insisted in another interview that Garang had knowingly used education as bait to get thousands of young boys to migrate to SPLA training camps in Ethiopia, where they were trained for the war. Many of the boys died along the way from starvation in treks of up to hundreds of miles on their quest for education and safety. At the tree-shaded school that day, a student named Garang, unrelated to rebel leader Garang, said through a translator that when he grows up, I want to continue my education. I want to know what in the world is going on, to know the world, or to be in politics. Was it an accurate translation? Was he coached in his reply, or was he truly as eager to learn about the world as he was to talk to us? Then he said the mosquitoes in the area were so thick at night that some students had returned home for good. We need mosquito nets and clothes. They are important to us. They are equivalent to exercise books. I dont ask for more.* *Students determination to break free of ignoranceand learning in a war zone is an extreme casecalls for equally determined teachers. One such teacher was at work in the next country south of Sudan, Kenya, where some of the boys from the Sudan war later ended up as refugees. A Teacher Who ListenedMargaret Waigu Githegi taught English in the secondary school in the town of Chuka.25 The school was constructed of cement blocks with cement oors; the paint was peeling off the doors, and the wooden desks were scarred, but the science lab was well equipped, compared with some other rural schools in Kenya. There was no school librarian, but there was a library, which included many books acquired before Kenyas independence in ; among them, a set of Shakespeares works, which a teacher said the students didnt read much. The English teachers at the school said they had enough books, but in some other classes there were so few books that the teachers spent a lot of time dictating lessons from their book.

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326 / The New Africa A Kenyan who speaks ve languages (English, Swahili, Kikuyu, Luo and some Hindi) and loves songs by Dolly Parton, Githegi turned to teaching after graduating from Rajasthan University in India, where she earned a bachelors degree in English in When I came back it was difcult to get a job. [Teaching] was the only job I could get. But she soon discovered she liked the work. She started teaching at Chuka in and the next year was made head of the nine-teacher English department. She took additional training courses, including one in Cam bridge, England, sponsored by the British Council in Kenya. As a result of these courses she started trying different teaching methods. I think my classes were boring before. I did most of the talking. That changed; she started doing more listening. Githegi began dividing her classoften number ing forty to forty-ve studentsinto small discussion groups and oating among them like a buttery, stimulating their talk with questions, letting the students wrestle with questions instead of drawing conclusions for them. Chuka, Kenya, 1992 Margaret Waigu Githegi was an award-winning English teacher at a rural secondary school.

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Personal Freedom / 327She stopped asking students to memorize material, something many teachers in Kenya and other countries were doing regularly. I dont like memorization because when they memorize they dont understand exactly what they are doing. She began giving students clippings from the local newspapers and asking them to discuss them. She would ask the group a question such as: Imagine that you went to your dormitory, and under your bed you found a snake. What would you do? The rst response was silence; then hands started sprouting in the air, as students eagerly vied for a chance to respond. If theres no stick around, you can even step on it with your feet, one young pupil ventured. After class, one of her students, Martin Wachira, who said he wants to be an engineer, described his reaction to his teacher. She uses different methods of teaching, which makes us even understand better. She even encourages us to work hard so we can achieve our goals. She is bright. Richard Arden, an adviser to the Kenya Ministry of Education, described her as one of Kenyas outstanding teachers. She has a high level of commitment to her work as a teacher, he said. She has a very positive outlook on adopting new ideas and is a good organizer of in-service teacher training. Not only did she teach well, she was helping others learn to teach better.* *As Githegi sought to help her pupils break the bonds of ignorance, a group of women jurists in West Africa were trying to help girls break free of a traditional female bond.Female Freedom: The Fight against CircumcisionA small but growing number of African women are ghting to stop the ancient cultural practice of circumcision, which involves removal of part or all of the clitoris, and often more.26 Known to its opponents as female genital mutilation, or FGM, this practice is still widely accepted in parts of Africa as a rite of passage to female adulthood, a sign that the female is not promiscuous and will make a good wife. Many mothers and grandmothers insist on its application, and it is often performed without the consent of the female.

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328 / The New Africa Opponents contend that the surg ical operation of circumcision or excision is unsanitary and dangerous, leading to infection or even death. Usually the subjects have to be held down forcefully, are given no anesthesia, and in some cases sprain a muscle or dislocate a bone in their efforts to thrash free of the blade. Female genital mutila tion is the most widespread form of torture in the world, according to an editorial in the newsletter of the National Committee on Traditional Practices of Ethiopia. It is also one of the most painful, the editorial maintained. At least million living African girls and women are victims of this trauma. It is inicted upon millions more every year. The NCTPE was appealing to both Christian and Muslim religious leaders to help educate people about the practice. Cole Dodge, a former director of UNICEFs regional ofce in Nairobi, Kenya, said FGM is widely practiced in Ethiopia, part of Bamako, Mali, 1994 Judge Fatimata Dumbia Dembl and attorney Bintu Bouare Sameke sought to use the law to outlaw female circumcision.

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Personal Freedom / 329Eritrea, Sudan, Somalia, and parts of north-central and West Africa, including Mali. Though it predates Islam, in Africa it is most widely practiced in Islamic countries, he said. According to the NCPTE, Muslim scholars disagree over whether the tradition is supported by Islam. In Mali, which is about percent Muslim, the Association of Malian Court Lawyers, headed by Fatimata Dumbia Dembl, was dead set against FGM. Weve seen a lot of girls die as a result of FGM, she said. It has to stop. But speaking out against FGM had had little effect in Mali, so Dembl was turning to the law for an answer. She was lobbying for legislation to outlaw the practice. Opening a Malian law book, she turned to a page and found a reference in existing law against abuse, which she claimed already made FGM illegal. But few others interpreted the law the way she did. Even if a law was passed that specically outlawed the practice, Dembl admitted the law would probably be ineffective. Society accepts it. When the society accepts it, the law cant stop it. Another woman, Bintu Bouare Sameke, also a member of the association, added: Its the grandmothers who insist. They say: I did it; you do it. Another prominent woman in Mali, Attorney General Manassa Danioko, brushed off the anti-FGM crusade in the country as a Western idea, not Malian. Certainly a lot has been written in the West about the practice, but the women activists on the issue I spoke with in Mali were not taking their cues from outsiders. H. Assa Diallo Soumare, president of the Action Committee for the Rights of Women and Children, a Malian organization, said her group was sponsoring production of an anti-FGM lm. At the back of the crowd watching the lming of one of the scenes, opinions varied about the practice. Its ne, said one young woman, speaking out of earshot of others. Its no problem. She added it was not a health risk either. Then she moved away before others could eavesdrop on the conversation. Im in a Muslim family Excision [a form of FGM] is permitted. But one should not perform it, said a young man in the crowd. A second young man, Kande Drame, a high school student, said: It is encouraged by old women. They say it puries the woman. A young woman with a baby wrapped onto her back and balancing a tray of

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330 / The New Africabananas on her head said: It [FGM] applies to some as part of our custom. The people in the bush [rural areas] accept it, but those of us with education are against it. In the long run, education, not a change of laws, may be the best way to curb the practice of female genital mutilation in Africa.* *In Eritrea, former women soldiers were ghting after the war for both social and political rights in a male-dominated society.Female Soldiers Battle for Rights after the WarFrom to Eritrea fought a devastating war against the Ethiopian army to win its independence, which it nally gained when Ethiopian and Eritrean rebels overthrew the government of Ethiopia.27 The Ethiopian army was backed at various times by the former Soviet Union, the United States, and Israel, and was one of the best equipped in Africa. The Eritrean Peoples Liberation Front (EPLF) turned to its women to supplement their ranks of ghters, sending them into combat. About percent of the front line soldiers were women. Two years after the war ended, there were still some women in the EPLF out of about but demobilization had begun. The challenge ahead for the former women ghters was to secure a place in civil societynot as second-class citizens but as full participants in the economic and political life of their newly independent country. Abrehet Y emane was one of these women. A veteran of fteen major battles, she had spent eight years in an Ethiopian prison where inmates received only three pieces of bread a day, no blankets, and no clothing. Friends on the outside supplied basic necessities to those they knew inside, she said. Now, in independent Eritrea, she sat behind a wooden desk in the ofce of the National Union of Eritrean Women (NUEW), in Asmara, the capital. Instead of military fatigues she wore a dress. She said Eritreas women who fought for their countrys freedom have a right to be proud of their record. In addition to ghting, they helped protect villagers and provided many rural families with health and educational services. Through such work, many women soldiers found themselves nudging an ancient, tradition-bound society toward a new

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Personal Freedom / 331appraisal of the worth of women. Not only could they cook, haul water, and have babies, but they could shoot, command men, and help run a country. But adjusting to civilian life would not be easy, partly because of the shift from rural life to city life, Yemane said. Most are peasants. Their choices in the eld were very limited. In the city the choices are so wide. We are condent and independent, said Senait Iyob, who spent thirteen years in the military. You wanted to have your gun, and shoot, and give your life for it [your country]. Its not because you want to kill, she added, explaining why she joined instead of nishing high school. We sacriced our youth, our education, she insisted with a soft intensity. Today the ex-women ghters are not about to accept such customs as arranged marriages and male-dominated families, she said. Senait managed to get a job with Eritrean Television and was planning to go to a university to study journalism. But Eritrea was not showing many signs that women had been accepted as equals politically. Only of the members of the EPLF central committee were women, and there were no women on the -member political committee, the nations highest authority. Some of the adjustment would be social. To do like city girls, you must know [city life]. Its not a problem of economics, but culture, said Yemane. In a small but crowded caf in Asmara, a woman soldier in army jacket and baggy slacks looked up as two Eritrean women in dresses and with stylish haircuts walked in. The ghters eyes followed them to the counter. Eritreas former women soldiers would have a lot of adjustments to make. Everyone presses you to dress like a woman, said Senait, who was still in the military. The problem is, you are very poor. Fighters earned only the equivalent of ten dollars a month plus one dollar for every year of service. Having survived the war, Eritreas women veterans were facing new battles for economic survival and a place in their society that would give them the same freedom they had earned as soldiers.* *Often a woman ghting for her rights does it without the benet of an organization, calling on her own strength and patience to overcome cultural barriers to her progress. Nike is one of these women.

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332 / The New Africa Nike, a Nigerian artist, established a tuition-free art school in Oshogbo, Nigeria.A Nigerian Artist Wins Her FreedomIn the front row of a hotel meeting room at an African arts conference in New Orleans sat a Nigerian woman in traditional wraparound dress with a baby secured snugly onto her back with a piece of attractive cloth. For an hour or so, several academicians read their prepared papers about the art of this woman, whom they had not been expecting to show up at the conference. In frustration, I nally interrupted with a question: Since the artist is here, will she get a chance to speak? Finally she did, elding questions from admirers in the audience who recognized her as one of Africas best-known artists, known by simply one nameNike (pronounced NEE-kay). It was April six years after Betty and I had been to her home in Oshogbo, in central Nigeria, and three years after she had stayed overnight in our home in Florida. Between her many greetings to others in the room, and her ashing smiles, she told me quietly that things were still not easy back home; but she had married again, this time to a senior Nigerian police ofcerfor security. She invited Betty and me to join her and some other friends for lunch.

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Personal Freedom / 333 During the meala sh and pasta buffet on the top oor of the hotel, a meal she appeared to enjoyshe mostly listened as the others talked. Beneath the fancy head wrapper she wore, her eyes seemed to have so much to say; they had seen so much: being passed from one family member to another as a child after the death of her mother; running away from home to join a traveling theater troupe to avoid a marriage her father had arranged; enduring years of physical and mental abuse as one of the sixteen wives of a man who was also a Nigerian artist; and nally breaking free to establish her own life. Nike broke some of the barr iers many African women continue to face, including social pressure on how to dress, and taboos against owning a business and traveling abroad. She had done so her own way, out of necessity. She had pushed back boundaries that denied her certain individual freedoms and human rights. At the lunch in New Orleans, her baby daughter, Amen (as in thats my last childAmen), now unwrapped, sat quietly on her mothers lap as Nike fed her. All too soon the meal was over. The next day she took a bus to Santa Fe, New Mexico, to visit her son and new grandson. From there she would y to the United Kingdom to see one of her two former husbands and their two children, then return to Nigeria. Nikes stor y is an example of Africans today striving to live fuller lives regardless of the political situation in their country. Nigeria was under military rule during much of the time she was pushing back the limits on her personal freedom.A Family of WeaversNike was born into a family of women weavers and dominant husbands, in the Yoruba culture which favors polygyny (having more than one wife). As in some areas of the United States before the twentieth century, marriage is more a matter of practicality than love. Nikes mother, a weaver, died when Nike was only six. Her mother never wanted to marry Nikes father, a farmer, preferring the greater potential earning power of a taxi driver she had her eye on. Men looked on marriage in a utilitarian way, too. The men in our village, Nike told author Kim Marie Vaz in her autobiography, married for business, not for love. They married to make life easier for themselves. They wanted

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334 / The New Africasomeone to look after them. All they wanted was to sell their daughters in marriage to get the bride price.28 All men want when they have a daughter is to sell her to a man, who in turn uses her like a slave. I never wanted any man to claim his right to me through a bride price.29 Her stubbornness would lead her into many adventures. After her mother died, Nike w as sent to live with her grandmother, Oranuiyawo, one of fourteen wives, and a weaver of cloth. She died a year later, and Nike was taken to the home of her great-grandmother, Ibitola, who then took Nike to Jos, in northern Nigeria, where she learned Hausa. Nike took along her total inheritance from her mother and grandmother combined: a single wrapper, as she called the wraparound cloth used as a skirt. Like her mother, her great-grandmother Ibitola had been forced into a marriage by her familyliterally. After her refusal to marry the man, she was taken by her family to the mans house by force. Her husbands friends helped him to rape her. They held her legs and body tight while he entered her.30 Ibitola was not above using force on Nike, however, when it came to circumcision. Nike told me she is adamantly opposed to the ritual, which carries with it risk of infection as well as trauma. But her great-grandmother forced her to undergo the ordeal at the age of eight. I hate it, she said. Women who have to endure it dont even know the feeling [of sexual intercourse]. I will not let it happen to my children.31 In Nikes family convinced her great-grandmother to move closer to the family. She and Nike moved into the compound of Nikes uncle, where the wives fought among each other. Three years later her father made her move back into his home. She was twelve. Her father woke her up at ve to sweep the house and make the four-kilometer round-trip to the nearest well. She was consistently late for her classes, which began at eight. I did not eat anything until lunchtime. While the other students were eating, I went to the bush to search for palm kernels that had fallen from a tree. I used a stone to open the kernel to get the nuts. [Many lunches] consisted of these palm nuts and water.32 Nike nished her primar y schooling in She began making adire cloth, something both her mother and great-grandmother had done. But despite selling a few pieces, she remained very poor. At the age of sixteen she took a job as housekeeper with an Indian family. When her father demanded her salary, she refused; she was trying to

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Personal Freedom / 335save what little she was paid to buy more material. He in turn told her he wanted her to marry a certain civil servant. Having seen the w omen of her family forced into unwanted marriages, Nike decided to run away and join a theater troupe that was passing through her town. Though lacking experience, she sang and danced and did many of the household chores for the troupe. But her family sent Twins Seven Seven, her future husband, to try to bring her back. As a way to dodge any planned marriage, and to get home, she agreed to go with him, moving into his compound which was home for his numerous wives. Later he moved his wives to Oshogbo, a center for the arts, and began furnishing Nike with supplies for her artwork. Nike continued doing two things she had done with the troupewearing trousers, which was unheard of for a woman at that time in central Nigeria, and playing the guitar. She performed in surrounding towns with a band organized by some of the boys staying at Twinss compound. Twins is fea tured in a book by Uli Beier, Contemporary Art in Africa, about emerging artists; he was described as clearly foremost among them.33 Nike, trained by her family in adire and design work, soon began designing his paintings and selling his work. She also began selling her own artwork to foreigners who came to visit Twinss gallery. When she could, and sometimes with the help of Victoria Scott, from the United States, she would hide the proceeds from Twins to keep him from spending them. Scott became a close friend of Nikes while living in Nigeria. Nike soon discov ered she had landed in a violent household. Twins fought with his wivesand with Nike, who had fallen into the role of a wife. As Nike recalled, He jumped on us, beat us, kicked us, stood on our bellies and jumped up and down, and said: I want you to die. I want you to die.34 Nike and most of the others had no family to whom they could run. She did not want to go home and be forced to marry someone, so she stayed and eventually bore Twins four children, three of whom survived. Twins took on more and more wives until he nally had sixteen, including Nike. I would never advise my enemy to go into polygyny, she said. Being in a compound with fteen other wives, there is a lot of jealousy, ghting, hatred.35 Sex, especially since she was circumcised, was not an act of pleasure. In this marriage it was

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336 / The New Africalike business, like master and slave or landlord and tenant.36 There was a great deal of cooperation among the wives, and she became close friends with some of them. Groups of them would scale the family compound walls and sneak into town on various errands. Eventually most of them developed relationships with men outside the family. Nike nally mov ed into the home of the man she spent more and more time with, David John Davies, an Englishman whom she later married and by whom she had two more children. Altogether she endured sixteen years in Twinss compound, partly out of fear of what he might do to her if she ran away and caught her, but mostly because of her children. She wanted to wait until they were old enough to decide for themselves whether they wanted to live with her or their father. In the end, they chose her. Liberating her mind from the limiting concept of a w omans role in Nigeria came slowly. It was not until Nike made a trip to the United States with her husband in to teach art at a workshop in Maine that she discovered that Twinss behavior was not acceptable everyOshogbo, Nigeria, 1992 Kemi Akinwale, a batik artist at Nikes art school, wears a dress made of adire cloth.

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Personal Freedom / 337where. Nike was six months pregnant. Upon arrival at the workshop, she was struggling with a load she was carrying on her head when an American woman told Twins to help her. He refused, saying people would make fun of him back home for helping her, that he didnt want to spoil her. The woman insisted, saying things were different in the United States. I was so impressed that somebody could change this rule of woman carrying everything, Nike recalled.37* *Adire cloth making is an old, traditional art that was in danger of disappearing before Nike began reviving it, starting in the compound she shared with Twins and his other wives. It is an integral part of Yoruba culture. As profoundly as the talking drum, adire cloth expresses the Yoruba culture; it is the art of Yoruba women. It has provided them with economic independence; it is a means of expressing cultural identity, and the iconography of adire even provides them a voice on matters of public interest.38 Adire cloth making differs from batik. Batik uses wax to cover portions of the cloth as it is repeatedly dipped in various colored dyes. The adire method uses a paste made from cassava, which is applied with a chicken feather. The paste dissolves faster than wax. As the cloth is dipped into pots of indigo, made from local plants, some of the blue seeps under the cassava paste, leaving a lighter blue in the paste-covered areas. Since the cassava paste does not soak through the cloth, like wax used in making batik, the reverse side of adire cloth is a solid, dark indigo. The result is a stunning array of different shades of blue. For Nike, adire was more than just a traditional fashion. It was her legacy from her grandmother and all the mothers before her. It had been her means of survival. For Nike, its survival was a cause.39 Unlike T wins, who jealously guarded his designs, Nike shared her knowledge of adire and other forms of art, beginning with her co-wives. Soon she was to begin teaching many more people, but only after taking her next big step in her quest for freedom. She decided to break away from Twins. She knew she risked her husbands wrath if he discovered her plans, so she proceeded secretly to set aside money from her art sales to buy land in Oshogbo for a house. A local female magistrate acted as go-between with a doctor who sold the land she bought. She also bought a Volkswagen Beetle and learned to drive, something

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338 / The New Africafew women in Oshogbo did. Her friend Scott had begun to encourage her in to leave Twins, but it was not until a decade later that she actually did. When she moved into her new house, young women began coming to her for art lessons. It was the start of her art school. In addition to building a house in the same to wn as her husband, she acquired land for a center for teaching art. From the start she offered classes free of charge to her young Nigerian students, most of whom came to her from poor families, so they could learn an art form as a way to support themselves. Acutely aware of her childhood poverty, she did not want to turn away potential artists for their lack of tuition fees. By the late s she was teaching up to students a year, an average of or so at any one time. Some of the money Nike was earning from workshops and sales of her own art abroad she plowed back into the school. She applied some of her own hard-won achievements in personal freedom to the running of the school. If a man beat a woman, he was dismissed from the school. Women who fought among each other were suspended. Group meetings were held to give students a chance to air complaints about the school.40 She was proud of the freedom the school provided her students, especially the women, in terms of a decent living. My achievements are m y students, she said during her visit to the United States. They are free to go out [on the job market] as normal people. They can stand on their feet. I think I have gained a lot of freedom for them so far. A lot of them are independent. With them, power is their money. A lot of them own their own houses. And, she said, her students new economic freedom gave them another benet: the freedom to choose the man they love.41 Nike chose to marr y Davies but soon discovered that he wanted to control her.42 He told her he had become so African he wanted to take a second wife, she said. Her marriage to Davies, a white man, shocked many residents of traditional Oshogbo. But the marriage was doomed; she had tasted freedom and did not want to give it up again. Yet she felt the need of a mans protection in a society still dominated by men. She was still not free of threats from Twins for having left him. And city authorities seized some of her land in forcing her into court to win it back. In she married Reuben Okundaye, a Nigerian police commandant for security, to help her fend off any further

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Personal Freedom / 339assaults on her land or school, she explained. But she found that she loved himand that unlike in her previous marriages, they did not ght. Suddenly she had a husband who not only respected her but encouraged her in her art, including her international travels as an artist. Her new husband proved to be a good father, too. This is the rst time Ive seen a Nigerian man care for a baby, Nike said. Nike was planning to open an ar t school in the commercial capital of Nigeria, Lagos, where children between the ages of ve and fteen could go after school. There are a lot who have the talent and need to be discovered, she said. I have to go forward. Many young Nigerians, she said, are looking up at me to see if she can continue setting an example of freedom in her life to which they might aspire.43

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NOTES1. African Freedom: The Unnished Journey Sub-Saharan Africa, the portion of Africa below the main part of the Sahara Deser t, does not include Morocco, Algeria, Tunisia, Libya, and Egypt. When the term Africa is used in this book, it refers to sub-Saharan Africa, not the entire continent. Wiseman, The New Struggle for Democracy in Africa, The ve were Bot sw ana, The Gambia, Mauritius, Senegal, and Zimbabwe. A military coup in The Gambia ousted the government in July Ibid., He denes a fully edged single-party state as one in which only one political party is allowed, by law, to exist and, where elections take place, participation is conned to members of the party. In moder n times, no woman was the head of an African state until Septem ber when Ruth Sando Perry was sworn in as head of the new transitional government in war-shattered Liberia. In both Burundi and Rwanda a woman prime minister briey lled the role of head of state on an interim basis. Wiseman, Ibid.,

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The phrase is by George B. N. Ayittey, who uses it as the title of his book Afr ica in Chaos (New York: St. Martins Press, ). Wiseman, Mandela, Long Walk to Freedom, Ibid., Ibid., Berlin, The Crooked Timber of Humanity, Ibid., Ibid., Wiseman, Berlin, Ibid., Ibid. Chiuri Ngugi, interview with the author, DeLand, Florida, September All quotes by Ngugi are from this interview. Berlin, Ibid., Ibid. Many other authors tackle these broad questions, but few do it as succinctly, yet broadly, as Berlin, which is why this chapter includes numerous citations from his essay The Pursuit of the Ideal in his book The Crooked Timber of Humanity. Ibid., Mandela, In an extreme case, the Black Panthers showed in court in the s that the federal governments surveillance and harassment of them was due as much to their political views as to their actions. And it remains a harsh fact that blacks in many parts of the United States are stopped by the police not for their political views but because of their race, with many police automatically associating blacks with criminal behavior. Martin Luther King, Jr., a video recording of the speeches of Martin Luther King, Jr. (sixty minutes) produced by Darrell Moore, MPI Home Video, c. Joseph Garba, Africa: A Time for Hope, Resolve, and Change, Vital Speeches, May Monga, The Anthropology of Anger, Ibid. Garba, Ilene R. Prusher, Inside an African Famine, The Christian Science Moni tor, October The war pitted Islamic fundamentalists in the north against mostly non-Muslims in the south. Relief efforts were hampered by government limitations on international relief distributions amid government charges that rebels were diverting some of the aid for their own use. Conrad, Heart of Darkness, .342 / Notes to Pages 11

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Ibid. Harden, Africa, Harden, who based his book on his travels as a cor respondent for the W ashington Post, has what an Ethiopian friend of his once described as a sharp sense of irony. Reynolds, Stand the Storm, A native of Ghana, Reynolds was professor of history at the University of California, San Diego. Ibid., Ibid. Ibid., Ibid., Reynolds cites an estimate by Paul Lovejoy, based on Philip Curtins earlier research. Ibid., Ibid. Parkenham, The Scramble for Africa, Ibid., Ibid. Ibid., Ibid. Sklar, The Colonial Imprint on African Political Thought, in African Independence, Ibid., Ibid., Ibid., Ibid., Ibid., Ibid., Ayittey, and Moffett, Critical Masses, Ibid., Suzanne Daley, In Zambia, the Abandoned Generation, New York Times, September W orld Population Data Sheet: Demographic Data and Estimates for the Countries and Regions of the World: (Washington: Population Reference Bureau, ). Callisto Madavo and Jean-Louis Sarbib (vice presidents, Africa Region, World Bank), International Herald Tribune, June Donald L. Sparks, Economic Trends in Africa South of the Sahara in Africa South of the Sahara, Madavo and Sarbib. Ake, Democracy and Development in Africa, Ake died in a plane crash in Nigeria in November Ibid., Michael Chege, Can Africa Develop? (a review of Akes book Develop ment and Democracy in Africa), J our nal of Democracy, April .Notes to Pages 24 / 343

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Wiseman, Ibid. Mandela, In June Mandelas African National Congress party won an overwhelming victory in national elections, making his deputy, Thabo Mbeki, the next president. The Chr istian Science Monitor (editorial), May The editorial noted that foreign debts have crushed some African nations growth efforts. Bratton and van de Walle, Democratic Experiments in Africa, The authors examined the elections from to in every sub-Saharan country. Ibid., Wiseman, Video of Kings speeches. Ibid. Wiseman, Zambia: Elections and Human Rights in the Third Republic (New York: Human Rights Watch/Africa, ). Bratton and van de Walle, The authors write that in all twelve awed elections, the political survival of the strong man was not meaningfully challenged by international observers funded by foreign donors. Incumbents ap parently calculated correctly that the international community was often more interested in political stability than in democracy and sometimes would turn a blind eye to awed elections (). Chad: Hope Betrayed (London: Amnesty International, ), preface. News release, May from Amnesty International, London. Mass Gr aves of Refugees Uncovered in Congo by Human Rights Watch and In ternational Federation of Human Rights Leagues (New York: Human Rights Watch/ Africa; Paris:International Federation of Human Rights Leagues, ). Amnesty International statements announcing release of the report DRC: A Year of Dashed Hopes, reported by Reuters, May Afr ica Update: A Summary of Human Rights Concerns in sub-Saharan Africa, September March (London: Amnesty International, ), Howard W. French, Wave of Strongmen Make West Africa Their Oyster, New York Times, October Bratton and van de Walle, Julius O. Ihonvbere, Where Is the Third Wave? A Critical Evaluation of Africas Non-transition to Democracy. (Reassessing Democratic Transitions, ), Africa Today, OctoberDecember Ibid., Marina Ottaway, African Democratization and the Leninist Option, Journal of Modern African Studies, no. ( ): The author also notes ex ceptions in the other direction, such as Saudi Arabia, which is wealthy but shows no signs of democratic transfor mation. She provides additional caveats to the not ready for democracy observation.344 / Notes to Pages 35

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Mamdani, Citizen and Subject, Marina Ottaway, African Democratization: An Update, CSIS Africa Notes, April The total of fty sub-Saharan African nations, as listed by Africa South of the Sahara, includes Eritrea, which gained independence from Ethiopia in St. Helena, some miles off the southwest coast of Africa, and Runion, off the east coast of Africa. Ibid., Ibid., Ken ya: Old Habits Die Hard; Rights Abuses Follow Renewed Foreign Aid Com mitments (New York: Human Rights Watch/Africa, ), Soyinka, Nigerias Political Crisis, Monga, Ibid., Michael Chege, Democracys Future: Between Africas Extremes, Jour nal of Democracy, January Ake, Monga, Bratton and van de Walle, .2. Challenging the Dictators According to Malians I interviewed, the number of people burned to death ma y have been as high as several dozen. Wiseman, The New Struggle for Democracy in Africa, Gr ay, Isaiah Berlin, Wiseman, Bra tton and van de Walle, Democratic Experiments in Africa, Pierre Englebert, Mali: Recent History, in Africa South of the Sahara Liebeno w, The Military Factor in African Politics, in African Independence, Mandela, Long Walk to Freedom, Antony Goldman, Ghanas Former Dictator Blazes Unlikely Trail to De mocracy, The Christian Science Monitor January The GNP and life expectancy gures come from the Population Reference Bureau, World Population Data Sheet, The GNP gure for Mali is for The World Bank put the GNP for Mali at $ in By comparison, the GNP in the United States in was $, and in France, the former colonial power of Mali, $, Life expectancy in in the United States was seventy-two years for men and seventy-ve years for women; in France it was seventy-three and eighty-one years, respectively. Onyebadi, How to Be a Nigerian Politician, Quoted in Owen, Saga of the Niger, Quoted in ibid., .Notes to Pages 48 / 345

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Liebenow, All Africa Press Service, Nairobi, April Reuters, Bamako, Mali, May W orld Population Data Sheet: The census gures for Nigeria have long been a controversial issue. T. C. McCaskie, Nigeria: Recent History, in Africa South of the Sahara Abiola was arrested in shortly after proclaiming his right to be presi dent. Nig eria: Permanent Transition; Current Violations of Human Rights in Nigeria (New York: Human Rights Watch/Africa, ), The trip was organized by the American Center for International Leader ship, operating out of the University of Denver. The cost of the trip was under written by Kamel Ghribi, a wealthy Tunisian businessman who did business with Niger ia. Neither Ghribi nor the Nigerian government selected the members of the delegation or the people with whom the delegation would meet, according to organizer Stephen Hayes of ACIL. I went on the trip as a private individual and not as a representative of The Christian Science Monitor (I was on leave from the Monitor). The Nigerian government allowed but tried to minimize our contacts with dissidents, including human rights representatives. Two members of our delegation met with the jailed winner of the annulled presidential elections, Moshood Abiola, who died in custody in reportedly of a heart condition, shortly before his anticipated release by a new military regime. Nig eria: Permanent Transition, Quoted in Olojede and Adinoyi-Ojo, Born to Run, Quoted in ibid., Ibid., Ibid., Press release, October announcing release of Human Rights Watch Report Nigeria: Transition or Travesty (New York: Human Rights Watch/ Africa, ). Reuters, Abuja, Nigeria, April David A. Korn, Time For Change, The Christian Science Monitor, De cember Because my way was paid by The Christian Science Monitor, and not the UN, I felt free to develop my own stories rather than sit in endless briengs by government ofcials. Onyebadi, How to Be a Nigerian Politician, T ogo: A New Era for Human Rights? (London: Amnesty International, ), and .3. The Politics of Ambiguity Africa Watch, Ken ya: Taking Liberties, The report is consistent with 346 / Notes to Pages 78

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accounts by other human rights organizations, both international and Kenyan, and with reporting by international journalists based in Kenya. A statement re leased July with the Africa Watch report, said, Torture continues to be used in Kenyas prisons and detention centers. Hauger ud, The Culture of Politics in Modern Kenya, W aler, Kenya, in Africa South of the Sahara Alan Rake, Kenya: Recent History, in Africa South of the Sahara Mwakenya followers comprised a wide spectrum of opposition to the Moi presidency, according to Rake. Africa Watch, Ibid., Ibid., Ibid., The report also notes, Prisoners have described how they are eventually forced to drink the water in the cell, mixed with their own urine and feces, in order to survive. Some have resorted to eating skin peelings from their own limbs (). Ibid., Haugerud, Africa Watch, Harden, Africa, Ibid., In donors complained about another of Mois big projects: the gov ernments plans to build an international airport at Eldoret, a city far from major commercial or popula tion center s, but near Mois home area. Pheroze Nowrojee, interview with the author, Nairobi, Kenya, July Ibid. Ibid. Ibid. I witnessed this same deance in many other countries in Africa in the early s where individuals were angry with authoritarian government. Njeri Kababere, interview with the author, Nairobi, Kenya, July All quotes by Kababere are from this interview. Oukos murder prompted an outburst of rage among university students and others in Nairobi, some of whom marched and ran through downtown streets, shouting insults against senior government ofcials. Nzomo, Kenya, in The African State at a Critical Juncture, Nzomo contends the stripping not only helped win release of the prisoners but gave a boost to womens political clout in Kenya. Ibid., Ken ya: Old Habits Die Hard; Rights Abuses Follow Renewed Foreign Aid Com mitments (New York: Human Rights Watch/Africa, ) Ibid. In a preface to that report, Human Rights Watch/Africa quotes a pas toral letter issued by the Catholic bishops of Kenya in Nairobi, April : We Notes to Pages 101 / 347

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nd no consolation in the praise from the World Bank or the International Mon etary Fund (IMF) for Kenya. too many of our people are living in fear; it w ould seem there is no la w, no justice, no protection, except for the powerful ( ). Nzomo, Ibid., Ken ya: Old Habits Die Hard, Ibid., Ibid., Robert Shaw, interview with the author, Nairobi, Kenya, July Virginia Morell, The Most Dangerous Game, New York Times Magazine, January Nzomo, Lara Santoro, Kenya Boilover Began with Simmering Students, The Christian Science Monitor, July Human Rights Watch Charges Kenyan Government with Excessive Use of Force against Student Protesters, press release, Human Rights Watch, July Lara Santoro, Savvy Woman Candidate Will Test Mois Rule in Kenya, The Christian Science Monitor, November Joel D. Barkan and David F. Gordon, Toward Democracy in Kenya, The Christian Science Monitor, February The report was announced April in Nairobi by a delegation of three human rights groups: Amnesty International, ARTICLE and Human Rights Watch. Delegation spokesperson Edge Kanyongolo, speaking at a press conference, declared that Kenya is a powder keg waiting to explode, all the signs are there. Michael Chege, Africas Murderous Professors, National Interest, winter Chege also said Africans increasingly favor ethnic and racial tolerance, the rule of law. Mission to Repress: Tortue, Illegal Detentions, and Extra-judicial Killings by the Kenyan Police (Nairobi: Kenya Human Rights Commission, ), .4. Things Fell Apart: Somalia DeLong and Tuckey, Mogadishu: Heroism and Tragedy, Ibid., Ibid., Quoted in ibid., Frost, Frost, Anne Geran, Associated Press article, published in the Daytona Beach NewsJournal, April Quoted in ibid. The following account is based on her article. Quoted in ibid. Frost, .348 / Notes to Pages 137

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Lewis, Understanding Somalia, Some analysts put the arrival of Islam in the eighth century. Lyons and Samatar, Somalia, Ibid. Lewis, Lyons and Samatar, Ibid., Ibid., Lewis, Adam, Somalia, in Collapsed States, Lyons and Samatar, For an explanation of some of the ways clans op erated and how they cooperated traditionally among themselves, see I. M. Lewis, Somalia: A Pastoral Democracy (Oxford: Oxford University Press, ). Esman, Ethnic Politics, Adam, Samatar, ed., The Somali Challenge, Human Rights Watch, Somalia, Cassanelli, Somali Land Resource Issues in Historic Perspective, in Learning from Somalia, Gilkes, Somalia, in Africa South of the Sahara Lyons and Samatar, They in turn reference () Somali Govern ment Accused in Civilian Deaths, Africa Report, MarchApril And they add, See also the report written for the Department of State: Robert Gersony, Why Somalis Flee: Synthesis of Accounts of Conict Experienced in Northern Somalia by Somali Refugees, Displaced Persons, and Others () (Department of State, Bureau for Refugee Programs, August ). According to a variety of human rights reports, the coup forces terrorized the local population while in power and continued doing so in regions they con trolled after they were expelled. The secretary general accused the West, in a Security Council meeting on July of ghting a rich mans war in Yugoslavia while not lifting a nger to save Somalia from disintegration. Zartman, ed., Collapsed States, Ibid., Ibid., Ibid., The term warlord is a controversial one; I use the more neutral term militia leader except when warlord is used in a quote, as it is here. Ibid., Lewis, Understanding Somalia, Gilkes, Descent into Chaos: Somalia, The Horn of Africa, January December Ibid., He estimates that at least were killed in this period in Mogadishu. The Christian Science Monitor, March cited Western relief Notes to Pages 151 / 349

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estimates of killed and up to wounded. Walter Clarke puts the es timated noncombatant deaths at between and (Clarke, Failed Visions and Uncertain Mandates, in Learning from Somalia). Gilkes, Lyons and Samatar, Somali veterinarian, interview with the author, Nairobi, Kenya, July Sommer, Hope Restored? In a note on page the study, prepared under a contract with the Ofce of U.S. Foreign Disaster Assistance, of the U.S. Agency for International Development, attributes these estimates to another study, Ex cess Mortality and the Impact of Health Interventions in the Somalia Humanitarian Emerg enc y, by the Refugee Policy Group and the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention, August Abdi Aziz Mohamed Ali, interview with the author, Nairobi, Kenya, July Sahnoun, Somalia, Based in Nairobi, Kenya, I was assigned to cover East, West, and parts of central Africa, altogether more than thirty countries. Sommer, Bushs denial came in response to a written question by the Refugee Policy Group study team. In the end, the marines guarded only the main shipments from the ports to key distribution centers. There was still a need for a transportation web to get food from urban collection centers to villages, so many relief agencies continued paying guards high sums of money to get food to people. Woods, U.S. Decisionmaking during Operations in Somalia, in Learning From Somalia, Woods served as deputy assistant secretary of defense for African affairs from December to April Scott Peterson, Somalia Relief Agencies Struggle, Await U.S. Troops, The Christian Science Monitor, December George Moffett, Force in Somalia May Signal More UN Interventions, The Christian Science Monitor, December Pauline Baker, an Africa expert who worked at the Aspen Institute for Hu manistic Studies in Washington, D.C., in a telephone interview with the author, ca. December Robert M. Press, View in Somalia: U.S. Troops Face Lengthy Stay, The Christian Science Monitor, December Robert M. Press, U.S. Ignores Key Doubts over Somalia Intervention, The Christian Science Monitor, December Sommer, Human Rights Watch/Africa, Somalia Faces the Future, Menkhaus, Local and National Reconciliation in Somalia, in Learning from Somalia. Menkhaus was a special political adviser to the UN in Somalia in and In low voices a few residents said they welcomed the Habir Gedir because 350 / Notes to Pages 166

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the Hawadley had dominated them. The Hawadley had also controlled most key businesses. Richburg, Out of America, Ibid. I rst drew this analogy in my essay Somalia: A Flash of Color in the Sunlight, which was published in The Christian Science Monitor, March Berlin, The Crooked Timber of Humanity, Richburg, Sommer, The author also writes that UN ofcials were similarly in the dark regarding Somalia. Many senior political advisors in UNOSOM II, especially on sensitive political issues, were insensitive to the local cultures requirements. Robert M. Press, Covey of Critics Raises Doubts about UN Role in So malia, The Chr istian Science Monitor September The international efforts to secure a lasting peace agreement in Somalia involved UN ofcials from many countries, U.S. military and diplomatic person nel, U.S. and other civilian advisers, Somali employees of the United Nations, and var ious private organizations. Menkhaus, Ahmed Warfa, interviews with the author, Nairobi, Kenya, February and July I rst met Warfa in Mogadishu in and had periodic contact with him until mid-. He is a member of the Hawadley clan. The quotations by him in this section are from the same interviews. Prunier, Somaliland, in The Horn of Africa, Hirsch and Oakley, Somalia and Operation Restore Hope, Ibid., Ibid. In a footnote, the authors note that the wording of the resolution and its interpretation by the UN in both New York and Mogadishu were fully supported by the U.S. The Department of Defense and the Joint Chiefs did not express their views at the top levels of this extremely important turning point in policy. Frost, Frost, Hirsch and Oakley, footnote on page Hirsch was political adviser to the multinational coalition in Somalia from December to March Quoted in Robert M. Press, Somalia Civil War Is Fueled by Huge Stock piles of Weapons, The Chr istian Science Monitor October Quoted in ibid. Aryeh Neier, Watching Rights, Nation, November Neier was executive director of Human Rights Watch for nearly fteen years, until Ibid. Howe, Relations between the United States and UN in Somalia, In Learning from Somalia, Hirsch and Oakley, .Notes to Pages 188 / 351

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Woods, UN ofcials continued to insist they were working hard to nd a political solution, but some Western analysts observed that the focus of the international community in Somalia was more military than political. DeLong and Tuckey, Other details in this section on the Rangers come from the same chapter. H owe, Woods, Ibid. Quoted in Robert M. Press, Third World Peacekeepers Face Larger Role as U.S. Quits Somalia, The Christian Science Monitor, February Woods, Ibid. Harry Johnston and Ted Dagne, Congress and the Somalia Crisis, in Learning from Somalia, Ibid. African Rights, Humanitarianism Unbound? Quoted in Hirsch and Oakley, xv. Quoted in Marcia Kurop, Why UN Quit as Fireman to the Worlds Hot Spots, The Christian Science Monitor, April Quoted in ibid. Zartman, This idea was recommended by Ken Menkhaus and John Prendergast in an article (Governance and Economic Survival in Postintervention Somalia) in May no. of CSIS Africa Notes, a publication of the Center for Strategic and International Studies, in Washington, D.C. Lyons and Samatar, Weiss, Rekindling Hope in UN Humanitarian Intervention, in Learning from Somalia, Ibid., Robert M. Press, Retreat from Somalia, The Christian Science Monitor, February an interview with Gilles Stockton, a former UN consultant in Somalia, and former Peace Corps volunteer in Somalia. Menkhaus, Clarke, Clarke was deputy chief of mission at the U.S. Embassy in Mogadishu in Press, Retreat from Somalia. Menkhaus and Prendergast. Ibid. Ken Menkhaus, Somalia: Political Order in a Stateless Society, Current History, May Amnesty International, AI Report : Somalia (London: Amnesty Inter national, ) The report covers the period from January through December .352 / Notes to Pages 207

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Cour ier, MarchApril no. Brussels, inside cover. The Courier is a publication of the European Community. Ibid., .5. Genocide Ignored: Rwanda Dawidowicz, The War against the Jews, The author puts the number of Jews killed at Bauer uses the gure of in A History of the Ho locaust, Bauer also points out that some Gypsies were murdered by the Nazis as part of a deliberate policy aimed at ridding Europe of Gypsies and Jews (). Conquest, The Harvest of Sorrow, After citing the United Nations denition of genocide, Conquest states, It certainly appears that a charge of genocide lies against the So viet Union for its actions in the Ukraine (). Pr unier, The Rwanda Crisis, Ibid. Rhode, End Game, Ibid., Rubenstein, The Cunning of History, Ibid., Ibid., Ibid., Ibid., Ibid., Ibid., Ibid., In this book I do not feature my own opinions, though I do express some. Readers should know that I favor international intervention of some sort in the case of mass killings. I later present the U.S. governments rationale for not intervening. Many of those who had tried to ee had been killed. Quoted in African Rights, Rwanda: Death, Despair, and Deance, Quoted in ibid., Genocide in Rw anda: AprilMay New York: Human Rights Watch/ Africa, May Ibid. African Rights, The killers often wielded their weapons in ways de signed to inict the maximum pain on the victim before death ensued. Victims limbs w ere often sev ered or broken rst; they were struck on the neck and head, had their faces and genitals mutilated, and their Achilles tendons cut. They were often left to die, or were only later despatched. Leonard, an interahamwe in Zaire, demonstrated his method to a journaliston this occasion not for real: First the machete tore a glancing blow at the air that would have caught a man in his midriff. Then it swung back to hit the victim, any victim, across the neck. Finally a blow came down like an executioners axe on to the skull. Other killing methods were more prolonged and macabrely [sic] imaginative.Notes to Pages 217 / 353

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Quoted in African Rights, Genocide in Rw anda, Quoted in African Rights, Ibid., James C. McKiney Jr., Legacy of Rwanda Violence: The Thousands Born of Rape, New York Times, September Ibid. African Rights, Quoted in It Was Kill or Be Killed, Says Soldier Convicted of War Crimes (Associated Press), published in the Daytona Beach, Florida, News-Jour nal, June African Rights, Prunier, Ibid., Ibid., The Genesis of Rwandese Patriotic Front: A Case Study of Roots of Insecurity in an Independent African State, paper submitted at the Africa Lead ership Forum in Kampala, Uganda, May by the Rwandese Patriotic Front Depar tment of Information, The paper states, The terms Batutsi, Bahutu, and Batwa in their original connotation refer to social stratication which was based on different economic activities and individual fortunes. Destexhe, Rwanda and Genocide in the Twentieth Century, Prunier, xiixiii. Ibid., Destexhe, Prunier, Ibid., Lemarchand, Burundi, Regarding the economic and social relations between Tutsi (a minority in both Rwanda and Burundi) and Hutu, Lemarchand writes: Even though most cows were indeed the property of Tutsi elements, it was by entrusting their cattle to the Hutu that the Tutsi were able to establish clientage ties with Hutu elements, thus bringing Hutu and Tutsi together into a complex web of reciprocal rights and obligations. Far from driving a wedge between Hutu and Tutsi, their different occupational statuses provided the basis for a closer union ( ). Prunier, Ibid., Reyntjens, Rwanda: Recent History, in Africa South of the Sahara Genocide in Rw anda, Africa Watch, Beyond the Rhetoric: Continuing Human Rights Abuses in Rwan da (New York: Africa Watch, ) Ibid., .354 / Notes to Pages 234

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Africa Watch, Rwanda: Talking Peace and Waging War: Human Rights since the October Invasion (New York: Africa Watch, ), Ibid., Ibid., R. Degni-Sgui, Report on the Situation of Human Rights in Rwanda (a United Nations document), Degni-Sgui was the United Nations special rapporteur on Rwanda. Ibid., The United Nations special rapporteur on Rwanda makes clear in his re port (page ) that the main enemy of the Hutu killers was the Tutsi population and that Hutu modera tes were killed as supporters of the main enemy. Bey ond the Rhetoric, An international commission was formed by several human rights organizations to investigate atrocities in Rwanda following the start of the war in Africa Watch, the International Federation of Human Rights (Paris), the Inter-African Union of Human Rights (Ouagadougou, Burkina Faso), and the International Center for Human Rights and Democratic Development (Montreal) named ten experts to the commission. Coordination was carried out by Africa Watch and the International Federation of Human Rights. Ibid., Ibid., World Bank, African Development Indicators, Degni-Sgui, Ibid., Ren Lemarchand, Managing Transition Anarchies: Rwanda, Burundi, and South Africa in Comparative Perspective, Journal of Modern African Studies no. ( ): Lemarchand adds that no amount of retrospective guilt can diminish its [Frances] place in history as the principal villain in the Rwanda apocalypse. Franois-Xavier Verschave, Autopsy of a Planned Genocide, Le Monde Diplomatique, March Genocide in Rw anda, Burundi has approximately the same ethnic proportions as Rwanda, but in Burundi, the Tutsi minority controlled the military even after the election of a Hutu President. Degni-Sgui, Ibid. Genocide in Rwanda states, After extensive investigation among reliable sources, both Rwandan and foreign, representing clergy, staff of nongovernmen tal organizations, and journalists, Human Rights Watch/Africa has concluded tha t there is a t present no credible evidence that the RPF has engaged in any widespread slaughter of civilian populations, although there are reports of less systematic abuses ( ). Amnesty International, Rwanda: Reports of Killings and Abductions by the Notes to Pages 245 / 355

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Rwandese Patriotic Army, AprilAugust (London: Amnesty International, ), Verschave, Quoted in Joyce Hackel, Burundis Peace May Hinge on One Man, The Christian Science Monitor, June Quoted in Lara Santoro, Rwanda Massacres Were Avoidable, General Says, The Christian Science Monitor, February Destexhe, The author of the New Yorker article, Philip Gourevitch, wrote a book from which the quotes by UN ofcial Iqbal Riza are taken. The book is We Wish to Inform You That Tomorrow We Will Be Killed with Our Families (New York: Farrar Straus and Giroux, ), Quoted by Bernard Edinger, Reuters, May Quoted by UPI, May from Kigali, Rwanda. Quoted by UPI, May from Nairobi, Kenya. Quoted in John F. Harris, Clinton Tells Rwandans: World Too Slow to Act, Washington Post, March Ibid. Quoted in Elaine Sciolino, New U.S. Peacekeeping Policy De-emphasizes Role of the U.N., New York Times, May Clinton kept the U.S. troops in Somalia under U.S., not United Nations, command. Jason DeParle, The Man Inside Bill Clintons Foreign Policy, New York Times Magazine, August Sciolino, New U.S. Peacekeeping Policy. Hirsch and Oakley, Somalia and Operation Restore Hope, Quoted in The Clinton Administrations Policy on Reforming Multilateral Peace Operations, U.S. Department of State Dispatch n o ( ): Destexhe, The author adds, The PDD trapped the UN in a vicious circle: the United States would refuse any new deployment of UN blue helmets unless all the necessary conditions (logistical, nancial, troop deployments, etc.) were fullledyet they could never be fullled without the active support of the superpower (). Barbara Crossette, The Rwandans: Why Washington and the World Largely Failed to Act to Head Off the Blood Bath, New York Times, March Herman J. Cohen, telephone interview with the author, March The troops were there as part of a regional West African force apart from the small number of United Nations troops sent to monitor peace agreements. The bulk of the African troops came from Nigeria and Ghana. Lara Santoro, One for the Law Books: In Africa, a UN Court Prosecutes Genocide, New York Times, September Minh T. Vo, Women Activists See Victory in Verdicts Inclusion of Rape, The Christian Science Monitor, September .356 / Notes to Pages 260

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Lara Santoro, For Rwandans, Justice Done Only for Others, The Christian Science Monitor, September Amnesty International, Rwanda: No One Is Talking about It Anymore (Lon don: Amnesty International, ) Ibid., This estimate of the number of accused Hutu is the highest I have heard from a Rwandan ofcial. By the time the Rwandan government began its own genocide trials in however, at least persons had been detained in extremely overcrowded prisons in Rwanda, awaiting trials on charges related to the genocide. Various international human rights organizations contend that many Hutu were coerced to join the killing, while many others apparently joined in more freely. The Rough Road to Peace in Rwanda, All Africa News Agency, February The unnamed reporter ends the article by suggesting his own solution: hand over the planners and principal executioners to the international tribunal and allow the others to repent before a South Africastyle truth commission. African Rights, An Open Letter to His Holiness, Pope John Paul II, May The letter is signed by Rakiya Omaar, director. It includes the statement by the Pope responding to allegations of involvement of some Catholic clergy in the genocide. Published in East Sussex, England, by Highland Books, Lif e after Death: Suspicion and Reintegration in Post-Genocide Rwanda (Wash ington: U.S. Committee for Refugees, ), Kathi Austin, World Withdrawal Portends Disaster in Burundi, The Chris tian Science Monitor, January According to the results of the June election, Ndadaye had per cent of the vote and Buyoya percent. Since the Hutu represent approximately percent of the popula tion, Buyoya was correct in assuming he had some Hutu support, but not enough. When I asked him in an interview after the election why he had allowed a competitive election against a Hutu, he said, I thought I would win. The interview took place in the presidential residence, even though he had lost the election. He said he was going to move out soon but apparently felt in no rush. Around this time I met some Hutu who said Buyoya was popular with them; that some Tutsi had photos of Buyoya in their homes but hid them to avoid making Hutu militants angry. During his r st period as dictator of the country, many Hutu were killed by the Tutsi army. Human Rights Watch Condemns Targeting of Civilians in Burundi Civil War, press release distributed with its report Proxy Targets: Civilians in the War in Burundi, April John Shattuck, More Than Words Are Needed to Stop Terror in Bu-run di, The Chr istian Science Monitor June .Notes to Pages 271 / 357

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6.One Familys Escape from Rwanda The textbook is Science and Health with Key to the Scr iptures, by Mary Baker Eddy (Boston: First Church of Christ Scientist, ).7. Personal Freedom Monga, The Anthropology of Anger, Bill Bradley Democracys Third Leg, The Christian Science Monitor, Feb ruary John W. Harbeson, Civil Society and Political Renaissance in Africa, in Civil Society and the State in Africa, Bra tton and van de Walle, Democratic Experiments in Africa, Ali Mari Tripp, Civil Society in Tanzania, in Civil Society and the State in Africa, J ennifer A. Widner, Civic Association in Cte d Ivoire, in Civil Society and the State in Africa, Ndegw a, The Two Faces of Civil Society, The book focuses on two NGOs in Kenya, the Undugu Society of Kenya and the Green Belt Movement, headed by internationally known conservationist Wangari Maathai. Monga, Ibid., James Scott in ibid., N yayo is Swahili for footsteps. Monga, The Ken ya Rural Enterprise Program under Cooperative Agreement No. AID A -: A Final Evaluation, September vii. Ibid., ix. The report also noted that some businesses may have grown in ways that cannot be captured with employment data. Albert Mutua, The Change from a Traditional Integrated Method to a Financial System Approach: K-REP Occasional Paper No. Nairobi, February Pro gramme Report for the Period of st October to st March, K-REP, A. Dondo, interview with the author, Nairobi, Kenya, July Harrison, The Greening of Africa. Ibid., This section draws on Robert M. Press, Gambian Women Dig for Pay Dirt, The Christian Science Monitor, March which is based on the au thors visit to The Gambia. This section draws on Robert M. Press, Big Payoff for Small Loans, The Christian Science Monitor, January which is based on the authors visit to Sokod, Togo.358 / Notes to Pages 289

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This section draws on Robert M. Press, Togos Mercedes-Benz Girls, Christian Science Monitor, October which is based on the authors visit to Lom, Togo. The remark was made by a non-Togolese ofcial of an international orga nization in Lome, who requested anonymity. Robert M. Press, Even Amid Anarchy, Somalis Hunger to Learn and to Teach, The Christian Science Monitor, December This section draws on Robert M. Press, Adopting New Ideaswith Zest: Kenyas Margaret Waigu Githegi Teaches Pupils for Whom English Is a Third Language, The Christian Science Monitor, March This section draws on Robert M. Press, An Ancient Africa Custom Comes under Fire, The Christian Science Monitor, December This section draws on Robert M. Press, Eritrea Women Fighters Face Difcult Transition, The Christian Science Monitor, May which is based on the authors visit to Eritrea. The statement that percent of front line soldiers were women was made by Roy Patemen, a professor of political science at the University of California at Los Angeles. In Eritrea and Ethiopia engaged in major border disputes and battles. Vaz, The Woman with the Artistic Brush, The book is in Nikes words, as told to the author. Many of the details in this section about her childhood come from this book. Ibid., Ibid., Nike, interview with the author, DeLand, Florida, November during Nikes visit to the United States. V az, Victoria Scott, Nikes Story, paper presented in April at the Arts Council of the African Studies Association in New Orleans. V az, Nike, interview with the author, November V az, Nike, interview with the author, November Scott, Scott adds, In the early s the adire sellers stalls in Lagos stretched far along the length of the market shed. By the end of the decade, they numbered only a few. The last of the women to use the traditional dye pots in Oshogbo, died only recently. Ibid. V az, Nike, telephone interview with the author, April V az, Nike, telephone interview with the author, April .Notes to Pages 311 / 359

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360 / Select BibliographySELECT BIBLIOGRAPHYThe following lists only the books and chapters cited in the note section. All other sources, including journal articles, newspaper articles, reports, and interviews, are listed in detail in that section. Adam, Hussein M. Somalia: A Terrible Beauty Being Born? In Collapsed States: The Disintegration and Restoration of Legitimate Authority, ed. I. William Zartman. Boulder, Col.: Lynne Rienner, African Rights. Humanitarianism Unbound? Current Dilemmas Facing Multi man-date Relief Operations in Political Emergencies. London: African Rights, Rwanda: Death, Despair, and Deance. London: African Rights, Africa South of the Sahara, London: Europa, Africa South of the Sahara, London: Europa, Africa Watch. Kenya: Taking Liberties. New York: Africa Watch, Ake, Claude. Democracy and Development in Africa. Washington: Brookings In stitute, A yittey George. Africa in Chaos. New York: St. Martins Press, Bauer, Yehuda. A History of the Holocaust. New York: Franklin Watts, c.

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Select Bibliography / 361Berlin, Isaiah. The Crooked Timber of Humanity: Chapters in the History of Ideas. Ed. Henry Hardy. New York: Knopf,. Bratton, Michael, and Nicolas van de Walle. Democratic Experiments in Africa: Regime Transitions in Comparative Perspective. Cambridge: Cambridge Uni versity Press, Car ter, Gwendolen, and Patrick OMeara, eds. African Independence: The First Twenty-ve Years. Bloomington: Indiana University Press, Cassanelli, Lee V. Somali Land Resource Issues in Historic Perspective. In Learning from Somalia: The Lessons of Armed Humanitarian Intervention, ed. Walter Clarke and Jeffrey Herbst. Boulder, Col.: Westview Press, Clarke, Walter. Failed Visions and Uncertain Mandates in Somalia. In Learning from Somalia: The Lessons of Armed Humanitarian Intervention, ed. Walter Clarke and Jeffrey Herbst. Boulder, Col.: Westview Press, Clarke, Walter, and Jeffrey Herbst, eds. Learning from Somalia: The Lessons of Armed Humanitarian Intervention. Boulder, Col.: Westview Press, Conquest, Robert. The Harvest of Sorrow: Soviet Collectivization and the Ter ror-Famine. New York: Oxford University Press, Dagne, Ted. Congress and the Somali Crisis. In Learning from Somalia: The Les sons of Armed Humanitarian Intervention, ed. Walter Clarke and Jeffrey Herbst. Boulder, Col.: Westview Press, Dawidowicz, Lucy. The War against the Jews, New York: Holt, Rinehart and Winston, DeLong, Kent, and Steven Tuckey. Mogadishu: Heroism and Tragedy. Westport, Conn.: Praeger, Destexhe, Alain. Rwanda and Genocide in the Twentieth Century. New York: New York University Press, Englebert, Pierre. Mali: Recent History. In Africa South of the Sahara London: Europa, Esman, Milton J. Ethnic Politics. Ithaca, N.Y.: Cornell University Press, Frost, Robert. Frost: Collected Poems, Prose, and Plays. New York: Library of Amer ica, Gilkes, P atrick. Descent into Chaos: Somalia, January December In The Horn of Africa, ed. Charles Gurdon. London: University College of London Press, Somalia: Recent History. In Africa South of the Sahara London: Europa, Gray, John. Isaiah Berlin. Princeton, N.J.: Princeton University Press, Harbeson, John W., Donald Rothchild, and Naomi Chazan, eds. Civil Society and the State in Africa. Boulder, Col.: Lynne Rienner, Harden, Blaine. Africa: Dispatches from a Fragile Continent. New York: Norton, Harrison, Paul. The Greening of Africa: Breaking Through in the Battle for Land and Food. New York: Viking Penguin, .

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362 / Select BibliographyHaugerud, Angelique. The Culture of Politics in Modern Kenya. New York: Cam bridge University Press, Hir sch, John L., and Robert B. Oakley. Somalia and Operation Restore Hope: Reections on Peacemaking and Peacekeeping. Washington: United States Insti tute of Peace Press, How e, Jonathan T. Relations between the United States and the UN in Somalia. In Learning from Somalia: The Lessons of Armed Humanitarian Intervention, ed. Walter Clarke and Jeffrey Herbst. Boulder, Col.: Westview Press, Human Rights Watch. Somalia: A Government at War with Its Own People: Testi monies about the Killings and the Conict in the North. New York: Africa Watch, Somalia Faces the Future: Human Rights in a Fragmented Society. New York: Human Rights Watch/Africa, Lemarchand, Ren. Burundi: Ethnocide as Discourse and Practice. Cambridge: Woodrow Wilson Center Press and Cambridge University Press, Lewis, I. M. Understanding Somalia: Guide to Culture, History, and Social Institu tions. London: HAAN Associates, Liebeno w Gus J. The Military Factor in African Politics: A Twenty-ve Year Per spective. In African Independence: The First Twenty-ve Years, ed. Gwen dolen M. C arter and Patrick OMeara. Bloomington: Indiana University Press, Lyons, Terrence, and Ahmed I. Samatar. Somalia: State Collapse, Multilateral Intervention, and Strategies for Political Reconstruction. Washington: Brookings Institution, Mamdani, Mahmood. Citizen and Subject: Contemporary Africa and the Legacy of Late Colonialism. Princeton, N.J.: Princeton University Press, Mandela, Nelson. Long Walk to Freedom: The Autobiography of Nelson Mandela. Boston: Little, Brown, Menkhaus, Ken. Local and National Reconciliation in Somalia. In Learn ing from Somalia: The Lessons of Armed Humanitarian Intervention, ed. Walter Clarke and J effrey Herbst. Boulder, Col.: Westview Press, Moffett, George. Critical Masses: The Global Population Challenge. New York: Vi king Penguin,. Monga, Clestin. The Anthropology of Anger: Civil Society and Democracy in Africa. Boulder, Col.: Lynne Rienner, Ndegwa, Stephen N. The Two Faces of Civil Society: NGOs and Politics in Africa. West Hartford, Conn.: Kumarian Press, Nzomo, Maria. Kenya: The Womens Movement and Democratic Change. In The African State at a Critical Juncture: Between Disintegration and Recon gura tion, ed. Leonardo A. Villaln and Phillip A. Huxtable. Boulder, Col.: Lynne Rienner, Olojede, Dele, and Onukaba Adinoyi-Ojo. Born to Run: The Story of Dele Giwa. Ibadan, Nigeria: Spectrum Books,

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Select Bibliography / 363Onyebadi, Uche. How to Be a Nigerian Politician. Lagos, Nigeria: Stallion Com munications, Osbor n, H. H. Fire in the Hills: The Revival Which Spread from Rwanda. East Sussex, Eng.: Highland Books, Owen, Richard. Saga of the Niger. London: Robert Hale, Parkenham, Thomas. The Scramble for Africa, New York: Random House, Prunier, Grard. The Rwanda Crisis, : History of a Genocide. London: Hurst, Somaliland: Birth of a New Country? In The Horn of Africa, ed. Charles Gurdon. London: University of London College Press, Reynolds, Edward. Stand the Storm: A History of the Atlantic Slave Trade. Chicago: Ivan R. Dee, Reyntjens, Filip. Rwanda: Recent History. In Africa South of the Sahara London: Europa, Rhode, David. End Game: The Betrayal and Fall of Srebrenica: Europes Worst Mas sacre since World War II. New York: Farrar, Straus and Giroux, Richburg Keith B. Out of America: A Black Man Confronts Africa. New York: HarperCollins, Rubenstein, Richard L. The Cunning of History: The Holocaust and the American Future. New York: Harper and Row, Sahnoun, Mohamed. Somalia: The Missed Opportunities. Washington: United States Institute for Peace Press, Samatar, Ahmed I., ed. The Somali Challenge: From Catastrophe to Renewal? Boul der, Col.: Lynne Rienner, Sklar, Richard L. The Colonial Imprint on African Political Thought. In African Independence: The First Twenty-ve Years, ed. Gwendolen M. Carter and P a trick OMeara. Bloomington: University of Indiana Press, Sommer, John G. Hope Restored? Humanitarian Aid in Somalia, Wash ington: Refugee Policy Group, Soyinka, Wole. Nigerias Political Crisis: Which Way Forward? Washington: National Endowment for Democracy, Tripp, Ali Mari. Civil Society in Tanzania. In Civil Society and the State in Africa, ed. John W. Harbeson, Donald Rothchild, and Naomi Chazan. Boulder, Col.: Lynne Rienner, Vaz, Kim Marie. The Woman with the Artistic Brush: A Life History of Yoruba Batik Artist Nike Davies. Armonk, N.Y.: M. E. Sharple, Villaln, Leonardo A., and Phillip Huxtable. The African State at a Critical Junc ture: Between Disintegration and Reconguration. Boulder, Col.: Lynne Rienner, W aler, Richard. Kenya. In Africa South of the Sahara London: Europa, .

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364 / IndexWeiss, Thomas G. Rekindling Hope in UN Humanitarian Intervention. In Learning from Somalia: The Lessons of Armed Humanitarian Intervention, ed. Walter Clarke and Jeffrey Herbst. Boulder, Col.: Westview Press, Wiseman, John A. The New Struggle for Democracy in Africa. Aldershot, Eng.: Avebury, Woods, James L. U.S. Decisionmaking during Operations in Somalia. In Learn ing from Somalia: The Lessons of Armed Humanitarian Intervention, ed. Walter Clarke and Jeffrey Herbst. Boulder, Col.: Westview Press, World Bank. African Development Indicators, Washington: World Bank, Zartman, I. William. Posing the Problem of State Collapse. In Collapsed States: The Disintegration and Restoration of Legitimate Authority, ed. I. William Zart man; Boulder, Col.: Lynne Rienner, Putting Things Back Together. In Collapsed States: The Disintegration and Restoration of Legitimate Authority, ed. I. William Zartman; Boulder, Col.: Lynne Rienner, Zartman, I. William, ed. Collapsed States: The Disintegration and Restoration of Legitimate Authority. Boulder, Col.: Lynne Rienner,

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Index / 365 INDEXAbacha, Sani, ; death of, ; transition program of, Abbas, Saulat, Abdallah, Ould, Abdelaziz, Hany, Abdi, Hassan Osman, Abgal (subclan of Hawiye), Abiola, Moshood Kashimawo Olawale, ; arrest of, n ; death of, n ; election of, ; Muslim support for, Ablavi, Dunya, Aboi, Ino, Achebe, Chinua, Things Fall Apart, Action Committee for the Rights of Women and Children (Mali), Activism. See Democratic movements; Mothers, activist; Student activism Adam, Hussein M., Adama (taxi driver), Adamson, George, Addis Ababa, peace agreement in, Adeen, Mouse, Aden, Fadua, Adire cloth, n Afewerki, Issaias, Afghanistan, Africa, Sub-Saharan: AIDS in, ; civil society in, ; colonization of, ; debt recovery programs for, n ; denition of, n n ; democracy in, ; democratic movements in, ; economic growth in, n ; education in, ; female genital mutilation in, , ; food production in, ; free markets in, n; free states in, ; as incomprehensible, ; infant mortality in, ; infrastruc-Note: References to illustrations are in italics.

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366 / Index Africa, Sub-Saharancontinued ture of, ; life expectancy in, ; literacy rate of, ; local politics of, ; Marxism in, ; negative images of, ; nutrition in, ; political freedom in, ; political reform movements in, ; popular protests in, ; population of, ; in postCold War era, ; private associations in, ; racial tolerance in, n ; re sistance to reform in, ; rule of law in, n ; scientic research in, ; single-party states in, n ; uprisings in, ; womens issues in, ; world image of, Africa Watch, n Afro-pessimism, Agbakoba, Olisa, Agbelenko, Doglo, Agboyibo, Yao, Aid, international, ; freezes on, Aideed, Hussein Mohamed, Aideed, Mohamed Farah, ; in cease-re negotiations, ; clan rivals of, ; death of, ; nances of, ; occupation of Baidoa, ; occupation of Mogadishu, ; in peace negotiations, ; power base of, ; reward for capture of, ; supporters of, ; in USC, ; U.S. war against, ; war with Mahdi, AIDS, ; in Kenya, ; prevention programs for, ; in Rwandan genocide, Ajai, Ayo, Akayesu, Jean-Paul, Ake, Claude, Akilu, Halilu, Akinwale, Kemi, Akol, Lam, Albright, Madeleine K., Ali, Abdi Aziz Mohamed, Ali, Hassan, Ali, Osman Hassan (Ato), Alliance for Democracy in Mali (ADEMA), All Saints Cathedral (Nairobi, Kenya), Amboseli (game park, Kenya), American Center for International Leadership, n Amerindians: effect of colonization on, ; genocide of, Amnesty International: on Eyadma regime, ; on Kabila regime, ; on Kenya, n ; on Nigeria, ; on Rwanda, Anger, expression of, n Angola, elections in, Annan, Ko, Antoine (Tutsi refugee), Arden, Richard, Armenians, massacre of, ARTICLE (human rights groups), n Assocation of Pupils and Students of Mali (AEEM), Association of Malian Court Lawyers, Authoritarian governments, ; democratic pretenses of, ; lawsuits against, ; of postCold War era, ; of post-colonial era, ; resistance to, See also Incumbents; Military rule Awil, Nura, Ayittey, George B. N. A., n Azerbaijan, Babangida, Ibrahim, Bagogwe (Tutsi subgroup), Bahutu tribe (Rwanda), n Baidoa, Somalia: Aideeds occupation of, ; children of, ; in civil war, ; death rate in, ; famine in, ; feeding centers in, ; under provisional government, Bakers, women, Bamako Mali, ; elections in, ; student unrest in, Bambara language, Banda, Hastings, Bandestsa, Edward, Bardera, Somalia, ; under provisional government, Barre, Mohamed Siad: coup against (), ; coup by, ; and Manifesto group, ; overthrow of (), ; popularity of, ; relations with clans, ; role in collapse of state, ; scorched-earth policy

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Index / 367 of, ; stages of rule by, ; U.S. support of, Al-Bashir, Omar Hassan, Batik cloth, Batutsi tribe (Rwanda), n Batwa tribe (Rwanda), n Bauer, Yehuda, n Bawgamenshi, Innocent, Beier, Uli, Contemporary Art in Africa, Belet Huen, Somalia, ; peace negotiations in, Belgian Congo, See also Zaire Belgians: control of Rwanda, ; in Somali intervention, ; UN observers among, Benaco Refugee Camp (Tanzania), Benin, democratic reforms in, Berlin, Isaiah, n ; on cultural difference, ; on freedom, Bio, Julius Maada, Bismark, Otto von, Biya, Paul, Black Panthers, n Bongo, Omar, Bor, Sudan, Boromo (Somalia) peace conference, Bosnia: genocide in, ; U.S. intervention in, ; war in, Botswana, n ; in Somali intervention, Boutros-Ghali, Boutros, ; and Barre, ; in Rwandan crisis, ; and Somalia, n Bridge of the Martyrs (Bamako, Mali), British: indirect rule of, ; inuence in Somalia, ; in slave trade, ; in West Africa Conference, British Council in Kenya, Bucknor-Akrele, Louisa, Bugarama, Joseph, Bujumbura, Burundi, Bukavu, Zaire, Burundi: coup (), ; effect of Somali intervention on, ; election ( ), n ; ethnic conict in, , n ; intervention in, ; reconciliation for, ; revenge killings in, ; Rwandan refugees in, ; United Nations in, ; women prime ministers of, n Bush, George: on food lift, n ; Somali policy of, Business. See Small businesses Butare, Rwanda, ; ethnic killing in, Buyenzi, Burundi, Buyoya, Pierre, n Cailli, Ren, Cambodia, genocide in, Cameroon, democratic reforms in, Campaign for Democracy (Nigeria), Canada, in Somali intervention, Cape Verde, democratic reforms in, CARE, Catholic Relief Services (CRS), Central African Republic, democratic reforms in, Central Intelligence Agency (United States), Cesay, Njuma, Cesse, Ossman, Chad, military government of, Chege, Michael, n Chege, Peter, Children: education of, ; ethnic identity among, ; homeless, ; Hutu, ; Nigerian, ; rights of, ; Rwandan, , ; as soldiers, ; Somali, ; in Somali famine, ; Sudanese, ; Tutsi, Chiluba, Frederick, China: freedom in, ; genocide in, Chisimaio. See Kismayu, Somalia Christianity, in Somalia, See also Clergy Christopher, Warren, Chuka, Kenya, Circumcision, female. See Genital mutilation, female Civil Liberties Organization (Ni-geria), Civil rights movement (United States), Civil society, African, ; mass protests in,

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368 / Index Clans, Somalian, ; after intervention, ; in civil war, ; deterioration of relations among, ; in peace process, ; under provisional government, ; social system of, n ; UN efforts to control, See also Somalia, civil war in Clark, Colin, Clarke, Walter, n n Clergy: Kenyan, n ; Rwandan, n Clinton, Bill: Presidential Decision Directive n ; Rwandan policy of, ; Somalian policy of, , , n ; on syphilis experiments, Coalition pour la Dfense de la Rpublique (CDR, Rwanda), Cohen, Herman J., Cohen, William, Cold War. See PostCold War era Colonization: effect on native populations, ; effect on political systems, ; resistance to, ; of Rwanda, ; Scramble for, ; of Somalia, Committee for the Defense of Human Rights (CDHR, Nigeria), Communism, end of, Concern (Irish charity), Congo River, Conrad, Joseph, ; Heart of Darkness, Contemporary Art in Africa (Beier), Cooperatives, gardening, Corrao, John, Corruption: in civilian regimes, ; in Kenya, ; in post-colonial states, ; in Somali intervention, Cte dIvoire: democratic reforms in, ; farmers in, ; student unrest in, Coulibaly, Baba, Coulibaly, Djibril, , Coups, ; in Burundi (), ; in Kenya (), ; leaders of, ; in Rwanda (), ; in Somalia (), ; in Somalia (), ; in Sudan (), See also Military rule Crises: delayed responses to, ; global response to, ; military interventions in, ; U.S. response to, Crocker, Chester, Culture, African: comprehension of, ; role in military interventions, Cuny, Frederic, Curtin, Philip, n Cyahinda, Rwanda, Cyangugu, Rwanda, ; concentration camp in, , ; refugees in, Dallaire, Romeo, Danioko, Manassa, Danson (eyewitness), Dar es Salaam (Tanzania), Darod clan (Somalia), Davies, David John, Debt recovery programs, n Degni-Sgui, Ren, nn, DeJesus, Melvin, De Klerk, F. W., Delta Force (U.S. Special Forces), ; casualties among, Dembl, Fatimata Dumbia, Dembl, Sinaly, Democracy: African models of, ; cri teria for, ; difculties in transition to, ; institutionalization of, ; Latin American, ; in Mali, ; versus stability, ; in Sub-Saharan Africa, Democratic movements, ; effect of illiteracy on, ; inclusion in, ; in Kenya, ; in Mali, ; middle class in, ; Ni gerian, ; political experience in, ; prayer in, ; rural populations in, ; in Togo, ; trade unions in, ; violence in, ; women in, See also Mothers, activist; Student activism Democratic Republic of Congo, ; re forms in, See also Zaire Dermane, Abass, Destexhe, Alain, n Devereux, Sean, Diaby, Mamadou Maribatrou, Diallo, Demba, Dissidents. See Mothers, activist; Student activism

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Index / 369 Djenn, Mali, Djibouti (Ethiopia), Dondo, A., Dossouvi, Logo, ; at National Conference, ; torture of, Drahmmeh, Musu Kegba, Drame, Kande, Dresses, West African, Dulbahante clan (Somalia), Durant, Michael, Economy, African, n ; debt recovery programs for, n ; farming in, ; of Kenya, ; of Mali, n ; Nigerian, ; of Rwanda, ; of Somalia, See also Aid, international; Small businesses Education, ; during civil wars, ; in Hargesia, ; in Kenya, ; primary, ; in Sudan, Egal, Mohamed Haji Ibrahim, Egide (Rwandan refugee), Egypt, in Somali intervention, Elders, Somali, Eldon, Dan, Elections: abuse by incumbents, ; ethnic identities in, ; awed, n Elections, multiparty, ; in Eritrea, ; in Ghana, ; in Kenya, ; Malian, ; in Nigeria, ; in South Africa, ; in Togo, ; winner-takes-all format of, ; in Zambia, Elites, African, ; in democratic movements, ; of Somalia, Elliot, Claes, Elmina (Ghana), Ennis, Anita, Erdemovic, Drazen, Eritrea, ; civil war in, ; dispute with Ethiopia, n ; elections in, ; independence of, n ; women soldiers in, n Eritrean Peoples Liberation Front (EPLF), Ethiopia: dispute with Eritrea, n ; ethnic conict in, ; famine in, ; female genital mutilation in, ; National Committee on Traditional Practices in, Ethnic conict: in Burundi, , n ; effect of colonialism on, ; in Kenya, ; in Mali, ; in Togo, See also Genocide, Rwandan Ethnicity: in African politics, ; among children, ; in elections, Eyadma, Etienne (Gnassingbe), ; abuses by, ; demonstrations against, ; rallies of, ; reelection of, Fabric: adire, n ; womens business in, See also Weavers, women Family Health International (FHI, Rwanda), Famine: in Africas image, ; in Ethiopia, ; Rwandan, ; under Stalin, ; in Sudan, n ; victims of, Famine, Somali, ; in Baidoa, ; children in, ; death rate in, ; feeding centers in, ; food convoys in, n Farmers: in Cte dIvoire, ; Kenyan, ; of Somalia, ; of Tanzania, ; women, Farmland: Somali, ; terracing of, ; Tutsi, Fassenchatzion, Tekle, Finance (Kenyan magazine), Fire in the Hills (Osborn), Fisher, Nigel, Fleischman, Janet, Food production, ; under military regimes, Forum for the Restoration of Democracy (FORD, Kenya), Fowles, Vincent, France: colonial practices of, ; freedom in, ; inuence in Somalia, ; life expectancy in, n ; student activism in, ; in West Africa Conference, Rwandan intervention, ; arming of Hutu in, ; criticism of, n ; in Kigali, ; pull-

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370 / Index Francecontinued out from, ; safe haven in, Freedom: Berlin on, ; from enslavement, ; of expression, ; global demand for, ; from ignorance, ; in s, ; personal, ; of the press, ; in the United States, Freedom, political, ; Mandela on, ; in Somalia, Freedom House (research institute), Freedom Park (Nairobi, Kenya), ; Freedom Corner of, ; protests in, Frost, Robert, Funerals, in uprisings, Gabon, democratic reforms in, Gahongayire, Viateur, Gally, Djovi, Gambia, The, n ; women gardeners in, Game parks, Gani, Mohamed Hashi, Garang, John, Garang (Sudanese student), Garba, Joseph, Gardeners, women, Gasana, Anastase, Gbagbo, Laurent, Genital mutilation, female, ; opposition to, Genocide: in Burundi, ; denition of, ; intervention in, n ; against Muslims, ; in Nigeria, n ; slave trade as, ; in twentieth century, ; Ukrainian, n ; UN denition of, ; in Zaire, n See also Holocaust, Nazi Genocide, Rwandan, , ; Boutros-Ghali on, ; in Butare, ; CNN coverage of, ; effect of Presidential Decision Directive on, n ; effect of Somali intervention on, ; executions for, ; hate propaganda in, ; journalists covering, ; in Kigali, , ; machetes in, , n ; mass graves in, ; moral responsibility for, ; number of fatalities in, ; onset of, ; participants in, ; priests in, ; prosecutions following, ; rape in, ; role of overpopulation in, ; roots of, ; sanctuary in, ; signicance of, ; trials for, nn, ; UN International Criminal Tribunal on, n n ; U.S. policy on, ; violation of orphanages in, See also Interahamwe (Hutu militia) Ghana: democratic reform in, ; multiparty elections in, ; slave trade in, ; UN troops of, n Ghribi, Kamel, n Gikongoro, Rwanda, ; refugees in, Gilkes, Patrick, n Gillier, Marin, Gisenyi, Rwanda, Githegi, Margaret Waigu, Giwa, Dele, Goma, Zaire: refugee camps in, Gordon, Carmen, Gordon, Gary, Goree Island, Senegal, Goretti, Maria, Gourevitch, Philip, n Grameen Bank (Bangladesh), Green Belt Movement (Kenya), n Greening of Africa, The (Harrison), Grunitzky, Nicolas, Guerrilla warfare, effectiveness of, Habir Gedir (subclan of Hawiye), ; in civil war, n ; war with Hawadley, Habyarimana, Juvnal, ; death of, ; self-defense program of, Hakzimana, Appollos, Hardin, Blaine, n Hargesia, Somalia, ; British in, ; civil war in, ; destruction of, ; schools in, Harrison, Paul, The Greening of Africa, Hassan, Said Mohamed Abdille,

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Index / 371 Hate propaganda, Rwandan, Hawadley clan (Somalia), ; in civil war, ; control of businesses, n ; war with Habir Gedir, Hawiye clan (Somalia), ; Abgal subclan of, See also Habir Gedir Hayes, Stephen, n Heart of Darkness, The (Conrad), Heer (code of conduct), Helicopters: Blackhawk, ; Cobra, Hempstone, Smith, Hepburn, Audrey, Hersi, Siad (Morgan), Hirsch, John L., n History, African: effect on interventions, Hitiyise, Faustin, ; early life of, ; escape from Kigali, ; in Nairobi, Hitiyise, Fortunee, Hitiyise, Jeannette, ; pregnancy of, Hitiyise, Richard, HIV-positive patients, Holocaust, Nazi, ; numbers in, n ; photographs of, Homeless, of Kenya, Hommes bleus (Mali), Houphout-Boigny, Flix, Howe, Jonathan, How to Be a Nigerian Politician (Onyebadi), Huber, Willi, Hugo, Victor, The Hunchback of Notre Dame, Humanities, African, Human rights, ; in Kenya, n n ; in Nigeria, ; in Rwanda, n ; in Somalia, ; in Togo, ; universality of, ; World Bank on, ; in Zaire, Human Rights Watch/Africa, n ; on Rwanda, n Hussein, Saddam, Hutu: ethnic origins of, ; European perception of, ; intermarriage with Tutsi, ; relationship with Tutsi, n Hutu, of Burundi, ; guerrilla attacks by, Hutu, Rwandan: clergy, ; coercion of, n ; in colonial era, ; detainees, n ; extremists among, , ; immigration posts of, ; mass psychology of, ; moderates among, , n ; motivation of, ; murder of Hutu refugees, ; murder of intellectuals, ; political demonstrations by, ; prosecution for genocide, ; refugees from Tutsi, ; refugees in Zaire, , ; rescue of Tutsi by, See also Genocide, Rwandan; Interahamwe (Hutu militia) Ibitola (Yor uba woman), Incumbents: abuse of elections by, n ; reelection of, See also Authoritarian governments Independence, post-colonial, Infant mortality, Intellectuals, African, ; of Rwanda, Inter-African Union of Human Rights, n Interahamwe (Hutu militia), ; arming of, ; buildup of, ; in Kigali, ; political parties comprising, ; recruitment into, ; roadblocks of, , ; use of machetes by, , n ; violation of sanctuary by, See also Genocide, Rwandan; Hutu, Rwandan International Center for Human Rights and Democratic Development, n International Federation of Human Rights (Paris), n International Monetary Fund (IMF), n ; debt recovery programs of, ; freeze on Kenya, ; Kenyan clergy on, n ; loan to Togo, Inter-Professional Artisans Group of Togo, Interventions: Bosnian, ; in Burundi, ; in genocide, n ; guidelines

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372 / Index Interventionscontinued for, ; world lessons on, See also France, Rwandan intervention; Somalia, intervention Inyenzi (Tutsi), Iraq, air war against, Isaak clan (Somalia), ; in provisional government, Islam: female genital mutilation in, ; fundamentalists, n ; in Somali culture, Italy: in colonial era, ; in Somali intervention, Iyob, Senait, Jess, Ahmed Omar, Jews, massacre of. See Holocaust, Nazi John Paul II (Pope), Jonah, James, Journalists: coverage of Rwanda by, , ; fatalities among, ; intimidation of, ; in Kenya, n ; in Somali civil war, ; on Somali famine, ; in Somali intervention, ; surveillance of, ; in Togo, Jurists, women, See also Lawyers Kababere, Njeri, ; childhood of, ; on Kenyan constitution, ; in mothers protest, ; in Sana party, Kabatende, Anne-Marie, Kabbah, Ahmed Tejan, Kabila, Laurent, ; Marxism of, Kabiro, Grace M., Kabiye ethnic group (Togo), Kabunga, Flician, Kagame, Paul, Kalenjin tribes (Kenya), Kaluki, Charity, Kamagaju, Rosine, Kamara, Nessa, Kambanda, Jean, Kamba tribe (Kenya), ; farming by, ; handweaving by, Kanyongolo, Edge, n Karadzic, Radovan, Kariuki, Gladys, Kariuki, Mirugi, Katale Refugee Camp (Zaire), Kaunda, Kenneth, Kavaruganda, Joseph, Kayibanda, Gregoire, Kayigabwa, Marie Claire, Keita, Ibrahim Boubaker, Keita, Modibo, Keita, Salif, Keita, Selif, Keita, Wassa, Kennedy, John F., Kenya: aid freeze on, ; ar rests in, ; bar association of, ; bureaucracy of, ; constitution of, ; corruption in, ; coup attempt in (), ; democratic movements in, ; Democratic Party of, ; economy of, ; education in, ; ethnic conict in, ; farmers of, ; Forum for the Restoration of Democracy party, ; game parks of, ; homeless of, ; human rights activities in, n n ; international aid to, ; judicial system of, ; multiparty elections in, ; nongovernment organizations in, n ; Parliament of, ; political architecture of, ; population growth of, ; public assembly in, ; Public Security Act of, ; rule of law in, ; scientic research in, ; small businesses in, ; Special Branch security force of, ; stock market of, ; student activism in, n ; torture in, , n n ; unrest in (), ; women farmers in, ; womens organizations in, n See also Moi, Daniel arap; Mothers, activist; Political prisoners, Kenyan Kenya African National Union (KANU), ; in elections, Kenya Human Rights Commission, n Kenya Rural Enterprise Programme (K-REP), Kenya Times, Kenyatta, Jomo, ; international stature of,

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Index / 373 Kenyatta University, arrests at, Krkou, Mathieu, Khan, Binta, Khmer Rouge, Kibaki, Mwai, Kibeho, Rwanda, Kibirira, Rwanda, Kibungo, Rwanda, Kigali, Rwanda, ; French in, ; genocide detainees in, ; genocide in, , ; Hutu militia in, ; journalists in, ; roadblocks in, ; RPF in, ; UN troops in, Kikuyu tribe (Kenya), ; ac tivist mothers among, ; in FORD party, Kim Phu, King, Martin Luther, Kinigi, Sylvia, Kismayu, Somalia: after intervention, ; in civil war, ; under provisional government, Kodjo, Edem, Kofgoh, Joseph Kokou, Kolingba, Andr, Konar, Alpha Oumar, ; election of, ; presidency of, ; reelection of, Koran, teaching of, Korn, David A., Koroma, Johnny Paul, Kountch, Seyni, Krauss, Hansi, Kuria, Gibson Kamau, , ; detention of, Kuwait, occupation of, Kwizera, Jean-Claude, Lagos, Nigeria: elections in, Lake, Anthony, Land mines: in Rwanda, ; in Somalia, Lassa, Mali, Latin America, democracy in, Law Monthly (Kenyan magazine), Lawrence, Sonya, Lawson Adjua, Boe Allah, Lawyers: in democratic movements, ; Kenyan, ; women, Leakey, Richard, Legal Advice Center (Kenya), Lemarchand, Ren, n n Leonard (Interahamwe member), n Leopold II (king of Belgium), Lesotho, GDP of, Liberia: child soldiers in, ; collapse of state in, ; unrest in, ; up rising in (), ; U.S. intervention in, ; West African troops in, n Life expectancy, ; in Mali, n Literacy, ; effect on democracy, ; in Mali, Livingstone, David, Lom (Togo), ; market of, Lovejoy, Paul, n Luhya tribe (Kenya), Luo tribe (Kenya), Lustenberger, Kurt, Lutheran World Federation, Ly, Skou, Maasai tribe (Kenya), Maathai, Wangari, , ; in Green Belt Movement, n ; in mothers protest, Macalin, Bishaaro, Machakos, Kenya, Macharia, Anthony, Machetes: as guerrilla weapon, ; use in genocide, , n Machiavelli, Niccolo, Madagascar, uprising in, Mahdi, Ali, ; cabinet of, ; as war criminal, ; war with Aideed, Maina, Hos, Maire, Jean, Malale, Ibrahim, Malawi, international aid to, Mala ysian troops, in Somali intervention, Mali: Alliance for Democracy in, ; Association of Pupils and Students in, ; constitutional referendum in (), ; costume of, ; culture of, ; democratic rule in, ; economy of, n ; elections in,

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374 / Index Malicontinued ; ethnic conict in, ; female genital mutilation in, ; independence of, ; life expectancy in, n ; literacy rate in, ; military rule in, ; National Committee for Democratic Initiative in, ; religion in, ; Republic of, ; rural population of, ; student unrest in, , ; transition to democracy in, ; uprising in, n ; women jurists in, Mandela, Nelson, ; imprisonment of, ; on nonviolence, ; release of, ; on Sharpeville massacre, ; trials of, Mandela, Winnie, Manifesto group (Somalia), Manuel (Tutsi refugee), , Mao Tse-tung, Marehan clan (Somalia), Mariam, Mengistu Haile, Marianne (nurse), Mariko, Oumar, Marriage, utilitarian, Marx, Karl, Marxism, Matatus (minibuses), Matiba, Kenneth, Mauritius, n Mazimhaka, Patrick, Mbeki, Thabo, n Mbonigaba (Rwandan refugee), Meals Ready to Eat (MREs), Mdecins Sans Frontier (Doctors Without Borders), Menkhaus, Ken, n n Mercedes Benz ladies, Military rule: coup leaders in, ; democratic victories against, ; food production under, ; in Mali, ; opposition to, ; rejection of, See also Coups Militia, Hutu. See Interahamwe Militia, Tutsi. See Rwandese Patriotic Front Minorities, racial: harassment of, n Mladic, Ratko, Moalim, Mahad Mohamed, Mobutu Sese Seko, ; overthrow of, Mogadishu, Somalia: after military intervention, ; Aideed in, ; cease-re in, ; in civil war, ; fatalities in, n ; under provisional government, ; Al-Saha Hotel, ; troop landing in, ; U.S. intervention in, Mohamed, Abukar Ali, Mohamed, Amina Sheik, Mohamed, Harado Maalim, Mohamed, Miriam, Moi, Daniel arap, ; building projects of, n ; corruption under, ; elections under, ; human rights abuses under, ; and Kenyatta, ; Nyayo program of, ; opposition to, n ; reelection of, ; release of prisoners, ; sa tirization of, ; and use of torture, ; visit to Washington by, See also Mothers, activist; Student activism Mombasa, Kenya, Mondlane, Eduardo, Monga, Clestin, ; on democratic models, ; on ethnicity, Monitor Radio, Montgomery, Thomas, Morocco, troops in Zaire, Mothers, activist, ; in Mali, Kenyan, ; in Freedom Park strike, ; hunger strikes by, ; Kikuyu among, ; tear-gassing of, Mouvement Rpublican National pour la Dmocratie et le Dveloppement (MRNDD, Rwanda), Mozambique, democratic reforms in, Muange, Alphonse, Muange, Angela, Mugarura, Ladislas, Muge, Alexander Kipsang arap, Muhozi, Innocenti, Mukarusagara, Therese, Murambi, Rwanda, Murengezi, Innocent, Murungi, Kiraitu, Murusade clan (Somalia),

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Index / 375 Muslims: of Mali, ; Serb slaughter of, ; support for Abiola, ; women, Musyoki, Stephen, Muthee, Francis, Mutua, Albert Kimanthi, Muyumba, Rwanda, Mwakenya (underground organization, Kenya), n ; torture of members, Nairobi, Kenya, ; AIDS in, ; All Saints Cathedral in, ; homeless of, ; international reputation of, ; Kenyatta International Conference Center in, ; matatus of, ; political rallies in, ; slums of, ; street crime in, See also Freedom Park Namibia, ; white rule in, National Committee for Democratic Initiative (CNID, Mali), National Committee on Traditional Practices of Ethiopia, National identity, in genocide, Nationalism, African, National Union of Eritrean Women (NUEW), Navy Seals, Ndadaye, Melchior, n ; assassination of, Ndasingwa, Lando, Neier, Aryeh, n Ngendahayo, Jean-Marie, Ngugi, Chiuri, Niger, ; democratic reforms in, ; student unrest in, ; uprising in (), Nigeria: Committee for the Defense of Human Rights in, ; dissidents in, n ; economy of, ; elections in, ; genocide in, n ; human rights activities in, ; intervention in Sierra Leone by, ; labor strikes in, ; multiparty elections in, ; pro-democratic movement in, ; in Somali intervention, ; trade unions in, ; United Action for Democracy, ; UN troops of, n ; womens role in, Nike (artist), ; adire cloth of, ; early life of, n ; marriage to Twins, ; teaching career of, Nixon, Richard, Njawe, Pius, Njoya, Timothy, ; at mothers protest, Nomads, of Somalia, Nonviolence, ; in student activism, Nordlie, K. E., Nowrojee, Pheroze, Ntaryamira, Cyprien, Ntibantunganya, Sylvestre, Nujoma, Samuel Daniel, Nutrition, in Sub-Saharan Africa, Nwankwo, Clement, Nyamata, Rwanda, Nyarushishi, Rwanda: refugee camp in, Nyayo House (Nairobi, Kenya), Nyayo program (Moi regime), Nyerere, Julius, ; in Burundi, Nzeyimana, Jean Franois, Nzomo, Maria, n Oakley, Robert B., Obasanjo, Olusegun, Odion, Sylvester, Ogaden clan (Somalia), Ogaden, The (Ethiopia), Ogunye, Jiti, Okondo, Peter, Okundaye, Rueben, Omaar, Rakiya, n Onyango, David Olo, Onyebadi, Uche, ; How to Be a Nigerian Politician, Operation Provide Relief (United States), Oranuiyawo (Yoruba weaver), Orphanages, in Rwandan genocide, Osborn, H. H., Fire in the Hills, Osman, Mohamed Egal, Ottaway, Marina, n Ouko, Robert, n Ousmane, Mahamane, Pakistanis, in Somali intervention, P aris Club (creditor nations), n Park, Mungo, Parliaments, African, ; of Kenya,

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376 / Index Patass, Ange-Flix, Pateman, Roy, n Peacekeeping: in Burundi, ; guidelines for, ; risks of, ; U.S. policy on, Peacekeeping, Somali: peacemakers in, n ; rivalry in, ; U.S. strategy for, Peacemaking: guidelines for, ; Somali process of, Peck, Fred, Perlez, Jane, Perry, Ruth Sando, n Peterson, Scott, Philippines, revolution in, Plummer, John, Pluralism, political, Poetry, in Somali culture, Political prisoners, ; in Togo, Political prisoners, Kenyan, ; Kababeres work with, ; release of, ; torture of, n See also Mothers, activist Polygyny, Population growth: African, ; in Rwanda, Portuguese: colonial practices of, ; in slave trade, PostCold War era: Africa in, ; crisis intervention in, ; peacemaking in, Poverty, ; Kenyan, Powell, Colin, Prayer, in protest movements, Prendergast, John, n Press, Betty: in Amboseli, ; in Burundi, ; at Freedom Park protest, ; in Mali, ; in Rwanda, ; in Somalia, , ; in Sudan, Press, John, Prisoners, medical experiments on, See also Political prisoners Pyle, Ken, Radio Rwanda, Radio Television Libre de Mille Collines (RTLMC, Rwanda), Rahanweyn clan (Somalia), Rally of the Togolese People (party), Randal, Jonathan, Rangers, U.S. army, n Ransome-Kuti, Beko, Rape: in Chad, ; in Rwandan genocide, ; in Somalia, Ratsiraka, Didier, Rawlings, Jerry, Red Cross, International Committee of, ; in Rwanda, ; on U.S.-Somali conict, Refugee camps: in Goma, ; in Tanzania, ; for Tutsi, Refugee Policy Group, n Refugees: Somali, ; Tutsi, Refugees, Hutu, ; death rate of, ; in Zaire, , Reis, Franklin, Release Political Prisoners (RPP, Kenya), Relief agencies: protection money paid by, n ; in Rwanda, ; in Somalia, ; in Sudan, n Repression: acceptance of, ; resistance to, Resistance: to authoritarian governments, ; to colonization, ; passive, ; to reform, ; to repression, ; to Vietnam war, Reunion (island), n Reynolds, Edward, n Richburg, Keith, Rights: childrens, ; individual versus collective, ; sanctity of, n ; womens, See also Freedom Riza, Iqbal, n Roman Catholic Church, in Rwanda, n Royal Norwegian Society for Rural Development (NRD), Rubenstein, Richard L.: on genocide, Rubia, Charles, Ruggiu, George, Rukara, Rwanda, Rule of law: in Africa, n ; in Kenya, Rusomo, Rwanda, Rwanda: Amnesty International in, ; Belgians in, ; civil war in, ; clergy of, n ; coalition

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Index / 377 government of, ; in colonial era, ; economy of, ; effect of Somali intervention on, ; famine in, ; French pullout from, ; French refugee camp in, ; genocide trials, nn,; human rights groups in, n ; identity cards in, ; independence of, ; intellectuals in, ; land mines in, ; Mouvement Rpublican National pour la Dmocratie et le Dveloppement, ; overpopulation of, ; provisional government of ( ), ; reconciliation for, ; relief agencies in, ; Roman Catholic Church in, n ; social stratication in, n ; UNICEF in, ; United Nations in, ; U.S. policy on, ; women prime ministers of, n See also France, Rwandan intervention; Genocide, Rwandan; Interahamwe Rwandese Patriotic Front (RPF), ; abuses by, n ; control of Rwanda, ; demand for justice, ; on ethnic differences, ; French forces and, ; in Gikongoro, ; in Gisenyi, ; invasions of Rwanda, , ; in Kigali, ; seizure of property by, ; in Uganda, ; UN encounters with, See also Tutsi, Rwandan Rwimabera, Franoise, Saba Saba rally (Kenya, ), Sadat, Majid, Safari, dangers of, Sana (political party, Kenya), Al-Saha Hotel (Mogadishu), Sahel Verte (Bamako, Mali), Sahnoun, Mohamed, ; dismissal of, Sabou, Ali, Salam, Abdul Abubakar, Samake, Draman, Sameke, Bintu Bouare, Samuel (eyewitness), Sanctuary, ; respect for, ; violation of, Santos, Belmonda, Sanvi, Patience, So Tom (African state), Saro-Wiwa, Ken, Saudi Arabia, n Save, Rwanda, Save the Children (agency), Savimbi, Jonas, Scott, Victoria, n Scramble, The (colonialism), Sears, William, Sebahire, Emanuel, Senegal, n ; students in, Serbs. See Bosnia Shalikashvili, John, Shangi, Rwanda, Shantali, Umar, Sharpeville (South Africa) massacre, Shattuck, John, Shaw, Robert, Shermarke, Abdirashid Ali, Shikuku, Martin, Shirer, William, Rise and Fall of the Third Reich, Shughart, Randy, Sidi, Ali Ould, Sierra Leone: collapse of state in, ; democratic reform in, ; unrest in, Sims, Dudley, Sindikubwabo, Thodore, Slavery: effect on populations, ; precolonial, Slave trade, ; as genocide, Small businesses, n ; gardening, ; womens, Soglo, Nicphore, Sokod (Togo), Somalia: after military intervention, ; under Barre, ; character of people, ; children of, ; coalition government for, ; Christianity in, inuence of, ; collapse of state, , ; in colonial era, ; culture of, , n ; decision-making process in, ; economy of, ; education in, ; elders of, ; elites of, ; ethnic unity of,

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378 / Index Somaliacontinued ; farmers of, ; farmlands of, ; human rights activities in, ; land mines in, ; political freedom in, ; provisional government of (), ; relief agencies in, ; social system of, ; as sunbird, ; terrorism in, ; torture in, ; Transitional National Council of, civil war in, ; Addis Ababa peace agreement in, ; ceasere in, ; civilian casualties in, ; disarmament in, ; famine in, ; guerrillas in, ; Kismayu in, ; looting in, ; militia in, ; outbreak of, ; proteering in, ; refugees from, ; women in, intervention, U.S.UN, ; arms inspection in, ; arrival of troops in, ; Belgians in, ; Botswanan troops in, ; Canadian troops in, ; casualties in, ; civilian fatalities in, ; corruption in, ; cultural understanding in, n ; effect on Rwanda, ; Egyptian soldiers in, ; global impact of, ; guerrilla warfare in, ; handover to UN, ; Indian troops in, ; journalists in, ; lessons from, ; Ma laysian troops in, ; Nigerian soldiers in, ; Pakistani soldiers in, ; peacekeeping strategy in, n n ; public opinion on, ; pullout from, ; purpose of, ; technicals in, ; UN attitude toward, n ; war on Aideed, ; Zimbabwe in, See also Baidoa; Clans, Somalian; Famine, Somali; Kismayu; Mogadishu Somaliland, Somali National Alliance (SNA), : attacks on Pakistanis, ; character of, ; reprisals against, ; Security Council resolution on, n ; U.S. attacks on, See also Somalia, civil war Somali National Movement (SNM), Somali National University, Sonon, A. Jean Godjo, SOS-Kinderdorf (relief agency), Soumare, H. Assa Diallo, South Africa: democratic transition of, ; multiracial elections in, ; student activism in, ; white rule in, Soviet Union: famines in, ; genocide in, n ; inuence in Africa, ; support of Ethiopia, Soyinka, Wole, Special Forces, U.S. See Delta Force; Rangers; Tenth Mountain Quick Reaction Force Speke, John Hanning, St. Helena (island), n Stalin, Josef: famines under, States: collapsed, ; free, ; single-party, n ; UN role in, ; violence by, Strasser, Valentine, Student activism, ; in Kenya, n ; in Mali, , ; in Niger, ; nonviolence in, ; in Togo, Sudan: children of, ; education in, ; famine in, n ; military coup in (), ; slavery in, ; UN in, Sudanese Peoples Liberation Army (SPLA), Sunbird, African, Swedish Life and Peace Institute, Takirambudde, Peter, Tall, Montagne, Tanzania: democratic reforms in, ; farm ers of, ; Rwandan refugees in, ; womens groups in, Tavernier, Gregoire, Teachers, ; in Kenya, ; in Somalia, ; in Sudan, Technicals (Somali vehicles), Tenth Mountain Quick Reaction Force, Teresa, Mother, Terracing (farming), Things Fall Apart (Achebe), Tiananmen Square incident, Timbuktu, Mali, ; constitutional referendum in, ; Tuaregs of,

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Index / 379 Tito, Josip Broz, Tofa, Alhaji Bashir Othman, Togo: authoritarian government of, ; democratic movement in, ; elections in, ; ethnic groups of, ; nancial aid to, ; GDP of, ; National Conference in (), ; political prisoners in, ; student unrest in, ; torture in, ; womens businesses in, Torture: in Chad, ; in Kenya, , n n ; in Somalia, ; in Togo, ; of women, Tour, Amadou Tumani, Trade unions, in pro-democratic movements, Transitional National Council (TNC, Somalia), Traor, Brehima Sire, Traor, Moussa, ; arrest of, ; opponents of, ; rural population under, ; student opposition to, Traore, Tchakpide, Trials: of Mandela, ; in Rwandan genocide, nn, ; sham, Tuaregs, of Timbuktu, Tutsi: Burundian, ; ethnic origins of, ; monarchy of, ; relationship with Hutu, n ; of Zaire, Tutsi, Rwandan: in Cyangugu concentration camp, , ; Europeans preference for, ; farmland of, ; Hutus rescue of, ; justice for, n ; mass arrests of, ; nicknames for, ; refugee camps for, ; reprisals by, ; sanctuary for, ; slaughter of, n ; UN protection of, See also Genocide, Rwandan; Rwandan Patriotic Front Twagiramungu, Faustin, Twa people (Rwanda), Twins Seven Seven (artist), Uganda: GDP of, ; Tutsi rebels in, Ugas (Somali kings), Undugu Society of Kenya, n UNICEF, ; in Rwanda, United Action for Democracy (Nigeria), United Nations: attitude of, in Somali intervention, n ; in Burundi, ; economic policies of, ; effect of Presidential Decision Directive on, n ; ethnic-based militia of, n ; genocide resolution by ( ), ; peacekeeping strategy of, ; role in collapsed states, ; in Rwanda, ; Somali employees of, n; in Sudan, ; tribunal on Rwanda, See also Somalia, intervention; UNOSOM II United Nations Security Council, n ; Resolution United Somali Congress (USC), United States: airlift to Somalia, ; Angolan intervention of, ; Centers for Disease Control and Prevention, ; Central Intelligence Agency, ; Department of Defense, ; effect of Somali intervention on, ; ethnic politics in, ; inuence in Africa, ; Information Service, ; intervention in Liberia, ; life expectancy in, n; Ofce of Foreign Disaster Assistance, n ; Presidential Decision Directive n ; Psychological Operations, ; rapid deployment forces of, ; Rwandan policy of, ; State Department, See also Somalia, intervention United States Agency for International Development (USAID), n ; in Kenya, ; loans by, United States Special Forces. See Delta Force; Rangers; Tenth Mountain Quick Reaction Force University of Nairobi, arrests at, UNOSOM II (UN Somali operation), n See also Somalia, intervention USS Wasp, Ut, Nick, Uwilingiyimana, Agatha, Uzabakiliho, Jean Damisen, Uzayisenga, Odette,

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380 / Index Vaz, Kim Marie, Vietnam war, ; resistance to, V-symbol, use of, Wachira, Martin, Wako, Amos, Wamwere, Koigi, Wamwere, Monica, , ; in mothers protest, , ; in Release Political Prisoners organization, Warfa, Ahmed, n Warlords, Somali, n Watson, Paul, We Are the World (song), Weavers, women, See also Adire cloth West Africa Conference (Berlin, ), White supremacy, Wolcott, Cliff, Women: bakers, ; in democratic movements, ; Eritrean, n ; farmers, ; forced marriage of, ; gardeners, ; in government, n ; Hutu, ; jurists, ; military violence against, ; Muslim, ; Ni-gerian, ; small businesses of, ; social restraints on, ; soldiers, ; in Somali civil war, ; Tanzanian, ; torture of, ; weavers, ; Yoruba, See also Genital mutilation, female; Mothers, activist Womens organizations, Kenyan, n Womens rights, World Bank, n ; debt recovery programs of, ; freeze on Kenya, ; on human rights abuses, ; Kenyan clergy on, n ; loan to Togo by, World Vision (relief agency), World War I, fatalities in, Yemane, Abrehet, Yoao, Atiny Makidi, Yorubas, ; culture of, ; women, Yugoslavia, collapse of state in, Zafy, Albert, Zaidi, Abbas, Zaire: AIDS awareness in, ; army of, ; civil war in, ; collapse of state in, ; genocide in, n ; Moroccan troops in, ; Rwandan refugees in, , ; Tutsi of, ; unrest in, See also Democratic Republic of Congo Zambia: democratic reforms in, ; multiparty elections in, ; trade unions in, Zenawi, Meles, Zimbabwe, n ; in Somali intervention, About the Author and the Photographer For eight years, from to Robert Press was a correspondent for The Christian Science Monitor, based in Nairobi, Kenya, and traveling widely in East, West, and central Africa. From to he was a visiting scholar at Stetson University in DeLand, Florida, where he was also an adjunct professor of journalism. In he was a visiting professor at Principia College in Elsah, Illinois, where he taught both African history and African politics. Betty Press worked in Africa as a photojournalist from to Her photographs have appeared in The Christian Science Monitor, the New York Times, Newsweek, Time, United Nations publications, and elsewhere. She is represented by Panos Pictures in London and Woodn Camp and Associates in New York. She is an adjunct professor of photography at Stetson University. Robert and Betty Press liv e in DeLand, Florida.