Citation
The people of Chihuahua

Material Information

Title:
The people of Chihuahua a demographic analysis
Creator:
Hamby, James Edwin, Jr, 1932-
Publication Date:
Language:
English
Physical Description:
vi, 302 leaves : illustrations ; 28 cm

Subjects

Subjects / Keywords:
Age groups ( jstor )
Censuses ( jstor )
Employee assistance programs ( jstor )
Mortality ( jstor )
Population dynamics ( jstor )
Population growth ( jstor )
Population size ( jstor )
Rural populations ( jstor )
Sex ratio ( jstor )
Urban populations ( jstor )
Population -- Chihuahua (Mexico : State) ( lcsh )
City of Gainesville ( local )
Genre:
census records ( aat )
bibliography ( marcgt )
theses ( marcgt )
non-fiction ( marcgt )
Census ( fast )

Notes

Bibliography:
Includes bibliographical references (leaves 295-300).
General Note:
Typescript.
General Note:
Vita.
Statement of Responsibility:
by James Edwin Hamby, Jr.

Record Information

Source Institution:
University of Florida
Rights Management:
The University of Florida George A. Smathers Libraries respect the intellectual property rights of others and do not claim any copyright interest in this item. This item may be protected by copyright but is made available here under a claim of fair use (17 U.S.C. §107) for non-profit research and educational purposes. Users of this work have responsibility for determining copyright status prior to reusing, publishing or reproducing this item for purposes other than what is allowed by fair use or other copyright exemptions. Any reuse of this item in excess of fair use or other copyright exemptions requires permission of the copyright holder. The Smathers Libraries would like to learn more about this item and invite individuals or organizations to contact the RDS coordinator (ufdissertations@uflib.ufl.edu) with any additional information they can provide.
Resource Identifier:
06630454 ( OCLC )
ocm06630454

Downloads

This item has the following downloads:


Full Text









THE PEOPLE OF CHIHUAHUA: A DEMOGRAPHIC ANALYSIS


















By

JAMES EDWIN HAMBY, JR.


A DISSERTATION PRESENTED TO THE GRADUATE COUNCIL OF
TEE UNIVERSITY OF FLORIDA
IN PARTIAL FULFILLMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE
DEGREE OF DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY





UNIVERSITY OF FLORIDA


1975


































Dedicated with love
to my wife
who nagged me till I got it done.










ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS


There are many to whom the writer is indebted for their assistance at various points in the production of this work.

Professor Joseph Vandiver, as chairman of the committee, spent many of his valuable hours acting as editor, and in this capacity, he is, in a very real sense, greatly responsible for the merits this work has. The other members of the committeee, Professors Ruth Albrecht, Lyle McAlister, and Sugiyama lutaka lent their support and encouragement.

A special debt is owed to Dr. T. Lynn Smith. The writer came under his influence in the first course he took in sociology, and with each passing year which he himself spends in teaching, he recognizes more the great contributions which Dr. Smith has made in the past and continues to make today despite his official "retirement."

The writer expresses his appreciation to the Direccion General de
/
Estadistica in Mexico City, and to its Director, Lic. Ruben Gleason Galicia who supplied census and other statistical materials cordially, rapidly, and without cost. In Cd. Juarez, Chihuahua, the writer is grateful to the Juzgado del Registro Civil and its personnel, especially to Lic. Filiberto Terrazas Sanchez, the Director; and also to the personnel of the Secretaria de Industria y Comercio.

Finally, the writer is grateful to his family who stood by him

sustained him in periods when it seemed that the dissertation would never be finished. Had it not been for them, and especially his dear wife of, now., twenty-two years, he would have never made it through.


(iii)













TABLE OF CONTENTS


ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS .. . .....................

ABSTRACT . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

CHAPTER


II

III


IV V VI

VII VIII

Ix APPENDES


INTRODUCTION o o . . . 6. . . . o. .. . . . .

THE SETTING . . . . . ......... .

DEMOGRAPHIC AND STATISTICAL BACKGROUND FOR THE ANALYSIS OF THE CENSUS OF 1970 .. ....... . . .

THE CENSUS OF 1970 ...............

THE NUMBER AND DISTRIBUTION OF INHABITANTS . .... THE CHARACTERISTICS OF THE POPULATION . . . . .... VITAL STATISTICS AND POPULATION CHANGE . . . .... THE GROWTH AND REDISTRIBUTION OF THE POPULATION . . . SUMMARY AND CONCLUSIONS . . a b & . 0 , . 6 a a


1. "CENSUS DOCUMENTATION"

2. MODIFICATION OF SMITH'S
SCORE TECHNIQUE .

3. MAP OF CHIHUAHUA . . . SELECTED BIBLIOGRAPHY . . .... BIOGRAPHICAL SKETCH . . . ....


4 . . a . 6 0 & .l . & 6 AGE REPORTING ACCURACY
.. . . . . ..


. . . . . . . .
. . . . o. . . . . .


9 il & *


* . . 292

* . . 294

* . . 295 o � � 301


(i-v)


Page iii

v


* .


1




23 37 59 76 182 210 277


0 .









Abstract of Dissertation Presented to the Graduate Council
of the University of Florida in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements
for the Degree of Doctor of Philosophy


THE PEOPLE OF CHIHUAHUA:

A DEMOGRAPHIC ANALYSIS

By

James Edwin Hamby, Jr.

August, 1975

Chairman: Joseph S. Vandiver
Major Department: Sociology

This research undertakes a demographic analysis of a Mexican

state -- Chihuahua, the largest state of Mexico in terms of area, which is also very important in terms of relationships between the United States and 1bxico. It contains the Mexican part of the largest twin city complex on the U.S.-Mexican border -- El Paso-Ciudad Juarez -where two city, two "county," two state, and two national governments meet in confrontation and/or cooperation. Together, these city-county units contain almost one million inhabitants.

As a background for the demographic analysis, the geography and

history of Chihuahua are considered. The history of population statistics in Mexico is reviewed, and the organization and operation of the IX Censo General de Poblacio'n is examined in detail,

In analyzing the 1970 censtis for Chihuahua, these levels are considered: national, state. dnd within the state, the five most populous municipios (both individually and in aggregate), and the remaining municipios in aggregate. For each of these information is presented on

the number and distribution of inhabitants and on population density.

(v)










Then, for each, the characteristics of the population are analyzed and, when possible, cross-tabulated by age, sex, and rural or urban residence. Included in the analysis and cross-tabulations are also indigenous languages spoken, occupation, income, income by industry, marital status,

literacy, and education.

Vital data taken from the various editions of the Anuario Estadfstico are reported, and from these and the censuses of 1960 and 1970, variouspopulation interpolations and extrapolations are calculated. Using tables of mortality and census data, survival ratios for age cohorts are calculated and evaluated in respect to their utility in predicting the population which was interpolated between the censuses of population of 1960 and 1970.

Finally, the growth and redistribution of the population by age, sex, and residence are reported in a series of tables which show the growth of the state and of component areas.

Conclusions are limited by various indications that small confidence can be placed in reported vital data (especially in the data on births), and that serious defects in accuracy also characterize the population censuses.


(vi)













CHAPTER I
INTRODUCTION


Much attention focuses on the great changes which are occurring in the populations of the developing nations of the world. Many of these changes are a result of the demographic transition from the ancient and dismal history of high birth and death rates, to declining death rates (especially among infants) in the presence of persisting values which maintain birth rates far greater than necessary for population replacement. This pernicious combination of factors accounts for the so-called "population explosion" which threatens to inundate the Third World in a flood of humanity so great as to make impossible the levels of living which the rising expectations of the masses lead them to demand of their governments. The present work is not the place to discuss the economics or polemics of "overpopulation."' It does, however, provide carefully documented information about the population and population dynamics in one state of' Mexico, one of the world's most rapidly growing nations.

Three objectives of the present study are:

1. To provide in an ordered perspective basic information about

the population of the state of Chihuahua -- its numbers and

dynamics.



1The interested reader is referred to a particularly readable and interesting account of this and related topics in Philip M. Hauser, ed., The Population Dilemma in either of its editions (Englewood Cliffs, N.J.: Prentice-Hall, Inc., 1963 and 1969). Cf. also, Ronald Freedman, ed., Population: The Vital Revolution (New York: Doubleday and Company,
1964).









2. To bring to bear demographic techniques in the evaluation of

the accuracy and completeness of reports from official sources.

3. To review and evaluate vital statistics in that state, and to

assess the methods of their collection and reporting.

The data t. be explored include, as their primary point of departure, the census of population for Chihuahua for 1970. The census of 1960 is used to check the validity of population projections which could be made from the reported vital rates.

Methods of data analysis follow, in general, those established by T. Lynn Smith in Fundamentals of Population Study2 and T. Lynn Smith and Homer Hitt in The People of Louisiana.3 More technical demographic methods are employed only to the extent that the recognized inadequacies of the data warrant their use. In the main, thc presentation includes the generation of rates, percentages and index numbers. Graphic techniques include histograms and population pyramids.

The order of data presentation includes first, a section describing the physical setting of the state of Chihuahua and a brief overview of its history, followed by a review of the history of Mexican population statistics and a synopsis of the planning and methodology used for the 1970 census. Then, proceeding to the principal subje,!t matter of the study, there is a detailed analysis of the data from the census of population of 1970. Included are comparisons of state and national figures, and an investigation into the number, distribution, and composition of



2T. Lynn Smith, Fundamentals of Population Study (Chicago: J. B. Lippincott Co., 1960).

3T. Lynn Smith and Homer L. Hitt, The People of Louisiana (Baton Rouge: Louisiana State University Press, 1952).








the population of the state, of the five major municipios4 (which, in 1970 contained 55.4 percent of the state's population), and when it seems necessary, those lesser or "minor" municipios which show "unusual" demographic characteristics.

Since there are but thee demographic processes which can alter the size and distribution of a population -- births, deaths, and migration -an investigation into vital statistics methods is undertaken. Rates of reproduction and mortality are examined. Deficiencies in these data in Mexico render this important task difficult.

Finally considered is the growth and redistribution of the population, including the trend tcard urbanization in the state.



























4In Mexico a municipio is a county-like political subdivision within a state. Hereinafter, this term will appear so frequently that it will no longer be accented or italicized.












CHAPTER II
THE SETTING


Chihuahua is a place of vast spaces and vaster loneliness; a place

of silence broken only by the sound of the almost incessant wind and the

nighttime bark of coyotes; a country whose potential wealth has attracted

men of vision for more than three centuries, and has killed a goodly

number of them. Perhaps no better statement about this immense, hostile

land can be found than the following by Florence and Robert Lister who

wrote:

The word CHIHUAHUA has a stirring ring to it. Its syllables
roll off the tongue with dramatic, bold rhythm. Although its origin is obscured by time, its stridence makes the seemingly
meaningless word an appropriate name for a stark, unyielding
land. That land is the largest of the northern tier of Mexican
states. It is a segment of IMxico which has had a turbulent,
bloodstained i.istory in which many Americans have played serious
parts for the past one hundred and fifty years.

Chihuahua's citizens -- sometimes miners, sometimes ranchers,
sometimes clerics -- have ever been warriors. Seldom have they
been warriors for an ideal, but always they have been warriors for survival. This is because theirs is an environment which
has demanded the utmost, and one measure more, in tenacity of spirit, in courage, in strength of fiber of mortal man. There
is no verdant responsive paradise here. This is a somber, silent
realm of tawny, denuded plains with little water and shade or high, rugged mountains cut by vast canyons. Sudden storms of sand or rain come and depart violently. Torrents fall either
to meet resistant clayey soil and lie stagnant in desert basins
awaiting eventual evaporation or to pour down rocky gorges swirling away a heavy tribute of silt and boulders. The sun blisters and cracks, the wind sears, and in time the land subtly instills
fear and disloyalty. 'Ay, Chihuahua!' is an expletive understandable to all Mexicans as an oath of anger, of melancholy, or resignation.

The demands of such a homeland are soul constricting. Distant
horizons offer no hope, no reward. Altruism survives only with
greatest difficulty. A man who must be on daily guard against








extermination has little time for the luxury of imagination or song. Thus the gay mariachi serenades of Jalisco, the lively
huapangos danced in Vera Cruz have no counterparts in Chihuahua.
A race of strong men was needed to survive here, with enough
love of the land to fight back.1


Geography

The state of Chihuahua is situated astride, and to the east of, the Sierra Madre Occidental, a large and rugged range of mountains found on the western and southwestern boundary of that state. They have an average height of about seven thousand five hundred feet above sea level in the north, and are some two thousand feet higher in the southern part of the state. To the east of them are high basins which lie at some four to five thousand feet altitude in the north and from six to seven thousand five hundred feet above sea level in the south. Interspersed among these are short chains of mountains which arise abruptly from the basin bottoms to a height of some eight thousand feet in the north and to an excess of nine thousand feet in the south. In all areas the land is sharply cut by erosion into an exceedingly large number of steep-sided, narrow canyons.

The climate of the state is generally arid and semi-arid desert, especially in the north and east, however, the mountainous western and southwestern parts of the state are not only comparatively mild in temperature (when contrasted with the often bitterly cold winters and blistering summers of the north and northeast), but rainfall is quite adequate, especially to the west of the Continental Divide, where it may exceed fifty inches



iFlorence C. Lister and Robert H. Lister, Chihuahua: Storehouse of Storms (Albuquerque: University of New Mexico Press, 1966), p. vii. Reprinted by permission of the University of New Mexico Press.








per year.2

The topography of the state makes it easy to imagine that it has

been the site of one of the great highways of human migration since prehistoric times. Robert Schmidt reports that the rugged Sierra Madre in the west forms a highly effective barrier to east-west travel, while its high valleys and canyons tend to be oriented in a generally north-south direction, thus creating, as it were, natural paths for travel in this direction. Combining these features with the hostile enviim'o1ment of the arid region of the eastern part of the state and the more favorable climate of the high Sierra, it is not surprising to find ancient signs of human habitation in this part of the state. 3

The Chihuahuan portion of the Sierra Madre which forms part of the eastern boundary of the great Sonoran desert has plentiful rainfall, produced in part by the orographic effect of the rugged spine of the continent, providing a welcome oasis in an otherwise inhospitable land. Its many caves and rocky overhangs gave shelter to a number of successive invasions of Amerind peoples, and a virtually inaccessible fortress for these people as they retreated from the European (and later, Mexican) conquerers. In this area is found one of Mexico's large tribal Indian groups, the Tarahumara. In this area are large stands of commercially grown pine trees interspersed with naturally occurring oaks. Here are



2Robert H. Schmidt, Jr., A Geographical Survey of Chihuahua, Southwestern Studies Monograph No. 37 (El Paso: Texas Western Press, 1973), pp. 10-17. It is interesting to note extremes of temperature and rainfall reported by Schmidt. In different areas minimum and maximum rainfall has been reported to be 6.3 inches and 52.8 inches per year respectively. The highest temperature ever recorded in the state was 118 degrees F. while the coldest was 22 degrees below zero F.

31bid.








the majority of the places in the state with permanent surface water, and in times past, many varieties of fowl, deer, puma, and even jaguars found refuge. There too is the Barranco de Cobre, a vast canyon reputedly larger than the Grand Canyon of Arizona.

The high plains and basins below and to the east of the cordillera

are cut with myriads of usually dry arroyos which can fill with water with sudden and dangerous rapidity when it rains on their watershed, often miles away. Plant life in this area tends to be sparse and stunted. The hills and arroyos are covered with creosote bush, tar bush, mesquite, and Spanish dagger which find root in the hard and rocky soil. They are all hard-leaved, hard-barked plants well suited for the harsh and arid environment in which they live. The land is inhospitable to man, although he has lived there for centuries, and typical desert animal life abounds.


Development

Fascinating reconstructions -- far from complete -- have been attempted concerning the prehistory of the state. Interesting as are these materials, their relevance to the current demographic characteristics of the state is slight, except in providing some background for understanding the Tarahumara and other contemporary Indian residents of Chihuahua. Only a very general account is presented here of the interpretations of Chihuahuan archaeology and prehistory.

The early peoples who dwelt in the area developed no great civilization to leave monuments to their passing. To the contrary, the earliest inhabitants of the area, and indeed, many of the present indigenous population, have always been hunters and gatherers and practitioners of very primitive agriculture. Neither the hard, dry, alkaline soils of the





8


desert areas, nor the rocky, almost vertical mountain slopes, nor the narrow, boulder-filled arroyos lend themselves to agricultural pursuits without highly developed technological support. 4

There is some evidence which indicates that there were two major

groups of peoples which lived in Chihuahua. One lived to the east of the central plateau of the state. They stalked such large game as was available in the semidesert regions near the infrequent areas of surface water; the other group dwelt in the Sierra Madre, subsisting on small animals, gathering fruits and berries, and living in the caves and rocky overhangs of the rugged range.

The largest prehistoric settlement in Chihuahua is found at Casas Grandes. This town covered some 250 acres and when intact, it contained many multiroomed structures at least three stories high. The walls were of thick adobe, and water for the population was supplied by an ingenious aqueduct which extended over four miles. Cases Grandes apparaxtly reached its apogee in the 12th Century. By this time, the civilization of the highlands of the Valley of Mexico had expanded its influence. It may have been this contact which resulted in the construction of architectural forms similar to thos: of religious usage found in the south, and to a similarity of items of more profane use -- grinding stones, jewelry, spindles, and figures.5



4trRobert Schmidt, op. cit., notes that although almost two-thirds of the state's land are used for some form of agriculture, most of this is for pasture and range-land. He reports that it has been estimated that less than 5 percent of the total land in the state is suitable as cropland, compared with nearly 12 percent in the nation as a whole. Even so, this land requires extensive capital investment for irrigation (p.47). It may be imagined that indigenous efforts tend to be more horticultural than agricultural.

5Lister and Lister, op. cit., pp. 1-14, passim.








From Discovery to Independence

Fragmentary evidence indicates that, at the time of the Discovery, there was a wide variety of Amerind cultures in Chihuahua. Some dwelt in the caves of the Sierra Madre; others, nomadic, roamed about the desert basins of the eastern parts of the state. Some tribes practiced a primitive agriculture near the banks of the few rivers and streams

in that part of the state; others were hunters and gatherers like their remote forbears.

But whether the residents were farmers or hunters, there were no concentrations of Indian populations into rich centers of culture
such as had existed three hundred years previously in the Casas
Grandes vicinity.6

The European invasion had the effect of pushing the indigenous populations ever farther into the Sierra Madre, but not without years of bitter, bloody struggle. By 1562 a large area had been explored and named Nueva Vizcaya. This included parts of the present states of Chihuahua, Coahuila, Durango, and Sinaloa. Among the explorers were Rodrigo del Rio y Loza and Baltazar de Ontiveros. These two men were the founders of what became the mining and cattle raising industries of the present state of Chihuahua. Del Rio y Loza discovered the Santa Barbara mine in 1564 and founded the first Spanish settlement in what is now Chihuahua. Within three years, the Europeans had extended their holdings to the Valley of San Bartolome (now Villa de Allende).7

European o .upation of the state was gradual and from the south as

new mines were discovered. With the new towns came the religious missionbIbid., p. 1i.

7Francisco R. Almada, Resumen de Historia del Estado de Chihuahua (M4xico, D.F.: Libros Mexicanos, 1955)., pp. 26-27.








aries to Christianize and pacify the Indians.8

By the latter part of the 16th century, by migration northward along the plateau from the central highlands of Mexico, Spanish settlement had reached the banks of the Rio Conchos. During the same period, the settlements of New Mexico had also begun by a route from the west coast of the continent. This dual pattern of migration left a large area south to the Conchos (a distance of sonic 600 miles) unexplored and unconquered.9

Towns grew up around the mines and the previously scattered Indians began to be gathered into mission villages organized by the Jesuits and the Franciscans, introducing them to a "collective life which they had not known before, much less practiced."10 It was not unusual for such Indians to be used as forced labor in the mines, and conflict concerning the status of the Indians began between the mutually opposed goals of the military and the miners on the one hand, and those of the clergy on the other.



8Ibid., pp. 30-31. Almada notes, p. 27, that by 1570, monks of the Franciscan order had established themselves in Villa de Allende from where they were to extend their influence in later years.

9Anne E. Hughes, The Beginnings of Spanish Settlement in the El Paso District, University of California Publications in History, Vol. 1, No.
3 (Place of publication not stated: University of California Press, April, 1914), pp. 295-297.

lOAlmada, op. cit., p. '10. Almada states, p. 31, "The mission towns founded by Jesuits and Franciscans were run by the community s stems whose properties are made up of Lhe lands which were indicated for Lthe use of7 each person and of a body of farm properties which were collectively worked under the direction of the missionary" and used according to the rules established for that purpose by him.

llFernando Jordan, Cronica de un Pals Barbaro (W4xico, D. F.:
Ediciones A.M.P.: Asociaci'n exicana de Periodistas, 1956), Chapters
7 and 8 and passim.







The end of the sixteenth century saw several expeditions set out to discover a route between the settlements near the Conchos in the south and those in New Mexico to the north. In 1598, don Juan de Onate took 400 men (including 130 who were accompanied by their families) from Santa Barbara to a point on the (now) Rio Grande which he called El Paso del Rio. From here he pushed on to establish Santa Fe', the first truly permanent Spanish settlement in New Mexico. Gradually towns came to be established along this route b)' the clergy, despite the opposition of hostile Indians.12

Vital in the development of Chihuahua was the establishment of a regular trade route between the mining centers of the Rio Conchos area and the settlements in New Mexico, and especially with Santa Fe'. This was Me-xico's Camino Real, the 1,600-mile-long "public thoroughfare over which wagon and pack trains regularly passed" through arid and barren lands populated by 'ild, nomadic Indian tribes." This road passed through the capitals of seven states, partly along the route of the Onate expedition, and thus it was an important link between the central government in Mexico City and its far-flung dependencies to the north.13 The state, as part of the Nueva Vizcaya, continued to grow apace with the discover, of new areas for mining operations. Much of the growth was along this trade route.



12Hughes, op. cit., p. 298. This source reports that there were more than 3,000 parishioners" of the church of Nuestra Se-ora de Guadalupe 1exicana in the present El Paso-Ciudad Juarez area in 1668 (p. 308).

13Max L. Moorhead, New Mexico's Royal Road: Trade and.Trayel on the ChihuahuaTrajl (Norman: University of Oklahoma Press, 1958)j pp. 4-5.







The Century Prior to the Revolution of 1910

The Mexican war of independence from Spain was initiated on Seeber 16, 1810, with the famous Grito de Dolores, "Long live Our Lad: _f Guadalupe; Long live Independence!" voiced by Father Miguel Hidalgo y Costilla. This was followed by years of tumult and bloodshed. Hidalz:

himself was executed less than a y ear later in the City of Chihuahua,lbut Mexico was not able to finally free itself from the mother counr until 1821.

From the beginning, the people of the province of Nueva Vizca- a tended to be royalists. The Listers declare,15

It was a loyalty of principle -- a provincial conservatism. Just
as they had been born into Roman Catholicism, so had the: been
born into a society ruled by a monarchy in Spain. It never
curred to the Chihuahenses to question either.

However, in the years between the Grito de Dolores and the Independence, there were factions both for and against independence. The birth of the new nation and of the state of Chihuahua were almost simultaneous, the former occurring in 1821 and the latter in 1823. In that year (1823),

the national congress put an end to the political entity founded
and organized by Captain Francisco de Ibarra in 1562 with the rmare
of Nueva Vizcaya. ...

This was done by a decree from the central government which stated, in part, that

* . .the territory which until now has been named Province of Nueva Vizcaya be divided into two parts with the name of Pravince of Durango the one, and Province of Chihuahua the other...
the territory of the latter will include all that contained f:rm
the point called Paso del Rio del Norte to that called Rio
Florido. . ..


14Leslie Byrd Simpson, Many Pexicos (Berkeley: University California Press, 1962), pp. 183-201, passim.

150p. cit., p. 81








and the rest was to be Durango. The same decree established the village of Chihuahua as the capital of the province., and that village was raised to the political category of "city" for this purpose.1 However, on January 31, 1524, the name of the province was changed to the State of Interno del Norte, reuniting it again with Durango and Nuevo vxico. Then on July 6 of the same year, it was again separated from these provinces to become the state of Chihuahua.17

The years following statehood showed a rather remarkable detachment of the people of Chihuahua from the corrupt and unstable national government. In its remoteness, the state was more concerned with its own problems of lawlessness, business, and Indian raids. The frequency of the latter forced the abandonment of liaciendas and mines to such an extent that the economy of the state was threatened. A constant struggle began between government troops and the Indians. Almada reports that in 1549 there was a bounty of 150 pesos on every dead Indian warrior and a reward of 250 pesos for every Indian prisoner of war or Indian woman over the age of fourteen.15 The most infamous of these Indian groups were the Apaches. The expression, "Ay Chihuahua" noted in the Introduction, in its complete form is "Ay, Chihuahua' Cuanto Apache sin huarache!" Seeing the Apache successes, the Commanches soon joined them. For a long period of time, it was believed that the Americans were to blame because of their inability to control raiding Indians w ~'h, it was thought, rode out of territory controlled by the United States to prey on northern



-LAlmada, op. cit., pp. 172-173.

171bid., pp. 175-176.

18Ibid., pp. 235-236.







Chihuahua. It was not until the capture of Geronimo in 1856 that the Indians were largely brought under control.19

Prior to Independence, in the years following the Louisiana Purchase, there was an ever-increasing encroachment, both real and imagined, on Mexican soil by the Americans. Spain was constantly on guard to protect her Mexican interests from smugglers of goods produced in the United States, and from the presence of American military forces.

The present work is not the place to go into the endless disputes (which still rage) which culminated in the annexation by the United States of the northern one-half of the Mexican national territory. Such acts which occurred are past, be they to the shame or glory of any or all of the participants.

Be this as it may, events led to an almost inevitable conflict

between the United States and Mexico in 146. There are numerous interpretations as to what actually sparked the conflict, but important to it was the crossing, late in 1546, of the Rio Grande at El Paso (now Ciudad Juarez, Chihuahua) by Col. Alexander W. Doniphan with some 600 men. Errors and ineptitude on the part of the Mexican commanders contributed very much to the ability of the greatly outnumbered American forces to capture the state capital on March 2, 1547.20

Confusion reigned in the American camp as well. Doniphan found himself separated from U.S. forces to the east, and in the absence of orders, he abandaaed the city of Chihuahua on April 2b, 1547, just fifty-nine



19Lister and Lister, op. cit., pp. 97, 137-167, passim.

20Enrique Gonz~lez Flores, Chihuahua de la Independencia a la Revolucion (Wxico, D.F.: Imprenta Manuel Ledn Sanchez, 1949), pp. ?2-79, passim. Lister and Lister, op. cit., report the date as being February 25, 1547 (p. 119).







days after its capture, and withdrew from the state.21

The war concluded with the signing of the Treaty of Guadalupe Hidalgo on February 2, lb4b. This treaty established the northern border of Mexico "a little north of the 32nd parallel" and along the course of the Rio Grande in Texas.22 A further adjustment to correct a surveying error was made by the Gadsdei, Purchase in 1553 which involved the purchase

from Mexico of some 29,000 square miles, previously part of Chihuahua, west of the present El Paso-Ciudad Juarez urban complex.23

The attempt by certain factions to establish an empire in 11 xico led an embattled President Benito Juarez to seek refuge in the north in ld64. The state of Chihuahua, as had occurred a half-century earlier, found itself divided between liberal and conservative sentiments. However, the liberals were far more powerful than the latter who favored the European-imposed empire, and Juarez found his greatest support in Chihuahua.24

In lb65, Imperial forces invaded Chihuahua in search of Juarez who fled to Paso del Norte (later Ciudad Juarez), but successful counterattacks by the liberals recaptured the state capital in the same year, enabling the president to reestablish his republican government there on November 20.25 However, a resurgence of Imperial forces again forced a



21Lister and Lister, op. cit., p. 128.

221bid., p. 132.

23Encyclopaedia Britannica (Chicago: William Benton, 1969), Vol.
IX, p. 1,0710

24Gonz&lez Flores, op. cit., pp. 118-121.

251bid., p. 134.








withdrawal to the north, and thus began a see-saw pattern of occupation and succession which was reflected throughout the nation. The Listers say,26

The French found they could control those areas in which they
actually undertook occupation. As soon as royalist forces pulled out, republican forces moved in. This nationwide pattern was repeated in Chihuahua.

The French occupation and the plans of the Imperialists ended with the ultimate victory of the republican forces and the execution of the Emperor Maximilian in June 4f lbb(.

Civil strife and intermittent trouble with the Indians abounded for a number of years following the expulsion of the French and the reestablishment of the Republic. With the ascension to power of President Porfirio Diaz in 1577, however, came a measure of order previously unknown to the strife-torn nation. Chihuahua was no exception to the Pax Porfiriana. Former bandits were employed as a rural vigilante organization (los rurales) whose gun-law brought lawlessness under control. Mexico came to be known as the safest country in the world for foreigners due to extensive courting of foreign capital by the Diaz regime.

Nevertheless, Diaz 's ruthless oppression of the "little people" of Mexico, particularly in the rural areas, brought about widespread discontent. In part, this was a result of Diaz's violation of important terms in the provisions of the Constitution of 1557 which limited the extent of land holdings, particularly by foreigners and by the Catholic Church.27,2b



2_bp. cit., p. 147.

27Nathan L. Whetten, Rural Mexico (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1948), pp. 93-95.

26Clarence Senior, Land Reform and Democracy (Gainesville: University of Florida Press, 1956), p. 15.







The Revolution of 1910 and Its Aftermath

For thirty-one years (twenty-seven of them consecutively), don

Porfirio Diaz ruled Mexico with an iron hand which favored foreign interests and the powerful few of his own nation. When in 1910 a national election was permitted, the many dissatisfied elements of Mexico rallied around Francisco I. Madero to oppose the presidency of Diaz, but in the
/
course of the campaign, political opposition to Diaz was suppressed and Madero himself ultimately was arrested. The election as conducted and reported, consisted of a landslide victory for Diaz. and Madero, escaping from prison, entered temporary exile in El Paso, Texas.29

Nevertheless, in this sequence of events, the fires of revolution were lit and sporadic outbursts of peasant attacks against government outposts occurred around the country. Many of the earliest insurrections occurred in Chihuahua, and several of these are credited by different authors as being the first significant actions of the evolution430 Lister and Lister note the battle of Cuchillo Parado as being one of the first significant actions.31 Tannenbaum claims the honor for that of



. 9Lister and Lister, op. cit., pp. 210-211.

30The reader should note the difference between revolucion and la Revolucion in Mexico. Although there have been several revolutions in that nation, it has had only one Revolution (spelled with an upper-case R). Whenever the word Revolucion is used in Mexico, it refers only to the Revolution of 1910. The present work will adhere to this custom.

310op. cit., p. 212. The Listers translate Cuchillo Parado as
"Stopped Knife." There seems to be no need for translation, but if it is translated, the writer prefers "Standing Knife." The word parar has both connotations in Spanish, although the former is preferred, as the Listers correctly assumed. This writer prefers the latter connotation in the present context (especially in Mexico) simply because it has more meaning in his personal lexicon as someone, fluent in Spanish, who has lived in a Mexican environment for some twenty-four years.









San Isidoro led by Pascual Orozco (later to become an important figure), and particularly that of El Fresno in November of 1910. In this skirmish, the rebels were defeated, but "That was the beginning of a revolution �ic7 that has �i_7 lasted for twenty years."32

During the next decade, the course of events became extremely

turbulent, as successive political groups contended for power. During the period of surface chaos, the process of institutionalization of the Revolution was occurring, providing the basis for the subsequent stability of the national political structure. Even so, at the time, the intensity of the struggles and the complexity of events, including intervention on the part of the United States, created prolonged political and economic turmoil.

During the strife-torn decade following 1910, Chihuahua occupied a key role in the national drama. This stormy northern state was the locale in which many of the stages of the national struggles emerged and in which the dramatic events of the decade had perhaps their greatest impacts.

The details of the turbulence of the period need not be traced in this report. With the return of Madero from exile and the resignation of Diaz in 1911, the moderate program of reform under Mzlero's presidency led to a rupture with many of his former supporters. Pascual Orozco, Emiliano Zapata, and above all, Pancho Villa in Chihuahua, felt a need for reform more radical than the gradualism of 1,adero. Struggles



2 Frank Tannenbaum, Peace by Revolution -- Mexico After 1910 (New York: Columbia University Press, 1968), pp. 14b-149. The original version of this work was published by the same press in 1933, for which reason, "�ic7J" above.







for control of Ciudad Juarez and the state of Chihuahua precipitated the murder of Madero and, in 1913, the assumption of power as Interim President by General Victorano Huerta.

Opposition to Huerta immediately surfaced with Emiliano Zapata

promulgating his famous Plan de Ayala, promising land to the peasants, and with Venustiano Carranza developing his Plan de Guadalupe, stressing constitutional processes (the Constitution of 1857), ultimately leading, in 1917 during the presidency of Carranza, to the Constitution of 1917.33

Pancho Villa and Carranza early parted forces, and Villa seriously challenged the federal authority in Chihuahua and adjacent northern states. The support of Carranza by the United States led Villa and his supporters increasingly to perceive the United States as a power opposing their aspirations. In the eyes both of the United States and of the national government in Mexico City, Villa increasingly cae to be viewed as a troublesome bandit. The murder of seventeen U.S. citizens, and the raid in the same year (1916) by Villa on Columbus, New 1xico produced powerful international repercussions. As a consequence, the United States Army intervened along the border. Troops under the co=and of General Pershing moved into the state of Chihuahua in 1916 and 1917.-'

Not until 1920 did Villa and his followers finally capitulate to



J3Cf. in this context, the following: Robert E. Quirk, The lexicaRevolution, 1914-1915: The Convention of Aguascalientes (New York: Citadel Press, 1963), pp. 3-20, passim; Almada, o. cit., pp. 398-402; Eyler N. Simpson, The Ejido: vxico's Way Out (hapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1937), P. 37; and Lister and Lister, o. cit., pp. 216-217.

34Almada, a. cit., pp. 413-417.









federal authority. During the years of struggle between Villa and federal forces, the rural economy ,>f Chihuahua, particularly the cattle industry, had been severely damaged. From the 1920's to the Present

Although the historical dramas of the Villa period have provided the subject matter for many writings, real and fanciful, and the script for several dozen movies, the more humdrum historical processes in Chihuahua since that time have received much less attention. A definitive history of modern Chihuahua has yet to be written.

Indeed, the paucity of contemporary historical writing focused on Chihuahua since the Villa era offers its own negative evidence that the state has had few manifestations of forces at work other than those which have affected all of Mexico and those which relate particularly to its position as a border state. State administrations have come and gone, and Chihuahua has functioned as a fully integrated state of the Republic of Mexico, reacting with the rest of the country to internal and external forces but lackin, dramatic or unique events placing it in a central role in Mexican national affairs.

Variations in the foreign policy of the United States have been reflected in the life of Chihuahua. The importation of Mexican labor in the bracero program, and the end of that program, the revised standards of U.S. immigration legislation in 1965, the continual widespread illegal entry from Chihuahua into the United States, and American shifts back and forth in the effort to control drug importation all have caught the attention of the communications media in Chihuahua, and all have, in one way or another, influenced conditions in this border state.

During all of this, the state has grown in population and in wealth,








and particularly the El Paso-Ciudad Jua'rez international metropolitan complex has expanded. A scholar currently working to fill some of zhe gaps in the state's history and to update the course of events and of historical processes in the state is preparing a dissertation which w- � provide a more thorough interpretation of events in modern Chihuahua than is at present available.35

The Border Location

In an effort to present background material for the analysis of the population data of Chihuahua, the physical geography and the historyI of the state have been briefly surveyed. Another vitally important point merits consideration, however -- the impact on the state of its border location.

From the dip of the Rio Grande in the Big Bend territory on the east, to the vicinity of the New Iexico-Arizona border on the west, Chihuahua faces the United States. This simple fact of international contiguity perhaps has as much to do with that which may be distinctive to the population structure of the state as do geographical, climatic, anthropological, or historical factors. During most of the modern era, the United States of America has been the world's most affluent society, with the world's highest wage scale. Although Mexico does, in fact, compare favorably with many Latin American nations in terms of economic conditions, nonetheless it has been, and is, a desperately poor nation by North American standards. This is especially true in its rural



35Cf. Oscar J. Martinez, The Growth and Development of M.exico 's Northern Border: A Bibliographical Essay, an unpublished paper presented to the meeting of the Rocky Mountain Social Science Association in April, 1974, and by the same author, hopefully soon, his doctoral dissertation at the University of California at Los Angeles.







sector, which contains almost one-half of its population. It also has one of the most rapidly growing populations on earth.

A line across the desert, a meandering stream, the remains of the once mighty Rio Grande, which is almost dry during much of the year -these separate the two nations. West Texas and New Mexico are much affected by the proximity of Mexico; Chihuahua is much affected by the proximity of Texas and New Mexico.

This factor is dramatically exhibited in the important Ciudad

Jua'rez-El Paso metropolitan complex. If one examines the maps of the nations of the world, one finds many instances of twin cities separated by frontiers. It is not the purpose of this research to demonstrate the point empirically, but it is at least highly likely that nowhere on the planet is the interdependence of two cities of approximately comparable size but in different nations as complete as is the case of these two cities on opposite banks of the Rio Grande. At the very least, it seems safe to say that the size of, the economy of, the largest urban center of the state of Chihuahua is closely intertwined with the course f events in the city of El Paso, Texas, U.S.A.36



36Cf. in the context of border research William V. D'Antonio and William H. Form, Influentials in Two Border Cities: A Study in Co=u.ity Decision-Making (Notre Dame, Ind.: University of Notre Dame Press, 1965).
Ellwyn R. Stoddard, "The U.S.-Mexican Border: A Comparative nesearch Laboratory," Journal of InterAmerican Studies,2, July, 19o9, pp. 477-488.
Ellwyn R. Stoddard, An International Boundary Treaty (The Chamizal) and its Aftermath, (Baton Rouge: A paper presented at the Rural Sociological Society meeting, August, 1972).
Pedro Daniel Martinez, "Ambiente Sociocultural en la Faja Fronteriza 14exicana," America Indigena, 31:2 (April, 1971), Pp. 311-322.
Hernan Solis Garza, Los Mexicanos del Norte (ivxico, D.F. : Editorial Nuestro Tiempo, 1971).
El Paso Industrial Development Corporation and the El Paso Cha::-ber of Commerce, International Twin Plant Concept Fact Book (El Paso: IL publisher reported, 1969).










CHAPTER III
DEMOGRAPHIC AND STATISTICAL BACKGROUND FOR THE ANALYSIS OF THE CENSUS OF 1970


Historically, little is known about the size and characteristics of human populations with the exception of those of a relatively small number of societies in comparatively recent times. Some information is available in which numbers of persons are reported. For example, the book of the Exodus wherein is reported the number of Hebrews who left Egypt at the end of their captivity, and King David is said to have numbered the people. The Roman emperor Servius Tullius is said to have devised a novel idea for the determination of the number and some of the characteristics of the population of the Empire, and in the lMaurya period in India some enumerations were undertaken.1 Nonetheless, even today, little is known about the number, distribution, and characteristics of some of the largest populations in the world, such as those of India, China, the countries of Southeast Asiaj and most of the nations of Africa. Until a scant twenty-five years ago, most of Latin America could be included as well.



lCf. in this context T. Lynn Smith, Fundamentals of Population Study (Chicago: J. B. Lippincott, 1960), Chapter 2, a .
See also, Donald J. Bogue, Principles of Demography (New York:
John Wiley and Sons, Inc., 1969), Chapter 1; Abbott Payson Usher, "The History of Population and Settlement in Eurasia," in Joseph J. Spengler and Otis Dudley Duncan, eds., Demographic Analysis: Selected Readings (Glencoe: Free Press, 1963), pp. 1-25; C. Chandrasekaran, "Survey of the Status of Demography in India," in Philip M. Hauser and Otis Dudley Duncan, eds., The Study of Population: An Inventory and Appraisal (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1959), pp. 249-258,









According to T. Lynn Smith,2

For the first time in history, the number of inhabitants in each of the Latin American countries and the manner in which the population is distributed throughout each national territory are
now known with a considerable degree of accuracy.

Smith's reference is to the Census of the Americas of 1950 in which all of the nations of the Americas participated except Argentina, Peru, and Uruguay. Among these, Argentina had taken a census in 1947 and Peru in 1940.3 As a consequence, in that year (1950), except for tiny Uruguay, the populations of all the nations of the Americas were known with a fair degree of accuracy.

Prior to this effort, demographers were largely limited to various official and unofficial estimates of population or out-of-date censuses of most of the nations in that world area. However, since 1950 many studies have sought to determine, among other things, rates of growth, levels of living, the effectiveness of health and environmental sanitation measures, and the processes of migration and rural depopulation coupled with the creation of the infamous "zones of misery" which surround most of the cities of Latin America.

Even so, one finds few demographic analyses in the sense of taking a census bit by bit, subjecting it to checks of internal consistency, and comparing it both with vital data from the past and with what may be observed in terms of the movement of population in the present. A notable exception to this is a project undertaken after the Census of the



2T. Lynn Smith, Latin American Population Studies, University of Florida Monographs, No. 5 (Gainesville: University of Florida Press, Fall, 1960), p. 1.

31bid.








Americas by John Van Dyke Saunders at the University of Florida, The Population of Ecuador: A Demographic Analysis.4

In the review of the pertinent literature for present research, only one other published demographic analysis was found which was so labeled. This was Analisis Demografico de MWxico,5 and it referred to the census of population of 1960. This is not to say that other works have not been done which involved demographic analysis. Without doubt, much of the population data which appear in other works involved a measure, small or great, of demographic analysis. Thinking of this, some of the first which come to mind are basic sociological works about the societies of Brazil,6 Argentinia 7 Cuba,8 Costa Rica,9 Bolivia,10



4John Van Dyke Saunders, The Population of Ecuador: A Lmographic Analysis, Latin American Monographs, No. 14 (Gainesville: University of Florida Press, 1960).

5Raul Benitez Zenteno, An~lisis Demografico de MWxico (M xico,
D.F.: Biblioteca de Ensayos Sociologicos, Instituto de Investigaciones Sociales, Universidad Nacional, 1961).

6T. Lynn Smith, Brazil: People and Institutions (Baton Rouge: Louisiana State University Press, 1963).

7Carl C. Taylor, Rural Life in Argentina (Baton Rouge: Louisiana State University Press, 194b).

6Lowry Nelson, Rural Cuba (Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press, 1950).

9John Biesanz and Mavis Biesanz, Costa Rican Life (New York: Columbia University Press, 1944).

1001en E. Leonard, Bolivia: Land, People, and Institutions (Washington, D.C.: Scarecrow Press, 1952).









PeruII Panama,12 Mexico,13 and Guatemala.14 Most of these contain

substantial amounts of demographic data. Many population and demographic

studies5 also appear as articles in journals pertaining to the whole

of Latin America as well as to individual nations. A prime source for

annotated bibliographies of these, as well as those which pertain to

particular nations in Latin America, is the Handbook of Latin American

Studies.16 There are also various indices to United Nations and Organization of American States publications, and also to publications of

the Pan American Health Organization, and the World Health Organization. Not infrequently, these sources provide data of a demographic

nature, particularly when dealing with epidemiological studies.



llThomas R. Ford, Man and Land in Peru (Gainesville: University of Florida Press, 1955).

12John Biesanz and Mavis Biesanz, The People of Panama (New York: Columbia University Press, 1955).

13Nathan L. Whetten, Rural Mexico (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1946).

14Nathan L. Whetten, Guatemala: Land and People (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1961).

151t is sometimes of utility to differentiate between demographic analysis and population study. The writer has found nowhere so succinct and clear a distinction between the two as that stated by Philip Hauser in "Demography in Relation to Sociology," in Kenneth C. W. Kammeyer, ed., Population Studies: Selected Essays and Research (Chicago: Rand McNally and Company, 1969), pp. 8-14. In this essay Hauser states ". . .demography is conceived of as comprising two distinct facets, namely, demographic analysis and population studies. The former is concerned with the statistical analysis of population size, distribution, and composition and with components of variation and change; the latter involves the interrelationships of demographic with other systems of variables." It will be seen that the present work contains elements of both, but the analytical aspect predominates.

16This publication appears annually and is now published by the University of Florida Press, Gainesville, Florida.








An early and persistent student of demographic processes in Latin America is T. Lynn Smith, whose labors in this area date from more than a quarter-century ago. To cite his many works would require more space than is available, but a partial bibliography and five excellent research reports on Latin American demography may be found in one of Professor Smith's latest books, Studies of Latin American Societies.17

To the student of any particular nation or world area it becomes obvious that complete and accurate population data form the very foundation upon which most other studies of a society rest. Without reliable population data it is exceedingly difficult, if not impossible, to arrive at realistic plans for programs of health, elacation, taxation, welfare, housing, food production, military conscriptions, urban renewal, birth control, the evaluations )f programs aimed at the amelioration of social problems, measurements of potential markets, or to finding answers to a myriad of other questions of vital interest in a modern industrial (or in a developing) nation.

Available evidence from works such as those cited above indicates

that there are great similarities with respect to problems of population and economic growth, food production and distribution, internal and foreign migration, and the production and distribution of goods and services of' many kinds in the nations of Latin America. It is probable that the other developing nations of the world share similar problems.


A Brief History of Mexican Population Statistics

The most complete historical record of the statistical activities



7T.Lyrmn Smith, Studies of Latin American Societies (Garden City: Aichor Books, Doubleday and Company, 1970).








of the Republic of Mexico is found in a special edition of the Boletin de la Sociedad Pexicana de Geografia y Estadistica.l8 The present part of this chapter will use this work as its most frequent and basic source.

When the Spanish Conquistadores arrived in the Valley of Mexico,

they found a flourishing civilization. The Aztecs were not the original inhabitants of the Valley, and there is evidence from their own records that they had conquered the local tribes and imposed their system of government and tribute in the year 1116 of the Christian era. Data have survived which indicate that the early population of the Valley was approximately 3,200,000 persons, a population requiring a high degree of sophistication with respect to transportation, foodstuffs, waste disposal, social control, and the rther "amenities" of civilization. Unfortunately, most of the historical records maintained by the Aztecs were destroyed by over-zealous Spanish missionaries, but enough survived to enable the Europeans to utilize Aztec population and fiscal data to extract their own tributes from the conquered people. 19

A number of important statistical works were produced in the Nueva Espa-a by the Europeans regarding geographic descriptions, taxes and tributes, and population during the 16th and 17th centuries. For example, in one work, don Juan Diaz de la Calle reported that there were 30,000 houses and 8,000 Spaniards in exico City, and that the Nueva


l6Rodolfo Flores Talavera, "Historia de la Estadistica Nacional," Bolet~n de la Sociedad Mexicana de Geografia y Estadistica: Ciclo de Conferencias Especiales Relacionado con los Grandes Censos Nacionales por Levantarse en 1960, Vol. LXXXVI, Nos. 1-3, July-December, 1958 (T~xico, D.F.: Talleres de la Editorial Libros de M xico, S.A., 1958), pp. 13-45.

191bid., pp. 17-18.








Vizcaya (part of which was later to become Chihuahua) consisted of nineteen alcaldfas mayores.20

However, the first truly important set of population statistics was collected in the late 18th century. This was the Censo de Revillagigedo written in 1791 and 1792. Forty volumes of this work are still in existence and contain information on population, natural resources, manufactures, communications, and other data not specified in the source. These data formed part of the fowudation on which Baron Alexander von Humboldt based his Tablas Geogrgfico-Polfticas del Reino de la Nueva Espa?1a and the Ensayo Politico Sobre la Nueva Espaia.21

In the early 19th century, several local registrations (padrones locales) of the population were undertaken in 1800, 1801, 1807, 1811, 1812, and 1813. It is not reported in the source what parts of the Nueva Espafa were involved, but these registrations are available, at least in part, in the Archivo General de la Naci6n.22 The Perid from Independence to the Revolution

The origin of the modern statistical activities of the nation

probably began in the first quarter of the 19th century. At this time the Ministries of Relaciones (State), Hacienda (Budget), and Guerra (War) began to present annual reports of their activities. Flores Talavera claims that the real beginning of Mexican statistical services, in an ordered fashion, lies in these reports by the Ministry of Hacienda and



2UIbid.

21Ibid.

22Ibid.









attributes the development of modern Mexican statistics to their author, Ildefonso Maniau.23

Vice-President don Valentin G~ez Farias recommended that there be a national statistical body, and by decree in 1833, the Instituto Nacional de Geografia y Esdadistica was created. This organization, later to become the Sociedad de Geografla y Estadistica, compiled documents about population, public debt, and property values.

Furthermore, convinced that statistics are not reduced to amounts or relations which are purely numerical, but which should include
all the elements of social life, be it what it may the aspect
which these present, /the Institut27 set itself to perform works
of great importance.

Two of the most important of these works were the Censo General de la Poblacion Clasificada and the Ce.so General Estadfstico de la Rep6blica. The latter contained information on "the territory, the population, and the general state of administration." According to Lafragua, as noted by Flores Talavera, it was with these works that European scholars began to take an interest in the statistical activities of Mexico. 25

One of the most active and energetic defenders of the need for a strong national statistical service was Dr. Jose Maria Mora who stated in his periodical, Observador de la Repblica exicana, in 1828, that there were no statistics of worth in the nation, not even the census or reports provided for in the Constitution. The influence of Dr. Mora was great enough to induce the state governments to begin to conform



2Ibid.

241bid., quoted material from p. 26.

251bid.








to the law. As a result of his activities, although long delayed the Ministerio de Fomento (Development) was established in 1853.26

This ministry was charged with the maintenance of all national statistics. As a result of its labors, a demographic enumeration and other statistics concerning population change were published in 1857, but due to the political turmoil of the French invasion, there was little statistical activity from 1858 to 1866.

With the destruction of the nascent French empire, President don Benito Juarez initiated a "series. of acts tending to impel and consolidate statistical practices. . ." among which the Ministries of Fomento (Development) and Gobernacion (Interior) sent letters to the governors of the various states in order to secure their cooperation in the reporting of statistical information. The results of thc e acts were to form the beginning of the modern population statistics of today.27

Statistical operations in the nation decreased greatly until the

assumption of power by don Porfirio Diaz in 1577. In 182 the Direccion General de Estadistica was created and charged with collecting and publishing statistical materials of all types, inclifding population, for the nation.25

From the Revolution to the Present

Because of the extreme state of national disorganization, there was very little statistical activity during the period from 1910 until 1920. The census of population of 1910 was published, and the 1920 census was



26jbid.

271bid.

28Ibid.








delayed until 1921. Even so, that census was plagued with all manners of logistical problems and was not published in its entirety until 1925.

In 1922, the Departamento Autnomo de la Estadistica Nacional was formed. This department was responsible directly to the president himself, and had under its control all of the statistical services of the nation. It was charged with the effecting of censuses of population, agriculture, and industry; enumerations of rural, urban, and mining properties; collections of data on general and labor migration; and29

those aspects which would provide a permanent knowledge of the
political structure of the territory and of the intellectual,
moral, social, and economic life of the nation.

Although this department existed for only nine years, it performed important functions beginning with the tabulation and publication of the census of population of 1921. It also started the periodic and regular publication of statistical materials in the form of monthly bulletins and annual reports. The most important work during the period of its existence was the reestablishment of the regular collection and tabulation of national statistical data which had been discontinued since 1911. Flores Talavera writes,30

it was in this way that it could impose the three essential
conditions which should be observed in order to obtain quality
in statistical results: universality, uniformity, and simultaneity.Lemphasis added

In 19" , at the end of nine years, this department was absorbed by the Direccion General de Estad/stica and was placed under the Secretaria de Economia. The Direccidn General de Estadistica consists of31



2917iL___d.; quoted material from p. 37.

301bid.; quoted material from p. 39.

31bid.; quoted material from p. 43.




73


a directorate, a subdirectorate, and seven departments as follows: technical, collection and coordination, census, economic statistics, social statistics, sampling and sorting, and an Administrative Delegation which is in charge of some services of an
internal nature such as archives, logistics, medical, and security.

During the past twenty years, many of the activities of the Direccign have centered around attempts to improve and update the statistical services of the nation in population, industrial, and economic statistics. During this time, these statistics have gained a comparative degree of sophistication, although officials with whom the writer has had personal contact do not express a great deal of confidence in the changes.

Beginning in the late 1960's, plans were laid for evaluation of the statistical services of the nation. The Direccio'n General de Estadi stica and the Servicio Nacional de Estadi'stica have noted as principal problems a deficiency in the coordination of activities, the absence of standardization of techniques, difficulties in the adequate training of personnel, and the inadequacy of collection methods.32 A part of this evaluative procedure resulted in the creation of the Technical Consultative Committee of Information Units of the Public Sector (Comite Tecnico Consultivo de Unidades de Informaci&n del Sector Publico) which, with the cooperation of the Direccion, initiated a National Inventory of Statistics. This has resulted in two major areas of work by the Direccio'n: the creation of a national data bank with a time series of data collection, and a directory of national statistical



32Estados Unidos Mexicanos, Informe de Labores de la Direccion
General de Estadstica, 1968-1972 (No publisher stated: October, 1972), P. 46.








establishments which involves a complete analysis of their systems of data collection and reporting.33

A goal of the Direccion is to produce a continuing series of population and other statistics based on sample surveys similar to those performed by the Department of Commerce in the United States. Its stated purpose is34

� . .to obtain ecnomic and social information �boqt7 the
population of the country which will permit on the one
hand the localization of the principal problem areas in
welfare, and on the other hand �ermit7 measurement of the effects of the different political measures which coincide
with such welfare.

Beginning in January, 1972, the Direccion General de Estadistica undertook two research projects in order to evaluate vital statistics methods, to improve the functioning of the Renistro Civil, to improve the quality of death certification (in cooperation with the Pan American Sanitary Office), and to obtain information on populatiun characteristics, type of housing, levels of education and school attendance, employment, and migration. These pilot studies were carried out in the state of Nuevo Lecon and in the municipio of Guadalajara. They utilized a sample of 4,100 households in Nuevo Leon (of which 2,087 were in the Monterrey metropolitan area), and 3,230 households in Guadalajara.35

Based upon the foregoing studies, a national stratified sample was drawn which included some 200,000 persons (of whom about 55,000 were economically active) in 440 municipios of the nation. The present





341bid., P. 39.

35bi., p. 40.








purpose of this study is as follows:36

1. To obtain new tabulations of birth statistics for the year
1970.

2. To investigate multiple causes of death; a project of the
Pan American Sanitary Office in which Mexico is participating.

3. To investigate the nutritional conditions of children under
six years of age in the Monterrey metropolitan area.

4. Quality control of the Censuis of Agriculture of 1970.

In addition, the Direccio'n is effecting improvements in the collection and publication of data on migration and tourism, education, medical and social service, and attempting an integration of all manner of social statistics. Concerning the latter, the source reports:37

The Direccion General de Estadistica has developed a project
which has as its purpose to establish an integrated system of
statistics �f7 population, human resources and other social
aspects which furnish an adequate frame of reference to permit
finding, coherently, information about the existence and currents
of fuman life7. Considering the amplitude, complexity, importance, and resources necessary, the Direccidn presumes to realize
said program in collaboration with the Population Foundation of
the United Nations. The project has already been formulated and
is presently being considered by said Population Foundation.

The effectiveness of this ambitious program remains to be seen.

In his contact with governmental functionaries and offices in the largest city of the state of Chihuahua, the researcher was surprised to find that not only were there no complete copies of the census of population of 1970, but even such commonplace statistical compendiums as the Anuario Estadlstico were often absent and sometimes unknown. When seeking assistance from such offices, the researcher discovered, time



J�Ibid" 3p. 41.

37Dlireccion General de Estadistica, Informe de Labores,1971-1973
(Wxico D.F., Sept. 1973), P. 14.








and again, that his information and documentation were more complete and recent than those possessed by the officials. Although grand plans are laid at the level of the Directorate, until such improvements filter down to the operational level, little can be expected in the way of change, despite the willingness of many to improve their delivery of services. At the same time, however, it must be conceded that a beginning has been made in the effort to develop adequate national statistical data. One may be permitted the hope that, if such efforts are sustained, knowledge of their availability and utility will in time "filter down" to functionaries on state and local levels.










CHAPTER IV
THE CENSUS OF 1970


The authority for the IX Censo General de Poblacion taken in 197' is found in Decreto del Ejecutivo Federal dated May 2, 1969, as published in the Diario Oficial of the Federation on June 5, 1969.1 The present legal basis for all censuses is the Ley Federal de Estadfstica and its Reglamento, in which paragraph 2 of Article 2 establishes the Servicio Nacional de Estadistica and makes it responsible for taking and publishing the census of population. The Servicio Nacional de Estadistica is an agency under the Secretaria de Incustria y Comercio through its Direccion General de Estadfstica. Under the provisions of Chapter VI of the Ley Federal de Estadistica, Article 95 prescribes that a national census of population, housing, and agriculture will be taken every ten years in the first year of each decade, In addition, Article 5 of the national Constitution also provides that participation in census activities shall be Loth "obligatory and gratuitous." 2


Census Planning and Organization

Census Planning

Preparations for the IX Censo General de Poblacion began in February of 1968 with a series of organization meetings within the Direccicn



-Estados Unidos Mexicanos, IX Censo General de Poblacion. 1970, 28 de enero de 1970: Estado de Chihuahua (NLxico, D.F.: Direccion General de Estadistica, 1971), p. XIII. In order to avoid clumsy notation, hereafter this work will be cited as Chihuahua: 1970.
2 Ibid.








General de Estad'stica. At these meetings, the authorities discussed their plans for the ninth census, including both Mexican experiences with previous censuses and census recommendations from international sources. As a result of these meetings, the project was divided into eight working sections having responsibility for the following: (1) observation, concepts, and definitions; (2) organization; (3) catalog of occupations; (4) cartography; (5) data processing; (6) census date;

(7) publicity; and (8) budget. Each task group had a director who was given a certain autonomy to organize his section within the scope of the general instructions of the Direccicon General de Estad stica, but

all plans had to be approved by the chief of this agency.3 Pretesting of Census Procedures

Plans were made for a number of pretests of census questionnaires and for the organization which was created for the taking, tabulation, and publication of the census. Certain objectives were outlined for the pretests. These included a test of the adequacy of the census organization with respect to personnel selection and training, the prevention of duplication of organizational functions, the adequacy of

interviewing procedures and forms, the evaluation of the degree of difficulty of various questions (from both the standpoint of the Census

Taker and that of the respondent), the average number of interviews which could be completed in a given period of time, and an evaluation of special problems which could be encountered in the field which had not been foreseen.

The pretesting of the census also involved the testing of more than



3 id.








one type of questionnaire to determine which was most suitable, evaluation of questions in the field for clarity and validity, and the "ironing out" of practical problems such as the underenumeration of minors, census definitions, and other field problems.

The pretesting of the census also attempted to evaluate census cartography and the adequacy of census publicity which attempted to gain as much popular support and cooperation as possible.

Following the field pretesting of the census, materials could then be used for a pretest of the collation of questions and responses, to determine problems wiir.h might be encountered in the precoding of answers, and finally data processing itself could be evaluated from the standpoint of card punching time required in order to gain some experience in the tabulation and analysis of data.4 Experimental Censuses

Prior to the taking of the Ninth General Census of Population of 1970, the Direccion General de Estadistica took four experimental censuses to test the adequacy of forms, training, and other procedures mentioned in the preceding section. The first of these was in Guadalajara on December 18, 1968. It included 260 blocks of that city, 5,992 dwellings, and 36,520 inhabitants. This firsL ,.xperimental census utilized forty-eight Instructors, 1,084 Census Takers, and twenty-one Observers who accompanied the Census Takers in order to evaluate the work. These


/

4Ibid pp. XVI-XVII. In Appendix 1 the reader will find translations of the Spanish text of several parts of the information given by the Direccion General de Estadstica about census organization and procedures. These translated materials were taken directly from the Prologue of the census volume for Chihuahua, but it may be assumed that they apply equally to all parts of the Republic.





4o


Observers were provided with a schedule for their observations which included their "impressions with respect to the manner of filling out the questionnaires, the way in which the interviews were performed, the attitudes of the informants, and a series of other aspects.'"5 It should be noted that the type of questionnaire used in the 1970 census was of the "family type" rather than of the "collective type" which had been used in previous censuses. Although it is reported that there are "substantially distinct" differences between the two types, these differences are not revealed in the census volumes. Nevertheless, both the first and subsequent experimental censuses demonstrated the clear superiority of this "family type" questionnaire over the previously used "colle(:Aive type."6

The second experimental census was taken in the municipio of Ozumba in the state of Morelos on January 22, 1969. This time the Observers were involved with a complete municipio, including rural respondents, and consequently, an evaluation was made with respect to those aspects of the census which involved the Census of Agriculture. Discovered was a lack of trained personnel, especially when dealing with the rural population. The second experimental census involved twenty-two Instructors, 269 Census Takers, and thirty-one Observers, and it included 1,579 dwellings and 10,423 persons in the municipio.7

Two other experimental censuses were taken with similar results. Both were in Morelos, one in the municipio of Yautepec and the other

/

51_bi__:d., p. XVIII.

6bid.

71bid.








in that of Jiutepec. In the former were involved twenty-one Instructors, 563 Census Takers, and twenty-six Observers who dealt with 4,319 dwellings and 24,338 inhabitants. In the latter, twenty Instructors, 347 Census Takers, and twenty-two Observers ennumerated 15,086 persons living in 2,839 dwellings. It was in reference to these last experimental censuses that the IX Censo General de Poblacin was arranged in its final form and organization.8

National Territory and Cartography

One of the functions of the Dirc. cion General de Estadistica is to maintain a current list of the localidades9 in the nation, along with their "political category" and the municipio in which they are located. Despite the fact that such lists are supposed to be kept up-to-date for the Direccion by the various state governments, the DireccLon was certain they were "incomplete or defective" because of the absence of a systematic means for keeping such information current. Awareness of this deficiency induced the Direccion to request the municipio governments to update the official lists of localidades prior to the census. In addition, the governments were asked to indicate the distance of each localidad from the seat of municipio government and the means of transportation which were available to each place.

Based on maps by the Secretariates of Public Works and the Na8 bid., pp. XVII-XIX.

9A localidad is "any populated place such as a city, town,
hacienda, rancho, etc. that has a name and a political category whether this be by law or by custom." (Chihuahua: 1970, p. LXV.) Hereinafter this term will no longer be italicized.








tional Defense, and other maps of places of 2,500 inhabitants and over prepared by the National Board of Electors, a series of maps, including state and municipio details for the entire nation, was prepared for census use. Scale maps were prepared for places of 5,000 inhabitants and over, and municipio maps were checked by the municipio governments 10
for accuracy and necessary modification. "Census Documentation"

The Direccion General de Estadistica prepared a lengthy series of documents to provide an adequate framework for the task of census taking. These manuals were to provide full instruction for census personnel at all levels of activity from the highest administrative personnel to the lowest clerk. They were intended to provide directions for every phase and step of the entire operation, and also to provide a history of the manner in which the work was carried out. Summary data on these

manuals follow below and the complete text as translated from the census volume is found in Appendix 1.

The first of these documents was a set of guidelines distributed to those persons at the top of the hierarchy of the census organization

-- the census Delegates, Subdelegates, and Organizers. In the pamphlet given them, the legal bases of the census were cited and a complete explanation of the census organization was described. Since those persons receiving this manual were at the top of the nontechnical portion of the census organization, it was thought sufficient to give them a general overview, but a detailed description of the functions of each subordinate level was not considered necessary.



lChihuahua: 1970, p. XX.









Further, there was a manual for the census Organizer. This person was to organize and see to the smooth operation of such things as public relations, the organization of his subordinates and their training, and in general the supervision of their activities.

The next step below the Organizer in the census hierarchy was that of the Instructor -- the individual who had charge over the training of the Block Chiefs, Census Takers, and Census Agents. Part of the

training imparted was a strong emphasis on the confidential nature of the census information and penalties for their unauthorized disclosure. The Instructor's Manual also contained a detailed descxiption of the census questionnaire and extensive explanations of each question.

Finally, at the operational level, the Census Takers and Census Agents received training manuals which were essentially the same as that provided for the Instructor. The major difference was that their manuals contained a greater amount uf graphic illustration. It was assumed that the Census Takers and Census Agents would have lower educational levels than those of the Instructors, and in consequence, they could learn better if much of the material they were required to 11
learn was explained with drawings as well as with textual materials. Census Publicity

The Oficina de Prensa y Propaganda de los Censos 1qacionales de

1970, the official publicity agency for the census department, was created in 1965. Its function was to plan and coordinate all aspects of the census publicity for the entire period to January 28, 1970, the census date. During this time, it prepared and authorized press re-


-- �=b-id., pp. XXI-XXIV.








leases, and cooperated directly with the Consejo Nacional de la Publicidad, the national agency for the desemination of official information of all types to the citizenry. This organization was able to obtain the cooperation of the national press for the release of periodic information bulletins, thereby creating considerable public support for the census.

Census publicity began in November and December of 1969 and was intensified in January of 1970 in order to create and maintain a high degree of public awareness of the coming census, its date, importance to the nation, and the need for complete and truthful responses to the questionnaire. It was requested that on the date of the census every dwelling in the nation have someone at home qualified to respond to the Census Taker, and to this purpose, the census questions were publicized prior to the census date.12 Census Organization

For census purposes the nation was divided into a number of areas which were variously designated as census delegaciones, regiones, and zonas. A census delegacign (in this special sense) usually included a whole state or territory with the exception of the state of W4xico and the Distrito Federal which, because of the size of their populations, were divided into two delegaciones the former and thirteen the the latter. A census region included one or more census zonas within a state, and the census zona included one or more municipios or wards. The rationale for these divisions included the size of the area, the number of localidades, the 1970 estimated population, the transportation



�=Ibid., pp. XXIV-XXV.








means available, and topographical features.

The "Bodies of Civic Support and Census Functionaries"

The "Bodies of Civic Support"13 were established by the Presidential Decree on The National Census of 1970 which also established,

in Articles 16 and 17, the National Census Board (Junta Nacional de los

Censos), State or Central Census Boards, Municipio or Local Census

Boards, Auxiliary Census Boards and Census Agencies.

The Junta Nacional de los Censos (National Census Board) was the

principal one of these "Bodies" and had, as its honorary director,

the President of the Republic. It was established in September, 1969

to provide:

according to the Direccin General de Estadistica all the support necessary for the activities of preparing and taking the
National Census of 1970.14

The State or Central Census Boards were established in each of

the federal entities except for the Federal District and the two national territories (Quintana Roo and Baja California Sur). Each state

governor was chairman of his state's Board. Members of these bodies



13The English translation ol Organismos de Apoyo Cfvico is, admittedly, awkward and inadequate. Alternatively, the writer considered Organizations for. . .. Offices of. . ., and a number of equally inadequate and equally meaningless, in English, cognates and synonyms. Finally it was decided to merely translate the concepts with the recognition of their inadequacy, and require the reader to add, for the moment, another weight to his burden of' technical terminology. In the
majority of the quotes translated in the present paper, the writer has attempted to maintain the original style and language used in the census documents and other sources. He recognizes that this lends a certain stiltedness to many areas of the paper. The semantics of the original text have been altered only when necessary to preserve clarity and have been faithfully maintained in those things for which no equivalent concept exists in English, except as is necessary to make meanings clear. Material added by the writer in quotations is included in brackets.


14Chihuahua: 1970, pp. XXVII-XXVIII.








included government officials, rectors of universities and other centers of higher education, directors general of education, military commanders, and other civic and social leaders. These bodies were organized between September 20 and October 11, 1969, and their members participated in planning and training meetings.15

Municipio or Local Census Boards, established in each municipio in the nation (or in precincts in the Federal District and territories)

during the second and third weeks of November, 1969, had immediate responsibility for the 16

timely and accurate registration of the inhabitants in all the
localidades within the census jurisdiction assigned to them. These bodies consisted of municipio presidents and other public and civic leaders and authorities. They, in turn established a number of Commissions which included the Commission for the Census of Population and Housing; for the Census of Agriculture and Ejidos; for Auxiliary

Boards; for Census Agents and Agencies; for Cartography, Street Names and House Numbers; for Instruction and Control; and for Publicity.

Auxiliary Census Boards were established in all localidades of

more than 2,499 inhabitants (urban places, by census definition) which were not seats of municipio government, unless the localidad, although smaller than 2,499 persons, was of sufficient importance, in the opinion of the Census Organizer, to warrant such a body because of its economic value to the region or for similar reasons. These Boards were made up of the local political authority as chief and other



15Ibid.
16 Ibid.









generally recognized leaders as subalterns.17

Census Agencies were established in localidades of less than

2,500 inhabitants which were not seats of municipio government. Those very small places of less than 250 inhabitants had merely a Census Agent.18

Census Officials

A bureaucratic hierarchy was established with respect to the varying levels of authority and responsibility for the taking of the census of population. These various categories of census personnel have been alluded to before, but in the present section their duties and responsibilities will be more completely specified.

Census Delegates were chosen for each federal entity by the Director General of Statistics. Each Delegate represented the Direccion General de Estadistica in his respective state, where he was responsible for all census operations. The duties of these persons were to establish and operate the State Census Boards according to the calendar planned by the Direccion.19

Census Subdelegates functioned as the immediate subalterns of the Delegates, and were responsible for the taking of the census in the particular area to which they were assigned by the Delegate within the federal entity. Their functions were to obtain the cooperation of local officials for the taking of the census; to recruit, train, and supervise the Census Organizers; and to supervise the taking of the





181bid. p. XXIX.

19Tbid., pp. XXXIX-XX.








precensuses and the general census of population according to the schedule established by the Direcci6n General de Estadistica.20

The Census Organizers were immediately subordinate to the Subdelegates. Their function was the organization of and the taking of 21
the census in the municipio seats and in

other localidades of their zone, depending for this on the assistance of the municipio authorities and of the Bodies
of Civic Support.

These persons were responsible for the establishment of the local census organization at the municipio level. It was their job to choose and train the "honorary census personnel" who functioned as intermediaries between the census organization and the people. They worked directly with the Municipal Geographic Committees (Comites Geograficos Municipales) for the correction of census cartography and were active in the precensal tests in selection, training, and supervision of personnel. In addition they were responsible for procurement of census materials, thereby assuring an adequate supply and distribution of all such materials. It was also their responsibility to supervise the collection of all materials and their subsequent remittance to the Direccion. Finally, they were responsible for census publicity at the local level.

Ward Chiefs had essentially the same responsibilities with regard to the actual taking of the census as did the Census Organizers, but with a much more limited scope -- the population of a ward within

a localidaci. Such persons were usually government employees of some


p. XXX.


21lid.








level of responsibility, and there was a special effort to obtain senior

level *.duaticnal authorities for these positions. These persons also formed part of the bureaucratic hierarchy, having supervision over those persons below them on the scale. They distributed census forms to the Section Chiefs and collected them from these persons when completed.22

Section Chiefs worked directly under the Ward Chiefs and performed about the same functions, but at a "lower" level (each Ward Chief havin, several Section Chiefs for whom he was responsible). These

persons were chosen with an eye toward their knowledge of the area in which they would work. In this case, the effort to obtain the services oi educational personnel utilized the directors of schools located in the a iea. The census offices of the variiis sections were placed in those schools which corresponded to the Section Chiefs. Other docent personnel and even stud its were used in various capacities when the need arose. Block Chiefs and Census Takers were directly responsible to the Section Chiefs.23

Block Chiefs were chosen by th, Section Chiefs and were responsible for the census registration of all inhabitants of their block.

The Census Takers worked directly under the supervision of these persons. The Census Takers met with their Block Chief on the morning of the census to receive their census forms, and at the end of the census, these forms were returned to the Block Chiefs for subsequent distribution up the chain of conand. The Block Chiefs reviewed and checked for accuracy and completeness all the forms returned by the Census Takers, and



P21bid., P. XXXI.

23bid.








at the end of the census period, they performed the preliminary summation of data collected.24

Census Takers (Empadronadores - "registrars") were those who performed the actual work of interviewing the population. They were required to undergo training to equip them for this task. It was attempted to obtain Census Takers from the same area in which they would

work in order to utilize persons with the greatest knowledge of the area and its population. Census Takers were chosen from all levels of the population, "Attempting always that these be the persons most capable of performing this task."25

Census Agents were charged with the taking of the census in the tiny localidades which did not warrant a more complicated census

organization. At times these were empowered to employ and, if necessary, to train Census Takers.26


Selection and Traini, of Census Personnel

A publication of the Direccion General de Estadistica notes that there were approximately 1,400,000 persons directly involved in the planning and execution of the 1970 census of population. Among these were forty-five Census Delegates, seventy-six Subdelegates, and 1,079 Census Organizers. There were thirty-two Census Boards at the state level, 2,388 Municipal (municipal) Census Administrations, 2,388 Municipal Geographic Committees, 1,422 Auxiliary Boards, and 20,711 Census Agen241bid.

25Ibid., p. XXII.

26Ibid.








cies. Involved in the execution of the census were some 250,000 1 Chiefs, 1,000,000 Census Takers and about 65,000 Census Agents. ko;-hei0,000 persons served as Ward and Section Chiefs, and an additional 70,000 persons were Instructors (most of whom were school teachers).27 It is interesting to see that, according to these figures, almost j

percent of the Mexican population was invol ed, directly, in the -C1an-i'. or taking of the 1970 census'

Census personnel were tentatively selected prior to instucz-tion and their response to the instruction formed the basis for the final selection of those who were to be the principal actors in the census operation. Minimum standards were established by the Census Delegates for the subsequent selection of the Subdelegates and Census Organizers, and the final selection of these persons was also based on their performance on examinations following their training period. The Organizers chose and trained the Ward and Section Chiefs, and also the instructors who were to teach the Block Chiefs, Census Takers, and Census A-ents.

The selection of Block Chiefs, Census Takers, and Census Ae-.ts was determined by the size of the localidad, and the specific t e of census organization was determined by the preexisting administrative rangement of the area, as well as the choice of personnel bein- made from among bureaucratic personnel of the same.

Those places without such a i acuinistratiie oranization, zut with more than 20,000 inhabitants, were first investigated by means -f

the Precensus of Blocks whose purpose was to determine the


Ibid. , p. XXXIII.








number of dwellings, the number of inhabitants, and certain characteristics of the latter which would later serve for the selection
and naming of the persons who would function as Block Chiefs and
Census Takers.

In places with less than 20,000 inhabitants and without the administrative organization just described, the Census Organizer performed

an investigation similar to the Precensus of Blocks which could
permit i-.nowledge of] the approximate number of residences and
of inhabitants,
in order to assist in the choosing of the Block Chiefs and Census Takers28


The Precensus of Blocks was prepared to provide a

list of all the blocks located in places of 20,000 inhabitants and over, of the residences existing in said blocks, and of the
persons which, according to the criteria established for the
selection of the Block Chiefs and Census Takers, would be able
to discharge these assignments.

The census is not clear as to whom was given the responsibility to take

this Precensus of Blocks; nor why it was necessary (under the reasons

given) for a second census visitation to be made by the later-appointed

Census Takers if each dwelling was to be visited and inhabitants were to

be interviewed. As will be seen in the quote which follows, the Precensus of' Blocks was, in effect, a taking of the census:

In each block, hisfthe Auxiliary of the Precensus of Blocks work consiswd in visiting each of' uhe residences existing on the block and to take the information described on the special
form which has been referred to.

Upon arriving at each resid -ice, the Auxiliary of the Precensus
of Blocks should identify himself and explain briefly the reason for his visit, and later note the data relative to the street or
avenue on which the residence was found, as well as the house
or apartment7 numbers outside and inside the same. He should proceed to ask the total number of persons who inhabited that residence, the names and surnames of the heads of household 5efes
de familia as well as those of the occupants which had a higher
education than the head and whose age was eighteen years or more.



'1bipd. XXXIV-XXXV.




53


Then, for each of those persons, he should note his age, the highest year or grade completed of education, for each, his
principal occupation, and his position on the job.

The selection of Block Chiefs and Census Takers was then based on

the information obtained above. The work load proposed was ten dwellings per Census Taker, and six Census Takers for each Block Chief. The basic criterion for the choosing of such persons was that of education. Other

criteria were the age of the candidate, and a preference was given to women. Otherwise, persons whose employment would permit them to be absent during the time of the census were also 6iven preference.29 It should be noted the extreme car which the Direccion exercised (officially) in its selection of personnel at all levels and the great importance given Lo acctiracy in the census. It is this which leads the researcher to conclude that the 1970 census of population may well be the most exact that Mexico has ever taken. The researcher was impressed by the sophistication exercised in the choice of personnel, even to the

preference given to women as census takers. Nevertheless, several informal sources have reported that it is suspected that the extent of underenumeration may be at least as great as four to eight percent, and that in many cases adherence to the norms established by the Direccion was not adequate.

The Training of Block Chiefs and Census Takers was begun in the week prior to the c =nsus date. In the first training sessions these persons were introduced to the Manual for Census Registration, the Questionnaire ror the Census of Population and Housing, and that of the Census of Livestock in Populated Places, which would form the basis



=Ibid., pp. XXXV-XXXVI.








of their instruction. The first period of instruction also covered the following subjects:

1. What is a Census of Population and Housing?

2. Confidentiality of the information.

3. Sanctions for violation of confidence.

4. Functions of the Block Chief.

5. Functions of the Census Taker.

6. Functions of the Census Agent.

7. Rules of which the Census Taker should be aware.

8. Description of the questionnaire.

9. The use of the questionnaire.

10. Instructions for completing Lie questionnaire which are
applicable to all questions.

11. Methods of recording responses.

12. The Census Moment.

13. Where should persons be interviewed?

14. Definition of residence.

15. Definition of "Census Family."

The second training session was dedicated to a detailed explanation of all aspects of the questionnaire. In the third session, each Census Taker, Block Chief and Census Agent alternately played the roles of interviewer and interviewee. The questionnaires Lhus used were later examined for accuracy by the instructors; these were then returned to the workers during the following (fourth) period with errors indicated. A critique followed.30



UIbid., pp. XXXVI-XXXVII.







The Taking and Processing of the Census

Census questionnaires were distributed to the Census Takers and Census Agents on the morning of January 28, 1970, along with the list of residences assigned to each. There was an attempt to begin the enumeration at 8:00 A.M. and to finish by 4:00 P.M. of the same day. This was not always possible, and in some cases it was necessary for the Census Taker to work additional hours or days. In other cases, it was not possible to enumerate the population on the census date. In this event, part of the preplanning of the Direccion made allowances to permit the taking of the census earlier or later than the census date.'! In any event, questions were so phrased as to refer to the census moment, regardless of the date on which the census was actually taken. Collection of Data and Preliminary Analysis

The collection of the completed questionnaires was accomplished in the reverse order from the manner in which they were originally distributed prior to the taking of the census. The Census Takers examined their completed forms for accuracy and completeness and then returned them, together with their summary data of the number and sex of the persons enumerated, to their Block Chief or Census Agent who, in turn, assured that none of the assigned dwellings had been missed in the enumeration. The documents were then transmitted to the respective Section Chiefs. Again, the forms were examined for completeness and accuracy and forwarded to the Ward Chiefs, along with the preliminary s-zmmary data. The Ward Chiefs then remitted all data to the Body of Civic Support to which they were responsible. Here the documents were again



3Iid., pp. XXXIX-XL.








examined to be certain that none of the dependencies under this agency

had been omitted, and corrective steps were taken if any were needed. Following this, the data were turned over to the Municipal Census Board (Junta Municipal de los Censos) in the municipio seat of government, where all municipio census materials were compiled and again examined for

completeness and accuracy. Then the preliminary summary data of number and sex of inhabitants were remitted by telegraph to the Direccidn General de Estadi stica, and the documents were sent to the Census Organizer who had the census of that municipio under his jurisdiction. At the level of the Census Organizer all census materials were again

examined for errors and omission, and another report of summary data was sent to the Direccion for comparison with that previously sent by the Junta Municipal. The Census Organizer returned all documents to the Census Subdelegates who, in turn, surrendered them to the Census Delegates for final examination and transmittal to the Direccidn General de Estadistica. According to the Direccion all of the foregoing was accomplished within fifteen to thirty days following the census date. 32


Data Processing

All data were ultimately received by the Direccin General de

Estad/stica where they were coded and recorded on cards, and on both magnetic and paper tape for computer processing. Census questionnaires

were divided by federal entity, municipio and localidad into bundles of 200 questionnaires each. Each bundle was assigned a code number and part of the analysis of data included in its printout indications of errors



Ibid., pp. XLI-XLII.




57


and a code which also permitted idenitification of the operator, thus

providing a constant check on both accuracy and efficiency.

Trial runs with known data were performed and then 1970 census

data for small localidades were subjected to machine and manual analysis to discover discrepancies and/or errors in programming and internal consistency in the data.33

Data Publication

As in previous censuses, materials were published in thirty-three volumes -- one for each federal entity and one summary volume (Res-amen General)3.

Following the publication of the foregoing, there was, subsequently, the publication of limited amounts of information at the localidad level, but these volumes contain percentage figures only -- the number of persons in each category is not reported. Thus one cannot tell whether a given percentage resulted from small or large absolute numbers.

Finally, a series of special reports is planned. These will cover education, the economically active population, indigenous languages spoken, internal migration, and urban conglomerates. They were unobtainable at the time of the present writing.35

The organization for the I( Censo General de Poblacion is impressive.



33I-bid., pp. LI-LVII.

341t should be noted that there is much information at the state
level which does not appear in the volume for the state, but rather, in the summary volume. In order for the researcher to have access to the maximum amount of data he must avail himself of not only the volume of the state concerned, but also of the Resumen General.

35Estados Unidos Mexicano;, Informe de Labores de la Direccion General de Estadlstica 1968-19(2 (Iv1xico, D.F. : Direccion General de Estad'stica, Oct. 1972), pp. I!-13, passim.








Reading the description of the extreme care and attention to the smallest details leads one to feel admiration for the attempt to accurately enumerate the population of Mexico, and to report its characteristics. It was necessary, for reasons of space, to leave a great deal unsaid and unreported. As noted earlier, a translation of much of this information is found in Appendix 1.

As a result of the impression caused by the degree of care with

which the census was planned, the writer was dismayed to find in his subsequent analysis of the data the inescapable conclusion that the census did, in fact, contain gross errors. The only alternative finding would be that the census of population of 1960 (which formed much of the basis for a critique of the census of 1970) was the one which contained the gross errors. This presents the horns of a dilemma and it seems impossible to avoid one of the two. The criticism of the accuracy of the census is not intended to censure any individual or group, yet the writer cannot but feel that if the extensive and well-laid plans did not produce a census of high quality, the fault did not lie in the planning.











CHAPTER V
THE NUMBER AND DISTRIBUTION OF INHABITANTS


In demographic analysis, the most basic of all topics -- the number and distribution of inhabitants -- is also the briefest and most concise topic considered. Basic data for any census of population consist of the number of persons contained within the geographic area of enumeration and the manner in which they are dispersed over the land. The act of enumeration is the foundation for all future population data, even those also requiring a system of registration such as the so-called "vital statistics" which include births, deaths, and even marriages, divorces, morbidity, and similar data. The calculation of the rates of the above (as well as rates of crir.., school attendance, drug use, automobile accidents, and a similarly wide variety of socially important events) is dependent upon an accurate enumeration of the population.

Enumeration forms the basis for the application of population data for short- and long-term planning, for predictions and projections of population change, and for studies of the migration of persons from one area to another. The principal measurements of the two variables presently under discussion are the actual enumeration of persons, usually by means of a house-to-house counting process; and based upon this, a computation of the density of the population expressed as the number of persons per unit of area.

In Latin America, the metric system of measures is the one predominantly (and officially) used although less definitive methods continue in traditional usage in many places. Since no comparisons

59







will be made with the population north of the international border, there is no need to convert to the less rational English system of measures.

The density of population may be an important variable in terms

the quality of life. It also has more immediate and empirical implications. Extremes of population density, either high or low, are among the factors influencing the production, maintenance, and/or exacerbation of a number of social conditions.

Among conditions sometimes associated with high population densities are increases in mortality and morbidity; social disorganization such as crime, divorce, un- and underemployment, and urban blight; increased costs of fire and police protection; and often, decreased personal tra-nquillity. However, associated to more or less a comparable degree with increased density of population are the greater number of social contacts possible, greater efficiency in the provision of social services of most types, and more varied and stimulating life styles.

Conversely, the extreme dispersion of population resulting in low population densities, while contributing perhaps to a healthful and tranquil environment, often tends to produce sectionalism, a weakness of national political unity and involvement, lower levels of education and increased costs thereof, difficulty in obtaining high quality medical care, increasingly expensive power, transportation, and communication:, and the relative isolation of citizens which may slow the processes -f change and development.1



lCf. T. Lynn Smith, The Sociology of Rural. Life, 3rd ed. (New York: Harper and Brothers, 1953), pp. 20-22; T, Lynn Smith and C.A, McMI.,an, The Sociology .f Urban Li.fe: A Textbook with Readings (New York: Dryden Press, 1951), pp. 44-47; and T. Lynn Smith, Stu.dipi of Zat. American Societies (Garden City: Anchor Books, Doubleday and Company, 1970)j PP. 115-120.








There are two fundamental and delimiting definitions which must bce resolved prior to taking a census of population. One is the census date -- the date to which all census figures refer in order to assure their simultaneity. In a technical sense, a census is a historical recording of certain aspects of a population. Consequently there must be a time at which events or circumstances were true and which, therefore, serves as a "bench mark" for all that went before or will come later . In Mexico, as indicated in the previous chapter, the "census moment" in 1970 was January 28.

The other fundamental definition concerns the method in which data concerning the enumerated persons are recorded. The question is whether to enumerate the individual by his usual plade of residence (de jure registration) or by the place where he was found on the day of registration (de facto registration). The need for decision presents a dilemma since neither method is entirely satisfactory,2 In the .XGeso Genei'al de Poblacion, the Direccion General de EStadistica opted for the de e

definition, according to which the3

habitual reSidence fs,7 the place in which the person has his domicile or the place of residence and is that which he usually indicates as an answer to the question, Where do you live?. As a general rule this is with respect to
the place where the person habitually sleeps.

At the time of the 1970 census those persons who had no usual place of residence were enumerated on a de facto basis. In addition, special definitions were imposed for a person temporarily absent from his usual



2Cf. T. Lynn Smith, Fundamentals of Population Study (Chicago: J. B. Lippincott, 1960), pp. 43-44.

3Chihuahua: 1970, p. LXI.








place of residence. If the absence was for less than six months he was enumerated on a de jure basis; otherwise he was enumerated with the residence of his family (or that of those on whom he was economically dependent). Those persons absent from their usual place of residence because they were out of the country were not enumerated by the census unless they were part of a military or diplomatic mission (or a family member of one of these). All permanently institutionalized persons of any type or age were enumerated on the de facto basis.4 No foreign or diplomatic personnel or their family members were included in the enumeration.

National and State Data

On January 28, 1970 there were 48,225,238 persons enumerated by

the census in the Republic of Mexico. This population was distributed among twenty-nine federated states, two territories, and one federal district -- a total of thirty-two federal entities.

Population densities varied greatly within the nation from 1.7 persons per square kilometer in the two federal territories, Baja California Sur and Quntana Roo, to 4,585.7 in the Distrito Federal (Federal District). Population density for the nation as a whole was 24.6 persons per square kilometer, and the median density for the thirtytwo entities was almost the same -- 23.9 persons per square kilometer.



4Ibid., pp. LXI-LXII. There perhaps are some problems associated with these definitions since they do not appear to be exhaustive and exclusive in some respects. For example, Ipermanently institutionalized is not rigorously defined (in the census volumes, at least, although it may have been in special instructions to the Census Taker), and the provisions for the enumeration of persons under age twenty-one, not living at home, but economically independent seems inadequate. In any event,
the numbers of such persons probably is small.








Greatest population densities were in the central highlands in such states as Mxico (178.6 persons per square kilometer), Morelos (124.7), Tlaxcala (107.6), Guanajuato (74.2), and Puebla (73.9) persons per square kilometer). On the other hand, entities with low population densities such as the two territories and the states of Campeche (4.9), Sonora (5.9), Chihuahua (6.5), and Coahuila (7.4 persons per square kilometer) were located in the more remote coastal and desert regions of the nation.5

The localidad concept was introduced previously (Cf. Chapter IV, n.

9.), but briefly, a localidad is any populated place, no matter how

small, with a name and a political category. It may be assumed that the term is equivalent to "place" as used in the U.S. census. The political category of the localidad involves its denomination by one of a large

variety of terms which bear, so far as the present writer can determine, an unclear relationship to their importance or function. These included ciudad, rancho, granja, hacienda, ejido, estaci'n de ferrocarril, congregacion, rancherila, colonia n.e., pueblo, comunidad n.e., colonia
/ / /
agricola, campo turistico, fraccionamiento, mineral, pesqueria, embarcadero, campamento, escuela rural, puerto, barrio, campo n.e., villa, zona arqueologica, balneario, finca, asseradero, ingenio, mina, club recreativo, estacion de autobuses, establecimiento metalurgico, fabrica,,
/ I
seccion de ferrocarril, comunidad agricola, centro deportivo, colonia ejidal, salina, and centro de salud among others. Long as is this list, in the most populous municipios of Chihuahua are found three designations



5Estados Unidos Mexicanos, Anuario Estad~istico Comendiado: 1970
(Wxico, D.F.: Direccion General de Estadistica, 1971), Table 2.2. These figures may vary slightly from those from other sources because of rounding to the nearest 1,000 persons in the Anuario Estadistico.




64


which are not included in the above list. As it happens, each of the three (parque nacional, campo aereo, and establecimiento industrial) is functionally descriptive. However, it is not the definitions of the terms which are in doubt, but, rather, their meaning. For example,
f
what is the difference between a colonia agricola and a comunidad agricola, or between a fabrica and an establecimiento industrial? Iio doubt, these terms have meaning, or at least they had special significance in the past, but this precise meaning is now impossible to
-6
determine from census records.

Quite aside from the confusing number of terms used for localidades, certain other problems arise in using the data on them. Lic. Rube'n Gleason Galicia, Director General of Statistics in Mexico, notes that the problem with the localidad concept is basically one of definition and the lack of clarity, exhaustiveness, and exclusiveness at the operational level. He reports a geographic overlap of localidades to the extent that "some localidades were included within others."7 Usually this occurred in those localidades with small and scattered populations. The Direccidn General de Estad stica provides a list of such localidajes as were known at the time of publication, and the number of persons involved in the work cited in footnote number six of this chapter. In



6Estados Unidos Yexicanos, IX Censo General de Poblacion, 197 , 28 de enero de 1970: Localidades por Entidad Federativo y Municipio con Algunas Caracterlsticas de su PoblaciSn y Vivienda, Vol. 1, Auascalientes a Guerrero (W'exico, D.F. Direccidn General de Estadistica, 1973), pp. 3-295, passim. Hereafter this work will be cited as Localidades: 1970. This work, Volume 1 of three volumes, contains some 830 pages; consequently it may not be considered that the foregoing list is exhaustive for the nation. (The writer assumes "n.e." in the list to mean "no especificado").

7Ibid. pp. XIII-XIV.








Chihuahua, there were eight such localidades known in three municipios, involving a total of forty-five persons and ten dwellings. In the opinion of the researcher, there may have been more.

Another problem is the separate reporting of localidades or subdivisions which are really part of an urbanized area. An example given of this is Cuautla, Morelos, which was enumerated as having 13,946 inhabitants. Its urbanized area, however, contained eight localidades which were separately enumerated. When these were added to the population of the town to which they properly belonged, its population was increased to 52,248.

Finally, the Director General notes that some large localidades

may have had small increments in their population, but that these may have been included, statistically, in the enumeration of other localidades

in such a way that the increment was not credited to the growth of the larger place. The example reported is Piedras Negras, Coahuila (the only place of its type for which clear cartographic evidence existed), which was not credited with 20,000 persons (one-fourth of its total population). These latter two problems were not reported for Chihuahua, but it may not safely be assumed that they did not occur.8 To the contrary, the writer is of the belief that such events did, indeed, occur in Chihuahua.

In the Republic of Mexico in 1970 about half of the population

(49.9 percent) lived in places of fewer than 5,000 inhabitants. There were 97,580 localidades in the nation in 1970. Of these, 55,650 (or 57 percent) had fewer than 100 inhabitants. Another 28,055 (28.8 per--8lbid.








cent) had between 100 and 499 inhabitants. Thus, it is seen that 86 percent of all localidades in the nation had fewer than 500 residents. This 86 percent of the total number of localidades contained 17.4 percent of the total population of the nation. Conversely, only 0.07 percent of the localidades in the nation had as many as 50,000 persons, yet 28.2 percent of the total population resided in such places.

The mean size of localidad in the nation was 494 persons. This figure includes all localidades of all sizes. Among the 55,650 localidades which had under 100 inhabitants, the mean size was only twenty-six persons.

The localidades of fewer than 5,000 persons, which contained 49.9 percent of the total population, constituted 99 percent of all localidades in the nation, which means that the other half of the Mexican population lived in only one percent of the localidades. The
9
data are shown in detail in Table V-1.

Chihuahua, the largest Mexican state in area, had 1,612,525

inhabitants according to the 1970 census of population. In population size, it ranked tenth in the nation, exceeded by the Distrito Federal and the states of M4xico, Veracruz, Jalisco, Puebla, Michoacan,



SUnless otherwise indicated, materials in all tables were compiled and computed from data drawn from Estados Unidos J4xicanos, IX Censo General de Poblacio'n, 1970, 2'8 de enero de 1970 (Mgxico, D.F.: Direcci'n General de Estad'stica, 1971 and 1972). National data were drawn from the Resumen General, and most state data were taken from the volume entitled Estado de Chihuahua. In order to reduce the complexity of and space consumed by citations at the base of each table, the above sources will simply be referred to as Resumen General: 1970 and Chihuahua: 1970. Similar notations will be used when data from 1950 and 1960 are referred to. In each case, the source tables within the census volume will be noted, and com1lete citations will be found in the Bibliography.











TABLE V-i
"Dn-DTTT AMTn\T Pi"VI'"Tr" N rCflP ,rr'AT


�01 U.I


AND MEAN POPULATION BY SIZE OF LOCALIDAD
IN MEXICO AND CHIHUAHUA, 1970


Entity and Size of Localidad


Localidades of Each Size
Number Percent


Population in


Number


of Each Percent of Total


Localidades Size
Cumulative Plean Percent Population


ltxicoa 1-99
100-499 500-999 1,000-2,499 2,500-4,999 5,000-9,999 10,000-19,999 20,000-29,999 30,000- 39,999 40,000-49,999 50,000-74,999 75,000-99,999 100,000-249,999 250,000-499,999 500,000 & over

Chihuahuab 1-99
100-499 500-999 1,000-2,499 2,500-4,999 5,000-9,999 10,000-19,999 20,000-29,999 50,000-74,999 250,000 & over


97,580
55,650 28,055 7,473
4,232 1,201 539
248
65 30 19
21 13
24
6 4

5,403 4,003
1,117 165
75
24
6 6

2
2


100.0
57.0 28.8
7.7 4.3 1.2 0.6 0.3 0.1

*
*



100.0 74.1 20.7 3.1 1.4 0.4
0.1 0.1 0.1
*


48,225,238 1,471,154 6,889,077 5,190,166 6,.J6,285 4,129,872 3,764,208 3,409,846 1,531,569 1,015,827 858,422 1,242,173 1,114,396 3,735,336 1,971,794 5,535,113
1,612,525 86,618 251,454 111,778
107,419
82,963 44.,040 83,140 70,651
110,065 664,397


100.0
3.1
14.3 1o.8
13.2 8.6 7.8 7.1 3.1
2.1 1.8
2.6 2.3 7.7 4.1 11.5

100.0
5.4 15.6 6.9 6.7 5.1
2.7 5.2 4.4 6.8
41.2


3.1
17.4 28.2 41.4 50.0
57.8 64.9 68.0 70.1
71.9
74.5 76.8
84.5 88.6 100.1


5.4
21.0 27.9 34.6 39.7
42.4 47.6 52.0 58.8 100.0


494
26
246 695
1,504 3,439 6,984
13,749 23,563 33,861 45,18o
59,151 85,723 155,639 328,632 1,107,022


298
22
225 677
1,432 3,457
7,340 13,857
23,550 55,033 332,199


* indicates more than zero but less than 0.05.

Source: aRest-unen General: 1970, Table 2.
bChihuahua: 1970, Table 2.


(ITM TT Ar 'l' i'n lrP ( 1Ar1 V


I .JL. %A ,&,;,l








Guanajuato, Oaxaca, and Nuevo Len in that order.10

Chihuahua's 247,087 square kilometers represent about 12.6 percent of the total national territory, whereas its 1970 population was but 3.3 percent of the national total. The calculation of an index number of the relationship between area and population size shows that the state had only slightly more than one-fourth of its pro rata share (26.2 percent) of the national population in that year. However, despite its small population relative to area, Chihuahua contained

two municipios which ranked sixth and eighth in their number of inhabitants in the nation. These were municipios Juarez and Chihuahua,
11
respectively.

In 1970, the population density of Chihuahua was 6.5 persons per square kilometer as compared with 24.6 for the nation as a whole. Within the state, population densities ranged from 0.49 persons per square kilometer in municipio Coyame in the eastern desert portion of the state to 191.4 in municipio Delicias in the south. The calculation of index numbers for these figures produces 7.5 for the pro rata share of the state's population in Coyame, but 2,842.9 for that of Delicias, based on the share each had of the total area of the state.

So sparsely populated was much of the state that only seventeen of the sixty-seven municipios (25.4 percent) had a population density greater than that of the state as a whole. These seventeen municipios


lUEstados Unidos Mexicanos, IX Censo General de Poblacion, 1970, 28 de enero de 1970: Resumen General (Mxico, D.F.: Direcci6n General de Estadiastica, 1972), Table 2. Hereafter this work will be cited as
Resumen Genera]: 197.
llEstados Unidos Mexicanos, Anuario Estad(stico de los Estados Unidos Mexicanos: 1968-1969 (Wxico, D.F.: Direcci6n General de Estad.sticaj 1971), Table 2:13.








had a combined population of 1,085,549 persons, or 67.3 percent of the total, but they had only 18 percent of the total area. Moreover, five of these municipios were the most populous in the state, and together contained 894,100 persons, or 55.4 percent of the total population, but

only 7.8 percent of the area. The foregoing data are shown in Table V-2.

There were 5,403 localidades in the state, of which 4,003, or 74.1

percent had fewer than 100 inhabitants, and several hundreds of these 12
had fewer than ten persons living in them. Obviously, most localidades in Chihuahua have very small populations, and many of them contain no more than a family or two.

At the other extreme of size of place, as also shown in Table V-1, less than one-half of one percent of all localidades had more than 50,000 persons but these, combined, contained 48 percent of the Chihuahuan population. This may be compared with the 5,120 localidades (95 percent of the total) with fewer than 500 inhabitants, but only 21 percent of the total population.

In most size categories, the average sizes _f localidades were

roughly comparable at state and national levels. The arithmetic mean of population in places with less than 100 persons was twenty-six in the nation and twenty-two in the state. Similarly, those places with populations between 100 and 499 had a mean population of 246 in the nation and 225 in the staLc. Continuing the comparison shows a slight tendency for the national figures to be only slightly larger -- i.e., the mean population of localidades of each size category was slightly greater at the national than at the state level -- in most categories.



12Cf. Localidades: 1970, ff.







Certain categories of population sizes were not represented in Chihuahua; the most important of these is that none of the four Mexican localidades with more than a half-million inhabitants was in Chihuahua. These data are presented in Table V-l. The Major Municipios

The five most populous municipios in Chihuahua which, as noted above, had 55.4 percent of the state's population, are designated as major municipios" in the present research. In descending order, they are Juarez (424,135 persons), Chihuahua (277,099), Cuauhtemoc (66,856), Delicias (64,193), and Hidalgo de Parral (61,817). Each of these municipios had a population density greater than that of the state as a whole. One of the five, Delicias, with an area of 335.4 square kilometers, was the smallest in the state in area, but had the greatest population density (191.4 persons per square kilometer). The population density of Juarez was 87.4, that of Hidalgo de Parral was 35.3, that of Chihuahua was 30.1, and that of Cuauhte'moc was 22.2 persons per square kilometer. In terms of their proportions of the state's population, Juarez had 26.3 percent; Chihuahua (the municipio which contains the capital of the state) had 17.2 percent; Cuauhte'moc, 4.2 percent; Delicias, 4 percent; and Hidalgo de Parral, 3.8 percent. (See Table V-2.)

With the exception of Cuauhte'moc, each of the five major municipios had one major city and a large number of smaller places with various designations mentioned above. Table V-3 shows that in each of the major municipios the majority of the inhabitants lived in places of 2,500 persons or more. This figure represents the dividing line with respect to definitions of rural and urban, according to the Direccib'n General de Estadistica.







TABLE V-2
poPULATION, TOTALS AND BY SEX; MEDIAN AGE, POPULATION DENSITY AND INDEX NUMBERS FOR POPULATION BASED ON DENSITY FOR ALL MUNICIPIOS, CHIHUAHUA, 1970


Mnicipio


Total


State Totals Ahumada Aldama Allende Aquiles Serd~n Ascension Bachiniva Balleza Batopilas Bocoyna Buenaventura Camargo Carichic
Casas Grandes Coronado Coyane Cruz, La Cuauhtemoc Cusihuiriachic Chihuahua Chinipas
Delicias Doctor Belsario
Domingue z Galeana General Trias Gomez Farlas Gran Morelos Guachochi Guadalupe
Guadalupe y Calvo Guazapare s Guerrero
Hidalgo de Parral Hue jot itan Irnacio Zaragoza Janos
Jime ne z Juarez
Julime s Ipez Madera Maguarichie
Manuel Benavides atachic


1,612,525
10,400
13,349
11,182
5,056
9,316 9,237
13,244
8,854 17,074 14,924
36,222
9,217 8,832 2,898 3,830 3,884
66,856
8,768 277,099
7,453
64,193

7,370 1,838
6,595 9,305 7,253
16,192
9,593
29,053
7,512
35,877 61,817
2,737 9,742 7,028
27,635
424,135
5,639 5,163
29,915
1,475
5,167 5,521


Population
Males Females


Median Density
Age # Person
Km2


812,649
5,922 7,450 6,055
2,652 4,91-3 4,769 6,407 4,602
8,692 6,999 18,752 4,725 4,720
1,577 2,144 2,016
33,987
4,774 137,274
3,841 31,834

3,826
958
3,413 4,663 3,440
7,942
4,934
14,074
4,082
18,774 30,141
1,126 5, 169 3, A;3
14,422
209,053 3,059 2,571
15,087
766
2,747
2,888


799,876
4,478 5,899 5,127 2,404
4,403 4,468 6,837 4,252 8,382
7,925 17,470 4,492
4,112 1,321 1,686
1,868 32,869 3,994 139,825
3,612 32,359

3,544
88o
3,182 4,642 3,813
8,25q 4,659
14,979 3,430
17,103 31,676 1,61i
4,573 3,345
13,213 215,082
2,580 2,592
14,828
709
2,420 2,633


16.1 15.2 15.5 16.6
15.3 15.3
15.5 16.4 16.8 16.7
15.7 15.7
17.1 15.3 16.1
16.3
16.0 14.8
15.4 17.0 17.0 15.2

17.1
14.5 15.6
15.5 17.2
16.8 15.9
14.7 16.1 15.6 16.6
15.0 15.1
14.5 15.4 16.3 1.7.6
16.2 15.0
17.9
15.8 15.3


6.53 0.61 1.36 4.52 7.77 0.85 5.46 1.87 4.29 6.09 1.67 2.25
3.31
2.37 1.65 0.4.9
3.75 22.15
4.84 30.06 3.27
191.38

11.58
1.20
6.34 9.43 17.10
3.73 1.55 3.17
3.50 6.40 35.30 5-97 4.57 1.01 2.50 87.38 2.04 3.92 3.67 1.57 1.62 6.18


Index of
.s Population % of state area = 100 100.0
9.3
20.9
69.0
119.2
13.0 86.4 28.7 65.5
93.8 25.7
34.6 5o.4 36.4 25.4
7.5
57.1 340.2 74.0
460.6
50.0
2842.9

176.9
17.7 97.6
145.0
264.7
56.8 23.5 48.5 54.0 97.8
539.4
89.5 69.8 15.7 38.2
1341.8
89.3
60.4
56.4 23.7 24.8 94.4






TABLE V-2 (coNINuED)


Municipio


Total


Matamoros 14oqui Morelos Moris Naniquipa Nonoava Nuevo Casas Grandes Ocampo Ojinaga Praxedis G. Guerrero Riva Palac io Fisales Rosario San Francisco
de Borja San Francisco de Conchos San Francisco del Oro Santa Brbara Satevo Saucillo Temosachic Tule, El Urique Urachic
Valle de Zaragoza


5,965 28,160 6,517
5,458 28,876 4,043
30,703 5,135 25,560 7,950 10,836 10,748 4,992

4,616

3,817

13,708 19,862 8,738 29,730 8,475
3,476
12,581 7,900 6,229


Population
Males


Females


2,841 14,031 3,135 2,662 13,419 2,038 15,o45 2,527 12,368 4,306 5,155 4,815
2,435


Median Density Index of


Age # Persons
Km2


15.4 16.1 15.4 16.0 14.7 16.2 15.8 15.6 16.1 16.4 13.4 15.0
14.8


3,124 14,129 3,382 2,796 15,457 2,005 15,658 2,608 13,192 3,644 5,681 5,933 2,557

2,506

2,033

7,028 10,199
4,711 15,179 4,415 1,741 6,524 3,972 3,252


6,680 9,663 4,027 14,551 4,060 1,735 6,057
3,928 2,977


14.6 14.6 15.0 14.7 14.7 14.8 14.8
14.9 14.7


Source: Chihuahua: 1970, Table 1


5.23 76.12 4.88
2.46 6.85 1.50 14.82 2.52 2.69 9.83 4.48 6.26 2.80

4.1o

3.27

19.71 46.82 4.oo 14.05 1.58 8.49 3.17
2.58 1.49


Population % of state area = 100
8o.4 1166.7 74.1 37.8
105.3
22.9
226.2
38.6 41.3
148.5
68.4
95.7 43.1

63.0

51.1

303.6
723.5
61.6
214.0
24.4
129.4
368.4
39.5
23.1


2,110 15.1 1,784 14.9




TABLE V- 3
THE MAJOR MUNICIPIOS: POPULATION TOTALS, PERCENT OF TOTALS, MEAN POPULATION
AND SEX RATIOS BY SIZE OF LOCALIDAD AND PERCENT OF LOCALIDADES OF EACH SIZE, 1970


Municipio & Size
of Localidad


Cuauhtemoc
1-99
100-499 500-999
1,000-2,499
10,000-19,999 20,000-29,999 Chihuahua
1-99
100-499 500-999
1,000-2,499
250,000-499,999 Delicias
1-99
100-499 500-999
1,000-2,499
50,000-74,999 Hidalgo de Parral
1-99
100-499
50,000-74,999
/
Jua re z
1-99
100-499 500-999
1,000-2,499 2,500-4,999
25., 000-499,999


Localidades of Each Size

Number Percent
135 99.9
37 27.4 88 65.2
6 4.4 2 1.5 1 0.7 1 0.7
78 100.0
21 26.9 47 60.3
6 7.7 3 3.8 1 1.3
383 100.0 365 95.3 12 3.1
4 i.o 1 0.3 1 0.3
122 100.0 112 91.8
9 7.4 1 0.8
57 100.0
45 78.9
2 3-5 4 7.0 3 5.3 2 3.5 1 1.8


Population


Persons of Each Sex


Source: Chihuahua: 1970, Table 2.


Population


Number 66,856 1,216
21,222 3,737 3,197 10,886
26,598 277,099
1,040
10,575 3,992 4,465
257,027
64,193 5,944 2,352 2,441 1,010
52,446 61,817
2,599 1,599 57,619 424,135
522 836
2,779 4,615 8,013 407,370


Percent of Total
100.0
1.8
31.7 5.6 4.8
16.3 39.8 100.0
0.4 3.8 1.4 1.6
92.8
100.1
9.3 3.7 3.8 1.6
81.7 100.0 4.2 2.6
93.2 100.0 0.1
0.2 0.7
1.1
1.9
96.0


Cumulative
Percent

1.8
33.5 39.1 43.9 60.2
100.0

0.4 4.2 5.6 7.2
100.0

9.3
13.0 16.8
18.4
100.1

4.2 6.8
100.0

0.1
0.3 1.0 2.1 4.0
100.0


Mean
Population
495
33
241 623
1,599
10,886 26,598
3,553
50
225 665
1,488
257,027
168
16
196
610
1,010
52,446
507
23
178
57,619
7,441
12
418 695
1,538 4,007 407,370


Males 33,987 604 10,713 1,948
1,563 5,687 13,472 137,274
553
5,748
2,251 2,295 126,427 31,834 3,209 i,164 1,181
521
25,759 30,141 1, 392
824 27,925 209,503
257 416
1,382 2,367 3,975 200,656


Female s
32.869
612
10,509 1,789 1,634 5,199 13,126 139,835
487
4,827 1,741
2,170 130,600 32,359 2,735
1,188
1,260
489 26,687 31,676 1,207
775 29,694 215,082
265 420
1, 397 2,248 4,038 206,714


Sex Ratio
103.4 98.7 101.9 1o8.9 95.7
109.4 102.6 98.2 113.6 119.1 129.3 105.8
96.8 98.4 117.3 98.0 93.7 1o6.5 96.5
95.2 115.3
106.3 94.0 97.2 97.0 99.0 98.9 105.3
98.4 97.1








In four of the five major municipios, the population was highly concentrated in the capital city of the municipio. In the case of municipio Juarez, where this concentration was greatest, 96 percent of the municipio population was found in Ciudad Juarez. In municipios Chihuahua and Hidalgo de Parral, the concentration in the major city was only slightly less -- 93 percent in each. In Delicias, 82 percent of the population was thus concentrated.

Only in municipio Cuauhtemoc, among the five major municipios, was the population more evenly dispersed. This municipio had 32 percent of its population, or 21,222 persons, residing in eighty-eight localidades which ranged in size from 100 through 499 persons and one-third of its population dwelt in places of less than 500 persons. Cuauht~moc had no localidad as large as 30,000 people. Its urban population was found in two centers, one having about 27,000, the other nearly 11,000 residents. (See Table V-3.)

Except for Cuauhte'moc, then, the large population size of the major municipios derived principally from the size of the dominant city of the municipio. The population density of the outlying localidades would be, of course, very much lower than that of the entire municipio.

Not only was population highly concentrated into one large localidad in four of the five major municipios, but extremes of dispersion prevailed in the rest of each municipio as is well illustrated by conditions in municipio Delicias. Table V-3 shows that in 1970, this municipio had 383 localidades, or almost as many as the other four major municipios combined. Of these, 365, or 95 percent of the total, had populations which were within the size range of one to ninety-nine persons. These localidades had a mean population of only sixteen persons each. The 5,499 persons








who lived in such places constituted only 9 percent of the total population of the municipio, whereas the 52,446 persons who lived in the municipio capital amounted to 82 percent.

One of the smallest mean populations in the state was found in

localidades which ranged from one to ninety-nine persons in municipio Juarez. This was twelve persons per localidad despite the fact that Juarez had the largest population and the largest city of any municipio in the state. These data are given in Table V-3. Minor Municipios

The five most populous municipios have been designated above as "major municipios;" in this research the term "minor municipios" will refer to the other sixty-two municipios of Chihuahua. As one would expect, these municipios differed widely among themselves, and obviously, some of them are in very thinly settled desert locations. Three of them

averaged fewer than one person per square kilometer; in one -- Coyame -the density was lower than one person for two square kilometers. In some respects, perhaps the least typical minor municipio is IVeoqui. Although it had one extremely small localidad, and contained the relatively small number of twenty-four localidades, it had an overall population density exceeding that of three of the major municipios. Meoqui is situated immediately adjacent to densely populated Delicias.

The mean number of inhabitants in the municipios of the state was

24),068 in 1970. An array of municipios by size of population results in a highly unequal distribution around the mean since only fifteen (22.4 percent) had populations greater than the mean. The median population for municipios of the state was 8,832 or a little greater than one-third of the mean. These data may be calculated from those presented in Table V-2.











CHAPTER VI
THE CHARACTERISTICS OF THE POPULATION


The second major area in a study of population is the division of that population into socially significant categories, and the interpretation of the composition thus revealed by the use of ratios, proportions, and index numbers. The number of characteristics which could be considered as socially significant for some purpose may be nearly infinite. However, in the study of population, and particularly in the analysis of population dynamics, some characteristics, determinants or correlates of basic social expectations and roles, are fundamental. These include sex, age, race, rural or urban residence, occupation, income, and education. (Religion would be a factor in an area characterized by religious heterogeneity, but since such an overwhelmingly large proportion of the population of Mexico is at least nominally Catholic, it was felt that an inclusion of this characteristic in the present work would needlessly lengthen it.) In the present chapter, each of these characteristics is discussed. In all known societies, both present and historical, much of the differential allocation of tasks and roles among the members of society -- Durkheim's "division of labor" -- is based on the societal perceptions of the significance of some of these characteristics.


Sex

The division of labor by sex is one of the most basic and common forms of social differentiation. Sex is one of the most immutable of one s ascribed characteristics. Gender is noted at birth, and many of the roles of a lifetime are thereby determined. To be sure, some persons

76




77


oppose the social ascription of functions by sex, noting that with the exception of the basic reproductive division of labor, the sex-linkage of most functions in the modern world is both unnecessary and discriminatory. Such persons may be quite correct in this claim. Even so, for the vast majority of the peoples of the earth, sex remains an important determinant of social roles. As W. I. Thomas remarked in his famous "definition of the situation," "If men define situations as real, they are real in their consequence." Concerning Mexico and Chihuahua, the researcher feels quite confident in designating sex as a salient :,,ial characteristic of the population.

The sex distribution of a population has a number of implications for a society, both empirical and speculative. Empirically, relationships can be established between the relative proportions of men and women in a population and its birth rate, death rate, types of occupations, crime rates, preferred consumer articles, rates of marriage and remarriage, and probably many others. Speculatively, unequal distributions of men and women in societies have sometimes been cited as being the reason for the "wild and wooly" life of frontier areas, and the softening influence" of the presence of the "gentle sex" has occupied the romantic literature of many societies. How valid such speculations may be is not of concern in the present research. National and State Data

The relative numbers of males and females in a population is commonly expressed as the sex ratio: the number of males for every 100 females. The measure is not without some disadvantages, since a high or low sex ratio may appear more significant than it is in reality if the numbers involved are small. For example, in a small population of 127







men and 132 women (an absolute difference of five persons, or only 2 percent) the sex ratio is 96.2, which is lower than was that of the United States in 1970. In 1970 there were 24,065,614 males in the Republic of Mexico and 24,159,624 females, yielding a sex ratio of 99.6

(see Table VI-1).

In most nations, urban and rapidly urbanizing areas tend to have

low sex ratios, and rural (and in particular, frontier) areas tend to be characterized by high sex ratios. Mexico illustrated this generality;

in 1970 the lowest sex ratio among the federal entities (93.4) was in the national capital, and the highest sex ratios were found in the two

federal territories, Baja California Sur (105.3) and Quintana Roo (107.7) 1

When the sex ratios by five-year age groups are plotted for Mexico,

the graph obtained conforms, in general, to the "S" shape typical of that of populations in which faulty age-reporting appears.2 In the United States the typical curve is also "S" shaped. Starting with the usual sex ratio at birth of about 105, it declines slightly during the first fifteen years of life. This decline becomes greater after age fifteen to reach a sex ratio of approximately ninety-seven between the ages of about twenty to thirty, from which point it again increases to

an adult maximum of slightly more than one hundred in the middle years.



1Rfesumen General: 1970, Table 1.

2T. Lynn Smith, Fundamentals of Population Study (Chicago: J. B.
Lippincott Co., 1960) pp. 182-189. Smith notes (p. 188) that the errors
of age-reporting by sex destroy much of the utility of sex ratios in the study of patterns of migration.








POPULATION, TOTALS AND BY AND NUMBER OF LOCALIDADES OF


TABLE VI-1
SEX, SEX RATIOS BY SIZE OF LOCALIDAD, EACH SIZE IN MEXICO AND CHIHUAHUA, 1970


Entity and Size of Localidad


Localidades of Each Size


Number of Inhabitants


Total


Males


Females Ratio


)exico'
1-99
lOO-499 500-999
1,000-2,499 2,500-4,999 5,000-9,999
10,000-19,999
20,000-29,999 30,000- 39,999 4o,o00-49,999 50,000-74,999 75,000-99,999 100,000-249,999 250,000-499,999 500,000 and over

Chihuahuab
1-99
100-499 500-999
1,000-2,499 2,500-4,999 5,000-9,999
10,000-19,999 20,000-29,999 50,000-74,999 250,000 and over


97,580 55,650 28,055
7,473 4,232 1,201
539 248
65 30
19 21 13 24
6 4

5,403 4,003 1,117 165
75 24
6 6 3 2 2


24,065,614
767,375 3,542,809 2,650,494
3,222,022 2,070,168 1,869,571 1,673,943 754,621
495,729 423,494
612,366 538,704 1,815,338
968,013 2,660,967


48,225,238 1,471,154
6,889,077 5 ,190,166 6,366,285 4,129,872 3,764,208 3,409,846
1,531,569 1,015,827 858,422 1,242,173 1,114,396
3,735,336 1,971,794 5,535,113
1,612,525 86,618
251,454 111,778
107,415 82,963 44,040 83,140 70,651
110,065 664,397


24,159,624 99.6
703,779 109.0 3,346,268 105.9 2,539,672 104.4 3,144,263 102.5 2,059,704 100.5 1,894,637 98.7 1,735,903 96.4 776,948 97.1 520,098 95.3 434,928 97.4 629,807 97.2 575,692 93.6 1,919,998 94.5 1,003,781 96.4 2,874,146 92.6


799,876 41,110 120,206
53,147 52,670 41,723 20,936 40,578 35,811 56,381 337,314


101.6 110.7
109.2 110.3
103.9 98.8
110.4
lO4.9 97.3 95.2 97.0


Source: aResumen General: 1970, Table 2.
bChihuahua: 1970, Table 2.


Sex


812,649 45,508 131,248 58,631
54,749 41,240
23,104 42,562 34,840 53,684 327,083








Later, it again declines as a result of greater male mortality.3

Observations of the distribution of sex ratios by five-year age

groups in Mexico (as seen in Figure 1 and in Table VI-2) shows a somewhat similar pattern, with some important differences. In Mexico, the "S" shape shows an increase instead of the expected decrease in sex ratios in the ages younger than fifteen, a deeper "dip" in the productive years, and two peaks of high sex ratios in the mature years.

From a sex ratio of 103.4 in the age group 0-4, there is an increase in the sex ratio to a maximum of 104.7 by age group 10-14. To account for such a change in sex ratios in any way other than error in age reporting requires an assumption of emigration of females or immigration of males. It would be difficult to state with any degree of certainty that such differences resulted from selective migration by persons of these age groups. However, it might be possible to find evidence (and this is speculative) that there may be some tendency for young females to overstate their age in order to obtain employment. The

writer knows of several girls of eleven or twelve who work as domestic servants; he does not know if they overstated their age in order to get these jobs. Still, this is not felt to be of sufficient magnitude to

account for the deviations observed from what is usually seen in human Populations.

After age fifteen, the sex ratio declines sharply on the graph in

the 15-19 age group, to 97.2, and to a markedly lower level -- 91.8 -- for the 20-24 ages, at which time the direction of the curve is reversed. In the United States, Smith (q.v., loc. cit.) attributes this phenomenon to



3Tbid.




-; 7-- 1~~ I


140 130 120-


I I
Mexico Chihuahua


--"flit

I

*1.-~-. _______ .-.j..--.-...... _______ _______ _______ _______ _______


I10
0

100



8C 7C 6C


age


source: Resumen General: 1970, Table 5; Chihuahua: 1970, Table 3


FIGURE 1
SEX RATIO BY FIVE YEAR AGE GROUPS IN THE
REPUBLIC OF MEXICO AND THE STATE OF CHIHUAHUA, 1970


-.~*_ __


0- 5- 10- 15- 20- 25- 30- 35- 40-45- 50- 55- 60- 65- 70- 75- 80- 85+
4 9 14 19 24 29 34 39 44 49 54 59 64 69 74 79 84


J







TABLE VI-2
NUMBER AND PERCENT OF POPULATION IN EACH AGE SEX GROUP AND SEX RATIOS BY AGE, MEXICO, 1970


Republic of Mexico


Total Population Male Population Female Population
Number Percent Number Percent Number Percent


of Total


of Total


All Ages
0-4 5-9
1O-14 15-19 20-24 25-29 30-34 35-39 40-44 45-49 50-54 55-59 60-64 65-69 70-74 75-79 80-84 85 and over


48,225,238 8,167,510 7,722,996 6,?96,174
5,054,391 4,032,341 3,260,418 2,596,263 2,511,647
1,933,340 1,637,018 1,192,043 1,011,859
917,853 702,563 488,253 252,648
180,934 166,987


16.9 16.0 13.3 10.5
8.4 6.8 5.4
5.2 4.0 3.4 2.5 2.1 1.9 1.5 1.0 0.5 0.4 0.3


24,065,614 4,151,517
3,934,729 3,271,115 2,491,047 1,930.,300 1,575,414 1,285,461 1,235,283 959,477 829,719 589,788 501,529
451,069 345,379 242,008 119,571 80,738
71,470


49.9 8.6 8.2 6.8
5.2 4.0 3.3
2.7 2.6
2.0 1.7 1.2 1.0 0.9 0.7 0.5 0.2 0.2 0.1


24,159,624 4,015,993 3,788,267 3,125,059 2,5b6,344
2,102,041 1,685,004 1,310,802
1,276,364 973,863 807,299 602,255
510,330 466,784 357,184 246,245
133,077 100,196
95,517


Source: Res-umen General: 1970, Table 5-


Sex Ratios


50.1 8.3 7.9 6.5 5.3 4.4 3.5
2.7 2.6 2.0 1.7 1.2 1.1
1.0 0.7 0.5 0.3 0.2 0.2


99.6 103.4 103.9 104.7 97.2 91.8 93.5 98.1 96.8
98.5 102.8
97.9 98.3
96.6 96.7 98.3
89.9 8o.6 74.8




83


the tendency of women to understate their age. It cannot be assumed

that a similar mechanism is not acting to reduce these sex ratios in

Mexico, but the extent of that reduction would require more "cheating" than

seems to be reasonably expected. An alternative, and partial, explanation with some empirical support is the exodus of relatively large numbers

of young men to the United States for purposes of employment. While many

of these are legal entrants, a much larger number of immigrants to the

United States probably are the result of illegal entries across the many

miles of virtually unguarded border. The numbers of such illegal immigrants is unknown, but estimates are very large.4



4According to a reported interview with Leonard F. Chapman, Jr.,
Commissioner of the Immigration and Naturalization Service of the United States, an estimated 800,000 illegal immigrants were apprehended in the United States during fiscal year 1974, and the number is expected to reach 1,000,000 during fiscal year 1975. What is more, this figure is estimated to represent between one- to two-thirds of the total number of illegal entrants into the country, and perhaps as many as 90 percent of those persons are from Pl:xico. According to the source, Commissioner Chapman also reports estimates of the numbers of illeal aliens (again, mostly Mexicans) presently residing in the United States as being between two and ten million, and "the number is growing every day." (U.S. News and World Report, LXXVII:4, July 22, 19(4, pp. 27-30.)
The present researcher has talked with a number of persons, generally men, who have told him that they have come from the interior of the nation (although most from the northern states, and from rural areas) now living in Ciudad Jugrez, who intend to make their way, legally or illegally, into the United States. Cf. also Ellwyn R. Stoddard, Illegal Mexican Labor in the Borderlands: Institutionalized Support of an Unlawful Practice (San Francisco: A paper presented at the annual meeting of the American Sociological Association in August, 1975.
Cf. also, Jos4 Hernandez Alvarez, "A Demographic Profile of the Ivbxican Immigrant to the United States, 1910-1950," Journal of InterAmerican Studies, 8, July, 1966, pp. 471-496. Herein the author notes that "During the first half of the present century about one million Mexicans were involved in a singular instance of large-scale entry into the United
StaLes."
See also Floyd Dotson, "Disminuci6n de la Poblacidn Mexicana en los
Estados Unidos de Acuerdo con el Censo de 1950," Revista Mexicana de Sociolog1a, XVII: 1, Jan.-Apr. 1955, PP. 151-169, and Leo Grebler, et 2:1, Mexican Immigration to the United States: The Record and Its Implicato (Los Angeles: University of California, Graduate School of Business







Inspection of the data presented in Table VI-2 and Figure 1 shows that following the minimum sex ratio which appears at age group 20-24, the sex ratio increases to 93.5 in ages 25-29, and to 98.1, 96.8, and 98.5 by ages 30-34, 35-39, and 40-44, respectively. The small peak which appears at age group 30-34 perhaps can be explained by the researcher's observation that it is difficult for men to obtain new employment other than menial, after age forty. If such a situation does prevail, it seems reasonable that men approaching this age would tend to understate their

ages, while those already employed would be more likely to state their ages correctly.

The highest sex ratio among adults in the national population is seen in Figure 1 at age group 45-49, with a second peak at age group 70-74. These are difficult to explain, and any explanations offered would be merely speculative. Each requires some factor which reduces the proportion of women or increases that of men. It is not necessary that these be the same factor. The factors to be considered are, again, emigration of women, immigration of men) or error in the data. Immigration is not an important factor in the population growth of Mexico, nor has it been in the past century, although there has been a small influx of Mennonites and Mormons, perhaps fleeing persecution in the United States. 4exico has also provided a haven for refugees created by political and ideological struggles elsewhere in the world, both in Europe and in other Latin




Administration, Division of Research, Mexican-American Study Project, Advance Report 2, "Preliminary and Subject to Revision," January, 1966), Pas.sim The latter work reports that 429,513 immigrant visas were issued to Mexicans between 1955 and 1964, of which 75,919 (17.7 percent) were issued by the Ciudad Juarez United States Consular District.







American countries. Surely the most famous modern refugee who sought Mexican residence was Leon Trotsky. This function of Mexico has attracted well-known individuals and has yielded news coverage of Mexico as a haven, but this function of the nation has consistently been more qualitative than quantitative. No mass entries of refugees have occurred sufficient in size to alter the demographic structure of the nation appreciably. An emigration of large numbers of Mexicans in the first third of the present century, as reported by Hernandez Alvarez5 and the remaining in the U.S. of women when male migrants returned to Mexico might conceivably be a partial explanation. Inspection of the U.S. Census Subject Reports, however, shows nothing out of the ordinary regarding

sex ratios of persons of Spanish surname which would indicate any particular excess of women, born in Mexico, now residing in the United States of

ages 45-49 or 70-74,6 unless, of course, large numbers (the majority) had married men without a Spanish surname. This is highly improbable.

Another alternative which, theoretically, could account for the

reduction in the proportion of women in the population at those ages is

differential mortality, but this, of course, runs counter to what is known of mortality. It certainly is difficult to accept as a reasonable

proposition that women of such select ages would have excessively high mortality while others of nearby ages would be spared. Consequently, the



0p.. cit. He states that the number of immigrants to the United
States declined during the decade of the 1930's. and many persons returned to Mexico during this period. He also reports that exican immigration never returned to its pre-Depression levels.
6U
U.S. Bureau of the Census, Census of Population, 1970, Subject ReP PC(2) - 1D, Persons of Spanish Surname (Washington, D.C.: U.S. Government Printing Office, 1973), Table 6. Note that the data herein refer only to the five southwestern states.









researcher is unable to explain this phenomenon, which is made all the more intriguing because this pattern, as Figure 1 shows, appears in

Chihuahua to a degree even more pronounced than in the nation as a whole.

For Chihuahua, Table VI-3 and Figure 1 demonstrate similarities

between the populations of the state and nation with respect to sex structure by age, with the important difference that the sex ratio in the state is generally higher than that of the nation as a whole. Especially is this true after age forty-four. As with the national population, the researcher is unable to explain the phenomenon. So high is the sex ratio of the state after the middle years that it seems that there may be some reason other than simple error in the data, although error probably coexists with whatever is producing the abnormally high sex ratios. The very fact that the state is of importance in the extractive industries conceivably could account for some of the excess of males, although the proportion of the labor force in these industries is not large enough, alone, to account for such an excess of middle-aged men. (Extractive industries ordinarily, one presumes, employ young men in largest numbers.) To investigate further possibilities would require research far beyond the scope of the present undertaking. The Major Municipios

Among the major municipios, Ju~rez and Cuauhtemoc were at opposite extremes in the internal distribution of sex ratios by size of place (group data). Juarez, reflecting the usual urban pattern of low sex ratios had a sex ratio greater than 100 only in its localidades of from 1,000 to 2,499 persons. In general, localidades both smaller and larger had sex ratios of less than 100. Conversely, in Cuauhtemoc, sex ratios







TABLE VI-3
NUMBER AND PERCENT OF POPULATION IN EACH AGE
SEX GROUP AND SEX RATIOS BY AGE, STATE OF CHIHUAHUA: 1970


Total Population
Number Percent


Male Population Female Population Sex
Number Percent Number Percent Ratios


of Total


of Total


All Ages 0-4 5-9
io-i4 15-19
20-24 25-29 30-34 35-39 40-44 45-49 50-54 55-59 6o-64 65-69 70-74 75-79 80-84 85 and over


1,612,525
273,046 261,622
218,730 167,752 132,792 107,157
89,330 81,870 65,364 53,985 40,332 36,469 30,118 22,978 14,278
7,574 4,733 4,395


Source: Chihuahua: 1970, Table 3.


State of Chihuahua


100.0 16.9 16.2
13.6 10.4 8.2 6.6 5.5 5.1 4.1 3.3 2.5 2.3 1.9 1.4 0.9 0.5 0.3 0.3


d12,649 140,094 134,171 112,304 83,189 63,595 52,028 44,276 40,938 32,542 28,017 20,534 18,601 15,349 11, 620 7,340 3,793
2,271
1,987


50.4 8.7 8.3 7.0 5.2
3.9 3.2 2.7 2.5 2.0
1.7 1.3 1.2 1.0
0.7 0.5 0.2 0.1 0.1


799,576 132,952 127,451 106,426
84,563 69,197 55,129 45,054
40,932 32,822 25,968 19,798
17,868 14,769 11,358
6,938 3,781 2,462 2,408


49.6 8.2
7.9 6.6 5.2
4.3 3.4 2.8
2.5 2.0
1.6 1.2 1.1
0.9 0.7
0.4 0.2 0.2
0.1


101.6 105.4 105.3
105.5 98.4 91.9
94.4 98.3 100.0
99.1
107.9 103.7 104.1 103.9
102.3 105.8 100.3 92.2
82.5








greater than 100 were found in localidades of most size categories.7 These data are shown in detail in Table V-3.

Examination of the sex ratios of the population of each of the major municipios by five-year age groups shows the prevalence of the pattern described for the nation and the state in the preceding section.

As may be seen in Figure 2, and Tables VI-4 through VI-8, the histograms generated from the sex ratios of the major municipios follow, in a general fashion, those of the state and nation as a whole. They reveal the initial dip in sex ratios in the young adult years, followed by an increase in early middle age. However, that for Hidalgo de Parral, and especially that for Delicias, are characterized by great variations in some other respects. It should again be noted that these variations may well be a product of errors in age-reporting and/or the relatively small numbers of persons concerned, especially in the older age groups. Particularly noticeable, however, are rather erratic discrepancies in the sex ratios of the childhood age categories. In Delicias, the groups 0-4, 5-9, and l0-14 show sex ratios of 100.4; 101.2, and 102.1 respectively; for Hidalgo de Parral, these figures are 99.2, 95.5, and 101.0; for Cuauhtemoc they are 103.1, 110.5, and 107.8. The only reasonable explanations for the puzzling levels of some of these sex ratios and for the increase beyond the 0-4 range are errors in the data. Only Chihuahua and Juarez, the largest municipios, report sex ratios similar



(Chihuahua: 1970, Table 2. It should be noted that all such figures refer to grouped data of localidades of the specified size. Individual localidades within each category may vary from the norm for the grouped data.







TABLE vi-4
NUMBER AND PERCENT OF POPULATION IN EACH AGE
SEX GROUP AND SEX RATIOS BY AGE, MUNICIPIO CUAUHTEODC, 1970


Total Population
Number Percent


Male Population
Number Percent
of Total


Female Population Sex Number Percent Ratios
of Total


All Ages 0-4 5-9
io-14 15-19 20-24 25-29 30-34 35-39 40-44 45-49 50-54 55-59 60-64
65-69 70-74 75-79 80-84 85 and over


Source: Chihuahua: 1970, Table 3.


66,856
11,958 11,628 9,401 6,803 5,448 4,393 3,500 3,277 2,532 2,081 1,594 1,400 1,040 753 487 247 171 142


100.0 17.9 17.4 14.1 10.2 8.1
6.6 5.2 4.9 3.8 3.1 2.4 2.1 1.6 1.1
0.7 0.4 0.3 0.2


33,987 6,069 6,103 4,876 3,378 2,615 2,141 1,784
1,653 1,283 1,092
815 737 545 361 249
131 83 72


50.8 9.1 9.1 7.3 5.1 3.9 3.2 2.7 2.5 1.9 1.6 1.2 1.1
0.8 0.5 0.4 0.2 0.1 0.1


32,869 5,889 5,525 4,525 3,425 2,833 2,253 1,716 1,624 1,249
989 779 663 495 392 238 116
88 70


49.2 8.8 8.3 6.8 5.1 4.2 3.4 2.6 2.4 1.9 1.5 1.2 1.0 0.7 0.6 0.4 0.2 0.1 0.1


103.4 103.1 110.5
107.8 98.6
92.3 95.0
lo4.o 1oi.8 102.7 110.4 104.6 111.2 110.1
92.1 104.6 112.9 94.3 102.9







TABLE VI-5
NUMBER AND PERCENT OF POPULATION IN EACH AGE
SEX GROUP AND SEX RATIOS BY AGE, MUNICIPIO CHIHUAHUA, 1970


Total Population
Number Percent


Male Population
Number Percent
of Total


Female Population Sex Number Percent Ratios
of Total


All Ages 0-4 5-9
1o-14 15-19
20-24 25-29 30-34 35-39 4o-44 45-49 50-54 55-59 60-64 65-69 70-74 75-79 8o-84 85 and over


Source: Chihuahua: 1970, Table 3.


277,099 44,937 42,408 36,277 30,070 24,188 18,814
15,720 14,153 11,609 9,754 7,431 6,749 5,415 4,227 2,466 1,344
797 74o


100.0 16.2
15.3 13.1 10.9 8.7 6.8 5.7
5.1 4.2 3.5
2.7 2.4 2.0
1.5 0.9 0.5
0.3 0.3


137,274 23,175 21,659 18,569 14,812 11,303 8,866 7,616 6,849
5,593 4,841 3,570
3,316 2,683 2,027
1,193
6o6 322 274


49.5 8.4 7.8 6.7 5.3
4.1 3.2 2.7
2.5 2.0 1.7 1.3 1.2 1.0 0.7 o.4 0.2 0.1
0.1


139,d25 21,762
20,749 17,708
15,258 12,885 9,948 8,104 7,304 6,016
4,913 3,861
3,433 2,732 2,200 1,273
738
475 466


50.5 7.8 7.5 6.4 5.5 4.6 3.6 2.9 2.6 2.2 1.8 1.4 1.2 1.0 0.8 0.5
0.3 0.2 0.2


95.2
106.5 104.4 104.9 97.1 87.7 89.1 94.0 93.8
93.0 98.5 92.5
96.6
98.2
92.1 93.7
82.1 67.8 58.8







TABLE vI-6
NUMBER AND PERCENT OF POPULATION IN EACH AGE
SEX GROUP, AND SEX RATIOS BY AGE MUNICIPIO DELICIAS, 1970


Total Population
Number Percent


Male Population
Number Percent
of Total


Female Population Sex Number Percent Ratios
of Total


All Ages o-4 5-9
io-14 15-19 20-24 25-29 30-34 35-39
40-44 45-49
50-54 55-59 60-64 65-69
70-74 75-79 80-84 85 and over


Source: Chihuahua: 1970, Table 3.


Age


64,193 11,324 10,962
8,884 6,628 5,029 4,173 3,709 3,147 2,418 1,907
1,430 1,440 1,197
873 491 280 135 166


100.0 17.6 17.1 13.8 10.3
7.8 6.5 5.8 4.9 3.8
3.0 2.2 2.2 1.9 1.4 0.8 0.4 0.2 0.3


31,834 5,673 5,514 4,489 3,225 2,300 2,037 1,799 1,594 1,204 990
663 722 617 460 243 154
78 72


49.6 8.8 8.6 7.0 5.0 3.6 3.2 2.8 2.5 1.9 1.5 1.0 1.1
1.0 0.7 0.4 0.2 0.1 0.1


32,359 5,651 5,448 4,395 3,403 2,729 2,136 1, 910 1,553 1,214 917 767 718 58o
413 248 126
57 94


50.4 8.8 8.5 6.8 5.3 4.3 3.3 3.0 2.4 1.9 1.4 1.2 1.1
0.9 0.6 0.4 0.2 0.1 0.1


98.4
lOO.4 101.2 102.1 94.8 84.3 95.4 94.2 102.6 99.2
1o8.o 86.4 100.6 1o6.4 111.4 98.0
122.2 136.8 76.6








TABLE VI-7
NUMBER AND PERCENT OF POPULATION IN EACH AGE
SEX GROUP, AND SEX RATIOS BY AGE MUNICIPIO HIDALGO DE PARRAL


Total Population
Number Percent


61,817 9,88o 9,604 8,516
6,765 5,028 4,130
3,576 3,227 2,575 2,030 1,589
1,498 1,238 918 567 291
199 186


100.0
16.o 15.5 13.8
10.9 8.1
6.7 5.8
5.2
4.2
3.3 2.6 2.4 2.0 1.5
0.9 0.5 0.3 0.3


Male Population
Number Percent
of Total


30,141 4,920 4,692
4,280 3,288
2,293 1,913
1,781 1,551 1, 290 1,029 787 738 611
428
246 124
9o
8o


48.8 8.0 7.6 6.9 5.3 3.7 3.1 2.9 2.5 2.1 1.7 1.3 1.2 1.0
0.7
0.4 0.2 0.1 0.1


Female Population Sex Number Percent Ratios
of Total


31,676 4,960 4,912
4,236 3,477 2,735 2,217 1,795 1,676 1,285
1,001
802 76o
627 49O 321
167 109 106


51.2 8.0
7.9 6.9 5.6 4.4 3.6 2.9 2.7 2.1
1.6 1.3 1.2 1.0 0.8 0.5 0.3 0.2 0.2


95.2
99.2 95.5 101.0
94.6 83.8 86.3 99.2 92.5
100.4 102.8 98.1
97.1 97.4 87.3 76.6 74.3 82.6 75.5


Source: Chihuahua: 1970, Table 3.


All Ages
0-4
5-9
io-14 15-19 20-24 25-29 30-34 35-39 40-44 45-49 50-54
55-59 60-64 65-69 70-74
75-79 8o-84 5 and over







TABLE vI-8
NUMBER AND PERCENT OF POPULATION BY AGE - SEX GROUPS,
SEX RATIOS BY AGE, MUNICIPIO JUAREZ, 1970


Total Population
Number Percent


424,135
70,180 66,910 58,407 45,892 35,304 27,970 24,095 21,859 18,163 14,928
10,262 9,283 7,442 5,833 3,594
1,835 1,121
1,057


16.5 15.8
13.8 10.8
8.3 6.6 5.7
5.2 4.3 3.5
2.4 2.2 1.8
1.4 0.8 0.4 0.3
0.2


Male Population
Number Percent
of Total


209,053
36,221 34,453
29,993 22,241 16,267 12,896 11,381
10,327 8,626 7,521 5,110 4,374
3,478 2,712 1,712
825 488 428


49.3
8.5 8.1 7.1 5.2 3.8 3.0 2.7 2.4 2.0 1.8
1.2 1.0 0.8 0.6
0.4 0.2 0.1 0.1


Female Population Sex Number Percent Ratios
of Total


215,062
33,959 32,457 28,414
23,651
19,037 15,074 12,714 11,532
9,537 7,407
5,152 4,909
3,964 3,121
1,882 1,010
633 629


50.7 8.0 7.7
6.7 5.6 4.5 3.6 3.0 2.7
2.2 1.7
1.2 1.2 0.9 0.7 0.4
0.2 0.1 0.1


97.2
106.7 106.1
105.6 94.0 85.4 85.6 89.5 89.6 100.9 101.5 99.2
89.1 87.7 86.9 91.0
81.7 77.1 68.0


Source: Chihuahua: 1970, Table 3.


All Ages
0-4
5-9
io-14 15-19 20-24 25-29 30-34 35-39 40-44 45-49 50-54 55-59 60-64 65-69 70-74 75-79 8o-84 and over













.- , .._ , i, . I/' ' \ o .. .. . ,. k""
I00
.. .� ,. , . .. . . . N, " . .'

80- ' 1 ' _\

S i r"
SIi S'..

60 - -1 _ ,
0- 5- i0- 15- 20- 25- 30- 35- 40- 45- 50- 55- 60- 65- 70- 75- 80- 85+
4 9 14 19 24 29 34 39 44 49 54 59 64 69 74 79 84
age � source: Chihuahua: 1970, Table 3
FIGURE 2
SEX RATIO BY FJVE YEAR AGE GROUPS IN MAJOR MUNICIPIOS, 1970




Full Text
From the national and state data in Table VII-1, it is obvious
that the nation is in a period of very rapid growth. The popula
tion increased from slightly less than 35 million persons in i960
to slightly more than 48 million in 1970 (assuming for the moment
that census data are essentially correct).
As seen in Table VII-1, this increase represents a growth rate
of 335 percent per year. During the almost ten years which elapsed
between the two censuses, birth rates in the middle forties were
recorded each year. At the same time recorded death rates were
approximately thirty-three to thirty-five less per thousand persons,
producing a rapid natural increase of the population. To this point,
all seems to be in order with respect to the vital statistics.
Birth rates in this range, while spectacular from Anglo-American
points of view, tend more to be the rule in Latin America, and if
anything, the reported birth rates may be one or two points per
thousand lower than in some other nations. The reported crude death
rates, also, appear to be about "right" when one considers the low
median age of the Mexican population reported in Chapter VI.
Of disturbing proportions, however, is the report of net migrati
into the nation. This number (it is not a rate) increased each year
of the decade from 8l,000 in i960 to 440,000 in 1969 Since these
figures are for the entire nation, one can only consider this to near,
foreign immigration. Turning to the census volumes for i960 and 1970
one sees that in the Republic of Mexico there were 223,468 foreign
born persons in Mexico at the time of the census of population of


age >n years
105
85 +
80-84
75-79
70-74
65-69
60-64 '
55-59
50-54
45-49
40-44
35- 39
30-34
25-29
20-24
15- 19
10- 14
5-9
male
11
female
*"11~i11111
1111111
10 987654 32 I 0 I 2345 6789 10
percent of population
source: Chihuahua: 1970.Table 3
FIGURE 6
AGE-SEX PYRAMID FOR
THE MUNICIPIO OF CHIHUAHUA, 1970


age in years
108
percent of population
source: Chihuahua: 1970. Table 3
FIGURE 9
AGE-SEX PYRAMID FOR
THE MUNICIPIO OF JUAREZ, 1970


269
age group having the smallest increment was that of persons aged 20-2-.
The Redistribution of the Population
In the present work, the concept of the redistribution of the
population is used in the limited sense of rural and urban differences.
Prior to the census of 1970, it was easily possible in the Mexican census
to differentiate the rural and urban populations. In the 1970 census,
these were not separately tabulated, thus requiring calculations
which were not always possible and which, when possible, were tedious.
There was no cross-tabulation by rural and urban residence in the 1970
census.
National and State Data
The description of the redistribution of the population from 1950
to 1970 requires the quoting of many figures. There are two ways in
which the description can proceed. First, the national, state, and
within-the-state data may be taken by census period, thus keeping the
data grouped regionally but scattered temporally; or second; the data
may be examined with temporal continuity through the three censuses
covered, although this will separate the regional continuity to some
extent. The latter procedure was followed. The data discussed are
shown in greater detail in Tables VIII-1 and VIII-3.
In 1950, Mexico was still predominantly rural. True, it had
large centers of population concentration such as Mexico City, Monterrey,
and Guadalajara, but the majority of the population, 57*^ percent,
lived in places with fewer than 2,500 inhabitants. With respect to
sex, in 1950, only 40.9 percent of Mexican males and 44.2 percent of
the females lived in urban areas. Sex ratios were somewhat unbalanced


93
TABLE VI-8
NUMBER AND PERCENT OF POPULATION BY AGE SEX GROUPS,
SEX RATIOS BY AGE, MUNICIPIO JUAREZ, 1970
Age Total Population Male Population Female Population Sex
' Number Percent Number Percent Number Percent Ratios
of Total of Total
All Ages
424,135
209,053
49-3
215,082
50.7
97-2
0-4
70,180
16.5
36,221
8.5
33,959
8.0
106.7
5-9
66,910
15.8
34,453
8.1
32,457
7-7
106.1
10-14
58,407
13-8
29,993
7.1
28,4i4
6.7
105.6
15-19
45,892
10.8
22,241
5*2
23,651
5.6
94.0
20-24
35,304
8.3
16,267
3-8
19,037
4.5
85.4
25-29
27,970
6.6
12,896
3.0
15,074
3-6
85.6
30-34
24,095
5-7
11,381
2.7
12,714
3.0
89.5
35-39
21,859
5-2
10,327
2.4
11,532
2.7
89.6
40-44
18,163
4.3
8,626
2.0
9,537
2.2
100.9
45-49
14,928
3-5'
7,521
1.8
7,407
1.7
101.5
50-54
10,262
2.4
5,H0
1.2
5,152
1.2
99-2
55-59
9,283
2.2
4,374
1.0
4,909
1.2
89.1
6o-64
7,442
1.8
3,478
0.8
3,964
0.9
87.7
65-69
5,833
1.4
2,712
0.6
3,121
0.7
86.9
70-74
3,59^
0.8
1,712
0.4
1,882
0.4
91.0
75-79
1,835
0.4
825
0.2
1,010
0.2
81.7
80-84
1,121
0.3
488
0.1
633
0.1
77-1
85 and over
1,057
0.2
428
0.1
629
0.1
68.0
Source: Chihuahua: 1970, Table 3*


221
OF CHANGE PER YEAR BY SEX AND RESIDENCE IN MEXICO,
OF MINOR MUNICIPIOS IN PERIODS 1950 TO i960 AND i960 TO 1970
Percent Annual Rate
i960
Percent Change 1950-1960
of Change 1950-1960*
Rural
Urban
Total
Rural
Urban
Total
Rural
Urban
17,218,011
17,705,118
35.4
16.3
61.2
3.0
1.5
4.8
8,810,330
8,604,990
37.2
17.4
65.6
3.2
1.6
5.0
8,407,681
9,100,128
33.7
15.1
57.2
2.9
1.4
4.5
525,643
701,150
44.9
11.1
87.8
3-7
1.1
6.3
275,485
346,131
46.8
13.1
92.4
3-8
1.2
6.5
250,158
355,019
43.1
9.1
83.5
3.6
0.9
6.1
62,796
540,805
76.9
7.7
91.1
5.7
0.7
6.5
33,026
265,023
80.4
9.0
96.4
5-9
0.9
6.7
29,770
275,782
73-6
6.3
86.3
5-5
0.6
6.2
22,961
20,880
45.7
59-3
33.1
3-8
4.7
2.9
11,844
10,640
48.6
58.2
38.9
4.0
4.6
11,117
10,240
42.7
60.1
27.6
3.6
4.7
2.4
17,836
168,253
65.5
-1.5
78.3
5.0
-0.2
5.8
9,558
82,778
71.3
1.3
86.2
5.4
0.1
6.2
8,278
85,475
60.1
-4.6
71.3
4.7
-0.5
11,677
39,919
68.3
-5.5
118.3
5.2
-0.6
7.8
6,260
20,056
68.3
-4.4
120.7
5.2
-O.5
7.9
5,417
19,863
68.4
-6.8
115.8
5.2
-0.7
7.7
3,606
41,474
22.7
-22.9
29.4
2.0
-2.6
2.6
1,930
20,503
26.7
-20.1
34.1
2.4
-2.2
2.9
1,676
20,971
19.0
-25.9
25.1
1.7
-3.0
2.2
6,716
270,279
111.0
-23.2
120.5
7.5
-2.6
7.9
3,434
131,046
113-9
-22.4
124.2
7.6
-2.5
8.1
3,282
139,233
108.2
-24.0
117.2
7.3
-2.7
7.8
462,847
160,345
23.4
11.6
77.4
2.1
1.1
5-7
242,459
81,108
25.3
13-6
80.6
2.3
1.3
5.9
220,388
79,237
21.4
9.4
74.2
1.9
0.9
5.6
^Annual rate
of change r =
e
where e
= the j
natural
logarithm
of the
Pll P2
' L quotient ; Pi = the population in
n *1
t'ne base year; P2 = the population in the year Pq + n years; and n = the
elapsed time in years.


138
Table VI-13 presents the percentage of the EAP by size of place
in each of eleven industrial categories. To show the high degree of
correlation between residence in places of under 2,500 inhabitants and
primary occupation, the figures under "A" in Table VI-13 (referring to
the primary industries) show an inverse and perfect correlation in terms
of rank order between size of place and percentage of the population
engaged in the primary industries, presumably mostly agriculture.
The companion table is Table VI-l4. In Tables VI-13 and. VI-14,
the matrix is rotated ninety degrees when compared to the other. This
means that in Table VI-13 the rows add horizontally to 100 percent,
while in Table VI-l4 the columns add vertically to 100 percent. The
value of this presentation may be seen by taking, for example, category
"A'1, the primary industries. In Table VI-13, under column "A" it is
seen among the total EAP in Mexico, 39*^ percent was involved in primary
industries; that in localidades with populations from 0 to 2,499; 76*9
percent of the EAP was so involved; that in places with populations which
ranged from 2,500 to 4,999; 45*5 percent of their population worked in
primary industries, and so on.
On the other hand, in Table VI-l4 it is seen that of all the EAP
employed^ in primary industries, "j6.2 percent were to be found in
places whose populations ranged from zero through 2,499; that 9*5 per-
abbreviated as the EAP, and economically active persons as EAP's. The
distinction between the two will be obvious in context.
^OThe reader should note that "employed" as it is used in this
section merely refers to the area or industry of economic activity of
the person, regardless of whether he was presently working or not.


8o
3
Later, it again declines as a result of greater male mortality.
Observations of the distribution of sex ratios by five-year age
groups in Mexico (as seen in Figure 1 and in Table VI-2) shows a some
what similar pattern, with some important differences. In Mexico, the
"S" shape shows an increase instead of the expected decrease in sex
ratios in the ages younger than fifteen, a deeper "dip" in the productive
years, and two peaks of high sex ratios in the mature years.
From a sex ratio of 103*4 in the age group 0-4, there is an in
crease in the sex ratio to a maximum of 104.7 by age group 10-14. To
account for such a change in sex ratios in any way other than error in
age reporting requires an assumption of emigration of females or immi
gration of males. It would be difficult to state with any degree of
certainty that such differences resulted from selective migration by
persons of these age groups. However, it might be possible to find
evidence (and this is speculative) that there may be some tendency for
young females to overstate their age in order to obtain employment. The
writer knows of several girls of eleven or twelve who work as domestic
servants; he does not know if they overstated their age in order to get
these jobs. Still, this is not felt to be of sufficient magnitude to
account for the deviations observed from what is usually seen in human
populations.
After age fifteen, the sex ratio declines sharply on the graph in
the 15-19 age group, to 97-2, and to a markedly lower level -- 91*8 -- for
the 20-24 ages, at which time the direction of the curve is reversed. In
the United States, Smith (q.v., loc. cit.) attributes this phenomenon to
3lbid.


19
for control of Ciudad Juairez and the state of Chihuahua precipitated the
murder of Madero and, in 1913, the assumption of power as Interim Pres
ident by General Victorano Huerta.
Opposition to Huerta immediately surfaced with Emiliano Zapata
promulgating his famous Plan de Ayala, promising land to the peasants,
and with Venustiano Carranza developing his Plan de C-uadalupe, stress
ing constitutional processes (the Constitution of 1857)* ultimately
leading, in 1917 during the presidency of Carranza, to the Constitution
of 1917.33
Pancho Villa and Carranza early parted forces, and Villa seriously
challenged the federal authority in Chihuahua and adjacent northern
states. The support of Carranza by the United States led Villa and his
supporters increasingly to perceive the United States as a power oppos
ing their aspirations. In the eyes both of the United States and of
the national government in Mexico City, Villa increasingly came to be
viewed as a troublesome bandit. The murder of seventeen U.S. citizens,
and the raid in the same year (1916) by Villa on Columbus, New Mexico
produced powerful international repercussions. As a consequence, the
United States Army intervened along the border. Troops under the command
of General Pershing moved into the state of Chihuahua in 1916 and
Not until 1920 did Villa and his followers finally capitulate to
33cf. in this context, the following: Robert E. Quirk, The Mexican
Revolution, 1914-1915: The Convention of Aguascalientes (New York:
Citadel Press, 1963), pp. 3-20, passim; Almada, on. citT, pp. 398-402;
Eyler N. Simpson, The Ejido: Mexico's Way Out (Chapel Hill: University
of North Carolina Press, 1937)* p. 37* and Lister and Lister, on. cit. /
pp. 216-217.
3itAlmada, op. cit., pp. 4l3-4l7.


ent from those of the state as a whole. This is not strange since they
contained, in 1970; a majority of the population of the state. However,
there are some variations worthy of note. (See Figure ll).
The median age of all municipios in the state may he seen in Table
V-2. That of municipio Chihuahua was exactly seventeen years, or 0.9
years greater than that of the state as a whole. The state, in Table
VI-10, shows larger proportions of persons at all age levels than does
the capital municipio up to age group 35-39 Not until the ages 60-64 do
state and municipio figures show equal cumulative percentages of popula
tion. The discrepancy between the median age of the population of the
state and that of the municipio is greater for females than for males.
The median age for females at the state level was 16.5 years, while in
the capital municipio it was 17.7 years. Corresponding figures for
males were 15-7 in the state and 16.3 in the municipio of Chihuahua.
At the other extreme was municipio Cuauhtemoc, where the median age was
14.8 (l4.4 for males and 15.2 for females). In Cuauhtemoc, ^0.2 percent
of all males were younger than fifteen.
The other three major municipios occupied intermediate positions
between these extremes, and in none of them was as many as half the popu
lation under age fifteen. Delicias approximated that figure most closely
with a median age of 15-2 (l4.9 for males). For Juarez, the correspond
ing figure was 16.3 (virtually the same as that of the state) and the
median age of the population of Hidalgo de Parral was 16.6 years.
Juarez showed a configuration of interest insofar as differential
median ages for males and females are concerned. Although the total
median age of the population of the municipio was approximately the same
as that of the state, that for males was 15*4 years, or somewhat lower


274
in the 1960's.
Research on such changes in classification and definition and their
effect on reported population trends appears to the writer to he of
great importance, and he plans to undertake a pilot project in Municipio
Juarez in the future to test this hypothesis. During the period between
the census of 190 and 1970^ the rural population of all of the major
municipios, for both sexes, with the exception of males in Dlicias
showed an increase. In that municipio there was a small decrease of
I85 males> or 3 percent of the male rural population.
Numerically, the largest increase in the urban population during
the two-decade span of time was registered in municipio Juarez. In
fact, the total net increase of the rural population was only ten per
sons, and even this figure reflects the loss of two males from the rural
sector. In a sense, Jurez presents an odd pattern of rural popula
tion change. There was a decrease of 2,026 rural persons in the muni
cipio during the decade of the 1950's and an increase of 2,036 rural
persons in the following decade. Nevertheless, the total population
gain for the municipio was only 1,453 persons greater in the 1960's
than in the 1970's* 14 is conceivable, albeit speculative, that there
was some redrawing or redefinition of city boundaries during the period.
The geography of Ciudad Juarez produces some rather peculiar growth
patterns, not unlike conditions prevailing, for example, in the city of
Rio de Janeiro. Juarez is bounded on the north by the border with
the United States. To the east lie privately owned lands of persons
reported to the researcher to be politically powerful, as are the owners
of lands to the south of the city. The only federally owned land is
to the west and northwest of the city which abuts the foothills of


TABLE VI-12 (CONTINUED)
125
Municipio Persons Who Speak Percent of Indigenous-Speaking
and Language an Indigenous Language Who Do Not Speak Spanish
Number
Percent
Total
Males
Females
Batopilas
2,076
30.22
50.6
b2.3
60.7
Tarahumara
2,644
29.86
50.8
42.3
70.0
Tepehuano
l
0.01
0
0
0
Others
31
0-35
35.5
38.1
30.0
Carichic
1,842
19.98
58.0
44.4
73-2
Tar ahumara
1,807
19.61
58.1
44.6
73.1
Others
35
O.38
57.1
33-3
75.0
Guachochi
5,162
31-88
36.4
25.8
49.7
Tarahumara
4,991
30.82
37-1
26.1
50.8
Tepehuano
96
0.59
0
0
0
Others
75
0.46
4o.o
32.4
47.4
Urique
3,147
25.01
32.6
24.1
42.1
Tarahumara
3,027
24.06
32.0
23.4
41.6
Others
120
0.95
49.2
42.6
55-9
Guazapares
1,139
15.16
18.2
ll.l
2 6.6
Tarahumara
1,107
14.74
16.8
10.1
24.8
Others
32
0.43
65.6
47.1
86.7
Guadalupe y Calvo
3,329
11.46
26.4
23.6
29.4
Tarahumara
2,161
7.44
28.6
25.9
31-7
Tepehuano
1,055
3.63
17.6
14.9
20.3
Others
113
0-39
65.5
59.3
71.2
Maguarichic
181
12.27
0
0
0
Tarahumara
173
11-73
0
0
0
Others
8
0.54
0
0
0
Morelos
727
11.16
14.0
8.9
20.1
Tarahumara
701
10.76
13.7
8.7
19.6
Tepehuano
10
0.15
0
0
0
Others
16
O.25
37.5
25.0
50.0
= Less Than 0.01 Percent
Source: Chihuahua: 1970 Tables 1 and 13.


36
and again, that his information and documentation were more complete
and recent than those possessed by the officials. Although grand plans
are laid at the level of the Directorate, until such improvements filter
down to the operational level, little can be expected in the way of
change, despite the willingness of many to improve their delivery of
services. At the same time, however, it must be conceded that a begin
ning has been made in the effort to develop adequate national statistical
data. One may be permitted the hope that, if such efforts are sustained,
knowledge of their availability and utility will in time "filter down"
to functionaries on state and local levels.


129
the likelihood of -underreporting described above is, in fact, producing
underenumeration on a large scale.
The Minor Municipios
In some minor municipios, the speakers of indigenous languages
were found in considerable numbers. Most important of these was Guachochi,
where almost 32 percent of the population spoke an indigenous language,
and of these, 36.4 percent did not speak Spanish. The dominant native
language there, as in the state as a whole, was Tarahumara, with 4,991
speakers. Other minor municipios of importance were Batopilas, where
30.2 percent spoke Tarahumara, and just over half of these spoke no
Spanish, and Urique, where 25 percent of the population spoke a native
language, including 3>027 speakers of Tarahumara and 120 speakers of
"other" indigenous languages. (Presumably Tepehuano would not have been
classified in this way since in the census it is individually reported
in those municipios where it occurs.)
Approximately one-third of all the speakers of Tepehuano were found
in Chihuahua and almost 89 percent of these were found in municipio
Guadalupe y Calvo. Speakers of native tongues other than Tarahumara
and Tepehuano were widely scattered. The largest concentrations of
these Indians were in the two largest of the major municipios, Juarez
and Chihuahua, where nearly a third of the speakers of "other" native
languages were found.
No language information was available for the German-speaking
Mennonites in the state (especially in municipio Cuauhtemoc) or the
English-speaking Mormons in the north-central parts near Juarez and Casas
Grandes. Schmidt reports the number of the former as being approximately


TABLE OF CONTENTS
Page
ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS iii
ABSTRACT v
CHAPTER
I INTRODUCTION 1
II THE SETTING 4
IIIDEMOGRAPHIC AND STATISTICAL BACKGROUND FOR THE
ANALYSIS OF THE CENSUS OF 1970 22
IV THE CENSUS OF 1970 37
V THE NUMBER AND DISTRIBUTION OF INHABITANTS 59
VI THE CHARACTERISTICS OF THE POPULATION 76
VII VITAL STATISTICS AND POPULATION CHANGE i62
VIII THE GROWTH AND REDISTRIBUTION OF THE POPULATION . . 210
IX SUMMARY AND CONCLUSIONS . 277
APPENDIXES
1. "CENSUS DOCUMENTATION" . £87
2. MODIFICATION OF SMITH'S AGE REPORTING ACCURACY
SCORE TECHNIQUE £92
3. MAP OF CHIHUAHUA 294
SELECTED BIBLIOGRAPHY 295
BIOGRAPHICAL SKETCH
(iv)


112
age in years
source: Chihuahua: 1970. Table 4
FIGURE 10
PERCENT OF POPULATION IN EACH OF SINGLE
YEARS OF AGE; CHIHUAHUA, 1970


68
Guanajuato, Oaxaca, and Nuevo Le8n in that order.
Chihuahua's 247,087 square kilometers represent about 12.6 per
cent of the total national territory, whereas its 1970 population was
but 3-3 percent of the national total. The calculation of an index
number of the relationship between area and population size shows that
the state had only slightly more than one-fourth of its pro rata share
(26.2 percent) of the national population in that year. However,
despite its small population relative to area, Chihuahua contained
two municipios which ranked sixth and eighth in their number of inhabi
tants in the nation. These were municipios Juarez and Chihuahua,
respectively.^"*"
In 1970, the population density of Chihuahua was 6.5 persons per
square kilometer as compared with 24.6 for the nation as a whole.
Within the state, population densities ranged from 0.49 persons per
square kilometer in municipio Coyame in the eastern desert portion of
the state to 191.4 in municipio Delicias in the south. The calculation
of index numbers for these figures produces 7*5 for the pro rata share
of the state's population in Coyame, but 2,842.9 for that of Delicias,
based on the share each had of the total area of the state.
So sparsely populated was much of the state that only seventeen
of the sixty-seven municipios (25-4 percent) had a population density
greater than that of the state as a whole. These seventeen municipios
^Estados Unidos Mexicanos, IX Censo General de Poblacin, 1970?
28 de enero de 1970jReaumen General (Mxico, D.F. : Direccin General
de Estadstica, 1972), Table 2. Hereafter this work will be cited as
Resumen Genera],: 197'1
^Estados Unidos Mexicanos, Anuario Estadstico de los Estados
Unidos Mexicanos; 1968-1969 (Mexico, D.F.: Direccin General de
Estadstica, 1971), Table 2:13.


151
of whatever medium of exchange is used by a given society. Once a complex
division of labor appears, bartering, whether for goods, services, or
favors begins. The existence of portable bartering goods inevitably leads
to a standardized medium of exchange. In any event, all modern societies
have monetary systems and, to one degree or another, are marked by in
equality in the distribution of income.
It is extremely difficult to compare the level of living in different
societies on the basis of the median (or mean or modal) income. Even when
unfamiliar monetary units are "translated" into dollars, little meaning
ful information may be given. Significant statements regarding income are
those which translate monetary units into human labor units and note that
a man, working in industry x, must work jr units of time, in order to buy
z amount of bread. Even these statements are confusing, however, because
in different societies, once the minimal subsistence level is passed, dif
ferential values are placed on particular rewards. Prices in Mexico are
roughly comparable with those in the United States for many items at the
present time. Those things which are much less expensive reflect to a
great extent either the lower costs of labor in Mexico or artificially
inflated prices in the United States due to various types of price sup
ports and/or taxation. If such matters are kept in mind, Table VI-20
which presents data referring to income by industry in the nation, the
state, and in each of the major municipios may be more meaningful. It is
unfortunate that the Mexican census does not report income by age or sex.
In Mexico, the median income in 1969 was $Mex597*19 monthly.
Highest incomes were found in the petroleum industries, where the median
income was $Mex2,370.51 monthly. Although the highest median income was
found in this industry also in Chihuahua, it was not so high as in the


75
who lived in such places constituted only ^ percent of the total popu
lation of the municipio, whereas the 52,476 persons who lived in the
municipio capital amounted to 82 percent.
One of the smallest mean populations in the state was found in
localidades which ranged from one to ninety-nine persons in municipio
Juarez. This was twelve persons per localidad despite the fact that
Juarez had the largest population and the largest city of any municipio
in the state. These data are given in Table V-3*
Minor Municipios
The five most populous municipios have been designated above as
"major municipios;" in this research the term "minor municipios" will
refer to the other sixty-two municipios of Chihuahua. As one would
expect, these municipios differed widely among themselves, and obviously,
some of them are in very thinly settled desert locations. Three of them
averaged fewer than one person per square kilometer; in one -- Coyame --
the density was lower than one person for two square kilometers. In
some respects, perhaps the least typical minor municipio is Meoqui.
Although it had one extremely small localidad, and contained the rela
tively small number of twenty-four localidades, it had an overall popula
tion density exceeding that of three of the major municipios. Meoqui is
situated immediately adjacent to densely populated Delicias.
The mean number of inhabitants in the municipios of the state was
24,068 in 197 An array of municipios by size of population results in
a highly unequal distribution around the mean since only fifteen (22.4 per
cent) had populations greater than the mean. The median population for
municipios of the state was 8,832 or a little greater than one-third of the
mean. These data may be calculated from those presented in Table V-2.


254
Males
Females
1960a-
I970b
Percent
Change
1960a
1970b
Percent
Change
134,480
209,053
55-5
142,515
215,082
50.9
24,377
36,221
44.5
23,658
33,959
43.5
20,879
34,453
65.O
20,326
32,457
59.7
16,532
29,993
81.4
16,559
28,414
71.6
12,747
22,241
74.5
14,468
23,651
63.5
11,150
16,267
45.8
13,495
19,037
4i.l
9,282
12,896
38.9
11,119
15,074
35.6
8,296
11,381
37-2
9,592
12,714
32.5
7,834
10,327
31.8
8,072
11,532
42.9
5,191
8,626
66.2
5,400
9,537
7 6.6
4,726
7,521
59.1
5,072
7,407
46.0
4,065
5,110
25.7
4,475
5,152
15.1
3,053
4,374
43.3
3,411
4,909
43.9
2,446
3,478
42.2
2,673
3,964
48.3
1,366
2,712
98.5
1,584
3,121
97.0
916
1,712
86.9
1,035
1,882
81.8
1,137
1,741
53.1
1,087
2,272
109.0
457
*

386
--
--
I960, Table 7.
1970, Table 3-
I


126
that the members of the Tepehuano group who live in Chihuahua are to be
found mostly in the municipios of Morelos and Guadalupe y Calvo, but
the 1970 census reports Guadalupe y Calvo (l,055) and Guachochi (96)
pp
as having the largest number of speakers of this language. Assuming
Pennington's data to have been accurate at the time, some migration
may be presumed.
Wo means exist to determine which, if any, of the reported popula
tions have a claim to accuracy. The figure of 25,000 Tarahumara reported
in the 19^0 census (Cf. n. 20) obviously appears too much like someone's
"guess-timate to be acceptable. The researcher has often noted claims
that the number of Tarahumaras in Chihuahua is approximately 40,000,
the same source evidently reported other estimates of more than 30,000;
Carl Lumholtz, "Among the Tarahumaris: The American Cave-Dwellers,"
Scribner's Magazine, LVI, 1894, pp. 3138, and "Tarahumari Dance and
Plant Worship," pp. 438-456, (ibid. ?), and "Tarahumari Life and Customs,
pp. 296-3II, (ibid. ?) estimated their number as being about 30,000;
Ale§ HrdliCka, Physiological and Medical Observations Among Indians of
Southwestern United States and Mexico (Washington, D.C.: Smithsonian
Institution, Bureau of American Ethnology, Bulletin 34, 1908) estimated
19,000; Manuel Ocampo, Historia de la Misin de la Tarahumara (Mxico:
publisher not reported, 1950), reported a Jesuit survey which enumerated
over 46,000; the Mexican government reported 25,000 in the census of
population of 1940; and Francisco M. Planearte, El Problema Indgena
Tarahumara, Memorias del Instituto Nacional Indigenista, V (Mexico; no
publisher noted, 1954) reports a special census of these people which
enumerated over 44,000. (Cf. Pennington, p. 24 and his Bibliography.)
The place of residence of the Tarahumara is noted in all sources examined
as being in the western mountainous portions of Chihuahua, although the
present writer has personal knowledge of a considerable number of
Tarahumaras in municipio Juarez.
PI
^--Campbell W. Pennington, The Tepehuan of Chihuahua; Their Material
Culture (Salt Lake City: University of Utah Press, 1969), p..27
Pennington takes "as a partial clue" to the number of Tepehuanos living
in the state of Durango, the census reports of the number of persons who
speak that language (p. 25).
22Chihuahua: 1970, Table 13.


Then, for each, the characteristics of the population are analyzed and,
when possible, cross-tabulated by age, sex, and rural or urban residence.
Included in the analysis and cross-tabulations are also indigenous lan
guages spoken, occupation, income, income by industry, marital status,
literacy, and education.
Vital data taken from the various editions of the Anuario Estads
tico are reported, and from these and the censuses of i960 and 1970,
various population interpolations and extrapolations are calculated.
Using tables of mortality and census data, survival ratios for age
cohorts are calculated and evaluated in respect to their utility in pre
dicting the population which was interpolated between the censuses of
population of i960 and 1970.
Finally, the growth and redistribution of the population by age,
sex, and residence are reported in a series of tables which show the
growth of the state and of component areas.
Conclusions are limited by various indications that small confi
dence can be placed in reported vital data (especially in the data on
births), and that serious defects in accuracy also characterize the
population censuses.
(vi)


87
TABLE VI-3
NUMBER AND PERCENT OF POPULATION IN EACH AGE -
SEX GROUP AND SEX RATIOS BY AGE, STATE OF CHIHUAHUA: 1970
State of Total Population Male Population Female Population Sex
Chihuahua Number Percent Number Percent Number Percent Ratios
of Total of Total
All Ages
1,612,525
100.0
812,649
50.4
799,876
49.6
101.6
0-4
273,046
16.9
140,094
8-7
132,952
8.2
105.4
5-9
261,622
16.2
134,171
8.3
127,451
7-9
105.3
10-14
218,730
13-6
112,304
7-0
106,426
6.6
105.5
15-19
167,752
10.4
83,189
5.2
84,563
5-2
98.4
20-24
132,792
8.2
63,595
3.9
69,197
4.3
91.9
25-29
107,157
6.6
52,028
3.2
55,129
3.4
94.4
30-34
89,330
5-5
44,276
2.7
45,054
2.8
98.3
35-39
81,870
5.1
40,938
2.5
40,932
2.5
100.0
40-44
65,34
4.1
32,542
2.0
32,822
2.0
99.1
45-49
53,985
3-3
28,017
1.7
25,968
1.6
107.9
50-54
40,332
2.5
20,534
1.3
19,798
1.2
103.7
55-59
36,469
2.3
18,601
1.2
17,868
1.1
104.1
60-64
30,118
1.9
15,349
1.0
14,769
0.9
103.9
65-69
22,978
1.4
11,620
0.7
11,358
0.7
102.3
70-74
14,278
0.9
7,340
0.5
6,938
0.4
105.8
75-79
7,574
0.5
3,793
0.2
3,781
0.2
100.3
80-84
4,733
0.3
2,271
0.1
2,462
0.2
92.2
85 and over
4,395
0.3
1,987
0.1
2,4o8
0.1
82.5
Source: Chihuahua: 1970, Table 3*


8
desert areas, nor the rocky, almost vertical mountain slopes, nor the
narrow, boulder-filled arroyos lend themselves to agricultural pursuits
without highly developed technological support.
There is some evidence which indicates that there were two major
groups of peoples which lived in Chihuahua. One lived to the east of the
central plateau of the state. They stalked such large game as was avail
able in the semidesert regions near the infrequent areas of surface water;
the other group dwelt in the Sierra Madre, subsisting on small animals,
gathering fruits and berries, and living in the caves and rocky overhangs
of the rugged range.
The largest prehistoric settlement in Chihuahua is found at Casas
Grandes. This town covered some 250 acres and when intact, it contained
many multiroomed structures at least three stories high. The walls were
of thick adobe, and water for the population was supplied by an ingenious
aqueduct which extended over four miles. Cases Grandes apparently reached
its apogee in the 12th Century. By this time, the civilization of the
highlands of the Valley of Mexico had expanded its influence. It may
have been this contact which resulted in the construction of architectur
al forms similar to those of religious usage found in the south, and to
a similarity of items of more profane use -- grinding stones, jewelry,
spindles, and figures.^
^Robert Schmidt, op. cit. notes that although almost two-thirds
of the state's land are used for some form of agriculture, most of this
is for pasture and range-land. He reports that it has been estimated
that less than 5 percent of the total land in the state is suitable as
cropland, compared with nearly 12 percent in the nation as a whole. Even
so, this land requires extensive capital investment for irrigation (p.4?).
It may be imagined that indigenous efforts tend to be more horticultural
than agricultural.
^Lister and Lister, op. cit. pp. 1-14, passim.


187
may, indeed, have other functions in the many small municipios and tiny
hamlets which dot the countryside.
Although it is known that there are many "vital statistics," this
work is concerned only with those which are of direct interest insofar
as population dynamics are concerned -- measures of natality and mortality.
Births
As noted above, in Mexico, a baby is considered a live birth if
it has a heartbeat and breathes following birth. However, in Mexico,
as elsewhere, the problem is less one of defining a live birth than of
assuring its registration. In actuality, the problems may exist simul
taneously to the extent that births are not attended by physicians.
National and State Data
The researcher sometimes cites a widely held guess that approxi
mately 70 percent of all births in Latin America are registered. How
ever, there is disagreement with respect to this generalization which,
like all others, is highly prone to error in any given case. Certainly
there is great Variation from nation to nation, and from region to
region within each nation. The Registrar of the Juzgado del Registro
Civil (Court of the Civil Registry) in Ciudad Juarez told the researcher
that he believed that probably no more than 50 to 60 percent of births
occurring in municipio Juarez are registered. No adequate basis for
such a statement was given, and one suspects that it was merely a
guess. Examination of birth rates reported in the Anuario Estadstico
shows that if the reported birth rate of 40.9 for Chihuahua were to be
increased to meet even the 'JO percent which the researcher is accustomed
to hearing, the resulting figure would indicate an improbably high birth
rate of 5^.4. Consequently, birth registration for the state is per-


128
sumably, is particularly likely if the Indio identity is often dispar
aged in the urban setting, and such is the case in Mexico in many in
stances. Since the Mexican census provides only this one criterion as
a means of identifying Amerind groups, it seems plausible that these
groups may be distinctly underreported in the state of Chihuahua, and
in the nation as a whole.
With respect to languages spoken in the state, it is seen in Table
VI-12 that although Tarahumara was by far the dominant indigenous lan
guage, there were considerable numbers of persons who spoke other in
digenous tongues as well. In the entire state, 12.7 percent of the
speakers of indigenous languages spoke something other than Tarahumara,
including 1,189 speakers of Tepehuano and 2,l40 who spoke "other"
indigenous languages.
The Major Municipios
The major municipios of the state reported relatively small
numbers of persons who spoke indigenous languages. (See Table VI-12.)
In absolute numbers, the 6l2 persons in Juarez, the largest municipio,
who spoke an indigenous language exceeded the number in any of the other
major municipios. Even so, this number represented only 0.l4 percent
of the population. In relative terms, Hidalgo de Parral, with 0.l6
percent of its population so reported, had a very slightly larger pro
portion than did Juarez, produced by ninety-nine such individuals.
Municipio Chihuahua, with 369 speakers of indigenous languages, or 0.13
percent of its population, was in the same general range. Neither
Delicias nor Cuauhte'moc had as many as 0.1 percent speakers of in
digenous languages in their populations. Remarkably few Indians appar
ently have migrated to the rapidly growing Chihuahuan cities, unless


TABEE VI- 16
ECONOMICALLY ACTIVE POPULATION BY INDUSTRY
-- FERCENT BY AGE AND SEX -- CHIHUAHUA, 1969
Age
and Sex
Total
Percent
A
B
Percent of Workers in Each Industry by Age
C D E F G H I
J
K
Males
100.0
42.3
0.2
3.1
13.0
5.9
0.5
10.1
4.1
12.4
3.0
5-3
12-14
100.0
63.5
0.1
0.7
9-1
2.0
0.1
9.0
0.6
9.0
0.5
5-3
15-19
100.0
46.3
0.2
1.6
15-1
5-2
0.3
10.3
2.0
11.8
1.6
5.6
20-24
100.0
38.9
0.3
2.9
15.3
5.6
0.5
10.1
3-7
14.3
3.0
5-3
25-29
100.0
38.3
0.3
3.1
14.6
5.8
0.7
9-7
4.6
14.7
3.3
4.9
30-34
100.0
38.2
0.3
3.8
13.7
6.1
O.b
10.0
5-4
13.8
3-4
4.8
35-39
100.0
40.0
0.2
4.0
13.0
6.6
0.6
9-5
5.8
12.1
3-2
4.9
40-44
100.0
39.8
0.2
4.2
12.3
7.0
0.5
10.1
5.7
11.8
3-4
5.0
45-49
100.0
41.4
0.2
3-7
12.2
7.4
0.4
10.0
4.6
11.4
3-4
5-4
50-54
100.0
44.8
0.2
3.5
10.8
6.6
0.3
10.0
3.6
11.4
3-2
5.6
55 & over
100.0
50.8
0.1
2.5
8.7
5-1
0.2
11.0
2.7
9.6
3.0
6.3
Females
100.0
8.9
0.1
0.5
10.6
0.7
0.2
15.1
0.9
50.8
2.2
10.0
12-14
100.0
20.5
0.1
0.3
5.5
0.6
0.1
8.0
0.4
50.7
0.2
13.5
15-19
100.0
9.2
0.1
0.4
11.0
0.9
0.2
17.5
0.7
47.9
1.7
10.3
20-24
100.0
7.5
0.1
0.5
11.7
0.8
0.2
17-3
1-3
48.9
2.7
8.7
25-29
100.0
7.1
0.1
0.5
10.8
0.8
0.3
15.1
l.l
53.0
3.1
8.1
30-34
100.0
7.3
--
0.4
10.1
0.6
0.3
13.4
1.0
55-2
3-0
8.6
35-39
100.0
7.6
0.2
0.4
10.5
0.6
0.2
13-0
0.6
55.4
2.1
9.4
40-44
100.0
8.0
0.1
0.6
10.5
0.4
0.1
12.3
0.7
55.9
1.9
9.6
45-49
100.0
8.3
0.1
0.4
10.1
0.7
0.1
12.5
0.9
54.7
1.7
10.3
50-54
100.0
9.8
--
0.4
8.8
0.7
0.1
14.2
0.6
52.5
1.3
11.4
55 & over
100.0
14.0
0.1
0.5
9-8
0.6
--
13-2
0.5
44.4
1.4
15.6
-- = quantity more than zero but less than 0.05.
A Primary industries
B Petroleum industries
C Extractive industries
D Transformation industries
Legend
E Construction industries
F Electricity generation & distribution
G Commerce
H Transportation industries
I Service industries
J Government
K Not specified
Source: Chihuahua: 1970 > Table 23


78
men and 132 women (an absolute difference of five persons, or only 2
percent) the sex ratio is 96.2, which is lower than was that of the
United States in 1970- In 1970 there were 24,065,6l4 males in the
Republic of Mexico and 24,159.>624 females, yielding a sex ratio of 99*6
(see Table VI-l).
In most nations, urban and rapidly urbanizing areas tend to have
low sex ratios, and rural (and in particular, frontier) areas tend to be
characterized by high sex ratios. Mexico illustrated this generality;
in 1970 the lowest sex ratio among the federal entities (93-4) was in
the national capital, and the highest sex ratios were found in the two
federal territories, Baja California Sur (105.3) and- Quintana Roo
(107.7).X
When the sex ratios by five-year age groups are plotted for Mexico,
the graph obtained conforms, in general, to the "S" shape typical of
n
that of populations in which faulty age-reporting appears. In the
United States the typical curve is also "S" shaped. Starting with the
usual sex ratio at birth of about 105, it declines slightly during the
first fifteen years of life. This decline becomes greater after age
fifteen to reach a sex ratio of approximately ninety-seven between the
ages of about twenty to thirty, from which point it again increases to
an adult maximum of slightly more than one hundred in the middle years.
iResumen General: 1970. Table 1.
^T. Lynn Smith, Fundamentals of Population Study (Chicago: J. B.
Lippincott Co., i960) pp. 182-189. Smith notes (p. 188) that the errors
of age-reporting by sex destroy much of the utility of sex ratios in the
study of patterns of migration.


165
is sufficient to cause it to be registered as a live birth.0 In Mexico
the definition of a live birth is dependent upon the presence of heart
action and respiration. Presumably the presence of a heartbeat, if
there was no respiration, is not sufficient for the child to be classi-
7
fied as a live birth.
There are also minimum gestation periods which determine whether a
child is "stillborn" or "miscarried." In the United States this period
is twenty weeks, but in Bolivia, Ecuador, and Peru the minimum period
is twenty-eight weeks. The researcher had a somewhat shattering exper
ience while a corpsman in a U.S. Air Force hospital in England. A woman
gave birth unexpectedly on the ward to a fully formed, but premature
baby, and the researcher assisted in the birth. The baby moved and
gasped for breath, but under British law, the period of gestation was
not long enough to declare the baby anything but a miscarriage when
it subsequently died within a few minutes of birth. Instead of having
a funeral, the infant cadaver was burned in the hospital incinerator.
Such variations in the definition of "live birth" obviously affecu
both the number <3f infant births and the number of infant deaths which
are recorded -- thereby creating an often overlooked difficulty in
international comparisons of infant mortality rates.
If registration methods are less than adequate, which one suspects
to be the case in most nations, suggestions can be made for improving
this registration. Such suggestions include giving sufficient status
^United Nations, Studies in Methods, Series F, Number 7* Handbook
of Vital Statistics Methods (New York: Statistical Office of the United
Nations, Department of Economic and Social Affairs, April, 1955)* p* 38.
^Dr. Roberto Macias, Cd. Juarez, Chihuahua, in a personal communication.


229
duced a peak in sex ratio at the ages -under discussion, but it is hard
to explain when and why such migration differentials may have occurred.
A second "peak" in the 1970 sex ratio at ages 70-74 (Table VI-1
and Figure l) appears in the i960 data (Table VIII-1 and Figure 14),
but in the age category 5559; rather than in the expected category
60-64. If these "peaks" are in fact related, one can only presume
gross errors in age reporting in one or both of these censuses. Figure
14, when compared with Figure 1, illustrates the "riddle" under consid
eration.
It seems probable that the first of these "peaks" in the sex
ratio (that of the 1970 age range of 45-49) is "real" since it persisted
from one census to the next in the same age cohort. The second
(referring to the 1970 age range of 70-74) seems more problematic.
These oddities in the data challenge the demographer to seek adequate
explanations, but additional research far beyond the scope of this
project would be required to provide explanations of the historic
events and/or persisting selective errors in age reporting which could
account for them.
Table VI-1 shows rather large disparities in the growth rates by
sex at ages 35-39; 45-49, 55-59; 6o-64, 70-74; 75-79; and. especially,
at age group 85 and over. It may be that age heaping accounts for all
but the last of these, and differential mortality may explain the final
discrepancy.
Age cohort survivals and predictions of expected population were
calculated from mortality tables constructed for Msxico by Ral Benitez


Book Chapters
Chandrasekaran, C., "Survey of the Status of Demography in India," in-
Philip M. Hauser and Otis Dudley Duncan, eds., The Study of Popu
lation: An Inventory and Appraisal, Chicago: University of
Chicago Press, 1959*
Hauser, Philip M., "Demography in Relation to Sociology," in Kenneth
C. W. Kammeyer, ed., Population Studies: Selected Essays and
Research, Chicago: Rand McNally and Company, 1969*
Hawley, Amos W., "Population Composition," in Philip M. Hauser and Otis
Dudley Duncan, eds., The Study of Population: An Inventory and
Appraisal, Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1959*
Usher, Abbott Payson, "The History of Population and Settlement in
Eurasia," in Joseph J. Spengler and Otis Dudley Duncan, eds.,
Demographic Analysis: Selected Readings, Glencoe: Free Press,
1963.
Journals
Dotson, Floyd, "Disminucin de la Poblacin Mexicana en los Estados
Unidos de Acuerdo con el Censo de 1950," Revista Mexicana de
Sociologa. XVII: 1, Jan.-Apr., 1955-
Flores Talavera, Rodolfo, "Historia de la Estadstica Nacional,"
Boletn de la Sociedad Mexicana de Geografa y Estadstica:
Ciclo de Conferencias Especiales Relacionado con los Grandes
Censos Nacionales por levantarse en I960, Vol. LXXXVI, Nos. 1-3,
July-December, 1958, Mxico, D.F.: Talleres de la Editorial Libros
de Mxico, S.A., 1958*
Hernandez Alvarez, Jose', "A Demographic Profile of the Mexican Immigrant
to the United States, 1910-1950," Journal of InterAmerican Studies ,
8, July, 1966.
Martinez, Pedro Daniel, "Ambiente Sociocultural en la Faja Fronteriza
Mexicana," America Indgena.31:2, April, 1971*
Stoddard, Ellwyn R., "The U.S.-Mexican Border: A Comparative Research
Laboratory," Journal of InterAmerican Studies, 11, July, 1989-
Documents
Direccin General de Estadstica, Informe de Labores, 1971-1973. Mxico,
D.F.: Sept., 1973-
Estados Unidos Mexicanos, Anuario Estadstico de los Estados Unidos
Mexicanos: .1962-1983j Mexico, D.F.: Direccin General de
Estadstica," 1985 -


219
aggregate of minor municipios by sex and residence from 1950 TO 1970
1970 1950 1970
Males
Females
Total
Males
Females
6,650,294
6,651,815
22,434,221
11,368,679
11,065,542
l', 372,370
1,326,301
5,109,148
2,680,782
2,428,366
5,277,924
5,325,514
17,325,073
8,687,897
8,637,176
191,033
194,699
766,111
389,111
377,000
14,651
16,975
84,212
46,466
37,746
176,382
177,724
681,899
342,645
339,254
144,240
146,259
552,835
277,046
275,789
5,362
5,983
14,567
7,906
6,661
138,878
140,276
538,268
269,140
269,128
11,503
11,512
36,758
18,857
17,901
2,984
3,427
13,688
7,167
6,521
8,519
8,085
23,070
11,690
11,380
44,938
46,072
164,631
83,379
81,252
1,289
947
1,962
l,4i4
548
43,649
45,125
162,669
81,965
80,704
5,518
7,079
33,542
16,198
17,344
-185
255
-6l4
-474
-l4o
5,703
6,824
34,156
16,672
17,484
7,708
9,029
25,077
12,432
12,645
286
306
-479
-199
-280
7,422
8,723
25,556
12,631
12,925
74,573
72,567
292,827
146,180
146,647
988
1,048
10
-2
12
73,585
71,519
292,817
146,182
146,635
46,793
48,44o
213,276
112,065
101,211
9,289
10,992
69,645
38,560
31,085
37,504
37,448
143,631
73,505
70,126
-I960, Table 1 and Chihuahua: 1990, Table 1.
Table 5 and Chihuahua: 1970 > Table 2.


147
Cuauhtemoc showed characteristics which tend more toward rural than toward
urban configurations. Since Cuauhtemoc was chosen as one of the major
municipios because of the size of its population., the researcher wonders
if there might not, indeed, be minor (smaller) municipios which had
largely urban configurations, just as Cuauhtemoc had rural characteristics
in many respects. The writer sought without success to obtain computer
tapes for the 1970 census, but perhaps in the future such tapes may be
available. If so, a detailed analysis of the minor municipios may be un
dertaken to determine if some of them, despite relatively small total
populations, were essentially urban in some of their occupational or other
characteristics.
Delicias is the other major municipio in which a large proportion
of the EAP was involved in the primary industries. In the other three
major municipios, the service industries were the most important, although
large proportions of the EAP's were also employed in the transformation
and commerce industries. In the major municipios, only in Hidalgo de
Parral was a large proportion of the EAP employed in the extractive in
dustries. Those municipios having the largest cities had large propor
tions of their EAP engaged in service industries. Many of these,
especially women, were probably employed in domestic service. In Juarez,
however, many such persons must find employment in tourist-oriented
occupations and it certainly is not surprising to find large numbers of
persons employed in government occupations in Chihuahua (the capital
municipio). Slightly more than 3^500 were also so employed in Juarez,
site of the major port-of-entry from the United States.
The Minor Municipios
When the state was compared with the nation, in only one industry


99
ages as forty or fifty may symbolize loss of youthful vigor and may be
denied. To the elderly, exaggeration of age may lead to an enhanced
prestige derived from longevity. There is, in addition, a preference
for numbers which end in zero or five, a preference for even as opposed
to odd numbers of years, or perhaps a simple lack of understanding of why
it is important to report ones age accurately to the census taker.
Error in age reporting is clearly evidenced by the appearance of "age
heaping", defined as disproportionately large numbers of persons report
edly of certain ages, such as those noted above, in a population large
enough that a more "normal" distribution should obtain. This phenomenon
will be discussed later in greater detail.
When compared with the developed and industrialized nations, the
countries of the Third World generally have younger populations, and
Mexico is no exception. This is a direct result of the higher rates of
reproduction coupled with declining rates of mortality, although infant
mortality rates are still much higher than those found in the developed
nations.9 The decrease in infant mortality seen in the present century
in many parts of the developing world serves to compound the problem
with the rapid addition of large numbers of small children to the popu
lation lowering the mean and median age of that population.
9lt should be noted at this point that the relatively high sex
ratios found in Latin America (when compared with, say, the United States)
stem in large part from the higher birth rate (sex ratios at birth tend
' be greater than 100 in human populations), and the younger median age
ul the population as a result of the high birth rates. Bogue (op. cit.,
PP. I66-167) reports the tendency for there to be a slight preponderance
f males in the younger age groups because of this biological differential
snd of females among the older population because of differential mortal
ity.


l8
San Isidoro led by Pascual Orozco (later to become an important figure),
and particularly that of El Fresno in November of 1910. In this skirmish,
the rebels were defeated, but "That was the beginning of a revolution
fslcj that has /sic7 lasted for twenty years.
During the next decade, the course of events became extremely
turbulent, as successive political groups contended for power. During
the period of surface chaos, the process of institutionalization of the
Revolution was occurring, providing the basis for the subsequent stabil
ity of the national political structure. Even so, at the time, the in
tensity of the struggles and the complexity of events, including inter
vention on the part of the United States, created prolonged political
and economic turmoil.
During the strife-torn decade following 1910, Chihuahua occupied a
key role in the national drama. This stormy northern state was the
locale in which many of the stages of the national struggles emerged
and in which the dramatic events of the decade had perhaps their great
est impacts.
The details of the turbulence of the period need not be traced in
this report. With the return of Madero from exile and the resignation
/
of Diaz in 1911, the moderate program of reform under Madero1s presi
dency led to a rupture with many of his former supporters. Pascual
Orozco, Emiliano Zapata, and above all, Pancho Villa in Chihuahua, felt
a need for reform more radical than the gradualism of Madero. Struggles
J^Frank Tannenbaum, Peace by Revolution -- Mexico After 1910 (New
York: Columbia University Press, 1968), pp. 14-149. The original
version of this work was published by the same press in 1933, for which
reason, "/sic7" above.


TABUS VII I- 5
COMPARISON OF SIZE OF MALE COHORTS IN TWO CENSUS YEARS AND EXPECTED
POPULATION BASED ON 196Q SURVIVAL LIVING IN 1970, MEXICO, 1970
Age
A
1960a
Enumeration
B
I970b
Enumeration
(i960
ages+10)
C
Ratios of
Cohort
Size
(B/A)
D
Ten Year Sur
vival Ratios
nLx+10 c
nLx
E
Expected Popu
lation in 1970
(D*A)+
10 Years
F Ti
1970
Enumeration
(by age
in 1970)
G
Ratio of Ob
served to Ex
pected Popula
tion (f/e)
0-4
2,936,387
3,271,115
1.114
4,151,517
5-9
2,705,910
2,491,047
921
9199
3,934,729
10-14
2,234,496
1,930,300
.864
.9756
3,271,115
15-19
1,738,831
1,575,414
.906
.9651
2,651,152
2,491,047
939
20-24
1,404,869
1,285,461
.915
9557
2,179,97^
1,930,300
.885
25-29
1,195,988
1,235,283
1.033
.9456
1,678,146
1,575,414
939
30-34
1,009,105
959,477
-951
.9346
1,342,633
1,285,461
957
35-39
959,140
829,719
.865
.9189
1,130,926
1,235,283
1.092
40-44
674,307
589,788
875
.8962
943,110
959,477
1.017
45-49
610,482
501,529
.822
.8656
881,354
829,719
.941
50-54
527,328
451,069
.855
.8239
604,314
589,788
.976
55-59
405,202
345,379
.852
.7674
528,433
501,529
.94 9
6o-64
371,989
242,008
.651
.6899
434,466
451,067
1.038
65-69
203,454
119,571
.588
5919
310,952
345,379
1.111
70-74
161,288
80,738
.501
4779
256,635
242,008
9^3
75-79
91,153

.3385
120,424
119,571
993
80-84
57,847
.1810
77,079
80,738
1.047
85 & over
62,880
71,470
Source: ^Resumen General: i960, Table 8.
nesumen General: 1970 Table 5
cRal Benitez Zenteno and Gustavo Cabrera Acevedo,
Tablas Abreviadas de Mortalidad de la Poblacin de Mxico,
1930, 19^-0r 1950, i960 (lxico, D. F.: El Colegio de Mxico,
Departamento de Publicaciones, 1967), Table 33
232


282
Anuarios Estadsticos, are examples discussed in earlier chapters
which limit the confidence which can he placed in the censuses of popu
lation.
Both the rural and the urban population in the major municipios
grew much more rapidly in number (although not in percent) in the decade
of the I960's than during the 1950's. Indeed, although the rural popu
lations of municipios Chihuahua, Delicias, Hidalgo de Parral, and
Juarez showed a decrease in the decade of the 1950's, in all of these
municipios (with the exception of males in Delicias) there was an
increase in their rural populations in the following decade. As dis
cussed previously, there is reason to suppose that this tendency of
the "rural" population to increase in the major municipios may be
classificatory rather than real, reflecting growth in the "suburban"
zones which encircle the rapidly growing cities of most of Latin
America.
All of the major municipios showed population gains during the
two decades between 1950 and 1970, "but there were rural and urban
differences to the extent that the grouped data for the major municipios
showed a larger increase in both the rural and urban populations during
the decade of the 1960's than during the 1950's, whereas in the minor
municipios, the reverse was the case for the rural population. It is
possible that differences in definition may have affected the data.
In any event, it was during the 1950's that the state of Chihuahua
became predominantly urban.
During the entire period between 1950 and 1970, the urban popu
lation of Maxico increased more than did the rural. The same was true
in Chihuahua and in the major and the minor municipios, when these are


CHAPTER IX
SUMMARY AND CONCLUSIONS
In this work,, the number, distribution, and characteristics of
the population of the Mexican state of Chihuahua have been documented.
The dynamics of growth and redistribution of the population have been
examined. The laws which govern the collection and publication of
vital statistics, as well as these statistics themselves, have been
examined. Discussions were had with officials, and although friend
ships were made, little insight was gained thereby. The persons who
collect and publish data should not, perhaps, be presumed to be
experts in their field, any more than one expects the pilot to be an
expert in aerodynamic engineering. It is quite different to know how
to work things, and to know how things work. The researcher, occa
sionally, has been able to contribute personal observations to the
interpretation of the data derived from his familiarity with Mexico
and Mexicans, gained throughout more than half of his lifetime, but
much remains unexplained and inexplicable with data at hand.
In this work, grave questions have been raised regarding the census
of population of 1970* Despite impressive efforts made at great cost
on the part of the Direccin General de Estadstica to achieve an accu
rate enumeration, there are indications that many of the Census Takers
may not have performed their jobs as instructed. Perhaps they did not
receive adequate training or encouragement to do their job properly.
How far up the chain of command the inadequacy of training and/or
understanding extended., arid to what degree it affected the census of
277


Chihuahua. It was not until the capture of Gernimo in 1556 that the
Indians were largely brought under control.^
Prior to Independence, in the years following the Louisiana Purchase,
there was an ever-increasing encroachment, both real and imagined, on
Mexican soil by the Americans. Spain was constantly on guard to protect
her Mexican interests from smugglers of goods produced in the United
States, and from the presence of American military forces.
The present work is not the place to go into the endless disputes
(which still rage) which culminated in the annexation by the United
States of the northern one-half of the Mexican national territory. Such
acts which occurred are past, be they to the shame or glory of any or
all of the participants.
Be this as it may, events led to an almost inevitable conflict
between the United States and Mexico in 1546. There are numerous inter
pretations as to what actually sparked the conflict, but important to it
was the crossing, late in 1546, of the Rio Grande at El Paso (now Ciudad
Juarez, Chihuahua) by Col. Alexander W. Doniphan with some 500 men. Er
rors and ineptitude on the part of the Mexican commanders contributed
very much to the ability of the greatly outnumbered American forces to
capture the state capital on March 2, 1547-
Confusion reigned in the American camp as well. Doniphan found him
self separated from U.S. forces to the east, and in the absence of orders,
he abandoned the city of Chihuahua on April 25, 1547, just fifty-nine
-^Lister and Lister, op. cit., pp. 97, 137-167, passim.
/ 20Enrique Gonzlez Flores, Chihuahua de la Independencia a la Revo
lucin (Mxico, D.F.: Imprenta Manuel Leon Snchez, 1949), pp. 72-79,
passim. Lister and Lister, op. cit. report the date as being February
25, 1547 (p. 119). ..


age in years
103
male
85 +
80-84
75-79
70-74
65-69
60-64
55-59
50-54
45-49
40-44
35-39
30-34
25-29
20-24
15- 19
10- 14
5-9
0-4
10 98765432 1C
percent
) 23456789 10
of population
female
I
sourceXhihuahua: l97Q.Table 3
FIGURE k
AGE-SEX PYRAMID FOR
THE STATE OF CHIHUAHUA, 1970


The Major Municipios
In Table VI-21, it is shown that the percentage of persons married
in the major municipios was only slightly lower than that at the state
level. Sex differences, although slight, were obvious in that there was
a larger proportion of women married in the state than in the major
municipios. In the case of men, the reverse was true -- the percent of
men who were married was very slightly greater in the major municipios.
The percentage of single persons of both sexes was greater in the major
municipios than in the state.
There was a lower percentage of consensual unions in the major
municipios than in the state, but in general, the percentage of persons
who were divorced, separated, or widowed was slightly greater in the major
municipios.
Individually, the major municipios ranged rather widely in the per
cent of their respective population which was married. Those ranged from
51.9 percent in Cuauhtemoc to 44.7 percent in Juarez. The range of the
percent single was smaller generally, but within each major municipio,
there were marked differences in the percentage of men and the percentage
of women who were single -- a much larger percentage was single among men.
Table VI-22 presents the percentage of those who were married by
each of three categories of ceremony: civil only, religious only, and
both civil and religious ceremonies. Those favoring civil marriages only
in the major municipios formed approximately the same percentage as they
did in the state and the national populations. In contrast, the major
municipios had a smaller percentage of persons wed by religious rites
alone than did the state, and the percentage of persons united by both
forms of ceremonies was slightly larger than at the state level.


248
OF AGGREGATE MAJOR MUNICIPIOS
CHIHUAHUA, 1960-1970, BY AGE AND SEX
Males
Female s
1960^
1970 b
Percent
Change
1960a
1970
Percent
Change
298,049
442,289
48.4
305,553
451,811
47.9
53,021
76,058
43.4
50,577
72,221
42.8
44,455
72,421
62.9
42,98o
69,091
60.8
36,154
62,207
72.1
35,935
59,278
65.O
28,749
46,944
63.3
31,441
49,214
56.5
25,395
34,778
37.0
29,388
40,219
36.9
20,540
27,853
35.6
23,057
31,628
37.2
17,861
24,361
36.4
19,476
26,239
34.7
16,207
21,974
35.6
16,431
25,242
53.6
11,433
17,996
57.4
11,973
19,301
61.2
10,761
15,473
43.8
11,190
15,227
36.1
9,427
10,945
16.1
9,624
11,361
l8.0
7,172
9,887
37.9
7,180
10,483
46.0
5,535
7,934
43.3
5,680
8,398
47.9
3,177
5,988
88.5
3,422
6,616
93.3
2,256
3,643
61.5
2,380
3,962
65.O
3,640
3,827
5.1
3,276
4,884
49.1
2,390
---
--
1,438


323,567
370,360
14.5
299,624
348,065
16.2
54,958
64,036
16.5
51,963
60,731
16.9
47,695
61,750
29.5
46,053
58,360
26.7
40,688
50,097
23.I
38,141
47,148
23.6
32,643
36,245
11.0
31,812
35,439
11.4
27,874
28,817
3.4
27>195
28,978
6.6
21,792
24,175
10*9
21,161
23,501
ll.l
18,337
19,915
8.6
17,299
18,815
8.8
16,842
18,964
12.6
14,395
15,690
9.0
12,197
14,546
19.3
11,038
13,521
22.5
11,465
12,544
9.4
10,187
10,741
5.4
lo,4oo
9,589
-7.8
8,645
8,437
-2.4
7,684
8,714
13.4
6,062
7,385
21.8
6,445
7,415
15.1
5,226
6,371
21.9
3,935
5,632
43.1
3,033
4,742
56.3
2,898
3,697
27.6
2,241
2,976
32.8
4,868
4,224
-13.2
3,973
3,767
-5.2
2,719

--
1,305

--
I20> Table 7-
1210, Table 3.


2k
p
According to T. Lynn Smith,
For the first time in history, the number of inhabitants in each
of the Latin American countries and the manner in which the pop
ulation is distributed throughout each national territory are
now known with a considerable degree of accuracy.
Smith's reference is to the Census of the Americas of 1950 in which all
of the nations of the Americas participated except Argentina, Peru, and
Uruguay. Among these, Argentina had taken a census in 19^7 and Peru in
19^0.3 As a consequence, in that year (l950), except for tiny Uruguay,
the populations of all the nations of the Americas were known with a
fair degree of accuracy.
Prior to this effort, demographers were largely limited to various
official and unofficial estimates of population or out-of-date censuses
of most of the nations in that world area. However, since 1950 many
studies have sought to determine, among other things, rates of growth,
levels of living, the effectiveness of health and environmental sani
tation measures, and the processes of migration and rural depopulation
coupled with the creation of the infamous "zones of misery" which sur
round most of the cities of Latin America.
Even so, one finds few demographic analyses in the sense of taking
a census bit by bit, subjecting it to checks of internal consistency,
and comparing it both with vital data from the past and with what may
be observed in terms of the movement of population in the present. A
notable exception to this is a project undertaken after the Census of the
. Lynn Smith, Latin American Population Studies, University of
Florida Monographs, o. t (Gainesville:University of Florida Press,
Fall, I960), p. l.
3rbid.


144
in primary industry., and commerce for males and petroleum for women. All
areas of activity showed increasing participation with increasing age
until age twenty-four, hut a decline in participation began to be apparent
at the end of the third decade of life. In Mexico, there apparently is
some perceived importance to the fortieth year of life, which may well
be crucial for the employment of both men and women.
Table VI-15 indicates that women tended to be employed at younger
ages than men in all industries except commerce and government. Also
evident was a large concentration of female EAP's between the ages of
fifteen and twenty-four. After this age, child-care and/or other home
making activities perhaps removed many of the women from the EAP. After
age 24, female EAP percentages related inversely to age to a much greater
extent than did percentages for males. The age distribution of the male
EAP was also inversely related to the age of the population, but to a
lesser degree than that of the female. Male EAP's were most numerous
at the younger ages over age fifteen, but after age twenty-five, showed
a continual decline through each successive five-year age group. Faulty
age reporting, particularly the tendency of respondents to understate
age, necessitates a certain caution in drawing conclusions from these
data.
Table VI-l6 (the orthogonal view of data contained in VI-15) shows
that the greatest area of economic activity of males of all ages was in
the primary industries, in which 42.3 percent of the male EAP was active,
contrasted with only 8.9 percent of the female EAP. Among both sexes,
the greatest proportion of the EAP found in primary industries was in
the younger ages, perhaps indicating a shift of residence from rural to
urban with increasing independence based on age. The decrease of the EAP


158
TABLE VI-21
PERCENT OF POPULATION AGED TWELVE AND OLDER IN EACH MARITAL STATUS,
BY SEX FOR MEXICO, CHIHUAHUA, AGGREGATE MAJOR MUNICIPIOS,
INDIVIDUAL MAJOR MUNICIPIOS, AND AGGREGATE MINOR MUNICIPIOS, 1970
Consensual Sepa-
Place and Sex
Married
Union
rated
Divorced Widowed Single
Total
Mexico3-
45.4
8.2
1.4
0.5
4.2
40.4
100.0
Males
45.1
7-9
0.7
0.3
1.8
44.2
100.0
Females
45.7
8.4
2.0
0.6
6.5
36.8
100.0
Chihuahua^*
46.8
6.3
1.4
0.5
3.8
41.2
100.0
Males
45.9
6.1
0.8
0.3
1.8
45.1
100.0
Females
47.6
6.6
2.0
0.7
5.8
37-3
100.0
Major Municipios^
46.3
5.4
1.6
0.7
4.1
42.0
100.0
Males
46.6
5.3
0.8
0.4
1.6
45.4
100.0
Females
46.1
5.5
2.3
0.9
6.4
38.9
100.0
Cuauhtemoc
51.9
3.8
0.9
0.3
3.0
4o.o
100.0
Males
50.7
3.5
0.6
0.2
1.4
43.6
100.0
Females
53.1
4.0
1.3
0.4
4.7
36.5
100.0
Chihuahua
47.5
3.5
1.4
0.6
4.0
43.0
100.0
Males
47.7
3.4
0.7
0.4
1.6
46.2
100.0
Females
47.3
3.6
2.1
0.8
6.3
4o.o
100.0
Delicias
47.8
^.5
1.6
0.5
3.8
4i.8
100.0
Males
47.7
4.3
0.8
0.3
1.8
45.0
100.0
Females
48.0
4.6
2.3
0.6
5.6
38.8
100.0
Hidalgo de Parral
45.0
5.0
1.5
0.5
4.4
43.6
100.0
Males
45.4
4.8
0.8
0.4
1.7
46.8
100.0
Females
44.6
5-2
2.1
0.7
6.8
4o.6
100.0
Juarez
44.7
7.1
1.7
0.8
4.2
41.5
100.0
Males
45.1
7.0
0.8
0.4
1.5
45.1
100.0
Females
44.2
7-1
2.6
1.1
6.7
38.2
100.0
Minor Municipios^3
47.4
7.6
1.2
0.3
3-5
40.1
100.0
Males
45.1
7.1
0.7
0.3
2.0
44.8
100.0
Females
49.7
8.1
1-7
0.4
5.1
35-1
100.0
a
Source: Resumen General: 1970 Table 8 and
Chihuahua: 1970 Table 7-


Age
0-4
5-9
10-14
15-19
20-24
25-29
30-34
35-39
40-44
45-49
50-54
55-59
60-64
65-69
70-74
75-79
80-84
85 & over
TABUS VIII-8
COMPARISON OF SIZE OF MALE AGE COHORTS IN TWO CENSUS YEARS AND EXFECTED
POPULATION BASED ON i960 SURVIVALS LIVING IN 1970, CHIHUAHUA, 1970
A
B
C
D
E
F b
1970b
Ratios of
Ten Year Sur-
Expected Popu-
1970
Enumeration
Cohort
vival Ratios
lation in 1970
Enumeration
1960a
(i960
Size
nLx+10 c
(D*A)+
(by age
Enumeration
ages+10)
(B/A)
nLx
10 Years
in 1970)
140,094"
.9799 134,171
.9756 112,304
.9651 90,298 83,189
107,979
112,304
1.040
92,150
83,189
.903
76,842
63,595
.828
61,392
52,028
.847
53,269
44,276
.831
42,332
40,938
.967
36,198
32,542
.899
33,049
28,017
.848
23,630
20,534
.869
22,229
18,601
.837
19,827
15,349
.774
14,856
11,620
.782
11,980
7,340
.613
7,112
3,793
.533
5,154
2,271
.441
2,978
2,038
3,492
9557
74,967
63,595
.9456
59,249
52,028
.9346
50,909
44,276
.9189
40,029
40,938
.8962
33,831
32,542
.8656
30,369
28,017
.8239
, 21,177
20,534
.7674
19,241
18,601
.6899
16,335
15,349
.5919
li,4oo
11,620
.4779
8,265
7,340
.3385
4,210
3,793
.1810
2,463
2,271
1,987
Source: ^Chihuahua: i960, Table 7*
chihuahua: 1970, Table 3*
cRal Benitez Zenteno and Gustavo Cabrera Acevedo,
Tablas Abreviadas de Mortalidad de la Poblacin de Mexico,
1930, 19W, 1950, I960 (Mxico, D.F.: El Colegio de Mexico
Departamento de Publicaciones, 1967), Table 33
G
Ratio of Ob
served to Ex
pected Popula
tion (f/e)
921
.848
.878
.870
1.023
.962
.923
.970
.967
.940
1.019
.888
.901
.922


170
Literacy in Chihuahua was generally higher than in the nation as a
whole. Overall literacy in the state was 87.1 percent, and the percent
of each sex which was literate was virtually equal -- 87.0 percent for
males and 87.1 percent for females. The literacy index at the state
level was 99*9 compared with 108.8 for the nation. As at the national
level, highest literacy rates were found in the younger groups in Loth
sexes, hut the literacy index fell to 97-8 for the age group 10-l4 in
Chihuahua, and at no time did it reach the high values seen in the
national population. The highest literacy index in Chihuahua was seen in
the age group forty-and-over, hut it was only 102.2, demonstrating, never
theless, as in the nation, a tendency toward relatively greater literacy
among males at the older ages. (See Table VI-24.)
The Mexican population showed low levels of educational attainment
in all age groups, but the percentages of persons who had never attended
school is seen in Table VI-25 to have been greatest at ages 6-9 and
forty and over. Among the children of 6 through 9> 65.5 Percenf had
never attended school. It is unfortunate that these data are not broken
down by single years of age. Presumably, with each added year of age,
the percentage with experience in school would increase. Apparently,
many children in Mexico start school at relatively late ages, perhaps be
cause of economic conditions. Possibly the unavailability of classroom
space in many parts of the nation leads to delayed entry into school. It
should, perhaps, be noted that in Ciudad Juarez, the largest city in
Chihuahua, schools are in double sessions, and still large numbers of
children do not attend school presumably, in part at least, because of
lack of space and teachers.
Among persons forty years old and over, forty percent of all men


230
5
Zenteno and Gustavo Cabrera Acevedo.
In Tables VIII-4 to VIII-9 which were generated in part from mor
tality data, the ratio of the age cohort of age x and age x + 10 were
first calculated, using data from the i960 and 1970 censuses of popu
lation (Table VIII-l). If no migration occurred, one would expect
mortality to produce a decline in the size of the ratio of columns
A and B of those tables. The size of the cohort would be reduced in
an amount proportional to the death rates prevailing at each age.
There are inaccuracies inherent in the method to the extent that age
cohorts are separated by ten years, but the two censuses by only
9.625 years. Moreover, age-specific death rates, if applied to a cohort,
assume an equal distribution of the likelihood of mortality among
the members of the cohort and in time. In reality, variations of unknown
extent characterize mortality. Consequently, when the ratio of the
two columns of these tables varies from 1.000, it may be assumed that
the attrition or excess is due to deaths, migrations, or to faulty
enumeration in number or in age, or some combination of these.
It would be possible to compute "death rates" from data in these
tables, but if the data are to be treated meaningfully, rather than as
an exercise in arithmetic, the unknown magnitudes of migration and the
demonstrated inaccuracies of the censuses render the attempt futile.
Tables VIII-4, VIII-5, and VIII-6 respectively, compare the size
of age cohorts from one census to another in two fashions. First is the
3Ral Benitez Zenteno and Gustavo Cabrera Acevedo, Tablas Abrevi
adas de Mortalidad de la Poblacin de Mexico, 1930 1940 1950 190
(Mxico, D.F.: El Colegio de Mexico, Departamento de Publicaciones,
1967)> Tables 33>34, and 35*


189
omissions since said calculations for the last census are in
process of production.
The title of the census mentioned in the quote above is the approx
imate title of a volume of national and state preliminary data published
by the Direccio'n in 1970 or 1971* As such, one would expect the data to
be subject to revision in the final census data upon which the present
work is based.
As may be seen, extreme difficulty is encountered in any attempt
to make data from several Anuarios correspond, especially when some of
the reported data overlap from one Anuario to another, but with dif
ferent figures, and when other data do not overlap.- Problems similar
to those cited above characterize also the information presented in such
12
vital areas as birth rate, death rate, natural increase, and migration.
For example, the reader is referred to Table VTI-1. In this table,
in the section containing data for the state of Chihuahua, in the column
corresponding to 1967, one Bees that the birth rate and death rates
were reported in the Anuario Estadstico Compendiado: 1970 as ^3*7
and 8.3, respectively. However, in the Anuario Estadstico:, 1966-1967<
from which data were obtained for 1965 and I966, the birth rate for
1967 was reported as 39*0 and the death rate was reported as 7*^*
Nonetheless, the same Anuario reported the infant mortality rate as
60.0, which is the same figure reported later in the 1970 edition. In
addition to the constant revision of data, which in itself is not
undesirable (if only the basis of such revision were known), vital
statistics in Mexico are reported by year of registration instead of
T2cfT works cited, loc. cit. and ff.


238
In Tables VTII-5 and VIII-6, the total data for Mexico are broken
down according to sex. In column C of these two tables, the cohort
size ratio is greater than 1.000 in the age group 0-4 as previously-
seen in Table VIII-4. This figure is greater for males which indi
cates that if the underenumeration of small children is, indeed, the
cause, such underenumeration was greater for males. (A similar con
dition, observed in the black population of the United States, has
been attributed to the underenumeration of male children, but the
cause or causes of this phenomenon have not been explained to the
researcher's satisfaction.)
Second, the increase in the ratio of cohort size at age 25-29 is
larger for the male population, as is the apparent "spill over" into
the subsequent age category. Third, at the older age groups, the
decrease in cohort survival (as measured by the ratio of cohort size --
each five-year age group in the census of population of 190 and the
product was advanced ten years to the age of that cohort in 1970*
(Note again the error in the assumption that ten years have elapsed,
when, in actuality, the period was but 9*625 years.) Predicated upon
survival ratios for ten years, an expected population of age x + 10
years could be calculated for 1970, and is shown in column E. Column
F of these tables contains the 1970 enumeration by five-year age
groups. This observed population was then divided by the expected
(calculated) population from column E to produce a ratio of observed-
to-expected population shown in column G. If both censuses of popula
tion were correct, ten-year survival ratios were correct, and no migra
tion occurred, the ratios so computed would be 1.000. A figure smaller
than this requires something which removes persons from the population
at a rate greater than the age-specific death rates, such as emigration
or errors of enumeration either of number, or of age, or both. Similarly
a ratio greater than 1.000 would require some factor which added
members to the cohort, or to enumeration errors. Since immigration
has played a very small part in the growth of the Mexican population in
the present century, the supposition of enumeration errors is quite
likely, but it is also felt that emigration, most probably to the
United States, may also be a significant factor to the extent that the
ratios are less than 1.000.


32
delayed until 1921. Even so, that census was plagued with all manners
of logistical problems and was not published in its entirety until 1925
In 1922, the Departamento Autnomo de la Estadstica Nacional was
formed. This department was responsible directly to the president him
self, and had under its control all of the statistical services of the
nation. It was charged with the effecting of censuses of population,
agriculture, and industry; enumerations of rural, urban, and mining
properties; collections of data on general and labor migration; and^
those aspects which would provide a permanent knowledge of the
political structure of the territory and of the intellectual,
moral, social, and economic life of the nation.
Although this department existed for only nine years, it performed
important functions beginning with the tabulation and publication of
the census of population of 1921. It also started the periodic and
regular publication of statistical materials in the form of monthly
bulletins and annual reports. The most important work during the per
iod of its existence was the reestablishment of the regular collection
and tabulation of national statistical data which had been discontinued
since 1911. Flores Talavera writes,^
it was in this way that it could impose the three essential
conditions which should be observed in order to obtain quality
in statistical results: universality, uniformity, and simul
taneity. /emphasis added/
In 1931, at the end of nine years, this department was absorbed by
the Direccin General de Estadstica and was placed under the Secretara
de Economa. The Direccin General de Estadstica consists of^-*-
^9lbid.; quoted material from p. 37*
^Ibid.; quoted material from p. 39*
31lbid.; quoted material from p. 43.


159
TABEE VI-22
PERCENT OF THOSE MARRIED HAVING CIVIL, RELIGIOUS
OR COMBINED MARRIAGE RITES BY SEX FOR MEXICO, CHIHUAHUA,
aggregate and single major municipios, and aggregate minor municipios, 1970
Place and Sex
Civil Only
Religious Only
Both
Total
3-
Mexico
17.4
9-8
72.8
100.0
Males
17.3
9-7
73-0
100.0
Females
17.6
9.8
72.6
100.0
Chihuahua13
17.5
4.2
78.3
100.0
Males
17.3
4.2
78.5
100.0
Females
17.6
4.3
78.1
100.0
Major Municipios13
17.8
3-2
79-0
100.0
Males
17.6
3.2
79.2
100.0
Females
l8.0
3-3
78.8
100.0
Cuauhtemoc
8.5
2.2
89.3
100.0
Males
8.3
2.2
89.5
100.0
Females
8.6
2.2
89.2
100.0
Chihuahua
13.0
2.3
84.7
100.0
Males
12.8
2.3
85.0
100.0
Females
13.2
2.4
84.4
100.0
Delicias
15.8
3-4
80.8
100.0
Males
15.7
3-4
80.9
100.0
Females
15.9
3-5
80.6
100.0
Hidalgo de Parral
12.6
5.0
82.4
100.0
Males
12.4
5.0
82.6
100.0
Females
12.7
5.0
82.3
100.0
Juarez
23.8
3-8
72.4
100.0
Males
23.7
3-7
72.6
100.0
Females
24.0
3-8
72.2
100.0
Minor Municipios13
17.1
5-5
77-4
100.0
Males
17.0
5-5
77-6
100.0
Females
17.2
5-5
77-3
100.0
Source: aResumen General: 1970? Table 9j
^Chihuahua: 1970 Table 7-


25
Americas by John Van Dyke Saunders at the University of Florida, The
Population of Ecuador: A Demographic Analysis.^
In the review of the pertinent literature for present research,
only one other published demographic analysis was found which was so
labeled. This was Anlisis Demogrfico de Mexico,5 and it referred to
the census of population of i960. This is not to say that other works
have not been done which involved demographic analysis. Without doubt,
much of the population data which appear in other works involved a
measure, small or great, of demographic analysis. Thinking of this,
some of the first which come to mind are basic sociological works about
the societies of Brazil,^ Argentina,^ Cuba,^ Costa Rica,^ Bolivia,^
^John Van Dyke Saunders, The Population of Ecuador: A Demographic
Analysis, Latin American Monographs, No. 14 (Gainesville: University
of Florida Press, i960).
^Raul Benitez Zenteno, Anlisis Demogrfico de Mexico (Mexico,
D.F.: Biblioteca de Ensayos Sociolgicos, Instituto de Investigaciones
Sociales, Universidad Nacional, 1961).
^T. Lynn Smith, Brazil: People and Institutions (Baton Rouge:
Louisiana State University Press, 1963).
^Carl C. Taylor, Rural Life in Argentina (Baton Rouge: Louisiana
State University Press, 1946).
^Lowry Nelson, Rural Cuba (Minneapolis: University of Minnesota
Press, 1950).
9john Biesanz and Mavis Biesanz, Costa Rican Life (New York:
Columbia University Press, 1944).
l^Olen E. Leonard, Bolivia: Land, People, and Institutions
(Washington, D.C.: Scarecrow Press, 1952).


Abstract of Dissertation Presented to the Graduate Council
of the University of Florida in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements
for the Degree of Doctor of Philosophy
THE PEOPLE OF CHIHUAHUA:
A DEMOGRAPHIC ANALYSIS
By
James Edwin Hamby, Jr.
August, 1975
Chairman: Joseph S. Vandiver
Major Department: Sociology
This research undertakes a demographic analysis of a Mexican
state -- Chihuahua, the largest state of Mexico in terms of area, which
is also very important in terms of relationships between the United
States and Mexico. It contains the Mexican part of the largest twin
city complex on the U.S.-Mexican border -- El Paso-Ciudad Juarez
where two city, two "county," two state, and two national governments
meet in confrontation and/or cooperation. Together, these city-county
units contain almost one million inhabitants.
As a background for the demographic analysis, the geography and
history of Chihuahua are considered. The history of population statis
tics in Mexico is reviewed, and the organization and operation of the
IX Censo General de Poblacin is examined in detail.
In analyzing the 197 census for Chihuahua, these levels are con-
sidered: national, state-, nd within the state, the five most populous
municipios (both individually and in aggregate), and the remaining
municipios in aggregate. For each of these information is presented on
the number and distribution of inhabitants and on population density.
(v)


124
TABLE VI-12
NUMBER AND PERCENT OF POPULATION AGED FIVE
AND OVER OF MAJOR AND IMPORTANT MINOR MUNICIPIOS
WHO SPEAK INDIGENOUS LANGUAGES; PERCENT WHO
SPEAK NO SPANISH, BY SEX, CHIHUAHUA, 1970
Municipio Persons Who Speak Percent of Indigenous-Speaking
and Language an Indigenous Language Who Do Not Speak Spanish
State Total-
26,309
1.63
32.9
25.4
40^
Tarahumara
22,980
1.43
33.6
25.5
43.2
Tepehuano
1,189
0.07
16.3
14.3
18.3
Others
2,140
O.13
34.9
29.8
41.4
Cuauhtemoc
84
0.09
19.O
11.5
39.1
Tarahumara
45
0.05
0
0
0
Tepehuano
l

0
0
0
Others
38
o.o4
42.0
30.4
60.0
Chihuahua
369
0.13
17.6
11.1
28.9
Tarahumara
202
0.07
4.0
1.5
9.1
Tepehuano
2

0
0
0
Others
165
0.06
34.5
24.7
48.5
Delicias
52
0.08
23.1
21.1
28.6
Tarahumara
26
0.04
0
0
0
Others
26
o.o4
46.2
4o.o
66.7
Hidalgo de Parral
99
0.16
20.2
18.5
22.2
Tarahumara
65
0.11
4.6
4.8
4.3
Tepehuano
3

0
0
0
Others
31
0.05
54.8
72.7
45.0
Juarez
612
0.14
20.4
16.6
26.2
Tarahumara
128
0.03
0.8
0
2.4
Tepehuano
1
0
0
0
Others
483
0.11
25.7
21.7
31.2
Halle za
2,366
17.86
33.5
26.0
41.7
Tarahumara
2,291
17.30
32.6
25.2
4o.8
Tepehuano
15
0.11
53-3
60.0
40.0
Others
60
0.45
60.0
48.1
70.0
Number
Percent
Total
Males
Females


30
attributes the development of modern Mexican statistics to their
23
author, Ildefonso Maniau.
Vice-President don Valentn Gmez Farias recommended that there be
a national statistical body, and by decree in 1833 > the Instituto
Nacional de Geografa y Esdadistica was created. This organization,
later to become the Sociedad de Geografa y Estadstica, compiled docu
ments about population, public debt, and property values.
Furthermore, convinced that statistics are not reduced to amounts
or relations which are purely numerical, but which should include
all the elements of social life, be it what it may the aspect
which these present, /the Instituto7 set itself to perform works
of great importance.2^
Two of the most important of these works were the Censo General de
la Poblacin Clasificada and the Censo General Estadstico de la Repb
lica. The latter contained information on "the territory, the popula
tion, and the general state of administration." According to Lafragua,
as noted by Flores Talavera, it was with these works that European
scholars began to take an interest in the statistical activities of
Mexico
One of the most active and energetic defenders of the need for a
strong national statistical service was Dr. Jose Mara Mora who stated
in his periodical, Observador de la Repblica Mexicana, in 1828, that
there were no statistics of worth in the nation, not even the census or
reports provided for in the Constitution. The influence of Dr. Mora
was great enough to induce the state governments to begin to conform
^Ibid.
2Wd., quoted material from p. 26.
25Ibid.


50
at the end of the census period, they performed the preliminary summation
pk
of data collected.
Census Takers (Empadronadores "registrars") were those who
performed the actual work of interviewing the population. They were
required to undergo training to equip them for this task. It was at
tempted to obtain Census Takers from the same area in which they would
work in order to utilize persons with the greatest knowledge of the
area and its population. Census Takers were chosen from all levels of
the population, "Attempting always that these be the persons most capable
of performing this task. "25
Census Agents were charged with the taking of the census in
the tiny localidades which did not warrant a more complicated census
organization. At times these were empowered to employ and, if necessary,
of
to train Census Takers.
Selection and Training of Census Personnel
A publication of the Direccin General de Estadstica notes that
there were approximately 1,400,000 persons directly involved in the plan
ning and execution of the 1970 census of population. Among these were
forty-five Census Delegates, seventy-six Subdelegates, and 1,079 Census
Organizers. There were thirty-two Census Boards at the state level,
2,388 Municipal (municipal) Census Administrations, 2,388 Municipal
Geographic Committees, 1,422 Auxiliary Boards, and 20,711 Census Agen-
^Ibid.
2^Ibid., p. XXII.
26Ibid.


69
had a combined population of 1,085,549 persons, or 67.3 percent of the
total, but they had only l8 percent of the total area. Moreover, five
of these municipios were the most populous in the state, and together
contained 894,100 persons, or 55*^ percent of the total population, but
only 7.8 percent of the area. The foregoing data are shown in Table V-2.
There were 5*^03 localidades in the state, of which 4,003, or 74.1
percent had fewer than 100 inhabitants, and several hundreds of these
12
had fewer than ten persons living in them. Obviously, most localidades
in Chihuahua have very small populations, and many of them contain no
more than a family or two.
At the other extreme of size of place, as also shown in Table V-l,
less than one-half of one percent of all localidades had more than
50,000 persons but these, combined, contained 48 percent of the Chihuahuan
population. This may be compared with the 5^120 localidades (95 percent
of the total) with fewer than 500 inhabitants, but only 21 percent of
the total population.
In most size categories, the average sizes of localidades were
roughly comparable at state and national levels. The arithmetic mean
of population in places with less than 100 persons was twenty-six in
the nation and twenty-two in the state. Similarly, those places with
populations between 100 and 499 bad a mean population of 246 in the
nation and 225 in the state. Continuing the comparison shows a slight
tendency for the national figures to be only slightly larger -- i.e.,
the mean population of localidades of each size category was slightly
greater at the national than at the state level -- in most categories.
1Cf. Localidades: 1970. ff.


53
Then, for each of those persons, he should note his age, the
highest year or grade completed of education, for each, his
principal occupation, and his position on the job.
The selection of Block Chiefs and Census Takers was then based on
the information obtained above. The work load proposed was ten dwellings
per Census Taker, and six Census Takers for each Block Chief. The basic
criterion for the choosing of such persons was that of education. Other
criteria were the age of the candidate, and a preference was given to
women. Otherwise, persons whose employment would permit them to be
absent during the time of the census were also given preference.^9 it
should be noted the extreme cari, which the Direccin exercised (offi
cially) in its selection of personnel at all levels and the great im
portance given lo accuracy in the census. It is this which leads the
researcher to conclude that the 1970 census of population may well be
the most exact that Mexico has ever taken. The researcher was impressed
by the sophistication exercised in the choice of personnel, even to the
preference given to women as census takers. Nevertheless, several in
formal sources have reported that it is suspected that the extent of
underenumeration may be at least as great as four to eight percent,
and that in many cases adherence to the norms established by the Direc
cin was not adequate.
The Training of Block Chiefs and Census Takers was begun in the
week prior to the census date. In the first training sessions these
persons were introduced to the Manual for Census Registration, the
Questionnaire Tor the Census of Population and Housing, and that of
Census of Livestock in Populated Places, which would form the basis
?9lbjd. pp. XXXV-XXXVI.


98
portant. In addition, of course, there are biological implications of age
with respect to fertility and senescence, and the phrase "the productive
years of life" comes easily to the tongue. Donald Bogue states that^
Good age data for a nation can assist greatly in measuring the
current level of fertility, mortality and migration. Age data,
when cross-tabulated by other population characteristics, can
assist in the discovery of the life-cycle patterns of other
events and statuses, such as marriage, school attendance, and
labor force participation.
Important considerations of the age distribution in a population
are those related to the numerical and geographic movement of that popu
lation, and to the economic factors regarding the labor force and the
dependency ratio. Unfortunately, in censuses, faulty age reporting is
among the most frequent sources of error. There are various reasons for
this. One of the first is the problem of definition -- does the census
taker mean one's age at this moment, or at one's next birthday? More
over, many of the world's people do not know their correct age; sometimes
they lack knowledge of a counting system beyond the most rudimentary;
perhaps their birth was not registered, or family life was such that
birthdays were of little or no importance. Finally, people, and not
just women as some might suppose, often lie about their age for a variety
of reasons. Some reasons why misinterpretations of age may occur are in
strumental. The informant may wish to be reported to the "government" as
old enough to hold a certain type of job, to marry, to vote, or to collect
old-age benefits. Other reasons may be symbolic. To the very young,
adult ages may represent a desired maturity. To the no-longer young, such
8Donald J. Bogue, Principles of Demography (New York: John Wiley
and Sons, Inc., 1969), p. 162.


20
rates among the young.
Table VII-4 shows that, although reported infant mortality rates
fluctuated widely from year to year during the decade, the general
trend was downward. There was, however, a perplexing increase during
the last three years of the decade. This downward trend was matched by
a similar, if less striking, trend in death rates in general.
Tables VII-1 and VII-4 present both birth and death rates, as reported.
There was also a slight decrease in the natural increase during the
decade. (Table VII-1.)
At the state level, although fertility ratios tended to be higher
than in the national population, there was a smaller gain in the fertil
ity ratio during the decade -- 0.7 percent in Chihuahua as compared
with 4.7 percent in the nation as a whole. Moreover, the urban popula
tion of the state (residents of places with 2,500 inhabitants or mere)
had a decrease of 1.3 percent in fertility. (See Table VII-6.) Since
Chihuahua became more than 50 percent urban between 1950 and 196c, and
since urban fertility generally is somewhat lover than rural fertility,
there may be grounds to hope that some of the heavy burden of depen
dency will become less onerous as time passes.
Tables VII-1 and VII-4 show that during the 1960's, the reported
birth rates of the state were consistently lower than those of the
nation. The death rates for the state, however, were also lower than
in the nation. As a result, Chihuahua approximately equalled the
nation in rates of natural increase. Despite the trend toward a grad
ual decline of urban birth rates, the youthfulness of the Chihuahuan
population may lead to small gains in the rate of natural increase in


179
the writer re-examined Table VI-17 to see if perhaps there was a com
mon feature shared by these two municipios in their employment struc
ture. These municipios, together with Juarez, had the highest percent
age of persons employed in the transformation industries, but the pres
ence of municipio Juarez where median education is much lower, weakens
the ability to attribute to the transformation industries the differ
ences seen in the educational attainments. Since the percentage of
the EAP active in primary industries was low in these three municipios,
one might suppose that this feature (rural-urban differences) is a
major contributing factor. Municipio Cuauhtemoc, however, had 46.6
percent of its EAP employed in primary industries -- the highest among
the major municipios -- yet the median years of education attained by
the population in that municipio was higher overall than that of
municipio Juarez, and was the equal of Juarez with respect to those who
had attended school. Yet, Juarez occupied the opposite pole from
Cuauhtemoc in having the smallest percentage of its EAP in primary
industries. Consequently, it is not possible from census data to at
tribute probable cause of the educational characteristics observed. The
safest assumption is that they are due to a variety of causes, working
unequally in the major municipios.
Table VI-27 presents detailed information by age anI sex on the
percentage of literacy and the literacy index of the population aged
ten-and-over in each of the major municipios. In overall literacy,
highest percentages were seen in Cuauhtemoc and Chihuahua, followed
by Hidalgo de Parral, Juarez, and Delicias in that order, and in
Cuauhtemoc, the literacy index hovered most closely around 100.0 in


51
cies. Involved in the execution of the census were some 250,000 Block
Chiefs, 1,000,000 Census Takers and about 65,000 Census Agents. Another
10,000 persons served as Ward and Section Chiefs, and an additional
27
70,000 persons were Instructors (most of whom were school teachers).
It is interesting to see that, according to these figures, almost
percent of the Mexican population was involved, directly, in the plannin
or taking of the 1970 census 1
Census personnel were tentatively selected prior to instruction
and their response to the instruction formed the basis for the final
selection of those who were to be the principal actors in the census
operation. Minimum standards were established by the Census Delegates
for the subsequent selection of the Subdelegates and Census Organizers,
and the final selection of these persons was also based on their per
formance on examinations following their training period. The Organ
izers chose and trained the Ward and Section Chiefs, and also the In
structors who were to teach the Block Chiefs, Census Takers, and Census
Agents.
The selection of Block Chiefs, Census Takers, and Census Agents
was determined by the size of the localidad, and the specific type of
census organization was determined by the preexisting administrative ar
rangement of the area, as well as the choice of personnel being made
from among bureaucratic personnel of the same.
Those places without such an administrative organization, cut
with more than 20,000 inhabitants, were first investigated by' means of
one Precensus of Blocks whose purpose was to determine the
^Tfbid.. p. XXXIII.


148
TABLE VI-18
MINOR MUNICIPIOS IMPORTANT IN EXTRACTIVE INDUSTRIES:
ECONOMICALLY ACTIVE POPULATION; NUMBER AND PERCENT
ACTIVE IN EXTRACTIVE INDUSTRIES, 1969
Municipio
Economically Active Population
Number in Percent of
Number Extractive Industries Total EAP
Median
Income
Per Month
Aquiles Serdan
Santa Barbara
San Francisco del Oro
Moris
Marguarichic
Saucillo
Ocampo
Aldama
Camargo
Total
1,093
616
4,335
1,943
3,072
1,307
1,335
231
447
49
7,386
848
1,191
122
3,236
297
9,136
722
31,231
6,135
Pesos
56.4
$1062.27
44.6
933.16
42.5
1022.06
17.3
408.23
11.9
436.93
11.5
638.97
10.2
699.31
9.2
638.89
7-9
679-24
19.6
Source: Chihuahua: 1970 Tables 23 and 28.


130
32,000 and that of the two largest Mormon colonies as being about 600.^3
Rural and Urban Residence
There are substantial differences between the rural and urban
worlds in such things as social organization, the social processes, the
vital processes, and of course, in the number, distribution, and charac
teristics of their populations. Therefore, it is highly important to
determine the proportion of the population which is rural and that which
is urban. Unfortunately, and despite these differences, the apparently
pk
simple distinction becomes at times exceedingly difficult.
The concepts of rural and urban occupy extremes on a continuum,
and as such they represent mental constructs. Nevertheless, they are
empirical realities (although not, in most parts of the world, to the
extent that the labels imply) with which the demographer must deal prag
matically. Therefore, arbitrary definitions have been established which
correspond, in varying degrees, to the empirical conditions which obtain.
In the search for definition, many criteria have been employed, the most
common ones being those of number of inhabitants, density of population,
number and/or density of dwellings, nearness to larger conglomerates of
population, and the occupations of the adult male labor force. Obvious
ly, in the interests of clarity, some operational definition must be
^Robert H. Schmidt, Jr., A Geographical Survey of Chihuahua,
Southwestern Studies Monograph Number 37 (El Paso: Texas Western Press,
1973), p. 4o.
ok
One of the few contemporary writers who explicitly explores this
theme is T. Lynn Smith. The reader is referred to many of his works, but
most especially to The Sociology of Rural Life, 3rd ed. (New York: Harper
and Brothers, 1953), and (with C. A. McMahan), The Sociology of Urban
ife: A Textbook with Readings (New York: Dryden Press, 1951)- See,
in each work, Chapter 2.


I certify that I have read this study and that in my opinion
it conforms to acceptable standards of scholarly presentation and is
fully adequate, in scope and quality, as a dissertation for the degree
of Doctor of Philosophy.
Professor of Sociology
I certify that I have read this study and that in my opinion
it conforms to acceptable standards of scholarly presentation and is
fully adequate, in scope and quality, as a dissertation for the degree
of Doctor of Philosophy.
T. Lynn /Smith,
Graduate Research Professor Emeritus
Department of Sociology
I certify that I have read this study and that in my opinion
it conforms to acceptable standards of scholarly presentation and is
fully adequate, in scope and quality, as a dissertation for the degree
of Doctor of Philosophy.


2c7
female population, particularly in the urban sector, was considerably
greater than that of males in Delicias in the decade of the 1960's.
In Hidalgo de Parral, the observed population is greater than that
expected among both males and females in the older age groups, somewhat
more emphatically among females. (Tables VIII-18 and VTII-I9.) In this
municipio, especially in urban areas, the female population had increased
more rapidly than the male during the decade. (Table VIII-3.) This
increase of females well may have included many widows moving into the
city. Of particular interest in Hidalgo de Parral are the sex differences
which appear, such as an excess of observed population over that pre
dicted which is considerably greater for young adult females than for
males of the same age, although in age groups just older, males more
than make up for the deficit., One may only speculate concerning reasons
for the rather eccentric pattern found.
In Juarez, the largest and fastest growing of the major municipios,
ratios of observed-to-expected population were greater than unity in
almost every age group. In most cases the figures for the male popu
lation exceeded those for females by a small amount, which is consistent
with the slight excess of males migrating to the municipio during the
I960's.
The Minor Municipios
Data for the change in population size of the minor municipios
are presented in Table VIII-3 As in the nation, the state, and the
major municipios, the minor municipios experienced a greater growth
during the 1950's than during the next decade. During the 1950's
their population increased from 505,1^9 Vo 623,192 or 23*4 percent, an
increment of about 2.1 percent per year. As in the national and state


SEX IN i960 AND 1970; PERCENT CHANGE FROM i960 TO 1970
Percent
Change
Percent
1970 Change
Female s
I960 1970'
24,065,614
38.2
17,507,809
24,159,624
38.0
4,151,517
41.4
2,840,360
4,015,993
4l.4
3,934,729
45.4
2,611,134
3,788,267
45.1
3,271,115
46.4
2,123,820
3,125,059
47.1
2,491,047
43.3
1,796,434
2,563,344
42.7
1,930,300
37-4
1,542,203
2,102,041
36.3
1,575,414
31.7
1,308,904
1,685,004
28.7
1,285,461
27.4
1,042,530
1,310,802
25.7
1,235,283
28.8
961,540
1,276,364
32.7
959, ^+77
42.3
687,017
973,863
41.8
829,719
35.9
623,126
807,299
29.6
589,788
11.8
536,031
602,255
12.4
501,529
23.8
394,697
510,330
29.3
451,069
21.3
372,721
466,784-
25.2
345,379
69.8
210,710
357,184
69.5
242,008
50.0
172,083
246,245
43.1
119,571
31.2
96,620
133,077
37.7
80,738
39-6
70,491
100,196
42.1
71,470
13.7
68,509
95,517
39-4
.... #

48,879
.... #
812,649
30.7
605,177
799,876
32.2
140,094
29.7
102,540
132,952
29.7
134,171
45.6
89,033
127,451
43.2
112,304
46.1
74,076
106,426
43.7
83,189
35-5
63,253
84,563
33.7
63,595
19.4
56,583
69,197
22.3
52,028
22.9
44,218
55,129
24.7
44,276
22.3
36,775
45,054
22.5
40,938
23.9
30,826
40,932
32.8
32,542
37.7
23,011
32,822
42.6
28,017
26.0
21,377
25,968
21.5
20,534
3.6
18,269
19,798
8.4
18,601
31.9
13,242
17,868
34.9
15,349
28.1
10,906
14,769
35.4
11,620
63.4
6,455
11,358
76.0
7,340
42.4
4,621
6,938
50.1
8,051
-5.4
7,249
8,651
19.0
....
--
2,743

--
reported for 1970.
Table 7j Resumen General: i960, Table 8.
Table 3, Resumen General: 1970, Table 5


213
in population (natural increase plus net migration, as reported in the
appropriate Anuario Estadstico), to the calculated population of each
succeeding year beginning with the population reported in the 1560
census. Population from death rate represents the calculation of that
population which would be required to produce a reported death rate
from the reported number of deaths in that year (assuming the death rate
to be the most accurate of the basic vital rates). Estimated population
is that which was supplied by the Mexican government (probably by the
Direccin General de Estadstica) to the Inter-American Statistical
/ 2
Institute and reported in America en Cifras: 1972. This entry, given
only for the nation as a whole in Table VII-1, was not available for
the state of Chihuahua.
The interpolated population is that which resulted from the appli
cation of the formula previously noted (i.e., = ern), and the cal-
Pl
culation of the population, by sex, in each of the intercensal years
as if the increase of population were a constant increment (probably
an unwarranted assumption).
Careful perusal of Table VII-1 reveals that the Mexican government
source apparently used several different measures of population for
the calculations of different population extrapolations3 between the
^Organization of American States, America en Cifras, 1972, Situ
acin Demogrfica: Estado y Movimiento de la Poblacin (Washington,
D.C.: InterAmerican Statistical Institute, 1972), Table 201-02.
3"Extrapolation" is used because, for the calculation of vital
rates, the 1970 census of population was not yet available for the
government's use. Similarly, the researcher used reported vital data
to determine what were these extrapolations used by the Direccin
General de Estadstica.


TABLE VI-5
NUMBER AND PERCENT OF POPULATION IN EACH AGE -
SEX GROUP AND SEX RATIOS BY AGE, MUNICIPIO CHIHUAHUA, 1970
90
Age
Total Population Male Population Female Population Sex
Number Percent Number Percent Number Percent Ratios
of Total of Total
All Ages
277,099
100.0
137,274
49.5
139,825
50.5
98.2
0-4
44,937
16.2
23,175
8.4
21,762
7.8
106.5
5-9
42,408
15.3
21,659
7.8
20,749
7-5
104.4
io-i4
36,277
13.1
18,569
6.7
17,708
6.4
104.9
15-19
30,070
10.9
14,812
5.3
15,258
5.5
97.1
20-24
24,188
8.7
11,303
4 .1
12,885
4.6
87.7
25-29
18,814
6.8
8,866
3-2
9,9 48
3.6
89.1
30-34
15,720
5-7
7,6l6
2.7
8,104
2.9
94.0
35-39
14,153
5.1
6,849
2.5
7,304
2.6
93.8
40-44
11,609
4.2
5,593
2.0
6,016
2.2
93.0
45-49
9,754
3.5
4,84i
1-7
4,913
1.8
98.5
50-54
7,431
2.7
3,570
1.3
3,86i
1.4
92.5
55-59
6,749
2.4
3,316
1.2
3,433
1.2
96.6
6o-64
5,415
2.0
2,683
1.0
2,732
1.0
98.2
65-69
4,227
1.5
2,027
0.7
2,200
0.8
92.1
70-74
2,466
0.9
1,193
0.4
1,273
0.5
93.7
75-79
1,344
0.5
606
0.2
738
0.3
82.1
80-84
797
0.3
322
0.1
475
0.2
67.8
85 and over
740
0.3
274
0.1
466
0.2
58.8
Source: Chihuahua: 1970, Table 3*


57
and a code which also permitted idenitification of the operator, thus
providing a constant check on both accuracy and efficiency.
Trial runs with known data were performed and then 1970 census
data for small localidades were subjected to machine and manual analysis
to discover discrepancies and/or errors in programming and internal
consistency in the data.--
Data Publication
As in px-evious censuses, materials were published in thirty-three
volumes -- one for each federal entity and one summary volume (Resumen
General)
Following the publication of the foregoing, there was, subsequently,
the publication of limited amounts of information at the localidad level,
but these volumes contain percentage figures only -- the number of persons
in each category is not reported. Thus one cannot tell whether a given
percentage resulted from small or large absolute numbers.
Finally, a series of special reports is planned. These will cover
education, the economically active population, indigenous languages
spoken, internal migration, and urban conglomerates. They were unob
tainable at the time of the present writing.^5
The organization for the IX Censo General de Poblacin is impressive.
5dibid., pp. LI-LVII.
3 It should be noted that there is much information at the state
level which does not appear in the volume for the state, but rather, in
the summary volume. In ox-der for the researcher to have access to the
maximum amount of data he must avail himself of not only the volume of
the state concerned, but also of the Resumen General.
35
Estados Unidos Mexicanos, Informe de Labores de la Direccin
General de Estadstica 1968-1972 (Mexico, D.F.: Direccin General de
Estadstica, Oct. 1972), pp. 11-13, passim.


ll6
than that for the state, while the median age for females was 1J.2
years or slightly higher than that found in the state as a whole.
Median ages for all municipios are shown in Table V-2, and by sex for
the major municipios in Table VI-10.
The Minor Municipios
Among the minor municipios there are a number in which the median
age was less than fifteen years, but the lowest median age of all, 13-4
years, was found in Riva Palacio. This municipio had a population of
10,836 in 1970 certainly not one of the smallest of the state. It
is adjacent on the east to the capital municipio, Chihuahua. Its sex
ratio was 110.2 for all ages combined, with a sex ratio at ages 15-19
of 126.2 and at 20-24 of Il6.4. At the other extreme of the age dis
tribution, there was an even greater disproportion of the sexes. At
ages 55_59> the sex ratio was l40, and by age group 60-64 this had risen
to 156. These figures suggest the possibility of high rates of female
emigration, perhaps to neighboring Chihuahua where very low sex ratios
are observed in these same age groups (see Table VI-5). Differentiating
the population of Riva Palacio by sex, the median age for males was 13.6
and that for females was 13-3> or the opposite of that usually seen in
the absence of differential migration. In any case, median ages as low
as these can only be described as remarkable.
Galeana is another municipio with a very low median age 14.5,
hut the total population of this municipio was only 1,838 persons. A
more populous municipio, Janos, with over 7000 people, also had a
median age of 14.5* The sex ratio in this municipio was 110.1. In the
age group 0-4 the sex ratio was 103-8, but in the 5~9 age group, the
sex ratio was only 94. It is difficult to accept any hypothesis other


62
place of residence. If the absence was for less than six months he was
enumerated on a de jure basis; otherwise he was enumerated with the res
idence of his family (or that of those on whom he was economically
dependent). Those persons absent from their usual place of residence
because they were out of the country were not enumerated by the census
unless they were part of a military or diplomatic mission (or a family
member of one of these). All permanently institutionalized persons of
4
any type or age were enumerated on the de facto basis. No foreign or
diplomatic personnel or their family members were included in the
enumeration.
National and State Data
On January 28, 1970 there were 48,225,238 persons enumerated by
the census in the Republic of Mexico. This population was distributed
among twenty-nine federated states, two territories, and one federal
district -- a total of thirty-two federal entities.
Population densities varied greatly within the nation from 1.7
persons per square kilometer in the two federal territories, Baja
California Sur and Quntana Roo, to 4,585.7 in the Distrito Federal
(Federal District). Population density for the nation as a whole was
24.6 persons per square kilometer, and the median density for the thirty-
two entities was almost the same -- 23*9 persons per square kilometer.
^Ibid.T pp. LXI-LXII. There perhaps are some problems associated
with these definitions since they do not appear to be exhaustive and
exclusive in some respects. For example, "permanently" institutionalized
is not rigorously defined (in the census volumes, at least, although it
P^y have been in special instructions to the Census Taker), and the pro
visions for the enumeration of persons under age twenty-one, not living
at home, but economically independent seems inadequate. In any event,
the numbers of such persons probably is small.


3
the population of the state, of the five major municipios4 (which, in
1970 contained 55.4 percent of the state's population), and when it seems
necessary, those lesser or "minor" municipios which show "unusual" demo
graphic characteristics.
Since there are but three demographic processes which can alter the
size and distribution of a population -- births, deaths, and migration --
an investigation into vital statistics methods is undertaken. Rates of
reproduction and mortality are examined. Deficiencies in these data in
Mexico render this important task difficult.
Finally considered is the growth and redistribution of the popula
tion, including the trend toward urbanization in the state.
4In Mexico a municipio is a county-like political subdivision within
a state. Hereinafter, this term will appear so frequently that it will no
longer be accented or italicized.


245
Previously noted was the marked increase in the male population
of the nation and the state during that decade. In the major municip
ios, the male population increased 80.4 percent (5.9 percent per year)
while the female population increased only 73*6 percent (5*5 percent
per year).
Among the major municipios, the greatest increase in population
was in Juarez, where the population more than doubled, increasing 111.0
percent in the decade. The male population there increased 113*9
percent, while that of females increased 108.2 percent. The smallest
increase among the major municipios during the decade of the 1950's
was the 22.7 percent of Hidalgo de Parral. Only in Delicias was the
increase of the male population less than that of females. In that
municipio, the growth of the two sexes was virtually identical (68.4
percent and 68.3 percent).
During the 1960's, the population growth in the major municipios
slowed considerably, dropping from 7^*9 percent in the 1950'¡3 to 48.1
percent in the 1960's. (See Table VIII-3*) Even so, this increase
still was much greater than that of the state as a Whole. The annual
growth rate of the major municipios was 4.1 percent, compared with the
figure of 3*4 for the state. By any "universal" standards, of course,
these "reduced" growth rates still are very high.
As in the previous decade, the growth of municipio Juarez was
greatest among the major municipios, but in the 1960's, its rate of
growth exceeded only slightly that of the much smaller municipio of
Cuauhtemoc -- 53*1 and 52.4 percent, respectively. The annual rate of
growth in both municipios was 4.4 percent* Municipio Chihuahua grew
almost as fast, with an increase of 48.9 percent during the decade.


6
.per year.^
The topography of the state makes it easy to imagine that it has
been the site of one of the great highways of human migration since pre
historic times. Robert Schmidt reports that the rugged Sierra Madre in
the west forms a highly effective barrier to east-west travel, while its
high valleys and canyons tend to be oriented in a generally north-south
direction, thus creating, as it were, natural paths for travel in this
direction. Combining these features with the hostile environment of the
arid region of the eastern part of the state and the more favorable
climate of the high Sierra, it is not surprising to find ancient signs
of human habitation in this part of the state. 3
The Chihuahuan portion of the Sierra Madre which forms part of the
eastern boundary of the great Sonoran desert has plentiful rainfall,
produced in part by the orographic effect of the rugged spine of the
continent, providing a welcome oasis in an otherwise inhospitable land.
Its many caves and rocky overhangs gave shelter to a number of successive
invasions of Amerind peoples, and a virtually inaccessible fortress for
these people as they retreated from the European (and later, Mexican)
conquerers. In this area is found one of Mexico's large tribal Indian
groups, the Tarahumara. In this area are large stands of commercially
grown pine trees interspersed with naturally occurring oaks. Here are
^Robert H. Schmidt, Jr., A Geographical Survey of Chihuahua. South
western Studies Monograph Ho. 37 (El Paso: Texas Western Press, 1973),
pp. 10-17. It is interesting to note extremes of temperature and rainfall
reported by Schmidt. In different areas minimum and maximum rainfall has
been reported to be 6.3 inches and 52.8 inches per year respectively. The
highest temperature ever recorded in the state was 118 degrees F. while
the coldest was 22 degrees below zero F.
3lbid.


ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS
There are many to whom the writer is indebted for their assistance
at various points in the production of this work.
Professor Joseph Vandiver, as chairman of the committee, spent
many of his valuable hours acting as editor, and in this capacity, he
is, in a very real sense, greatly responsible for the merits this work
has. The other members of the committeee, Professors Ruth Albrecht,
Lyle McAlister, and Sugiyama Iutaka lent their support and encourage
ment .
A special debt is owed to Dr. T. Lynn Smith. The writer came under
his influence in the first course he took in sociology, and with each
passing year which he himself spends in teaching, he recognizes more the
great contributions which Dr. Smith has made in the past and continues
to make today despite his official "retirement."
The writer expresses his appreciation to the Direccin General d
Estadstica in Mexico City, and to its Director, Lie. Ruben Gleason
Galicia who supplied census and other statistical materials cordially,
rapidly, and without cost. In Cd. Juarez, Chihuahua, the writer is
grateful to the Juzgado del Registro Civil and its personnel, especially
to Lie. Filiberto Terrazas Snchez, the Director; and also to the oer-
_
sonnel of the Secretaria de Industria y Comercio.
Finally, the writer is grateful to his family who stood by him and
sustained him in periods when it seemed that the dissertation would never
be finished. Had it not been for them, and especially his dear wife of,
now, twenty-two years, he would have never made it through.
(iii)


CHAPTER V
THE NUMBER AND DISTRIBUTION OF INHABITANTS
In demographic analysis, the most basic of all topics the
number and distribution of inhabitants -- is also the briefest and
most concise topic considered. Basic data for any census of population
consist of the number of persons contained within the geographic area
of enumeration and the manner in which they are dispersed over the
land. The act of enumeration is the foundation for all future
population data, even those also requiring a system of registration
such as the so-called "vital statistics" which include births, deaths,
and even marriages, divorces, morbidity, and similar data. The
calculation of the rates of the above (as well as rates of crime,
school attendance, drug use, automobile accidents, and a similarly
wide variety of socially important events) is dependent upon an
accurate enumeration of the population.
Enumeration forms the basis for the application of population
data for short- and long-term planning, for predictions and projec
tions of population change, and for studies of the migration of
persons from one area to another. The principal measurements of the
two variables presently under discussion are the actual enumeration
of persons, usually by means of a house-to-house counting process;
and based upon this, a computation of the density of the population
expressed as the number of persons per unit of area.
In Latin America, the metric system of measures is the one pre
dominantly (and officially) used although less definitive methods
continue in traditional usage in many places. Since no comparisons
59


211
statistical services are considered to "be reasonably adequate.
In Mexico and Chihuahua, it is obvious that changes have occurred
in the number of inhabitants. Growth has demonstrably been rapid.
Inevitably, some of the characteristics of their populations must also
have changed. Consequently, the question to be resolved is not
whether changes have taken place, but rather, what changes and of what
magnitude.
The "annual rate of change" requires some comment prior to pro
ceeding. There are two formulas which can be used to calculate the
annual rate of change of population size. One of these treats popu
lation increments as discrete "steps," which is the way in which popu
lation data are published. This formula has the disadvantage of being
somewhat awkward to work with, since both the logarithm and the anti
logarithm of population figures must be employed thus compounding work
and chances of errors.
The second of the two formulas was chosen for the present work,
both because of the ease of working with it, and because it provides
a continuous multiplier, which is the way population "really" changes
during a period. Although stated in the tables in which it was used,
the formula is restated here in order that certain comments about it
may not be overlooked. The formula is as follows:
P2
= ern where P]_ is the population in the base year; P£ is
. the population at the end of the period; e is the
natural logarithm of the quotient P2; r is the rate
of change per unit of time; and n is the number of
time units.
In operation, this formula becomes r = \ P;]_
n


48
precensuses and the general census of population according to the
schedule established by the Direccin General de Estadstica.
The Census Organizers were immediately subordinate to the Sub
delegates. Their function was the organization of and the taking of
21
the census in the municipio seats and in
other localidades of their zone, depending for this on the
assistance of the municipio authorities and of the Bodies
of Civic Support.
These persons were responsible for the establishment of the local cen
sus organization at the municipio level. It was their job to choose
and train the "honorary census personnel" who functioned as inter
mediaries between the census organization and the people. They
worked directly with the Municipal Geographic Committees (Comite's
Geogrficos Municipales) for the correction of census cartography
and were active in the precensal tests in selection, training, and
supervision of personnel. In addition they were responsible for
procurement of census materials, thereby assuring an adequate supply
and distribution of all such materials. It was also their responsi
bility to supervise the collection of all materials and their subsequent
remittance to the Direccin. Finally, they were responsible for cen
sus publicity at the local level.
Ward Chiefs had essentially the same responsibilities with re
gard to the actual taking of the census as did the Census Organizers,
but with a much more limited scope -- the population of a ward within
a localidad. Such persons were usually government employees of some
^Glbid., p. XXX.
^-'-Ibid.


Age
tablf viij-jp
COMPARISON OK OF FEMALE AGE COHORTS IN TWO CENSUS
1970 POPULATION BASED ON NUN VIVALO FROM i960 LIVING IN 1970
YEARS AND EXPECTED
, MUNICIPIO CIIINUAHUA
A
B
C
D
E
F Vi
0
1970b
Ratios of
Ten Year Sur-
Expected Popu-
1970
Ratio of Ob-
Enumeration
Cohort
vival Ratios
lation in 197
Enumeration
served to Ex-
1960a
(i960
Size
nLx+10
(d*a)+
(by age
pec ted Popula-
Enumeration
ages+10)
(B/A)
nLx
10 Years
in 1970)
tion (F/E)
0-4
14,781
17,708
1.198
21,782
5-9
12,368
15,258
1.234 .9823
20,749
10-14
10,801
12,885
1.193 .9816
17,708
15-19
9,9^4
9,948
1.000 .9745
12,149
15,258
1.256
20-24
9,056
8,104
.095 .9658
10,602
12,885
1.215
25-29
6,954
7,304
1.050 .9568
9,690
9,948
1.027
30-34
5,866
6,016
1.026 .9478
8,746
8,104
.927
35-39
4,974
4,913
.988 .9363
6,654
7,304
1.098
40-44
3,866
3,86i
999 .9205
3,359
6,016
1.691
45-49
3,672
3,433
.935 .8974
3,295
4,913
1.491
50-54
3,120
2,732
.876 .8612
2,687
3,86l
1.437
55-59
2,309
2,200
.953 -8037
1,856
3,433
1.850
60-64
1,866
1,273
.682 .7210
1,345
2,732
2.031
65-69
1,170
738
.631 .5373
629
2,200
3.500
70-74
864
475
.550 .4685
405
1,273
3-145
75-79
557
.2961
165
738
4.475
80-84
372
.1397
52
475
9.i4o
85 & over
466
466
Source:
aResumen
General: i960, Table 8.
^Resumen
General: 1970, Table 5*
cRal Benitez Zenteno and Gustavo
Cabrera Acevedo,
Tablas Abreviadas de Mortalidad
de la Poblacin de
Mexico,
1930> 19^0> 1950, i960 (Mexico, D.F.:El Colegio de Mexico,
Departamento de Publicaciones, 1967), Table 34


194
TABLE VII-3
CRUDE RATES OF LIVE BIRTHS AND CRUDE DEATH RATES FOR BOLIVIA,
ECUADOR, PERU AND THE UNITED STATES FOR TEARS 1953-1962
Bolivia Ecuador Peru United States
Year
Births
Deaths
Birthsa
Deaths0
Births D
Deathsa
Births
Deaths
1953
38.6
14.5*
47.3
15.9
36.0
12.2
24.7
9.6
1954
35.0
11.8
43.9
15.9
36.8
11.7
25.0
9.2
1935
29.6*
9-7*
45.2
15.5
37.7
11.8
24.7
9.3
1956
29.5*
8.6
47.O
14.8
36.9
12.1
24.9
9
1957
25.1*
9-3*
47.1
14.7
37-2
13.7
25.0
9.6
1958
27.6*
8.6*
45.9
15.1
38.2
12.1
24.3
9
1959
28.4*
8.0*
45.8
14.3
39-1
12.3
24.1
9.4
i960
28.6*
8.7*
45.6*
14.1*
38.9
11.8
23.7
9.5
1961
26.6*
8.5*
44.7*
13.7*
28.1*
8.3-
23.3
9.3
19o2

44.2*
13-5*

22.4*
9-5*
X
29.9
9-7
45.7
14.8
36.5
11.8
24.2
9.4
Variance
15.8
3-9
1.3
0.7
9.8
1.8
0.7
0.02
* Provisional
aPrior to 1954 data were tabulated by year of registration
rather than by year of occurrence.
b.,
All data tabulated by year of registration.
0
Death registration estimated 70% complete in 1956.
^Tabulated by year of registration (excludes Jungle Indian
population).
Source: United Nations, Demographic Yearbook: 1962 (liew York:
United Nations, 1962), Table l4, pp.468-83 and Table
18, pp. 516-31.
vn -T vi O' i-o


Age
COMPARISON O SIZES
tabu'; vux-xy
o female age cohorts in two censu
YEARS AND EXPECTED 1970
POPULATION BASED ON SURVIVALS PROM iy60 LIVING IN 1970, MUNICIPIO HIDALGO DE PARRAL
A
B
C D
E
F
G
1970b
Ratios o' Ten Year Sur-
Expected Popu-
1970b
Ratio of Ob-
Enumeration
Cohort vival Ratios
lation in 1970
Enumeration
served to Ex-
1960a
(i960
Size nLx+10 c
(d*a)+
(by age
pected Popula-
Enumeration
ages+10)
(B/A) nLx
10 Years
in 1970)
tion (f/e)
0-4
3,683
4,236
I.I50
4,960
5-9
3,233
3,477
1.075
.9823
4,912
10-14
2,703
2,735
1.012
.9816
4,236
15-19
2,222
2,217
.998
.9745
3,176
3,477
1.095
20-24
2,269
1,795
791
.9658
2,265
2,735
1.208
25-29
1,662
1,676
1.033
.9568
2,165
2,217
1.024
30-34
1,364
1,285
942
.9478
2,191
1,795
.819
35-39
1,139
1,001
.879
.9363
1,590
1,676
1.054
40-44
882
802
.909
9205
1,293
1,285
.99b
45-49
864
760
.880
.8974
1,066
1,001
939
50-54
724
627
.866
.8612
812
802
.988
55-59
517
490
.948
.8037
775
760
.980
60-64
429
321
.748
.7210
624
627
1.006
65-69
275
167
.607
5373
4i6
490
1.178
70-74
182
109
599
.4685
309
321
1.037
75-79
128
.2961
148
167
1.130
80-84
95
1397
85
109
1.278
85 & over
163
106
Source:
aResumen General:
i960,
Table
8.
bResumen General:
1970,
Table
5.
cRal
Benitez Zenteno and Gustavo
Cabrera Acevedo,
Tablas Abreviadas
de Mortalidad
de la Poblacin de
Mexico,
1930 1940, 1950, i960 (Mexico, D.F.: El Colegio de Mexico,
Departamento de Publicaciones, 1967), Table 34.


TABLE VI-19
ECONOMICALLY ACTIVE POPULATION BY INDUSTRY IN STATE
AND AGGREGATED MAJOR AND AGGREGATED MINOR MUNICIPIOS;
INDEX NUMBERS FOR MINOR MUNICIPIOS PRO RATA SHARE BY INDUSTRY
Total Type of Industry3'
Place
EAP
A
B
C
D
E
F
G
H
I
J
K
State
416,026
151,498
834
11,103
52,166
20,862
1,749
45,665
14,749
79,984
11,843
25,573
Major
Municipios
233,070
33,578
^35
3,427
39,887
16,612
1,265
36,904
10,771
63,853
8,966
17,372
Minor
Municipios
182,956
117,920
399
7,676
12,279
4,250
484
8,761
3,978
16,131
2,877
8,201
Index
Numbers
(State= 100)
Minor
Municipios
78.5
177.2
100.0
155-6
53.6
46.0
75.0
43.6
62.9
45.8
57-1
73.8
aLegend of
Industries
A Primary
B Petroleum
C Extractive
D Transformation
E Construction
F Electricity generation and
G Commerce
distribution
H Transportation
I Service
J Government
Source: Chihuahua: 1970¡ Table 23
o


246
In the major municipios as a whole, the differential growth rates
of males and females previously recorded decreased greatly; during the
decade, they showed similar annual rates of 4.1 percent each. During
the I960's the male population increased by 48.4 percent; the female
population by 47*9 percent. Actually, the percentage of growth of
females exceeded that of males in all of the major municipios except
Juarez. The greatest differential was in Delicias, with a 28 percent
increase for females but only 21 percent for males.
Comparison of the percentage growth of the population by sex and
five-year age groups reveals that increases among males much exceeded those
of females at age groups 10-14, 15-19> and 45-49. The growth of the
female population greatly exceeded that of males in age groups 3539^
55-59, and 75-and-over. (Table VIII-10.)
When the major municipios are examined individually, the sex and
age differentials found in the aggregate data became more important in
the individual municipios. Some were growing more rapidly in certain
sectors of their population than in others. Table VIII-11 shows the
I96O-19TO growth in population by sex and five-year age groups.
In Cuauhtemoc, for example, while the male population increased
by 37*1 percent at ages 0-4, the number of females increased by 48.6
percent, again demonstrating a probable underenumeration of male child
ren seen in three of the five major municipios. Also in age groups
15-19, 25-29., 65-69, and 70-7^ and 75-and-over, the increase of females
was much greater than that of males. Only at ages 5~9, 40-44, and 55-55'
was the increase of males much greater than that of females. (Table VIII-11.)
In Chihuahua, only at age groups 50-54 and 55-59 did the growth of
the female population greatly exceed that of males. Conversely, the


171
and half of all women of the nation had never attended school. Here may
he observed the results of a value system, perhaps still in existence,
which implies that when education is considered, men are given pre
ference. Evidence for the present existence of this value is seen,
nationally, in the high literacy index for the national population pre
viously seen in Table VI-24.
At the other extreme of the education ladder, one sees that, given
the opportunity to attend school, females were more likely to have
finished the sixth grade than were males, and this was seen in all age
groups. When one compares the percentages with education beyond the
sixth grade, that of males exceeded that of females by somewhat more
than 50 percent. (See also figure 12.)
In Table VI-26 are presented the median years of education com
pleted by sex for the national and state population, and within the
state (where data by sex were not reported) the overall median years of
education attained in the major municipios in aggregate and individually,
and in the aggregate of the minor municipios.
Nationally, of all persons age six or older, the median number of
years of school completed was 2.1. This amounted to 2.2 years for males
and 2.0 years for females. When only those who had attended school were
considered, the national figure was 3*2 years overall and for males, and
3-3 years for females.
At the state level, Table VI-25 shows that the percentages of persons
who had never attended school was lower for both sexes (hut particularly
for females) than in Mexico as a whole. At age forty-and-over, the dif
ference between the sexes in this respect was ten percentage points in
the nation, but the spread was only 0.5 percentage points in Chihuahua.


age in years
106
percent of population
source: Chihuahua: 1970. Table 3
FIGURE 7
AGE-SEX PYRAMID FOR
THE MUNICIPIO OF DELICIAS, 1970


TABUS VII-6
FERTILITY RATIOS BY RURAL AND URBAN RESIDENCE FOR
MEXICO, CHIHUAHUA, MAJOR MUNICIPIOS AND AGGREGATE OF
MINOR MUNICIPIOS (COLLECTIVELY), IN i960 AND 1970
i960 1970 Percent Change
Rural
Urban
Total
Rural
Urban
Total
Rural Urban Total
Mexico
857a
735s
787a
955s
750a
525a
11.6
2.2
4.7
Chihuahua
880a
790a
827a
947
O
O
833c
7.6
-1.3
0.7
Major Municipios
912?
771?
785b
*
*
779a
*
*
-0.6
Cuauhtemoc
954J
968J
96lb
*
*
913a
*
*
-5.0
Chihuahua
910
732b
7476
*
*
755j
*
*
l.l
Delicias
955a
837a
86ib
*
*
875a
*
*
1.6
Hidalgo de Parral
742b
799*^
795a
*
*
749a
*
*
-5.8
Juarez
807b
767b
768b
*
*
767a
*
*
-0.1
Minor Municipios
875a
03
03
a
*
*
908a
*
*
5.1
* Data not available for rural urban residence
in 1970 Census except at state level.
Source: aResumen General: i960, Table 8.
^Chihuahua: i960, Table 7*
cResumen General: 1970 Table 5
^Chihuahua: 1970, Table 3


285
and most urban municipios -- Juarez and Chihuahua -- than in the staue
as a whole. Although this research made no effort to compare Chihuahua
with adjacent sections of the United States, the demographic character
istics of the state are such that it is evident that the international
border is in fact a point of contrast in respect to growth rates, age
composition, income, educational attainment, etc. The Rio Grande sep
arates more than simply two political entities, but the presence of
two cultures and eight governments (city, county, state, and national
in each nation) in a contiguous metropolitan area with a combined popu
lation of one million or more, creates a vast natural laboratory for
the cross-cultural study of many elements of social organization and
institutions.
The ability of social scientists in the various disciplines to
avail themselves of the unique geographic, ecological, and political
characteristics of the metropolitan complex at the border depends to a
great extent upon their access to current and reliable statistics
including (and perhaps most especially) those of population. Proper
utilization of this "laboratory" cannot but work to the advantage of
both nations.
The limiting factor in securing more reliable census and vital
data in Mexico, as in any other nation, is determined to a great degree
by what amount of accuracy the nation is willing and able to buy.
Given the alternative uses of capital, if a nation must choose between
statistics and food, education, or health, the statistical services
may well have to take a back seat. Nevertheless, accurate statistics
are essential in modern planning for food, education, and health. The
Vicious circle of all things taking priorities over everything else


percent of population
FIGURE 12
CUMULATIVE PERCENTAGE OF THE POPULATION AGED SIX AND OLDER BY NUMBER
OF YEARS OF SCHOOL COMPLETED, BY SEX, IN MEXICO AND CHIHUAHUA, 1970
172


age
source: Chihuahua: 1970. Table 3
FIGURE 11
PERCENT OF POPULATION IN EACH OF FIVE YEAR AGE GROUPS IN THE
STATE OF CHIHUAHUA AND IN THE FIVE MAJOR MUNICIPIOS, 1970
H
H
VJ1


169
TABLE VI-24
POPULATION AGED TEN AND OLDER: PERCENT LITERATE
BY AGE AND SEX AND LITERACY INDEX
FOR MEXICO, CHIHUAHUA, AGGREGATE MAJOR, AND AGGREGATE MINOR
MUNICIPIOS, 1970
Persons Age Ten and Older Percent Literate Literacy-
Index
Fe- Females
Place and Age
Total
Males
Females
Total
Males
males =
= 100
Mexico8,
32,334,732 15,979,368 16,355,364
76.3
79-5
73.1
108.8
10-14
6,396,174
3,271,115
3,125,059
84.6
84.6
84.7
99-9
15-19
5,054,391
2,491,047
2,563,344
85.0
86.1
83.9
102.6
20-29
7,292,759
3,505,714
3,787,045
80.1
83.3
77-1
108.0
30-39
5,107,910
2,520,744
2,587,166
74.2
78.9
69.7
113.2
40 and over
8,483,498
4,190,748
4,272,750
62.7
68.8
56.7
121.3
Chihuahua^
1,077,857
538,384
539,473
87.1
87.0
87.1
99.9
10-14
218,730
112,304
106,426
91.6
90.6
92.6
97.8
15-19
167,752
83,189
85,563
92.3
91.8
92.7
99-0
20-29
239,949
115,623
124,326
89.9
89.9
89.9
100.0
30-39
171,200
85,214
85,986
87.4
87.6
87.1
100.6
40 and over
280,226
142,054
138,172
77-9
78.7
77-0
102.2
Major Municipios^3
604,309
293,810
310,499
91.2
91.8
90.7
101.2
10-14
121,485
62,207
59,278
94.1
93.4
94.8
98.5
15-19
96,158
46,944
49,214
95-2
94.9
95-5
99*4
20-29
134,478
62,631
71,847
94.2
94.6
93-9
100.7
30-39
96,263
46,335
49,928
92.O
92.9
91.2
101.9
40 and over
155,925
75,693
80,232
83.5
85.7
81.5
105.2
Minor Municipios^
473,548
244,574
228,974
81.7
81.2
82.3
98.7
10-14
97,245
50,097
47,148
88.5
87.2
89.8
97.1
15-19
71,594
36,245
35,349
88.3 87.7
88.8
98.8
20-29
105,471
52,992
52,479
84.3
84.3
84.4
99-9
30-39
74,937
38,879
36,058
81.4
81.3
81.5
99.8
40 and over
124,301
66,361
57,9^0
70.8
70.8
70.7
100.1
Source: aResumen General: 1970? Table 18.
^Chihuahua: 1970, Table 14.


266
In Cuauhtemoc, the ratios of cohort size in column C show a typical
decline in the older years. Of interest, however, are those ratios
in the "productive years" which are near to or greater than 1.000, indi
cating the addition of population more rapidly than persons are removed
by attrition from all causes. Column G shows the ratio of observed-to-
expected population to be near to, or greater than 1.000 in all age groups
through age 69. This phenomenon is even more pronounced among females
(Table VIII-I3) than males (Table VIII-12).
Tables VIII-14 and VIII-15 present similar data about the male and
female populations, respectively, of municipio Chihuahua, showing a
pattern similar to, but even more pronounced than, that of Cuauhtemoc.
Although the ratios of cohort size are about what seems to be "normal"
for the state, the ratios of observed-to-expected population are gen
erally greater than 1.000 for the male population, and in the female
population these ratios became so large, especially at the older age
groups, that once again, it is tempting to accept the explanation of
faulty data. Impossible to rule out, though, is the possibility of an
influx of elderly women; relatively small numbers of widows are found
in the rural population and in the minor municipios. This speculation
cannot, however, be tested with census data.
Contrary to situations observed in the other four municipios,
Delicias (Tables VIII-l6 and VIII-17) had relatively low ratios of
observed-to-expected populations at all ages except 35-39^ 65-69., and
75-and-over in which this ratio exceeds 0.900. In the tables cor
responding to this municipio, one sees that the ratios of observed-to-
expected population are of lesser magnitude in the male population than
in the female. Table VIII-3 previously showed that the increase of the


83
the tendency of women to understate their age. It cannot be assumed
that a similar mechanism is not acting to reduce these sex ratios in
Mexico, but the extent of that reduction would require more "cheating" than
seems to be reasonably expected. An alternative, and partial, explana
tion with some empirical support is the exodus of relatively large numbers
of young men to the United States for purposes of employment. While many
of these are legal entrants, a much larger number of immigrants to the
United States probably are the result of illegal entries across the many
miles of virtually unguarded border. The numbers of such illegal immi
grants is unknown, but estimates are very large.^
^According to a reported interview with Leonard F. Chapman, Jr.,
Commissioner of the Immigration and Naturalization Service of the United
States, an estimated 800,000 illegal immigrants were apprehended in the
United States during fiscal year 9'(b, and the number is expected to
reach 1,000,000 during fiscal year 1975 What is more, this figure is
estimated to represent between one- to two-thirds of the total number of
illegal entrants into the country, and perhaps as many as 90 percent of
those persons are from Mexico. According to the source, Commissioner
Chapman also reports estimates of the numbers of illegal aliens (again,
mostly Mexicans) presently residing in the United States as being between
two and ten million, and "the number is growing every day." (U.S. News
and World Report, LXXVII:4, July 22, 1974, pp. 27-30.)
The present researcher has talked with a number of persons, gen
erally men, who have told him that they have come from the interior of
the nation (although most from the northern states, and from rural areas)
now living in Ciudad Jurez, who intend to make their way, legally or
illegally, into the United States. Cf. also Ellwyn R. Stoddard, Illegal
Mexican Labor in the Borderlands: Institutionalized Support of an Unlaw
ful Practice(San Francisco:A paper presented at the annual meeting of
the American Sociological Association in August, 1975-
Cf. also, Jos Hernandez Alvarez, "A Demographic Profile of the Mex
ican Immigrant to the United States, 1910-1950/' Journal of InterAmerican
Studies, 8, July, 1966, pp. 471-496. Herein the author notes that "Dur-
ing the first half of the present century, about one million Mexicans
were involved in a singular instance of large-scale entry into the United
Stales."
See also Floyd Dotson, "Disminucin de la Poblacin Mexicana en los
Estados Unidos de Acuerdo con el Censo de 1950," Revista Mexicana de
Sociologa. XVII: 1, Jan.-Apr. 1955, PP 151-169, and Leo Grebler, et
Si, ifexican Immigration to the United States: The Record and Its Implica
d-i0113 ('Los Angeles: University of California, Graduate School of Business


195
TABLE VII-4
CRUDE BIRTH AND DEATH RATES, AND INFANT
MORTALITY RATES (NATION ONLY) MEXICO AND
CHIHUAHUA, 1960-1970; MEANS AND VARIANCES OF REPORTED RATES
Mexico Chihuahua
Birth
Death
Infant Mortality
Birth
Death
Rates
Rates
Rate
Rates
Rates
i960
46.0
11.5
74.2
45.0
10.0
1961
45.6
10.8
70.2
45.3
8.8
1962
45.8
10.8
69.2
45.3
9-7
1963
44.1
10.4
68.5
43.5
8.8
1964
44.8
9-9
64.5
42.2
9.2
1965
44.2
9-5
60.7
42.2
7.9
1966
44.3
9-6
62.9
39-7
9.0
1967
44.8
9-5
63.1
43.7
8.3
1968
44.9
9-9
64.2
43.3
8.7
1969
44.1
9-7
66.7
42.4
8.4
1970
43.4
9-9
68.5
40.9
8.7
Ms an
44.7
10.1
66.6
43.0
8.9
Variance
0.60
0.39
l4.i
2.93
0.33
Source: Anuario
Estadstico
Compendiado:
1970, Table 3.1.


134
or center of mining operations in Mexican usage) .27 In the minor munici
pios also, it appears that the urban population, as defined, could
include communities essentially "rural" in their character.
Occupation
Occupation is a major and obvious determinant of the relative social
position of individuals within a society. Since occupation is highly
correlated with education, income, and style of life, it is important,
from the viewpoint of the relative development of an area, to know the
prevalent types of economic activity. Ordinarily there is also an obvious
28
correlation between rural residence and the primary occupations.
National and State Data
According to the 1970 census of population, there were 12,955>057
persons aged twelve and over who were economically active (see Tables
VI-12, VI-13, and VI-14).29
4"iThe data for size of localidad and localidad categories was taken
from Localidades: 1970. pp. 365-4-95passim.
2If the census designations of the "political category" of local
idades can be accepted as being validly descriptive of the type of place
(i.e., that a localidad designated as e,jido is, in fact, an ejido) this
statement may not always be true either in Chihuahua or in the nation as
a whole. It must be admitted, however, that the descriptive designation
f type of localidad may be no longer valid -- the appellation may have
not been corrected when or if the characteristics of the localidad changed.
29The term "economically active population" is defined by the Mexican
census as "that part of the population of age twelve years and older which
performed some work at some time in 1969 whether this be in return for
some form of income, or helping some member of his family in an economic
activity without pay, for an average of fifteen or more hours per week
during the time that he worked during the year." (Chihuahua: 1970
P* 259.) Hereafter, the economically active population will be


TABUS VIII-6
COMPARISON OF SIZE OF FEMALE COHORTS IN TWO CENSUS YEARS AND EXFECTED
POPULATION BASED ON i960 SURVIVALS LIVING IN I97O, MEXICO, 1970
A
C
D
E
F
G
1970
Ratios of
Ten Year Sur-
Expected Popu-
I970b
Ratio of 0b-
Enumeration
Cohort
vival Ratios
lation in 1970
Enumeration
served to Ex-
1960a
(i960
Size
nLx+10 c
(D*A)+
(by age
pected Popula-
Enumeration
ages+10)
(B/A)
nLx
10 Years
in 1970)
tion (F/E)
0-4
2,840,36o
3,125,059
1.100
**,015,993
5-9
2,611,134
2,563,344
.982
.9823
3,788,267
10-14
2,123,820
2,102,041
.990
.9816
3,125,059
15-19
1,796,434
1,685,004
.938
9737
2,564,917
2,563,344
999
20-24
1,542,203
1,310,802
.850
.9658
2,084,742
2,102,041
1.008
25-29
1,308,904
1,276,364
975
9568
1,749,188
1,685,004
.963
30-34
1,042,530
973,863
934
.9478
1,489,46o
1,310,802
.880
35-39
961,540
807,299
.84o
.9363
1,252,359
1,276,364
1.019
40-44
687,017
602,255
.877
9205
988,109
973,863
.986
45-49
623,126
510,330
.819
.8974
900,290
807,299
.897
50-54
536,031
466,784
.871
.8612
632,399
602,255
952
55-59
39^,697
357,184
.905
.8037
559,193
510,330
913
60-64
372,721
246,245
.661
.7210
461,630
466,784
1.011
65-69
210,710
133,077
.632
.6126
317,218
357,184
1.126
70-74
172,083
100,196
.582
.4685
268,732
246,245
.916
75-79
96,620
.2961
129,081
133,077
1.031
80-84
70,491
1397
80,621
100,196
1.243
& over
68,509
95,517
8,
Source: Resumen
General:
i960, Table
8.
^Resumen
General:
1970, Table
5-
^Ral Benitez Zenteno
and Gustavo
Cabrera Acevedo
>
Tablas Abreviadas
de
Mortalidad 1
de la Poblacin
de Me'xico,
1930, 1940r 1930, I960 (Mxico, D.F.; El Colegio de Mexico,
Departamento de Publicaciones, 1967), Table 34.


175
With regard to education continuing beyond the sixth grade, Table
VI-25 shows for the state that men were less likely to proceed than in
the nation as a whole, but women were somewhat more likely to have at
tended beyond that grade than they were nationwide.
Median years of school attended were considerably higher for both
sexes in Chihuahua than in the nation. This figure attained a value
of 2.9 years for the total population, and 3*5 years for that portion
of the population over age six which had attended school. (Table VI-26.)
The special conditions which obtain in Chihuahua to create what
appears to be a more favorable climate than in the nation as a whole
for education, or for the educated, are not known. One can speculate
tiat persons with better educations are drawn to the border because of
the governments border development program, ProNaF (Programa Nacional
Fronterizo), of recent years, and because of the operation of twin
plants in the area. If selective migration is in fact the source of
the higher education attainment in the state, it is possible that
others who have come to Chihuahua did so with the intent of immigrating
to the United States. (The better educated might be more aware, or
even more, realistically aware, that greater opportunities may be avail
able to them in the United States than in Mexico.) Alternatively, it
could be assumed that schools are more available in Chihuahua. Possibly
the proximity to the United States has created stronger pressures in the
state than gene .-ally in the nation to try to approach the availability
of education which Texas and New Mexico offer. None of these specula
tions can be supported with the data contained in the census.
The Major Municipios
Data for education and literacy in the major municipios are seen


THE PEOPLE OF CHIHUAHUA.:
A DEMOGRAPHIC ANALYSIS
By
JAMES EDWIN HAMBY, JR.
A DISSERTATION PRESENTED TO THE GRADUATE COUNCIL OF
THE UNIVERSITY OF FLORIDA
IN PARTIAL FULFILLMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE
DEGREE OF DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY
UNIVERSITY OF FLORIDA
1975

Dedicated with love
to my wife
who nagged me till I got it done.

ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS
There are many to whom the writer is indebted for their assistance
at various points in the production of this work.
Professor Joseph Vandiver, as chairman of the committee, spent
many of his valuable hours acting as editor, and in this capacity, he
is, in a very real sense, greatly responsible for the merits this work
has. The other members of the committeee, Professors Ruth Albrecht,
Lyle McAlister, and Sugiyama Iutaka lent their support and encourage
ment .
A special debt is owed to Dr. T. Lynn Smith. The writer came under
his influence in the first course he took in sociology, and with each
passing year which he himself spends in teaching, he recognizes more the
great contributions which Dr. Smith has made in the past and continues
to make today despite his official "retirement."
The writer expresses his appreciation to the Direccin General d
Estadstica in Mexico City, and to its Director, Lie. Ruben Gleason
Galicia who supplied census and other statistical materials cordially,
rapidly, and without cost. In Cd. Juarez, Chihuahua, the writer is
grateful to the Juzgado del Registro Civil and its personnel, especially
to Lie. Filiberto Terrazas Snchez, the Director; and also to the oer-
_
sonnel of the Secretaria de Industria y Comercio.
Finally, the writer is grateful to his family who stood by him and
sustained him in periods when it seemed that the dissertation would never
be finished. Had it not been for them, and especially his dear wife of,
now, twenty-two years, he would have never made it through.
(iii)

TABLE OF CONTENTS
Page
ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS iii
ABSTRACT v
CHAPTER
I INTRODUCTION 1
II THE SETTING 4
IIIDEMOGRAPHIC AND STATISTICAL BACKGROUND FOR THE
ANALYSIS OF THE CENSUS OF 1970 22
IV THE CENSUS OF 1970 37
V THE NUMBER AND DISTRIBUTION OF INHABITANTS 59
VI THE CHARACTERISTICS OF THE POPULATION 76
VII VITAL STATISTICS AND POPULATION CHANGE i62
VIII THE GROWTH AND REDISTRIBUTION OF THE POPULATION . . 210
IX SUMMARY AND CONCLUSIONS . 277
APPENDIXES
1. "CENSUS DOCUMENTATION" . £87
2. MODIFICATION OF SMITH'S AGE REPORTING ACCURACY
SCORE TECHNIQUE £92
3. MAP OF CHIHUAHUA 294
SELECTED BIBLIOGRAPHY 295
BIOGRAPHICAL SKETCH
(iv)

Abstract of Dissertation Presented to the Graduate Council
of the University of Florida in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements
for the Degree of Doctor of Philosophy
THE PEOPLE OF CHIHUAHUA:
A DEMOGRAPHIC ANALYSIS
By
James Edwin Hamby, Jr.
August, 1975
Chairman: Joseph S. Vandiver
Major Department: Sociology
This research undertakes a demographic analysis of a Mexican
state -- Chihuahua, the largest state of Mexico in terms of area, which
is also very important in terms of relationships between the United
States and Mexico. It contains the Mexican part of the largest twin
city complex on the U.S.-Mexican border -- El Paso-Ciudad Juarez
where two city, two "county," two state, and two national governments
meet in confrontation and/or cooperation. Together, these city-county
units contain almost one million inhabitants.
As a background for the demographic analysis, the geography and
history of Chihuahua are considered. The history of population statis
tics in Mexico is reviewed, and the organization and operation of the
IX Censo General de Poblacin is examined in detail.
In analyzing the 197 census for Chihuahua, these levels are con-
sidered: national, state-, nd within the state, the five most populous
municipios (both individually and in aggregate), and the remaining
municipios in aggregate. For each of these information is presented on
the number and distribution of inhabitants and on population density.
(v)

Then, for each, the characteristics of the population are analyzed and,
when possible, cross-tabulated by age, sex, and rural or urban residence.
Included in the analysis and cross-tabulations are also indigenous lan
guages spoken, occupation, income, income by industry, marital status,
literacy, and education.
Vital data taken from the various editions of the Anuario Estads
tico are reported, and from these and the censuses of i960 and 1970,
various population interpolations and extrapolations are calculated.
Using tables of mortality and census data, survival ratios for age
cohorts are calculated and evaluated in respect to their utility in pre
dicting the population which was interpolated between the censuses of
population of i960 and 1970.
Finally, the growth and redistribution of the population by age,
sex, and residence are reported in a series of tables which show the
growth of the state and of component areas.
Conclusions are limited by various indications that small confi
dence can be placed in reported vital data (especially in the data on
births), and that serious defects in accuracy also characterize the
population censuses.
(vi)

CHAPTER I
INTRODUCTION
Much attention focuses on the great changes which are occurring in
the populations of the developing nations of the world. Many of these
changes are a result of the demographic transition from the ancient and
dismal history of high birth and death rates, to declining death rates
(especially among infants) in the presence of persisting values which
maintain birth rates far greater than necessary for population replace
ment. This pernicious combination of factors accounts for the so-called
"population explosion" which threatens to inundate the Third World in a
flood of humanity so great as to make impossible the levels of living
which the rising expectations of the masses lead them to demand of their
governments. The present work is not the place to discuss the economics
or polemics of "overpopulation."-*- It does, however, provide carefully
documented information about the population and population dynamics in
one state of Mexico, one of the world's most rapidly growing nations.
Three objectives of the present study are:
1. To provide in an ordered perspective basic information about
the population of the state of Chihuahua -- its numbers and
dynamics.
1-The interested reader is referred to a particularly readable and
interesting account of this and related topics in Philip M. Hauser, ed.,
The Population Dilemma in either of its editions (Englewood Cliffs, N.J.:
Prentice-Hall, Inc., 1963 and 1969). Cf. also, Ronald Freedman, ed.,
Population: The Vital Revolution (New York: Doubleday and Companv,
1964).
1

2
2. To bring to bear demographic techniques in the evaluation of
the accuracy and completeness of reports from official sources.
3. To review and evaluate vital statistics in that state, and to
assess the methods of their collection and reporting.
The data to be explored include, as their primary point of departure,
the census of population for Chihuahua for 1970* The census of i960 is
used to check the validity of population projections which could be made
from the reported vital rates.
Methods of data analysis follow, in general, those established by
p
T. Lynn Smith in Fundamentals of Population Study*1 and T. Lynn Smith and
Homer Hitt in The People of Louisiana. More technical demographic
methods are employed only to the extent that the recognized inadequacies
of the data warrant their use. In the main, the presentation includes
the generation of rates, percentages and index numbers. Graphic tech
niques include histograms and population pyramids.
The order of data presentation includes first, a section describ
ing the physical setting of the state of Chihuahua and a brief overview
of its history, followed by a review of the history of Mexican population
statistics and a synopsis of the planning and methodology used for the
1970 census. Then, proceeding to the principal subject matter of the
study, there is a detailed analysis of the data from the census of popu
lation of 1970. Included are comparisons of state and national figures,
and an investigation into the number, distribution, and composition of
^T. Lynn Smith, Fundamentals of Population Study (Chicago: J. B.
Lippincott Co., i960).
3T. Lynn Smith and Homer L. Hitt, The People of Louisiana (Baton
Rouge: Louisiana State University Press, 1952).

3
the population of the state, of the five major municipios4 (which, in
1970 contained 55.4 percent of the state's population), and when it seems
necessary, those lesser or "minor" municipios which show "unusual" demo
graphic characteristics.
Since there are but three demographic processes which can alter the
size and distribution of a population -- births, deaths, and migration --
an investigation into vital statistics methods is undertaken. Rates of
reproduction and mortality are examined. Deficiencies in these data in
Mexico render this important task difficult.
Finally considered is the growth and redistribution of the popula
tion, including the trend toward urbanization in the state.
4In Mexico a municipio is a county-like political subdivision within
a state. Hereinafter, this term will appear so frequently that it will no
longer be accented or italicized.

CHAPTER II
THE SETTING
Chihuahua is a place of vast spaces and vaster loneliness; a place
of silence broken only by the sound of the almost incessant wind and the
nighttime bark of coyotes; a country whose potential wealth has attracted
men of vision for more than three centuries, and has killed a goodly
number of them. Perhaps no better statement about this immense, hostile
land can be found than the following by Florence and Robert Lister who
wrote:
The word CHIHUAHUA has a stirring ring to it. Its syllables
roll off the. tongue with dramatic, bold rhythm. Although its
origin is obscured by time, its stridence makes the seemingly
meaningless word an appropriate name for a stark, unyielding
land. That land is the largest of the northern tier of Mexican
states. It is a segment of Mexico which has had a turbulent,
bloodstained history in which many Americans have played serious
parts for the past one hundred and fifty years.
Chihuahua's citizens -- sometimes miners, sometimes ranchers,
sometimes clerics -- have ever been warriors. Seldom have they
been warriors for an ideal, but always they have been warriors
for survival. This is because theirs is an environment which
has demanded the utmost, and one measure more, in tenacity of
spirit, in courage, in strength of fiber of mortal man. There
is no verdant responsive paradise here. This is a somber, silent
realm of tawny, denuded plains with little water and shade or
high, rugged mountains cut by vast canyons. Sudden storms of
sand or rain come and depart violently. Torrents fall either
to meet resistant clayey soil and lie stagnant in desert basins
awaiting eventual evaporation or to pour down rocky gorges swirl
ing away a heavy tribute of silt and boulders. The sun blisters
and cracks, the wind sears, and in time the land subtly instills
fear and disloyalty. 'Ay, Chihuahua!' is an expletive understand
able to all Mexicans as an oath of anger, of melancholy, or resig
nation.
The demands of such a homeland are soul constricting. Distant
horizons offer no hope, no reward. Altruism survives only with
greatest difficulty. A man who must be on daily guard against
4

5
extermination has little time for the luxury of imagination or
song. Thus the gay mariachi serenades of Jalisco, the lively
huapangos danced in Vera Cruz have no counterparts in Chihuahua.
A race of strong men was needed to survive here, with enough
love of the land to fight back.-*-
Geography
The state of Chihuahua is situated astride, and to the east of, the
Sierra Madre Occidental, a large and rugged range of mountains found on
the western and southwestern boundary of that state. They have an average
height of about seven thousand five hundred feet above sea level in the
north, and are some two thousand feet higher in the southern part of
the state. To the east of them are high basins which lie at some four
to five thousand feet altitude in the north and from six to seven thousand
five hundred feet above sea level in the south. Interspersed among these
are short chains of mountains which arise abruptly from the basin bottoms
to a height of some eight thousand feet in the north and to an excess of
nine thousand feet in the south. In all areas the land is sharply cut by
erosion into an exceedingly large number of steep-sided, narrow canyons.
The climate of the state is generally arid and semi-arid desert, espe
cially in the north and east, however, the mountainous western and south
western parts of the state are not only comparatively mild in temperature
(when contrasted with the often bitterly cold winters and blistering summers
of the north and northeast), but rainfall is quite adequate, especially
to the west of the Continental Divide, where it may exceed fifty inches
-Florence C. Lister and Robert H. Lister, Chihuahua: Storehouse of
Storms (Albuquerque: University of New Mexico Press, 1966), p. vii. Re-
printed by permission of the University of New Mexico Press.

6
.per year.^
The topography of the state makes it easy to imagine that it has
been the site of one of the great highways of human migration since pre
historic times. Robert Schmidt reports that the rugged Sierra Madre in
the west forms a highly effective barrier to east-west travel, while its
high valleys and canyons tend to be oriented in a generally north-south
direction, thus creating, as it were, natural paths for travel in this
direction. Combining these features with the hostile environment of the
arid region of the eastern part of the state and the more favorable
climate of the high Sierra, it is not surprising to find ancient signs
of human habitation in this part of the state. 3
The Chihuahuan portion of the Sierra Madre which forms part of the
eastern boundary of the great Sonoran desert has plentiful rainfall,
produced in part by the orographic effect of the rugged spine of the
continent, providing a welcome oasis in an otherwise inhospitable land.
Its many caves and rocky overhangs gave shelter to a number of successive
invasions of Amerind peoples, and a virtually inaccessible fortress for
these people as they retreated from the European (and later, Mexican)
conquerers. In this area is found one of Mexico's large tribal Indian
groups, the Tarahumara. In this area are large stands of commercially
grown pine trees interspersed with naturally occurring oaks. Here are
^Robert H. Schmidt, Jr., A Geographical Survey of Chihuahua. South
western Studies Monograph Ho. 37 (El Paso: Texas Western Press, 1973),
pp. 10-17. It is interesting to note extremes of temperature and rainfall
reported by Schmidt. In different areas minimum and maximum rainfall has
been reported to be 6.3 inches and 52.8 inches per year respectively. The
highest temperature ever recorded in the state was 118 degrees F. while
the coldest was 22 degrees below zero F.
3lbid.

7
the majority of the places in the state with permanent surface water, and
in times past, many varieties of fowl, deer, puma, and even jaguars lound
refuge. There too is the Barranco de Cobre, a vast canyon reputedly
larger than the Grand Canyon of Arizona.
The high plains and basins below and to the east of the cordillera
are cut with myriads of usually dry arroyos which can fill with water with
sudden and dangerous rapidity when it rains on their watershed, often
miles away. Plant life in this area tends to he sparse and stunted.
The hills and arroyos are covered with creosote bush, tar hush, mesquite,
and Spanish dagger which find root in the hard and rocky soil. They are
all hard-leaved, hard-barked plants well suited for the harsh and arid
environment in which they live. The land is inhospitable to man, although
he has lived there for centuries, and typical desert animal life abounds.
Development
Fascinating reconstructions -- far from complete have been at
tempted concerning the prehistory of the state. Interesting as are these
materials, their relevance to the current demographic characteristics of
the state is slight, except in providing some background for understand
ing the Tarahumara and other contemporary Indian residents of Chihuahua.
Only a very general account is presented here of the interpretations of
Chihuahuan archaeology and prehistory.
The early peoples who dwelt in the area developed no great civil
ization to leave monuments to their passing. To the contrary, the earliest
inhabitants of the area, and indeed, many of the present indigenous pop
ulation, have always been hunters and gatherers and practitioners of
very primitive agriculture. Neither the hard, dry, alkaline soils of the

8
desert areas, nor the rocky, almost vertical mountain slopes, nor the
narrow, boulder-filled arroyos lend themselves to agricultural pursuits
without highly developed technological support.
There is some evidence which indicates that there were two major
groups of peoples which lived in Chihuahua. One lived to the east of the
central plateau of the state. They stalked such large game as was avail
able in the semidesert regions near the infrequent areas of surface water;
the other group dwelt in the Sierra Madre, subsisting on small animals,
gathering fruits and berries, and living in the caves and rocky overhangs
of the rugged range.
The largest prehistoric settlement in Chihuahua is found at Casas
Grandes. This town covered some 250 acres and when intact, it contained
many multiroomed structures at least three stories high. The walls were
of thick adobe, and water for the population was supplied by an ingenious
aqueduct which extended over four miles. Cases Grandes apparently reached
its apogee in the 12th Century. By this time, the civilization of the
highlands of the Valley of Mexico had expanded its influence. It may
have been this contact which resulted in the construction of architectur
al forms similar to those of religious usage found in the south, and to
a similarity of items of more profane use -- grinding stones, jewelry,
spindles, and figures.^
^Robert Schmidt, op. cit. notes that although almost two-thirds
of the state's land are used for some form of agriculture, most of this
is for pasture and range-land. He reports that it has been estimated
that less than 5 percent of the total land in the state is suitable as
cropland, compared with nearly 12 percent in the nation as a whole. Even
so, this land requires extensive capital investment for irrigation (p.4?).
It may be imagined that indigenous efforts tend to be more horticultural
than agricultural.
^Lister and Lister, op. cit. pp. 1-14, passim.

9
From Discovery to Independence
Fragmentary evidence indicates that, at the time of the Discovery,
there was a wide variety of Amerind cultures in Chihuahua. Some dwelt
in the caves of the Sierra Madre; others, nomadic, roamed about the
desert basins of the eastern parts of the state. Some tribes practiced
a primitive agriculture near the banks of the few rivers and streams
in that part of the state; others were hunters and gatherers like their
remote forbears.
But whether the residents were farmers or hunters, there were no
concentrations of Indian populations into rich centers of culture
such as had existed three hundred years previously in the Casas
Grandes vicinity.^
The European invasion had the effect of pushing the indigenous pop
ulations ever farther into the Sierra Madre, but not without years of
bitter, bloody struggle. By 1562 a large area had been explored and
named Nueva Vizcaya. This included parts of the present states of
Chihuahua, Coahuila, Durango, and Sinaloa. Among the explorers were
Rodrigo del Rio y Loza and Baltazar de Ontiveros. These two men were the
founders of what became the mining and cattle raising industries of the
present state of Chihuahua. Del Rio y Loza discovered the Santa Barbara
mine in 1564 and founded the first Spanish settlement in what is now
Chihuahua. Within three years, the Europeans had extended their holdings
to the Valley of San Bartolom (now Villa de Allende).7
European occupation of the state was gradual and from the south as
new mines were discovered. With the new towns came the religious mission-
fcIbid., p. 11.
, ^Francisco R. Almada, Resumen de Historia del Estado de Chihuahua
(Mexico, D.F.: Libros Mexicanos, 1955)., pp. 26-27. ~

10
o
aries to Christianize and pacify the Indians.
By the latter part of the l6th century, by migration northward along
the plateau from the central highlands of Mexico, Spanish settlement had
reached the banks of the Rio Conchos. During the same period, the set
tlements of New Mexico had also begun by a route from the west coast of
the continent. This dual pattern of migration left a large area south
to the Conchos (a distance of some 600 miles) unexplored and unconquered.9
Towns grew up around the mines and the previously scattered Indians
began to be gathered into mission villages organized by the Jesuits and
the Franciscans, introducing them to a "collective life which they had
not known before, much less practiced."10 It was not unusual for such
Indians to be used as forced labor in the mines,11 and conflict concern
ing the status of the Indians began between the mutually opposed goals of
the military and the miners on the one hand, and those of the clergy on
the other.
Ibid.~ pp. 30-31. Almada notes, p. 27, that by 157, monks of the
Franciscan order had established themselves in Villa de Allende from
where they were to extend their influence in later years.
9Anne E. Hughes, The Beginnings of Spanish Settlement in the El Paso
District, University of California Publications in History, Vol. 1, No.
3 (Place of publication not stated: University of California Press, April,
1914), pp. 295-297.
10Almada, op. cit. p. 40. Almada states, p. 31, "The mission towns
founded by Jesuits and Franciscans were run by the community systems whose
properties are made up of the lands which were indicated for /the use of7
each person and of a body of farm properties which were collectively worked
under the direction of the missionary" and used according to the rules
established for that purpose by him.
11Fernando Jordan, Crnica de un Pais Brbaro (Mexico, D. F.:
Ediciones A.M.P.: Asociacin Mexicana de Periodistas, 1956), Chapters
7 and 8 and passim.

11
The end of the sixteenth century saw several expeditions set out to
discover a route between the settlements near the Conchos in the south
and those in New Mexico to the north. In 1598, don Juan de Oate took
400 men (including 130 who were accompanied by their families) from Santa
Barbara to a point on the (now) Rio Grande which he called El Paso del
Rio. From here he pushed on to establish Santa Fe, the first truly
permanent Spanish settlement in New Mexico. Gradually towns came to be
established along this route by the clergy, despite the opposition of
1 ?
hostile Indians.
Vital in the development of Chihuahua was the establishment of a
regular trade route between the mining centers of the Rio Conchos area
and the settlements in New Mexico, and especially' with Santa Fe. This was
Mexico's Camino Real, the 1,600-milelong "public thoroughfare over which
vagn and pack trains regularly passed" through arid and barren lands
populated by "wild, nomadic Indian tribes." This road passed through the
capitals of seven states, partly along the route of the Ohate expedition,
and thus it was an important link between the central government in
Mexico City and its far-flung dependencies to the north. The state,
as part of the Nueva Vizcaya, continued to grow apace with the discovery
of new areas for mining operations. Much of the growth was along this
trade route.
~ iyHughes, op. cit. p. 298. This source reports that there were
"more than 3,000 parishioners" of the church of Nuestra Seora de
Guadalupe Mexicana in the present El Paso-Ciudad Juarez area in 166S
(p. 308).
13Max L. Moorhead, New Mexicos Royal Road: .Trade and Travel on.the
Chihuahua Trail (Norman: University of Oklahoma Press, 1958), pp. 4-5.

The Century Prior to the Revolution of 1910
r
JLC
The Mexican war of independence from Spain was initiated on Sep-em
ber l6, l8l0, with the famous Grito de Dolores, "Long live Our Lady of
Guadalupe; Long live Independence!" voiced by Father Miguel Hidalgo y
Costilla. This was followed by years of tumult and bloodshed. Hidalgo
himself was executed less than a year later in the City of Chihuahua, 1
but Mexico was not able to finally free itself from the mother country
until 1821.
From the beginning, the people of the province of Nueva Vizca^ a
tended to be royalists. The Listers declare,^5
It was a loyalty of principle -- a provincial conservatism. Just
as they had been born into Roman Catholicism, so had they beer-
born into a society ruled by a monarchy in Spain. It never oc
curred to the Chihuahenses to question either.
However, in the years between the Grito de Dolores and the Independence,
there were factions both for and against independence. The birth of the
new nation and of the state of Chihuahua were almost simultaneous, the
former occurring in 1821 and the latter in 1823 In that year (l&2),
the national congress put an end to the political entity founded
and organized by Captain Francisco de Ibarra in 1562 with the name
of Nueva Vizcaya. . .
This was done by a decree from the central government which stated, in
part, that
. .the territory which until now has been named Province of
Nueva Vizcaya be divided into two parts with the name of Prov
ince of Durango the one, and Province of Chihuahua the other. .
the territory of the latter will include all that contained from
the point called Paso del Rio del Norte to that called Rio
Florido. . .
-L^Iaslie Byrd Simpson, Many Mexicos (Berkeley: University of
California Press, 1962), pp.""183-201, passim.
^-5Op. cit., p. 8l

13
and the rest was to be Durango. The same decree established the village
of Chihuahua as the capital of the province, and that village was raised
to the political category of "city" for this purpose.0 However, on
January 31, 1624, the name of the province was changed to the State of
Interno del Norte, re-uniting it again with Durango and Nuevo Mexico.
Then on July 6 of the same year, it was again separated from these prov
inces to become the state of Chihuahua.^
The years following statehood showed a rather remarkable detachment
of the people of Chihuahua from the corrupt and unstable national govern
ment. In its remoteness, the state was more concerned with its own prob
lems of lawlessness, business, and Indian raids. The frequency of the
latter forced the abandonment of haciendas and mines to such an extent
that the economy of the state was threatened. A constant struggle began
between government troops and the Indians. Almada reports that in 1549
there was a bounty of 150 pesos on every dead Indian warrior and a reward
of 250 pesos for every Indian prisoner of war or Indian woman over the
age of fourteen.1^ The most infamous of these Indian groups were the
Apaches. The expression, "Ay Chihuahua" noted in the Introduction, in
its complete form is "Ay, Chihuahua: Cuanto Apache sin huarache!" See
ing the Apache successes, the Commanches soon joined them. For a long
period of time, it was believed that the Americans were to blame because
of their inability to control raiding Indians which, it was thought, rode
out of territory controlled by the United States to prey on northern
^Almada, op. cit. pp. 172-173*
17lbid., pp. 175-176.
18Ibid., pp. 235-236.

Chihuahua. It was not until the capture of Gernimo in 1556 that the
Indians were largely brought under control.^
Prior to Independence, in the years following the Louisiana Purchase,
there was an ever-increasing encroachment, both real and imagined, on
Mexican soil by the Americans. Spain was constantly on guard to protect
her Mexican interests from smugglers of goods produced in the United
States, and from the presence of American military forces.
The present work is not the place to go into the endless disputes
(which still rage) which culminated in the annexation by the United
States of the northern one-half of the Mexican national territory. Such
acts which occurred are past, be they to the shame or glory of any or
all of the participants.
Be this as it may, events led to an almost inevitable conflict
between the United States and Mexico in 1546. There are numerous inter
pretations as to what actually sparked the conflict, but important to it
was the crossing, late in 1546, of the Rio Grande at El Paso (now Ciudad
Juarez, Chihuahua) by Col. Alexander W. Doniphan with some 500 men. Er
rors and ineptitude on the part of the Mexican commanders contributed
very much to the ability of the greatly outnumbered American forces to
capture the state capital on March 2, 1547-
Confusion reigned in the American camp as well. Doniphan found him
self separated from U.S. forces to the east, and in the absence of orders,
he abandoned the city of Chihuahua on April 25, 1547, just fifty-nine
-^Lister and Lister, op. cit., pp. 97, 137-167, passim.
/ 20Enrique Gonzlez Flores, Chihuahua de la Independencia a la Revo
lucin (Mxico, D.F.: Imprenta Manuel Leon Snchez, 1949), pp. 72-79,
passim. Lister and Lister, op. cit. report the date as being February
25, 1547 (p. 119). ..

15
days after its capture, and withdrew from the state.21
The war concluded with the signing of the Treaty of Guadalupe Hidal
go on February 2, lb4b. This treaty established the northern border of
Mexico "a little north of the 32nd parallel" and along the course of the
Rio Grande in Texas.22 A further adjustment to correct a surveying error
was made by the Gadsden Purchase in lb53 which involved the purchase
from Mexico of some 29,000 square miles, previously part of Chihuahua,
west of the present El Paso-Ciudad Juarez urban complex.^
The attempt by certain factions to establish an empire in Mexico
led an embattled President Benito Juarez to seek refuge in the north in
lbb4. The state of Chihuahua, as had occurred a half-century earlier,
found itself divided between liberal and conservative sentiments. How
ever, the liberals were far more powerful than the latter who favored
the European-imposed empire, and Juarez found his greatest support in
Oh
Chihuahua.
In lbb5, Imperial forces invaded Chihuahua in search of Juarez who
fled to Paso del Norte (later Ciudad Juarez), but successful counterat
tacks by the liberals recaptured the state capital in the same year,
enabling the president to reestablish his republican government there on
November 20.25 However, a resurgence of Imperial forces again forced a
^Lister and Lister, op. cit. p. 12b.
22Ibid., p. 132.
^Encyclopaedia Britannica (Chicago: William Benton, 19b9), Vol.
IX, p. 1,071.
^Gonzlez Flores, op. cit. pp. lib-121.
25lbid., p. 134.

l6
withdrawal to the norths and thus began a see-saw pattern of occupation
and succession which was reflected throughout the nation. The Listers
sav
say,
The French found they could control those areas in which they
actually undertook occupation. As soon as royalist forces pulled
out, republican forces moved in. This nationwide pattern was re
peated in Chihuahua.
The French occupation and the plans of the Imperialists ended with the
ultimate victory of the republican forces and the execution of the
Emperor Maximilian in June of lby.
Civil strife and intermittent trouble with the Indians abounded for
a number of years following the expulsion of the French and the reestab
lishment of the Republic. With the ascension to power of President
Porfirio Diaz in lb77, however, came a measure of order previously un
known to the strife-torn nation. Chihuahua was no exception to the Pax
Porfiriana. Former bandits were employed as a rural vigilante organi
zation (los rurales) whose gun-law brought lawlessness under control.
Mexico came to be known as the safest country in the world for foreigners
due to extensive courting of foreign capital by the Diaz regime.
Nevertheless, Diaz's ruthless oppression of the "little people" of
Mexico, particularly in the rural areas, brought about widespread discon
tent. In part, this was a result of Diaz's violation of important terms
in the provisions of the Constitution of 1057 which limited the extent of
land holdings, particularly by foreigners and by the Catholic Church.2T^2b
^hQp. ~cit. p. 147.
2?Nathan L. Whetten, Rural Mexico (Chicago: University of Chicago
Press, 1940), pp. 93-9O.
^Clarence Senior, Land Reform and Democracy (Gainesville:
sity of Florida Press, p. 15-
Univer-

17
The Revolution of 1910 and Its Aftermath
For thirty-one years (twenty-seven of them consecutively), don
Porfirio Diaz ruled Mexico with an iron hand which favored foreign inter
ests and the powerful few of his own nation. When in 1910 a national
election was permitted, the many dissatisfied elements of Mexico rallied
around Francisco I. Madero to oppose the presidency of Diaz, but in the
course of the campaign, political opposition to Diaz was suppressed and
Madero himself ultimately was arrested. The election as conducted and
reported, consisted of a landslide victory for Diaz, and Madero, escaping
from prison, entered temporary exile in El Paso, Texas.29
Nevertheless, in this sequence of events, the fires of revolution
were lit and sporadic outbursts of peasant attacks against government
outposts occurred around the country. Many of the earliest insurrections
occurred in Chihuahua, and several of these are credited by different
authors as being the first significant actions of the Revolution. ^0
Lister and Lister note the battle of Cuchillo Parado as being one of the
first significant actions.3^ Tannenbaum claims the honor for that of
29Lister and Lister, op. cjt. pp. 210-211.
30The reader should note the difference between revolucin and la
Revolucin in Mexico. Although there have been several revolutions in-
that nation, it has had only one Revolution (spelled with an upper-case
R) Whenever the word Revolucin is used in Mexico, it refers only to the
Revolution of 1910. The present work will adhere to this custom.
31pp. cit., p. 212. The Listers translate Cuchillo Parado as
"Stopped Knife." There seems to be no need for translation, but if it
is translated, the writer prefers "Standing Knife." The word parar has
both connotations in Spanish, although the former is preferred, as the
Listers correctly assumed. This writer prefers the latter connotation
in the present context (especially in Mexico) simply because it has more
meaning in his personal lexicon as someone, fluent in Spanish, who has
lived in a Mexican environment for some twenty-four years.

l8
San Isidoro led by Pascual Orozco (later to become an important figure),
and particularly that of El Fresno in November of 1910. In this skirmish,
the rebels were defeated, but "That was the beginning of a revolution
fslcj that has /sic7 lasted for twenty years.
During the next decade, the course of events became extremely
turbulent, as successive political groups contended for power. During
the period of surface chaos, the process of institutionalization of the
Revolution was occurring, providing the basis for the subsequent stabil
ity of the national political structure. Even so, at the time, the in
tensity of the struggles and the complexity of events, including inter
vention on the part of the United States, created prolonged political
and economic turmoil.
During the strife-torn decade following 1910, Chihuahua occupied a
key role in the national drama. This stormy northern state was the
locale in which many of the stages of the national struggles emerged
and in which the dramatic events of the decade had perhaps their great
est impacts.
The details of the turbulence of the period need not be traced in
this report. With the return of Madero from exile and the resignation
/
of Diaz in 1911, the moderate program of reform under Madero1s presi
dency led to a rupture with many of his former supporters. Pascual
Orozco, Emiliano Zapata, and above all, Pancho Villa in Chihuahua, felt
a need for reform more radical than the gradualism of Madero. Struggles
J^Frank Tannenbaum, Peace by Revolution -- Mexico After 1910 (New
York: Columbia University Press, 1968), pp. 14-149. The original
version of this work was published by the same press in 1933, for which
reason, "/sic7" above.

19
for control of Ciudad Juairez and the state of Chihuahua precipitated the
murder of Madero and, in 1913, the assumption of power as Interim Pres
ident by General Victorano Huerta.
Opposition to Huerta immediately surfaced with Emiliano Zapata
promulgating his famous Plan de Ayala, promising land to the peasants,
and with Venustiano Carranza developing his Plan de C-uadalupe, stress
ing constitutional processes (the Constitution of 1857)* ultimately
leading, in 1917 during the presidency of Carranza, to the Constitution
of 1917.33
Pancho Villa and Carranza early parted forces, and Villa seriously
challenged the federal authority in Chihuahua and adjacent northern
states. The support of Carranza by the United States led Villa and his
supporters increasingly to perceive the United States as a power oppos
ing their aspirations. In the eyes both of the United States and of
the national government in Mexico City, Villa increasingly came to be
viewed as a troublesome bandit. The murder of seventeen U.S. citizens,
and the raid in the same year (1916) by Villa on Columbus, New Mexico
produced powerful international repercussions. As a consequence, the
United States Army intervened along the border. Troops under the command
of General Pershing moved into the state of Chihuahua in 1916 and
Not until 1920 did Villa and his followers finally capitulate to
33cf. in this context, the following: Robert E. Quirk, The Mexican
Revolution, 1914-1915: The Convention of Aguascalientes (New York:
Citadel Press, 1963), pp. 3-20, passim; Almada, on. citT, pp. 398-402;
Eyler N. Simpson, The Ejido: Mexico's Way Out (Chapel Hill: University
of North Carolina Press, 1937)* p. 37* and Lister and Lister, on. cit. /
pp. 216-217.
3itAlmada, op. cit., pp. 4l3-4l7.

20
federal authority. During the years of struggle between Villa and
federal forces, the rural economy of Chihuahua, particularly the cattle
industry, had been severely damaged.
From the 1920's to the Present
Although the historical dramas of the Villa period have provided
the subject matter for many writings, real and fanciful, and the script
for several dozen movies, the more humdrum historical processes in
Chihuahua since that time have received much less attention. A defin
itive history of modern Chihuahua has yet to be written.
Indeed, the paucity of contemporary historical writing focused on
Chihuahua since the Villa era offers its own negative evidence that the
state has had few manifestations of forces at work other than those
which have affected all of Mexico and those which relate particularly
to its position as a border state. State administrations have come and
gone, and Chihuahua has functioned as a fully integrated state of the
Republic of Mexico, reacting with the rest of the country to internal
and external forces but lacking dramatic or unique events placing it in
a central role in Mexican national affairs.
Variations in the foreign policy of the United States have been
reflected in the life of Chihuahua. The importation of Mexican labor
in the bracero program, and the end of that program, the revised
standards of U.S. immigration legislation in 1965, the continual wide
spread illegal entry from Chihuahua into the United States, and American
shifts back and forth in the effort to control drug importation all have
caught the attention of the communications media in Chihuahua, and all
have, in one way or another, influenced conditions in this border state.
During all o this, the state has grown in population and in wealth,

21
and particularly the El Paso-Ciudad Juarez international metropolitan
complex has expanded. A scholar currently working to fill some of zhs
gaps in the state's history and to update the course of events and of
historical processes in the state is preparing a dissertation which will
provide a more thorough interpretation of events in modem Chihuahua
than is at present available.^
The Border Location
In an effort to present background material for the analysis of the
population data of Chihuahua, the physical geography and the history of
the state have been briefly surveyed. Another vitally important point
merits consideration, however -- the impact on the state of its border
location.
From the dip of the Rio Grande in the Big Bend territory on the
east, to the vicinity of the New Mexico-Arizona border on the west,
Chihuahua faces the United States. This simple fact of international
contiguity perhaps has as much to do with that which may be distinctive
to the population structure of the state as do geographical, climatic,
anthropological, or historical factors. During most of the modem era,
the United States of America has been the world's most affluent society,
with the world's highest wage scale. Although Mexico does, in fact,
compare favorably with many Latin American nations in terms of economic
conditions, nonetheless it has been, and is, a desperately poor nation
by North American standards. This is especially true in its rural
3bCf. Oscar J. Martinez, The Growth and Development of Mexico's
Northern Border: A Bibliographical Essay, an unpublished nauer pre-
sented to the meeting of the Rocky Mountain Social Science Association
in April, 1974, and by the same author, hopefully soon, his doctoral
dissertation at the University of California at Los Angeles.

22
sector, which contains almost one-half of its population. It also has
one of the most rapidly growing populations on earth.
A line across the desert, a meandering stream, the remains of the
once mighty Rio Grande, which is almost dry during much of the year --
these separate the two nations. West Texas and New Mexico are much
affected by the proximity of Mexico; Chihuahua is much affected by the
proximity of Texas and New Mexico.
This factor is dramatically exhibited in the important Ciudad
Juarez-El Paso metropolitan complex. If one examines the maps of the
nations of the world, one finds many instances of twin cities separated
by frontiers. It is not the purpose of this research to demonstrate the
point empirically, but it is at least highly likely that nowhere on the
planet is the interdependence of two cities of approximately comparable
size but in different nations as complete as is the case of these two
cities on opposite banks of the Rio Grande. At the very least, it seems
safe to say that the size of, the economy of, the largest urban center
of the state of Chihuahua is closely intertwined with the course of
events in the city of El Paso, Texas, U.S.A.-^
36cf. in the context of border research William V. D'Antonio and
William H. Form, Influentials in Two Border Cities: A Study in Commun
ity Decision-Making (Notre Dame, Ind.:University of Notre Dame Press,
1965).
Ellwyn R. Stoddard, "The U.S.-Mexican Border: A Comparative Re
search Laboratory," Journal of InterAmerican Studies,2, July, 1969,
pp. 477-488.
Ellwyn R. Stoddard, An International Boundary Treaty (The Chamizal)
and its Aftermath,(Baton Rouge: A paper presented at the Rural Scciolog
ical Society meeting, August, 1972).
Pedro Daniel Martinez, "Ambiente Sociocultural en la Faja Fron
teriza Mexicana," America Indgena, 31-2 (April, 197l)> PP* 311-322.
Hernn Solis Garza, Los Mexicanos del Norte (Mxico, D.F.: Edinori
Nuestro Tiempo, 1971).
El Paso Industrial Development Corporation and the El Paso Chamber
of Commerce, International Twin Plant Concept Fact Book (El Paso: No
publisher reported, 1969).

CHAPTER III
DEMOGRAPHIC AND STATISTICAL BACKGROUND
FOR THE ANALYSIS OF THE CENSUS OF 1970

Historically, little is known about the size and characteristics
of human populations with the exception of those of a relatively small
number of societies in comparatively recent times. Some information is
available in which numbers of persons are reported. For example, the
book of the Exodus wherein is reported the number of Hebrews who left
Egypt at the end of their captivity, and King David is said to have
numbered the people. The Roman emperor Servius Tullius is said to have
devised a novel idea for the determination of the number and some of
the characteristics of the population of the Empire, and in the Maurya
period in India some enumerations were undertaken.-'- Nonetheless, even
today, little is known about the number, distribution, and characterise
tics Of some of the largest populations in the world, such as those of
India, China, the countries of Southeast Asia and most of the nations
of Africa. Until a scant twenty-five years ago, most of Latin America
could be included as well.
lCf. in this context T. Lynn Smith, Fundamentals of Population
Study (Chicago: J. B. Lippincott, i960), Chapter 2, passim.
See also, Donald J. Bogue, Principles of Demography (New York:
John Wiley and Sons, Inc., 1969), Chapter 1; Abbott Payson Usher, "The
History of Population and Settlement in Eurasia," in Joseph J. Spengler
and Otis Dudley Duncan, eds., Demographic Analysis: Selected Readings
(Glencoe: Free Press, 1963), pp. 1-25; C. Chandrasekaran, "Survey of
the Status of Demography in India," in Philip M. Hauser and Otis Dudley
Duncan, eds., The Study of Population: An Inventory and Appraisal
(Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1959) > pp. 2i+9-258*
23

2k
p
According to T. Lynn Smith,
For the first time in history, the number of inhabitants in each
of the Latin American countries and the manner in which the pop
ulation is distributed throughout each national territory are
now known with a considerable degree of accuracy.
Smith's reference is to the Census of the Americas of 1950 in which all
of the nations of the Americas participated except Argentina, Peru, and
Uruguay. Among these, Argentina had taken a census in 19^7 and Peru in
19^0.3 As a consequence, in that year (l950), except for tiny Uruguay,
the populations of all the nations of the Americas were known with a
fair degree of accuracy.
Prior to this effort, demographers were largely limited to various
official and unofficial estimates of population or out-of-date censuses
of most of the nations in that world area. However, since 1950 many
studies have sought to determine, among other things, rates of growth,
levels of living, the effectiveness of health and environmental sani
tation measures, and the processes of migration and rural depopulation
coupled with the creation of the infamous "zones of misery" which sur
round most of the cities of Latin America.
Even so, one finds few demographic analyses in the sense of taking
a census bit by bit, subjecting it to checks of internal consistency,
and comparing it both with vital data from the past and with what may
be observed in terms of the movement of population in the present. A
notable exception to this is a project undertaken after the Census of the
. Lynn Smith, Latin American Population Studies, University of
Florida Monographs, o. t (Gainesville:University of Florida Press,
Fall, I960), p. l.
3rbid.

25
Americas by John Van Dyke Saunders at the University of Florida, The
Population of Ecuador: A Demographic Analysis.^
In the review of the pertinent literature for present research,
only one other published demographic analysis was found which was so
labeled. This was Anlisis Demogrfico de Mexico,5 and it referred to
the census of population of i960. This is not to say that other works
have not been done which involved demographic analysis. Without doubt,
much of the population data which appear in other works involved a
measure, small or great, of demographic analysis. Thinking of this,
some of the first which come to mind are basic sociological works about
the societies of Brazil,^ Argentina,^ Cuba,^ Costa Rica,^ Bolivia,^
^John Van Dyke Saunders, The Population of Ecuador: A Demographic
Analysis, Latin American Monographs, No. 14 (Gainesville: University
of Florida Press, i960).
^Raul Benitez Zenteno, Anlisis Demogrfico de Mexico (Mexico,
D.F.: Biblioteca de Ensayos Sociolgicos, Instituto de Investigaciones
Sociales, Universidad Nacional, 1961).
^T. Lynn Smith, Brazil: People and Institutions (Baton Rouge:
Louisiana State University Press, 1963).
^Carl C. Taylor, Rural Life in Argentina (Baton Rouge: Louisiana
State University Press, 1946).
^Lowry Nelson, Rural Cuba (Minneapolis: University of Minnesota
Press, 1950).
9john Biesanz and Mavis Biesanz, Costa Rican Life (New York:
Columbia University Press, 1944).
l^Olen E. Leonard, Bolivia: Land, People, and Institutions
(Washington, D.C.: Scarecrow Press, 1952).

26
Peru,11 Panama,1^ Mexico,1^ and Guatemala.1^ Most of these contain
substantial amounts of demographic data. Many population and demographic
studies1^ also appear as articles in journals pertaining to the whole
of Latin America as well as to individual nations. A prime source for
annotated bibliographies of these, as well as those which pertain to
particular nations in Latin America, is the Handbook of Latin American
Studies.1^) There are also various indices to United Nations and Organ
ization of American States publications, and also to publications of
the Pan American Health Organization, and the World Health Organiza
tion. Not infrequently, these sources provide data of a demographic
nature, particularly when dealing with epidemiological studies.
llThomas R. Ford, Man and Land in Peru (Gainesville: University
of Florida Press, 1955)-
12john Biesanz and Mavis Biesanz, The People of Panama (New York:
Columbia University Press, 1955)-
^Nathan L. Whetten, Rural Mexico (Chicago: University of Chicago
Press, 194b).
l^Nathan L. Whetten, Guatemala: Land and People (New Haven: Yale
University Press, 1961).
!5it is sometimes of utility to differentiate between demographic
analysis and population study. The writer has found nowhere so succinct
and clear a distinction between the two as that stated by Philip Hauser
in 'Demography in Relation to Sociology," in Kenneth C. W. Kammeyer, ed.,
Population Studies: Selected Essays and Research (Chicago: Rand McNally
and Company, 1969), pp- b-14.In this essay Hauser states ". .demog
raphy is conceived of as comprising two distinct facets, namely, demo
graphic analysis and population studies. The former is concerned with
the statistical analysis of population size, distribution, and compos
ition and with components of variation and change; the latter involves
the interrelationships of demographic with other systems of variables."
It will be seen that the present work contains elements of both, but
the analytical aspect predominates.
-i
XDThis publication appears annually and is now published by the
University of Florida Press, Gainesville, Florida.

27
An early and persistent student of demographic processes in Latin
America is T. Lynn Smith, whose labors in this area date from more than
a quarter-century ago. To cite his many works would require more space
than is available, hut a partial bibliography and five excellent re
search reports on Latin American demography may be found in one of
17
Professor Smith's latest books, Studies of Latin American Societies. 1
To the student of any particular nation or world area it becomes
obvious that complete and accurate population data form the very foun
dation upon which most other studies of a society rest. Without reliable
population data it is exceedingly difficult, if not impossible, to ar
rive at realistic plans for programs of health, education, taxation,
welfare, housing, food production, military conscriptions, urban re
newal, birth control, the evaluations of programs aimed at the ameli
oration of social problems, measurements of potential markets, or to
finding answers to a myriad of other questions of vital interest in a
modern industrial (or in a developing) nation.
Available evidence from works such as those cited above indicates
that there are great similarities with respect to problems of population
and economic growth, food production and distribution, internal and
foreign migration, and the production and distribution of goods and
services of many kinds in the nations of Latin America. It is probable
that the other developing nations of the world share similar problems.
A Brief History of Mexican Population Statistics
The most complete historical record of the statistical activities
-MT. Lynn Smith, Studies of Latin American Societies (Garden City:
Anchor Books, Doubleday and Company, 1970)*

28
of the Republic of Mexico is found in a special edition of the Boletn
de la Sociedad Mexicana de Geografa y Estadstica. The present part
of this chapter will use this work as its most frequent and basic source.
When the Spanish Conquistadores arrived in the Valley of Mexico,
they found a flourishing civilization. The Aztecs were not the original
inhabitants of the Valley, and there is evidence from their own records
that they had conquered the local tribes and imposed their system of
government and tribute in the year lll6 of the Christian era. Data have
survived which indicate that the early population of the Valley was
approximately 3 .>200,000 persons, a population requiring a high degree
of sophistication with respect to transportation, foodstuffs, waste
disposal, social control, and the ether "amenities" of civilization.
Unfortunately, most of the historical records maintained by the Aztecs
were destroyed by over-zealous Spanish missionaries, but enough survived
to enable the Europeans to utilize Aztec population and fiscal data to
extract their own tributes from the conquered people.^
A number of important statistical works were produced in the Nueva
Espaa by the Europeans regarding geographic descriptions, taxes and
tributes, and population during the l6th and 17th centuries. For
example, in one work, don Juan Diaz de la Calle reported that there were
30,000 houses and 8,000 Spaniards in Mexico City, and that the Nueva
^Rodolfo Flores Talavera, "Historia de la Estadstica Nacional,"
Boletin de la Sociedad Mexicana de Geografa y Estadstica: Ciclo de
Conferencias Especiales Relacionado con los Grandes Censos Nacionales
por Levantarse en i960, Vol. LKXXVI, Nos. 1-3, July-December, 1958
(Mxico, D.F.: Talleres de la Editorial Libros de Mexico, S.A.,
1958), pp. 13-45.
19lbid., pp. 17-18.

29
Vizcaya (part of which was later to become Chihuahua) consisted of nine-
/ 20
teen alcaldas mayores.
However, the first truly important set of population statistics
was collected in the late l8th century. This was the Censo de
Revillagigedo written in 1791 and 1792. Forty volumes of this work are
still in existence and contain information on population, natural re
sources, manufactures, communications, and other data not specified in
the source. These data formed part of the foundation on which Baron
Alexander von Humboldt based his Tablas Geogrfico-Politicas del Reino
/ O "I
de la Nueva Espaa and the Ensayo Politico Sobre la Hueva Espaa.
In the early 19th century, several local registrations (padrones
locales) of the population were undertaken in l800, l801, l807, l8ll,
l8l2, and 1813. It is not reported in the source what parts of the
Nueva Espaa were involved, but these registrations are available, at
22
least in part, in the Archivo General de la Nacin.
The Period from Independence to the Revolution
The origin of the modern statistical activities of the nation
probably began in the first quarter of the 19th century. At this time
the Ministries of Relaciones (State), Hacienda (Budget), and Guerra (War)
began to present annual reports of their activities. Flores Talavera
claims that the real beginning of Mexican statistical services, in an
ordered fashion, lies in these reports by the Ministry of Hacienda and
2^Ibid.
21Ibid.
22Ibid.

30
attributes the development of modern Mexican statistics to their
23
author, Ildefonso Maniau.
Vice-President don Valentn Gmez Farias recommended that there be
a national statistical body, and by decree in 1833 > the Instituto
Nacional de Geografa y Esdadistica was created. This organization,
later to become the Sociedad de Geografa y Estadstica, compiled docu
ments about population, public debt, and property values.
Furthermore, convinced that statistics are not reduced to amounts
or relations which are purely numerical, but which should include
all the elements of social life, be it what it may the aspect
which these present, /the Instituto7 set itself to perform works
of great importance.2^
Two of the most important of these works were the Censo General de
la Poblacin Clasificada and the Censo General Estadstico de la Repb
lica. The latter contained information on "the territory, the popula
tion, and the general state of administration." According to Lafragua,
as noted by Flores Talavera, it was with these works that European
scholars began to take an interest in the statistical activities of
Mexico
One of the most active and energetic defenders of the need for a
strong national statistical service was Dr. Jose Mara Mora who stated
in his periodical, Observador de la Repblica Mexicana, in 1828, that
there were no statistics of worth in the nation, not even the census or
reports provided for in the Constitution. The influence of Dr. Mora
was great enough to induce the state governments to begin to conform
^Ibid.
2Wd., quoted material from p. 26.
25Ibid.

31
to the law. As a result of his activities, although long delayed the
Ministerio de Fomento (Development) was established in 1853
This ministry was charged with the maintenance of all national
statistics. As a result of its labors, a demographic enumeration and
other statistics concerning population change were published in 1857.
but d.Ue to the political turmoil of the French invasion, there was
little statistical activity from I858 bo 1866.
With the destruction of the nascent French empire, President don
Benito Juarez initiated a "series of acts tending to impel and consol
idate statistical practices. ." among which the Ministries of Fomento
(Development) and Gobernacin (interior) sent letters to the governors
of the various states in order to secure their cooperation in the re
porting of statistical information. The results of these acts were to
form the beginning of the modem population statistics of today.27
Statistical operations in the nation decreased greatly until the
assumption of power by don Porfirio Diaz in 1877* In 1882 the Direccin
General de Estadstica was created and charged with collecting and pub
lishing statistical materials of all types, including population, for
the nation.28
From the Revolution to the Present
Because of the extreme state of national disorganization, there was
very little statistical activity during the period from 1910 until 1920.
The census of population of 1910 was published, and the 1920 census was
2bIbid.
27lbid.
28 Ibid.

32
delayed until 1921. Even so, that census was plagued with all manners
of logistical problems and was not published in its entirety until 1925
In 1922, the Departamento Autnomo de la Estadstica Nacional was
formed. This department was responsible directly to the president him
self, and had under its control all of the statistical services of the
nation. It was charged with the effecting of censuses of population,
agriculture, and industry; enumerations of rural, urban, and mining
properties; collections of data on general and labor migration; and^
those aspects which would provide a permanent knowledge of the
political structure of the territory and of the intellectual,
moral, social, and economic life of the nation.
Although this department existed for only nine years, it performed
important functions beginning with the tabulation and publication of
the census of population of 1921. It also started the periodic and
regular publication of statistical materials in the form of monthly
bulletins and annual reports. The most important work during the per
iod of its existence was the reestablishment of the regular collection
and tabulation of national statistical data which had been discontinued
since 1911. Flores Talavera writes,^
it was in this way that it could impose the three essential
conditions which should be observed in order to obtain quality
in statistical results: universality, uniformity, and simul
taneity. /emphasis added/
In 1931, at the end of nine years, this department was absorbed by
the Direccin General de Estadstica and was placed under the Secretara
de Economa. The Direccin General de Estadstica consists of^-*-
^9lbid.; quoted material from p. 37*
^Ibid.; quoted material from p. 39*
31lbid.; quoted material from p. 43.

a directorate, a subdirectorate, and seven departments as fol
lows: technical, collection and coordination, census, economic
statistics, social statistics, sampling and sorting, and an Ad
ministrative Delegation which is in charge of some services of an
internal nature such as archives, logistics, medical, and secur
ity.
During the past twenty years, many of the activities of the
Direccin have centered around attempts to improve and update the
statistical services of the nation in population, industrial, and
economic statistics. During this time, these statistics have gained a
comparative degree of sophistication, although officials with whom the
writer has had personal contact do not express a great deal of confi
dence in the changes.
Beginning in the late 1960's, plans were laid for evaluation of
the statistical services of the nation. The Direccin General de
Estadstica and the Servicio Nacional de Estadstica have noted as
principal problems a deficiency in the coordination of activities, the
absence of standardization of techniques, difficulties in the adequate
training of personnel, and the inadequacy of collection methods.-^
A part of this evaluative procedure resulted in the creation of the
Technical Consultative Committee of Information Units of the Public
Sector (Comit Te'cnico Consultivo de Unidades de Informacin del Sector
Publico) which, with the cooperation of the Direccin, initiated a
National Inventory of Statistics. This has resulted in two major areas
of work by the Direccin: the creation of a national data bank with a
time series of data collection, and a directory of national statistical
^Estados Unidos Mexicanos, Informe de Labores de la Direccin
General de Estadstica, 1908-1972 (o publisher stated: October, 1972),
P. 46.

34
establishments which involves a complete analysis of their systems of
data collection and reporting.33
A goal of the Direccin is to produce a continuing series of pop
ulation and other statistics based on sample surveys similar to those
performed by the Department of Commerce in the United States. Its
stated purpose is^
. .to obtain ecnomic and social information _/about"7 the
population of the country which will permit on the one
hand the localization of the principal problem areas in
welfare, and on the other hand _/permit7 measurement of the
effects of the different political measures which coincide
with such welfare.
Beginning in January, 1972, the Direccin General de Estadstica
undertook two research projects in order to evaluate vital statistics
methods, to improve the functioning of the Registro Civil, to improve
the quality of death certification (in cooperation with the Pan Amer
ican Sanitary Office), and to obtain information on population charac
teristics, type of housing, levels of education and school attendance,
employment, and migration. These pilot studies were carried out in the
state of Nuevo Leon and in the municipio of Guadalajara. They utilized
a sample of 4,100 households in Nuevo Leon (of which 2,087 were in the
Monterrey metropolitan area), and 3>230 households in Guadalajara.35
Based upon the foregoing studies, a national stratified sample was
drawn which included some 200,000 persons (of whom about 55>000 were
economically active) in 440 municipios of the nation. The present
33lbid.
34ibid., p. 39.
3-''Ibid. p. 40.

35
purpose of this study is as follows:^
1. To obtain new tabulations of birth statistics for the year
1970.
2. To investigate multiple causes of death; a project of the
Pan American Sanitary Office in which Mexico is participat
ing.
3. To investigate the nutritional conditions of children under
six years of age in the Monterrey metropolitan area.
4. Quality control of the Census of Agriculture of 1970.
In addition, the Direccio'n is effecting improvements in the col
lection and publication of data on migration and tourism, education,
medical and social service, and attempting an integration of all man-
37
ner of social statistics. Concerning the latter, the source reports:
The Direccio'n General de Estadstica has developed a project
which has as its purpose to establish an integrated system of
statistics JZfJ population, human resources and other social
aspects which furnish an adequate frame of reference to permit
finding, coherently, information about the existence and currents
of _/^human life7* Considering the amplitude, complexity, impor
tance, and resources necessary, the Direccin presumes to realize
said program in collaboration with the Population Foundation of
the United Nations. The project has already been formulated and
is presently being considered by said Population Foundation.
The effectiveness of this ambitious program remains to be seen.
In his contact with governmental functionaries and offices in the larg
est city of the state of Chihuahua, the researcher was surprised to
find that not only were there no complete copies of the census of pop
ulation of 1970) but even such commonplace statistical compendiums as
the Anuario Estadstico were often absent and sometimes unknown. When
seeking assistance from such offices, the researcher discovered, time
~ ^Ibjd. p. 4l.
37Direccion General de Estadstica, Informe de Labores, 1971-1973
(Me'xico D.F., Sept. 1973), p. 14.

36
and again, that his information and documentation were more complete
and recent than those possessed by the officials. Although grand plans
are laid at the level of the Directorate, until such improvements filter
down to the operational level, little can be expected in the way of
change, despite the willingness of many to improve their delivery of
services. At the same time, however, it must be conceded that a begin
ning has been made in the effort to develop adequate national statistical
data. One may be permitted the hope that, if such efforts are sustained,
knowledge of their availability and utility will in time "filter down"
to functionaries on state and local levels.

CHAPTER IV
THE CENSUS OF 1970
The authority for the IX Censo General de Poblacin taken in 197G
is found in Decreto del Ejecutivo Federal dated May 2, 1969, as pub
lished in the Diario Oficial of the Federation on June 5> 1969^ The
present legal basis for all censuses is the ley Federal de Estadstica
and its Reglamento, in which paragraph 2 of Article 2 establishes the
Servicio Nacional de Estadstica and makes it responsible for taking
and publishing the census of population. The Servicio Nacional de
Estadstica is an agency under the Secretaria de Industria y Comercio
through its Direccin General de Estadstica. Under the provisions
of Chapter VI of the Ley Federal de Estadstica, Article 95 prescribes
that a national census of population, housing, and agriculture will be
taken every ten years in the first year of each decade* In addition,
Article 5 of the national Constitution also provides that participation
in census activities shall be uoth "obligatory and gratuitous.11 L
Census Planning and Organization
Census Planning
Preparations for the IX Censo General de Poblacin began in Feb
ruary of 1968 with a series of organization meetings within the Direcci
^Estados Unidos Mexicanos, IX Censo General de Poblacin. 1970,
28 de enero de 1970 Estado de Chihuahua (Mxico, D.F.: Direccin
ueneral de Estadstica, 1971)¡ P* XIII. In order to avoid clumsy
notation, hereafter this work will be cited as Chihuahua: 197.0.
2 Ibid.
37

36
General de Estadstica. At these meetings, the authorities discussed
their plans for the ninth census, including both Mexican experiences
with previous censuses and census recommendations from international
sources. As a result of these meetings, the project was divided into
eight working sections having responsibility for the following: (l)
observation, concepts, and definitions; (2) organization; (3) catalog
of occupations; (4) cartography; (5) data processing; (6) census date;
(7) publicity; and (8) budget. Each task group had a director who was
given a certain autonomy to organize his section within the scope of
the general instructions of the Direccin General de Estadstica, but
all plans had to be approved by the chief of this agency.J
Pretesting of Census Procedures
Plans were made for a number of pretests of census questionnaires
and for the organization which was created for the taking, tabulation,
and publication of the census. Certain objectives were outlined for
the pretests. These included a test of the adequacy of the census
organization with respect to personnel selection and training, the pre
vention of duplication of organizational functions, the adequacy of
interviewing procedures and forms, the evaluation of the degree of
difficulty of various questions (from both the standpoint of the Census
Taker and that of the respondent), the average number of interviews
which could be completed in a given period of time, and an evaluation
of special problems which could be encountered in the field which had
not been foreseen.
The pretesting of the census also involved the testing of more than
3Ibid.

39
one type of questionnaire to determine which was most suitable, evalu
ation of questions in the field for clarity and validity, and the "iron
ing out" of practical problems such as the underenumeration of minors,
census definitions, and other field problems.
The pretesting of the census also attempted to evaluate census
cartography and the adequacy of census publicity which attempted to
gain as much popular support and cooperation as possible.
Following the field pretesting of the census, materials could then
be used for a pretest of the collation of questions and responses, to
determine problems which might be encountered in the precoding of
answers, and finally data processing itself could be evaluated from the
standpoint of card punching time required in order to gain some ex-
k
perience in the tabulation and analysis of data.
Experimental Censuses
Prior to the taking of the Ninth General Census of Population of
1970, the Direccin General de Estadstica took four experimental cen
suses to test the adequacy of forms, training, and other procedures
mentioned in the preceding section. The first of these was in Guadalajara
on December l8, 1968. It included 200 blocks of that city, 5>992 dwell
ings, and 36,520 inhabitants. This firs!, 'experimental census utilized
forty-eight Instructors, 1,084 Census Takers, and twenty-one Observers
who accompanied the Census Takers in order to evaluate the work. These
/
^Ibid.T pp. XVI-XVII. In Appendix 1 the reader will find trans
lations of the Spanish text of several parts of the information given
by the Direccin General de Estadstica about census organization and
procedures. These translated materials were taken directly from the
Prologue of the census volume for Chihuahua, but it may be assumed
that they apply equally to all parts of the Republic.

4o
Observers were provided with a schedule for their observations which
included their "impressions with respect to the manner of filling out
the questionnaires, the way in which the interviews were performed, the
attitudes of the informants, and a series of other aspects."5 It should
be noted that the type of questionnaire used in the 1970 census was
of the "family type" rather than of the "collective type" which had
been used in previous censuses. Although it is reported that there are
"substantially distinct" differences between the two types, these dif
ferences are not revealed in the census volumes. Nevertheless, both
the first and subsequent experimental censuses demonstrated the clear
superiority of this "family type" questionnaire over the previously
used "collective type.
The second experimental census was taken in the municipio of Ozumba
in the state of Morelos on January 22, 1969 This time the Observers
were involved with a complete municipio, including rural respondents,
and consequently, an evaluation was made with respect to those aspects
of the census which involved the Census of Agriculture. Discovered
was a lack of trained personnel, especially when dealing with the rural
population. The second experimental census involved twenty-two In
structors, 269 Census Takers, and thirty-one Observers, and it included
1,579 dwellings and 10,423 persons in the municipio.^
Two other experimental censuses were taken with similar results.
Both were in Morelos, one in the municipio of Yautpec and the other
5Ibid., p. XVIII.
6Ibid.
7lbid.

in that of Jiutepec. In the former were involved twenty-one Instructors
563 Census Takers, and twenty-six Observers who dealt with 4,319 dwell
ings and 24,338 inhabitants. In the latter, twenty Instructors, 347
Census Takers, and twenty-two Observers ennumerated 15,086 persons
living in 2,839 dwellings. It was in reference to these last experi
mental censuses that the IX Censo General de Poblacin was arranged in
g
its final form and organization.
National Territory and Cartography
One of the functions of the Direccin General de Estadstica is
to maintain a current list of the localidades9 in the nation, along
with their "political category" and the municipio in which they are
located. Despite the fact that such lists are supposed to be kept
up-to-date for the Direccin by the various state governments, the
Direccin was certain they were "incomplete or defective" because of
the absence of a systematic means for keeping such information current.
Awareness of this deficiency induced the Direccin to request the
municipio governments to update the official lists of localidades
prior to the census. In addition, the governments were asked to
indicate the distance of each localidad from the seat of municipio
government and the means of transportation which were available to
each place.
Based on maps by the Secretariates of Public Works and the Na-
8Ibid. pp. XVII-XIX.
9a localidad is "any populated place such as a city, town,
hacienda. rancho, etc. that has a name and a political category whether
this be by law or by custom." (Chihuahua: 1970> P* LXV.) Hereinafter
this term will no longer be italicized.

tional Defense, and other maps of places of 2,500 inhabitants and over
prepared by the National Board of Electors, a series of maps, including
state and municipio details for the entire nation, was prepared for
census use. Scale maps were prepared for places of 5>000 inhabitants
and over, and municipio maps were checked by the municipio governments
10
for accuracy and necessary modification.
"Census Documentation"
/ /
The Direccin General de Estadstica prepared a lengthy series of
documents to provide an adequate framework for the task of census tak
ing. These manuals were to provide full instruction for census person
nel at all levels of activity from the highest administrative personnel
to the lowest clerk. They were intended to provide directions for every
phase and step of the entire operation, and also to provide a history
of the manner in which the work was carried out. Summary data on these
manuals follow below and the complete text as translated from the census
volume is found in Appendix 1.
The first of these documents was a set of guidelines distributed
to those persons at the top of the hierarchy of the census organization
-- the census Delegates, Subdelegates, and Organizers. In the pamphlet
given them, the legal bases of the census were cited and a complete ex
planation of the census organization was described. Since those persons
receiving this manual were at the top of the nontechnical portion of
the census organization, it was thought sufficient to give them a
general overview, but a detailed description of the functions of each
subordinate level was not considered necessary.
^Chihuahua: 1970, P- XX.

43
Further, there was a manual for the census Organizer. This person
was to organize and see to the smooth operation of such things as puolic
relations, the organization of his subordinates and their training, and
in general the supervision of their activities.
The next step below the Organizer in the census hierarchy was that
of the Instructor -- the individual who had charge over the training
of the Block Chiefs, Census Takers, and Census Agents. Part of the
training imparted was a strong emphasis on the confidential nature of
the census information and penalties for their unauthorized disclosure.
The Instructor's Manual also contained a detailed description of the
census questionnaire and extensive explanations of each question.
Finally, at the operational level, the Census Takers and Census
Agents received training manuals which were essentially the same as
that provided for the Instructor. The major difference was that their
manuals contained a greater amount of graphic illustration. It was
assumed that the Census Takers and Census Agents would have lower
educational levels than those of the Instructors, and in consequence,
they could learn better if much of the material they were required to
, 11
learn was explained with drawings as well as with textual materials.
Census Publicity
The Oficina de Prensa y Propaganda de los Censos Nacionales de
1970, the official publicity agency for the census department, was
created in 196. Its function was to plan and coordinate all aspects
of the census publicity for the entire period to January 25, 1970, the
census date. During this time, it prepared and authorized press re-
11Ibid., pp. XXI-XXIV.

44
leases, and cooperated directly with the Consejo Nacional de la Public
idad, the national agency for the desemination of official information
of all types to the citizenry. This organization was able to obtain
the cooperation of the national press for the release of periodic in
formation bulletins, thereby creating considerable public support for
the census.
Census publicity began in November and December of 1969 and was
intensified in January of 1970 in order to create and maintain a high
degree of public awareness of the coming census, its date, importance
to the nation, and the need for complete and truthful responses to the
questionnaire. It was requested that on the date of the census every
dwelling in the nation have someone at home qualified to respond to
the Census Taker, and to this purpose, the census questions were pub-
1 p
licized prior to the census date.
Census Organization
For census purposes the nation was divided into a number of areas
which were variously designated as census delegaciones, regiones and
zonas. A census delegacin (in this special sense) usually included
a whole state or territory with the exception of the state of Mexico
and the Distrito Federal which, because of the size of their popula
tions, were divided into two delegaciones the former and thirteen the
the latter. A census region included one or more census zonas within
a state, and the census zona included one or more municipios or wards.
The rationale for these divisions included the size of the area, the
number of localidades, the 1970 estimated population, the transportation
1?
Ibid., pp. XXIV-XXV.

45
means available, and topographical features.
The "Bodies of Civic Support and Census Functionaries"
13
The "Bodies of Civic Support" were established by the Presi
dential Decree on The National Census of 197 which also established,
in Articles 16 and 17, the National Census Board (Junta Nacional de los
Censos), State or Central Census Boards, Municipio or Local Census
Boards, Auxiliary Census Boards and Census Agencies.
The Junta Nacional de los Censos (National Census Board) was the
principal one of these "Bodies" and had, as its honorary director,
the President of the Republic. It was established in September, 1969
to provide:
according to the Direccin General de Estadstica all the sup
port necessary for the activities of preparing and taking the
National Census of 1970.^
The State or Central Census Boards were established in each of
the federal entities except for the Federal District and the two na
tional territories (Quintana Roo and Baja California Sur). Each state
governor was chairman of his state's Board. Members of these bodies
^The""English translation of Organismos de Apoyo Cvico is, ad
mittedly, awkward and inadequate. Alternatively, the w¡.iter considered
Organizations for. ., Offices of. ., and a number of equally in
adequate and equally meaningless, in English, cognates and synonyms.
Finally it was decided to merely translate the concepts with the recog
nition of their inadequacy, and require the reader to add, for the mo-
inent, another weight to his burden of technical terminology. In the
majority of the quotes translated in the present paper, the writer has
attempted to maintain the original style and language used in the cen
sus documents and other sources. He recognizes that this lends a
certain stiltedness to many areas of the paper. The semantics of the
original text have been altered only when necessary to preserve clarity
and have been faithfully maintained in those things for which no equiv
alent concept exists in English, except as is necessary to make meanings
clear. Material added by the writer in quotations is included in
brackets.
^Chihuahua: 1970 pp. XXVII-XXVIII.

46
included government officials, rectors of universities and other
centers of higher education, directors general of education, military
commanders, and other civic and social leaders. These bodies were
organized between September 20 and October 11, 1969; and their members
15
participated in planning and training meetings.
Municipio or Local Census Boards, established in each municipio
in the nation (or in precincts in the Federal District and territories)
during the second and third weeks of November, 1969; had immediate
16
responsibility for the 1
timely and accurate registration of the inhabitants in all the
localidades within the census jurisdiction assigned to them.
These bodies consisted of municipio presidents and other public and
civic leaders and authorities. They, in turn established a number of
Commissions which included the Commission for the Census of Population
and Housing; for the Census of Agriculture and Ejidos; for Auxiliary
Boards; for Census Agents and Agencies; for Cartography, Street Names
and House Numbers; for Instruction and Control; and for Publicity.
Auxiliary Census Boards were established in all localidades of
more than 2,499 inhabitants (urban places, by census definition) which
were not seats of municipio government, unless the localidad, although
smaller than 2,499 persons, was of sufficient importance, in the opin
ion of the Census Organizer, to warrant such a body because of its
economic value to the region or for similar reasons. These Boards
were made up of the local political authority as chief and other
^5Ibid.
l6Tbid.

47
17
generally recognized leaders as subalterns. 1
Census Agencies were established in localidades of less than
2,500 inhabitants which were not seats of municipio government. Those
very small places of less than 250 inhabitants had merely a Census
Agent.1
Census Officials
A bureaucratic hierarchy was established with respect to the vary
ing levels of authority and responsibility for the taking of the cen
sus of population. These various categories of census personnel have
been alluded to before, but in the present section their duties and
responsibilities will be more completely specified.
Census Delegates were chosen for each federal entity by the
Director General of Statistics. Each Delegate represented the
Direccin General de Estadstica in his respective state, where he
was responsible for all census operations. The duties of these persons
were to establish and operate the State Census Boards according to
the calendar planned by the Direccin.
Census Subdelegates functioned as the immediate subalterns of the
Delegates, and were responsible for the taking of the census in the
particular area to which they were assigned by the Delegate within the
federal entity. Their functions were to obtain the cooperation of
local officials for the taking of the census; to recruit, train, and
supervise the Census Organizers; and to supervise the taking of the
1^Ibid.
l8Ibid., p. XXIX.
19
Ibid. pp. XXXIX-XX.

48
precensuses and the general census of population according to the
schedule established by the Direccin General de Estadstica.
The Census Organizers were immediately subordinate to the Sub
delegates. Their function was the organization of and the taking of
21
the census in the municipio seats and in
other localidades of their zone, depending for this on the
assistance of the municipio authorities and of the Bodies
of Civic Support.
These persons were responsible for the establishment of the local cen
sus organization at the municipio level. It was their job to choose
and train the "honorary census personnel" who functioned as inter
mediaries between the census organization and the people. They
worked directly with the Municipal Geographic Committees (Comite's
Geogrficos Municipales) for the correction of census cartography
and were active in the precensal tests in selection, training, and
supervision of personnel. In addition they were responsible for
procurement of census materials, thereby assuring an adequate supply
and distribution of all such materials. It was also their responsi
bility to supervise the collection of all materials and their subsequent
remittance to the Direccin. Finally, they were responsible for cen
sus publicity at the local level.
Ward Chiefs had essentially the same responsibilities with re
gard to the actual taking of the census as did the Census Organizers,
but with a much more limited scope -- the population of a ward within
a localidad. Such persons were usually government employees of some
^Glbid., p. XXX.
^-'-Ibid.

49
level of responsibility, and there was a special effort to obtain senior
level educational authorities for these positions. These persons also
formed part of the bureaucratic hierarchy, having supervision over those
persons below them on the scale. They distributed census forms to the
pO
Section Chiefs and collected them from these persons when completed.c-
Section Chiefs worked directly under the Ward Chiefs and per
formed about the same functions, but at a "lower" level (each Ward Chief
having several Section Chiefs for whom he was responsible). These
persons were chosen with an eye toward their knowledge of the area in
which they would work. In this case, the effort to obtain the services
of educational personnel utilized the directors of schools located in
the area. The census offices of the various sections were placed in
those schools which corresponded to the Section Chiefs. Other docent
personnel and even students were used in various capacities when the
need arose. Block Chiefs and Census Takers were directly responsible
to the Section Chiefs.2 3
Block Chiefs were chosen by the Section Chiefs and were respon
sible for the census registration of all inhabitants of their block.
The Census Takers worked directly under the supervision of these
persons. The Census Takers met with their Block Chief on the morning
of the census to receive their census forms, and at the end of the census,
these forms were returned to the Block Chiefs for subsequent distribution
up the chain of command. The Block Chiefs reviewed and checked for ac
curacy and completeness all the forms returned by the Census Takers, and
'2gbid. p. XXXI.
23lbid.

50
at the end of the census period, they performed the preliminary summation
pk
of data collected.
Census Takers (Empadronadores "registrars") were those who
performed the actual work of interviewing the population. They were
required to undergo training to equip them for this task. It was at
tempted to obtain Census Takers from the same area in which they would
work in order to utilize persons with the greatest knowledge of the
area and its population. Census Takers were chosen from all levels of
the population, "Attempting always that these be the persons most capable
of performing this task. "25
Census Agents were charged with the taking of the census in
the tiny localidades which did not warrant a more complicated census
organization. At times these were empowered to employ and, if necessary,
of
to train Census Takers.
Selection and Training of Census Personnel
A publication of the Direccin General de Estadstica notes that
there were approximately 1,400,000 persons directly involved in the plan
ning and execution of the 1970 census of population. Among these were
forty-five Census Delegates, seventy-six Subdelegates, and 1,079 Census
Organizers. There were thirty-two Census Boards at the state level,
2,388 Municipal (municipal) Census Administrations, 2,388 Municipal
Geographic Committees, 1,422 Auxiliary Boards, and 20,711 Census Agen-
^Ibid.
2^Ibid., p. XXII.
26Ibid.

51
cies. Involved in the execution of the census were some 250,000 Block
Chiefs, 1,000,000 Census Takers and about 65,000 Census Agents. Another
10,000 persons served as Ward and Section Chiefs, and an additional
27
70,000 persons were Instructors (most of whom were school teachers).
It is interesting to see that, according to these figures, almost
percent of the Mexican population was involved, directly, in the plannin
or taking of the 1970 census 1
Census personnel were tentatively selected prior to instruction
and their response to the instruction formed the basis for the final
selection of those who were to be the principal actors in the census
operation. Minimum standards were established by the Census Delegates
for the subsequent selection of the Subdelegates and Census Organizers,
and the final selection of these persons was also based on their per
formance on examinations following their training period. The Organ
izers chose and trained the Ward and Section Chiefs, and also the In
structors who were to teach the Block Chiefs, Census Takers, and Census
Agents.
The selection of Block Chiefs, Census Takers, and Census Agents
was determined by the size of the localidad, and the specific type of
census organization was determined by the preexisting administrative ar
rangement of the area, as well as the choice of personnel being made
from among bureaucratic personnel of the same.
Those places without such an administrative organization, cut
with more than 20,000 inhabitants, were first investigated by' means of
one Precensus of Blocks whose purpose was to determine the
^Tfbid.. p. XXXIII.

52
number o' dwellings, the number of inhabitants, and certain char
acteristics of the latter which would later serve for the selection
and naming of the persons who would function as Block Chiefs and
Census Takers.
In places with less than 20,000 inhabitants and without the admin
istrative organization just described, the Census Organizer performed
an investigation similar to the Precensus of Blocks which could
permit /knowledge of/ the approximate number of residences and
of inhabitants,
in order to assist in the choosing of the Block Chiefs and Census Takers.
The Precensus of Blocks was prepared to provide a
list of all the blocks located in places of 20,000 inhabitants
and over, of the residences existing in said blocks, and of the
persons which, according to the criteria established for the
selection of the Block Chiefs and Census Takers, would be able
to discharge these assignments.
The census is not clear as to whom was given the responsibility to take
this Precensus of Blocks; nor why it was necessary (under the reasons
given) for a second census visitation to be made by the later-appointed
Census Takers if each dwelling was to be visited and inhabitants were to
be interviewed. As will be seen in the quote which follows, the Pre
census of Blocks was, in effect, a taking of the census:
In each block, his/the Auxiliary of the Precensus of Blocks/
work consisted in visiting each of the residences existing on
the block and to take the information described on the special
form which has been referred to.
Upon arriving at each residence, the Auxiliary of the Precensus
of Blocks should identify himself and explain briefly the reason
for his visit, and later note the data relative to the street or
avenue on which the residence was found, as well as the /house
or apartment/ numbers outside and inside the same. He should pro
ceed to ask the total number of persons who inhabited that resi
dence, the names and surnames of the heads of household /jefes
de familia/as well as those of the occupants which had a higher
education than the head and whose age was eighteen years or more.
Ibid.. pp. XXXIV-XXXV.

53
Then, for each of those persons, he should note his age, the
highest year or grade completed of education, for each, his
principal occupation, and his position on the job.
The selection of Block Chiefs and Census Takers was then based on
the information obtained above. The work load proposed was ten dwellings
per Census Taker, and six Census Takers for each Block Chief. The basic
criterion for the choosing of such persons was that of education. Other
criteria were the age of the candidate, and a preference was given to
women. Otherwise, persons whose employment would permit them to be
absent during the time of the census were also given preference.^9 it
should be noted the extreme cari, which the Direccin exercised (offi
cially) in its selection of personnel at all levels and the great im
portance given lo accuracy in the census. It is this which leads the
researcher to conclude that the 1970 census of population may well be
the most exact that Mexico has ever taken. The researcher was impressed
by the sophistication exercised in the choice of personnel, even to the
preference given to women as census takers. Nevertheless, several in
formal sources have reported that it is suspected that the extent of
underenumeration may be at least as great as four to eight percent,
and that in many cases adherence to the norms established by the Direc
cin was not adequate.
The Training of Block Chiefs and Census Takers was begun in the
week prior to the census date. In the first training sessions these
persons were introduced to the Manual for Census Registration, the
Questionnaire Tor the Census of Population and Housing, and that of
Census of Livestock in Populated Places, which would form the basis
?9lbjd. pp. XXXV-XXXVI.

54
of their instruction. The first period, of instruction also covered the
following subjects:
1. What is a Census of Population and Housing?
2. Confidentiality of the information.
3. Sanctions for violation of confidence.
4. Functions of the Block Chief.
5. Functions of the Census Taker.
6. Functions of the Census Agent.
7. Rules of which the Census Taker should be aware.
8. Description of the questionnaire.
9. The use of the questionnaire.
10. Instructions for completing tue questionnaire which are
applicable to all questions.
11. Methods of recording responses.
12. The Census Moment.
13. Where should persons be interviewed?
14. Definition of residence.
15. Definition of "Census Family."
The second training session was dedicated to a detailed explanation
of all aspects of the questionnaire. In the third session, each Census
Taker, Block Chief and Census Agent alternately played the roles of
interviewer and interviewee. The questionnaires thus used were later
examined for accuracy by the instructors; these were then returned to
the workers during the following (fourth) period with errors indicated.
A critique followed.^
^Ibid. .
pp. XXXVI-XXXVII.

The Taking and Processing of the Census
Census questionnaires were distributed to the Census Takers and
Census Agents on the morning of January 28, 1970> along with the list
of residences assigned to each. There was an attempt to begin the
enumeration at 8:00 A.M. and to finish by 4:00 P.M. of the same day.
This was not always possible, and in some cases it was necessary for the
Census Taker to work additional hours or days. In other cases, it was
not possible to enumerate the population on the census date. In this
event, part of the preplanning of the Direccio/n made allowances to per
mit the taking of the census earlier or later than the census date.^l
In any event, questions were so phrased as to refer to the census moment,
regardless of the date on which the census was actually taken.
Collection of Data and Preliminary Analysis
The collection of the completed questionnaires was accomplished
in the reverse order from the manner in which they were originally
distributed prior to the taking of the census. The Census Takers
examined their completed forms for accuracy and completeness and then
returned them, together with their summary data of the number and sex
of the persons enumerated, to their Block Chief or Census Agent who,
in turn, assured that none of the assigned dwellings had been missed in
the enumeration. The documents were then transmitted to the respecnive
Section Chiefs. Again, the forms were examined for completeness and
accuracy and forwarded to the Ward Chiefs, along with the preliminary sum
mary data. The Ward Chiefs then remitted all data to the Body of Civic
Support to which they were responsible. Here the documents were again
31Ibid., pp. XXXIX-XL

examined to be certain that none of the dependencies under this agency-
had been omitted, and corrective steps were taken if any were needed.
Following this, the data were turned over to the Municipal Census Board
(Junta Municipal de los Censos) in the municipio seat of government,
where all municipio census materials were compiled and again examined for
completeness and accuracy. Then the preliminary summary data of number
and sex of inhabitants were remitted by telegraph to the Direccin
General de Estadstica, and the documents were sent to the Census
Organizer who had the census of that municipio under his jurisdiction.
At the level of the Census Organizer all census materials were again
examined for errors and omission, and another report of summary data
was sent to the Direccin for comparison with that previously sent by
the Junta Municipal. The Census Organizer returned all documents to
the Census Subdelegates who, in turn, surrendered them to the Census
Delegates for final examination and transmittal to the Direccin General
de Estadstica. According to the Direccin all of the foregoing was
32
accomplished within fifteen to thirty days following the census date.
Data Processing
All data were ultimately received by the Direccin General de
Estadstica where they were coded and recorded on cards, and on both
magnetic and paper tape for computer processing. Census questionnaires
were divided by federal entity, municipio and localidad into bundles of
200 questionnaires each. Each bundle was assigned a code number and part
of the analysis of data included in its printout indications of errors
^Ibid.,
pp. XLI-XLII.

57
and a code which also permitted idenitification of the operator, thus
providing a constant check on both accuracy and efficiency.
Trial runs with known data were performed and then 1970 census
data for small localidades were subjected to machine and manual analysis
to discover discrepancies and/or errors in programming and internal
consistency in the data.--
Data Publication
As in px-evious censuses, materials were published in thirty-three
volumes -- one for each federal entity and one summary volume (Resumen
General)
Following the publication of the foregoing, there was, subsequently,
the publication of limited amounts of information at the localidad level,
but these volumes contain percentage figures only -- the number of persons
in each category is not reported. Thus one cannot tell whether a given
percentage resulted from small or large absolute numbers.
Finally, a series of special reports is planned. These will cover
education, the economically active population, indigenous languages
spoken, internal migration, and urban conglomerates. They were unob
tainable at the time of the present writing.^5
The organization for the IX Censo General de Poblacin is impressive.
5dibid., pp. LI-LVII.
3 It should be noted that there is much information at the state
level which does not appear in the volume for the state, but rather, in
the summary volume. In ox-der for the researcher to have access to the
maximum amount of data he must avail himself of not only the volume of
the state concerned, but also of the Resumen General.
35
Estados Unidos Mexicanos, Informe de Labores de la Direccin
General de Estadstica 1968-1972 (Mexico, D.F.: Direccin General de
Estadstica, Oct. 1972), pp. 11-13, passim.

58
Reading the description of the extreme care and attention to the smallest
details leads one to feel admiration for the attempt to accurately
enumerate the population of Mexico, and to report its characteristics.
It was necessary, for reasons of space, to leave a great deal unsaid and
unreported. As noted earlier, a translation of much of this information
is found in Appendix 1.
As a result of the impression caused by the degree of care with
which the census was planned, the writer was dismayed to find in his sub
sequent analysis of the data the inescapable conclusion that the census
did, in fact, contain gross errors. The only alternative finding would
be that the census of population of i960 (which formed much of the basis
for a critique of the census of 1970) was the one which contained the
gross errors. This presents the horns of a dilemma and it seems impos
sible to avoid one of the two. The criticism of the accuracy of the
census is not intended to censure any individual or group, yet the writer
cannot but feel that if the extensive and well-laid plans did not produce
a census of high quality, the fault did not lie in the planning.

CHAPTER V
THE NUMBER AND DISTRIBUTION OF INHABITANTS
In demographic analysis, the most basic of all topics the
number and distribution of inhabitants -- is also the briefest and
most concise topic considered. Basic data for any census of population
consist of the number of persons contained within the geographic area
of enumeration and the manner in which they are dispersed over the
land. The act of enumeration is the foundation for all future
population data, even those also requiring a system of registration
such as the so-called "vital statistics" which include births, deaths,
and even marriages, divorces, morbidity, and similar data. The
calculation of the rates of the above (as well as rates of crime,
school attendance, drug use, automobile accidents, and a similarly
wide variety of socially important events) is dependent upon an
accurate enumeration of the population.
Enumeration forms the basis for the application of population
data for short- and long-term planning, for predictions and projec
tions of population change, and for studies of the migration of
persons from one area to another. The principal measurements of the
two variables presently under discussion are the actual enumeration
of persons, usually by means of a house-to-house counting process;
and based upon this, a computation of the density of the population
expressed as the number of persons per unit of area.
In Latin America, the metric system of measures is the one pre
dominantly (and officially) used although less definitive methods
continue in traditional usage in many places. Since no comparisons
59

will "be made with the population north of the international border,
there is no need to convert to the less rational English system of
6o
measures.
The density of population may be an important variable in terms cf
the quality of life. It also has more immediate and empirical implica
tions. Extremes of population density, either high or low, are among
the factors influencing the production, maintenance, and/or exacerba
tion of a number of social conditions.
Among conditions sometimes associated with high population densities
are increases in mortality and morbidity; social disorganization such
as crime, divorce, un- and underemployment, and urban blight; increased
costs of fire and police protection; and often, decreased personal
tranquillity. However, associated to more or less a comparable degree
with increased density of population are the greater number of social
contacts possible, greater efficiency in the provision of social
services of most types, and more varied and stimulating life styles.
Conversely, the extreme dispersion of population resulting in low
population densities, while contributing perhaps to a healthful and
tranquil environment, often tends to produce sectionalism, a weakness
of national political unity and involvement, lower levels of education
and increased costs thereof, difficulty in obtaining high quality medical
care, increasingly expensive power, transportation, and communication,
and the relative isolation of citizens which may slow the processes of
change and development
lCf. T. Lynn Smith, The Sociology of Rural Life, 3rd ed. (New York:
Harper and Brothers, 1953), pp. 20-22; T* Lynn Smith and C.A. McMahan,
The Sociology of Urban Life: A Textbook with Readings (New York: Dryden
Press, T95TT7 PP 44-4?; and T. Lynn Smith, Studies of Latin American
Societies (Garden City: Anchor Books, Doubleday and Conroany, 19toTj
??. 118-120.

61
There are two fundamental and delimiting definitions which must he
resolved prior to taking a census of population. One is the census
date -- the date to which all census figures refer in order to assure
their simultaneity. In a technical sense, a census is a historical
recording of certain aspects of a population. Consequently there must
be a time at which events or circumstances were true and which, therefore,
serves as a "bench mark" for all that went before or will come later.
In Mexico, as indicated in the previous chapter, the "census moment" in
1970 was January 28.
The other fundamental definition concerns the method in which data
concerning the enumerated persons are recorded. The question is whether
to enumerate the individual by his usual place of residence (de ,jure
registration) or by the place where he was found on the day of registra
tion (de facto registration). The need for decision presents a dilemma
O
since neither method is entirely satisfactory* In the DC Censo C-ene.ral
de Poblacin, the Direccin General d Estadstica opted for the de .jure
3
definition, according to which the
habitual residence /Is/ the place in which the person has
hie domicile or the place of residence and is that which
he usually indicates as an answer to the question, Where
do you live?. As a general rule this is with respect to
the place where the person habitually sleeps.
At the time of the 1970 census those persons who had no usual place
of residence were enumerated on a de facto basis. In addition, special
definitions were imposed for a person temporarily absent from his usual
2cf. t. Lynn Smith, Fundamentals of Population Study (Chicago:
J* B. Lippincott, i960), pp. 43-44. ""
^Chihuahua; 1970 p. LXI.

62
place of residence. If the absence was for less than six months he was
enumerated on a de jure basis; otherwise he was enumerated with the res
idence of his family (or that of those on whom he was economically
dependent). Those persons absent from their usual place of residence
because they were out of the country were not enumerated by the census
unless they were part of a military or diplomatic mission (or a family
member of one of these). All permanently institutionalized persons of
4
any type or age were enumerated on the de facto basis. No foreign or
diplomatic personnel or their family members were included in the
enumeration.
National and State Data
On January 28, 1970 there were 48,225,238 persons enumerated by
the census in the Republic of Mexico. This population was distributed
among twenty-nine federated states, two territories, and one federal
district -- a total of thirty-two federal entities.
Population densities varied greatly within the nation from 1.7
persons per square kilometer in the two federal territories, Baja
California Sur and Quntana Roo, to 4,585.7 in the Distrito Federal
(Federal District). Population density for the nation as a whole was
24.6 persons per square kilometer, and the median density for the thirty-
two entities was almost the same -- 23*9 persons per square kilometer.
^Ibid.T pp. LXI-LXII. There perhaps are some problems associated
with these definitions since they do not appear to be exhaustive and
exclusive in some respects. For example, "permanently" institutionalized
is not rigorously defined (in the census volumes, at least, although it
P^y have been in special instructions to the Census Taker), and the pro
visions for the enumeration of persons under age twenty-one, not living
at home, but economically independent seems inadequate. In any event,
the numbers of such persons probably is small.

63
Greatest population densities were in the central highlands in such
states as Mexico (178.6 persons per square kilometer), Morelos (124.7),
Tlaxcala (107.6), Guanajuato (74.2), and Puebla (73*9) persons per square
kilometer). On the other hand, entities with low population densities
such as the two territories and the states of Campeche (4.9), Sonora
(5.9), Chihuahua (6.5), and Coahuila (7*4 persons per square kilometer)
were located in the more remote coastal and desert regions of the nation.
The localidad concept was introduced previously (Cf. Chapter IV, n.
9.), but briefly, a localidad is any populated place, no matter how
small, with a name and a political category. It may be assumed that the
term is equivalent to "place" as used in the U.S. census. The political
category of the localidad involves its denomination by one of a large
variety of terms which bear, so far as the present writer can determine,
an unclear relationship to their importance or function. These included
ciudad, rancho, granja, hacienda, ejido, estacin de ferrocarril, con
gregacin, ranchera, colonia n.e., pueblo, comunidad n.e. colonia
agrcola, campo turstico, fraccionamiento, mineral, pesquera, embarcadero,
campamento, escuela rural, puerto, barrio, campo n.e., villa, zona
arqueolgica. balneario, finca, asseradero, ingenio, mina, club recre
ativo estacin de autobuses, establecimiento metalrgico, fabrica,
/ /
seccin de ferrocarril, comunidad agricola, centro deportivo, colonia
ejidal. salina, and centro de salud among others. Long as is this list,
in the most populous municipios of Chihuahua are found three designations
~ ^Estados Unidos Mexicanos, Anuario Estadstico Compendiado: 1970
(Mexico, D.F.: Direccin General de Estadstica, 1971) .> Table 2.2. These
figures may vary slightly from those from other sources because of
rounding to the nearest 1,000 persons in the Anuario Estadstico.

64
which are not included in the above list. As it happens, each of the
three (parque nacional, campo aereo, and establecimiento industrial) is
functionally descriptive. However, it is not the definitions of the
terms which are in doubt, but, rather, their meaning. For example,
/
what is the difference between a colonia agricola and a comunidad
agricola, or between a fabrica and an establecimiento industrial? lo
doubt, these terms have meaning, or at least they had special signif
icance in the past, but this precise meaning is now impossible to
_ 6
determine from census recoras.
Quite aside from the confusing number of terms used for localidades,
certain other problems arise in using the data on them. Lie. Ruben
Gleason Galicia, Director General of Statistics in Mexico, notes that
the problem with the localidad concept is basically one of definition
and the lack of clarity, exhaustiveness, and exclusiveness at the opera
tional level. He reports a geographic overlap of localidades to the
extent that "some localidades were included within others."7 Usually
this occurred in those localidades with small and scattered populations.
The Direccin General de Estadstica provides a list of such localidades
as were known at the time of publication, and the number of jjersons in
volved in the work cited in footnote number six of this chapter. In
DEstados Unidos Mexicanos, IX Censo General de Poblacin, 197G,
28 de enero de 1970 Localidades por Entidad Federativo y Municipio
con Algunas Caractersticas de su Poblacin y Vivienda, Vol. 1,
Aguascalientes a Guerrero (Mexico, D.F. Direccin General de Estadstica,
!973J, pp. 3-295, passim. Hereafter this work will be cited as Locali
dades: lQJO. This work, Volume 1 of three volumes, contains some 80G
pages; consequently it may not be considered that the foregoing lisp is
exhaustive for the nation. (The writer assumes "n.e." in the list to
"an "no especificado").
7Ibid., pp. XIII-XIV

65
Chihuahua, there were eight such localidades known in three municipios,
involving a total of forty-five persons and ten dwellings. In the opin
ion of the researcher, there may have been more.
Another problem is the separate reporting of localidades or sub
divisions which are really part of an urbanized area. An example given
of this is Cuautla, Morelos, which was enumerated as having 13,9^6
inhabitants. Its urbanized area, however, contained eight localidades
which were separately enumerated. When these were added to the popula
tion of the town to which they properly belonged, its population was
increased to 52,248.
Finally, the Director General notes that some large localidades
may have had small increments in their population, but that these may
have been included, statistically, in the enumeration of other localidades
in such a way that the increment was not credited to the growth of the
larger place. The example reported is Piedras Negras, Coahuila (the
only place of its type for which clear cartographic evidence existed),
which was not credited with 20,000 persons (one-fourth of its total
population). These latter two problems were not reported for Chihuahua,
Q
but it may not safely be assumed that they did not occur. To the con-
trary, the writer is of the belief that such events did, indeed, occur
in Chihuahua.
In the Republic of Mexico in 1970 about half of the population
(49.9 percent) lived in places of fewer than 5>000 inhabitants. There
were 97>58o localidades in the nation in 1970. Of these, 55>650 (or
57 percent) had fewer than 100 inhabitants. Another 28,055 (28.8 per-
' ^Tbid.

66
cent) had between 100 and 499 inhabitants. Thus, it is seen that 86
percent of all localidades in the nation had fewer than 500 residents.
This 86 percent of the total number of localidades contained 17*4 per
cent of the total population of the nation. Conversely, only 0.07
percent of the localidades in the nation had as many as 50,000 persons,
yet 28.2 percent of the total population resided in such places.
The mean size of localidad in the nation was 494 persons. This
figure includes all localidades of all sizes. Among the 55*650
localidades which had under 100 inhabitants, the mean size was only
twenty-six persons.
The localidades of fewer than 5*000 persons, which contained 49-9
percent of the total population, constituted 99 percent of all
localidades in the nation, which means that the other half of the
Mexican population lived in only one percent of the localidades. The
9
data are shown in detail in Table V-l.
Chihuahua, the largest Mexican state in area, had 1,612,525
inhabitants according to the 1970 census of population. In popula
tion size, it ranked tenth in the nation, exceeded by the Distrito
Federal and the states of Mexico, Veracruz, Jalisco, Puebla, Michoacn,
9Unless otherwise indicated, materials in all tables were com
piled and computed from data drawn from Estados Unidos Mexicanos,
IX Censo General de Poblacin, 1970* 28 de enero de 1970 (Mxico,
D.F.: Direccin General de Estadstica, 1971 and 1972). National
data were drawn from the Resumen General, and most state data were
taken from the volume entitled Estado de Chihuahua. In order to
reduce the complexity of and space consumed by citations at the base
of each table, the above sources will simply be referred to as
Resumen General: 1970 and Chihuahua: 1970 Similar notations will
he used when data from 1950 and i960 are referred to. In each case,
the source tables within the census volume will be noted, and complete
citations will be found in the Bibliography.

67
TABLE V-l
POPULATION, PERCENT OF TOTAL, CUMULATIVE PERCENTAGE
AND MEAN POPULATION BY SIZE OF LOCALIDAD
IN MEXICO AND CHIHUAHUA, 1970
Entity and Size Localidades of Population in Localidades
of Localidad
Each
Size
of Each
Size
Number
Percent
Number
Percent
Cumulative
Mean
of Total
Percent
Population
Mexico3,
97,580
100.0
48,225,238
100.0
..
494
1-99
55,650
57.0
1,471,154
3-1
3.1
26
100-499
28,055
28.8
6,889,077
14.3
17.4
246
500-999
7,473
7-7
5,190,166
10.8
28.2
695
1,000-2,499
4,232
4.3
6,366,285
13.2
41.4
1,504
2,500-4,999
1,201
1.2
4,129,872
8.6
50.0
3,439
5,000-9,999
539
0.6
3,764,208
7.8
57-8
6,984
10,000-19,999
248
0.3
3,409,846
7.1
64.9
13,749
20,000-29,999
65
0.1
1,531,569
3.1
68.0
23,563
30,000-39,999
30
*
1,015,827
2.1
70.1
33,861
40,000-49,999
19
*
858,422
1.8
71.9
45,180
50,000-74,999
21
*
1,242,173
2.6
74.5
59,151
75,000-99,999
13
*
1,114,396
2.3
76.8
85,723
100,000-249,999
24
*
3,735,336
7-7
84.5
155,639
250,000-499,999
6
*
1,971,794
4.1
88.6
328,632
500,000 & over
4
*
5,535,113
11.5
100.1
1,107,022
Chihuahua^3
5,403
100.0
1,612,525
100.0
298
1-99
4,003
74.1
86,618
5.4
5.4
22
100-499
1,117
20.7
251,454
15.6
21.0
225
500-999
165
3*1
111,778
6.9
27.9
677
1,000-2,499
75
1.4
107,419
6.7
34.6
1,432
2,500-4,999
24
0.4
82,963
5.1
39-7
3,457
5,000-9,999
6
0.1
44,o4o
2.7
42.4
7,340
10,000-19,999
6
0.1
83,140
5.2
47.6
13,857
20,000-29,999
J
0.1
70,651
4.4
52.0
23,550
50,000-74,999
2
*
110,065
6.8
58.8
55,033
250,000 & over
2
*
664,397
41.2
100.0
332,199
* indicate
s more than zero but ;
less than 0.
05.
Source:
aResumen
General: !
1970, Table
2.
^Chihua]iua: 1970 > Table 2.

68
Guanajuato, Oaxaca, and Nuevo Le8n in that order.
Chihuahua's 247,087 square kilometers represent about 12.6 per
cent of the total national territory, whereas its 1970 population was
but 3-3 percent of the national total. The calculation of an index
number of the relationship between area and population size shows that
the state had only slightly more than one-fourth of its pro rata share
(26.2 percent) of the national population in that year. However,
despite its small population relative to area, Chihuahua contained
two municipios which ranked sixth and eighth in their number of inhabi
tants in the nation. These were municipios Juarez and Chihuahua,
respectively.^"*"
In 1970, the population density of Chihuahua was 6.5 persons per
square kilometer as compared with 24.6 for the nation as a whole.
Within the state, population densities ranged from 0.49 persons per
square kilometer in municipio Coyame in the eastern desert portion of
the state to 191.4 in municipio Delicias in the south. The calculation
of index numbers for these figures produces 7*5 for the pro rata share
of the state's population in Coyame, but 2,842.9 for that of Delicias,
based on the share each had of the total area of the state.
So sparsely populated was much of the state that only seventeen
of the sixty-seven municipios (25-4 percent) had a population density
greater than that of the state as a whole. These seventeen municipios
^Estados Unidos Mexicanos, IX Censo General de Poblacin, 1970?
28 de enero de 1970jReaumen General (Mxico, D.F. : Direccin General
de Estadstica, 1972), Table 2. Hereafter this work will be cited as
Resumen Genera],: 197'1
^Estados Unidos Mexicanos, Anuario Estadstico de los Estados
Unidos Mexicanos; 1968-1969 (Mexico, D.F.: Direccin General de
Estadstica, 1971), Table 2:13.

69
had a combined population of 1,085,549 persons, or 67.3 percent of the
total, but they had only l8 percent of the total area. Moreover, five
of these municipios were the most populous in the state, and together
contained 894,100 persons, or 55*^ percent of the total population, but
only 7.8 percent of the area. The foregoing data are shown in Table V-2.
There were 5*^03 localidades in the state, of which 4,003, or 74.1
percent had fewer than 100 inhabitants, and several hundreds of these
12
had fewer than ten persons living in them. Obviously, most localidades
in Chihuahua have very small populations, and many of them contain no
more than a family or two.
At the other extreme of size of place, as also shown in Table V-l,
less than one-half of one percent of all localidades had more than
50,000 persons but these, combined, contained 48 percent of the Chihuahuan
population. This may be compared with the 5^120 localidades (95 percent
of the total) with fewer than 500 inhabitants, but only 21 percent of
the total population.
In most size categories, the average sizes of localidades were
roughly comparable at state and national levels. The arithmetic mean
of population in places with less than 100 persons was twenty-six in
the nation and twenty-two in the state. Similarly, those places with
populations between 100 and 499 bad a mean population of 246 in the
nation and 225 in the state. Continuing the comparison shows a slight
tendency for the national figures to be only slightly larger -- i.e.,
the mean population of localidades of each size category was slightly
greater at the national than at the state level -- in most categories.
1Cf. Localidades: 1970. ff.

70
Certain categories of population sizes were not represented in Chi
huahua; the most important of these is that none of the four Mexican
localidades with more than a half-million inhabitants was in Chihuahua.
These data are presented in Table V-l.
The Major Municipios
The five most populous municipios in Chihuahua which, as noted
above, had 55*4 percent of the state's population, are designated as
"major municipios" in the present research. In descending order, they
are Juarez (424,135 persons), Chihuahua (277*099); Cuauhtemoc (66,856),
Delicias (64,193)* and Hidalgo de Parral (61,817). Each of these municip
ios had a population density greater than that of the state as a whole.
One of the five, Delicias, with an area of 335*4 square kilometers, was
the smallest in the state in area, but had the greatest population dens
ity (191.4 persons per square kilometer). The population density of
Juarez was 87*4, that of Hidalgo de Parral was 35*3* that of Chihuahua
was 30.1, and that of CuauhteTnoc was 22.2 persons per square kilometer.
In terms of their proportions of the state's population, Juarez had
26.3 percent; Chihuahua (the municipio which contains the capital of
the state) had 17.2 percent; Cuauhte'moc, 4.2 percent; Delicias, 4 per
cent; and Hidalgo de Parral, 3*8 percent. (See Table V-2.)
With the exception of Cuauhte'moc, each of the five major municip
ios had one major city and a large number of smaller places with var
ious designations mentioned above. Table V-3 shows that in each of the
major municipios the majority of the inhabitants lived in places of
2,500 persons or more. This figure represents the dividing line with
respect to definitions of rural and urban, according to the Direccin
General de Estadstica.

71
TABLE V-2
POPULATION, TOTALS AND BY SEX; MEDIAN AGE, POPULATION DENSITY AND INDEX
NUMBERS FOR POPULATION BASED ON DENSITY FOR ALL MUNICIPIOS, CHIHUAHUA, 1970
Municipio
Total
Population
Males
Median
Age
Females
Density
# Persons
Km2
Index of
Population
of state
area = 100
State Totals
1,612,525
812,649
799,876
16.1
6.53
100.0
Ahumada
10,400
5,922
4,478
15.2
0.61
9-3
Aldama
13,349
7,450
5,899
15.5
1.36
20.9
Allende
11,182
6,055
5,127
l6.6
4.52
69.0
Aquiles Serdn
5,056
2,652
2,4o4
15.3
7-77
119.2
Ascension
9,316
4,913
4,403
15-3
0.85
13.0
Bachiniva
9,237
4,769
4,468
15.5
5.46
86.4
Baile za
13,244
6,407
6,837
l6.4
1.87
28.7
Batopilas
8,854
4,602
4,252
l6.8
4.29
65.5
Bocoyna
17,074
8,692
8,382
16.7
6.09
93.8
Buenaventura
14,924
6,999
7,925
15-7
1.67
25.7
Camargo
36,222
18,752
17,470
15.7
2.25
34.6
Carichic
9,217
4,725
4,492
17.1
3.31
50.4
Casas Grandes
8,832
4,720
4,112
15.3
2.37
36.4
Coronado
2,898
1,577
1,321
l6.1
1.65
25.4
Coyame
3,830
2,i44
1,686
16.3
0.49
7.5
Cruz, La
3,884
2,016
1,868
l6.0
3-75
57-1
Cuauhtemoc
66,856
33,987
32,869
l4.8
22.15
340.2
Cusihuiriachic
8,768
4,774
3,994
15.4
4.84
74.0
Chihuahua
277,099
137,274
139,825
17.O
30.06
46o.6
Chinipas
7,453
3,84i
3,612
17.0
3.27
50.0
Delicias
Doctor Belsario
64,193
31,834
32,359
15.2
191-38
2842.9
Dominguez
7,370
3,826
3,544
17.1
11.58
176.9
Galeana
1,838
958
880
14.5
1.20
17.7
General Trias
6,595
3,413
3,182
15.6
6.34
97.6
Gomez Farias
9,305
4,663
4,642
15.5
9.43
145.0
Gran Morelos
7,253
3,440
3,813
17.2
17.10
264.7
Guachochi
16,192
7,942
8,250
16.8
3.73
5 6.8
Guadalupe
9,593
4,934
4,659
15.9
1.55
23.5
Guadalupe y Calvo
29,053
14,074
14,979
14.7
3.17
48.5
Guazapares
7,512
4,082
3,430
16.1
3.50
54.0
Guerrero
35,877
18,774
17,103
15.6
6.40
97-8
Hidalgo de Parral
61,817
30,l4l
31,676
16.6
35-30
539-4
Huejotitn
2,737
1,126
1,611
15.0
5.97
89.5
lanado Zaragoza
Janos
Jimenez
Juarez
Julimes
Lopez
Madera
Maguarichic
Manuel Benavides
Matachic
9,742
5,169
4,573
15.1
4.57
69.8
7,028
3,683
3,345
14.5
1.01
15.7
27,635
14,422
13,213
15.4
2.50
38.2
424,135
209,053
215,082
16.3
87.38
1341.8
5,639
3,059
2/580
17.6
2.04
89.:
5,163
2,571
2,592
16.2
3.92
6o.4
29,915
15,087
14,828
15.0
3.67
56.4
1,475
5,167
766
2,747
709
2,420
17.9
15.8
1-57
1.62
23.7
24.8
5,521
2,888
2,633
15.3
6.18
94.4

72
TABLE V-2 (CONTINUED)
Municipio Population Median Density Index of
Total
Males
Females
Age # Persons
Km2
Population
$> of state
area = 100
Matamoros
5,965
3,124
2,841
15.4
5.23
80.4
Meoqui
28,l60
14,129
14,031
l6.1
76.12
II66.7
Morelos
6,517
3,382
3,135
15.4
4.88
74.1
Moris
5,458
2,796
2,662
l6.0
2.46
37-8
Namiquipa
28,876
15,457
13,419
14.7
6.85
105.3
Nonoava
4,043
2,005
2,038
16.2
1.50
22.9
Nuevo Casas Grandes
30,703
15,658
15,045
15.8
14.82
226.2
Ocampo
5,135
2,608
2,527
15.6
2.52
38.6
Ojinaga
25,560
13,192
12,368
l6.1
2.69
41.3
Prxedis G. Guerrero
7,950
3,644
4,306
l6.4
9.83
148.5
Riva Palacio
10,836
5,681
5,155
13.4
4.48
68.4
Rosales
10,748
5,933
4,815
15.0
6.26
95.7
Rosario
4,992
2,557
2,435
14.8
2.80
43.1
San Francisco
de Borja
4,6i6
2,506
2,110
15-1
4.10
63.0
San Francisco
de Conchos
3,817
2,033
1,784
14.9
3.27
51.1
San Francisco
del Oro
13,708
7,028
6,680
14.6
19.71
303.6
Santa Barbara
19,862
10,199
9,663
l4.6
46.82
723.5
Satevo
8,738
4,711
4,027
15.0
4.00
61.8
Saucillo
29,730
15,179
14,551
14.7
14.05
214.0
Temosachic
8,475
4,415
4,o6o
14.7
1.58
24.4
Tule, El
3,476
l,74l
1,735
14.8
8.49
129.4
Urique
12,581
6,524
6,057
14.8
3.17
368.4
Urachic
7,900
3,972
3,928
14.9
2.58
39-5
Valle de Zaragoza
6,229
3,252
2,977
14.7
1.49
23.1
Source:
Chihuahua:
1970, Table 1

TABLE V- 3
THE MAJOR MUNICIPIOS: POPULATION TOTALS, PERCENT OF TOTALS, MEAN POPULATION
AND SEX RATIOS BY SIZE OF LOCALIDAD AND PERCENT OF LOCALIDADES OF EACH SIZE, 1970
Municipio & Size Localidades of
of Localidad
Each
Size
Population
Persons of Each Sex
Number
Percent
Number
Percent
of Total
Cumulative
Percent
Mean
Population
Males
Female s
Sex
Ratio
Cuauhtemoc
135
99-9
86,856
100.0
--
495
33,987
32,869
103.4
1-99
37
27-4
1,216
1.8
1.8
33
6o4
612
98.7
100-499
88
65.2
21,222
31-7
33-5
241
10,713
10,509
101.9
500-999
6
4.4
3,737
5.6
39-1
623
1,948
1,789
108.9
1,000-2,499
2
1.5
3,197
4.8
43.9
1,599
1,563
1,634
95-7
10,000-19,999
1
0.7
10,886
16.3
60.2
10,886
5,687
5,199
109.4
20,000-29,999
1
0.7
26,598
39-8
100.0
26,598
13,472
13,126
102.6
Chihuahua
78
100.0
277,099
100.0

3,553
137,274
139,835
98.2
1-99
21
26.9
1,040
0.4
0.4
50
553
487
113-6
100-499
47
60.3
10,575
3-8
4.2
225
5,748
4,827
119.1
500-999
6
7.7
3,992
1.4
5.6
665
2,251
l,74l
129.3
1,000-2,499
3
3.8
4,465
1.6
7.2
1,488
2,295
2,170
105.8
250,000-499,999
l
1.3
257,027
92.8
100.0
257,027
126,427
130,600
9.8
Delicias
383
100.0
64,193
100.1
--
168
31,834
32,359
98.4
1-99
365
95.3
5,944
9.3
9.3
16
3,209
2,735
117-3
100-499
12
3.1
2,352
3.7
13.0
196
l,l64
1,188
98.0
500-999
4
1.0
2,44i
3.8
16.8
610
l,l8l
1,260
93-7
1,000-2,499
l
0.3
1,010
1.6
18.4
1,010
521
489
106.5
50,000-74,999
l
0.3
52,446
81.7
100.1
52,446
25,759
26,687
96.5
Hidalgo de Parral
122
100.0
61,817
100.0
--
507
30,l4i
31,676
95.2
1-99
112
91.8
2,599
4.2
4.2
23
1,392
1,207
115.3
100-499
9
7.4
1,599
2.6
6.8
178
824
775
106.3
50,000-74,999
1
0.8
57,619
93.2
100.0
57,619
27,925
29,694
94.0
Juarez
57
100.0
421,135
100.0
--
7,44l
209,503
215,082
97.2
1-99
45
78.9
522
0.1
0.1
12
257
265
97-0
100-499
2
3.5
836
0.2
0.3
4i8
4i6
420
99.0
500-999
4
7.0
2,779
0.7
1.0
695
1,382
1,397
98.9
1,000-2,499
3
5.3
4,615
1.1
2.1
1,538
2,367
2,248
105.3
2,500-4,999
2
3.5
8,013
1.9
4.0
4,007
3,975
4,038
98.4
250,000-499,999
1
1.8
407,370
96.0
100.0
407,370
200,656
206,714
97-1
Source: Chihuahua:
1970, Table 2.

74
In four of the five major municipios, the population was highly
concentrated in the capital city of the municipio. In the case of
municipio Jurez, where this concentration was greatest, 96 percent of
the municipio population was found in Ciudad Juarez. In municipios
Chihuahua and Hidalgo de Parral, the concentration in the major city
was only slightly less -- 93 percent in each. In Delicias, 82 percent
of the population was thus concentrated.
Only in municipio Cuauhtemoc, among the five major municipios, was
the population more evenly dispersed. This municipio had 32 percent of
its population, or 21,222 persons, residing in eighty-eight localidades
which ranged in size from 100 through 499 persons and one-third of its
population dwelt in places of less than 500 persons. Cuauhtmoc had no
localidad as large as 30,000 people. Its urban population was found in
two centers, one having about 27,000, the other nearly 11,000 residents.
(See Table V-3)
Except for Cuauhtemoc, then, the large population size of the major
municipios derived principally from the size of the dominant city of the
municipio. The population density of the outlying localidades would be,
of course, very much lower than that of the entire municipio.
Hot only was population highly concentrated into one large localidad
in four of the five major municipios, but extremes of dispersion prevailed
in the rest of each municipio as is well illustrated by conditions in
municipio Delicias. Table V-3 shows that in 1970> this municipio had
383 localidades, or almost as many as the other four major municipios
combined. Of these, 365, or 95 percent of the total, had populations which
were within the size range of one to ninety-nine persons. These localidades
had a mean population of only sixteen persons each. The 5.>499 persons

75
who lived in such places constituted only ^ percent of the total popu
lation of the municipio, whereas the 52,476 persons who lived in the
municipio capital amounted to 82 percent.
One of the smallest mean populations in the state was found in
localidades which ranged from one to ninety-nine persons in municipio
Juarez. This was twelve persons per localidad despite the fact that
Juarez had the largest population and the largest city of any municipio
in the state. These data are given in Table V-3*
Minor Municipios
The five most populous municipios have been designated above as
"major municipios;" in this research the term "minor municipios" will
refer to the other sixty-two municipios of Chihuahua. As one would
expect, these municipios differed widely among themselves, and obviously,
some of them are in very thinly settled desert locations. Three of them
averaged fewer than one person per square kilometer; in one -- Coyame --
the density was lower than one person for two square kilometers. In
some respects, perhaps the least typical minor municipio is Meoqui.
Although it had one extremely small localidad, and contained the rela
tively small number of twenty-four localidades, it had an overall popula
tion density exceeding that of three of the major municipios. Meoqui is
situated immediately adjacent to densely populated Delicias.
The mean number of inhabitants in the municipios of the state was
24,068 in 197 An array of municipios by size of population results in
a highly unequal distribution around the mean since only fifteen (22.4 per
cent) had populations greater than the mean. The median population for
municipios of the state was 8,832 or a little greater than one-third of the
mean. These data may be calculated from those presented in Table V-2.

CHAPTER VI
THE CHARACTERISTICS OF THE POPULATION
The second major area in a study of population is the division of
that population into socially significant categories, and the interpreta
tion of the composition thus revealed by the use of ratios, proportions,
and index numbers. The number of characteristics which could be consid
ered as socially significant for some purpose may be nearly infinite.
However, in the study of population, and particularly in the analysis of
population dynamics, some characteristics, determinants or correlates of
basic social expectations and roles, are fundamental. These include sex,
age, race, rural or urban residence, occupation, income, and education.
(Religion would be a factor in an area characterized by religious hetero
geneity, but since such an overwhelmingly large proportion of the popu
lation of Mexico is at least nominally Catholic, it was felt that an
inclusion of this characteristic in the present work would needlessly
lengthen it.) In the present chapter, each of these characteristics is
discussed. In all known societies, both present and historical, much of
the differential allocation of tasks and roles among the members of
society -- Durkheim's "division of labor" -- is based on the societal
perceptions of the significance of some of these characteristics.
Sex
The division of labor by sex is one of the most basic and common
forms of social differentiation. Sex is one of the most immutable of
one's ascribed characteristics. Gender is noted at birth, and many of
the roles of a lifetime are thereby determined. To be sure, some persons
7 6

77
oppose the social ascription of functions by sex, noting that with the
exception of the basic reproductive division of labor, the sex-linkage
of most functions in the modern world is both unnecessary and discrimina
tory. Such persons may be quite correct in this claim. Even so, for
the vast majority of the peoples of the earth, sex remains an important
determinant of social roles. As W. I. Thomas remarked in his famous
"definition of the situation," "if men define situations as real, they
are real in their consequence." Concerning Mexico and Chihuahua, the
researcher feels quite confident in designating sex as a salient social
characteristic of the population.
The sex distribution of a population has a number of implications
for a society, both empirical and speculative. Empirically, relation
ships can be established between the relative proportions of men and
women in a population and its birth rate, death rate, types of occupa
tions, crime rates, preferred consumer articles, rates of marriage and
remarriage, and probably many others. Speculatively, unequal distribu
tions of men and women in societies have sometimes been cited as being
the reason for the "wild and wooly" life of frontier areas, and the
"softening influence" of the presence of the "gentle sex" has occupied
the romantic literature of many societies. How valid such speculations
may be is not of concern in the present research.
National and State Data
The relative numbers of males and females in a population is com
monly expressed as the sex ratio: the number of males for every 100
females. The measure is not without some disadvantages, since a high or
low sex ratio may appear more significant than it is in reality if the
numbers involved are small. For example, in a small population of 127

78
men and 132 women (an absolute difference of five persons, or only 2
percent) the sex ratio is 96.2, which is lower than was that of the
United States in 1970- In 1970 there were 24,065,6l4 males in the
Republic of Mexico and 24,159.>624 females, yielding a sex ratio of 99*6
(see Table VI-l).
In most nations, urban and rapidly urbanizing areas tend to have
low sex ratios, and rural (and in particular, frontier) areas tend to be
characterized by high sex ratios. Mexico illustrated this generality;
in 1970 the lowest sex ratio among the federal entities (93-4) was in
the national capital, and the highest sex ratios were found in the two
federal territories, Baja California Sur (105.3) and- Quintana Roo
(107.7).X
When the sex ratios by five-year age groups are plotted for Mexico,
the graph obtained conforms, in general, to the "S" shape typical of
n
that of populations in which faulty age-reporting appears. In the
United States the typical curve is also "S" shaped. Starting with the
usual sex ratio at birth of about 105, it declines slightly during the
first fifteen years of life. This decline becomes greater after age
fifteen to reach a sex ratio of approximately ninety-seven between the
ages of about twenty to thirty, from which point it again increases to
an adult maximum of slightly more than one hundred in the middle years.
iResumen General: 1970. Table 1.
^T. Lynn Smith, Fundamentals of Population Study (Chicago: J. B.
Lippincott Co., i960) pp. 182-189. Smith notes (p. 188) that the errors
of age-reporting by sex destroy much of the utility of sex ratios in the
study of patterns of migration.

TABLE VI-1
POPULATION, TOTALS AND BY SEX, SEX RATIOS BY SIZE OF LOCALIDAD,
AND NUMBER OF LOCALIDADES OF EACH SIZE IN MEXICO AND CHIHUAHUA, 1970
79
Entity and. Size Localidades of Number of Inhabitants Sex
of Localidad Each Size Total Males Females Ratio
Mexico0,
97,580
48,225,238
24,065,614
24,159,624
99^6
1-99
55,650
1,471,154
767,375
703,779
109.0
100-499
28,055
6,889,077
3,542,809
3,346,268
105.9
500-999
7,473
5,190,166
2,650,494
2,539,672
104.4
1,000-2,499
4,232
6,366,285
3,222,022
3,144,263
102.5
2,500-4,999
1,201
4,129,872
2,070,168
2,059,704
100.5
5,000-9,999
539
3,764,208
1,869,571
1,894,637
98.7
10,000-19,999
248
3,409,846
1,673,943
1,735,903
96.4
20,000-29,999
65
1,531,569
754,621
776,948
97-1
30,000-39,999
30
1,015,827
495,729
520,098
95-3
40,000-49,999
19
858,422
423,494
434,928
97-4
50,000-74,999
21
1,242,173
612,366
629,807
97-2
75,000-99,999
13
1,114,396
538,704
575,692
93.6
100,000-249,999
24
3,735,336
1,815,338
1,919,998
94.5
250,000-499,999
6
1,971,794
968,013
1,003,781
96.4
500,000 and over
4
5,535,113
2,660,967
2,874,146
92.6
Chihuahua0
5,403
1,612,525
812,649
799,876
101.6
1-99
4,003
86,618
45,508
4i,iio
110.7
100-499
1,117
251,454
131,248
120,206
109.2
500-999
165
111,778
58,631
53,147
110.3
1,000-2,499
75
107,415
54,749
52,670
103.9
2,500-4,999
24
82,963
4i,24o
41,723
98.8
5,000-9,999
6
44,o4o
23,104
20,936
110.4
10,000-19,999
6
83,140
42,562
40,578
104.9
20,000-29,999
3
70,651
34,840
35,811
97-3
50,000-74,999
2
110,065
53,684
56,381
95-2
250,000 and over
2
664,397
327,083
337,314
97-0
Source: 8
Resumen General:
1970, Table
2.
t
'Chihuahua: 1970,
Table 2.

8o
3
Later, it again declines as a result of greater male mortality.
Observations of the distribution of sex ratios by five-year age
groups in Mexico (as seen in Figure 1 and in Table VI-2) shows a some
what similar pattern, with some important differences. In Mexico, the
"S" shape shows an increase instead of the expected decrease in sex
ratios in the ages younger than fifteen, a deeper "dip" in the productive
years, and two peaks of high sex ratios in the mature years.
From a sex ratio of 103*4 in the age group 0-4, there is an in
crease in the sex ratio to a maximum of 104.7 by age group 10-14. To
account for such a change in sex ratios in any way other than error in
age reporting requires an assumption of emigration of females or immi
gration of males. It would be difficult to state with any degree of
certainty that such differences resulted from selective migration by
persons of these age groups. However, it might be possible to find
evidence (and this is speculative) that there may be some tendency for
young females to overstate their age in order to obtain employment. The
writer knows of several girls of eleven or twelve who work as domestic
servants; he does not know if they overstated their age in order to get
these jobs. Still, this is not felt to be of sufficient magnitude to
account for the deviations observed from what is usually seen in human
populations.
After age fifteen, the sex ratio declines sharply on the graph in
the 15-19 age group, to 97-2, and to a markedly lower level -- 91*8 -- for
the 20-24 ages, at which time the direction of the curve is reversed. In
the United States, Smith (q.v., loc. cit.) attributes this phenomenon to
3lbid.

sex ratio
a9e source: Resumen General 1970. Table 5: Chihuahua: 1970. Table 3
FIGURE 1
SEX RATIO BY FIVE YEAR AGE GROUPS IN THE
REPUBLIC OF MEXICO AND THE STATE OF CHIHUAHUA, 1970
CD
H

82
TABLE VI-2
NUMBER AND PERCENT OF POPULATION IN EACH AGE -
SEX GROUP AND SEX RATIOS BY AGE, MEXICO, 1970
Republic of Total Population Male Population Female Population Sex
Mexico Number Percent Number Percent Number Percent Ratios
of Total of Total
All Ages
48,225,238
24,065,614
49.9
24,159,624
50.1
99-6
0-4
8,167,510
16.9
4,151,517
8.6
4,015,993
8.3
103.4
5-9
7,722,996
16.0
3,934,729
8.2
3,788,267
7-9
103.9
10-14
6,396,174
13.3
3,271,115
6.8
3,125,059
6.5
104.7
15-19
5,054,391
10.5
2,491,047
5-2
2,56;j 344
5.3
97-2
20-24
4,032,341
8.4
1,930,300
4.0
2,102,041
4.4
91.8
25-29
3,260,418
6.8
1,575,414
3-3
1,685,004
3.5
93.5
30-34
2,596,263
5.4
1,285,461
2.7
1,310,802
2.7
98.1
35-39
2,511,647
5.2
1,235,283
2.6
1,276,364
2.6
96.8
40-44
1,933,340
4.0
959,^77
2.0
973,863
2.0
98.5
45-49
1,637,018
3.4
829,719
1-7
807,299
1.7
102.8
50-54
1,192,043
2.5
589,788
1.2
602,255
1.2
97.9
55-59
1,011,859
2.1
501,529
1.0
510,330
1.1
98.3
60-64
917,853
1-9
451,069
0.9
466,784
1.0
96.6
65-69
702,563
1.5
345,379
0.7
357,184
0.7
96.7
70-74
488,253
1.0
242,008
0.5
246,245
0.5
98.3
75-79
252,648
0.5
119,571
0.2
133,077
0.3
89.9
80-84
180,934
0.4
80,738
0.2
100,196
0.2
80.6
85 and. over
166,987
0.3
71,470
0.1
95,517
0.2
74.8
Source: Resumen General: 1970. Table 5

83
the tendency of women to understate their age. It cannot be assumed
that a similar mechanism is not acting to reduce these sex ratios in
Mexico, but the extent of that reduction would require more "cheating" than
seems to be reasonably expected. An alternative, and partial, explana
tion with some empirical support is the exodus of relatively large numbers
of young men to the United States for purposes of employment. While many
of these are legal entrants, a much larger number of immigrants to the
United States probably are the result of illegal entries across the many
miles of virtually unguarded border. The numbers of such illegal immi
grants is unknown, but estimates are very large.^
^According to a reported interview with Leonard F. Chapman, Jr.,
Commissioner of the Immigration and Naturalization Service of the United
States, an estimated 800,000 illegal immigrants were apprehended in the
United States during fiscal year 9'(b, and the number is expected to
reach 1,000,000 during fiscal year 1975 What is more, this figure is
estimated to represent between one- to two-thirds of the total number of
illegal entrants into the country, and perhaps as many as 90 percent of
those persons are from Mexico. According to the source, Commissioner
Chapman also reports estimates of the numbers of illegal aliens (again,
mostly Mexicans) presently residing in the United States as being between
two and ten million, and "the number is growing every day." (U.S. News
and World Report, LXXVII:4, July 22, 1974, pp. 27-30.)
The present researcher has talked with a number of persons, gen
erally men, who have told him that they have come from the interior of
the nation (although most from the northern states, and from rural areas)
now living in Ciudad Jurez, who intend to make their way, legally or
illegally, into the United States. Cf. also Ellwyn R. Stoddard, Illegal
Mexican Labor in the Borderlands: Institutionalized Support of an Unlaw
ful Practice(San Francisco:A paper presented at the annual meeting of
the American Sociological Association in August, 1975-
Cf. also, Jos Hernandez Alvarez, "A Demographic Profile of the Mex
ican Immigrant to the United States, 1910-1950/' Journal of InterAmerican
Studies, 8, July, 1966, pp. 471-496. Herein the author notes that "Dur-
ing the first half of the present century, about one million Mexicans
were involved in a singular instance of large-scale entry into the United
Stales."
See also Floyd Dotson, "Disminucin de la Poblacin Mexicana en los
Estados Unidos de Acuerdo con el Censo de 1950," Revista Mexicana de
Sociologa. XVII: 1, Jan.-Apr. 1955, PP 151-169, and Leo Grebler, et
Si, ifexican Immigration to the United States: The Record and Its Implica
d-i0113 ('Los Angeles: University of California, Graduate School of Business

84
Inspection of the data presented in Table VI-2 and Figure 1 shows
that following the minimum sex ratio which appears at age group 20-24,
the sex ratio increases to 93*5 in ages 25-29, and to 98*1; 96.8, and
98.5 by ages 30-34, 35-39* and 40-44, respectively. The small peak which
appears at age group 30-34 perhaps can be explained by the researcher's
observation that it is difficult for men to obtain new employment other
than menial, after age forty. If such a situation does prevail, it seems
reasonable that men approaching this age would tend to understate their
ages, while those already employed would be more likely to state their
ages correctly.
The highest sex ratio among adults in the national population is seen
in Figure 1 at age group 45-49, with a second peak at age group 70-7^*
These are difficult to explain, and any explanations offered would be
merely speculative. Each requires some factor which reduces the propor
tion of women or increases that of men. It is not necessary that these be
the same factor The factors to be considered are, again, emigration of
women, immigration of men, or error in the data. Immigration is not an
important factor in the population growth of Mexico, nor has it been in
the past century, although there has been a small influx of Mennonites
and Mormons, perhaps fleeing persecution in the United States. Mexico
has also provided a haven for refugees created by political and ideolog
ical struggles elsewhere in the world, both in Europe and in other Latin
Administration, Division of Research, Mexican-American Study Project,
Advance Report 2, "Preliminary and Subject to Revision," January, 1966),
Passim. The latter work reports that 429,513 immigrant visas were issued
to Mexicans between 1955 and 1984, of which 75*919 (l7*7 percent) were
issued by the Ciudad Juarez United States Consular District.

85
American countries. Surely the most famous modern refugee who sought
Mexican residence was Leon Trotsky. This function of Mexico has attracted
well-known individuals and has yielded news coverage of Mexico as a
haven, but this function of the nation has consistently been more quali
tative than quantitative. Wo mass entries of refugees have occurred suf
ficient in size to alter the demographic structure of the nation appre
ciably. An emigration of large numbers of Mexicans in the first third
of the present century, as reported by Hernandez Alvarez^ and the remain
ing in the U.S. of women when male migrants returned to Mexico might
conceivably be a partial explanation. Inspection of the U.S. Census
Subject Reports, however, shows nothing out of the ordinary regarding
sex ratios of persons of Spanish surname which would indicate any particu
lar excess of women, born in Mexico, now residing in the United States of
ages 45-49 or 70-74-unless, of course, large numbers (the majority)
had married men without a Spanish surname. This is highly improbable.
Another alternative which, theoretically, could account for the
reduction in the proportion of women in the population at those ages is
differential mortality, but this, of course, runs counter to what is
known of mortality. It certainly is difficult to accept as a reasonable
proposition that women of such select ages would have excessively high
mortality while others of nearby ages would be spared. Consequently, the
^0p. cit. He states that the number of immigrants to the United
States declined during the decade of the 1930's, and many persons returned
to Mexico during this period. He also reports that Mexican immigration
never returned to its pre-Depression levels.
£
U.S. Bureau of the Census, Census of Population, 1970? Subject Re-
PC(2) ID, Persons of Spanish Surname (Washington, D.C.: U.S.
over rune nt Printing Office, 1973), Table 6~. Note that the data herein
refer only to the five southwestern states.

86
researcher is unable to explain this phenomenon., which is made all the
more intriguing because this pattern, as Figure 1 shows, appears in
Chihuahua to a degree even more pronounced than in the nation as a whole.
For Chihuahua, Table VI-3 and Figure 1 demonstrate similarities
between the populations of the state and nation with respect to sex
structure by age, with the important difference that the sex ratio in
the state is generally higher than that of the nation as a whole. Es
pecially is this true after age forty-four. As with the national popu
lation, the researcher is unable to explain the phenomenon. So high is
the sex ratio of the state after the middle years that it seems that
there may be some reason other than simple error in the data, although
error probably coexists with whatever is producing the abnormally high
sex ratios. The very fact that the state is of importance in the ex
tractive industries conceivably could account for some of the excess of
males, although the proportion of the labor force in these industries is
not large enough, alone, to account for such an excess of middle-aged men.
(Extractive industries ordinarily, one presumes, employ young men in
largest numbers.) To investigate further possibilities would require
research far beyond the scope of the present undertaking.
The Major Municipios
Among the major municipios, Jurez and Cuauhtemoc were at opposite
extremes in the internal distribution of sex ratios by size of place
(group data). Juarez, reflecting the usual urban pattern of low sex
ratios had a sex ratio greater than 100 only in its localidades of from
1,000 to 2,499 persons. In general, localidades both smaller and larger
had sex ratios of less than 100. Conversely, in Cuauhtemoc, sex ratios

87
TABLE VI-3
NUMBER AND PERCENT OF POPULATION IN EACH AGE -
SEX GROUP AND SEX RATIOS BY AGE, STATE OF CHIHUAHUA: 1970
State of Total Population Male Population Female Population Sex
Chihuahua Number Percent Number Percent Number Percent Ratios
of Total of Total
All Ages
1,612,525
100.0
812,649
50.4
799,876
49.6
101.6
0-4
273,046
16.9
140,094
8-7
132,952
8.2
105.4
5-9
261,622
16.2
134,171
8.3
127,451
7-9
105.3
10-14
218,730
13-6
112,304
7-0
106,426
6.6
105.5
15-19
167,752
10.4
83,189
5.2
84,563
5-2
98.4
20-24
132,792
8.2
63,595
3.9
69,197
4.3
91.9
25-29
107,157
6.6
52,028
3.2
55,129
3.4
94.4
30-34
89,330
5-5
44,276
2.7
45,054
2.8
98.3
35-39
81,870
5.1
40,938
2.5
40,932
2.5
100.0
40-44
65,34
4.1
32,542
2.0
32,822
2.0
99.1
45-49
53,985
3-3
28,017
1.7
25,968
1.6
107.9
50-54
40,332
2.5
20,534
1.3
19,798
1.2
103.7
55-59
36,469
2.3
18,601
1.2
17,868
1.1
104.1
60-64
30,118
1.9
15,349
1.0
14,769
0.9
103.9
65-69
22,978
1.4
11,620
0.7
11,358
0.7
102.3
70-74
14,278
0.9
7,340
0.5
6,938
0.4
105.8
75-79
7,574
0.5
3,793
0.2
3,781
0.2
100.3
80-84
4,733
0.3
2,271
0.1
2,462
0.2
92.2
85 and over
4,395
0.3
1,987
0.1
2,4o8
0.1
82.5
Source: Chihuahua: 1970, Table 3*

88
7
greater than 100 were found in localidades of most size categories.1
These data are shown in detail in Table V-3
Examination of the sex ratios of the population of each of the
major municipios by five-year age groups shows the prevalence of the
pattern described for the nation and the state in the preceding section.
As may be seen in Figure 2, and Tables VI-4 through VI-8, the histograms
generated from the sex ratios of the major municipios follow, in a gen
eral fashion, those of the state and nation as a whole. They reveal the
initial dip in sex ratios in the young adult years, followed by an
increase in early middle age. However, that for Hidalgo de Parral, and
especially that for Delicias, are characterized by great variations in
some other respects. It should again be noted that these variations
may well be a product of errors in age-reporting and/or the relatively
small numbers of persons concerned, especially in the older age groups.
Particularly noticeable, however, are rather erratic discrepancies in
the sex ratios of the childhood age categories. In Delicias, the groups
0-4, 5-9, and 10-14 show sex ratios of 100.4, 101.2, and 102.1 respec
tively; for Hidalgo de Parral, these figures are 99*2, 955> and 101.0;
for Cuauhte'inoc they are 103.1, 110.5, and 107*8. The only reasonable
explanations for the puzzling levels of some of these sex ratios and
for the increase beyond the 0-4 range are errors in the data. Only
Chihuahua and Juarez, the largest municipios, report sex ratios similar
(Chihuahua: 1970. Table 2. It should be noted that all such figures
refer to grouped data of localidades of the specified size. Individual
localidades within each category may vary from the norm for the grouped
data.

TABLE VI-4
NUMBER AND PERCENT OF POPULATION IN EACH AGE -
SEX GROUP AND SEX RATIOS BY AGE, MUNICIPIO CUAUHTEMOC, 1970
89
Age
Total Population Male Population Female Population Sex
Number Percent Number Percent Number Percent Ratios
of Total of Total
All Ages
66,856
100.0
33,987
50.8
32,869
49.2
103.4
0-4
11,958
17.9
6,069
9-1
5,889
8.8
103.1
5-9
11,628
17.4
6,103
9-1
5,525
8.3
110.5
10-14
9,401
l4.l
4,876
7-3
4,525
6.8
107.8
15-19
6,803
10.2
3,378
5-1
3,425
5.1
98.6
20-24
5,448
8.1
2,615
3.9
2,833
4.2
92.3
25-29
4,393
6.6
2,l4l
3.2
2,253
3.4
95.0
30-34
3,500
5-2
1,784
2.7
1,716
2.6
104.0
35-39
3,277
4.9
1,653
2.5
1,624
2.4
101.8
40-44
2,532
3.8
1,283
1.9
1,249
1.9
102.7
45-49
2,081
3.1
1,092
1.6
989
1.5
110.4
50-54
1,594
2.4
815
1.2
779
1.2
io4.6
55-59
1,400
2.1
737
l.l
663
1.0
111.2
60-64
1,040
1.6
545
0.8
495
0.7
110.1
65-69
753
l.l
361
0.5
392
0.6
92.1
70-74
487
0.7
249
0.4
238
0.4
104.6
75-79
247
0.4
131
0.2
116
0.2
112.9
80-84
171
0.3
83
0.1
88
0.1
94.3
85 and. over
142
0.2
72
0.1
70
0.1
102.9
Source: Chihuahua: 1970, Table 3*

TABLE VI-5
NUMBER AND PERCENT OF POPULATION IN EACH AGE -
SEX GROUP AND SEX RATIOS BY AGE, MUNICIPIO CHIHUAHUA, 1970
90
Age
Total Population Male Population Female Population Sex
Number Percent Number Percent Number Percent Ratios
of Total of Total
All Ages
277,099
100.0
137,274
49.5
139,825
50.5
98.2
0-4
44,937
16.2
23,175
8.4
21,762
7.8
106.5
5-9
42,408
15.3
21,659
7.8
20,749
7-5
104.4
io-i4
36,277
13.1
18,569
6.7
17,708
6.4
104.9
15-19
30,070
10.9
14,812
5.3
15,258
5.5
97.1
20-24
24,188
8.7
11,303
4 .1
12,885
4.6
87.7
25-29
18,814
6.8
8,866
3-2
9,9 48
3.6
89.1
30-34
15,720
5-7
7,6l6
2.7
8,104
2.9
94.0
35-39
14,153
5.1
6,849
2.5
7,304
2.6
93.8
40-44
11,609
4.2
5,593
2.0
6,016
2.2
93.0
45-49
9,754
3.5
4,84i
1-7
4,913
1.8
98.5
50-54
7,431
2.7
3,570
1.3
3,86i
1.4
92.5
55-59
6,749
2.4
3,316
1.2
3,433
1.2
96.6
6o-64
5,415
2.0
2,683
1.0
2,732
1.0
98.2
65-69
4,227
1.5
2,027
0.7
2,200
0.8
92.1
70-74
2,466
0.9
1,193
0.4
1,273
0.5
93.7
75-79
1,344
0.5
606
0.2
738
0.3
82.1
80-84
797
0.3
322
0.1
475
0.2
67.8
85 and over
740
0.3
274
0.1
466
0.2
58.8
Source: Chihuahua: 1970, Table 3*

TABLE VI-6
NUMBER AND PERCENT OF POPULATION IN EACH AGE -
SEX GROUP, AND SEX RATIOS BY AGE MUNICIPIO DELICIAS, 1970
91
Age Total Population Male Population Female Population Sex
Number Percent Number Percent Number Percent Ratios
of Total of Total
All Ages
64,193
100.0
31,834
9.6
32,359
50.4
98.4'
0-4
11,324
17.6
5,673
8.8
5,651
8.8
100.4
5-9
10,962
17.1
5,514
8.6
5,448
8.5
101.2
10-14
8,884
13.8
4,489
7.0
4,395
6.8
102.1
15-19
6,628
10.3
3,225
5.0
3,403
5.3
94.8
20-24
5,029
7.8
2,300
3.6
2,729
4.3
84.3
25-29
4,173
6.5
2,037
3.2
2,136
3-3
95-4
30-34
3,709
5.8
1,799
2.8
1,910
3.0
94.2
35-39
3,147
4.9
1,594
2.5
1,553
2.4
102.6
40-44
2,4i8
3.8
1,204
1.9
1,214
1-9
99-2
45-49
1,907
3.0
990
1.5
917
1.4
108.0
50-54
1,430
2.2
663
1.0
767
1.2
86.4
55-59
1,440
2.2
722
1.1
718
l.l
100.6
60-64
1,197
1.9
617
1.0
580
0.9
106.4
65-69
873
1.4
46o
0.7
413
0.6
111.4
70-74
491
0.8
243
0.4
248
0.4
98.0
75-79
280
0.4
154
0.2
126
0.2
122.2
80-84
135
0.2
78
0.1
57
0.1
136.8
85 and over
166
0.3
72
0.1
94
0.1
76.6
Source: Chihuahua: 1970 Table 3

TABLE VI-7
NUMBER AND PERCENT OF POPULATION IN EACH AGE -
SEX GROUP, AND SEX RATIOS BY AGE MUNICIPIO HIDALGO DE PARRAL
92
Total Population Male Population Female Population Sex
Number Percent Number Percent Number Percent Ratios
of Total of Total
All Ages
61,817
0-4
9,880
5-9
9,6o4
10-14
8,516
15-19
6,765
20-24
5,028
25-29
4,130
30-34
3,576
35-39
3,227
40-44
2,575
45-49
2,030
50-54
1,589
55-59
1,498
60-64
1,238
65-69
918
70-74
567
75-79
291
8o-84
199
5 and over
186
Source:
100.0 30,141 48.8
16.0 4,920 8.0
15.5 4,692 7.6
13.8 4,280 6.9
10.9 3,288 5.3
8.1 2,293 3.7
6.7 1,913 3.1
5.8 1,781 2.9
5.2 1,551 2.5
4.2 1,290 2.1
3.3 1,029 1.7
2.6 787 1.3
2.4 738 1.2
2.0 6ll 1.0
1.5 428 0.7
0.9 246 0.4
0.5 124 0.2
0.3 90 0.1
0.3 80 0.1
Chihuahua: 1970 Table 3
31,676
51.2
95-2
4,960
8.0
99-2
4,912
7-9
95-5
4,236
6.9
101.0
3,477
5.6
94.6
2,735
4.4
83.8
2,217
3.6
86.3
1,795
2.9
99-2
1,676
2-7
92.5
1,285
2.1
100.4
1,001
1.6
102.8
802
1.3
98.1
760
1.2
97.1
627
1.0
97.4
490
0.8
87.3
321
0.5
76.6
167
0.3
74.3
109
0.2
82.6
106
0.2
75.5

93
TABLE VI-8
NUMBER AND PERCENT OF POPULATION BY AGE SEX GROUPS,
SEX RATIOS BY AGE, MUNICIPIO JUAREZ, 1970
Age Total Population Male Population Female Population Sex
' Number Percent Number Percent Number Percent Ratios
of Total of Total
All Ages
424,135
209,053
49-3
215,082
50.7
97-2
0-4
70,180
16.5
36,221
8.5
33,959
8.0
106.7
5-9
66,910
15.8
34,453
8.1
32,457
7-7
106.1
10-14
58,407
13-8
29,993
7.1
28,4i4
6.7
105.6
15-19
45,892
10.8
22,241
5*2
23,651
5.6
94.0
20-24
35,304
8.3
16,267
3-8
19,037
4.5
85.4
25-29
27,970
6.6
12,896
3.0
15,074
3-6
85.6
30-34
24,095
5-7
11,381
2.7
12,714
3.0
89.5
35-39
21,859
5-2
10,327
2.4
11,532
2.7
89.6
40-44
18,163
4.3
8,626
2.0
9,537
2.2
100.9
45-49
14,928
3-5'
7,521
1.8
7,407
1.7
101.5
50-54
10,262
2.4
5,H0
1.2
5,152
1.2
99-2
55-59
9,283
2.2
4,374
1.0
4,909
1.2
89.1
6o-64
7,442
1.8
3,478
0.8
3,964
0.9
87.7
65-69
5,833
1.4
2,712
0.6
3,121
0.7
86.9
70-74
3,59^
0.8
1,712
0.4
1,882
0.4
91.0
75-79
1,835
0.4
825
0.2
1,010
0.2
81.7
80-84
1,121
0.3
488
0.1
633
0.1
77-1
85 and over
1,057
0.2
428
0.1
629
0.1
68.0
Source: Chihuahua: 1970, Table 3*

sex ratio
age
source: Chihuahua: 1970. Table
FIGURE 2
SEX RATIO BY FIVE YEAR AGE GROUPS IN
MAJOR MUNICIPIOS y 1970
*

95
to that expected of human populations. Table VI-9 presents detailed in
formation on the age-sex structure for the municipios having the most
extreme sex ratios.
As revealed in Table VI-9, in the three municipios where sex ratios
are high, those high ratios prevail, with only minor exceptions,,through
out the entire range of ages. Each of the three shows sex ratios in the
early years of life so extreme, when compared to the near-105 usually
seen in human populations, that one is led to the inescapable conclusion
that there are serious errors in the data. To consider migration as an
explanation would require the assumption of emigration of large numbers
of female children or, conversely, the immigration of large numbers of
male children -- certainly an improbable assumption. Nor can the small
size of the populations concerned provide always an adequate explana
tion, since even the smallest of these populations (that of Coyame) con
sisted of almost 4,000 persons, including about 600 of the ages of 0-4.
In this municipio, not only are sex ratios shown as extraordinarily high
in childhood, but in adult age groups, all are above 100, ranging from
10b to 200 in specific age categories. Doubtless, differential migration
could account for some discrepancies, and a multiplicity of factors may
he involved, but seriously flawed enumeration procedures appear to be
the most satisfactory single explanation. In Coyame and in the other
two municipios of consistently high sex ratios, these reach their peak
in the elderly age groups, perhaps as a function of the relatively small
numbers in these categories.
As seen in Table VI-9, those municipios having low sex ratios show
a S01newhat different age-sex distribution. The extreme values of the sex
ratios in the younger age groups once more produce doubts as to the reli-

96
TABLE VI-9
POPULATION, PERCENT MALE, AND SEX RATIOS, BY AGE:
MUNICIPIOS HAVING HIGHEST AND LOWEST SEX RATIOS, CHIHUAHUA, 1970
Highest Sex Ratios
Ahumada Aldama Coyame
Age
Pop.
Percent
Male
Sex
Ratio
Pop.
Percent
Male
Sex
Ratio
Pop.
Percent
Male
Sex
Ratio
Total
10,400
56.9
132.2
13,349
55.8
126.3
3,830
56.0
127.2
0-4
1,889
57-9
137-6
2,4l2
59.1
144.4
624
53.0
113.0
5-9
1,755
60.5
153-2
2,258
58.9
143-3
666
53.9
II6.9
10-14
1,407
58.7
142.2
1,763
55-9
126.3
492
6l.6
160.3
15-19
992
57-9
137-2
1,185
53.2
113.5
368
58.2
139.0
20-24
8i4
53-8
116.5
1,033
49.2
96.8
332
53.6
115.6
25-29
655
53.1
113.4
873
50.9
104,0
268
53.7
116.1
30-34
597
4 9.9
99-7
755
54.7
120.8
204
60.8
155.0
35-39
531
55-4
124.1
660
55-4
124.5
213.
. 53-5
115.2
40-44
424
52.8'
112.0
544
52.8
111.7
148
52.0
IO8.5
45-49
346
57-2
133.8
420
54.3
118.8
131
54.2
118.3
50-54
253
51.4
105.7
329
55.0
122.3
99
64.6
182.9
55-59
240
55-8
126.4
302
55.0
122.1
71
54.9
121.9
6o-64
189
58.7
142.3
302
60.6
153.8
72
66.7
200.0
65 and over
308
62.0
163.2
513
59-1
144.3
132
59.1
121.9
Lowest Sex Ratios
Buenaventura
Huejotitan
Prxedis G. Guerrero
Age
Pop.
Percent
Sex
Pop.
Percent
Sex
Pop.
Percent
Sex
Male
Ratio
Male
Ratio
Male
Ratio
Total
14,924
46.9
88.3
2,737
4l.l
69.9
7,950
45.8
84.6
0-4
2,520
45.5
83.5
533
38.5
62.5
1,238
40.8
68.9
5-9
2,466
42.6
74.3
451
33.9
51.3
1,324
41.0
69.5
10-14
2,113
42.4
73.6
360
36.4
57-2
1,079
44.4
79-8
15-19
1,511
44.5
80.3
255
35-3
54.5
860
44.0
78.4
20-24
1,174
44.0
78.4
221
45.7
84.2
636
47.2
89.3
25-29
959
50.2
100.6
182
41.2
70.1
5 66
45.4
83.2
30-34
792
52.1
109.0
154
49.4
97.4
449
50.6
102.3
35-39
780
51.8
107.4'
135
55.6
125.0
413
55.9
126.9
4o-44
612
51.8
107.5
103
49.5
98.1
280
51.1
112.6
45-49
463
54.4
119.4
86
46.5
87.0
242
52.9
112.3
50-54
384
58.6
141.5
60
55.0
122.2
190
50.5
102.1
55-59
347
54.8
121.0
66
48.5
94.1
187
53-5
114.9
60-64
274
55.8
126.4
45
28.9
40.6
172
57.0
132.4
65 and over
529
53.1
113-3
86
59*3
145.7
1,054
56.1
127.6
Source: Chihuahua: 1970 Table 3-

97
ability of the data. In these cases, values are much lover than the ex
pected ones. For example, the sex ratio of the 0-4 age group in municipio
Huejotitan was only 69-9* As stated before, differential migration
selective of males in this age group is virtually impossible to imagine.
Differential mortality selective of males to such an extreme degree also
does not seem reasonable. It is interesting to note that, as in the
case of the municipios having high sex ratios, sex ratios were higher at
the older ages than at the younger, a fact at variance with that commonly
observed in human populations.
In summary, although speculations may be made with respect to the
sources of the variations in the reported sex ratios in the six municipios
where these attained their most extreme values, these cannot, within the
scope of the present work, be investigated empirically. The most parsi
monious explanation of these variations in sex ratios seems to be the as
sumption of errors of an unknown nature and magnitude in the data. In
evitably doubt is created concerning the general reliability of the entire
census, particularly among the younger and older age groups of the popu
lation.
Age
A second principal characteristic of an individual is age. In
Mexico, as in the United States, one must attain a certain age to be leg
ally recognized as an adult for many purposes -- the age of school at
tendance, of voting, of marriage without parental consent, and so forth.
Her fifteenth birthday represents the "coming out" age for a young woman.
Although in Mexico there is often less formal adherence to some aspects
f the law, nevertheless, the various critical ages of a person are im-

98
portant. In addition, of course, there are biological implications of age
with respect to fertility and senescence, and the phrase "the productive
years of life" comes easily to the tongue. Donald Bogue states that^
Good age data for a nation can assist greatly in measuring the
current level of fertility, mortality and migration. Age data,
when cross-tabulated by other population characteristics, can
assist in the discovery of the life-cycle patterns of other
events and statuses, such as marriage, school attendance, and
labor force participation.
Important considerations of the age distribution in a population
are those related to the numerical and geographic movement of that popu
lation, and to the economic factors regarding the labor force and the
dependency ratio. Unfortunately, in censuses, faulty age reporting is
among the most frequent sources of error. There are various reasons for
this. One of the first is the problem of definition -- does the census
taker mean one's age at this moment, or at one's next birthday? More
over, many of the world's people do not know their correct age; sometimes
they lack knowledge of a counting system beyond the most rudimentary;
perhaps their birth was not registered, or family life was such that
birthdays were of little or no importance. Finally, people, and not
just women as some might suppose, often lie about their age for a variety
of reasons. Some reasons why misinterpretations of age may occur are in
strumental. The informant may wish to be reported to the "government" as
old enough to hold a certain type of job, to marry, to vote, or to collect
old-age benefits. Other reasons may be symbolic. To the very young,
adult ages may represent a desired maturity. To the no-longer young, such
8Donald J. Bogue, Principles of Demography (New York: John Wiley
and Sons, Inc., 1969), p. 162.

99
ages as forty or fifty may symbolize loss of youthful vigor and may be
denied. To the elderly, exaggeration of age may lead to an enhanced
prestige derived from longevity. There is, in addition, a preference
for numbers which end in zero or five, a preference for even as opposed
to odd numbers of years, or perhaps a simple lack of understanding of why
it is important to report ones age accurately to the census taker.
Error in age reporting is clearly evidenced by the appearance of "age
heaping", defined as disproportionately large numbers of persons report
edly of certain ages, such as those noted above, in a population large
enough that a more "normal" distribution should obtain. This phenomenon
will be discussed later in greater detail.
When compared with the developed and industrialized nations, the
countries of the Third World generally have younger populations, and
Mexico is no exception. This is a direct result of the higher rates of
reproduction coupled with declining rates of mortality, although infant
mortality rates are still much higher than those found in the developed
nations.9 The decrease in infant mortality seen in the present century
in many parts of the developing world serves to compound the problem
with the rapid addition of large numbers of small children to the popu
lation lowering the mean and median age of that population.
9lt should be noted at this point that the relatively high sex
ratios found in Latin America (when compared with, say, the United States)
stem in large part from the higher birth rate (sex ratios at birth tend
' be greater than 100 in human populations), and the younger median age
ul the population as a result of the high birth rates. Bogue (op. cit.,
PP. I66-167) reports the tendency for there to be a slight preponderance
f males in the younger age groups because of this biological differential
snd of females among the older population because of differential mortal
ity.

100
The median age of a population is that age at which one-half of
the total population is younger, and the other half is older. There are
several important implications of a young median age of a population.
Briefly, these involve fertility (a young population has a greater po
tential fertility than an older one); mortality (all things being equal,
a population with a higher median age can expect higher mortality); and
dependency (the more extreme the median age of a population, the more
dependents there are for each productive member of that society). Fer
tility and mortality will be discussed in appropriate sections in a later
chapter.
The dependency ratio is the ratio between the numbers of producers
of goods and services in a society and those who are only consumers of
goods and services -- dependents. If one is to employ data presently
available, various options for defining these categories exist. Using
Mexican census data, the ratio between persons economically active as op
posed to those who are not in this category can be used; this is discussed
in part in the occupational analysis done later in this chapter. The con
ventional definition, however, is based on the numbers of persons in cer
tain age ranges and is used in this research. Bogueexpresses the de
pendency ratio as the following:
Dependency number of persons under 20 and over 64
Ratio number of persons age 20 through 64
A strong consensus does not seem to exist in respect to the lower
age limit of dependency, and given the social structure and prevailing
educational norms in Mexico, it seems wise to define the lower age limit
of the numerator as "under age fifteen," and to adjust the denominator
DDQp. cit. p. 155.

101
accordingly. As a consequence, the present section considers as dependent
the population under age fifteen and over age sixty-four years, whereas
the denominator, assumed to he the producers of the population, are
those fifteen through sixty-four years inclusively.
Age-sex pyramids (also called population pyramids) are demographic
devices to provide graphic summaries of the age and sex characteristics
of a population. Figures 3 through 9 present pyramids for the Republic
of Mexico, the state of Chihuahua, and each of the five major municipios.
They summarize the data contained in Tables VI-2 through VI-8. These
various age measures are discussed below.
National and State Data
The median age of the population of Mexico in 1970 was l6.3 years,H
which placed it among the youngest of the world's populations. As noted
earlier, this is attributable to that nation's high birth rate (to be
discussed in the succeeding chapter), and is consistent with the popu
lation structure of other developing and underdeveloped nations of the
12
world. The median age for males in Mexico was 15*9 while that for
females was 16.7. The relatively high sex ratio at birth combined with
the survival advantage of females largely accounts for the sexual differ
ence in median age.
In Mexico, an exceptionally large percentage of the total population
~ ^-Calculated from Resumen General: 1970, Table 5*
12Cf. in this context, Donald Bogue, op. cit.. Chapter 7> Amos W.
Hawley, "Population Composition," in Philip M. Hauser and Otis Dudley
Duncan, eds., The Study of Population: An Inventory and Appraisal
(Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1959)> PP 301-382; and T. Lynn
Smith, Fundamentals of Population Study (Chicago: J.B. Lippincott Co.,
I960), Chapter" 6. ^

age in years
102
percent of population
source: Resumen General-1970, Table 2
FIGURE 3
AGE-SEX PYRAMID FOR
MEXICO, 1970

age in years
103
male
85 +
80-84
75-79
70-74
65-69
60-64
55-59
50-54
45-49
40-44
35-39
30-34
25-29
20-24
15- 19
10- 14
5-9
0-4
10 98765432 1C
percent
) 23456789 10
of population
female
I
sourceXhihuahua: l97Q.Table 3
FIGURE k
AGE-SEX PYRAMID FOR
THE STATE OF CHIHUAHUA, 1970

age in years
male
female
85 +
80-84
75- 79
70-74
65-69
60-64
55-59
50-54
45-49
40-44
35-39
30-34
25-29
20-24
15- 19
10- 14
5-9
0-4
iiiii 1 1ii i rii 1ir~i i
10 987654321 01 23456789 10
percent of population
source: Chihuahua: 1970.Table 3
FIGURE 5
AGE-SEX PYRAMID FOR
THE MUNICIPIO OF CUAUHTEMOC, 1970

age >n years
105
85 +
80-84
75-79
70-74
65-69
60-64 '
55-59
50-54
45-49
40-44
35- 39
30-34
25-29
20-24
15- 19
10- 14
5-9
male
11
female
*"11~i11111
1111111
10 987654 32 I 0 I 2345 6789 10
percent of population
source: Chihuahua: 1970.Table 3
FIGURE 6
AGE-SEX PYRAMID FOR
THE MUNICIPIO OF CHIHUAHUA, 1970

age in years
106
percent of population
source: Chihuahua: 1970. Table 3
FIGURE 7
AGE-SEX PYRAMID FOR
THE MUNICIPIO OF DELICIAS, 1970

age in years
107
FIGURE 8
AGE-SEX PYRAMID FOR
THE MUNICIPIO OF HIDALGO DE PARRAL, 1970

age in years
108
percent of population
source: Chihuahua: 1970. Table 3
FIGURE 9
AGE-SEX PYRAMID FOR
THE MUNICIPIO OF JUAREZ, 1970

109
46.2 percent -- was under age fifteen in 1970. In that year there
were 24,076,065 persons in Mexico who were either under age fifteen or
over age sixty-four. From a total population of 46,225,236, a dependency
ratio of 99-7 can he calculated, which means that the ratio of dependents
to producers in that year was very nearly 1:1 (see Table VI-2). If only
those under fifteen are considered, it is possible to calculate a par
tial dependency ratio of 92-3, whereas for the group of persons over age
sixty-four, the partial dependency ratio was 7-4. The great burden which
the high rate of reproduction places on the Mexican economy is indicated
by the large population of childhood dependents. When this dependency
ratio is coupled with the known high mortality rate of infants and small
children, it is evident that the problem is complicated by the number of
children who will never become producers of goods and services, thus
producing, as far as these are concerned, a net loss to the economy.
The age-sex pyramid of Mexico is typical of those of populations
having high birth and death rates. The pyramid takes the form of a
broad-based triangle with rather gently sloping sides when compared with
pyramids of industrialized nations.13 (See Figure 3)
The median age in Chihuahua differed only slightly from that in the
nation as a whole. For the total population of the state it was l6.1
years; for males it was 15-7 and for females it was 16.5. In Chihuahua,
46.7 percent of the population was under age fifteen. There were 607,356
persons under age fifteen and over age sixty-four, producing a dependency
ratio of 100.3, which was very slightly greater than that of the nation.
When partial dependency ratios are computed for the young and old age
13Cf. Smith, op. cit., Chapter 6; Bogue, op. cit., Chapter 7j and
almost any standard work on demographic techniques.

110
groups, it was found that the under-fifteen group produced a partial
dependency ratio of 93-6 while that of the over-sixty-four population was
6.7 -- lower than that of the nation as a whole.(Tables VI-2, VI-3, and
VI-10 may he inspected for greater detail concerning state and national
comparisons.)
The reasons for the low median age in Chihuahua are basically the
same as those for the nation as a whole. In this respect, the low median
age is self-perpetuating due to the high fertility of relatively young
populations. Another possible source of the low median age in the state
is immigration of young families with children, a factor which is of
Ik
very little importance in the nation as a whole. Finally a further
cause of the low median age is the world-wide phenomenon of decreasing
death rates, especially of infant mortality, to be discussed in the next
chapter.
The age-sex pyramid for Chihuahua differs only slightly from that
of the nation. It has a broad base indicating high birth rates -- almost
17 percent of the population of Chihuahua was under five years of age in
19T0. In comparison with Mexico as a whole, the only differences of
note are a slight excess of midale-aged men and a small deficit of
elderly men. Neither of these differences is of sufficient magnitude
to warrant comment beyond noting their existence. Age-sex pyramids for
Mexico and Chihuahua are shown in Figures 3 and 4, while Tables VI-2,
VI-3, and VI-10 provide detailed information on the age and sex composi-
^Re sumen General: 1970; Table 12. In 1970 the foreign born made
Just slightly less than 0.4 percent of the population whereas in Chi
huahua, 11.3 percent of the population was born in another state (l0.2
Percent) or another country (l.l percent).

Ill
tion of both populations.
The phenomenon of "age heaping" indicates the existence of errors
in age reporting, thus revealing the degree to which reported data may
te taken literally. Figure 10 presents a graphic summary of the percent
of the population of Chihuahua found in each single year of age accord
ing to the census of population of 1970* If the reporting of age were
accurate, the only variations in such a display would be those wrought
ty changes in fertility and mortality patterns, or those produced by
migration. Indications of the existence of errors have already been
presented when sex ratios were discussed. Now further evidence is pre
sented.
Earlier noted was the preference of persons to report age in terms
of whole decades, half decades, and in even numbers. Inspection of
Figure 10 shows the "saw-toothed" edge of the curve, with sharp peaks
at these points in the majority of cases, especially after age twenty.
Further evidence of a more quantified nature is a modification of a
technique suggested by T. Lynn Smith. Professor Smith writes
If all of the ages /in a population/ were known and reported
correctly, almost exactly 10 percent of the total would be in
the first year of age and the others ending with 0; another
10 percent in the other ages exactly divisible by five, 40
percent in the other even-numbered, and the remaining 40
percent in the odd-numbers not divisible exactly by five.
Smith applies this technique with censuses in which ages are reported by
single years of age through age ninety-nine. However, the Mexican cen
sus reports only through age eighty-four, the residual category being
eighty-five and over."
In order to apply this technique to the Mexican census, it was
I5T. Lynn Smith, op. cit., p. 151.

112
age in years
source: Chihuahua: 1970. Table 4
FIGURE 10
PERCENT OF POPULATION IN EACH OF SINGLE
YEARS OF AGE; CHIHUAHUA, 1970

113
necessary to modify it somewhat. A full explanation of the modification
of the basic technique which was necessary to fit Mexican census data
appears in Appendix 2. Using the technique, a population in which age
reporting was perfect would, theoretically, have an "accuracy score"
of 1.00 based on the ratio of expected-to-observed percentages. The
modified technique as applied to the 1970 Chihuahua census data is pre
sented in Illustration 1, below.
Illustration 1
Expected and Observed Percentages of the Population in
Various Age Categories in Chihuahua, 1970
Age
Categories
Expected
Percentages
Observed
Percentages
Ages ending in 0
10.6
13-2
Ages ending in 5
9.4
10.5
Ages divisible by 2
not ending in 0
40.0
39.8
Ages not divisible by 2
not ending in 5
40.0
36.3
Source: Computed from data in Chihuahua: 1970> Table 4.
The accuracy score is determined by dividing the observed percent
age of the last line by the expected percentage. In the case of Chi
huahua, the accuracy score is 0.908 (36.3/40). (Note that the observed
percentages do not add to 100.0 because of the elimination, in the
course of modification, of the residual category "age 85-and-over".)
An accuracy score of O.776 was calculated by Smith for Mexican census
data from 1950, but it is not known if he used the same modification as
the present writer
The Major Municipios
Age (and sex) data for the major municipios are not greatly differ-
T6Ibid. pp. 152-153.

ent from those of the state as a whole. This is not strange since they
contained, in 1970; a majority of the population of the state. However,
there are some variations worthy of note. (See Figure ll).
The median age of all municipios in the state may he seen in Table
V-2. That of municipio Chihuahua was exactly seventeen years, or 0.9
years greater than that of the state as a whole. The state, in Table
VI-10, shows larger proportions of persons at all age levels than does
the capital municipio up to age group 35-39 Not until the ages 60-64 do
state and municipio figures show equal cumulative percentages of popula
tion. The discrepancy between the median age of the population of the
state and that of the municipio is greater for females than for males.
The median age for females at the state level was 16.5 years, while in
the capital municipio it was 17.7 years. Corresponding figures for
males were 15-7 in the state and 16.3 in the municipio of Chihuahua.
At the other extreme was municipio Cuauhtemoc, where the median age was
14.8 (l4.4 for males and 15.2 for females). In Cuauhtemoc, ^0.2 percent
of all males were younger than fifteen.
The other three major municipios occupied intermediate positions
between these extremes, and in none of them was as many as half the popu
lation under age fifteen. Delicias approximated that figure most closely
with a median age of 15-2 (l4.9 for males). For Juarez, the correspond
ing figure was 16.3 (virtually the same as that of the state) and the
median age of the population of Hidalgo de Parral was 16.6 years.
Juarez showed a configuration of interest insofar as differential
median ages for males and females are concerned. Although the total
median age of the population of the municipio was approximately the same
as that of the state, that for males was 15*4 years, or somewhat lower

age
source: Chihuahua: 1970. Table 3
FIGURE 11
PERCENT OF POPULATION IN EACH OF FIVE YEAR AGE GROUPS IN THE
STATE OF CHIHUAHUA AND IN THE FIVE MAJOR MUNICIPIOS, 1970
H
H
VJ1

ll6
than that for the state, while the median age for females was 1J.2
years or slightly higher than that found in the state as a whole.
Median ages for all municipios are shown in Table V-2, and by sex for
the major municipios in Table VI-10.
The Minor Municipios
Among the minor municipios there are a number in which the median
age was less than fifteen years, but the lowest median age of all, 13-4
years, was found in Riva Palacio. This municipio had a population of
10,836 in 1970 certainly not one of the smallest of the state. It
is adjacent on the east to the capital municipio, Chihuahua. Its sex
ratio was 110.2 for all ages combined, with a sex ratio at ages 15-19
of 126.2 and at 20-24 of Il6.4. At the other extreme of the age dis
tribution, there was an even greater disproportion of the sexes. At
ages 55_59> the sex ratio was l40, and by age group 60-64 this had risen
to 156. These figures suggest the possibility of high rates of female
emigration, perhaps to neighboring Chihuahua where very low sex ratios
are observed in these same age groups (see Table VI-5). Differentiating
the population of Riva Palacio by sex, the median age for males was 13.6
and that for females was 13-3> or the opposite of that usually seen in
the absence of differential migration. In any case, median ages as low
as these can only be described as remarkable.
Galeana is another municipio with a very low median age 14.5,
hut the total population of this municipio was only 1,838 persons. A
more populous municipio, Janos, with over 7000 people, also had a
median age of 14.5* The sex ratio in this municipio was 110.1. In the
age group 0-4 the sex ratio was 103-8, but in the 5~9 age group, the
sex ratio was only 94. It is difficult to accept any hypothesis other

117
TABLE VI. 10
PERCENT OF TOTAL POPULATION IN EACH
PERCENTAGES, AND PEDIAN AGE BY SEX FOR
Federal Entity
and Sex Years of Age
0-4
. -9. .
10-14
15-19
20-24
25-29
30-34
35-39
Percent of
National Population3
ISexico
16.9
16.O
13-3
10.5
8.4
6.8
5.4
5.2
4.0
Cum.f>
16.9
32.9
46.2
56.7
65.1
71.9
77.3
82.5
86.5
Male s
8.6
8.2
6.8
5.2
4.0
3.3
2.7
2.6
2.0
Females
8.3
7.9
6.5
5.3
4.4
3.5
2.7
2.6
2.0
Percent
of State Population13
Chihuahua State
16.9
16.2
13.6
10.4
8.2
6.6
5.5
5.1
4,1
Cun.jb
16.9
33.1
46.7
57.1
65.3
71.9
77*4
82.5
86.6
Males
8.7
8.3
7.0
5.2
3-9
3.2
2-7
2.5
2.0
Females
8.2
7.9
6.6
5.2
4.3
3.4
2.8
2.5
2.0
Percent of Municipio Population^
Cuauhtemoc
17.9
17.4
14.1
10.2
8.1
6.6
5.2
4.9
3.8
Cum.fi
17.9
35.3
49.4
59-6
67.7
74.3
79-5
84.4
88.2
Males
9.1
9.1
7.3
5.1
3.9
3.2
2.7
2.5
1.9
Females
8.8
8.3
6.8
5.1
4.2
3.4
2.6
2.4
1.9
Chihuahua
16.2
15.3
13.1
10.9
8.7
6.8
5.7
5.1
4.2
Cum. $
16.2
31.5
44.6
55.5
64.2
71.0
76.7
81.8
86.0
Males
8.4
7.8
6.7
5-3
4.1
3-2
2.7
2.5
2.0
Females
7-9
7.5
6.4
5.5
4.6
3.6
2.9
2.6
2.2
Delicias
17.6
17.1
13.8
10.3
7.8
6.5
5.8
4.9
3.8
Cum. fa
17.6
34.7
48.5
58.8
66.6
73.1
78.9
83.3
87.6
Male s
8.8
8.6
7.0
5.0
3.6
3.2
2.8
2.5
1.9
Females
8.8
8.5
6.8
5.3
4.3
3.3
3.0
2.4
1.9
Hidalgo de Parral
16.0
15.5
13.8
10.9
8.1
6.7
5.8
5.2
4.2
Cun.#
16.O
31-5
45.3
56.2
64.3
71.0
76.8
82.0
86.2
Males
8.0
7.6
6.9
5.3
3.7
3.1
2.9
2.5
2.1
Females
8.0
7*9
6.9
5-6
4.4
3.6
2.9
2.7
2.1
Jurez
16.5
15.8
13.8
10.8
8.3
6.6
5.7
5.2
4.3
Cum. f
16.5
32.3
46.1
56.9
65.2
71.8
77-5
82.7
87.0
Male s
8.5
8.1
7.1
5.2
3.8
3.0
2.7
2.4
2.0
Females
8.0
7-7
6.7
5.6
4-5
3*6
3.0
2.7
2.2
Sources: aResumen General: 1970? Table 4.

118
OP FIVE-YEAR AGE GROUPS, CUMULATIVE
(ICO, CHIHUAHUA AND MAJOR MUNICIPIOS, 1970
50-5~
55-2
60-64
65-69
70-74
75-79
80-84 85&over
Total
<1)J

3.4
2.5
2.1
1.9
1.5
1.0
0.5
0.4
0.3
16.3
89.9
92.4
94.5
96.4
97-9
98.9
99.4
99.8
100.1
100.1
--
1.7
1.2
1.0
0.9
0.7
0.5
0.2
0.2
0.1
49.9
15.9
1.7
1.2
1.1
1.0
0.7
0.5
0.3
0.2
0.2
50.1
16.7
3.3
2.5
2.3
1.9
1.4
0.9
0.5
0.3
0.3

16.1
89.9
92.4
94.7
96.6
18.0
18.9
99-4
99.7
100.0
100.0
1.7
1.3
1.2
1.0
0.7
0.5
0.2
0.1
0.1
50.4
15.7
1.6
1.2
1.1
0.9
0.7
0.4
0.2
0.2
0.1
49.6
16.5
3.1
2.4
2.1
1.6
l.l
0.7
0.4
0.3
0.2
_
14.8
91.3
93.7
95-8
97-4
98.5
99.2
99.6
99-9
100.1
100.1
--
1.6
1.2
1.1
0.8
0.5
0.4
0.2
0.1
0.1
50.8
14.4
1.5
1.2
1.0
0.7
0.6
0.4
0.2
0.1
0.1
49.2
15.2
3.5
2.7
2.4
2.0
1.5
0.9
0.5
0.3
0.3
_
17.0
89.5
92.2
94.6
96.6
98.1
99.0
99-5
99.8
100.1
100.1

1.7
1.3
1.2
1.0
0.7
0.4
0.2
0.1
0.1
49.5
16.3
1.8
1.4
1.2
1.0
0.8
0.5
0.3
0.2
0.2
50.5
17.7
3.0
2.2
2.2
1.9
1.4
0.8
0.4
0.2
0.3
wm
15.2
90.6
92.8
95.0
96.9
98.3
99.1
99.5
99.7
100.0
100.0
1*5
1.0
1.1
1.0
0.7
0.4
0.2
0.1
0.1
49.6
14.9
1.4
1.2
1.1
0.9
0.6
0.4
0.2
0.1
0.1
50.4
15.5
3.3
2.6
2.4
2.0
1.5
0.9
0.5
0.3
0.3
16.6
89.5
1 r?
92.1
94.5
96.5
98.0
98.9
99.4
99-7
100.0
100.0
- -
1-7
i in
1.3
1.2
1.0
0.7
0.4
0.2
0.1
0.1
48.8
16.3
1.0
1.3
1.2
1.0
0.8
0.5
0.3
0.2
0.2
51.2
17.O
3.5
2.4
2.2
1.8
1.4
0.8
0.4
0.3
0.2
..
16.3
90.5
1 A
92.9
95.1
96.9
98.3
99.1
99-5
99-8
100.0
100.0
1.0
1 7
1.2
1.0
0.8
0.6
0.4
0.2
0.2
0.1
49.3
15.4
w
1.2
1.2
0.9
0.7
0.4
0.2
0.1
0.1
50.7
17.2
bChihuahua: 1970. Table 3.

119
than error in the data to explain such an occurrence, and the data for
median age may similarly be suspect.
At the opposite extreme are two minor municipios with median ages
which are considerably in excess of the average for the state. The
median age of Julimes was 1J.6 years (l7*T for males and 17.4 for fe
males), and that of Marguarichic was 17.9, the highest in the state.
The median age of males there was 19.O years and that for females
was 17-0 years. The total population of the municipio was only 1,475>
and the sex ratio was 108.0. The data reveal a relatively large number
of males, and a surplus in comparison to females in ages of thirty-five
and above. The deviation from the age-sex structure usually seen may
be a result of error in age reporting, erratic variation in a small
population, of past events in the municipio, or of differential
migration.^ (Data for median ages in the minor municipios are found
in Table V-2)
Race
The concept of race is a difficult one to define. Not only is it
obscured by a variety of social and cultural definitions, but also at
tempts at biological definitions fall short of precision. Although it
is obviously the sociocultural definitions which are of greatest concern
in the present context, these are often self-confounding in the sense
that indio, mestizo or bianco are frequently at best only subjective
definitions and may tend more to reflect the biases of the observer
than objective reality. For example, the major difference between
social definitions of the indio and the pelado in Mexico is that indio
^YChihuahua: 1970. Table 3*

120
most often refers to the rural lower class while pelado is a common
apellation for the urban lower class. The romantic "indianism" of
Msxico has not disappeared but even so, to call someone an indio is
frequently considered pejorative.
The population of Mexico, insofar as its phenotypes may be observed,
presents a wide range of racial variations from the apparently "pure"
Caucasian, through various degrees of mixing with Amerind bloodlines,
to the apparently "pure" Amerind types. (The numbers of black and
Oriental Mexicans are unknown, but assumed to be small.) Since socio
cultural definitions are determinants of those racial variables of con
cern to society, this section will attempt to explore the single factor
1 O
presented in the census which gives some indication of "race.
Latin-Americanists sometimes say that "Indian is, as Indian does."
There is a cultural trait which tends to distinguish (but not always
consistently) those who live an "Indian way of life" from the remainder
of the population -- the use of an indigenous language.
National and State Lata
In Mexico there were 3^111^^-15 persons who in 1970 were reported
as speaking an indigenous language. Although it is impossible to state
with any degree of certainty how many of such persons were Indians in
the racial or ethnic sense, and how many other Mexicans, not so reported,
may consider themselves Indians, the ability to speak an indigenous
language is, nevertheless, the only clue to race and/or ethnicity, apart
from foreign birth, in the Mexican census. The census contained a
lThe Direccin General de Estadstica discontinued asking specific
questions regarding race following the census of population of 1921.

121
question which specifically inquired if the person named spoke an in
digenous language.
The more than 3>000,000 persons noted above represented 6.5 per
cent of the total population, and of these, 859>854, or 2J.6 percent,
did not speak Spanish. This number was 1.8 percent of the total popu
lation of Mexico in 1970.
The largest indigenous language group was Nahuatl (sometimes called
Mexicano or Mexica) with 799>394 speakers. Of these, 28.5 percent spoke
no Spanish. Second was Maya, with 454,675 speakers of whom 15*1 per
cent did not speak Spanish. There were 283,345 persons who spoke
Zapoteco, and 17*5 percent of these spoke no Spanish. According to the
1970 census of population, these three major languages accounted for 49.4
percent of the speakers of indigenous languages in Mexico. (See Table
VI-11)
Differentiation by sex was marked in terms of the proportions of
speakers of indigenous languages who did not speak Spanish. In all of
the languages reported by the census, a larger proportion of females than
of males did not speak Spanish. If the speaking of Spanish can be said
to be a measure of assimilation, then it may be claimed, with some
j ; tifie at ion, that Indian males were more assimilated into the Spanish
speaking world than were Indian females. This may have come about for
a variety of reasons, but the necessity to seek work may be a principal
one. In some cases the sex differences were very great; in the cases
of Mazahua and Huasteco speakers, males were more than twice as likely
than were women to speak Spanish (see index numbers in Table VI-ll).
49Chihuahua: 1970. p. LXXXV.

122
TABLE VI-11
NUMBER AND PERCENT OF NATIONAL POPULATION AGED 5 OR OLDER
WHO SPEAK SELECTED INDIGENOUS LANGUAGES; PERCENT OF THOSE
WHO SPEAK NO SPANISH BY LANGUAGE SPOKEN, BY SEX, MEXICO, 1970
Percent Percent Percent of
of All of Male Female Index
Number Percent Speakers Speakers Speakers Females=10Q
All Speakers
3,111,415
6.45
27.6
22.4
32.9
68.1
Nahuatl
799,394
1.66
28.5
23.0
33.9
67.8
Maya
454,675
0.94
15.1
12.7
17.6
72.2
Zapoteco
283,345
0.59
17.5
13.6
21.4
63.6
Msxteco
233,235
0.48
34.0
28.1
39.9
70.4
Otomi
221,062
0.46
17.0
13.0
21.1
61.6
Totonaca
124,840
0.26
33.9
27.8
4o.i
69.3
Mazahua
104,729
0.22
11.4
7.2
15.4
46.8
Mazateco
101,541
0.21
53.5
45.2
61.3
73.7
Tzendal
99,412
0.21
57.7
51.4
64.0
80.3
Tzotzil
95,383
0.20
52.8
42.7
63.0
67.8
Choi
73,253
0,15
41.5
33.2
50.1
66.3
Huasteco
66,091
0.14
18.0
11.9
24.5
48.6
Tarasco
6o,4ii
0.13
17.5
12.8
22.3
57-4
Mixe
54,403
0.11
38.0
32.0
43.8
73.1
Chinateco
54,145
0.11
25.7
18.4
32.9
55.9
Tlalpaneco
30,804
0.06
56.1
45.5
66.4
68.5
Mayo
27,848
0.06
4.0
3.1
5.1
60,8
73.6
Popoloca
27,818
0.06
17.1
14.5
19.7
Zoque
27,l4o
0.06
27.9
21.4
34.6
61.8
Tarahumara
25,479
0.05
31.7
23-9
4o.9
58.4
All Others
146,407
0.30
37.3
32.0
42.6
75.1
Source:
Resumen
General:
1970, Table
17.

123
In the state of Chihuahua,, the largest number of speakers of
indigenous languages spoke Tarahumara (see Table VI-12). In the nation
as a whole only 25,479 persons spoke this language, but 22,980 of these,
or 90.2 percent, resided in Chihuahua. Second in importance among
indigenous languages in the state was Tepehuano, and the 1,189 Chihuahuan
speakers of this language constituted 21.4 percent of the nation's total
of 5,545 Tepehuano speakers.
Table VI-12 shows that the Tarahumara Indians are the group
which is least assimilated into the Spanish-speaking society of the
state. In the state as a whole, 33-6 percent of the speakers of Tara-
humara did not speak Spanish, but this was true of only 16.3 percent
of the Tepehuano-speaking group. There was a residual category of
2,140 persons who spoke languages other than Tarahumara or Tepehuano,
and these persons exceeded the Tarahumaras just slightly in the percent
age who did not speak Spanish -- 34-9 percent. The census does not
identify the other languages spoken.
Grave questions exist in respect to the accuracy of census and
of other data regarding the actual number of persons who are members
of either of these Amerind groups, or are speakers of either language.
Pennington reports that there are approximately 50,000 Tarahumara Indians
at the present time, and notes that "most of the Indians have not inte
grated into the mainstream of Mexican cultural life."20 He also claims
^Campbell W. Pennington, The Tarahumar of Mexico: Their Environ
gent and Material Culture (Salt Lake City: University of Utah Press,
1963), Preface (pages unnumbered). Pennington notes some population
data for these people gleaned from other sources: Schwatka, Frederik,
In the land of Cave and Cliff Dwellers (New York: no publisher report-
ed, 1893) estimated the Tarahumara population at 15,000 to 18,000, but

124
TABLE VI-12
NUMBER AND PERCENT OF POPULATION AGED FIVE
AND OVER OF MAJOR AND IMPORTANT MINOR MUNICIPIOS
WHO SPEAK INDIGENOUS LANGUAGES; PERCENT WHO
SPEAK NO SPANISH, BY SEX, CHIHUAHUA, 1970
Municipio Persons Who Speak Percent of Indigenous-Speaking
and Language an Indigenous Language Who Do Not Speak Spanish
State Total-
26,309
1.63
32.9
25.4
40^
Tarahumara
22,980
1.43
33.6
25.5
43.2
Tepehuano
1,189
0.07
16.3
14.3
18.3
Others
2,140
O.13
34.9
29.8
41.4
Cuauhtemoc
84
0.09
19.O
11.5
39.1
Tarahumara
45
0.05
0
0
0
Tepehuano
l

0
0
0
Others
38
o.o4
42.0
30.4
60.0
Chihuahua
369
0.13
17.6
11.1
28.9
Tarahumara
202
0.07
4.0
1.5
9.1
Tepehuano
2

0
0
0
Others
165
0.06
34.5
24.7
48.5
Delicias
52
0.08
23.1
21.1
28.6
Tarahumara
26
0.04
0
0
0
Others
26
o.o4
46.2
4o.o
66.7
Hidalgo de Parral
99
0.16
20.2
18.5
22.2
Tarahumara
65
0.11
4.6
4.8
4.3
Tepehuano
3

0
0
0
Others
31
0.05
54.8
72.7
45.0
Juarez
612
0.14
20.4
16.6
26.2
Tarahumara
128
0.03
0.8
0
2.4
Tepehuano
1
0
0
0
Others
483
0.11
25.7
21.7
31.2
Halle za
2,366
17.86
33.5
26.0
41.7
Tarahumara
2,291
17.30
32.6
25.2
4o.8
Tepehuano
15
0.11
53-3
60.0
40.0
Others
60
0.45
60.0
48.1
70.0
Number
Percent
Total
Males
Females

TABLE VI-12 (CONTINUED)
125
Municipio Persons Who Speak Percent of Indigenous-Speaking
and Language an Indigenous Language Who Do Not Speak Spanish
Number
Percent
Total
Males
Females
Batopilas
2,076
30.22
50.6
b2.3
60.7
Tarahumara
2,644
29.86
50.8
42.3
70.0
Tepehuano
l
0.01
0
0
0
Others
31
0-35
35.5
38.1
30.0
Carichic
1,842
19.98
58.0
44.4
73-2
Tar ahumara
1,807
19.61
58.1
44.6
73.1
Others
35
O.38
57.1
33-3
75.0
Guachochi
5,162
31-88
36.4
25.8
49.7
Tarahumara
4,991
30.82
37-1
26.1
50.8
Tepehuano
96
0.59
0
0
0
Others
75
0.46
4o.o
32.4
47.4
Urique
3,147
25.01
32.6
24.1
42.1
Tarahumara
3,027
24.06
32.0
23.4
41.6
Others
120
0.95
49.2
42.6
55-9
Guazapares
1,139
15.16
18.2
ll.l
2 6.6
Tarahumara
1,107
14.74
16.8
10.1
24.8
Others
32
0.43
65.6
47.1
86.7
Guadalupe y Calvo
3,329
11.46
26.4
23.6
29.4
Tarahumara
2,161
7.44
28.6
25.9
31-7
Tepehuano
1,055
3.63
17.6
14.9
20.3
Others
113
0-39
65.5
59.3
71.2
Maguarichic
181
12.27
0
0
0
Tarahumara
173
11-73
0
0
0
Others
8
0.54
0
0
0
Morelos
727
11.16
14.0
8.9
20.1
Tarahumara
701
10.76
13.7
8.7
19.6
Tepehuano
10
0.15
0
0
0
Others
16
O.25
37.5
25.0
50.0
= Less Than 0.01 Percent
Source: Chihuahua: 1970 Tables 1 and 13.

126
that the members of the Tepehuano group who live in Chihuahua are to be
found mostly in the municipios of Morelos and Guadalupe y Calvo, but
the 1970 census reports Guadalupe y Calvo (l,055) and Guachochi (96)
pp
as having the largest number of speakers of this language. Assuming
Pennington's data to have been accurate at the time, some migration
may be presumed.
Wo means exist to determine which, if any, of the reported popula
tions have a claim to accuracy. The figure of 25,000 Tarahumara reported
in the 19^0 census (Cf. n. 20) obviously appears too much like someone's
"guess-timate to be acceptable. The researcher has often noted claims
that the number of Tarahumaras in Chihuahua is approximately 40,000,
the same source evidently reported other estimates of more than 30,000;
Carl Lumholtz, "Among the Tarahumaris: The American Cave-Dwellers,"
Scribner's Magazine, LVI, 1894, pp. 3138, and "Tarahumari Dance and
Plant Worship," pp. 438-456, (ibid. ?), and "Tarahumari Life and Customs,
pp. 296-3II, (ibid. ?) estimated their number as being about 30,000;
Ale§ HrdliCka, Physiological and Medical Observations Among Indians of
Southwestern United States and Mexico (Washington, D.C.: Smithsonian
Institution, Bureau of American Ethnology, Bulletin 34, 1908) estimated
19,000; Manuel Ocampo, Historia de la Misin de la Tarahumara (Mxico:
publisher not reported, 1950), reported a Jesuit survey which enumerated
over 46,000; the Mexican government reported 25,000 in the census of
population of 1940; and Francisco M. Planearte, El Problema Indgena
Tarahumara, Memorias del Instituto Nacional Indigenista, V (Mexico; no
publisher noted, 1954) reports a special census of these people which
enumerated over 44,000. (Cf. Pennington, p. 24 and his Bibliography.)
The place of residence of the Tarahumara is noted in all sources examined
as being in the western mountainous portions of Chihuahua, although the
present writer has personal knowledge of a considerable number of
Tarahumaras in municipio Juarez.
PI
^--Campbell W. Pennington, The Tepehuan of Chihuahua; Their Material
Culture (Salt Lake City: University of Utah Press, 1969), p..27
Pennington takes "as a partial clue" to the number of Tepehuanos living
in the state of Durango, the census reports of the number of persons who
speak that language (p. 25).
22Chihuahua: 1970, Table 13.

127
but there is the possibility that those who use this figure are report
ing each others estimate in a circular fashion with little real valid
ity. The nearly 23,000 speakers of Tarahumara reported in 1970 in Chi
huahua may, indeed, represent an undercount. Remote areas in the
western mountains are often difficult of access, and obviously, a cen
sus enumerates only those persons it can reach.
Although a census question directly asks if the person named
speaks an indigenous language, there may be persons -- for all one
knows, many persons -- who regularly or sometimes define themselves as
of Indian tribal identity, but who know little or nothing of the indig
enous language. After all, most persons, reported as speaking Tara-
humara, also spoke Spanish. Particularly when migration to a city has
removed such a family from fellow speakers of the language, the parents
themselves may come to use Spanish most of the time within the family,
and their children may insist on the use of the language of the streets,
of peers, of schools.
One feels little doubt that in Tulsa, Oklahoma, one finds persons
who define themselves and present themselves to others as Cherokee, but
who speak only English. (Did Will Rogers, the most famous person of
modern times to claim a Cherokee identity, speak the language? One
wonders.) Cross-cultural analogies are dangerous, but it seems reason
able to suppose that in such cities as Ciudad Juarez and Chihuahua,
some sense of Indian identification (including, perhaps, the acknowledge
ment of familial-clan obligations) may, indeed, outlast familiarity with
an Amerind language.
If this possibility is admitted, then language data alone will
distinctly underestimate the size of indigenous groups. This, pre-

128
sumably, is particularly likely if the Indio identity is often dispar
aged in the urban setting, and such is the case in Mexico in many in
stances. Since the Mexican census provides only this one criterion as
a means of identifying Amerind groups, it seems plausible that these
groups may be distinctly underreported in the state of Chihuahua, and
in the nation as a whole.
With respect to languages spoken in the state, it is seen in Table
VI-12 that although Tarahumara was by far the dominant indigenous lan
guage, there were considerable numbers of persons who spoke other in
digenous tongues as well. In the entire state, 12.7 percent of the
speakers of indigenous languages spoke something other than Tarahumara,
including 1,189 speakers of Tepehuano and 2,l40 who spoke "other"
indigenous languages.
The Major Municipios
The major municipios of the state reported relatively small
numbers of persons who spoke indigenous languages. (See Table VI-12.)
In absolute numbers, the 6l2 persons in Juarez, the largest municipio,
who spoke an indigenous language exceeded the number in any of the other
major municipios. Even so, this number represented only 0.l4 percent
of the population. In relative terms, Hidalgo de Parral, with 0.l6
percent of its population so reported, had a very slightly larger pro
portion than did Juarez, produced by ninety-nine such individuals.
Municipio Chihuahua, with 369 speakers of indigenous languages, or 0.13
percent of its population, was in the same general range. Neither
Delicias nor Cuauhte'moc had as many as 0.1 percent speakers of in
digenous languages in their populations. Remarkably few Indians appar
ently have migrated to the rapidly growing Chihuahuan cities, unless

129
the likelihood of -underreporting described above is, in fact, producing
underenumeration on a large scale.
The Minor Municipios
In some minor municipios, the speakers of indigenous languages
were found in considerable numbers. Most important of these was Guachochi,
where almost 32 percent of the population spoke an indigenous language,
and of these, 36.4 percent did not speak Spanish. The dominant native
language there, as in the state as a whole, was Tarahumara, with 4,991
speakers. Other minor municipios of importance were Batopilas, where
30.2 percent spoke Tarahumara, and just over half of these spoke no
Spanish, and Urique, where 25 percent of the population spoke a native
language, including 3>027 speakers of Tarahumara and 120 speakers of
"other" indigenous languages. (Presumably Tepehuano would not have been
classified in this way since in the census it is individually reported
in those municipios where it occurs.)
Approximately one-third of all the speakers of Tepehuano were found
in Chihuahua and almost 89 percent of these were found in municipio
Guadalupe y Calvo. Speakers of native tongues other than Tarahumara
and Tepehuano were widely scattered. The largest concentrations of
these Indians were in the two largest of the major municipios, Juarez
and Chihuahua, where nearly a third of the speakers of "other" native
languages were found.
No language information was available for the German-speaking
Mennonites in the state (especially in municipio Cuauhtemoc) or the
English-speaking Mormons in the north-central parts near Juarez and Casas
Grandes. Schmidt reports the number of the former as being approximately

130
32,000 and that of the two largest Mormon colonies as being about 600.^3
Rural and Urban Residence
There are substantial differences between the rural and urban
worlds in such things as social organization, the social processes, the
vital processes, and of course, in the number, distribution, and charac
teristics of their populations. Therefore, it is highly important to
determine the proportion of the population which is rural and that which
is urban. Unfortunately, and despite these differences, the apparently
pk
simple distinction becomes at times exceedingly difficult.
The concepts of rural and urban occupy extremes on a continuum,
and as such they represent mental constructs. Nevertheless, they are
empirical realities (although not, in most parts of the world, to the
extent that the labels imply) with which the demographer must deal prag
matically. Therefore, arbitrary definitions have been established which
correspond, in varying degrees, to the empirical conditions which obtain.
In the search for definition, many criteria have been employed, the most
common ones being those of number of inhabitants, density of population,
number and/or density of dwellings, nearness to larger conglomerates of
population, and the occupations of the adult male labor force. Obvious
ly, in the interests of clarity, some operational definition must be
^Robert H. Schmidt, Jr., A Geographical Survey of Chihuahua,
Southwestern Studies Monograph Number 37 (El Paso: Texas Western Press,
1973), p. 4o.
ok
One of the few contemporary writers who explicitly explores this
theme is T. Lynn Smith. The reader is referred to many of his works, but
most especially to The Sociology of Rural Life, 3rd ed. (New York: Harper
and Brothers, 1953), and (with C. A. McMahan), The Sociology of Urban
ife: A Textbook with Readings (New York: Dryden Press, 1951)- See,
in each work, Chapter 2.

131
employed, however inadequate this may he when applied to a particular
case.
When communities with greater than a specified minimum population
are classified as urban, it is disconcerting to find so classified
agricultural villages with populations of several thousands, which lack
the impersonal, bureaucratic, Gesellschaft characteristics of urban
areas. The opposite situation is also found, as in Brazil, where very
small places are declared as urban if they are the seat of local govern
ment.^
In any event, in the Mexican case, after viewing the alternatives,
the researcher has followed the example of the Direccin General de
Estadstica, and for present purposes, "rural" will be considered as
any place with a population less than 2,500 and "urban" any place with
a population of 2,500 or more.
National and State Data
In Mexico in 1970, there were 97>580 localidades. Of these,
95>4l0, or 97-8 percent, had fewer than 2,500 inhabitants; they were
rural by census definition. In these localidades lived 19,918,682 persons,
or 41.3 percent of the total population. This figure included 10,182,700
males (42.3 percent of the male population) and 9^733^982 females (40.3
percent of the female population). The rural sex ratio was 104.6.
There were 28,308,556 persons living in the 2,170 localidades
f 2,500 inhabitants or over. This 58.7 percent of the total national
population lived in only 2.2 percent of the total number of localidades.
Among these, 13,992,91^- were male (57*7 percent >_ all males in the
^T. Lynn Smith, Brazil: People and Institutions, rev. ed. (Baton
uge: Louisiana State University Press, 19' 3), pp. 75-80.

132
nation) and 14,425,642 were females (59*7 percent of all females). The
urban sex ratio was 96-2. (See Tables V-l and VI-l)
In Chihuahua there were 557*269 persons of both sexes in 1970 who
lived in places of fewer than 2,500 inhabitants. This rural population
constituted 34.6 percent of the total population of the state, and lived
in 5,36o localidades, or 99*2 percent of the 5*403 localidades in the
state. Among the rural population were 290,136 males (35*7 percent of
the male population) and 267,133 females (33-4 percent of the total).
The rural sex ratio of the state was 108.6. Although only forty-three
localidades, or 0.8 percent of the total in the state, had as many as
2,500 inhabitants, they contained 1,055*256 persons, or 65.4 percent
of the total population of the state. Of Chihuahuan males, 522,513* or
64.3 percent, lived in urban places as did 532,7^3* or 66.6 percent, of
the females, creating an urban sex ratio of 98*1* (The foregoing are
presented in, or can be calculated from, data in Tables V-l and VI-1.)
Although the researcher is skeptical that the simple definition of rural
and urban based only on size of place has sufficient validity in Mexico,
there is, as will be seen later, considerable similarity between the
percentage of persons living in places smaller than 2,500 inhabitants,
and the percentage of persons engaged in the primary industries of
agriculture, animal husbandry, fishing, and hunting.
The Major Municipios
Since each of the major municipios had more than 60,000 persons
it may be assumed that a figure of such size was probably reached because
of urban concentrations. As noted in Chapter V, four of them were dom
inated by the population of one urban localidad, and the fifth contained
two smaller urban concentrations.

133
Municipio Cuauhtemoc was the most rural of the major municipios,
yet Table V-3 shows that only 43-9 percent of its population lived in
places smaller than 2,500 inhabitants. In the other i ur major muni
cipios, the percentage rural was very much smaller. For example, in
Delicias only l8.4 percent of the population was rural, and the percent
age rural was even smaller in Chihuahua (j.2 percent), Hidalgo de Parral
(6.8 percent), and Juarez (2.1 percent). It is interesting, however,
that the second most populous localidad in Cuauhtemoc bears the census
designation of "Colonia Agrcola." Its population was 10,886, which is
emphatically urban by census definition, but its label as an agricultural
colony raises questions concerning its "urbanity." In Juarez, also,
there is a place designated as "colonia n.e.," and another which is an
ejido ,26 "both of more than 2,500 inhabitants.
The Minor Municipios
Since thirty-eight of the minor municipios had fewer than 2,500
inhabitants, they must be considered as rural in their entirety. Only
forty-three of the 5^^03 localidades of the state had as many as 2,500
inhabitants, and several of these were in the minor municipios as the
only "large" center of population. Nevertheless, in seven of the minor
municipios there were places of more than 2,500 inhabitants which re
ceived the label of ejido or colonia agricola, and two minerales ( a mine
ffirhe ejido system was one of Mexico's ways of approaching agrarian
reform. The idea was not new either to Mexico or the world. It is a
system involving communal land which is held in usufruct, the requirement
being that the head of the household use the land for productive pur
poses, or it is taken from him and reverts to the village which holds
bhe title. Cf. Eyler Simpson, The Ejido: Mexico1s Way Out (Chapel Hill:
University of North Carolina Press, 1937)> Chapter 1.

134
or center of mining operations in Mexican usage) .27 In the minor munici
pios also, it appears that the urban population, as defined, could
include communities essentially "rural" in their character.
Occupation
Occupation is a major and obvious determinant of the relative social
position of individuals within a society. Since occupation is highly
correlated with education, income, and style of life, it is important,
from the viewpoint of the relative development of an area, to know the
prevalent types of economic activity. Ordinarily there is also an obvious
28
correlation between rural residence and the primary occupations.
National and State Data
According to the 1970 census of population, there were 12,955>057
persons aged twelve and over who were economically active (see Tables
VI-12, VI-13, and VI-14).29
4"iThe data for size of localidad and localidad categories was taken
from Localidades: 1970. pp. 365-4-95passim.
2If the census designations of the "political category" of local
idades can be accepted as being validly descriptive of the type of place
(i.e., that a localidad designated as e,jido is, in fact, an ejido) this
statement may not always be true either in Chihuahua or in the nation as
a whole. It must be admitted, however, that the descriptive designation
f type of localidad may be no longer valid -- the appellation may have
not been corrected when or if the characteristics of the localidad changed.
29The term "economically active population" is defined by the Mexican
census as "that part of the population of age twelve years and older which
performed some work at some time in 1969 whether this be in return for
some form of income, or helping some member of his family in an economic
activity without pay, for an average of fifteen or more hours per week
during the time that he worked during the year." (Chihuahua: 1970
P* 259.) Hereafter, the economically active population will be

TABLE VI-13
PERCENT OF ECONOMICALLY ACTIVE POPULATION IN PLACES
OF SELECTED SIZES BY INDUSTRY FOR MEXICO AND CHIHUAHUA, 1969
Entity and
Economically
Total
Industry and Percent
of EAP by size
of Place
Size of Place
Active
Population
A
B
C
D
E
F
G
H
I
J
K
Mexico
12,955,057
99-9
39-^
0.7
0.7
16.7
4.4
0.4
9.2
2.8
16.7
3-1
5.8
0-2^99
5,085,964
100.0
76.9
0.1
0.8
6.1
1.9
0.1
2.8
0.8
4.5
0-9
5-1
2500-4.999
1,064,571
100.0
45.5
0.4
0.8
16.4
4.6
0.4
8.0
2.3
12.6
2.7
6.3
5P00-9999
984,542
100.0
27.4
0.7
1.0
22.4
5-9
0.6
10.7
3.5
17.8
3-5
6.5
lopoo-19999
920,552
100.1
16.1
1.0
1.3
25.0
6.0
0.6
12.8
4.0
22.6
4.6
6.1
20900-49999
934,881
99.9
12.2
1.1
0.9
24.5
6.3
0.6
14.5
4.6
24.1
5.0
6.1
50p00 and over
3,991,367
100.0
4.9
1.2
0.4
25.3
6.3
0.6
15.4
4.7
29.8
5.3
6.1
Chihuahua
416,026
100.0
36.4
0.2
2.7
12.5
5.0
0.4
11.0
3-5
19.2
2.8
6.1
0-2499
143,970
100.0
77.9
0.03
1.8
5.1
1-5
0.1
2.3
1.3
4.9
0.9
4.2
2500-4999
21,040
100.1
52.1
0.1
5.0
8.4
4.2
0.2
7.7
2.6
13-2
2.2
4.4
5900-9999
10,693
100.0
33.8
0.4
8.5
10.5
4.3
1.4
9.3
7-3
16.7
3.0
4.8
10900-19999
19,921
100.0
22.3
0.1
16.0
13.5
3-9
0.2
10.7
3-4
20.2
3.2
6.5
20. 00-49999
18,255
100.0
21.8
1.6
0.7
14.3
5-3
0.7
16.4
4.9
24.3
3-3
6.7
509OO and over
202,147
99-9
8.1
0.2
1.6
18.1
7-7
0.6
17.1
5.0
29.6
4.2
7.7
Legend
A Agriculture
, Livestock raising, Forestry,
Fishing and
Hunting
B Petroleum Industries
C Extractive Industries
D Transformation Industries
E Construction
F Generation and Distribution of Electrical Energy
G Commerce
H Transportation
I Services
J Government
K Insufficiently Specified
Source: Resumen General: 1970? Table 37*

136
TABLE VI-14
PERCENT OF ECONOMICALLY ACTIVE POPULATION LIVING
INDEX NUMBERS OF PERCENT IN INDUSTRY BY PERCENT IN
Entity and EAP
Size of Place
Percent
* A
Index
B
Index
c
Index
D
Index
E
Index
Mexico
100.0
100.0
100.0
100.0
100.0
100.0
100.0
100
.0
100.0
100.0
100.0
0-2,499
39-1
76.2
194-9
8.3
21.2
41.2
105.4
14
.2
36.3
17.1
43-7
2,500-4,999
8.2
9-5
115.9
5.3
64.6
9.1
111.0
8
.0
97.6
8.6
104.9
5,000-9,999
7.6
5.3
69.7
7-6
143.4
10.2
134.2
10
.2
134.2
10.2
134.2
10,000-19,999
7.1
2.9
40.8
10.4
358.6
12.2
171.8
10
. 6
149-3
9-7
136.6
20,000-49,999
7.2
2.2
30.6
12.6
572.7
8.6
119.4
10
5
145.8
10.3
143.1
50,000 & over
30.8
3-9
12.7
55.8
181.2
18.7
60.7
46
5
15-1.0
44.1
143.2
Chihuahua
100.1
99-9
100.0
100.1
100.0
100.1
100.0
100
.0
100.0
99-9
0-2,499
34.6
74.0
213.9
6.1
17.6
23.9
69.I
14
.1
40.8
10.2
29.5
2,500-4,999
5-1
7.2
141.2
1.6
31.3
9.4
184.3
3
66.7
4.2
82.4
5,000-9,999
2.6
2.4
92.3
5.3
203.8
8.2
315.4
2
.1
80.8
2.2
84.6
10,000-19,999
4.8
2.9
60.4
2.3
47.9
28.6
595-8
5
.2
184.6
3.7
77.1
20,000-49,999
4.4
2.6
59.1
35.3
802.3
1.2
27.3
5
.0
113.6
4.6
104.5
50,000 & over
48.6
10.8
22.2
49.5
101.9
28.8
59.3
70
.2
144.4
75.0
154.3
Legend
A Agriculture, Livestock raising, Forestry, Fishing & Hunting
B Petroleum Industries
C Extractive Industries
D Transformation Industries
E Construction
F Generation and Distribution of Electrical ED; rgy
^Percents derived from numbers
Source: Resumen General:

137
IN LOCALIDADES OF SPECIFIED SIZE BY INDUSTRY;
SIZE OF LOCALIDAD, MEXICO AND CHIHUAHUA, 1969
F
Index
G
Index
H
Index
I
Index
J
Index
K
Index
100.0
100.0
100.0
100.0
100
.0
100.0
99.99
100.0
100.0
100.0
100.1
100.0
13.1
33.5
11.7
29.9
11
.6
29.7
10.5
26.9
10.7
27.4
34.8
89.O
8.9
108.5
7-1
86.6
6
7
81.7
6.2
75*6
7.1
86.6
9.0
109.8
11.4
16O.6
8.8
115.8
9
5
125.0
8.1
IO6.6
8.4
110.5
8.6
113.2
10.6
149-3
9.8
138.0
10
.0
i4o.8
9.6
135.2
10.4
146.5
7.5
105.6
10.1
140.3
11.4
158.3
11
.6
lfal.l
10.4
144.4
11.6
154.7
7.7
106.9
45.9
149.0
51.2
166.2
50
.6
164.3
55.1
178.9
51.8
168.2
32.5
105.5
100.0
100.0
100
.0
100.0
100.0
11.3
32.7
7.3
21.1
12
.2
35.3
8.8
25.4
10.4
30.1
23.9
69.I
2.5
49.O
3.5
68.6
3
.8
74.5
3.5
68.6
3-9
76.5
3.6
70.6
8.3
319.2
2.2
84.6
5
3
203.8
2.2
84.6
2.7
103.8
2.0
76.9
2.6
184.6
4.7
97.9
4
.6
95.8
5.0
104.2
5.4
112.5
5.0
104.2
7.4
168.2
6.5
147.7
6
.1
138.6
5-5
125.O
5.1
115.9
4.8
109.1
67.9
139.7
75.8
156.0
68
.0
139.9
75.0
154.3
72.5
149.2
60.6
124.7
G Commerce
H Transportation
I Services
J Government
K Insufficiently Specified
of EAP in stub of Table VI-13.
1970, Table 37.

138
Table VI-13 presents the percentage of the EAP by size of place
in each of eleven industrial categories. To show the high degree of
correlation between residence in places of under 2,500 inhabitants and
primary occupation, the figures under "A" in Table VI-13 (referring to
the primary industries) show an inverse and perfect correlation in terms
of rank order between size of place and percentage of the population
engaged in the primary industries, presumably mostly agriculture.
The companion table is Table VI-l4. In Tables VI-13 and. VI-14,
the matrix is rotated ninety degrees when compared to the other. This
means that in Table VI-13 the rows add horizontally to 100 percent,
while in Table VI-l4 the columns add vertically to 100 percent. The
value of this presentation may be seen by taking, for example, category
"A'1, the primary industries. In Table VI-13, under column "A" it is
seen among the total EAP in Mexico, 39*^ percent was involved in primary
industries; that in localidades with populations from 0 to 2,499; 76*9
percent of the EAP was so involved; that in places with populations which
ranged from 2,500 to 4,999; 45*5 percent of their population worked in
primary industries, and so on.
On the other hand, in Table VI-l4 it is seen that of all the EAP
employed^ in primary industries, "j6.2 percent were to be found in
places whose populations ranged from zero through 2,499; that 9*5 per-
abbreviated as the EAP, and economically active persons as EAP's. The
distinction between the two will be obvious in context.
^OThe reader should note that "employed" as it is used in this
section merely refers to the area or industry of economic activity of
the person, regardless of whether he was presently working or not.

139
c. vt of primary industry SAP's were in places with populations from
to 4,999 -.nd so on.
To return briefly to rural and urban residence, and to rural and
urban occupations, it is obvious from Table VI-14 that the definition
of rural as used by the Direccio'n General de Estadstica may not be too
far in error, since more than three-fourths of the EAP employed in
primary industries were found in places smaller than 2,500 inhabitants.
Table VI-13 shows that, nationally, 394 percent of the EAP was
eifiplo/ed in primary industries and that 7&9 percent of all EAP's living
in places of less than 2,500 inhabitants were so employed. Second and
third in importance in terms of numbers of employees were the trans
formation and service industries, each with 16.7 percent of the EAP of
the nation. In the fourth place, with 9*2 percent of the EAP employed
S2
were the various forms of commerce.
Just as there was a perfect inverse correlation in the rank orders
of size of place and occupation in the primary industries, there is a
considerable -- but not perfect -- association between the size of place
as seen in Table VI-13, and the percentage of the EAP employed in con
struction, transformation, commerce, transportation, service, petroleum,
3-1-The reader is cautioned to observe carefully the changes in
definitions of certain occupational categories in the 1970 census of pop
ulation prior to attempting comparisons with earlier censuses. Such
definitions are explained in the Prologue of each census volume.
0 "Commerce" is not well defined in the census volumes. Unless
other and more adequate definitions were provided to the census takers,
in the opinion of the researcher, it may include those who operate the
thousands of push-carts throughout the nation, selling fruit, tacos,
toiled corn-on-the-cob, candies and ices, and the like. In such case,
the owner-operator could also be classified as the "proprietor" of a
business.

and government categories.
Table VI-l4 (with its orthogonal view of the same data as in Table
VI-13) reveals an obvious and marked "preference" of certain industries
for places of certain sizes. As already reported, there is a marked
preference of the primary industry EAP's for places with fewer than
2,500 inhabitants. By the same token, 55*8 percent of the EAP's of
the petroleum industry were in places of 50,000 inhabitants and over.
In the extractive industries, it is obvious from Table VI-l4 that the
greatest number of such persons, 4-1.2 percent, were found in localidades
smaller than 2,500 persons. The industries involving transformation,
construction, and the generation and distribution of electricity showed
marked concentration in places of 50,000 persons and over, but it was in
the commerce, transportation, service and government activities that
places of 50,000 and over had an actual majority of the EAP.
Index numbers which compare the percent of the EAP found in each
industry by size of place with the percent of the EAP found in places
of that size also are shown in Table VI-l4. For example, rural places
contained 39-1 percent of the EAP, but they also contained 76.2 percent
of the EAP active in primary industries. These figures produce an index
number of 194.9 for the pro rata share of EAP's active in primary indus
tries in places of this population range.
Examination of index numbers of other industrial categories reveals
in Table VI-14 that the largest pro rata share of EAP's in the petroleum
industry was found in places of 10,000 through 19>999 persons; for the
extractive industry, the highest index was in places of the same size.
411 other industries showed, with minor variations, considerable concen
tration in places of 50,000 or more inhabitants.

l4l
In Chihuahua, many of the findings were highly similar to those
at the national level. Table VI-13 shows the marked preference for
primary industries in the smaller localidades, although in Chihuahua
localidades much larger than in the nation had large percentages of the
EAP involved in primary industries. The only industry which in Chihuahua
differed greatly from national figures was the extractive industry.
Nationally only 0.7 percent of the EAP was involved in extractive indus
tries, hut in Chihuahua, this figure reached 2.7 percent of the total EAP.
Chihuahuan labor was less rural (in terms of the numbers of EAP's
living in places of less than 2,500 persons) than was the nation in
1970, although the difference was not great -- 34.6 percent and 39*1
percent. Nevertheless, the index number for Chihuahua was much greater
for employment in primary industries than that for the nation. In
Chihuahua, an index number of 2139> compared with 194.9 for the nation,
shows the relative proportion of EAPs employed in primary industries
compared with the population of EAP's in rural areas. (Table VI-14.)
Tables VI-15 and VI-16 show employment by industry of the EAP by
age and sex at the state level. Also contained in these tables is the
orthogonal view in which the matrix of the data is rotated ninety degrees
so as to present data in the same fashion as in Tables VI-13 and VI-14.
Examination of Table VI-15 and Table VI-16 reveals that in VI-15, the
columns add to 100 percent. This means that the EAP's in each industry
are broken down according to age. Contrariwise, in Table VI-16, it is
the rows which add horizontally to 100.0 percent, making evident the
percentage, at a given age, of persons active in each industry.
Table VI-15 shows that the participation of those under age fourteen
ln the various occupations was not great, and that they were active mostly

Age Total
and Economically
Percent
of
TABLE VI-15
ECONOMICALLY ACTIVE POPULATION BY INDUSTRY -
PERCENT BY AGE AND SEX CHIHUAHUA, 1969
Percent of Workers by Age in Each Industry
Sex
Active
Total
A
B
c
D
E
F
G
H
I
J
K
Males
3^2,318
100.0
100.0
100.0
100.0
100.0
100.0
100.0
100.0
100.0
100.0
100.0
100.0
12-14
5,860
1-7
2.6
0.8
0.4
1.2
0.6
0.2
1.5
0.3
1.2
0.3
1.7
15-19
38,250
11 .'2
12.2
9.1
5.8
13-0
9-7
7.4
11.4
5.3
10.7
6.1
11.7
20-24
49,564
14.5
13.3
17.2
13.3
17.1
13-7
16.3
l4.6
13.0
16.7
i4.6
14.5
25-29
46,663
13-6
12.3
16.6
13.5
15.4
13-4
19.2
13.2
15.3
l6.1
15.0
12.6
30-34
41,015
12.0
10.8
17.0
14.4
12.7
12.3
15.7
11.8
15.6
13.3
13-7
10.8
35-39
38,370
11.2
10.6
11.6
14.4
11.2
12.5
l4.i
10.5
15.9
10.9
12.0
10.4
4o-44
30,397
8.9
8.3
10.0
12.0
8.4
10.5
10.3
8.9
12.2
8.4
10.0
8.4
45-49
26,089
7.6
7.4
6.3
9.0
7.2
9.4
7.1
7.6
8.5
7.0
8.6
7.8
50-54
18,767
5.5
5.8
5.6
6.1
4.6
6.1
3.9
5-5
4.8
5.0
5.8
5-7
55 & over
47,343
13.8
16.6
5-7
11.1
9-3
11.8
5-7
15.1
9-0
10.7
13.7
l6.4
Females
73,708
100.0
100.0
100.0
100.0
100.0
100.0
100.0
100.0
100.0
100.0
100.0
100.0
12-14
2,067
2.8
6.5
3.5
2.0
1-5
2.2
1.4
1-5
1.2
2.8
0.2
3.8
15-19
16,974
23.0
23.8
27.9
19-7
23.9
27.9
24.8
26.6
18.6
21.7
18.2
23.9
20-24
16,183
22.0
18.6
19.8
25.8
24.3
25.1
25.5
25.2
32.6
21.1
27.7
19.1
25-29
8,852
12.0
9.6
15.1
13-3
12.2
12.6
16.3
12.0
14.3
12.5
17.2
9-7
30-34
6,456
8.8
7.2
2.3
7.8
8.3
7.2
12.8
7.7
10.1
9-5
12.1
7-5
35-39
6,086
8.3
7.0
11.6
7.8
8.2
6.7
9-9
7.1
5.7
9.0
7.8
7.8
40-44
4,707
6.4
5-7
3-5
7.8
6.3
3-5
2.1
5.2
5-3
7.0
5.5
6.2
45-49
3,809
5-2
4.8
5-8
4.9
4.9
5.0
2.8
4.3
5.4
5.6
4.1
5-3
50-54
2,672
3*6
4.0
1.2
2.9
3.0
3.5
2.8
3.4
2.3
3-7
2.2
4.2
55 & over
A Primary
5,902'
industries
8.0
12.7 9-3 7-8 7.4
Legend
E Construction
6-3
1.4
7.0
4.5
7.0 5.0 12.5
I Service industr:
B Petroleum industry
C Extractive industry
D Transformation industries
F Electricity generation & distribution
G Commerce
H Transportation industry
J Government
K Not specified
Source: Chihuahua: 1970, Table 23

TABEE VI- 16
ECONOMICALLY ACTIVE POPULATION BY INDUSTRY
-- FERCENT BY AGE AND SEX -- CHIHUAHUA, 1969
Age
and Sex
Total
Percent
A
B
Percent of Workers in Each Industry by Age
C D E F G H I
J
K
Males
100.0
42.3
0.2
3.1
13.0
5.9
0.5
10.1
4.1
12.4
3.0
5-3
12-14
100.0
63.5
0.1
0.7
9-1
2.0
0.1
9.0
0.6
9.0
0.5
5-3
15-19
100.0
46.3
0.2
1.6
15-1
5-2
0.3
10.3
2.0
11.8
1.6
5.6
20-24
100.0
38.9
0.3
2.9
15.3
5.6
0.5
10.1
3-7
14.3
3.0
5-3
25-29
100.0
38.3
0.3
3.1
14.6
5.8
0.7
9-7
4.6
14.7
3.3
4.9
30-34
100.0
38.2
0.3
3.8
13.7
6.1
O.b
10.0
5-4
13.8
3-4
4.8
35-39
100.0
40.0
0.2
4.0
13.0
6.6
0.6
9-5
5.8
12.1
3-2
4.9
40-44
100.0
39.8
0.2
4.2
12.3
7.0
0.5
10.1
5.7
11.8
3-4
5.0
45-49
100.0
41.4
0.2
3-7
12.2
7.4
0.4
10.0
4.6
11.4
3-4
5-4
50-54
100.0
44.8
0.2
3.5
10.8
6.6
0.3
10.0
3.6
11.4
3-2
5.6
55 & over
100.0
50.8
0.1
2.5
8.7
5-1
0.2
11.0
2.7
9.6
3.0
6.3
Females
100.0
8.9
0.1
0.5
10.6
0.7
0.2
15.1
0.9
50.8
2.2
10.0
12-14
100.0
20.5
0.1
0.3
5.5
0.6
0.1
8.0
0.4
50.7
0.2
13.5
15-19
100.0
9.2
0.1
0.4
11.0
0.9
0.2
17.5
0.7
47.9
1.7
10.3
20-24
100.0
7.5
0.1
0.5
11.7
0.8
0.2
17-3
1-3
48.9
2.7
8.7
25-29
100.0
7.1
0.1
0.5
10.8
0.8
0.3
15.1
l.l
53.0
3.1
8.1
30-34
100.0
7.3
--
0.4
10.1
0.6
0.3
13.4
1.0
55-2
3-0
8.6
35-39
100.0
7.6
0.2
0.4
10.5
0.6
0.2
13-0
0.6
55.4
2.1
9.4
40-44
100.0
8.0
0.1
0.6
10.5
0.4
0.1
12.3
0.7
55.9
1.9
9.6
45-49
100.0
8.3
0.1
0.4
10.1
0.7
0.1
12.5
0.9
54.7
1.7
10.3
50-54
100.0
9.8
--
0.4
8.8
0.7
0.1
14.2
0.6
52.5
1.3
11.4
55 & over
100.0
14.0
0.1
0.5
9-8
0.6
--
13-2
0.5
44.4
1.4
15.6
-- = quantity more than zero but less than 0.05.
A Primary industries
B Petroleum industries
C Extractive industries
D Transformation industries
Legend
E Construction industries
F Electricity generation & distribution
G Commerce
H Transportation industries
I Service industries
J Government
K Not specified
Source: Chihuahua: 1970 > Table 23

144
in primary industry., and commerce for males and petroleum for women. All
areas of activity showed increasing participation with increasing age
until age twenty-four, hut a decline in participation began to be apparent
at the end of the third decade of life. In Mexico, there apparently is
some perceived importance to the fortieth year of life, which may well
be crucial for the employment of both men and women.
Table VI-15 indicates that women tended to be employed at younger
ages than men in all industries except commerce and government. Also
evident was a large concentration of female EAP's between the ages of
fifteen and twenty-four. After this age, child-care and/or other home
making activities perhaps removed many of the women from the EAP. After
age 24, female EAP percentages related inversely to age to a much greater
extent than did percentages for males. The age distribution of the male
EAP was also inversely related to the age of the population, but to a
lesser degree than that of the female. Male EAP's were most numerous
at the younger ages over age fifteen, but after age twenty-five, showed
a continual decline through each successive five-year age group. Faulty
age reporting, particularly the tendency of respondents to understate
age, necessitates a certain caution in drawing conclusions from these
data.
Table VI-l6 (the orthogonal view of data contained in VI-15) shows
that the greatest area of economic activity of males of all ages was in
the primary industries, in which 42.3 percent of the male EAP was active,
contrasted with only 8.9 percent of the female EAP. Among both sexes,
the greatest proportion of the EAP found in primary industries was in
the younger ages, perhaps indicating a shift of residence from rural to
urban with increasing independence based on age. The decrease of the EAP

145
percentage in primary industries was much greater among females than
among males, again supporting the rural to urban migration hypothesis
because of the known preference of females for this type of migration.
Table VI-l6 shows that the area of greatest employment of the female
EAP was in the service industries, and one suspects that a large propor
tion of these were probably in domestic service. The proportion of women
so employed increased with increasing age through age forty-four. In
addition to the employment of 50.8 percent of the female EAP's in service
industries, it is seen that commerce employed 15-1 percent; transforma
tion 10.6 percent; and primary industries employed 8.9 percent of the
female EAP. A rather large percentage of females, 10.0 percent of
their EAP, did not specify their area of economic activity sufficiently
for the census, and, in consequence, their area of activity is unknown.
For males, the areas of greatest occupation (in addition to the
primary industries) were transformation (13.O percent), service (12.4
percent), and commerce (lO.l percent). Only for 5*3 percent of the male
EAP was occupation insufficiently specified for the census.
Table VI-16 also shows that the major contrasts in the occupations
of the male and the female EAP's were in the areas of primary, extractive,
construction, and transportation industries in which the percentage of
males greatly exceeded that of females, and in commerce and service in
dustries in which female EAP's were present in much larger percentages
than were males.
The Major Municipios
Occupation by industry is shown in Table VI-17. In only two of the
five major municipios were the primary industries the most important
area of economic activity. As in some previous instances, municipio

TABUS VI-XT
ECONOMICALLY ACTIVE POPULATION IN CHIHUAHUA AND MAJOR MUNICIPIOS:
NUMBER AND PERCENT BY INDUSTRY
EAP in
Total Primary Industries Percent of Economically Active in Various Industries
Municipio
EAP
Number Percent
A
B
C
D
E
F
G
H
I
J
K
Total
State of Chihuahua
416,026
151,498
36.4
36.4
0.2
2.
7
12.5
5.0
0.4
11.0
3.5
19.2
2.8
6.1
100.0
Cuauhtemoc
17,362
8,096
46.6
46.6
0.1
0.
2
14.5
3.2
0.3
9.8
2.5
14.2
1.4
7.1
100.0
Chihuahua
74,104
8,885
12.0
12.0
0.2
1.
3
17.8
7.7
0.7
14.7
6.2
27.0
5.3
7.0
100.0
Delicias
16,752
5,236
31.3
31.3
0.1
0.
3
11.1
4.6
1.1
14.9
2.9
22.7
5.3
5.8
100.0
Hidalgo de Parral
16,774
2,019
12.0
12.0
0.2
11.
7
18.3
4.2
0.6
15.8
4.2
23.7
2.4
6.9
100.0
Juarez
108,078
9,342
8.6
8.6
0.2
0.
4
17.8
8.2
0.4
17.7
4.2
31.1
3.3
8.2
100.0
Legend
A Agriculture, cattle raising, forestry, fishing and hunting
B Petroleum industry
C Extractive industry
D Transformation industry
E Construction
F Electricity generation and distribution
G Commerce
H Transportation
I Service
J Government
K Not specified
Source: Chihuahua: 1970? Table 23.

147
Cuauhtemoc showed characteristics which tend more toward rural than toward
urban configurations. Since Cuauhtemoc was chosen as one of the major
municipios because of the size of its population., the researcher wonders
if there might not, indeed, be minor (smaller) municipios which had
largely urban configurations, just as Cuauhtemoc had rural characteristics
in many respects. The writer sought without success to obtain computer
tapes for the 1970 census, but perhaps in the future such tapes may be
available. If so, a detailed analysis of the minor municipios may be un
dertaken to determine if some of them, despite relatively small total
populations, were essentially urban in some of their occupational or other
characteristics.
Delicias is the other major municipio in which a large proportion
of the EAP was involved in the primary industries. In the other three
major municipios, the service industries were the most important, although
large proportions of the EAP's were also employed in the transformation
and commerce industries. In the major municipios, only in Hidalgo de
Parral was a large proportion of the EAP employed in the extractive in
dustries. Those municipios having the largest cities had large propor
tions of their EAP engaged in service industries. Many of these,
especially women, were probably employed in domestic service. In Juarez,
however, many such persons must find employment in tourist-oriented
occupations and it certainly is not surprising to find large numbers of
persons employed in government occupations in Chihuahua (the capital
municipio). Slightly more than 3^500 were also so employed in Juarez,
site of the major port-of-entry from the United States.
The Minor Municipios
When the state was compared with the nation, in only one industry

148
TABLE VI-18
MINOR MUNICIPIOS IMPORTANT IN EXTRACTIVE INDUSTRIES:
ECONOMICALLY ACTIVE POPULATION; NUMBER AND PERCENT
ACTIVE IN EXTRACTIVE INDUSTRIES, 1969
Municipio
Economically Active Population
Number in Percent of
Number Extractive Industries Total EAP
Median
Income
Per Month
Aquiles Serdan
Santa Barbara
San Francisco del Oro
Moris
Marguarichic
Saucillo
Ocampo
Aldama
Camargo
Total
1,093
616
4,335
1,943
3,072
1,307
1,335
231
447
49
7,386
848
1,191
122
3,236
297
9,136
722
31,231
6,135
Pesos
56.4
$1062.27
44.6
933.16
42.5
1022.06
17.3
408.23
11.9
436.93
11.5
638.97
10.2
699.31
9.2
638.89
7-9
679-24
19.6
Source: Chihuahua: 1970 Tables 23 and 28.

149
did. a much larger proportion of the EAP participate the extractive in
dustries. It will he recalled, from an earlier chapter, that much growth
and development of Chihuahua was due to the richness of its mineral de
posits. It is necessary to turn to the minor municipios to find the
source of the relatively large proportion of the EAP occupied in the extra
tive industries in Chihuahua.
Table VI-l8 presents the most important of the minor municipios in
33
the extractive industries, and shows that these nine municipios had a
total of 31^231 persons in their EAP (which was only 7*5 percent of the
state's total EAP). However, the 6,135 persons active in the extractive
industries represented 55*3 percent of the state's total number of workers
in that industry. Furthermore, when the EAP of the municipio of Hidalgo
de Parral is added to the EAP of these nine minor municipios, the re
sulting total is only 11.5 percent of the state's total EAP, but the ten
municipios accounted for 72-9 percent of all EAP's in the extractive
industries in the state.
With the use of index numbers, Table VI-19 clearly demonstrates the
overrepresentation of the minor municipios in the primary and extractive
industries. Otherwise, only in the petroleum industry did the minor
municipios have even their pro rata share of activity among their EAP.
In almost half of the remaining industries, the minor municipios had
index numbers of less than 50.
Income
Closely related to occupation, and of major importance in deter
mining style of life, its quality, and even its length, is the acquistion
33Thereader is cautioned to note that in 1970 the petroleum in
dustry was not included among the extractive industries.

TABLE VI-19
ECONOMICALLY ACTIVE POPULATION BY INDUSTRY IN STATE
AND AGGREGATED MAJOR AND AGGREGATED MINOR MUNICIPIOS;
INDEX NUMBERS FOR MINOR MUNICIPIOS PRO RATA SHARE BY INDUSTRY
Total Type of Industry3'
Place
EAP
A
B
C
D
E
F
G
H
I
J
K
State
416,026
151,498
834
11,103
52,166
20,862
1,749
45,665
14,749
79,984
11,843
25,573
Major
Municipios
233,070
33,578
^35
3,427
39,887
16,612
1,265
36,904
10,771
63,853
8,966
17,372
Minor
Municipios
182,956
117,920
399
7,676
12,279
4,250
484
8,761
3,978
16,131
2,877
8,201
Index
Numbers
(State= 100)
Minor
Municipios
78.5
177.2
100.0
155-6
53.6
46.0
75.0
43.6
62.9
45.8
57-1
73.8
aLegend of
Industries
A Primary
B Petroleum
C Extractive
D Transformation
E Construction
F Electricity generation and
G Commerce
distribution
H Transportation
I Service
J Government
Source: Chihuahua: 1970¡ Table 23
o

151
of whatever medium of exchange is used by a given society. Once a complex
division of labor appears, bartering, whether for goods, services, or
favors begins. The existence of portable bartering goods inevitably leads
to a standardized medium of exchange. In any event, all modern societies
have monetary systems and, to one degree or another, are marked by in
equality in the distribution of income.
It is extremely difficult to compare the level of living in different
societies on the basis of the median (or mean or modal) income. Even when
unfamiliar monetary units are "translated" into dollars, little meaning
ful information may be given. Significant statements regarding income are
those which translate monetary units into human labor units and note that
a man, working in industry x, must work jr units of time, in order to buy
z amount of bread. Even these statements are confusing, however, because
in different societies, once the minimal subsistence level is passed, dif
ferential values are placed on particular rewards. Prices in Mexico are
roughly comparable with those in the United States for many items at the
present time. Those things which are much less expensive reflect to a
great extent either the lower costs of labor in Mexico or artificially
inflated prices in the United States due to various types of price sup
ports and/or taxation. If such matters are kept in mind, Table VI-20
which presents data referring to income by industry in the nation, the
state, and in each of the major municipios may be more meaningful. It is
unfortunate that the Mexican census does not report income by age or sex.
In Mexico, the median income in 1969 was $Mex597*19 monthly.
Highest incomes were found in the petroleum industries, where the median
income was $Mex2,370.51 monthly. Although the highest median income was
found in this industry also in Chihuahua, it was not so high as in the

152
nation as a whole (See Table VI-20). Nevertheless the median income for
the state as a whole was greater than that for the nation by some $Mexl20
monthly.
Despite the recent devaluation of the dollar, the peso has retained
its set dollar value of $US0.08 thus being devaluated accordingly on the
world market. Inflation is a problem in Mexico, but a recent presidential
decree established ceiling prices on such staple items as beans, corn,
tortillas, sugar, and rice.
Unemployment is also a problem in Mexico where nationally, at the
census moment, 7*2 percent of the EAP was looking for work. Of these, 77*7
percent had been looking for work for from one to four weeks, 15.5 percent
for from five to twelve weeks, and 6.7 percent had been looking for work
34 n
for more than twelve weeks. Many persons who are "employed" open doors,
"watch" cars, wipe windshields at stop lights, sell lottery tickets, or
perform a variety of other nonpermanent and unpredictable occupations.
This "underemployment" does not find its way into the census figures nor,
insofar as the writer is aware, into any of the official statistics.
In Chihuahua, Table VI-20 shows the median monthly income in 1969 to
have been $Mex7l6.50 which is distinctly above the national average. As
in the national figures, the reader is cautioned to beware of thoughts of
what such an income can purchase in either the United States or in Mexico.
He is assured, however, that it is very little in either nation. Such a
wage (and bear in mind that this is a median wage), in the opinion of the
researcher is, in most parts of Mexico, below the subsistence level for a
single individual. By way of comparison with Chihuahua, the median
^Resumen General: 1970 Table 53-

153
monthly income in Oaxaca in the extreme south of the Republic was only
$Msx407*79* It must be assumed that such income is supplemented with
some form of payment in kind, or by agricultural products raised for do
mestic use.
The industry which paid the highest monthly wage in the state was
the petroleum industry, as noted above. Nevertheless, only a very small
proportion of the EAP was active in this industry. The industry em
ploying the greatest number of Chihualiuenses (natives or residents of
Chihuahua), other than the primary industries, was the category, service
industries, in which the median monthly income in the state was $Mex800.20.
Women employed in domestic service in Cd. Juarez, on the basis of the re
searcher's observation, earn some $Mex400 to $Mex500 monthly, in addition
to room and board and "tote."
The Major Municipios
Not unexpectedly, the two largest municipios also had the highest
median income. In Juarez, the median income in 1969 was $Mex929-20 per
month, and in Chihuahua it was $Mex87190* The median income in Hidalgo
de Parral was somewhat lower at $Mex8l3*50 per month, in part supported,
in all probability, by the relatively large proportion of that municipio's
EAP employed in the extractive industries. Municipios Delicias and
Cuauhtemoc had considerably lower median monthly incomes. These were
$Mex733.90 and $Mex700.60 respectively. The details of income by in
dustry are given in Table VI-20.
35"Tote" is an expression common in bygone years in the American
South which involved the poorly paid Negro maid's tacitly understood right
to tote" (carry) home such items as left-over food and discarded clothing.

TABLE VI-20
ECONOMICALLY ACTIVE POPULATION: PERCENT IN EACH INDUSTRY REPORTING SPECIFIED
MONTHLY INCOME, FOR MEXICO, CHIHUAHUA, AND MAJOR MUNICIPIOS, 1969
Industry0 and Percent Reporting Specified Income
Place and Income
Total
A
B
c
D
E
F
G
H
I
J
K
Republic of Mexico8,
100.0
100.0
100.0
100.0
100.0
100.0
100.0
100.0
100.0
100.0
100.0
100.0
0-199
18.3
34.6
1.2
4.8
7*5
4.0
1.6
8.2
2.6
12.4
2.2
l8.0
200-499
26.4
42.4
3*0
16.0
13*6
13.9
4.2
20.0
8.1
23.0
5.7
24.4
500-999
27.0
16.9
9.6
4o.8
36.2
49.0
17*3
34.5
31.1
25.1
34.4
31.5
1,000-1,499
12.7
2-5
8.4
18.1
20.6
19.0
22.5
15.8
28.2
l6.1
30.0
11-9
1,500-2,499
8.2
1.6
36.8
11.6
12.2
7*5
27*3
10.2
18.7
12.5
l4.0
6.8
2,500-4,999
4.6
l.l
33*1
5*2
6.2
4.1
19.1
6.9
8.3
6.9
9-7
4.2
5,000-9,999
1*7
0.4
6.4
1.9
2.4
1*7
6.0
2.4
2.0
2.8
3.0
1-7
10,000 and over
0.9
0.5
1*5
1.6
1.4
0.8
2.1
1.0
1.0
1.2
0.9
1.4
Median Income 1969
597*19
308.70
11
Lf\
d
c
00
OJ
CD
vn
00
b
899.86
827.52
1661.00
807.48
1145.27
791.25
1126.44
620.28
Chihuahua State13
100.0
100.0
100.0
100.0
100.0
100.0
100.0
100.0
100.0
100.0
100.0
100.0
0-199
13.9
27.0
2.5
1.9
4.8
4.3
1.4
5*9
2.7
10.9
2.9
11.7
200-499
21.8
33.8
5*2
5.9
12.9
10.8
4.1
16.9
7.8
21.8
5.8
20.8
500-999
33.5
28.2
14.2
29.5
4l.4
52.1
15.9
40.2
34.7
28.8
32.9
36.6
1,000-1,499
l4.0
4.0
11.1
32.3
18.6
17.6
22.6
I7.2'
30.2
16.1
32.1
13.8
1,500-2,499
8.9
3*1
26.0
22.9
10.3
6.4
32.3
9*9
14.3
13.5
14.5
7-8
2,500-4,999
5.6
2.5
30.5
4.7
8.7
6.6
18.5
7*3
7-6
6.0
8.6
6.2
5,000-9,999
1.6
0.7
8.1
1.9
2.2
1*7
4.1
2.0
1.7
2.1
2.5
1.7
10,000 and over
0.8
0.7
2.3
0.9
1.1
0.6
1.0
0.8
1.1
0.8
0.8
1.3
Median income 1969
716.5
404.3
2151.8
1073.4
890.2
835*3
1683.1
839.6
1080.2
800.2
1130.5
738.3
Cuauhtemoc13
100.0
100.0
100.0
100.0
100.0
100.0
100.0
100.0
100.0
100.0
100.0
100.0
0-199
16.9
27*3
--
3.1
3.5
4.3
--
5.9
6.6
16.9
6.4
18.0
200-499
21.0
26.9
19.0
21.9
9.8
14.9
7*1
19.6
10.9
20.9
5-2
27.1
500-999
30.3
23.0
38.1
37.5
32.4
53*5
8.9
42.0
44.2
29.0
45.5
33-8
1,000-1,499
13*4
7*7
14.3
21.9
25.3
16.5
26.8
13.6
20.3
13.6
26.2
9-3
1,500-2,499
11.0
8.6
28.6
6.3
18.9
6.7
23.2
8.6
ll.l
13.4
11.6
5.6
2,500-4,999
5*3
4.8

9.4
7.1
2.2
26.8
7.4
5-4
3.8
3-9
4.7
5,000-9,999
1*3
1.0


2.0
1.1
3*6
1.6
0.7
1.8
0.9
1.1
10,000 and over
0.8
0.7


0.9
0.7
3*6
1.2
0.7
0.6
0.4
0.5
Median income 700*6

ChihuahuaiP
100.0
100.0
100-0
99.9
0-199
7-4
19.7
1.8
2.4
200-499
13-5
23.8
2.4
6.7
500-999
39-1
36.6
20.1
28.2
1,000-1,499
18.3
6.0
11.0
26.3
1,500-2,499
11.3
5.1
31.1
22.0
2,500-4,999
6.7
4.7
26.2
9.2
5,000-9,999
2.6
2.4
4.3
3-5
10,000 and over
1.2
1.8
3.0
1.7
Median income
871.9
Delicias*5
100.0
100.0
100.0
100.0
0-199
9.1
8.5
--
6.7
200-499
20.0
26.0
4.4
500-999
44.7
52.8
30.0
48.9
1,000-1,499
12.6
4.3
10.0
13-3
1,500-2,499
7.0
2.7

4.4
2,500-4,999
4.3
3.0
50.0
13.3
5,000-9,999
1.4
1.3

6.7
10,000 and over
0.8
1.3
10.0
2.2
Median income
733.9
Hidalgo de Parral*3
100.0
100.0
100.0
100.0
0-199
7.5
15.8
11.4
1.2
200-499
19.0
32.9

2.8
500-999
37-6
32.2
11.4
23.5
1,000-1,499
16.9
5.9
22.9
42.3
1,500-2,499
11.4
6.2
28.6
22.8
2,500-4,999
5-2
4.1
22.9
4.7
5,000-9,999
1.6
1.5
2.9
2.2
10,000 and over
0.9
1.4
--
0.6
Median income
813.5
.0
100.0
IOC 0
100.0
100.0
100.0
100.0
100.0
.4
3-4
1 < .
4.2
2.0
10.8
l. 6
8.4
.3
7.1
2.4
10.3
4.9
20.2
3-7
16.6
7
59-9
l6.8
'¡7S2
30.2
28.8
76.5
43-9
.8
18.8
21.7
17.2
31.6
l6.4
28.3
14.8
.4
5.7
30.4
9-5
18.0
13.4
14.9
7.8
.5
3.4
22.5
7-3
10.1
6.5
10.4
5.4
.6
1.2
3-7
3.0
2.1
2.8
3.3
1.8
.2
0.5
1.4
1.0
1.1
1.1
1.1
1.2
.0
100.0
100.0
100.0
100.0
100.0
100.0
100.0
.6
4.1
--
6.5
1.5
17.1
0.7
11.6
.1
11.0
4.3
19.9
7.6
21.9
3.2
20.7
3
63.7
16.0
47.0
51.9
27.5
33.7
46.5
.8
12.9
16.0
12.1
21.5
15.1
45.0
11.1
.0
4.9
32.4
7.1
8.6
11.5
8.5
5.3
5
2.2
26.6
5-5
6.8
4.5
6.5
2.4
.1
0.8
4.8
1.3-
1-7
1.8
1.9
0.8
7
0.3

0.6
0.4
0.5
0.5
1.8
.0
100.0
100.0
100.0
100.0
100.0
100.0
100.0
9
3.6
5.6
2.4
12.2
1.6
12.4
7
12.1
3.0
21.2
11-3
25.8
3.4
23.0
.4
61.7
7.1
43.4
45.1
29.1
51.6
36.4
.2
13.0
13.0
13.4
20.6
12.5
25.3
11.5
9
6.4
46.5
8.3
11.6
12.8
10.9
6.7
.4
1-9
28.3
6.4
6.3
5.2
6.3
4.7
5
0.9
2.0
1.4
1.8
1.7
1.0
2.0
.0
0.4

0.4
0.9
0.7

3-2
loo
3
8
44
21
11
6
2
1
100
5
17
52
12
7
3
1
o
loo
3
15
48
l6
8
4
1
1
(continued on next page)

1
Table VI-2O (continued)
Industry0 and Percent Reporting Specified Income
Place and Income
Total
A
B
c
D
E
F
G
H
I
J
K
Jurez^3
100.0
100.0
100.0
100.0
100.0
100.0
100.0
100.0
100.0
100.0
100.0
100.0
0-199
4.6
6.8
1.0
3.9
3.9
3.5
0.7
4.5
2.1
5.1
2.0
6.4
200-499
16.3
22.8
4.1
12.8
12.6
9.6
4.9
15.2
6.5
21.6
3.7
17.8
500-999
33*8
38.4
10.8
34.6
32.6
45.1
l4.i
35.6
31.4
31.2
23.1
33.8
1,000-1,499
20.0
10.5
9.7
20.6
20.6
19.6
25.9
21.4
32.4
18.4
38.0
17.9
1,500-2,499
11.8
7.6
13.8
9.9
11.5
7.5
33.4
11.8
15.2
13.0
19.1
10.6
2,500-4,999
10.0
10.2
31.8
9.4
14.9
11.3
13.4
8.6
8.7
7.5
10.1
9.7
5,000-9,999
2.4
2.0
23.1
4.2
2.8
2.5
6.8
2.1
2.3
2.3
3.0
2.3
10,000 and over
1.0
1*7
5.6
4.7
1.0
0.8
0.7
0.7
1.4
0.8
1.0
1.5
Median income 929*2
Legend
A Primary industries
B Petroleum industries
C Extractive industries
D Transformation industries
E Construction industries
F Electricity generation & distribution
G Commerce
H Transportation industries
I Service industries
J Government
K Not specified
Source: aResumen General: 1970 Table 28.
^Chihuahua: 1970 > Table 23*
cLegend of Industries
i-1
VJl
ON

157
The Minor Municipios
As a result of the relatively high wages paid in the extractive in
dustries, one might suppose that the median monthly income in the nine
municipios with the highest percentage of their EAP so employed would he
considerably above that for the state. However, this was true only for
three of the nine -- Aquiles Serdan, Santa Brbara, and San Francisco del
Oro where median monthly incomes were, respectively, $Mexl,062.27,
$M2x933.l6, and $Mexl,022.06. These data are displayed in Table VI-l8
where it is shown that the remaining six municipios of the nine had median
monthly incomes which were less than that of the state.
Marital Status
In Mexico, marital status (estado civil) is reported by the
Direccin General de Estadstica under six categories: single, divorced,
separated, widowed, married, and consensual union (unidn libre). In some
instances, these superficially clearcut categories are complex. A "mar
ried" person, for example, may be married by civil authority only, in
which case the marriage is civilly legal although ecclesiastically il
legitimate, or he (she) may be married only by ecclesiastical authorities,
which legitimates the marriage in the eyes of the Church, although legally
a marriage has not taken place. Finally, the person may be married by
the civil authority (customarily first) and by ecclesiastical authority,
which process satisfies both the government and the neighbors. Data on
marital status are shown in Tables VI-21, 22, and 23*
A consensual union (unio'n libre) in Mexico is that relationship
between a man and a woman who live together without benefit of marriage.
These unions often have the same stability as formal marriages, endur-

158
TABLE VI-21
PERCENT OF POPULATION AGED TWELVE AND OLDER IN EACH MARITAL STATUS,
BY SEX FOR MEXICO, CHIHUAHUA, AGGREGATE MAJOR MUNICIPIOS,
INDIVIDUAL MAJOR MUNICIPIOS, AND AGGREGATE MINOR MUNICIPIOS, 1970
Consensual Sepa-
Place and Sex
Married
Union
rated
Divorced Widowed Single
Total
Mexico3-
45.4
8.2
1.4
0.5
4.2
40.4
100.0
Males
45.1
7-9
0.7
0.3
1.8
44.2
100.0
Females
45.7
8.4
2.0
0.6
6.5
36.8
100.0
Chihuahua^*
46.8
6.3
1.4
0.5
3.8
41.2
100.0
Males
45.9
6.1
0.8
0.3
1.8
45.1
100.0
Females
47.6
6.6
2.0
0.7
5.8
37-3
100.0
Major Municipios^
46.3
5.4
1.6
0.7
4.1
42.0
100.0
Males
46.6
5.3
0.8
0.4
1.6
45.4
100.0
Females
46.1
5.5
2.3
0.9
6.4
38.9
100.0
Cuauhtemoc
51.9
3.8
0.9
0.3
3.0
4o.o
100.0
Males
50.7
3.5
0.6
0.2
1.4
43.6
100.0
Females
53.1
4.0
1.3
0.4
4.7
36.5
100.0
Chihuahua
47.5
3.5
1.4
0.6
4.0
43.0
100.0
Males
47.7
3.4
0.7
0.4
1.6
46.2
100.0
Females
47.3
3.6
2.1
0.8
6.3
4o.o
100.0
Delicias
47.8
^.5
1.6
0.5
3.8
4i.8
100.0
Males
47.7
4.3
0.8
0.3
1.8
45.0
100.0
Females
48.0
4.6
2.3
0.6
5.6
38.8
100.0
Hidalgo de Parral
45.0
5.0
1.5
0.5
4.4
43.6
100.0
Males
45.4
4.8
0.8
0.4
1.7
46.8
100.0
Females
44.6
5-2
2.1
0.7
6.8
4o.6
100.0
Juarez
44.7
7.1
1.7
0.8
4.2
41.5
100.0
Males
45.1
7.0
0.8
0.4
1.5
45.1
100.0
Females
44.2
7-1
2.6
1.1
6.7
38.2
100.0
Minor Municipios^3
47.4
7.6
1.2
0.3
3-5
40.1
100.0
Males
45.1
7.1
0.7
0.3
2.0
44.8
100.0
Females
49.7
8.1
1-7
0.4
5.1
35-1
100.0
a
Source: Resumen General: 1970 Table 8 and
Chihuahua: 1970 Table 7-

159
TABEE VI-22
PERCENT OF THOSE MARRIED HAVING CIVIL, RELIGIOUS
OR COMBINED MARRIAGE RITES BY SEX FOR MEXICO, CHIHUAHUA,
aggregate and single major municipios, and aggregate minor municipios, 1970
Place and Sex
Civil Only
Religious Only
Both
Total
3-
Mexico
17.4
9-8
72.8
100.0
Males
17.3
9-7
73-0
100.0
Females
17.6
9.8
72.6
100.0
Chihuahua13
17.5
4.2
78.3
100.0
Males
17.3
4.2
78.5
100.0
Females
17.6
4.3
78.1
100.0
Major Municipios13
17.8
3-2
79-0
100.0
Males
17.6
3.2
79.2
100.0
Females
l8.0
3-3
78.8
100.0
Cuauhtemoc
8.5
2.2
89.3
100.0
Males
8.3
2.2
89.5
100.0
Females
8.6
2.2
89.2
100.0
Chihuahua
13.0
2.3
84.7
100.0
Males
12.8
2.3
85.0
100.0
Females
13.2
2.4
84.4
100.0
Delicias
15.8
3-4
80.8
100.0
Males
15.7
3-4
80.9
100.0
Females
15.9
3-5
80.6
100.0
Hidalgo de Parral
12.6
5.0
82.4
100.0
Males
12.4
5.0
82.6
100.0
Females
12.7
5.0
82.3
100.0
Juarez
23.8
3-8
72.4
100.0
Males
23.7
3-7
72.6
100.0
Females
24.0
3-8
72.2
100.0
Minor Municipios13
17.1
5-5
77-4
100.0
Males
17.0
5-5
77-6
100.0
Females
17.2
5-5
77-3
100.0
Source: aResumen General: 1970? Table 9j
^Chihuahua: 1970 Table 7-

l6o
TABLE VI-23
INDEX NUMBERS FOR FERSONS IN EACH MARITAL CATEGORY
IN AGGREGATE MAJOR AND AGGREGATE MINOR MUNICIPIOS BY
SEX BASED ON SHARE OF STATE POPULATION AGED TWELVE AND OVER;
AND OF THOSE MARRIED INDEX NUMBERS BY TYPE OF CEREMONY
ercent of Major Municipios Minor Municipios
state Population
leed Twelve and Over Total Males Females Total Males Females
Index Numbers -- Percent of Population Aged Twelve and
Over = 100.
Carried
99.0
101.4
96.8
101.3
98.3
104.4
Consensual Union
84.8
86.3
83.4
119.5
116.4
122.8
separated
111.4
100.5
113.2
85.4
99.4
81.9
Divorced
127.3
115.5
130.6
65.O
81.4
58.0
Mowed
106.8
90.0
109.5
91.2
112.0
87.O
Single
102.1
100.7
104.3
97.3
99-2
94.1
Of Those Married:
Index
Numbers --
Share of
Percent Married = 100.
Civil Ceremony
101.8
101.4
102.0
97-7
98.2
97-5
Religious Ceremony
76.6
75-9
77.1
129.3
129.8
129.0
Civil and Religious
100.9
100.9
100.9
98.9
98.9
98.9
Source:
Chihuahua
: 1970, Table 7-

ll
ing for whole lifetimes. This concept, as it applies to Mexico, is fre
quently misunderstood by North Americans who call it a "common law mar
riage ."
Common law marriages in the United States are hold-overs from
Colonial times in which a man and a woman could declare themselves mar
ried, and thenceforth, by mutual consent, they were legally married.
Common law marriages are still recognized as valid in the laws of a
number of states.3^
In contrast, in Mexico, living together, self-declarations of mar
riage, or even the bearing of children is not sufficient to legalize a
marriage. Children born to such a union are illegitimate (although they
can be legitimized by the marriage of their parents or by the father's
formal "recognition" of the children by a legal procedure). The only
legally recognized marriage performed in Mexico is that by civil auth
ority. 37
National and State Data
In Mexico in 1970> slightly more than 45 percent of the population
3%illiam M. Kephart, The Family, Society, and the Individual, 2nd
ed. (Boston: Houghton Mifflin Company, 19(06), pp. 134-135> 396-400.
Kephart writes, "During the Middle Ages, self-marriages were rather com
mon. The Christian Church recognized these non-solemnized marriages,
even though the ceremonial form was preferred. It was not until 1563,
at the Council of Trent, that the Church ruled that the marriage cere
mony must henceforth be performed by a priest in the presence of witnesse
Thereafter, in Roman Catholic countries, common-law marriages were
abolished; in Protestant countries, they continued" (p. 39&)
37state of Chihuahua, Co'digo Civil, (Chihuahua, Chih.: Peridico
Oficial del Estado de Chihuahua, 23 de marzo de 197^)> Title IV, Chap*
VII, Art. 93-109; Title V, Chap. I, Art. 134-148. By default, there is
no way in which a legal marriage can be performed except by a duly
authorized civil authority. This authority is not delegated to the clerg

162
aged twelve and over was married. This included 45.1 percent of the males
and 45.7 percent of the females. Although women were only slightly more
likely to he married than were men, there was a great differential by sex
in the percent single (never married) -- this was 44.2 percent for males
hut only 36.8 percent for females. Women were also more likely than men
to be reported as divorced or separated, more likely to live in consensual
unions, and almost four times as likely to be widowed.
The greater longevity of women than of men, the presumably lower
opportunity for women than for men to remarry, the greater likelihood
among women than among men that a former or absent mate is living out
side Msxico, and perhaps enumeration errors derived from greater reluc
tance among women than among men to acknowledge single status when ob
viously the reproductive role has been fulfilled -- all of these may, to
gether, help explain the noticeable differences between the sexes in the
proportions in the various categories of marital status. In any case,
the marked reported contrast between the sexes in this respect is indi
cated by the higher percentage of women than of men reported as widowed,
divorced, separated, or living in consensual unions. Although the dif
ferences in a few specific instances were small, the direction of the
sexual differences in these respects was consistent in the national popu
lation, in the Chihuahuan population, in that of each of the major municip
ios, and in the aggregate population of the minor municipios. There were
no exceptions.
In Chihuahua, Table VI-21 shows that many of the data on marital
status are quite similar to those of the nation as a whole. There was a
slight tendency for a larger part of the Chihuahuan population to be mar
ried and to be single than was the case of the national population, but

163
conversely, the percentage of persons living in consensual unions and the
percent divorced was smaller in Chihuahua. In any event, the differences
were small, often varying not more than a few tenths of one percent. The
percentages of each population which were separated or divorced were al
most identical.
Interesting differences do appear between the state and the national
populations with respect to the type of marriage ceremony which united
the couple. Mexico and Chihuahua, for both sexes, had approximately the
same percentage of their populations married by civil ceremonies only,
but the similarity ends there. More than two times the percentage of
couples in the nation than in Chihuahua were joined by a religious cere
mony only. In addition, the percentage of couples joined by both religious
and civil ceremonies was five or six percentage points higher in Chihua
hua ihan in the nation as a whole. Sex differences were slight in both
populations, yet if the degree of "formality" of the marriage ceremony
is ordered as (l) religious only, (2) civil only, and (3) both religious
and civil, it is seen that women, more than men, were living in the more
informal unions. (See Table VI-22.)
When only the differences between civil ceremonies and religious
marriages are considered, Table VI-22 shows that at the national level
almost double the percentage of couples preferred the civil ceremony
alone as preferred the religious ceremony alone. In Chihuahua, this
preference was more than four times as great. Possibly the objection of
the Catholic church to divorce leads some persons to obtain a civil
divorce, and later a civil marriage (since the Church refuses to marry
those who, by its definition, are still married to someone else). This
conjecture cannot be substantiated by the data at hand.

The Major Municipios
In Table VI-21, it is shown that the percentage of persons married
in the major municipios was only slightly lower than that at the state
level. Sex differences, although slight, were obvious in that there was
a larger proportion of women married in the state than in the major
municipios. In the case of men, the reverse was true -- the percent of
men who were married was very slightly greater in the major municipios.
The percentage of single persons of both sexes was greater in the major
municipios than in the state.
There was a lower percentage of consensual unions in the major
municipios than in the state, but in general, the percentage of persons
who were divorced, separated, or widowed was slightly greater in the major
municipios.
Individually, the major municipios ranged rather widely in the per
cent of their respective population which was married. Those ranged from
51.9 percent in Cuauhtemoc to 44.7 percent in Juarez. The range of the
percent single was smaller generally, but within each major municipio,
there were marked differences in the percentage of men and the percentage
of women who were single -- a much larger percentage was single among men.
Table VI-22 presents the percentage of those who were married by
each of three categories of ceremony: civil only, religious only, and
both civil and religious ceremonies. Those favoring civil marriages only
in the major municipios formed approximately the same percentage as they
did in the state and the national populations. In contrast, the major
municipios had a smaller percentage of persons wed by religious rites
alone than did the state, and the percentage of persons united by both
forms of ceremonies was slightly larger than at the state level.

165
Among the individual major municipios, Cuauhtemoc had the lowest
percentage of persons united by civil ceremony only, of religious cere
mony only, and the highest percentage of persons united by both kinds of
rites. At the other extreme in all but the religious-only category,
Juarez had the greatest percentage of persons wed only by civil ceremony,
and the smallest percentage of persons having both civil and religious
ceremonies. Hidalgo de Parral exceeded the other major municipios in its
percentage of persons joined only by the rites of the church, but in this,
the percentage was only slightly more than one-half that for the nation as
a whole. Sex differences, while present, were slight, but again is seen
the invariable lower degree of "formality" of the marriage bonds of
women -- at all levels a larger percentage of women were married by re
ligious-only, or civil ceremony-only rites than were men. One could
speculate whether this does or does not leave women with a more pre
carious hold on their mate than it does men. (See Table VI-22.)
The Minor Municipios
When compared with the major municipios, a larger percentage of
the population of the minor municipios was married, but when the data are
examined by sex, Table VI-21 shows that the percentage of males who were
married was smaller than in the major municipios. It was the relatively
large percentage of married females which contributed to the larger pro
portion of married people in the smaller places.
The percentage single was lower in the minor than in the major
municipios, but again, this was largely due to the special circumstances
of females. In this case, a very much smaller percentage of females than
of men were single. The percentage of single men was only slightly
smaller in the minor municipios than in the major ones.

166
Emphatically shown in the figures for the minor municipios was the
large percentage of consensual unions and the relatively low percentage
of separated and divorced persons.
In Table VI-22, the data for type of marriage ceremony in the minor
municipios are seen not to vary greatly from aggregate data for the major
municipios, except for the evidence of a greater preference there for the
religious-only ceremony.
It is in Table VI-23 that the greatest differences, by major and
minor municipios, and by sex may be seen. The index numbers presented are
based on the percentage of the total population and of each pex in each
marital status found in the major or the minor municipios. Setting this
number at 100, it is possible to index the relative numbers of persons in
each marital category. Thus, it is seen in Table VI-23 that the major
municipios had 99*0 percent of their pro rata share of married persons.
This included 101.4 percent of their share of married'men, but only 96.3
percent of their share of married women.
When the minor municipios are compared with the major municipios in
Tables VI-22 and VI-23, a pattern emerges comparable with those observed
in rural-urban differences, but it cannot be proved with the data presently
available that the variations are in fact a result of these differences.
After all, there are rural people in the major municipios, and there are
urban people in the minor municipios. The grossness of the measures con
tained here does not permit stating the cause or causes of the phenomena
observed.
The minor municipios had higher indexes of consensual -unions, of
carried females in the population (and the corollary of a lower index of
single females), and of married persons generally. Conversely, the index

167
was lower in these municipios for divorced and separated persons (es
pecially females), and of widowed females.
These data provoke a large number of speculations. Is the family
more stable in the minor municipios? What other reasons may account for
the low index of divorced women in these municipios? This same question
may also be asked about those separated, widowed, and single. To what
extent are divorced, separated, widowed, and single women forced by
economic necessity to migrate to the larger municipios? Is economics the
principal reason for their migration? What other factors could influence
migration; or alternatively, if the differences shown are not due to
migration, what other factors could account for them?
Other questions are raised by the differences in the type of mar
riage ceremony which united couples in the major and minor municipios.
The preference for the religious-only marriage in the minor municipios is
marked for men and for women. Why is this? To what extent do these repre
sent rural-urban differences; to what extent are they produced by other,
as yet unsuspected, factors? Little sociological material on the Mexican
family is available, so efforts to answer these questions through a search
of the literature yield little help. Answers to such questions, indeed,
can only come from careful and detailed research on the site.
Education
Educational status is one of the most important indicators of the
relative economic and social growth and of the overall development of a
nation. It is widely held, with some foundation, that the growth of edu
cation must be concomitant with, if not interdependent with, economic and
social development. Certainly few would argue that an educated and in
formed citizenry is not part of the base of the democratic experiment, a

l68
belief which dates at least from the Golden Age of Greece, and may well
38
have had earlier antecedents.
National and State Data
Information on the percentage of each sex which was literate by age
in Mexico, Chihuahua, and the major and minor municipios, each in the
aggregate, is shown in Table VI-24. In the nation, 76.3 percent of the
population of ten years and over was literate in 1970. This included
79.5 percent of the males and 73*1 percent of the females. Generally
an inverse relationship prevailed between the percentage of each sex
which was literate and the various age groups into which they were di
vided. Highest literacy in both sexes was found in the age groups of
10-14 and 15-19 In "the youngest of these groups, the percentage of
females literate exceeded that of males by a very small margin.
To aid in interpreting the sex differences, a literacy index was
calculated. This index is modeled on the sex ratio: i.e., the number
of (literate) males for every one hundred (literate) females. National
ly, the literacy index was directly related to age, and it was only in
the youngest of the groups reported, age 10-14, that the literacy index
fell below 100 -- indicating that there was a larger percentage of
literate females than of males in that age group. In the age group of
persons of forty years and older, the literacy index was 121.3 -- a
marked preponderance of males. In that age group only 56.7 percent of
all females were literate compared with 68.8 percent of the males.
~ 38wiH Durant, The Story of Civilization, Part II, The Life of
Greece: Being a history of Greek civilization from the beginnings, and
of civilization in the Near East from the death of Alexander, to the
Homan conquest; with an introduction on the prehistoric culture of Crete
(New York: Simon and Schuster, 1939) pp. 288-290 and passim. "

169
TABLE VI-24
POPULATION AGED TEN AND OLDER: PERCENT LITERATE
BY AGE AND SEX AND LITERACY INDEX
FOR MEXICO, CHIHUAHUA, AGGREGATE MAJOR, AND AGGREGATE MINOR
MUNICIPIOS, 1970
Persons Age Ten and Older Percent Literate Literacy-
Index
Fe- Females
Place and Age
Total
Males
Females
Total
Males
males =
= 100
Mexico8,
32,334,732 15,979,368 16,355,364
76.3
79-5
73.1
108.8
10-14
6,396,174
3,271,115
3,125,059
84.6
84.6
84.7
99-9
15-19
5,054,391
2,491,047
2,563,344
85.0
86.1
83.9
102.6
20-29
7,292,759
3,505,714
3,787,045
80.1
83.3
77-1
108.0
30-39
5,107,910
2,520,744
2,587,166
74.2
78.9
69.7
113.2
40 and over
8,483,498
4,190,748
4,272,750
62.7
68.8
56.7
121.3
Chihuahua^
1,077,857
538,384
539,473
87.1
87.0
87.1
99.9
10-14
218,730
112,304
106,426
91.6
90.6
92.6
97.8
15-19
167,752
83,189
85,563
92.3
91.8
92.7
99-0
20-29
239,949
115,623
124,326
89.9
89.9
89.9
100.0
30-39
171,200
85,214
85,986
87.4
87.6
87.1
100.6
40 and over
280,226
142,054
138,172
77-9
78.7
77-0
102.2
Major Municipios^3
604,309
293,810
310,499
91.2
91.8
90.7
101.2
10-14
121,485
62,207
59,278
94.1
93.4
94.8
98.5
15-19
96,158
46,944
49,214
95-2
94.9
95-5
99*4
20-29
134,478
62,631
71,847
94.2
94.6
93-9
100.7
30-39
96,263
46,335
49,928
92.O
92.9
91.2
101.9
40 and over
155,925
75,693
80,232
83.5
85.7
81.5
105.2
Minor Municipios^
473,548
244,574
228,974
81.7
81.2
82.3
98.7
10-14
97,245
50,097
47,148
88.5
87.2
89.8
97.1
15-19
71,594
36,245
35,349
88.3 87.7
88.8
98.8
20-29
105,471
52,992
52,479
84.3
84.3
84.4
99-9
30-39
74,937
38,879
36,058
81.4
81.3
81.5
99.8
40 and over
124,301
66,361
57,9^0
70.8
70.8
70.7
100.1
Source: aResumen General: 1970? Table 18.
^Chihuahua: 1970, Table 14.

170
Literacy in Chihuahua was generally higher than in the nation as a
whole. Overall literacy in the state was 87.1 percent, and the percent
of each sex which was literate was virtually equal -- 87.0 percent for
males and 87.1 percent for females. The literacy index at the state
level was 99*9 compared with 108.8 for the nation. As at the national
level, highest literacy rates were found in the younger groups in Loth
sexes, hut the literacy index fell to 97-8 for the age group 10-l4 in
Chihuahua, and at no time did it reach the high values seen in the
national population. The highest literacy index in Chihuahua was seen in
the age group forty-and-over, hut it was only 102.2, demonstrating, never
theless, as in the nation, a tendency toward relatively greater literacy
among males at the older ages. (See Table VI-24.)
The Mexican population showed low levels of educational attainment
in all age groups, but the percentages of persons who had never attended
school is seen in Table VI-25 to have been greatest at ages 6-9 and
forty and over. Among the children of 6 through 9> 65.5 Percenf had
never attended school. It is unfortunate that these data are not broken
down by single years of age. Presumably, with each added year of age,
the percentage with experience in school would increase. Apparently,
many children in Mexico start school at relatively late ages, perhaps be
cause of economic conditions. Possibly the unavailability of classroom
space in many parts of the nation leads to delayed entry into school. It
should, perhaps, be noted that in Ciudad Juarez, the largest city in
Chihuahua, schools are in double sessions, and still large numbers of
children do not attend school presumably, in part at least, because of
lack of space and teachers.
Among persons forty years old and over, forty percent of all men

171
and half of all women of the nation had never attended school. Here may
he observed the results of a value system, perhaps still in existence,
which implies that when education is considered, men are given pre
ference. Evidence for the present existence of this value is seen,
nationally, in the high literacy index for the national population pre
viously seen in Table VI-24.
At the other extreme of the education ladder, one sees that, given
the opportunity to attend school, females were more likely to have
finished the sixth grade than were males, and this was seen in all age
groups. When one compares the percentages with education beyond the
sixth grade, that of males exceeded that of females by somewhat more
than 50 percent. (See also figure 12.)
In Table VI-26 are presented the median years of education com
pleted by sex for the national and state population, and within the
state (where data by sex were not reported) the overall median years of
education attained in the major municipios in aggregate and individually,
and in the aggregate of the minor municipios.
Nationally, of all persons age six or older, the median number of
years of school completed was 2.1. This amounted to 2.2 years for males
and 2.0 years for females. When only those who had attended school were
considered, the national figure was 3*2 years overall and for males, and
3-3 years for females.
At the state level, Table VI-25 shows that the percentages of persons
who had never attended school was lower for both sexes (hut particularly
for females) than in Mexico as a whole. At age forty-and-over, the dif
ference between the sexes in this respect was ten percentage points in
the nation, but the spread was only 0.5 percentage points in Chihuahua.

percent of population
FIGURE 12
CUMULATIVE PERCENTAGE OF THE POPULATION AGED SIX AND OLDER BY NUMBER
OF YEARS OF SCHOOL COMPLETED, BY SEX, IN MEXICO AND CHIHUAHUA, 1970
172

173
TABLE VI-2S
PERCENT OF POPULATION AGED SIX AND
OF YEARS OF SCHOOL, BY AGE AND SEX,
Years of School, Percent Completed and Sex
Place
and Age
None
One
Two
Three
Total
Male
Fe
male
Total
Male
Fe
male
TotalMale
Fe
male
Total
Male
Fe
male
Mexico
34.8
32.7
36.9
8.7
9-2
8.2
11.1
11.4
10
7
11.1
11.2
11.0
6-9
65.5
66.1
64.8
19.1
18.9
19.2
10.6
10.3
10
9
4.2
4.0
4.4
10-14
19.0
19.1
16.9
10.0
10.3
9-7
14.4
14.5
14
.4
16.3
l6.0
16.5
15-19
18.4
17.1
19.6
4.6
4.7
4.4
8.2
7-9
8
.4
10.3
9-7
11.0
20-29
24.8
21.8
27.7
5.4
5.8
5-1
10.3
10.4
10
.1
12.0
12.0
11.9
30-39
32.0
28.0
35-9
6.7
7-4
6.1
12.1
12.7
11
.5
13.0
13.6
12.5
40 & over
45.1
4o.o
50.0
6.7
7.8
5-6
10.8
12.1
9
5
10.6
11.5
9.6
Chihuahua
25.7
26.3
25.0
8.2
8.5
7-9
11.0
11.2
10
.8
13.4
13.4
13.4
6-9
64.5
66.3
62.7
21.1
20.4
21.7
10.9
10.1
11
.6
3.1
2.7
3-4
10-14
11.8
13.0
10.5
9-3
10.0
8.6
l6.2
16.5
15
9
19.5
19.1
19.9
15-19
10.4
10.8
10.1
3.0
3.3
2.8
5.7
6.0
5
5
10.3
10.2
10.3
20-29
14.4
14.3
14.4
3-8
4.0
3.7
8.4
8*9
7
9
13.6
14.3
13.5
30-39
18.7
18.5
19.0
5.4
5.7
5.0
11.7
12.0
11
3
17.4
17.7
17.2
40 & over
31.1
30.8
31.3
6.4
6.9
5.9
12.0
12.2
11
7
15.2
15-3
15.1
Source: Resumen General:

OVER HAVING COMPLETED SPECIFIED NUMBER
FOR MEXICO AND CHIHUAHUA 1970
Four Five Six Over Six
Total
Fe-
. Male male
Total
Male
Fe
male
Total
Male
Fe
male
Total
Male
Fe
male
7.4
7.4
7*3
4.6
4.8
4.5
12.9
11.9
13.9
9.4
11.4
7.4
0.7
0.7
0.7
0
0
0
0
0
0
0
0
0
14.7 14.7
14.8
11-3
11.3
11.3
9.4
8.9
9-9
4.8
5-2
4.5
7-7
7.4
8.0
6.5
6.7
6.3
23-4
21.3
25.5
20.9
25-3
16.7
7.5
7-5
7.5
4.4
4.7
4.3
19.7
17.9
21.3
15.8
19.9
12.0
7.4
7.6
7-2
3.7
3.9
3.5
15.1
14.3
15.8
9-9
12.5
7.4
6.3
6.6
6.0
2.4
2.6
2.3
11.4
11.0
11.8
6.8
8.4
5.2
10.0
9.7
10.3
6.2
6.0
6.4
16.6
14.9
18.3
8.9
9-9
7-9
0.5
0.4
0.6
0
0
0
0
0
0
0
0
0
17.4
17.0
17.8
12.3
11.7
13.0
9-9
8-9
10.9
3-5
3-7
3.4
10.2
10.0
10.4
9.0
9-1
8.9
30.1
26.7
33.5
21.1
23.8
18.5
10.8
10.7
10.9
7.1
7.1
7.0
26.0
22.9
28.9
15.7
17.8
13.7
11.0
10.5
11.4
5.8
5.6
5.9
20.5
19-3
21.7
9.5
10.7
8.4
9-9
9.4
10.4
3.7
3-5
4.0
15.5
14.7
16.3
6.2
7.1
5.2
1970, Table 19.

175
With regard to education continuing beyond the sixth grade, Table
VI-25 shows for the state that men were less likely to proceed than in
the nation as a whole, but women were somewhat more likely to have at
tended beyond that grade than they were nationwide.
Median years of school attended were considerably higher for both
sexes in Chihuahua than in the nation. This figure attained a value
of 2.9 years for the total population, and 3*5 years for that portion
of the population over age six which had attended school. (Table VI-26.)
The special conditions which obtain in Chihuahua to create what
appears to be a more favorable climate than in the nation as a whole
for education, or for the educated, are not known. One can speculate
tiat persons with better educations are drawn to the border because of
the governments border development program, ProNaF (Programa Nacional
Fronterizo), of recent years, and because of the operation of twin
plants in the area. If selective migration is in fact the source of
the higher education attainment in the state, it is possible that
others who have come to Chihuahua did so with the intent of immigrating
to the United States. (The better educated might be more aware, or
even more, realistically aware, that greater opportunities may be avail
able to them in the United States than in Mexico.) Alternatively, it
could be assumed that schools are more available in Chihuahua. Possibly
the proximity to the United States has created stronger pressures in the
state than gene .-ally in the nation to try to approach the availability
of education which Texas and New Mexico offer. None of these specula
tions can be supported with the data contained in the census.
The Major Municipios
Data for education and literacy in the major municipios are seen

176
TABLE VI-26
median years of school completed by sex for total population
AGED SIX AND OVER AND FOR THOSE WHO HAVE ATTENDED SCHOOL
IN INDIVIDUAL AND AGGREGATE MAJOR MUNICIPIOS,
AGGREGATE MINOR MUNICIPIOS, STATE AND NATION, 1970
All Persons Age Six or Older Those Persons Who
Have Attended School
Total
Males
Females
Total
Males
Females
fexicoa
2.1
2.2
2.0
3-2
3.2
3.3
Chihuahuaa
2.9
2.8
3.0
3.5
3-4
3-6
Major Municipios13
3.5
*
*
3.9
*
*
Cuauhtemoc
3-^
*
*
3.8
X-
*
Chihuahua
4.0
*
*
4.1
*
*
Delicias
3.0
*
*
3.5
*
*
Hidalgo de Parral
3.8
*
*
4.2
*
*
Juarez
3-2
*
*
3-8
*
*
j_
Minor Municipios0
2.3
*
*
3-2
*
*
* Data not available by sex at municipio level.
Source: aResumen General: 1970* Table 19.
^Chihuahua: 1970 > Table 15.

177
in Tables VI-24, VI-26, and VI-27- Table VI-24 shows that literacy
rates were generally higher in the major municipios than in the state
or nation. This was true for both sexes and, without exception, at all
age groups reported. The literacy index was higher in the major mun
icipios than in the state as a whole, perhaps indicating selective
migration, and in view of the low literacy index in the minor municipios,
one can surmise that it is quite possible that many literate males
migrated from these entities to the major municipios. Yet, the ages
in which the literacy index was highest was in the group of age forty-
and-over somewhat beyond the age at which migration is an important
factor in population change. Is it, then, more likely that such
migration occurred at some time in the past when these men were younger?
Unfortunately, there is no way to "get at" such data through the census.
Only interstate and foreign migration are reported in the Mexican cen
sus .
When the median years of education are compared for the total popu
lation of the major municipios in Table VI-26, it is seen that this
figure is 3-5 years for the total population of six and over, and 3*9
years for that portion of this population which had attended school.
In the individual major municipios education attainment was high in
the capital municipio, as might be expected, but it was almost as great
in Hidalgo de Parral. When only the population which had attended
school was considered, the median years of school attended was highest
in Hidalgo de Parral -- 4.2 years. Thus, Table VI-26 shows Hidalgo de
Parral and Chihuahua to be the municipios with the highest median years
of education attainment. In the search for a possible explanation

178
TABLE VI-27
LITERACY OB THE POPULATION AGED TEN YEARS AND OLDER,
BY ACE AND SEX, AND LITERACY INDEX BY AGE
IN EACH OF THE MAJOR MUNICIPIOS, 1970
Persons Aged Ten Years and Older Percent Literate Literacy-
Index
Females
Place and Age
Total
Males
Females
Total
Males Females =
100
Cuauhtemoc
43,270
21,815
21,455
92.6
92.4
92.8
99.6
10-14
9,401
4,876
4,525
95-9
95.5
96.4
99.1
15-19
6,803
3,378
3,425
96.6
96.2
97.0
99.2
20-29
9,842
4,756
5,086
95.5
95.4
95-6
99.8
30-39
6,777
3,437
3,340
93.5
93.5
93-5
100.0
40 and over
10,447
5,368
5,079
83.7
84.0
83.3
100.8
Chihuahua
189,754
92,440
97,314
92.6
93-1
92.2
101.1
10-14
36,277
18,569
17,708
95.0
94.4
95-6
98.7
15-19
30,070
14,812
15,258
96.1
95.7
96.5
99.2
20-29
43,002
20,169
22,833
95.4
95-7
95.0
100.7
30-39
29,873
14,465
15,408
93.7
94.2
93-2
101.1
40 and over
50,532
24,425
26,107
85.9
87.5
84.4
103.7
Delicias
41,907
20,647
21,260
89.O
89.2
88.8
100.5
10-14
8,884
4,489
4,395
94.0
92.9
95.1
97.7
15-19
6,628
3,225
3,403
95.1
94.8
95-4
99.4
20-29
9,202
4,337
4,865
92.5
92.6
92.4
100.2
30-39
6,856
3,393
3,463
88.6
89.5
87.7
102.1
40 and over
10,337
5,203
5,134
78.0
79-6
76.4
104.2
Hidalgo de Parral
42,333
20,529
2i,8o4
92.4
92.7
92.2
100.5
10-14
8,516
4,280
4,236
96.4
96.1
96.7
99-4
15-19
6,765
3,288
3,477
96.5
96.1
96.8
99.3
20-29
9,158
4,206
4,952
95.2
95.2
95-2
100.0
30-39
6,803
3,332
3,471
92.9
93-3
92.5
100.9
40 and over
11,091
5,423
5,668
84.4
85.7
83.1
103.1
Juarez
287,045
138,379
148,666
90.3
91.2
89.4
102.0
10-14
58,407
29,993
28,4i4
92.8
92.1
93-6
98.4
15-19
45,892
22,241
23,651
94.3
94.0
94.5
99.5
20-29
63,274
29,163
34,111
93-4
93-9
92.8
101.2
30-39
45,954
21,708
24,246
91.1
92.6
89.8
103.1
t-O and over
73,518
35,274
38,244
82.5
85.5
79-7
107.3
Source:
Chihuahua: 1970,
Table
14.

179
the writer re-examined Table VI-17 to see if perhaps there was a com
mon feature shared by these two municipios in their employment struc
ture. These municipios, together with Juarez, had the highest percent
age of persons employed in the transformation industries, but the pres
ence of municipio Juarez where median education is much lower, weakens
the ability to attribute to the transformation industries the differ
ences seen in the educational attainments. Since the percentage of
the EAP active in primary industries was low in these three municipios,
one might suppose that this feature (rural-urban differences) is a
major contributing factor. Municipio Cuauhtemoc, however, had 46.6
percent of its EAP employed in primary industries -- the highest among
the major municipios -- yet the median years of education attained by
the population in that municipio was higher overall than that of
municipio Juarez, and was the equal of Juarez with respect to those who
had attended school. Yet, Juarez occupied the opposite pole from
Cuauhtemoc in having the smallest percentage of its EAP in primary
industries. Consequently, it is not possible from census data to at
tribute probable cause of the educational characteristics observed. The
safest assumption is that they are due to a variety of causes, working
unequally in the major municipios.
Table VI-27 presents detailed information by age anI sex on the
percentage of literacy and the literacy index of the population aged
ten-and-over in each of the major municipios. In overall literacy,
highest percentages were seen in Cuauhtemoc and Chihuahua, followed
by Hidalgo de Parral, Juarez, and Delicias in that order, and in
Cuauhtemoc, the literacy index hovered most closely around 100.0 in

i8o
all age groups.
The major municipios, individually as well as in the aggregate,
had highest literacy indexes in the older age groups, especially in the
group of persons over age forty. Sex differences were greatest in
Juarez, where the literacy index reached 107*3 in the group of persons
forty years of age and older. The range of the literacy index was also
greatest in municipio Jurez from 98*^ to 107.3,? or 8.9 points.
The Minor Municipios
Data for education and literacy for the minor municipios are found
in Table VI-24 and VI-25. Two facts stand out in the figures for the
minor municipios. First, the minor municipios had lower literacy rates
than the state and the major municipios, but even in the minor municip
ios, literacy rates were higher in both sexes and at all age groups than
in the nation. This reflects the higher educational attainments of
Chihuahuenses in general, as seen in Table VI-26. Second, the literacy
index was lower in the minor municipios in all age groups than was seen
in the nation, state or major municipios. A possible contributing
factor migration was mentioned above. The literacy index figures
were less than 100.0 in all age categories except in the forty-and-over
group, and even there, it was but 100.1.
Finally, in Table VI-26, one sees that the median number of years
of school completed was not much greater in the minor municipios than
in the nation, and among those who had attended school, the two figures
were identical 32 years. This fact is remarkable because of the
rather considerably larger percentage of literate persons in the minor
municipios than in the nation as a whole. This last characteristic

seems to be common for the entire state, as reflected in the tables,
and one must assume that much informal learning of reading must take
place. During the 19^0*s President Avila Camacho instigated a program
wherein each literate Mexican had the patriotic duty to teach two others
to read if the figures can be accepted as valid, then one would sup
pose that the program is still being followed in many places in the
state of Chihuahua, or among those persons who have migrated to the
state.

CHAPTER VII
VITAL STATISTICS AND POPULATION CHANGE
Vital statistics are records of births and deaths, but they may
also include marriages, divorces, adoptions, recognitions, and similar
data regarding changes in the statuses of segments of the population.
To this extent they represent the core of population dynamics. In
order to make possible the numerous interpolations and extrapolations
which form the core of modern demography, a continuous and accurate
recording of vital events, especially of births and deaths, is neces
sary. In all probability, no nation achieves complete accuracy in these
data, and it may be assumed that, generally, the lower the educational
levels of the population, the more rural the population, the less ade
quate the levels of professionalism among those who record and analyse
vital data, the lower will be the quality and reliability of these data.
In Mexico, the origin of vital statistics data is through the sys
tem of Civil Registries (Registros Civiles).
In the state of Chihuahua, the service of the Civil Reg
istry will be under the charge, in the Capital, of the func
tionary who, for this purpose is named by the Executive
/governor of the state/, and in the Seats /of government/ of the
Municipios, and of the Municipio Sections by the Presidente
Municipal and the Presidentes Seccionales, respectively. To
this purpose, the said functionaries should authorize acts of
marital status, and provide writs relative to birth, recognition
of children, adoption, matrimony, divorce, tutelage, emancipa
tion, and death of the Mexicans and resident foreigners in their
respective areas; also to record the executions of /writs ofJ
missing persons and presumptions of death, or of those who have
lost their capacity to administer property.1
^Chihuahua, Coligo Civil (Chihuahua, Chih. : Peridico Oficial del
Estado de Chihuahua, 23 de Marzo de 197^)> Art. 35
182

183
The duties of the Official (director of a particular Registro
Civil) are to maintain, in duplicate, hooks of records on all civil
O
transactions of the above-mentioned occurrences. All persons have the
right to see any and all writs which concern them personally, and the
Official of the Registro is required to show them.
With regard to the registration of birth:
The parents have the obligation to declare /i.e., to reg
ister/ the birth during the sixty days following it.
The doctors, midwives, or persons who have assisted in the
birth have the obligation to report /this is not the same as
registration/ the birth to the person in charge of the Registro
Civil within ten days of its occurrence. The same obligation
has the head of the family in whose house the birth has taken
place if this is outside the house of the parents.
When the notification of the birth has been received, the
Official of the Registro Civil will take legal measures neces
sary for the purpose of producing a birth certificate according
to the relevant depositions.
The persons who, being obligated to declare the birth, do
so outside the time allotted will be punished with a fine of
five to fifty pesos which the municipio authority where the time
limit has expired will impose.
The same punishment will be imposed on the persons who fail
in their duty to advise /the Registro Civil of the birth/ noted
in the second paragraph of the last article.
The law i.s quite specific regarding what kinds of information is
to be recorded on the birth certificate:
The birth certificate will be produced with the assistance
of two witnesses which can be designated by the interested part
ies. It will contain the day, the hour, and the place of birth,
the sex, the name and surname which /the child/ will receive,
which for no reason may be omitted, and whether the child was
Ibid., Art. 37-
3Ibid., Art. 49. For "Official" read "Registrar," or the Director
f' the Registro Civil.
^Ibid. Arts.

184
born living or dead. On the margin will be placed the finger
print of the /newborn child/
If /the child/ has been presented as the child of unknown
parents, the Official of the Registro Civil will give him a name
and surname, so noting these facts on the certificate.
When the newborn is presented as the child of a /married
couple/ there will be noted the names, address, and nationality
of the parents, the names and addresses of the grandparents,
and that of the person who has presented /the child/ for regis
tration. 5
The Registro Civil, at the municipio level, conveys registration
data of all types recorded to the central office of the state in the
iorm of a monthly report. The state office compiles monthly reports
from the Registros under its jurisdiction and remits the tabulated
material to the Secretaria de Industria y Comercio (in the national
capital) which has as one of its dependencies the Direccin General de
Estadstica.
The definition of vital events is a deceptively simple thing. In
practice, many difficulties arise, especially when the researcher is not
aware that normative bases for definitions of vital events differ from
nation to nation. Consequently, when the question arises, "What con
stitutes a live birth?," the answer is so obvious that it appears
ridiculous to investigate it further. However, in Bolivia and Peru, for
example, a "live birth" must breathe the lungs must inflate. In
Ecuador, a child must survive for twenty-four hours, or else it is
recorded as a stillbirth. In the United States, "any sign of life,"
be it heart action, breathing, or movement on the part of the newborn
5Ibid., Arts. 58-59. Note that, by law, the child whose birth is
being registered must be physically present at the time of registration
so that his fingerprint may be put on the certificate.

165
is sufficient to cause it to be registered as a live birth.0 In Mexico
the definition of a live birth is dependent upon the presence of heart
action and respiration. Presumably the presence of a heartbeat, if
there was no respiration, is not sufficient for the child to be classi-
7
fied as a live birth.
There are also minimum gestation periods which determine whether a
child is "stillborn" or "miscarried." In the United States this period
is twenty weeks, but in Bolivia, Ecuador, and Peru the minimum period
is twenty-eight weeks. The researcher had a somewhat shattering exper
ience while a corpsman in a U.S. Air Force hospital in England. A woman
gave birth unexpectedly on the ward to a fully formed, but premature
baby, and the researcher assisted in the birth. The baby moved and
gasped for breath, but under British law, the period of gestation was
not long enough to declare the baby anything but a miscarriage when
it subsequently died within a few minutes of birth. Instead of having
a funeral, the infant cadaver was burned in the hospital incinerator.
Such variations in the definition of "live birth" obviously affecu
both the number <3f infant births and the number of infant deaths which
are recorded -- thereby creating an often overlooked difficulty in
international comparisons of infant mortality rates.
If registration methods are less than adequate, which one suspects
to be the case in most nations, suggestions can be made for improving
this registration. Such suggestions include giving sufficient status
^United Nations, Studies in Methods, Series F, Number 7* Handbook
of Vital Statistics Methods (New York: Statistical Office of the United
Nations, Department of Economic and Social Affairs, April, 1955)* p* 38.
^Dr. Roberto Macias, Cd. Juarez, Chihuahua, in a personal communication.

186
and. remuneration to the post of registrar in those nations having a
civil registration system, in order to attract adequate and able per
sonnel. Since this is the starting point of the vital statistics chain,
as well as one of the weakest links, it seems reasonable to begin
here in examining the problem. In countries where the Registrar is a
person of recognized status instead of being merely a minor official,
registration tends to be more complete. The Registrar must be in a
position to require the cooperation of the public in his functions. He
should be a full-time Registrar. He should be well trained in his
duties and be provided with adequate instruction manuals to insure the
reliability of data recording, and there should be a system providing
O
for periodic inspection of each registry. Also, there should be no
cost to the informant for the registration of vital events.
If the position of Registrar is a political appointment only, it
is possible that the quality of data may suffer if the person appointed
is unknowledgeable or inept in his position. The writer has observed
in Cd. Juarez that most of the actual registration of events in uncom
plicated cases is perfoimed by continuing bureaucratic personnel, but
nevertheless, one could be concerned about the degree of effective con
trol and direction which an inept Registrar may exert over the activities
of personnel under his control. One wonders what qualities of a per
son, supposedly an educated person, would keep him as a civil servant
in a tiny municipio of only a few hundred, or a few thousand, inhab
itants. The position in a large municipio such as Juarez is a full
time position, but the researcher does not doubt but that the Registrar
~^United Nations, Handbook of Vital Statistics Methods, op. cit.,
PP. 67-69.

187
may, indeed, have other functions in the many small municipios and tiny
hamlets which dot the countryside.
Although it is known that there are many "vital statistics," this
work is concerned only with those which are of direct interest insofar
as population dynamics are concerned -- measures of natality and mortality.
Births
As noted above, in Mexico, a baby is considered a live birth if
it has a heartbeat and breathes following birth. However, in Mexico,
as elsewhere, the problem is less one of defining a live birth than of
assuring its registration. In actuality, the problems may exist simul
taneously to the extent that births are not attended by physicians.
National and State Data
The researcher sometimes cites a widely held guess that approxi
mately 70 percent of all births in Latin America are registered. How
ever, there is disagreement with respect to this generalization which,
like all others, is highly prone to error in any given case. Certainly
there is great Variation from nation to nation, and from region to
region within each nation. The Registrar of the Juzgado del Registro
Civil (Court of the Civil Registry) in Ciudad Juarez told the researcher
that he believed that probably no more than 50 to 60 percent of births
occurring in municipio Juarez are registered. No adequate basis for
such a statement was given, and one suspects that it was merely a
guess. Examination of birth rates reported in the Anuario Estadstico
shows that if the reported birth rate of 40.9 for Chihuahua were to be
increased to meet even the 'JO percent which the researcher is accustomed
to hearing, the resulting figure would indicate an improbably high birth
rate of 5^.4. Consequently, birth registration for the state is per-

188
haps more complete than normally expected in Latin America, and perhaps
tetter still in Ciudad Juarez, the largest city in the state.
In addition, perplexing problems immediately arise when a compari
son is attempted of the various reports of rates and population from
the various editions of the Anuario Estadstico, since these are sub
ject to revision from one Anuario to another, expecially when new
census reports are completed. An example may be found in a comparison
of population in three different editions of this work. The total popu
lation of the Republic of Mexico in i960 was variously reported as
34,988,390^> 34,046,00010; and 34,994,000^. The first of these was
footnoted as follows: "Calculated with the formula y = ab based on
the census of 1950 and i960." Consequently it follows that the first
source cited had figures derived from census extrapolations based on
the slope of a regression line, probably using the preliminary data
from the census of population of i960. The second figure was foot
noted in its source as ''The census results of i960 were corrected for
census omission and advanced to June 30 of that year." The third figure
of the above was footnoted in its source as follows:
Population figures have been modified by virtue of having
available the results of the Censo de Poblacio'n y Vivienda de
1970 j/sic/. The calculation of the intercensal years was based
on the census data of i960 and 1970, without consideration of
SEstados Unidos Mexicanos, Anuario Estadstico de los Estados
Unidos Mexicanos: 1962-1963 (Me'xico, D.F. : Direccio'n General de
Estadstica, 1965), Table 3*1*
Estados Unidos Mexicanos, Anuario Estadstico de los Estados
Unidos Mexicanos: 1968-1969 (Me'xico, D.F. : Direccin General de
Estadstica, 1971), Table 3*1.
''Estados Unidos Mexicanos, Anuario Estadstico Compendiado:
4970 (Me'xico, D.F. Direccin General de Estadstica, 197l) > Table
3.1.

189
omissions since said calculations for the last census are in
process of production.
The title of the census mentioned in the quote above is the approx
imate title of a volume of national and state preliminary data published
by the Direccio'n in 1970 or 1971* As such, one would expect the data to
be subject to revision in the final census data upon which the present
work is based.
As may be seen, extreme difficulty is encountered in any attempt
to make data from several Anuarios correspond, especially when some of
the reported data overlap from one Anuario to another, but with dif
ferent figures, and when other data do not overlap.- Problems similar
to those cited above characterize also the information presented in such
12
vital areas as birth rate, death rate, natural increase, and migration.
For example, the reader is referred to Table VTI-1. In this table,
in the section containing data for the state of Chihuahua, in the column
corresponding to 1967, one Bees that the birth rate and death rates
were reported in the Anuario Estadstico Compendiado: 1970 as ^3*7
and 8.3, respectively. However, in the Anuario Estadstico:, 1966-1967<
from which data were obtained for 1965 and I966, the birth rate for
1967 was reported as 39*0 and the death rate was reported as 7*^*
Nonetheless, the same Anuario reported the infant mortality rate as
60.0, which is the same figure reported later in the 1970 edition. In
addition to the constant revision of data, which in itself is not
undesirable (if only the basis of such revision were known), vital
statistics in Mexico are reported by year of registration instead of
T2cfT works cited, loc. cit. and ff.

190
TABLE VII-1
POPULATION AND POPULATION CHANGE BY SEX, VITAL RATES, POPULATION INTER-
Year
Place and Type of Data
I960
1961
1962
1963
Mexico
Population Interpolationa
34,923*
36,069
37,252
38,474
Malesa
17,415
17,999
18,580
19,191
Female sa
17,508
18,080
18,672
19,282
Birth Rate13
46.0*
45.6
45.8
44.1
Death Rate13
11.5
10.8
10.8
10.4
Natural Increase13
34.5
34.8
35.0
33.7
Net Migration13
81
104
130
183
Net Population Change13
36.8
37-8
38.5
38.3
Adjusted Population
34,923
36,208
37,577
39,024
Estimated Population
Population from Death Rate13*



39,871c
35,004
36,005
37,319
39,696
Chihuahua
Population Interpolation-
1,227
1,261
1,296
1,332
Males8-
622
639
656
674
Female sa
605
622
64o
658
Birth Rate13
45.0
45.3
45.3
43.5
Death Rate13
10.0
8.8
9-7
8.8
Natural Increase13
35.0
36.5
35.6
34.7
Net Migration13
n
0
4
4
5
Net Population Change13
37-4
39.4
38.4
37.9
Adjusted Population
Population from Death Rate13*
1,227
1,273
1,322
1,372
1,235
1,484
1,322
_
Sources: aResumen General: I960, Table 1; ^Anuario Estadistiej (latest year
cOrganization of American States, America en Cifras, 1972, Situacin
(Washington, D.C.: Interamerican Statistical Institute, 1972), Table
d e (Si)
r = \ ?!/ where r = rate of change; n = time in years; Pi_ = population
n
* All population figures in thousands;
# Population by death rate

191
P0IATIONS AND NET
MIGRATION
BY YEAR FROM i960
TO 1970 IN
MEXICO AND
CHIHUAHUA
Year
1964 1965
1966
1967 1968
1969
1970e
Annual
Rate of
Change
39,735
41,039
42,385
^3,775
45,211
46,694
48,225
_ 35
19.823
20,475
21,149
21,844
22,563
23,305
24,073
3-36
19,913
20,564
21,236
21,931
22,648
23,388
24,153
- oc;
44.8
44.2
44.3
44.8
44.9
44.1
43.4
9.9
9-5
9.6
9-5
9-9
9-7
9.9
54.9
34.8
34.7
35.3
35.0
34.4
33.6

218
235
277
308
42.2
440
- _
40.2
40.3
40.9
42.2
44.2
43.6
44.9
_ -
40,518
42,147
43,871
45,722
47,743
49,825
52,062
4.15
41,253
42,689
44,145
45,671
47,267
48,993
50,670
3.0
41,240
42,545
44,i4i
44,242
45,748
47,308
49,056
3.51
1,368
1,406
1,445
1,485
1,527
1,529
1,612
2.84
692
711
730
750
770
791
813
2.78
677
696
715
736
757
778
800
2.90
42.2
42.2
' 39.7
43.7
43.3
42.4
40.9
--
9-2
7.9
9.0
8.3
8.7
8.4
8.7

33.0
34.3
30.7
35.4
34.6
34.0
32.2
--
7
7
6
16
56
52
83
- -
37.5
38.6
34.5
46.0
71.2
66.7
83.4
- -
1,423
1,478
1,529
1,600
1,713
1,828
1,980
4.97
1,471
1,542
1,607
1,503
1,533
1,588
1,632
2.90
containing applicable data), Chapter 3
Demogrfica: Estado y Movimiento de la Poblacin
201-2. These data were not published for states.
in base year; P2 = Pi + n years; e = natural log of the quotient
aH rates per thousand
= Number of Deaths Reported
Reported Death Rate

192
by year of occurrence. Table VII-2 shows to what extent this practice
must affect the data. In Mexico as a whole, almost one-half of all
births registered in 1970 were not registered until some time greater
than one month, but less than one year, after birth. Among all reg
istered births in 1970, about 85 percent were recorded during the first
year of age. If it may be assumed that the number of births is more or
less constant throughout the year (probably an untrue assertion, in
reality) then it could be claimed that perhaps half of all births are
credited to a year other than that of their occurrence. Since there
is no basis in fact either for the regularity of births or of the age
at time of registration, it can be argued that it is impossible to
determine from registration how many births occurred during a given year.
Tables VII-3 and VII-4 show the comparative crude birth and death
rates of Ecuador, Bolivia, Peru, the United States, and (for different
years) Mexico and Chihuahua. In these, as a possible index to the
regularity of registration, the variance was computed for each of the
nations mentioned. As seen in the tables, the variance for the birth
rates are Bolivia, 15*9; Peru, 9*8, Ecuador, 1.3; Mexico, 0.60; and
the United States, 0.7 A comparison of the variance among these coun
tries with regard to the reported death rates shows these to be Bolivia,
3*9; Peru, 1.8; Ecuador, 0.7; Mexico, 0.39; and the United States, 0.02.
An unpublished study done by the researcher in 1965, the source of
Table VII-3, showed a high degree of inverse relationship between
the variance of these vital rates and the ability to extrapolate popu
lation size from a census using a subsequent census to validate cal
culations. In this study, it was assumed that the variance was an indi
cator of the reliability of the data. The summary of that work

TABLE VII-2
AGE AT TIME OF BIRTH REGISTRATION AS A PERCENT OF ALL
BIRTH REGISTRATIONS IN YEAR; MEXICO AND CHIHUAHUA, I96O-I97O
193
Percent of all Registered Births
Place and.
less than
31 through
One year
Year
30 days
364 days
or over
Mexico
1960^
48.7
42.9
8.4
196 if
!96^
196?
47.8
43.7
8.5
45.9
44.0
10.0
44.1
44.5
11.3
1964"
42.8
45.5
11.7
1965^
41.8
45.9
12.3
1966^
4l.4
45.2
13-5
1967^
40.8
45.5
13.7
1968"
39.9
46.1
i4.o
1969?
40.2
45.2
14.6
1970
38.1
46.2
15.6
Chihuahua
i960
15.5
79-8
4.7
1961^
17.0
78.0
4.9
14.6
79.6
5.7
1963
15.3
79.1
5.6
1964c
18.0
76.2
5.6
1965"
18.4
75.4
6.2
1966d
17.3
77-5
5.2
1967a
19.3
74.8
5.9
I968e
18.9
75-2
5.9
1969"
20.0
72.1
7-9
I970f
19.5
72.0
8.5
Sources; Anuario Estadstico de
los Estados Unidos
Mexicanos:
a1960-196l, Tables
b1962-19631 Tables
c1964-1969, Tables
^1966-1967, Tables
e1968-1969, Tables
3.6,
3.4,
3-4,
3.5,
3.5,
3.7.
3.5.
3-5.
3.6.
3*6.
-^Anuario Estadstico Compendiado: 1970 Tables 3*6, 3*7
(Mexico, D.F.: Direccin General de Estadstica, 1971)*

194
TABLE VII-3
CRUDE RATES OF LIVE BIRTHS AND CRUDE DEATH RATES FOR BOLIVIA,
ECUADOR, PERU AND THE UNITED STATES FOR TEARS 1953-1962
Bolivia Ecuador Peru United States
Year
Births
Deaths
Birthsa
Deaths0
Births D
Deathsa
Births
Deaths
1953
38.6
14.5*
47.3
15.9
36.0
12.2
24.7
9.6
1954
35.0
11.8
43.9
15.9
36.8
11.7
25.0
9.2
1935
29.6*
9-7*
45.2
15.5
37.7
11.8
24.7
9.3
1956
29.5*
8.6
47.O
14.8
36.9
12.1
24.9
9
1957
25.1*
9-3*
47.1
14.7
37-2
13.7
25.0
9.6
1958
27.6*
8.6*
45.9
15.1
38.2
12.1
24.3
9
1959
28.4*
8.0*
45.8
14.3
39-1
12.3
24.1
9.4
i960
28.6*
8.7*
45.6*
14.1*
38.9
11.8
23.7
9.5
1961
26.6*
8.5*
44.7*
13.7*
28.1*
8.3-
23.3
9.3
19o2

44.2*
13-5*

22.4*
9-5*
X
29.9
9-7
45.7
14.8
36.5
11.8
24.2
9.4
Variance
15.8
3-9
1.3
0.7
9.8
1.8
0.7
0.02
* Provisional
aPrior to 1954 data were tabulated by year of registration
rather than by year of occurrence.
b.,
All data tabulated by year of registration.
0
Death registration estimated 70% complete in 1956.
^Tabulated by year of registration (excludes Jungle Indian
population).
Source: United Nations, Demographic Yearbook: 1962 (liew York:
United Nations, 1962), Table l4, pp.468-83 and Table
18, pp. 516-31.
vn -T vi O' i-o

195
TABLE VII-4
CRUDE BIRTH AND DEATH RATES, AND INFANT
MORTALITY RATES (NATION ONLY) MEXICO AND
CHIHUAHUA, 1960-1970; MEANS AND VARIANCES OF REPORTED RATES
Mexico Chihuahua
Birth
Death
Infant Mortality
Birth
Death
Rates
Rates
Rate
Rates
Rates
i960
46.0
11.5
74.2
45.0
10.0
1961
45.6
10.8
70.2
45.3
8.8
1962
45.8
10.8
69.2
45.3
9-7
1963
44.1
10.4
68.5
43.5
8.8
1964
44.8
9-9
64.5
42.2
9.2
1965
44.2
9-5
60.7
42.2
7.9
1966
44.3
9-6
62.9
39-7
9.0
1967
44.8
9-5
63.1
43.7
8.3
1968
44.9
9-9
64.2
43.3
8.7
1969
44.1
9-7
66.7
42.4
8.4
1970
43.4
9-9
68.5
40.9
8.7
Ms an
44.7
10.1
66.6
43.0
8.9
Variance
0.60
0.39
l4.i
2.93
0.33
Source: Anuario
Estadstico
Compendiado:
1970, Table 3.1.

196
stated:
.13
An interesting observation is the possibility of utilizing
the variance of reported birth and death rates as an index of
the reliability of those data. As has been seen, that country
with the greatest variance (Bolivia) is also that one in whose
statistics least confidence can be placed. The second least
reliable, Peru, is also second in variance of rates. This is
followed by Ecuador and finally the United States as the most
reliable.
Table VII-4 shows the variance for reported vital rates, especially
death rates in Mexico, to be low, and comparable to those of the
United States in the work cited. Publications by the United Nations
report the statistics of Mexico as giving "complete or virtually
l4
complete coverage of the events occurring each year.
Although the writer has doubts as to the degree of this complete
ness of Mexican data, birth rates, reported as in the mid-40's, do
not appear to be too low. Reported birth registrations from the various
editions of the Anuario Estadstico apparently have been subjected to
some type of adjustment. In some of these publications the fact of
a post facto adjustment is reported by the Direccin General de
Estadstica. Consequently, it is probably impossible to determine the
true number of births registered, as opposed to the number reported in
the Anuario Estadstico, short of going back to the raw data. The
problem is further complicated by the delays in birth reporting men
tioned above.
3James E. Hamby, Jr., Vital Statistics: Methods and Reliability
in Bolivia, Ecuador, and Peru -- A Comparative Study, 1965, unpublished.
^Cf. United Nations, Statistical Papers, Series A, Vol. XVI, No.
3, Population and Vital Statistics Report: Data Available as of 1 July,
1904 (New York: Statistical Office of the United Nations. Department'"
of Economic and Social Affairs, 1964), p. 13.

From the national and state data in Table VII-1, it is obvious
that the nation is in a period of very rapid growth. The popula
tion increased from slightly less than 35 million persons in i960
to slightly more than 48 million in 1970 (assuming for the moment
that census data are essentially correct).
As seen in Table VII-1, this increase represents a growth rate
of 335 percent per year. During the almost ten years which elapsed
between the two censuses, birth rates in the middle forties were
recorded each year. At the same time recorded death rates were
approximately thirty-three to thirty-five less per thousand persons,
producing a rapid natural increase of the population. To this point,
all seems to be in order with respect to the vital statistics.
Birth rates in this range, while spectacular from Anglo-American
points of view, tend more to be the rule in Latin America, and if
anything, the reported birth rates may be one or two points per
thousand lower than in some other nations. The reported crude death
rates, also, appear to be about "right" when one considers the low
median age of the Mexican population reported in Chapter VI.
Of disturbing proportions, however, is the report of net migrati
into the nation. This number (it is not a rate) increased each year
of the decade from 8l,000 in i960 to 440,000 in 1969 Since these
figures are for the entire nation, one can only consider this to near,
foreign immigration. Turning to the census volumes for i960 and 1970
one sees that in the Republic of Mexico there were 223,468 foreign
born persons in Mexico at the time of the census of population of

198
196015 and 191,184 such persons in 1970.^
Given the general death rates of Mexico as reported during the
period, which would probably also characterize a migrant (and presum
ably young) population, there is no way in which net migration can
have added nearly 2,400,000 persons to that population; yet this is
what the data say. Joseph Vandiver has suggested in a personal communi
cation that this may, in reality, indicate an effort on the part of the
Direccin to "take up the slack" between underreporting of births and
the obvious increase in the population. Whatever the cause, there
appears to be no way in which this could be produced by "net migration."
It is entirely possible, indeed, probable that the crude birth rates
have been underreported in Mexico, but the researcher feels that those
rates reported in the various editions of the Anuario Estadstico
have already been subjected to some form of modification, and thao
reported rates reflect whatever adjustment the Direccin General de
Estadstica felt was realistic. It is, of course, possible that many
migrants entering Mexico after the census of i960, and before that of
1970, may have been Mexican natives living in the United States in
i960. Such return migration seems quite unlikely to account for the
influx implied in the data. American data fail to record diminished
numbers of Mexican-born residents during this decade; quite the con
trary. As has earlier been noted, all indications suggest the opposite
15Estados Unidos Mexicanos, VIII Censo General de Poblacin, i960,
8 de junio de i960: Resumen General (Mexico, D.F.: Direccio'n General
de Estadstica, 1962); Table 12.
-^Resumen General: 1970. Table 12.

199
likelihood, since Mexico is generally held to be the largest single
source of migrants legal and otherwise -- into the United States.
The true magnitude of migration into and out of the country during the
period under consideration will probably never be known.
In Chihuahua a pattern of migration similar to that indicated for
the nation is suggested by the data. Net migration was less than 10,000
per year from i960 until 1967, at which point it increased dramatically
to 83;000 in 1970* Yet in the state; the census of population of 1970
shows that there were but 27;279 persons in the state who reported
having migrated from another state or country during the previous two
years, thus more than adequately covering the period during which the
net migration was reported to be 83;000 persons.
Birth rates in Chihuahua were a little higher than those reported
at the national level until the middle of the decade of the 1960's.
They then declined slightly; becoming somewhat lower than those of the
nation. Death rates in Chihuahua were consistently lower throughout
the decade than in Msxico as a whole; perhaps reflecting the lower median
age of the state; and perhaps indicating better health and living con
ditions in the state; which was more urban, than was the nation. (See
Tables VII-1 and VII-4.)
There is another measure of natality which is not dependent on
registration, and is appropriately and most accurately used in a census
year -- the fertitlity ratio, or the number of children under age
five years per thousand women of childbearing age (defined in the
present case as those between the ages of fifteen and forty-four,
-LYchihuahua: 1970 > Table 12.

200
inclusively). Fertility ratios were calculated and are shown in Tables
VII-5 a-nd- VII-6. The fertility ratio is useful because it is computed
from census data and is not dependent on vital statistics, but it should
be kept in mind that, despite its name, it does not precisely measure
actual fertility. Infant and child mortality influence the level of
this ratio, as may selective migration. (A case in point which may
seriously distort fertility ratios exists when mothers of young chil
dren migrate to cities, leaving the children with relatives in the
country. Enumeration will show the mother as an urban resident, while
the children are counted in rural areas.)
At the national level, fertility was very high in 1970* The rate
of 824 children under five per thousand women aged fifteen through
forty-four was probably among the highest in the world. Examination
of Table VII-5 shows that not only was the fertility ratio high in
1970, but that also it had increased by 4.7 percent from the level of
787 in i960.
Fertility ratios are presented by rural and urban residence at
the national and State levels in Table VII-6. These indicate that
while the urban fertility ratio increased only by 2.2 percent during the
decade of the 1960's, that of the rural areas of the nation increased
by 11.6 percent. Increased fertility may reflect, of course, improved
census enumeration of children. There may also be instances, perhaps
many instances, of mothers migrating to the urban areas, but leaving
small children in the rural areas with relatives. In the opinion
of the writer, these increases in the fertility ratios probably
reflect less an increase in parity than an increase in the survival

r
TABUS VXI-5
NUMBER OF WOMEN AGED FIFTEEN THROUGH FORTY-FOUR, CHILDREN UNDER AGE FIVE,
AND FERTILITY RATIOS FOR MEXICO, INDIVIDUAL AND AGGREGATE MAJOR MUNICIPIOS
AND AGGREGATE MINOR MUNICIPIOS, i960 AND 1970, AND PERCENT CHANGE IN FERTILITY RATIO
I960 1970
Number of Persons Number of Persons Percent Change
Women
15-44
Children
under 5
Fertility
Ratio
Women
15-44
Children
under 5
Fertility
Ratio
in Fertility
Ratio
Mexico
7,338,628
5,776,747
787
9,911,418
8,167,510
824
4.7
Chihuahua
254,666
210,519
827
327,697
273,046
833
0.7
Major Municipios
131,766
103,301
784
190,290
148,279
779
-0.6
Cuauhtemoc
8,733
8,390
961
13,100
11,958
913
-5.0
Chihuahua
4o,660
30,386
747
59,515
44,937
755
1.1
Delicias
10,689
9,204
861
12,945
11,324
875
1.6
Hidalgo de Parral
9,538
7,583
795
13,185
9,880
749
-5-7
Juarez
62,146
47,738
768
91,545
7,018
767
-0.1
Minor Municipios
122,900
107,218
872
137,407
124,767
908
4.1
Source: i960 data: National taken from Resumen General: i960, Table 8;
State taken from Chihuahua: i960, Table 8.
1970 data: National taken from Resumen General: 1970> Table 5>
State taken from Chihuahua: 1970 > Table 3*
201

TABUS VII-6
FERTILITY RATIOS BY RURAL AND URBAN RESIDENCE FOR
MEXICO, CHIHUAHUA, MAJOR MUNICIPIOS AND AGGREGATE OF
MINOR MUNICIPIOS (COLLECTIVELY), IN i960 AND 1970
i960 1970 Percent Change
Rural
Urban
Total
Rural
Urban
Total
Rural Urban Total
Mexico
857a
735s
787a
955s
750a
525a
11.6
2.2
4.7
Chihuahua
880a
790a
827a
947
O
O
833c
7.6
-1.3
0.7
Major Municipios
912?
771?
785b
*
*
779a
*
*
-0.6
Cuauhtemoc
954J
968J
96lb
*
*
913a
*
*
-5.0
Chihuahua
910
732b
7476
*
*
755j
*
*
l.l
Delicias
955a
837a
86ib
*
*
875a
*
*
1.6
Hidalgo de Parral
742b
799*^
795a
*
*
749a
*
*
-5.8
Juarez
807b
767b
768b
*
*
767a
*
*
-0.1
Minor Municipios
875a
03
03
a
*
*
908a
*
*
5.1
* Data not available for rural urban residence
in 1970 Census except at state level.
Source: aResumen General: i960, Table 8.
^Chihuahua: i960, Table 7*
cResumen General: 1970 Table 5
^Chihuahua: 1970, Table 3

20
rates among the young.
Table VII-4 shows that, although reported infant mortality rates
fluctuated widely from year to year during the decade, the general
trend was downward. There was, however, a perplexing increase during
the last three years of the decade. This downward trend was matched by
a similar, if less striking, trend in death rates in general.
Tables VII-1 and VII-4 present both birth and death rates, as reported.
There was also a slight decrease in the natural increase during the
decade. (Table VII-1.)
At the state level, although fertility ratios tended to be higher
than in the national population, there was a smaller gain in the fertil
ity ratio during the decade -- 0.7 percent in Chihuahua as compared
with 4.7 percent in the nation as a whole. Moreover, the urban popula
tion of the state (residents of places with 2,500 inhabitants or mere)
had a decrease of 1.3 percent in fertility. (See Table VII-6.) Since
Chihuahua became more than 50 percent urban between 1950 and 196c, and
since urban fertility generally is somewhat lover than rural fertility,
there may be grounds to hope that some of the heavy burden of depen
dency will become less onerous as time passes.
Tables VII-1 and VII-4 show that during the 1960's, the reported
birth rates of the state were consistently lower than those of the
nation. The death rates for the state, however, were also lower than
in the nation. As a result, Chihuahua approximately equalled the
nation in rates of natural increase. Despite the trend toward a grad
ual decline of urban birth rates, the youthfulness of the Chihuahuan
population may lead to small gains in the rate of natural increase in

the decades just ahead.
The Major Municipios
Fertility ratios in the major municipios are presented in Table
VII-5 Three of the five major municipios had lower fertility than did
the state as a whole in both i960 and 1970* In both years, the major
municipios, in the aggregate, had lower fertility ratios than did the
state and the nation.
The two major municipios with fertility ratios higher than those
of the state and nation were Cuauhte'moc and Delicias. Cuauhte'moc has
been unlike the other major municipios in a number of instances. In its
demographic configurations, this municipio has resembled rural areas
more than have the other four. Nevertheless, when changes in these
vital rates are compared at the beginning and the end of the decade,
Cuauhtemoc recorded one of the two largest declines in fertility ramio
among the major municipios, having decreased by 5*0 percent. Only in
Hidalgo de Parral was there a larger decrease of 5*8 percent.
Unfortunately, birth rates were not published for the municipio
level in Mexico, nor could fertility ratios be calculated by rural and
urban residence at the municipio level because the Direccin General de
Estadstica did not report age and sex data by size of place for
municipios in the 1970 census. The absence of such valuable data limits
the ability to analyze population growth with respect to migration and
natural increase, migration in itself, and the effects of urbanization
on fertility.
The latest data available with respect to urban and rural fertility
at the municipio level were for i960. These are seen in Table VII-6.

205
In general, rural fertility exceeded urban fertility in all of the major
municipios except Cuauhte'moc and Hidalgo de Parral. One may guess that
the same general tendency would have been found in 1970, had the data
been available.
The Minor Municipios
As noted above, data for birth rates are not available at the
municipio level, but it was possible to compute fertility ratios for
the minor municipios.
The fertility ratios of the minor municipios were very high: 672
in i960 and 908 in 1970. As has been explained, data were not provided
in 1970 permitting the computation of fertility ratios for the rural
and urban components of individual municipios, but since in Chihuahua
as a whole, rural fertility was higher than that in urban areas, and
since the minor municipios are largely rural, it seems likely that it
is the rural-urban fertility differential which is reflected in the
higher fertility ratios of the minor municipios. Only Cuauhte'moc, among
the major municipios, showed a fertility ratio in 1970 as high as that
for the minor municipios, and as has repeatedly been noted, Cuauhtemoc
fairly consistently records demographic characteristics more typical
of rural than of urban Mexico.
Deaths
The definition of "death" is somewhat simpler than that of "live
birth"; at least it was until recent years. Disputes now exist with
respect to what constitutes clinical "death" for the purposes of remov
ing usable organs from bodies for transplant. The United Nations

206
1 O
recommends the following definition in which death is the:
permanent disappearance of all evidence of life at any time
after live birth has taken place (post-natal cessation of vital
functions without capability of resuscitation). This defini
tion therefore excludes fetal deaths.
With respect to procedures in case of death in Chihuahua, the
/ 19
Codigo Civil of the state notes:
Wo burial will be done without the written authorization
given by the Official of the Registro Civil who will assure
himself sufficiently of the death. The burial will not pro
ceed until after the passage of twenty-four hours after death
except in those cases in which something else is ordered by
the authority having jurisdiction over the case.
In the death certificate will be noted the data which the
Official of the Registro Civil obtains, or the declaration
which is made to him, and it will be signed by two witnesses,
giving preference in the case to relatives, if any, or the
neighbors. If the person has died outside his own dwelling,
one of the witnesses will be he in whose house the death has
been noted, or one of the closest neighbors.
The death certificate will contain:
I.The name, surname, age, occupation, and residence of
the deceased.
II.The marital status of the same, and if he was married
or widowed, the name of the spouse.
III.The names, surnames, age, occupations, and residence
of the witnesses, and if these were relatives, the degree of
kinship.
IV.The names of the parents of the deceased if these are
known.
V.The kind of illness which caused the death, and spec
ifically, the place of interment of the body.
l&United Nations, Informes Estadsticos, Series M, Number 19,
Principios para un Sistema de Estadsticas Vitales (New York: Oficina
de Estadstica de las Naciones Unidas, Departamento de Asuntos
Econmicos, 1953), P 6, Art. 202-C-2.
19Op. cit. Art. 113-115.

2C7
VI. The time of death, if known, and all information pos
sessed in case of a violent death.
Like the "birth rate, the death rate is defined as the occurrence
of the number of such events per 1,000 persons in the population.
Death rates are published for the nation and state in a manner parallel
to that of birth statistics -- i.e., at the national and state, but
not at the municipio, levels. Unfortunately, there exists no measure
of deaths corresponding to the fertility ratio in that it can be
calculated directly from the census of population. The only report
ing of death material is found in the various editions of the Anuario
/
Estadistico.
It is generally assumed that death statistics are more complete
than are birth statistics; this generalization probably is most nearly
true with regrd to the deaths of adults. In the area of child, and
particularly infant, deaths, however, much margin for error occurs.
20
If there are difficulties in identifying what is a live birth, the
corollary is that there will also be difficulties in identifying a
fetal death and in distinguishing this from an infant death, especially
if the child lives but a few minutes or hours. Also, since it is
much easier to dispose of the body of a child than that of an adult,
it is entirely conceivable that many infant deaths, even of children
of several weeks or months of age, simply are not reported. The body,
buried perhaps in the garden, might enable the grieving family to keep
the little one at "home" and to avoid the cost of a funeral. In most
cases, such deaths would probably not find their way into the records.
23c?7 in this context, the United Nations' Handbook of Vital
Statistics Methods, op. cit., Table PP* 48-49 and associated text.

208
As in the case of birth'statistics, it may also be assumed that
rural areas, more than urban areas, will tend to be deficient in death
reporting. This is true in part because of different educational levels
in rural and urban districts, but also because of difficulty both in
compliance and in enforcement of registration regulations, if for no
other reason than the remoteness of people from the registry office.
National and State Data
Nationally the death rate hovered around 10 per 1,000 persons in
the general population. The mean for the eleven-year period from i960
through 1970 was 10.2, despite an infant mortality rate which averaged
almost sixty-seven infant deaths per 1,000 live births during the eleven-
year period. (See Table VII-4.) There was considerable fluctuation
from year to year, especially in infant mortality. The variance for
birth and death rates of Mexico and Chihuahua and of infant mortality
in Mexico have been calculated and are reported in Table VII-4. For
Mexico, the variance of the death rates from i960 through 1970 was
only O.33, which compares favorably internationally. The variance of
the infant mortality rate -- 14.1 -- was much higher, however. The
measure ranged from a reported 60.7 in 1965 to 7^*2 in i960. It is
the impression of the researcher that such wide fluctuations in the
infant mortality rate may, in part, reflect actual fluctuations in the
number of infant deaths rather than simply erratic registration pro
cedures .
The interpretation of variances of vital rates as an indicator
of their reliability is not a conventional demographic technique, but
is an innovation of the writer, developed in a comparative study of

209
several nations, as cited above. It appears to be a useful aid in
interpretation when there is a need to determine variations in reliabil
ity for comparative purposes. It is evident that under certain
presumably-not-frequent circumstances it may not-be appropriate. High
variance may occur even under conditions of accurate registration if
there has been a dramatic change in the trae level of births, deaths
or infant mortality. Conversely, low variance may occur when regis
tration is grossly inaccurate, if the errors in each reported incidence
happen to be of comparable magnitude and type.
This chapter has examined vital statistics as an aid in under
standing the astonishing and perhaps, dangerously, rapid growth of
population in the largest Spanish-speaking nation on earth. It has
been shown that birth rates are high in Chihuahua, and death rates,
because of the youth of the population, are low. These, combined with
the supposed attraction of the border, and perhaps of the United
States, help to create conditions conducive to extremely rapid popu
lation growth. Newspapers in both El Paso and Ciudad Juarez, seemingly
almost daily, directly or indirectly blame social problems in and
between the two cities on the exceedingly rapid growth of Chihuahua,
and especially of Ciudad Juarez. Growth and redistribution of the
population will be discussed in the chapter which follows.

CHAPTER VIII
THE GROWTH AMD REDISTRIBUTION OF THE POPULATION
In general, interpretation of the growth and redistribution of
the population within a geographic area should be considered in con
junction with vital rates. For this reason the topic follows the dis
cussion presented in Chapter VII, in which it was shown that fertility
was very high in Mexico and in Chihuahua in the decade prior to 1970*
(There is no reason to assume any great change since that year.) Low
median agescharacterizing both the nation and the state, contributed
both to the high fertility and to the low crude death rates (which may
be assumed to deviate relatively little from the reported rates), despite
reported infant mortality rates which approached seventy infant deaths
for every thousand live births. Parts of some of the tables considered
in Chapter VII also include information to be considered here.
Population Growth
Only three factors can change the size, distribution, and many
of the characteristics of a population -- births, deaths, and migra
tion. Unfortunately, in Mexico, as in most parts of the world, data
on births and deaths are of unknown reliability, and migration data
are virtually nonexistent. Consequently, the demographer finds it
necessary to work with vital statistics in which he can place little
confidence, and attempt to verify them in reference to census data
which, in reality, may merit little more confidence. This is true to
varying degrees in all world areas, including those nations whose
210

211
statistical services are considered to "be reasonably adequate.
In Mexico and Chihuahua, it is obvious that changes have occurred
in the number of inhabitants. Growth has demonstrably been rapid.
Inevitably, some of the characteristics of their populations must also
have changed. Consequently, the question to be resolved is not
whether changes have taken place, but rather, what changes and of what
magnitude.
The "annual rate of change" requires some comment prior to pro
ceeding. There are two formulas which can be used to calculate the
annual rate of change of population size. One of these treats popu
lation increments as discrete "steps," which is the way in which popu
lation data are published. This formula has the disadvantage of being
somewhat awkward to work with, since both the logarithm and the anti
logarithm of population figures must be employed thus compounding work
and chances of errors.
The second of the two formulas was chosen for the present work,
both because of the ease of working with it, and because it provides
a continuous multiplier, which is the way population "really" changes
during a period. Although stated in the tables in which it was used,
the formula is restated here in order that certain comments about it
may not be overlooked. The formula is as follows:
P2
= ern where P]_ is the population in the base year; P£ is
. the population at the end of the period; e is the
natural logarithm of the quotient P2; r is the rate
of change per unit of time; and n is the number of
time units.
In operation, this formula becomes r = \ P;]_
n

Thus, in this manner, the annual rate of change of the population is
calculated directly from a table of natural logarithms. According to
Barclay, the results from the two formulas are virtually identical,
especially if the rate of change is low.-*- In his experience, the re
searcher found that this measure, which Barclay describes as "crude,"
tends to overstate the annual amount of population growth by a small
figure. Thus, when the calculated annual rate of change of the popu
lation of Mexico, 3-35 percent per year, is applied, yearly, to each
successive population figure after i960, the end point of population
calculations in 1970 amounts to 48,567,644 persons instead of the
48,225,238 on which the calculation of the rate of change was based.
The amount of error inherent in this particular calculation is 0.7
percent -- really a quite insignificant number when one considers the
magnitude of probable error in the census data in any nation. The true
rate of increase -- that rate which, when applied to the census figure
of i960 through successive years until 1970 gives as its final product
a number very close to the population actually enumerated was 3*28
percent per year. In practice, the difference in rate is so small,
and the lai^or required to determine the "true" rate is so great, that
it was decided to use the rates as determined by the formula noted
above as if they were, indeed, correct.
In Table VII-1, which was partly interpreted in Chapter VII,
some explanation is needed about several of the categories. In the
stub, adjusted population refers to the application of the net increase
^-George W. Barclay, Techniques of Population Analysis (New York:
John Wiley and Sons, Inc., 1958), pp. 28-33*

213
in population (natural increase plus net migration, as reported in the
appropriate Anuario Estadstico), to the calculated population of each
succeeding year beginning with the population reported in the 1560
census. Population from death rate represents the calculation of that
population which would be required to produce a reported death rate
from the reported number of deaths in that year (assuming the death rate
to be the most accurate of the basic vital rates). Estimated population
is that which was supplied by the Mexican government (probably by the
Direccin General de Estadstica) to the Inter-American Statistical
/ 2
Institute and reported in America en Cifras: 1972. This entry, given
only for the nation as a whole in Table VII-1, was not available for
the state of Chihuahua.
The interpolated population is that which resulted from the appli
cation of the formula previously noted (i.e., = ern), and the cal-
Pl
culation of the population, by sex, in each of the intercensal years
as if the increase of population were a constant increment (probably
an unwarranted assumption).
Careful perusal of Table VII-1 reveals that the Mexican government
source apparently used several different measures of population for
the calculations of different population extrapolations3 between the
^Organization of American States, America en Cifras, 1972, Situ
acin Demogrfica: Estado y Movimiento de la Poblacin (Washington,
D.C.: InterAmerican Statistical Institute, 1972), Table 201-02.
3"Extrapolation" is used because, for the calculation of vital
rates, the 1970 census of population was not yet available for the
government's use. Similarly, the researcher used reported vital data
to determine what were these extrapolations used by the Direccin
General de Estadstica.

214
two census periods. The evidence offered is that calculations using
the different reported vital rates produce different population bases.
If it may be assumed that both censuses were reasonably accurate,
then it is seen that the calculated adjusted population and the popu
lation from death rate agree with neither the estimated population
(official extrapolations) nor the interpolated population obtained by
use of the formula from the two census figures. The latter agrees
most closely with the population from death rate, indicating that the
Direccio'n used similar figures in their calculation of death rates.
The researcher was unable to determine the source of the population
bases used for the calculation of vital rates or for the extrapola
tions but it is obvious that different numbers were used in each case.
Otherwise, the population figures would have agreed more closely. In
actuality, the spread between the figures in the table increases
with the passage of time, as would be expected if the number used in
the base year for the multiplier was different in each case, which
means that the cumulative effect of the multiplier is greater with each
passing calculation (year).
In any analysis of population change, rates and percentages are
generated. Their magnitude is a function of the size of the population
since a small change in a small population results in a higher percent
age or rate of change than does a similar absolute variation in a
larger population.
National and State Data
There are three tables which will be of principle concern at the
moment. Table VIII-1 shows the total populations of Mexico and Chi-

215
TABLE VIII-1
TOTAL POPULATION- IN MEXICO AND CHIHUAHUA BY AGE AND
Total Population
Percent
Males
Age
I960
1970
Change
I960
Mexico
34,923,129
48,225,238
38.1
17,415,320
0-4
5,776,747
8,167,510
41.4
2,936,387
5-9
5,317,044
7,722,996
45.2
2,705,910
10-14
4,358,316
6,396,174
46.8
2,234,496
15-19
3,535,265
5,054,391
43.0
1,738,831
20-24
2,9^7,072
4,032,341
36.8
1,404,869
25-29
2,504,892
3,260,418
30.2
1,195,988
30-34
2,051,635
2,596,263
26.5
1,009,105
35-39
1,920,680
2,511,647
30.8
959,140
40-44
1,361,324
1,933,340
42.0
674,307
45-49
1,233,608
1,637,018
32.7
610,482
50-54
1,063,359
1,192,043
12.1
527,328
55-59
799,899
1,011,859
26.5
405,202
60-64
744,710
917,853
23.2
371,989
65-69
4l4,l64
702,563
69.6
203,454
70-74
333,371
488,253
46.5
161,288
75-79
187,773
252,648
34.5
91,153
80-84
128,338
180,394
4o.6
57,847
85 and over
131,389
166,987
27.1
62,880
Unknown
113,543
#
--
64,664
State of
Chihuahua
1,226,793
1,612,525
31.4
621,616
0-4
210,519
273,046
29.7
107,979
5-9
181,183
261,622
44.4
92,150
10-14
150,918
218,730
44.9
76,842
15-19
124,645
167,752
34.6
61,392
20-24
109,852
132,792
20.9
53,269
25-29
86,550
107,157
23.8
42,332
30-34
72,973
89,330
22.4
36,198
35-39
63,875
81,870
28.2
33,049
40-44
46,641
65,364
4o.l
23,630
45-49
43,606
53,985
23.8
22,229
50-54
38,096
40,332
5.9
19,827
55-59
28,098
36,469
29.8
14,856
60-64
22,886
30,118
31.6
11,980
65-69
13,567
22,978
69.4
7,H2
70-74
9,775
14,278
46.1
5,154
75 and over
15,757
16,702
6.0
8,508
Unknown
7,852
Sources
: i960 data -
1970 data -
5,109
$ data not
Chihuahua: 19&4
Chihuahua: 1965

SEX IN i960 AND 1970; PERCENT CHANGE FROM i960 TO 1970
Percent
Change
Percent
1970 Change
Female s
I960 1970'
24,065,614
38.2
17,507,809
24,159,624
38.0
4,151,517
41.4
2,840,360
4,015,993
4l.4
3,934,729
45.4
2,611,134
3,788,267
45.1
3,271,115
46.4
2,123,820
3,125,059
47.1
2,491,047
43.3
1,796,434
2,563,344
42.7
1,930,300
37-4
1,542,203
2,102,041
36.3
1,575,414
31.7
1,308,904
1,685,004
28.7
1,285,461
27.4
1,042,530
1,310,802
25.7
1,235,283
28.8
961,540
1,276,364
32.7
959, ^+77
42.3
687,017
973,863
41.8
829,719
35.9
623,126
807,299
29.6
589,788
11.8
536,031
602,255
12.4
501,529
23.8
394,697
510,330
29.3
451,069
21.3
372,721
466,784-
25.2
345,379
69.8
210,710
357,184
69.5
242,008
50.0
172,083
246,245
43.1
119,571
31.2
96,620
133,077
37.7
80,738
39-6
70,491
100,196
42.1
71,470
13.7
68,509
95,517
39-4
.... #

48,879
.... #
812,649
30.7
605,177
799,876
32.2
140,094
29.7
102,540
132,952
29.7
134,171
45.6
89,033
127,451
43.2
112,304
46.1
74,076
106,426
43.7
83,189
35-5
63,253
84,563
33.7
63,595
19.4
56,583
69,197
22.3
52,028
22.9
44,218
55,129
24.7
44,276
22.3
36,775
45,054
22.5
40,938
23.9
30,826
40,932
32.8
32,542
37.7
23,011
32,822
42.6
28,017
26.0
21,377
25,968
21.5
20,534
3.6
18,269
19,798
8.4
18,601
31.9
13,242
17,868
34.9
15,349
28.1
10,906
14,769
35.4
11,620
63.4
6,455
11,358
76.0
7,340
42.4
4,621
6,938
50.1
8,051
-5.4
7,249
8,651
19.0
....
--
2,743

--
reported for 1970.
Table 7j Resumen General: i960, Table 8.
Table 3, Resumen General: 1970, Table 5

217
huahua by age and sex in i960 and in 1970 > and- "the percentage of change
in the size of the populations during the period. Table VTII-2 is
provided to show the absolute numerical change in the sizes of the pop
ulations of the nation and state, as well as those of the major municip
ios and the aggregated minor municipios by sex and residence in the
periods from 1950 to i960, from i960 to 1970, and a summary of the total
change of the two-decade period. Finally, Table VIII-3 shows the
total population together with the percent of total change and the
annual rates of change by sex and residence for the nation, state, and
the major and aggregate minor municipios during the same periods as
seen in Table VIII-2. All figures in the present portion refer to
these tables.
According to the i960 census, there were 34,923*129 persons in
the nation 17*4 million males and 17*5 females. By the time of the
1970 census (which occurred 9*625 years after the June 8, i960 cen
sus), the total population had increased slightly more than 38 percent.
This was an annual increment of 3*35 percent. In 1970 there were
48,225,238 persons enumerated -- 24,065,6l4 males and 2^,159*624
females. During the period the number of males increased 38*2 per
cent or 3*36 percent per year while the number of females increased
38 percent, or 3*35 percent per year. The annual rates of change
are based on the formula used in Table VII-1 and discussed in Chapter
VII.
Referring to Table VIII-3 one sees that the growth of the national
population was smaller in the period 1950-i960 than it was during the
following decade. The percentage change in population size was 35*4
in the first period, but it was 38.1 during the second period despite

2l8
TABLE VIII-2
NUMERICAL CHANGE IN POPULATION OF MEXICO, CHIHUAHUA, MAJOR MUNICIPIOS AND
1950 i960 I960 -
Mexico
9,132,112
4,718,385
4,413,727
13,302,109
Rural
2,410,477
1,308,412
1,102,065
2,698,671
Urban
6,721,635
3,409,973
3,311,662
10,603,438
Chihuahua
380,379
198,078
182,301
385,732
Rural
52,586
31,815
20,771
31,626
Urban
327,793
166,263
161,530
354,106
Major Municipios
262,336
132,806
129,530
290,499
Rural
3,222
2,544
678
11,345
Urban
259,114
130,262
128,852
279,154
Cuauhtemoc
13,743
7,354
6,389
23,015
Rural
7,277
4,183
3,094
6,4n
Urban
6,466
3,171
3,295
l6,6o4
Chihuahua
73,621
38,441
35,180
91,010
Rural
-274
125
-399
2,236
Urban
73,895
38,316
35,579
88,774
Delicias
20,945
10,680
10,265
12,597
Rural
-684
-289
-395
70
Urban
21,629
10,969
10,660
12,527
Hidalgo de Parral
8,340
4,724
3,6l6
16,737
Rural
-1,071
-485
-586
592
Urban
9,4ll
5,209
4,202
16,145
Juarez
145,687
71,607
74,080
147,i4o
Rural
-2,026
-990
-1,036
2,036
Urban
147,713
72,597
75,116
145,104
Minor Municipios
118,043
65,272
52,771
95,233
Rural
49,364
29,271
20,093
20,281
Urban
68,679
36,001
32,678
78,952
Sources: 1950
and i960 data, Re;
amen General:
1970 data, Resumen
General: 1970
Total
Males
Females
Total

219
aggregate of minor municipios by sex and residence from 1950 TO 1970
1970 1950 1970
Males
Females
Total
Males
Females
6,650,294
6,651,815
22,434,221
11,368,679
11,065,542
l', 372,370
1,326,301
5,109,148
2,680,782
2,428,366
5,277,924
5,325,514
17,325,073
8,687,897
8,637,176
191,033
194,699
766,111
389,111
377,000
14,651
16,975
84,212
46,466
37,746
176,382
177,724
681,899
342,645
339,254
144,240
146,259
552,835
277,046
275,789
5,362
5,983
14,567
7,906
6,661
138,878
140,276
538,268
269,140
269,128
11,503
11,512
36,758
18,857
17,901
2,984
3,427
13,688
7,167
6,521
8,519
8,085
23,070
11,690
11,380
44,938
46,072
164,631
83,379
81,252
1,289
947
1,962
l,4i4
548
43,649
45,125
162,669
81,965
80,704
5,518
7,079
33,542
16,198
17,344
-185
255
-6l4
-474
-l4o
5,703
6,824
34,156
16,672
17,484
7,708
9,029
25,077
12,432
12,645
286
306
-479
-199
-280
7,422
8,723
25,556
12,631
12,925
74,573
72,567
292,827
146,180
146,647
988
1,048
10
-2
12
73,585
71,519
292,817
146,182
146,635
46,793
48,44o
213,276
112,065
101,211
9,289
10,992
69,645
38,560
31,085
37,504
37,448
143,631
73,505
70,126
-I960, Table 1 and Chihuahua: 1990, Table 1.
Table 5 and Chihuahua: 1970 > Table 2.

220
TABLE VIII-3
NUMBER AND EERCENT CHANGES IN POPULATION AMD RATES
CHIHUAHUA, MAJOR MUNICIPIOS AND AGGREGATE
1950 I960
Total Rural Urban Total
Mexico
Males
Females
25,791,017
12,696,835
13,094,182
Chihuahua
Males
Females
846,414
423,538
422,876
Major Municipios
Males
Females
341,265
165,243
176,022
Cuauhtemoc
Males
Females
30,098
15,130
14,968
Chihuahua
Males
Females
112,468
53,895
58,573
Delicias
Males
Females
30,651
15,636
15,015
Hidalgo de Parral
Males
Females
36,740
17,709
19,031
Juarez
Males
Females
131,308
62,873
68,435
Minor Municipios
Males
Females
505,149
258,295
246,854
14,807,534
7,501,918
7,305,616
10,983,483
5,195,017
5,788,466
34,923,129
17,415,320
17,507,809
473,057
243,670
229,387
373,357
179,868
193,489
1,226,793
621,616
605,177
58,304
30,290
28,014
282,961
134,953
148,008
603,601
298,049
305,552
l4,4l4
7,469
6,9^5
15,684
7,661
8,023
43,841
22,a84
21,357
18,110
9,433
8,677
94,358
44,462
49,896
186,089
92,336
93,753
12,361
6,549
5,812
18,290
9,087
9,203
51,596
26,516
25,280
4,677
2,415
2,262
32,063
15,294
16,769
45,080
22,433
22,647
8,742
4,424
4,318
122,566
58,449
64,117
276,993
134,480
142,515
414,753
213,380
201,373
90,396
44,915
45,481
623,19s
323,567
299,625

221
OF CHANGE PER YEAR BY SEX AND RESIDENCE IN MEXICO,
OF MINOR MUNICIPIOS IN PERIODS 1950 TO i960 AND i960 TO 1970
Percent Annual Rate
i960
Percent Change 1950-1960
of Change 1950-1960*
Rural
Urban
Total
Rural
Urban
Total
Rural
Urban
17,218,011
17,705,118
35.4
16.3
61.2
3.0
1.5
4.8
8,810,330
8,604,990
37.2
17.4
65.6
3.2
1.6
5.0
8,407,681
9,100,128
33.7
15.1
57.2
2.9
1.4
4.5
525,643
701,150
44.9
11.1
87.8
3-7
1.1
6.3
275,485
346,131
46.8
13.1
92.4
3-8
1.2
6.5
250,158
355,019
43.1
9.1
83.5
3.6
0.9
6.1
62,796
540,805
76.9
7.7
91.1
5.7
0.7
6.5
33,026
265,023
80.4
9.0
96.4
5-9
0.9
6.7
29,770
275,782
73-6
6.3
86.3
5-5
0.6
6.2
22,961
20,880
45.7
59-3
33.1
3-8
4.7
2.9
11,844
10,640
48.6
58.2
38.9
4.0
4.6
11,117
10,240
42.7
60.1
27.6
3.6
4.7
2.4
17,836
168,253
65.5
-1.5
78.3
5.0
-0.2
5.8
9,558
82,778
71.3
1.3
86.2
5.4
0.1
6.2
8,278
85,475
60.1
-4.6
71.3
4.7
-0.5
11,677
39,919
68.3
-5.5
118.3
5.2
-0.6
7.8
6,260
20,056
68.3
-4.4
120.7
5.2
-O.5
7.9
5,417
19,863
68.4
-6.8
115.8
5.2
-0.7
7.7
3,606
41,474
22.7
-22.9
29.4
2.0
-2.6
2.6
1,930
20,503
26.7
-20.1
34.1
2.4
-2.2
2.9
1,676
20,971
19.0
-25.9
25.1
1.7
-3.0
2.2
6,716
270,279
111.0
-23.2
120.5
7.5
-2.6
7.9
3,434
131,046
113-9
-22.4
124.2
7.6
-2.5
8.1
3,282
139,233
108.2
-24.0
117.2
7.3
-2.7
7.8
462,847
160,345
23.4
11.6
77.4
2.1
1.1
5-7
242,459
81,108
25.3
13-6
80.6
2.3
1.3
5.9
220,388
79,237
21.4
9.4
74.2
1.9
0.9
5.6
^Annual rate
of change r =
e
where e
= the j
natural
logarithm
of the
Pll P2
' L quotient ; Pi = the population in
n *1
t'ne base year; P2 = the population in the year Pq + n years; and n = the
elapsed time in years.

TABLE Vni-3 (CONTINUED)
Total
Percent An
nual Rate of
Percent Change Change 1960-
1970 1960-1970 1970*
Rural Urban Total Rural Urban TotalRuralUrban
Mexico
48,225,238
19,916,682
28,308,556
38.1
15.7
59-9
3.4
1.5
4.9
Males
24,065,614
10,182,700
13,882,914
38.2
15.6
61.3
3.4
1-5
5.0
Females
24,159,624
9,733,982
14,425,642
38.0
15.8
58.5
3-3
1.5
4.8
Chihuahua
1,612,525
557,269
1,055,256
31.4
6.0
50.5
2.8
0.6
4.2
Males
812,649
290,136
522,513
30.7
5*3
51.0
2.8
0.5
4.3
Females
799,876
267,133
532,743
32.2
6.8
50.1
2.9
0.7
4.2
Major
Municipios
894,100
74,141
819,959
48.1
18.1
51.6
4.1
1.7
4.3
Males
442,289
38,388
403,901
48.4
16.2
52.4
4.1
1.6
4.4
Females
451,811
35,753
416,058
47.9
20.1
50.9
4.1
1.9
4.3
Cuauhtemoc
66,856
29,372
37,484
52.4
27.9
79.5
4.4
2.6
6.1
Males
33,987
14,828
19,159
51.2
25.2
80.1
4.3
2.3
6.1
Females
32,869
14,544
18,325
53.9
30.8
79.0
4.5
2.8
6.0
Chihuahua
277,099
20,072
257,027
48.9
12.5
52.8
4.1
1.2
4.4
Males
137,274
10,847
126,427
48.7
13.5
52.7
4.1
1.3
4.4
Females
139,825
9,225
130,600
49.1
11.4
52.8
4.2
1.1
4.4
Delicias
64,193
11,7^7
52,446
24.4
0.6
31.4
2.3
0.1
2.8
Males
31,834
6,075
25,759
21.0
-3.0
28.4
2.0
-0.3
2.6
Females
32,359
5,672
26,687
28.0
4.7
34.4
2.6
0.5
3.1
Hidalgo de
Parral
61,817
4,198
57,619
37.1
16 <4
38.9
3.3
1.6
3.4
Males
30,l4l
2 216
27,925
34.4
14.8
36*2
3.1
1.4
3*2
Females
31,676
1,982
29,694
39*9
18.3
41.6
3.5
1.7
3*6
Juarez
424,135
8,752
415,383
53.1
30.3
53.7
4.4
2.3
4.5
Males
209,053
4,422
204,631
55-5
28.8
56.2
4.6
2.6
4.6
Females
215,082
4,330
210,752
50.9
31.9
51.4
4.3
2.9
4.3
Minor
Municipios
718,425
483,128
235,297
15.3
4.4
46.7
1.5
0.4
4.0
Males
370,360
251,748
118,612
14.5
3.8
46.2
1.4
0.4
3.9
Females
348,065
231,380
116,685
16.2
5.0
47.3
1.6
0.5
4.0
Sources: 1950 data Resumen General: 1950? Table 1.
i960 national data Resumen General: i960, Table 1.
i960 state data Chihuahua: i960, Table 1.
1970 national data Resumen General: 1970, Table 2.
1970 state data Chihuahua: 1970 > Table 2.

223
the larger population base from which the percentage was calculated.
In terms of the annual rates of increase, these too were larger, being
only 3*0 percent per year in the first period but 3-4 percent per
year in the second.
During the 1950s the growth of the male population was so very
much greater than that of females in the same period as to create
doubt concerning the accuracy of the enumeration. According to the
censuses of 1950 and i960, the male population increased 37*2 percent
(3-2 percent per year) while that of females increased but 33*7 per
cent (2.9 percent per year). Moreover, and even more perplexing, this
excessively large growth of the male population was found in the rural
and urban areas of the nation both. The excess of increase of males
over that of females was some 400,000 persons. However, the explana
tion for this apparent discrepancy is revealed in Table VIII-3 where
it is shown there was not a marked increase in the male population,
but rather a deficit of this magnitude in the male population in 1950
In that year, there were 12,696,835 males and 13,094,182 females
enumerated in the nation. These figures produce a sex ratio of 97*0
which the writer considers to be too low for a population with such
a low median age as that of Mexico in the absence of significant migra
tion. Perhaps it is reasonable to presume that a large number of the
"missing" 400,000 men could have been, at the time of the 1950 census,
working legally or illegally in the United States. It was not pos
sible to substantiate such a hypothesis from data available, but to
the writer it seems to be a reasonable explanation. However, the
hypothesis does not explain why such persons were not absent in sub
sequent censuses. Consequently, the alternative hypothesis of selective

224
enumeration or coding error is offered. To expend more effort in this
direction would he beyond the scope of the present work and would lead
into an analysis of the censuses of population of 1950 and i960.
Ral Benitez Zenteno makes an impassioned plea for the Direccin
General de Estadstica to collect more adequate data on internal migra-
4
tion in Mexico, and the same supplication can also be made with respect
to the need for external migration (although these are the most complete
of migration data). There should be, and probably are, data regarding
the number of legal Mexican workers in the United States in 1950,
but if, as the researcher suspects, the number of illegal immigrants
was large in proportion to that of the legal immigrants, then the
presumption that a large part of the "missing" 400,000 Mexican men
were, in fact, working in the United States may be very close to the
truth.
Benitez Zenteno (q.v., n.4) did not analyze the Mexican popula
tion for sex ratios, and in consequence it would appear that he over
looked, or did not consider important, the deficit of males in the
population in 1950 (of course, his work cited dealt with the i960
census period). Obviously the difference observed could not arise
from a change in the definition of sex, but since there were no pro
visions in the census (and the researcher examined the census of popu
lation of 1950 for such provisions) of enumerating those men absent
from Mexico, and in the United States legally or illegally, then it is
highly probable that the deficit resulted from the presumed cause, a
^Ral Benitez Zenteno, Anlisis Demogrfico de Mexico (Me'xico, D.F:
Biblioteca de Ensayos Sociolgicas, Instituto de Investigaciones Sociales,
Universidad Nacional, 1961), pp. 41-59# passim.

225
simple lack of enumeration of absent men.
Thus, it is likely that the apparent "increase" in the male pop
ulation in the census of i960 was a direct result of the underenum
eration of such persons in the census of 1950, perhaps combined with
either a more adequate enumeration in i960, or a return to Mexico of
large numbers of men formerly living in the United States. It is of
interest to note in Table VIII-3 that, although some increase was seen,
there was no such marked increase of men in the census of 1970 when
compared with that of i960 despite the ending of the bracero program
in 1964. One might surmise that some arrangements were made for the
enumeration of these men in the population census of i960, although
there is nothing in that census to indicate that this was so. Other
wise, it could be assumed that there were relatively few Mexican work
ers in the United States during the decade of the 1960's --an assump
tion most probably contrary to fact.
Keferring again to Table VIII-1, it is apparent that there was an
increase in the number of males greater than that of females in the
ages 15-49 between i960 and 1970. This increase can be attributed,
in part at least, to the ending of the bracero program mentioned above.
Although it is highly unlikely that any significant number of illegal
workers in the U.S. returned to Mexico as a result of the ending of
the program, the legal farm workers must have returned in considerable
numbers.
Looking at the data in Table VIII-1, one sees in the change in
population by age groups from i960 to 1970 that there is some tendency
for the increase to be smaller at the more advanced age groups than
at the younger ages, although considerable irregularities characterize

226
all the changes by age groups. When these are plotted on a graph in
Figure 13 an irregular, but "S"-shaped, curve appears. There are,
however, two ages at which sharp breaks occur in the pattern. First
of these is a sharp dip at ages 50-54 where group percentage rates
drop from figures in previous ages on the level of thirty and more,
to a recorded growth of only 12.4 percent, followed by a sudden return
to much higher rates. This abrupt drop in the rates of growth of the
50-54 age category appears in both the male and female populations
11.8 for males and 12.4 for females.
The second major deviation is in the opposite direction. It oc
curs principally at ages 65-69 but persists into the older ages as
well, but at a lower rate.
Comparison was made of apparently eccentric variations in the
growth rates and sex ratios of 1970 age-sex cohorts with the correspond
ing (i.e. ten years younger) ages of i960. The "peak" in the 1970 sex
ratio at ages 45-49 (see Table VI-1 and Figures 1 and l4) appeared at
ages 35-39 in the census of ten years earlier, lending credibility to
the real existence of a comparative surplus of males in this age range.
Some event or events apparently systematically added males to, or re
moved females from, the age cohort born in the immediate post-Revolu-
tionary period of the early 1920's. It is tempting to assume that,
following the earlier period of disorganization, there may have been
an increase at this time in fertility, producing a large generation,
but by i960, and certainly by 1970> the differential mortality of
males would be presumed to have yielded a sex ratio more "normal" for
the age range. Heavy migration of males of this cohort into the nation,
or of females out of it, prior to i960 could, theoretically, have pro-

age source: Resumen General:I960: Table 8; Resumen Genera 1:1970: Table5
FIGURE 13
PERCENTAGE OF POPULATION INCREASE IN EACH OF FIVE YEAR AGE GROUPS
IN THE REPUBLIC OF MEXICO, 1960-1970
227

sex ratio
source: Resumen General:I960.Table 8 Chihuahua: I960. Table 7
ro
ro
CD
FIGURE 14
SEX RATIO BY FIVE YEAR AGE GROUPS Hi THE
REPUBLIC OF MEXICO AND THE STATE OF CHIHUAHUA, i960

229
duced a peak in sex ratio at the ages -under discussion, but it is hard
to explain when and why such migration differentials may have occurred.
A second "peak" in the 1970 sex ratio at ages 70-74 (Table VI-1
and Figure l) appears in the i960 data (Table VIII-1 and Figure 14),
but in the age category 5559; rather than in the expected category
60-64. If these "peaks" are in fact related, one can only presume
gross errors in age reporting in one or both of these censuses. Figure
14, when compared with Figure 1, illustrates the "riddle" under consid
eration.
It seems probable that the first of these "peaks" in the sex
ratio (that of the 1970 age range of 45-49) is "real" since it persisted
from one census to the next in the same age cohort. The second
(referring to the 1970 age range of 70-74) seems more problematic.
These oddities in the data challenge the demographer to seek adequate
explanations, but additional research far beyond the scope of this
project would be required to provide explanations of the historic
events and/or persisting selective errors in age reporting which could
account for them.
Table VI-1 shows rather large disparities in the growth rates by
sex at ages 35-39; 45-49, 55-59; 6o-64, 70-74; 75-79; and. especially,
at age group 85 and over. It may be that age heaping accounts for all
but the last of these, and differential mortality may explain the final
discrepancy.
Age cohort survivals and predictions of expected population were
calculated from mortality tables constructed for Msxico by Ral Benitez

230
5
Zenteno and Gustavo Cabrera Acevedo.
In Tables VIII-4 to VIII-9 which were generated in part from mor
tality data, the ratio of the age cohort of age x and age x + 10 were
first calculated, using data from the i960 and 1970 censuses of popu
lation (Table VIII-l). If no migration occurred, one would expect
mortality to produce a decline in the size of the ratio of columns
A and B of those tables. The size of the cohort would be reduced in
an amount proportional to the death rates prevailing at each age.
There are inaccuracies inherent in the method to the extent that age
cohorts are separated by ten years, but the two censuses by only
9.625 years. Moreover, age-specific death rates, if applied to a cohort,
assume an equal distribution of the likelihood of mortality among
the members of the cohort and in time. In reality, variations of unknown
extent characterize mortality. Consequently, when the ratio of the
two columns of these tables varies from 1.000, it may be assumed that
the attrition or excess is due to deaths, migrations, or to faulty
enumeration in number or in age, or some combination of these.
It would be possible to compute "death rates" from data in these
tables, but if the data are to be treated meaningfully, rather than as
an exercise in arithmetic, the unknown magnitudes of migration and the
demonstrated inaccuracies of the censuses render the attempt futile.
Tables VIII-4, VIII-5, and VIII-6 respectively, compare the size
of age cohorts from one census to another in two fashions. First is the
3Ral Benitez Zenteno and Gustavo Cabrera Acevedo, Tablas Abrevi
adas de Mortalidad de la Poblacin de Mexico, 1930 1940 1950 190
(Mxico, D.F.: El Colegio de Mexico, Departamento de Publicaciones,
1967)> Tables 33>34, and 35*

TABEE VIIX-ll
COMPARISON OF THE SIZE OF AGE COHORTS IN TWO CENSUS YEARS AND EXPECTED
POPULATION BASED ON i960 SURVIVALS LIVING IN 1970, MEXICO, 1970
Age
A
1960a
Enumeration
B
I970b
Enumeration
(i960
ages+10)
c
Ratios of
Cohort
Size
(B/A)
D
Ten Year Sur
vival Ratios
nLx+10 c
nLx
E
Expected Popu
lation in 1970
(D-A) +
10 Years
F .
1970
Enumeration
(by age
in 1970)
G
Ratio of Ob
served to Ex
pected Popula'
tion (F/E)
0-4
5,776,747
6,396,174
1.107
8,167,510
5-9
5,317,044
5,054,391
951
.9806
7,722,996
10-14
4,358,316
4,032,341
.925
.9790
6,396,174
15-19
3,535,265
3,260,418
.922
.9701
5,213,893
5,054,391
.969
20-24
2,947,072
2,596,263
.881
.9602
4,293,224
4,032,341
939
25-29
2,504,892
2,511,647
1.003
.9515
3,429,561
3,260,418
951
30-34
2,051,635
1,933,34o
942
.9418
2,829,779
2,596,263
.917
35-39
1,920,680
1,637,018
.852
.9276
2,383,405
2,511,647
1.054
40-44
1,361,324
1,192,043
.876
.9079
1,932,230
1,933,340
1.001
45-49
1,233,608
1,011,859
.820
.8806
1,781,623
1,637,018
.919
50-54
1,063,359
917,853
.863
.8420
1,235,946
1,192,043
.964
55-59
799,899
702,563
.878
.7855
1,086,315
1,011,859
931
60-64
744,710
488,253
.656
.7053
895,348
917,853
1.025
65-69
4l4,l64
252,648
.610
.6015
628,321
702,563
1.118
70-74
333,371
180,394
54l
.4733
525,244
488,253
930
75-79
187,773
3142
249,120
252,648
1.014
80-84
128,338
.1556
157,784
180,394
1.143
85 & over
131,389
166,987
Source: aResumen General: i960, Table 8.
Resumen General: 1970, Table 5*
naul Benitez Zenteno and Gustavo Cabrera Acevedo,
Tablas Abreviadas de Mortalidad de la Poblacin de Mxico,
1930, 1940, 1950, i960 (Mxico, D.F.: El Colegio de Mxico,
Departamento de Publicaciones, 1967), Table 35-
ro
(.O

TABUS VII I- 5
COMPARISON OF SIZE OF MALE COHORTS IN TWO CENSUS YEARS AND EXPECTED
POPULATION BASED ON 196Q SURVIVAL LIVING IN 1970, MEXICO, 1970
Age
A
1960a
Enumeration
B
I970b
Enumeration
(i960
ages+10)
C
Ratios of
Cohort
Size
(B/A)
D
Ten Year Sur
vival Ratios
nLx+10 c
nLx
E
Expected Popu
lation in 1970
(D*A)+
10 Years
F Ti
1970
Enumeration
(by age
in 1970)
G
Ratio of Ob
served to Ex
pected Popula
tion (f/e)
0-4
2,936,387
3,271,115
1.114
4,151,517
5-9
2,705,910
2,491,047
921
9199
3,934,729
10-14
2,234,496
1,930,300
.864
.9756
3,271,115
15-19
1,738,831
1,575,414
.906
.9651
2,651,152
2,491,047
939
20-24
1,404,869
1,285,461
.915
9557
2,179,97^
1,930,300
.885
25-29
1,195,988
1,235,283
1.033
.9456
1,678,146
1,575,414
939
30-34
1,009,105
959,477
-951
.9346
1,342,633
1,285,461
957
35-39
959,140
829,719
.865
.9189
1,130,926
1,235,283
1.092
40-44
674,307
589,788
875
.8962
943,110
959,477
1.017
45-49
610,482
501,529
.822
.8656
881,354
829,719
.941
50-54
527,328
451,069
.855
.8239
604,314
589,788
.976
55-59
405,202
345,379
.852
.7674
528,433
501,529
.94 9
6o-64
371,989
242,008
.651
.6899
434,466
451,067
1.038
65-69
203,454
119,571
.588
5919
310,952
345,379
1.111
70-74
161,288
80,738
.501
4779
256,635
242,008
9^3
75-79
91,153

.3385
120,424
119,571
993
80-84
57,847
.1810
77,079
80,738
1.047
85 & over
62,880
71,470
Source: ^Resumen General: i960, Table 8.
nesumen General: 1970 Table 5
cRal Benitez Zenteno and Gustavo Cabrera Acevedo,
Tablas Abreviadas de Mortalidad de la Poblacin de Mxico,
1930, 19^-0r 1950, i960 (lxico, D. F.: El Colegio de Mxico,
Departamento de Publicaciones, 1967), Table 33
232

TABUS VIII-6
COMPARISON OF SIZE OF FEMALE COHORTS IN TWO CENSUS YEARS AND EXFECTED
POPULATION BASED ON i960 SURVIVALS LIVING IN I97O, MEXICO, 1970
A
C
D
E
F
G
1970
Ratios of
Ten Year Sur-
Expected Popu-
I970b
Ratio of 0b-
Enumeration
Cohort
vival Ratios
lation in 1970
Enumeration
served to Ex-
1960a
(i960
Size
nLx+10 c
(D*A)+
(by age
pected Popula-
Enumeration
ages+10)
(B/A)
nLx
10 Years
in 1970)
tion (F/E)
0-4
2,840,36o
3,125,059
1.100
**,015,993
5-9
2,611,134
2,563,344
.982
.9823
3,788,267
10-14
2,123,820
2,102,041
.990
.9816
3,125,059
15-19
1,796,434
1,685,004
.938
9737
2,564,917
2,563,344
999
20-24
1,542,203
1,310,802
.850
.9658
2,084,742
2,102,041
1.008
25-29
1,308,904
1,276,364
975
9568
1,749,188
1,685,004
.963
30-34
1,042,530
973,863
934
.9478
1,489,46o
1,310,802
.880
35-39
961,540
807,299
.84o
.9363
1,252,359
1,276,364
1.019
40-44
687,017
602,255
.877
9205
988,109
973,863
.986
45-49
623,126
510,330
.819
.8974
900,290
807,299
.897
50-54
536,031
466,784
.871
.8612
632,399
602,255
952
55-59
39^,697
357,184
.905
.8037
559,193
510,330
913
60-64
372,721
246,245
.661
.7210
461,630
466,784
1.011
65-69
210,710
133,077
.632
.6126
317,218
357,184
1.126
70-74
172,083
100,196
.582
.4685
268,732
246,245
.916
75-79
96,620
.2961
129,081
133,077
1.031
80-84
70,491
1397
80,621
100,196
1.243
& over
68,509
95,517
8,
Source: Resumen
General:
i960, Table
8.
^Resumen
General:
1970, Table
5-
^Ral Benitez Zenteno
and Gustavo
Cabrera Acevedo
>
Tablas Abreviadas
de
Mortalidad 1
de la Poblacin
de Me'xico,
1930, 1940r 1930, I960 (Mxico, D.F.; El Colegio de Mexico,
Departamento de Publicaciones, 1967), Table 34.

TABUS VIII-7
COMPARISON OF THE SIZE OF AGE COHORTS IN TWO CENSUS TEARS AND EXPECTED
POPULATION RASED ON i960 SURVIVALS LIVING IN 1970, CHIHUAHUA, 1970
Age
A
1960a
Enumeration
B
197o13
Enumeration
(i960
ages+10)
C
Ratios of
Cohort
Size
(B/A)
D
Ten Year Sur
vival Ratios
nLx+10 c
nLx
E
Expected Popu
lation in 1970
(0^)+
10 Years
F G
1970b Ratio of 0b-
Enumeration served to Ex-
(by age pected Popula-
in 1970) tion (F/E)
0-4
210,519
218,730
1.039
T
273,046
5-9
181,183
167,752
.926
.9806
261,622
10-14
150,918
132,792
.880
.9790
218,730
15-19
124,645
107,157
.860
.9701
174,221
167,752
.963
20-24
109,852
89,330
813
.9602
147,749
132,792
8 99
25-29
86,550
81,870
.946
9515
120,918
107,157
.886
30-34
72,973
65,364
.896
.9418
105,480
89,330
.846
35-39
63,875
53,985
.845
.9276
82,352
81,870
.994
40-44
46,641
40,332
.865
.9079
68,726
65,364
951
45-49
43,606
36,469
.836
.8806
59,250
53,985
.911
50-54
38,096
30,118
791
.8420
42,345
40,332
952
55-59
28,098
22,978
.818
.7655
38,399
36,469
.949
60-64
22,886
14,278
.624
.7053
32,077
30,118
939
65-69
13,567
7,574
.558
.6015
22,071
22,978
l.04l
70-74
9,775
4,733
.484
.4733
l6,i4l
14,278
.884
75-79
5,818
.3142
8,161
7,574
.928
80-84
3,951
.1556
4,627
4,733
1.023
85 & over
5,988
4,395
Source: aChihuahua: i960,
Table 7.
^Chihuahua: 1970,
Table 3.
''Ral Benitez Zenteno and Gustavo Cabrera Acevedo,
Tablas
Abreviadas
de Mortalidad
de la Poblacin
de Mexico,
1930. 1940, 1950, I960 (Mexico, D.F.: El Colegio de Mxico,
Departamento de Publicaciones, 1967), Table 35*
ro
u>
p-

Age
0-4
5-9
10-14
15-19
20-24
25-29
30-34
35-39
40-44
45-49
50-54
55-59
60-64
65-69
70-74
75-79
80-84
85 & over
TABUS VIII-8
COMPARISON OF SIZE OF MALE AGE COHORTS IN TWO CENSUS YEARS AND EXFECTED
POPULATION BASED ON i960 SURVIVALS LIVING IN 1970, CHIHUAHUA, 1970
A
B
C
D
E
F b
1970b
Ratios of
Ten Year Sur-
Expected Popu-
1970
Enumeration
Cohort
vival Ratios
lation in 1970
Enumeration
1960a
(i960
Size
nLx+10 c
(D*A)+
(by age
Enumeration
ages+10)
(B/A)
nLx
10 Years
in 1970)
140,094"
.9799 134,171
.9756 112,304
.9651 90,298 83,189
107,979
112,304
1.040
92,150
83,189
.903
76,842
63,595
.828
61,392
52,028
.847
53,269
44,276
.831
42,332
40,938
.967
36,198
32,542
.899
33,049
28,017
.848
23,630
20,534
.869
22,229
18,601
.837
19,827
15,349
.774
14,856
11,620
.782
11,980
7,340
.613
7,112
3,793
.533
5,154
2,271
.441
2,978
2,038
3,492
9557
74,967
63,595
.9456
59,249
52,028
.9346
50,909
44,276
.9189
40,029
40,938
.8962
33,831
32,542
.8656
30,369
28,017
.8239
, 21,177
20,534
.7674
19,241
18,601
.6899
16,335
15,349
.5919
li,4oo
11,620
.4779
8,265
7,340
.3385
4,210
3,793
.1810
2,463
2,271
1,987
Source: ^Chihuahua: i960, Table 7*
chihuahua: 1970, Table 3*
cRal Benitez Zenteno and Gustavo Cabrera Acevedo,
Tablas Abreviadas de Mortalidad de la Poblacin de Mexico,
1930, 19W, 1950, I960 (Mxico, D.F.: El Colegio de Mexico
Departamento de Publicaciones, 1967), Table 33
G
Ratio of Ob
served to Ex
pected Popula
tion (f/e)
921
.848
.878
.870
1.023
.962
.923
.970
.967
.940
1.019
.888
.901
.922

TABUS VIII-9
COMPARISON OF SIZE OF FEMARE AGE COHORTS IN TWO CENSUS YEARS AND EXPECTED
1970 POPULATION BASED ON SURVIVORS FROM i960 POPULATION, CHIHUAHUA, 1970
A
B
C
D
E
F "h
G
I970b
Ratios of
Ten Year Sur-
Expected Popu-
1970
Ratio of Ob-
Enumeration
Cohort
vival Ratios
lation in 1970
Enumeration
served to Ex
1960a
(i960
Size
nLx+10 c
(d*a)+
(by age
pected Popul
Entune ration
ages+10)
(B/A)
nLx
10 Years
in 1970)
tion (F/E)
0-4
102,540
106,426
I.O38
132,952
5-9
89,033
84,563
950
.9823
127,451
10-14
74,076
69,197
934
.9816
106,426
.966
15-19
63,253
55,129
.872
.9745
87,457
84,563
20-24
56,583
45,054
.796
.9658
72,713
69,197
.952
25-29
44,218
40,923
.925
.9568
6l,640
55,129
.894
30-34
36,775
32,822
.893
.9478
54,648
40,054
733
35-39
30,826
25,968
.842
.9363
42,308
40,932
.967
40-44
23,011
19,798
.860
.9205
34,855
32,822
.942
45-49
21,377
17,868
.836
.8974
23,862
25,968
.900
50-54
18,269
14,769
.808
.8612
21,182
19,798
935
55-59
13,242
11,358
.858
.8037
19,184
17,868
.931
6o-64
10,906
6,938
.636
.7210
15,733
14,769
939
65-69
6,455
3,781
.586
.5373
10,643
11,358
1.067
70-74
4,621
2,462
.533
.4685
7,863
6,938
.882
75-79
2,840
.2961
3,468
3,781
1.090
80-84
1,913
.1397
2,165
2,462
1.137
85 & over
2,496
2,4o8
Source: ^Chihuahua:
: i960,
Table 7*
^Chihuahua:
: 1970,
Table 3
'Radi Benitez Zenteno and Gustavo
Cabrera Acevedo,
Tablas Abreviadas
de Mortalidad
de la Poblacin de
Mexico,
1930, 1940, 1950, i960 (Mexico, D.F.; El Colegio de Mexico,
Departamento de Publicaciones, 1967), Table 34.
ro
UJ

237
comparison of each age cohort in i960 with its size in 1970* A column
of size ratios is provided. In the table for the entire Mexican popu
lation (Table VIII-4) one sees the general trend of a reduced size
of each age cohort with advancing age, but there are exceptions. The
ratio greater than 1.000 in the 0-4 category may be explained by as
suming an underenumeration of infants and small children in i960.
The size of the ratio for the cohort of age 25-29 in i960, however, is
greater than 1.000 in 197* Since natural increase alone is quite
capable of accounting for the growth of the national population, and
since the possibility of an immigration gain being limited to persons
who were at least twenty-five but less than thirty years of age in
i960 seems absurd, enumeration errors in one or both censuses may be
assumed. Underenumeration of this age range in i960 and errors in age
reporting in one or both censuses, or some combination of these, may
be presumed. Erratic variations in other age groups, such as a sharp
dip below the expected 1970 size of the 20-24 year cohort in i960,
likewise suggests distorted age reporting. Some failure of matching
derives also from the fact that the censuses were not a full ten years
£
apart.
QAt this point a technical explanation is needed for the reader's
benefit in the use of Tables VIII-4, VIII-5, and VIII-6, and similar
tables to be discussed later. Column D in the tables shows the ten-
year survival ratios calculated from data supplied in the mortality
tables noted above. From a hypothetical cohort of 100,000 persons,
all bom on the same day, the authors applied the age-specific death
rates to each five-year age group (excepting the 0-4 group which was
reported by single years of age). In each successive five-year age
group, the number of survivors was reported. By dividing the number
of survivors at exact age x + 10 years by the number of those of ex
act age x, a survival ratio was obtained for each five-year age group.
These ratios were multiplied by the number of persons enumerated in

238
In Tables VTII-5 and VIII-6, the total data for Mexico are broken
down according to sex. In column C of these two tables, the cohort
size ratio is greater than 1.000 in the age group 0-4 as previously-
seen in Table VIII-4. This figure is greater for males which indi
cates that if the underenumeration of small children is, indeed, the
cause, such underenumeration was greater for males. (A similar con
dition, observed in the black population of the United States, has
been attributed to the underenumeration of male children, but the
cause or causes of this phenomenon have not been explained to the
researcher's satisfaction.)
Second, the increase in the ratio of cohort size at age 25-29 is
larger for the male population, as is the apparent "spill over" into
the subsequent age category. Third, at the older age groups, the
decrease in cohort survival (as measured by the ratio of cohort size --
each five-year age group in the census of population of 190 and the
product was advanced ten years to the age of that cohort in 1970*
(Note again the error in the assumption that ten years have elapsed,
when, in actuality, the period was but 9*625 years.) Predicated upon
survival ratios for ten years, an expected population of age x + 10
years could be calculated for 1970, and is shown in column E. Column
F of these tables contains the 1970 enumeration by five-year age
groups. This observed population was then divided by the expected
(calculated) population from column E to produce a ratio of observed-
to-expected population shown in column G. If both censuses of popula
tion were correct, ten-year survival ratios were correct, and no migra
tion occurred, the ratios so computed would be 1.000. A figure smaller
than this requires something which removes persons from the population
at a rate greater than the age-specific death rates, such as emigration
or errors of enumeration either of number, or of age, or both. Similarly
a ratio greater than 1.000 would require some factor which added
members to the cohort, or to enumeration errors. Since immigration
has played a very small part in the growth of the Mexican population in
the present century, the supposition of enumeration errors is quite
likely, but it is also felt that emigration, most probably to the
United States, may also be a significant factor to the extent that the
ratios are less than 1.000.

239
column C) is smaller for females, a fact in keeping with the known
sex differential in mortality favoring women.
Nonetheless, a peculiarity appears in column D -- the ten-year
survival ratios for females of ages 70-rjb, 75-79> and 80-84 (in Table
VIII-6 for example) are lower than those for men of corresponding ages.
The expectation of life for men of those ages is, respectively, 11.40,
9.04, and 6.89 years while that for women is 11.27, 8.60, and 6.28
years.7
The researcher is unable to offer any explanation for this devia
tion from what is normally expected in human populations. It is
expected that there will be a greater number of female deaths at advanced
ages because of the greater numbers of women who survive to those ages,
but this should affect neither the ten-year survival ratio nor the
average expectation of life. Once again, the tempting explanation is
to assume error in the data, perhaps of age reporting.
Looking at column G in Table VIII-4, one sees that at both the
younger ages and the middle ages, the ratio of observed-to-expected
population is less than 1.000. This could be accounted for by a number
of deaths in these age groups which exceeds that expected, or more
likely, by emigration of such persons from the nation. Note here that
national data are being discussed, so migration to another state would
not produce the observed decline. Conversely, at a period of early
middle age, and at the older ages, the observed population is somewhat
larger than that expected. In this case, separate examination of column
G by sex in Tables VIII-5 and VIII-6 sheds no light on what is produc-
?Benitez Zenteno and Cabrera Acevedo, op. cit. Tables 33 and 34.

24o
ing the figures observed. Wo regular pattern clearly appears at the
national level, and ratios of observed-to-expected population ratios
show irregular changes upward and downward at different ages. One could
speculate about differential migration, or even strain at the gnat of
remarkably selective differential mortality, but there occurs no feas
ible explanation to the researcher other than the constant one of
enumeration error, most likely in age reporting. Differential mortal
ity may be a factor at the oldest ages, but such a hypothesis cannot
be verified with the evidence at hand. To the contrary, the mortal
ity tables show the Reaper taking a larger share of aging women than
of men -- a "fact" in opposition with what is known, generally, about
differential death rates.
In Chihuahua, the census of population of i960 enumerated 1,226,793
persons. This number, an increase of 44.9 percent over the population
reported by the 1940 census, represented an annual increment of 3*7
percent per year (see Table VIII-3)* The male population increased
from 423,538 to 621,6l6, or 46.8 percent. The increase of the female
population was somewhat less -- 422,876 to 605,177. or 43-1 percent.
The sex ratio changed from 100.2 in 1950 to 102.7 in the state in
i960. The most plausible cause was either immigration of males to
the state (which seems most likely) or emigration of women from the
state(a possible, but probably a less important cause).
Although the rate of growth was greater during the 1950's than
during the following decade in Chihuahua, the numerical increase was
a little greater during the 1960s. From i960 to 1970, the total
population increased 31*4 percent, or 2.84 percent per year, down from
the annual growth of 3*7 percent per year of the previous decade.
(Table VIII-3.)

241
In contrast to the national trend., the rate of increase of the
female population in Chihuahua exceeded that of the male population
during the 1960's. In Table VIII-3 the rates of annual increase are
seen to have been 2.8 and 2.9 percent per year for males and females,
respectively, in the latter decade. During this decade, the male popu
lation of Chihuahua increased from 621,6l6 to 812,649 (191*033* or
3O.7 percent), and the female population increased from 605,177 to
799*876 (l9^>699 or 32.2 percent).
An interesting feature of Table VII-1 refers to migration gains
in Chihuahua, according to data by the Direccin General de Estadstica.
Net migration figures for the state, as shown, increased dramatically,
beginning in 1967. In the previous seven years the net migration figures
published by the Direccin in the Anuario Estadstico were smaller than
10,000 per year. However, in 1967 this figure jumped to l6,000, followed
by 56,000 in 1968, 52,000 in 1969, and finally, 83,000 in 1970. The
researcher does not know the basis of the Direccin's estimates.
Perhaps they were calculated as a residual from reported birth and
death rates combined with population extrapolations. It is difficult
to see how the Direccin reconciled the data in its various statements
regarding population change. For example, in Table VII-1, natural
increase was reported as 32.2 per 1,000 in 1970 which would have meant
a growth from this source of about 49,000 persons over the previous
year. A total growth for the state was estimated at 83,400. One would
presume, then, that migration would account for a gain of about 35*000
persons. To the contrary, the net migration gain was reported to be
83,000 people! By taking the estimates of total gain and of net migra-

242
tion literally, one could combine these to assume that, by 1970¡
Chihuahua had virtually reached the level of zero population growth
insofar as vital processes were concerned. (in reality, zero popula
tion growth is a phrase remarkably inapplicable to Mexico or to Chi
huahua.) The only plausible conclusion is that the Direccin simply
made no effort to reconcile the various entries in the Anuario
Estadstico.
Table VIII-1 shows the growth of the population of Chihuahua from
i960 to 1970 by five-year age groups. The population of the state
showed, in 1970, the same low increment of population at the 50-54 age
group previously noted for the national population. However, in
Chihuahua, the increment in the male population at this age was 3*6
percent during the decade, while that of females was 8.4 percent. The
growth of the female population exceeded that of males in all age cate
gories over age twenty except in the age group 45-49 (immediately preced
ing the extremely low-growth age group noted above). As in the national
population, the age group 65-69 showed a markedly large increase during
the decade, and again, there is a "spill over" into the next succeeding
age group. A histogram of the sex ratios of the state was constructed,
as was done for the national population in i960, and in general, the
same phenomena appeared with regard to the two "peaks" and at the same
age groups. However, at the older ages, the i960 sex ratios for Chi
huahua became quite extreme, being 195, 194, and 171 at age groups
75-79, 80-84, and 85-and-over, respectively. These deviations from
what is usually expected at advanced ages may perhaps be attributed to
a large influx of men into the state some fifty years ago, but the
relative absence of women would seem to contradict this unless it can

243
be assumed, that either differential mortality was favorable for men,
or that these men were willing to live for fifty-odd years without
women. Another, and probably more tempting assumption is that of
faulty data. (See Figure l4.)
Finally, Table VIII-1 records a decrease from i960 to 1970 of
males in the age group 75-and-over, while the number of females in
the same age group increased 19 percent.
Tables VIII-7> VIII-8, and VIII-9 compare age and sex cohorts for
Chihuahua. (See n7*) In general, the ratios of cohort size (column
C) if graphed, would have a shape similar to that for the nation as
a whole. Although there is a general trend toward lower ratios at
advancing ages, there is a sharp increase, but not so large as in the
national population, at age group 25-29 which "spills over" into age
group 3034 and remains fairly high for the next decade. There is
another increase, followed by a sharp decline, at age group 55-59*
When ten-year survivals are calculated, the ratio of observed-to-
expected population tends to be less than 1.000 in all but two age
categories, 65-69 and 80-84. Closest approach to "unity" -- i.e.,
to figures of 1.000 -- is found in the middle years, falling off toward
each extreme except for the age groups 707^ and 15-19*
Such figures are consistent with emigration. This would be con
trary to demonstrated growth in the state, but lowest ratios are
found in age groups 20-35 -- ages in which migration is most likely.
However, since international migration is usually selective of males,
an anomaly appears in Table VIII-9 where it is seen that, in large
part, the reduction in the ratios in column G is due to a reduction
in the number of women. It may be that, contrary to the usual facts,

244
women may emigrate to the United. States in greater proportions than
men, i.e., there may he greater employment opportunities for them. If
as the researcher believes, most such women find employment in domestic
service, it appears that the cloistered "live-in" maid is safer from
discovery by immigration authorities than the more visible males because
of occupational differences. The only other explanation for the observed
ratios (other than enumeration errors which almost certainly exist)
is higher death rates in the state than in the nation -- a point at
variance with reported death rates seen in Table VII-1.
In Tables VIII-8 and VIII-9, the sizes of age cohorts of the two
sexes can be compared. The size ratio of male cohorts (column C) is
greater than that of females, beginning at age twenty and continuing
through age forty-nine. Differential migration probably has produced
some of this effect, but some of it also is due to the correction of
the deficit of males during the 1950's earlier described. Above age
fifty, differential mortality becomes a major factor reducing the male
cohort ratios more rapidly than those of females. As in the national
data, observed-to*-expected population ratios greater than unity tended
to be most prevalent at the older age groups, and in Chihuahua, this
was true of females to a degree even greater than in the nation.
The Major Municipios
As in the state in general, the major municipios had their most
rapid population growth during the 1950's (Table VIII-3). During this
period, their increase was 76.9 percent, and the proportion of the
total population living in these five municipios rose from 40.3 per
cent in 1950 to 49.2 percent in i960. Numerically, the increase was
from 341,265 to 603,601.

245
Previously noted was the marked increase in the male population
of the nation and the state during that decade. In the major municip
ios, the male population increased 80.4 percent (5.9 percent per year)
while the female population increased only 73*6 percent (5*5 percent
per year).
Among the major municipios, the greatest increase in population
was in Juarez, where the population more than doubled, increasing 111.0
percent in the decade. The male population there increased 113*9
percent, while that of females increased 108.2 percent. The smallest
increase among the major municipios during the decade of the 1950's
was the 22.7 percent of Hidalgo de Parral. Only in Delicias was the
increase of the male population less than that of females. In that
municipio, the growth of the two sexes was virtually identical (68.4
percent and 68.3 percent).
During the 1960's, the population growth in the major municipios
slowed considerably, dropping from 7^*9 percent in the 1950'¡3 to 48.1
percent in the 1960's. (See Table VIII-3*) Even so, this increase
still was much greater than that of the state as a Whole. The annual
growth rate of the major municipios was 4.1 percent, compared with the
figure of 3*4 for the state. By any "universal" standards, of course,
these "reduced" growth rates still are very high.
As in the previous decade, the growth of municipio Juarez was
greatest among the major municipios, but in the 1960's, its rate of
growth exceeded only slightly that of the much smaller municipio of
Cuauhtemoc -- 53*1 and 52.4 percent, respectively. The annual rate of
growth in both municipios was 4.4 percent* Municipio Chihuahua grew
almost as fast, with an increase of 48.9 percent during the decade.

246
In the major municipios as a whole, the differential growth rates
of males and females previously recorded decreased greatly; during the
decade, they showed similar annual rates of 4.1 percent each. During
the I960's the male population increased by 48.4 percent; the female
population by 47*9 percent. Actually, the percentage of growth of
females exceeded that of males in all of the major municipios except
Juarez. The greatest differential was in Delicias, with a 28 percent
increase for females but only 21 percent for males.
Comparison of the percentage growth of the population by sex and
five-year age groups reveals that increases among males much exceeded those
of females at age groups 10-14, 15-19> and 45-49. The growth of the
female population greatly exceeded that of males in age groups 3539^
55-59, and 75-and-over. (Table VIII-10.)
When the major municipios are examined individually, the sex and
age differentials found in the aggregate data became more important in
the individual municipios. Some were growing more rapidly in certain
sectors of their population than in others. Table VIII-11 shows the
I96O-19TO growth in population by sex and five-year age groups.
In Cuauhtemoc, for example, while the male population increased
by 37*1 percent at ages 0-4, the number of females increased by 48.6
percent, again demonstrating a probable underenumeration of male child
ren seen in three of the five major municipios. Also in age groups
15-19, 25-29., 65-69, and 70-7^ and 75-and-over, the increase of females
was much greater than that of males. Only at ages 5~9, 40-44, and 55-55'
was the increase of males much greater than that of females. (Table VIII-11.)
In Chihuahua, only at age groups 50-54 and 55-59 did the growth of
the female population greatly exceed that of males. Conversely, the

247
TABLE VIII-lo
PERCENT CHANGES IN POPULATION
AND AGGREGATE MINOR MUNICIPIOS,
Total Population
Place and Age 1960a 1970b Percent
Change
Major Municipios
603,601
893,830
48.1
0-4
103,300
148,279
43.5
5-9
87,471
141,512
61.8
10-14
72,109
121,485
58.9
15-19
60,190
96,158
59-8
20-24
54,783
74,997
36.9
25-29
43,417
59,481
37.0
30-34
37,337
50,600
35.5
35-39
32,911
45,663
38.7
40-44
23,406
37,297
67.9
45-49
21,651
30,700
41.8
50-54
19,051
22,306
17.1
55-59
14,352
20,370
41.9
60-64
11,215
17,372
54.9
65-69
6,899
12,636
83.2
70-74
4,636
7,605
64.0
75 and over
7,317
8,711
19.1
Unknown
3,828


Minor Municipios
623,192
718,695
15.3
0-4
107,219
124,767
l6.4
5-9
93,712
120,110
28.2
10-14
78,809
97,245
23.4
15-19
64,455
71,594
11. i
20-24
55,069
57,795
5.0
25-29
^3,133
47,676
10.5
30-34
35,636
38,730
8.7
35-39
30,964
36,207
l6.9
40-44
23,235
28,067
20.8
45-49
21,655
23,285
7.5
50-54
19,025
18,026
-5.3
55-59
13,746
16,099
17.1
60-64
11,671
12,746
9.2
65-69
6,668
10,342
55.1
70-74
5,139
6,673
29.9
75 and over
8,44o
7,991
-5.3
Unknown
4,024

--
Sources: a Chihuahua:
h Chihuahua:

248
OF AGGREGATE MAJOR MUNICIPIOS
CHIHUAHUA, 1960-1970, BY AGE AND SEX
Males
Female s
1960^
1970 b
Percent
Change
1960a
1970
Percent
Change
298,049
442,289
48.4
305,553
451,811
47.9
53,021
76,058
43.4
50,577
72,221
42.8
44,455
72,421
62.9
42,98o
69,091
60.8
36,154
62,207
72.1
35,935
59,278
65.O
28,749
46,944
63.3
31,441
49,214
56.5
25,395
34,778
37.0
29,388
40,219
36.9
20,540
27,853
35.6
23,057
31,628
37.2
17,861
24,361
36.4
19,476
26,239
34.7
16,207
21,974
35.6
16,431
25,242
53.6
11,433
17,996
57.4
11,973
19,301
61.2
10,761
15,473
43.8
11,190
15,227
36.1
9,427
10,945
16.1
9,624
11,361
l8.0
7,172
9,887
37.9
7,180
10,483
46.0
5,535
7,934
43.3
5,680
8,398
47.9
3,177
5,988
88.5
3,422
6,616
93.3
2,256
3,643
61.5
2,380
3,962
65.O
3,640
3,827
5.1
3,276
4,884
49.1
2,390
---
--
1,438


323,567
370,360
14.5
299,624
348,065
16.2
54,958
64,036
16.5
51,963
60,731
16.9
47,695
61,750
29.5
46,053
58,360
26.7
40,688
50,097
23.I
38,141
47,148
23.6
32,643
36,245
11.0
31,812
35,439
11.4
27,874
28,817
3.4
27>195
28,978
6.6
21,792
24,175
10*9
21,161
23,501
ll.l
18,337
19,915
8.6
17,299
18,815
8.8
16,842
18,964
12.6
14,395
15,690
9.0
12,197
14,546
19.3
11,038
13,521
22.5
11,465
12,544
9.4
10,187
10,741
5.4
lo,4oo
9,589
-7.8
8,645
8,437
-2.4
7,684
8,714
13.4
6,062
7,385
21.8
6,445
7,415
15.1
5,226
6,371
21.9
3,935
5,632
43.1
3,033
4,742
56.3
2,898
3,697
27.6
2,241
2,976
32.8
4,868
4,224
-13.2
3,973
3,767
-5.2
2,719

--
1,305

--
I20> Table 7-
1210, Table 3.

TABLE VIII-u
PERCENT CHANGE IN POPULATION SIZE BY AGE AND SEX m
Total
Place and Age 1960a 1970b Percent
Change
Cuauhtemoc
43,841
66,586
51-9
0-4
8,390
11,958
42.5
5-9
6,792
11,628
71.2
10-14
5,474
9,401
71.7
15-19
4,376
6,803
55-5
20-24
3,858
5,448
41.2
25-29
3,026
4,394
45.2
30-34
2,510
3,500
39.4
35-39
2,127
3,277
54.1
40-44
1,674
2,532
51.3
45-49
1,472
2,081
41.4
50-54
1,201
1,594
32.7
55-59
895
1,400
56.4
60-64
745
i,o4o
39.6
65-69
433
735
69.7
70-74
330
487
47.6
75 and over
381
560
47.0
Unknown
157

--
Chihuahua
186,089
277,099
48.9
0-4
30,385
44,937
47.9
5-9
25,256
42,408
67.9
10-14
21,640
36,277
67.6
15-19
18,973
30,070
58.5
20-24
17,041
24,188
41.9
25-29
13,263
18,814
41,9
30-34
11,369
15,720
38.3
35-39
9,828
14,153
44.0
40-44
7,511
11,609
54.6
45-49
7,162
9,754
36.2
50-54
6,286
7,431
18.2
55-59
4,776
6,749
41.3
60-64
3,693
5,415
46.6
65-69
2,555
4,227
65.4
70-74
1,647
2,466
49.7
75 and over
2,867
2,881
0.5
Unknown
2,136



250
each of the major municipios from i960 TO 1970
Males
Females
1960a
19708
Percent
Change
1960a
1970b
Percent
Change
22,484
33,987
51.2
21,357
32,869
53-9
4,427
6,069
37.1
3,963
5,889
48.6
3,426
6,103
78.1
3,330
5,525
65.9
2,791
4,876
74.7
2,683
4,525
68.7
2,221
3,378
52.1
2,155
3,425
58.9
1,879
2,615
39.2
1,979
2,833
43.2
1,535
2,l4l
39.5
1,491
2,253
51.1
1,283
1,784
39.0
1,227
1,716
39.9
1,086
1,653
52.2
l,04l
1,624
56^0
834
1,283
53.8
840
1,249
48.7
763
1,092
43.1
709
989
39-5
622
815
31.0
579
779
34.5
445
737
65.6
450
663
47*3
394
545
38.3
351
495
4l.O
236
361
53.0
197
392
99.0
186
249
33.9
144
238
65.3
220
286
30.0
161
274
70.2
100

57

--
92,336
137,274
48.7
93,753
139,825
49.1
15,605
23,175
48.5
14,781
21,762
47.2
12,888
21,659
68.1
12,368
20,749
67.6
10,839
18,569
71.3
10,801
17,708
63*9
9,029
14,812
64.0
9,944
15,258
53*4
7,985
11,303
41.6
9,056
12,885
42.3
6,309
8,866
40.5
6,954
9,948
43*1
5,503
7,616
38.4
5,866
8,104
38.2
4,8p4
6,849
4l.l
4,974
7,304
46.8
3,645
5,593
53*4
3 >866
6,016
55*6
3,490
4,841
38.7
3,672
4,913
33*8
3,166
3,570
12.8
3,120
3,86i
23.8
2,467
3,316
34.4
2,309
3,433
48.7
1,827
2,683
46.9
1,866
2,732
46.4
1,085
2,027
86.8
1,170
2,200
88.0
783
1,193
52.4
864
1,273
47*3
1,472
1,202
-18.3
1,395
1,679
20.4
1,389


747
--

251
TABLE VIII-11 (CONTINUED)
Place and Age
Total
1960a
1970b
Percent
Change
Delicias
51,596
64,193
24.4
0-4
9,204
11,324
23.0
5-9
7,591
10,962
44.4
10-14
6,44i
8,884
37.9
15-19
5,317
6,628
24.7
20-24
5,018
5,029
0.2
25-29
3,624
4,173
15.1
30-34
2,889
3,709
28.4
35-39
2,474
3,147
27.2
40-44
1,868
2,4i8
29.4
45-49
l,84l
1,907
3-6
50-54
1,569
1,430
-8.9
55-59
1,154
l,44o
24.8
60-64
796
1,197
50.4
65-69
456
873
91.4
70-74
337
491
45.7
75 and over
646
581
-10.1
Unknown
371

--
Hidalgo de Parral
45,080
61,817
37-1
0-4
7,583
9,880
30.3
5-9
6,627
9,6o4
44.9
10-14
5,443
8,516
56.5
15-19
4,309
6,765
57.0
20-24
4,215
5,028
19.3
25-29
3,103
4,130
33.1
30-34
2,681
3,576
33*4
35-39
2,303
3,227
40.1
40-44
1,762
2,575
46.1
45-49
1,678
2,030
21.0
50-54
1,455
1,589
9-2
55-59
1,063
1,498
40.9
6o-64
862
1,238
43.6
65-69
505
1,918
81.8
70-74
371
567
52.8
75 and over
799
676
-15.4
Unknown
321

--

252
Males
Females
1960a
1970b
Percent
Change
1960a
1970b
Percent
Change
26,316
31,834
21.0
25,280
32,359
28.0
4,712
5,673
20.4
4,492
5,651
25.8
3,868
5,514
42.6
3,723
5,448
46.3
3,252
4,489
38.0
3,189
^,395
37.8
2,665
3,225
21.0
2,652
3,403
28.3
2,429
2,300
-5.3
2,589
2,729
13.1
1,973
2,037
3-2
1,831
2,136
5.4
1,462
1,799
23.1
1,427
1,910
16.7
1,269
1,594
25.6
1,205
1,553
28.9
883
1,204
36.4
985
1,214
23.2
968
990
2.3
873
917
5.0
843
663
-21.4
726
767
5.6
661
722
9.2
493
718
45.6
435
617
41.8
361
580
60.7
260
46o
76.9
196
413
101.7
182
243
33.5
155
248
60.0
398
304
-23.6
248
277
11.7
236

--
135


22,433
30,141
34*4
22,647
31,676
39.9
3,900
4,920
26.2
3,683
4,960
34.7
3,394
4,692
38.2
3,233
4,912
51-9
2,74o
4,280
56.2
2,703
4,236
56.7
2,087
3,288
57-5
2,222
3,477
56.5
1,946
2,293
17.8
2,269
2,735
20.5
1,441
1,913
32.8
1,662
2,217
33-4
1,317
1,781
35-2
1,364
1,795
31*6
1,164
1,551
33.2
1,139
1,676
47.1
880
1,290
46.6
882
1,285
45.7
8l4
1,029
26.4
864
1,001
15 *9
731
787
7.7
724
802
10.8
546
738
35.2
517
760
47.0
433
611
4l.l
429
627
46.2
230
428
86.1
275
490
78.2
189
246
30.2
182
321
76.4
413
294
-28.8
385
382
-0.8
208


113

--

TABLE VIII-11 (CONTINUED)
Place and Age
1960a
Total
1970b
Percent
Change
Juarez
276,995
424,135
53.1
0-4
47,738
70,180
47.0
5-9
41,205
66,910
62.4
10-14
33,111
58,407
76.4
15-19
27,215
45,892
68.6
20-24
24,651
35,304
43.2
25-29
20,401
27,970
37.1
30-34
17,888
24,095
34.7
35-39
15,906
21,859
37-4
40-44
10,591
18,163
71-5
45-49
9,798
14,928
52.4
50-54
8,540
10,262
20.2
55-59
6,464
9,283
43.6
60-64
5,119
7,442
45.4
65-69
2,950
5,883
99-4
70-74
1,951
3,594
84.2
75 and over
2,624
4,013
52.9
Unknown
843
Sources: ^Chihuahua:
chihuahua;

254
Males
Females
1960a-
I970b
Percent
Change
1960a
1970b
Percent
Change
134,480
209,053
55-5
142,515
215,082
50.9
24,377
36,221
44.5
23,658
33,959
43.5
20,879
34,453
65.O
20,326
32,457
59.7
16,532
29,993
81.4
16,559
28,414
71.6
12,747
22,241
74.5
14,468
23,651
63.5
11,150
16,267
45.8
13,495
19,037
4i.l
9,282
12,896
38.9
11,119
15,074
35.6
8,296
11,381
37-2
9,592
12,714
32.5
7,834
10,327
31.8
8,072
11,532
42.9
5,191
8,626
66.2
5,400
9,537
7 6.6
4,726
7,521
59.1
5,072
7,407
46.0
4,065
5,110
25.7
4,475
5,152
15.1
3,053
4,374
43.3
3,411
4,909
43.9
2,446
3,478
42.2
2,673
3,964
48.3
1,366
2,712
98.5
1,584
3,121
97.0
916
1,712
86.9
1,035
1,882
81.8
1,137
1,741
53.1
1,087
2,272
109.0
457
*

386
--
--
I960, Table 7.
1970, Table 3-
I

255
male population growth was much greater than that of females only at
age groups 10-14 and 15-19 (Table VIII-11.)
In both Delicias and Hidalgo de Parral, the percentage growth of
the female population was considerably greater than that of males. In
the former, the difference was 28.0 and 21.0 percent, and in the latter
it was 39*9 percent and percent. In both, rather wide variations
occurred from one age category to another. Since the number of persons
in some categories was small, not much importance should perhaps be
attributed to the wide variations in some age-sex categories. However,
in Delicias, at ages. 20-24, 50-5^ and 75-and-over, there was a decrease
in the number of males while the size of the female population at those
ages increased.
Finally, in Juarez, where the greatest percentage increase of popu
lation occurred during both decades, the growth of the male population
exceeded that of the female at all ages through age thirty-four, after
which there was some alternation between the sexes at different ages
as the size of the cohorts became smaller. A rather spectacular dif
ference is seen at age group 75~and-over. In this cohort, the female
population more than doubled, compared with a gain among males of 53
percent. The size of this age cohort, of course, Vas quite small.
(See Table VIII-11.)
Tables VIII-12 through VIII-21 provide information for the major
municipios comparable with that earlier described for the nation and
the state with respect to ratios of cohort size, ten-year survival
ratios, and population predictions based on mortality data by Benitez
Zenteno and Cabrera Acevedo (Cf. n. 5). In each of these tables, ratios
of cohort size and observed-to-expected population are shown.
I

TAiJU'J VIXI-1P
COMPARISON OF SIZES OF MALE AUK COHORTS IJM TWO CENSUS YEARS AND EXPECTED
1970 POPULATION LADED ON SURVIVALS FROM i960, LIVING IN 1970, MUNICIPIO CUAUHTEMOC
A
B
C D
E
F
1970
G
1970b
Ratios of Ten Year Sur-
Expected Popu-
Ratio of Ob-
Enumeration
Cohort vival Ratios
lation in 1970
Enumeration
served to Ex-
1960a
(i960
Size nLx+10 c
(DA)+
(by age
pected Popula-
Enumeration
ages+10)
(B/A) nLx
10 Years
in 1970)
tion (f/e)
0-4
4,427
^,876
1.101
6,0 "69
5-9
3,462
3,378
976
9799
6,103
10-14
2,791
2,615
937
.9756
4,876
15-19
2,221
2,l4l
.964
.9651
3,392
3,378
996
20-24
1,879
1,784
.949
9557
2,723
2,615
.960
25-29
1,535
1,653
1.077
.9456
2,144
2,l4l
999
30-34
1,283
1,283
1.000
.9346
1,796
1,784
993
35-39
1,086
1,092
1.006
.9189
1,451
1,653
1.139
40-44
834
815
977
.8962
1,199
1,283
1.070
45-49
763
737
.965
.8656
998
1,092
1.094
50-54
622
545
.876
.8239
747
815
1.090
55-59
445
361
.811
.7674
660
737
1.116
60-64
39^
249
.632
.6899
512
545
1.063
65-69
236
131
555
.5919
341
361
1.057
70-74
186
83
.446
.4779
272
249
.915
75-79
94

.3385
l4o
131
.938
80-84
58
.1810
89
83
.934
85 & over
68
72
Source:
aResumen
General: i960,
Table 8.
uResumen
General: 1970,
Table 5
"'Ral Benitez Zenteno and Gustavo
Cabrera Acevedo,
Tablas Abreviadas de Mortalidad
de la
Poblacin de
Mexico,
1930, 1940 1950, I960 (Mxico,
D.F.:
El Colegio
de Mdxieo,
Departamento de Publicaciones, 1967),
Table 33.

Age
0-4
5-9
10-14
15-19
20-24
25-29
30-34
35-39
40-44
45-49
50-54
55-59
60-64
65-69
70-74
75-79
80-84
85 & over
TAliU',' VIII-X3
COMPAKISON OF SIZES OF FEMALE AGE C OH OKI'S IF TWO CENSUO YEAES AND EXPECTED
1970 POPULATION EASED ON SUKVIVALS FROM i960 LIVING IN 1970, MUNICIPIO CUAUHTEMOC
A
1960a
Enumeration
B
1970b
Enumeration
(i960
ages+10)
CD E
Ratios of Ten Year Sur- Expected Popu-
Coiiort vival Ratios lation in 1970
Size nLx+10 c (D*A) +
(b/A) nLx 10 Years
F
1970b
Enumeration
(by age
in 1970)
3,963
4,525
1.142
5,889
3,330
3,425
1.029
.9823
5,525
2,683
2,833
1.056
.9816
4,525
2,155
2,253
1.045
.97^5
3,271
3,425
1,979
1,716
.867
.9658
2,634
2,833
1,491
1,624
1.089
.9568
2,100
2,253
1,227
1,249
1.018
.9478
1,9U
1,716
l,04i
989
950
.9363
1,427
1,624
840
779
.927
.9205
1,163
1,249
709
663
935
.8974
975
989
579
495
.855
.8612
773
779
450
392
.871
.8037
636
663
351
238
.678
.7210
499
495
197
116
.589
.5373
362
392
144
88
.611
.4685
253
238
79
.2961
106
116
35
.1397
67
88
47
70
Source:
aResumen General: i960, Table 8.
bResumen General: 1970? Table 5
cRaul Benitez Zenteno and Gustavo Cabrera Acevedo,
Tablas Abreviadas de Mortalidad de la Poblacin de Mexico,
1930? 194o, 1950. I960 (Mexico, D.F. : El Colegio de Mexico,
Departamento de Publicaciones, 1967), Table 3^
G
Ratio of Ob
served to Ex
pected Popula
tion (f/e)
1.047
I.O76
1.073
.898
1.138
1.074
1.015
1.007
1.042
993
1.084
.940
1.096
1.304

Age
TABU'; VIXX-l'l
COMPARISON OI'' SIZES OF MALE AGF COHORTS IN TWO CRN3US YEARS AND EXPECTED
1970 POPULATION EASED ON SURVIVALS FROM i960 LIVING IN 1970, MUNICIPIO CHIHUAHUA
A
1960a
Enumeration
B C
1970^ Ratios of
Enumeration Cohort
(i960 Size
ages+10) (B/A)
D
E
Ten Year Sur- Expected Popu-
vival Ratios lation in 1970
nLx+10 c (D*A)+
nLx 10 Years
1970b
Enumeration
(by age
in 1970)
0-4
15,505
18,569
1.198
23,175
5-9
12,888
14,812
1.149
9799
21,659
10-14
10,839
11,303
1.043
.9756
18,569
15-19
9,029
8,866
.982
.9651
12,629
14,812
20-24
7,985
7,616
.954
9557
10,575
11,303
25-29
6,309
6,849
1.086
.9456
8,714
8,866
30-34
5,503
5,593
1.016
9346
7,631
7,6l6
35-39
4,854
4,841
997
.9189
5,966
6,849
4o-44
3,645
3,570
979
.8962
5,143
5,593
45-49
3,490
3,316
950
.8656
4,46o
4,841
50-54
3,166
2,683
.847
.8239
3,267
3,570
55-59
2,467
2,027
.822
.7674
3,021
3,316
60-64
1,827
1,193
.653
.6899
2,608
2,683
65-69
1,085
606
559
.5919
1,893
2,027
70-74
783
322
4ii
.4779
1,260
1,193
75-79
476
.3385
642
606
80-84
293
.1810
374
322
85 & over
703
274
Source:
aResumen
General:
I960,
Table
8.
uResumen
General:
1970,
Table
5.
"'Ral Benitez Zenteno and Gustavo Cabrera Acevedo,
Tablas Abreviadas
de Mortalidad de la Poblacin de
Mebcico,
1930? 1940, 19^0 i960 (Mexico, D.F.: El Colegio de Mexico,
Depaid,amento de Publicaciones, 1967), Table 33
G
Ratio of' Ob
served to Ex
pected Popula
tion (f/e)
1.173
I.O69
1.017
.998
1.148
1.087
1.085
1.093
1.098
1.029
1.071
.946
.944
.861
ro
VH
o?

Age
tablf viij-jp
COMPARISON OK OF FEMALE AGE COHORTS IN TWO CENSUS
1970 POPULATION BASED ON NUN VIVALO FROM i960 LIVING IN 1970
YEARS AND EXPECTED
, MUNICIPIO CIIINUAHUA
A
B
C
D
E
F Vi
0
1970b
Ratios of
Ten Year Sur-
Expected Popu-
1970
Ratio of Ob-
Enumeration
Cohort
vival Ratios
lation in 197
Enumeration
served to Ex-
1960a
(i960
Size
nLx+10
(d*a)+
(by age
pec ted Popula-
Enumeration
ages+10)
(B/A)
nLx
10 Years
in 1970)
tion (F/E)
0-4
14,781
17,708
1.198
21,782
5-9
12,368
15,258
1.234 .9823
20,749
10-14
10,801
12,885
1.193 .9816
17,708
15-19
9,9^4
9,948
1.000 .9745
12,149
15,258
1.256
20-24
9,056
8,104
.095 .9658
10,602
12,885
1.215
25-29
6,954
7,304
1.050 .9568
9,690
9,948
1.027
30-34
5,866
6,016
1.026 .9478
8,746
8,104
.927
35-39
4,974
4,913
.988 .9363
6,654
7,304
1.098
40-44
3,866
3,86i
999 .9205
3,359
6,016
1.691
45-49
3,672
3,433
.935 .8974
3,295
4,913
1.491
50-54
3,120
2,732
.876 .8612
2,687
3,86l
1.437
55-59
2,309
2,200
.953 -8037
1,856
3,433
1.850
60-64
1,866
1,273
.682 .7210
1,345
2,732
2.031
65-69
1,170
738
.631 .5373
629
2,200
3.500
70-74
864
475
.550 .4685
405
1,273
3-145
75-79
557
.2961
165
738
4.475
80-84
372
.1397
52
475
9.i4o
85 & over
466
466
Source:
aResumen
General: i960, Table 8.
^Resumen
General: 1970, Table 5*
cRal Benitez Zenteno and Gustavo
Cabrera Acevedo,
Tablas Abreviadas de Mortalidad
de la Poblacin de
Mexico,
1930> 19^0> 1950, i960 (Mexico, D.F.:El Colegio de Mexico,
Departamento de Publicaciones, 1967), Table 34

TABUS VIII-16
COMPARISON Ol1' SIZES OP MALE AGE COHORTS IN TWO CENSUS YEARS AND EXPECTED
1970 POPULATION RAGED ON SURVIVALS FROM i960 LIVING IN 1970, MUNICIPIO DELICIAS
A
B
C D
E
F
G
1970b
Ratios oi' Ten Year Sur-
Expected Popu-
1970b
Ratio of Ob-
Enumeration
Cohort vival Ratios
lation in 1970
Enumeration
served to Ex-
1960a
(i960
Size nLx+10 c
(D-A)+
(by age
pected Popula-
Enumeration
ages+10)
(B/A) nLx
10 Years
in 1970)
tion (f/e)
0-4
4,712
4,489
952
5,673
5-9
3,868
3,225
.834
9799
5,514
10-14
3,252
2,300
.707
9756
4,489
15-19
2,665
2,037
.764
.9651
3,790
3,225
.851
20-24
2,429
1,799
.741
9551
3,173
2,300
.724
25-29
1,793
1,594
.889
.9456
2,572
2,037
.792
30-34
1,462
1,204
.823
.9346
2,321
1,799
775
35-39
1,269
990
.780
.9189
1,695
1,594
.940
40-44
883
663
751
.8962
1,366
1,204
.881
45-49
968
722
.746
.8656
1,166
990
.849
50-54
843
617
732
.8239
791
663
.838
55-59
661
460
.696
.7674
838
722
.862
60-64
435
243
.559
.6899
695
617
.888
65-69
260
154
592
5919
507
46o
.907
70-74
182
78
.429
4779
300
243
.810
75-79
105
.3385
154
154
1.000
80-84
83
.1810
87
78
.897
85 & over
210
72
Source: aResumen General: i960, Table 8.
^Resumen General: 1970 Table 5*
cRaul Benitez Zenteno and Gustavo Cabrera Acevedo,
Tablas Abreviadas de Mortalidad de la Poblacin de Mexico,
1930, 19^0, I960, I960 (Mxico, D.F.: El Colegio de Mdxico,
Departamento de Publicaciones, 1967), Table 33
rv>
ON
o

Age
0-4
5-9
10-14
15-19
20-24
25-29
30-34
35-39
40-44
45-49
50-54
55-59
60-64
65-69
70-74
75-79
80-84
85 & over
COMPARISON ON SIZES ON
1970 POPULATION BASED ON
TAjjrji1 viii-iy
FEMALE AGE COHORTS IN TWO CENSUS YEARS, AND EXPECTED
SURVIVALS FROM i960 LIVING IN 1970, MUNICIPIO DELICIAS
A
B
C
D
E
F
G
1970
Batios o'
Ten Year Sur-
Expected Popu-
1970b
Ratio of 0b-
Enumeration
Cohort
vival Ratios
lation in 1970
Enumeration
served to Ex-
1960a
(i960
Size
nLx+10 c
(d*a)+
(by age
pected Popula-
Enumeration
ages+10)
(B/A)
nLx
10 Years
in 1970)
tion (f/e)
4,492
4,395
.978
5,651
3,723
3,403
914
.9823
5,448
3,189
2,729
.856
.9816
4,395
2,652
2,136
.805
.9745
3,657
3,403
932
2,589
1,910
-738
.9658
3,130
2,729
.871
1,831
1,533
-837
.9568
2,584
2,136
.827
1,427
1,214
.851
.9478
2,500
1,910
.764
1,205
917
.761
.9363
1,752
1,553
.886
985
767
779
.9205
1,353
1,214
.898
873
718
.822
.8974
1,128
917
.813
726
580
.798
.8612
907
767
.846
493
413
.838
.8037
783
718
.916
361
248
.687
.7210
625
580
.928
196
126
.643
5373
398
413
1.038
155
57
.368
.4685
260
248
953
91
.2961
105
126
1.196
62
.1397
73
57
.785
ol
93
Source:
aResumen General:
I960,
Table 8.
^Resumen General:
1970,
Table 5 *
cRal Benitez Zenteno and Gustavo
Cabrera Acevedo,
Tablas
Abreviadas
de Mortalidad
de la Poblacin de
Me'xico,
1930, 1940, 1950 I960 (Mexico, D.F.: El Colegio de Mxico,
Departamento de Publicaciones, 1967), Table 34.
ro
H

TABU: VXIX-lb
COMPARISON OI'1 SIXES OP MALE AGE COHORTS IN TWO CENSUS YEARS AND EXPECTED lyyo
POPULATION BASED ON SURVIVALS PROM i960 LIVING IN 1970, MUNICIPIO HIDALGO DE PARRAL
A
B
C
D
E
F
G
1970b
Ratios of
Ten Year Sur-
Expected Popu-
1970b
Ratio of Ob-
Enumeration
Cohort
vival Ratios
lation in 1970
Enumeration
served to Ex-
1960a
(i960
Size
nLx+10 c
(D*A)+
(by age
pected Popula-
Enumeration
ages+10)
(B/A)
nLx
10 Years
in 1970)
tion (f/e)
0-4
3,900
4,280
I.O97
4,920
5-9
3,394
3,288
.969
9779
4,692
10-14
2,740
2,293
.837
.9756
4,280
15-19
2,087
1,913
.917
.9651
3,319
3,288
.991
20-24
1,946
1,781
-915
9557
2,763
2,293
.858
25-29
l,44l
1,551
1.076
.9456
2,0l4
1,913
.950
30-34
1,317
1,290
.979
.9346
1,860
1,781
.958
35-39
1,164
1,029
.884
.9189
1,363
1,551
1.138
40-44
880
787
.894
.8962
1,231
1,290
1.048
45-49
8i4
738
.907
.8656
1,070
1,029
.962
50-54
731
6ll
.898
.8239
789
787
997
55-59
546
428
.784
.7674
705
738
1.047
60-64
433
246
.568
.6899
602
6ll
1.014
65-69
230
124
539
.5919
350
428
1.223
70-74
189
90
.476
.4779
299
246
.823
75-79
97
.3385
136
124
.911
80-84
106
.1810
90
90
1.000
85 & over
210
Source:
aResumen General: i960, Table 8.
^Resumen General: 1970, Table 5*
cRaul Benitez Zenteno and Gustavo
Tablas Abreviadas de Mortalidad
Cabrera Acevedo,
de la Poblacin de
80
Mexico,
I93O, 194o, 1950, i960 (Mexico, D.F.:El Colegio de Mxico,
Departamento de Publicaciones, 1967), Table 33
Al
ON
ro

Age
COMPARISON O SIZES
tabu'; vux-xy
o female age cohorts in two censu
YEARS AND EXPECTED 1970
POPULATION BASED ON SURVIVALS PROM iy60 LIVING IN 1970, MUNICIPIO HIDALGO DE PARRAL
A
B
C D
E
F
G
1970b
Ratios o' Ten Year Sur-
Expected Popu-
1970b
Ratio of Ob-
Enumeration
Cohort vival Ratios
lation in 1970
Enumeration
served to Ex-
1960a
(i960
Size nLx+10 c
(d*a)+
(by age
pected Popula-
Enumeration
ages+10)
(B/A) nLx
10 Years
in 1970)
tion (f/e)
0-4
3,683
4,236
I.I50
4,960
5-9
3,233
3,477
1.075
.9823
4,912
10-14
2,703
2,735
1.012
.9816
4,236
15-19
2,222
2,217
.998
.9745
3,176
3,477
1.095
20-24
2,269
1,795
791
.9658
2,265
2,735
1.208
25-29
1,662
1,676
1.033
.9568
2,165
2,217
1.024
30-34
1,364
1,285
942
.9478
2,191
1,795
.819
35-39
1,139
1,001
.879
.9363
1,590
1,676
1.054
40-44
882
802
.909
9205
1,293
1,285
.99b
45-49
864
760
.880
.8974
1,066
1,001
939
50-54
724
627
.866
.8612
812
802
.988
55-59
517
490
.948
.8037
775
760
.980
60-64
429
321
.748
.7210
624
627
1.006
65-69
275
167
.607
5373
4i6
490
1.178
70-74
182
109
599
.4685
309
321
1.037
75-79
128
.2961
148
167
1.130
80-84
95
1397
85
109
1.278
85 & over
163
106
Source:
aResumen General:
i960,
Table
8.
bResumen General:
1970,
Table
5.
cRal
Benitez Zenteno and Gustavo
Cabrera Acevedo,
Tablas Abreviadas
de Mortalidad
de la Poblacin de
Mexico,
1930 1940, 1950, i960 (Mexico, D.F.: El Colegio de Mexico,
Departamento de Publicaciones, 1967), Table 34.

Age
cPT
5-9
10-14
15-19
20-24
25-29
30-34
35-39
40-44
45-49
50-54
55-59
60-64
65-69
70-74
75-79
80-84
85 & over
TABLE VIII-20
COMPARISON OF SIZE OF MALE AGE COHORTS IN TWO CENSUS YEARS AND EXPECTED
1970 POPULATION BASED ON SURVIVALS FROM i960 LIVING IN 1970, MUNICIPIO JUAREZ
1960a
Enumeration
I970b
Enumeration
(i960
ages+10)
Ratios of Ten Year Sur- Expected Popu-
C'ohort vival Ratios lation in 1970
Size nLx+10 c (D*A)+
(b/A) nLx 10 Years
1970b
Enumeration
(by age
in 1970)
24,377
29,993
1.230
36,221
20,879
22,241
1.065
9799
34,453
16,552
16,267
.983
9756
29,993
12,747
12,896
1.012
.9651
20,459
22,241
11,156
H,38l
1.020
9557
l6,l48
16,267
9,282
10,327
1.113
.9456
12,302
12,896
8,296
8,626
1.040
.9346
10,662
11,381
7,834
7,521
.96O
.9189
8,777
10,327
5,191
5,H0
.984
.8962
7,753
8,626
4,726
4,374
.926
.8656
7,199
7,521
4,065
3,478
.856
.8239
4,652
5,lio
3,053
2,712
.888
.7674
4,091
4,37^
2,446
1,712
.700
.6899
3,349
3,478
1,366
825
.604
.5919
2,343
2,712
916
488
533
.4779
1,687
1,712
520
.3385
809
825
309
.1810
438
488
308
Source
: aResumen General: i960, Table 8.
^Resumen General: 1970, Table 5*
cRaul Benitez Zenteno and Gustavo Cabrera Acevedo,
428
Tablas Abreviadas
de Mortalidad de la
Poblacin de
Mexico,
1930, 1940, 1950, I960 (Mexico, D.F.:
Departamento de Publicaciones, 1967),
El Colegio
Table 33-
de Mxico,
G
Ratio of Ob
served to Ex
pected Popula
tion (f/e)
I.O87
1.007
1.048
I.O67
1.177
1.113
1.048
1.098
I.069
1.039
1.157
1.015
1.200
1.114

Age
0-4
5-9
10-14
15-19
20-24
25-29
30-34
35-39
40-44
45-49
50-54
55-59
6o-64
65-69
70-74
75-79
80-84
85 & over
TABUS VIII-21
COMPARISON OF SIZES OF FEMALE AGE COHORTS IN TWO CENSUS YEARS, AND EXPECTED
1970 POPULATION EASED ON SURVIVALS FROM i960, LIVING IN 1970, MUNICIPIO JUAREZ
A
B
C
D
E
F
G
1970b
Ratios of
Ten Year Sur-
Expected Popu-
1970b
Ratio of Ob-
Enumeration
Cohort
vival Ratios
lation in 1970
Enumeration
served to Ex-
1960a
(i960
Size
nLx+10 c
(D*A)+
(by age
pected Popula-
Enumeration
ages+10)
(B/A)
nLx
10 Years
in 1970)
tion (F/E)
23,361
28,414
1.216
33,959
20,326
23,651
1.164
.9823
32,457
16,559
19,037
1.150
.9816
28,4i4
14,468
15,074
1.042
.9745
19,966
23,651
1.185
13,495
12,714
.942
.9658
16,254
19,037
1.171
11,119
11,532
1.037
.9568
14,099
15,074
I.069
9,592
9,537
994
.9478
13,033
12,714
.976
8,072
7,407
.918
.9363
10,639
11,532
1.084
5,4oo
5,152
.954
.9205
9,091
9,537
1.049
5,072
4,909
.968
.8974
7,558
7,407
.980
4,475
3,964
.886
.8612
4,971
5,152
1.036
3,4ll
3,121
915
.8037
4,552
4,909
1.078
2,673
1,882
.704
.7210
3,854
3,964
1.029
1,584
1,010
.638
5373
2,741
3,121
1.139
1,035
633
.612
.4685
1,927
1,802
977
674
.2961
851
1,010
1.187
381
1397
485
633
1.305
432
629
Source:
aResumen
General: i960,
Table 8.
^Resumen General: 1970,
Table 5
cRaul Benitez Zenteno and Gustavo Cabrera Acevedo,
Tablas Abreviadas de Mortalidad de la Poblacin de Medico,
1930, 1940, 1950, i960 (Mexico, D.F.: El Colegio de Mexico,
Departamento de Publicaciones, 1967), Table 34.

266
In Cuauhtemoc, the ratios of cohort size in column C show a typical
decline in the older years. Of interest, however, are those ratios
in the "productive years" which are near to or greater than 1.000, indi
cating the addition of population more rapidly than persons are removed
by attrition from all causes. Column G shows the ratio of observed-to-
expected population to be near to, or greater than 1.000 in all age groups
through age 69. This phenomenon is even more pronounced among females
(Table VIII-I3) than males (Table VIII-12).
Tables VIII-14 and VIII-15 present similar data about the male and
female populations, respectively, of municipio Chihuahua, showing a
pattern similar to, but even more pronounced than, that of Cuauhtemoc.
Although the ratios of cohort size are about what seems to be "normal"
for the state, the ratios of observed-to-expected population are gen
erally greater than 1.000 for the male population, and in the female
population these ratios became so large, especially at the older age
groups, that once again, it is tempting to accept the explanation of
faulty data. Impossible to rule out, though, is the possibility of an
influx of elderly women; relatively small numbers of widows are found
in the rural population and in the minor municipios. This speculation
cannot, however, be tested with census data.
Contrary to situations observed in the other four municipios,
Delicias (Tables VIII-l6 and VIII-17) had relatively low ratios of
observed-to-expected populations at all ages except 35-39^ 65-69., and
75-and-over in which this ratio exceeds 0.900. In the tables cor
responding to this municipio, one sees that the ratios of observed-to-
expected population are of lesser magnitude in the male population than
in the female. Table VIII-3 previously showed that the increase of the

2c7
female population, particularly in the urban sector, was considerably
greater than that of males in Delicias in the decade of the 1960's.
In Hidalgo de Parral, the observed population is greater than that
expected among both males and females in the older age groups, somewhat
more emphatically among females. (Tables VIII-18 and VTII-I9.) In this
municipio, especially in urban areas, the female population had increased
more rapidly than the male during the decade. (Table VIII-3.) This
increase of females well may have included many widows moving into the
city. Of particular interest in Hidalgo de Parral are the sex differences
which appear, such as an excess of observed population over that pre
dicted which is considerably greater for young adult females than for
males of the same age, although in age groups just older, males more
than make up for the deficit., One may only speculate concerning reasons
for the rather eccentric pattern found.
In Juarez, the largest and fastest growing of the major municipios,
ratios of observed-to-expected population were greater than unity in
almost every age group. In most cases the figures for the male popu
lation exceeded those for females by a small amount, which is consistent
with the slight excess of males migrating to the municipio during the
I960's.
The Minor Municipios
Data for the change in population size of the minor municipios
are presented in Table VIII-3 As in the nation, the state, and the
major municipios, the minor municipios experienced a greater growth
during the 1950's than during the next decade. During the 1950's
their population increased from 505,1^9 Vo 623,192 or 23*4 percent, an
increment of about 2.1 percent per year. As in the national and state

268
population, the male population increased more rapidly than did the
female 25-3 percent as compared with 21.4 percent, yielding an
annual increase for males of 2.3 percent, and for females, of hut 1.9
percent.
During the 196o's the growth rate of the minor municipios dropped
sharply, as did that of the state and major municipios. In the minor
municipios, not only a reduced rate of growth, hut an actually smaller
numerical increase, occurred. The gain fell from 118,043 during the
1950's to 95,233 persons during the next decade. Between i960 and 1970,
the population in the minor municipios grew hy 15.3 percent. The
increase of the female population was greater than that of males --
I0.2 percent, or 1.6 percent per year, compared with 14.5 percent, or
1.4 percent annually. In actual numbers, the increase of females
exceeded that of males hy 1,647, representing only 0.23 percent of the
total population of the minor municipios. This was consistent with
the greater increment of females noted generally in Chihuahua, except
in municipio Juarez. It is tempting to speculate that the male growth
in this largest municipio may have siphoned men from other sections of
the state.
Trends in population hy age in the minor municipios showed a loss
in population at ages 50-54, greater among males than among females
(Table VIII-10). This decline resembled somewhat the trend in the same
age group (50-54) in the major municipios. In general, the rate of
growth in the different age groups was less in the minor than in the
major municipios. The greatest increment in population in the minor
municipios was in the age group 55~59.> where major municipios regis
tered moderate "but obvious gains. Except for the 50-54 age group, the

269
age group having the smallest increment was that of persons aged 20-2-.
The Redistribution of the Population
In the present work, the concept of the redistribution of the
population is used in the limited sense of rural and urban differences.
Prior to the census of 1970, it was easily possible in the Mexican census
to differentiate the rural and urban populations. In the 1970 census,
these were not separately tabulated, thus requiring calculations
which were not always possible and which, when possible, were tedious.
There was no cross-tabulation by rural and urban residence in the 1970
census.
National and State Data
The description of the redistribution of the population from 1950
to 1970 requires the quoting of many figures. There are two ways in
which the description can proceed. First, the national, state, and
within-the-state data may be taken by census period, thus keeping the
data grouped regionally but scattered temporally; or second; the data
may be examined with temporal continuity through the three censuses
covered, although this will separate the regional continuity to some
extent. The latter procedure was followed. The data discussed are
shown in greater detail in Tables VIII-1 and VIII-3.
In 1950, Mexico was still predominantly rural. True, it had
large centers of population concentration such as Mexico City, Monterrey,
and Guadalajara, but the majority of the population, 57*^ percent,
lived in places with fewer than 2,500 inhabitants. With respect to
sex, in 1950, only 40.9 percent of Mexican males and 44.2 percent of
the females lived in urban areas. Sex ratios were somewhat unbalanced

27G
as a result of these differentials, but at the time of the 1950 census,
47.3 percent of the urban population was male and 52.7 percent was
female.
During the 1950's, the total population increased 35*4 percent, but
the urban population increased by 6l.2 percent, an increment of 6,721,635
persons. (See Tables VIII-1 and VIII-3) During the same period, the
rural population increased 16.3 percent, or only 2,410,477 persons. In
terms of sex differences, Table VIII-3 shows that the percentage of
urban males increased by 65.6 percent, while that of females increased
but 57.2 percent. By the date of the i960 census, the urban population
was 48.6 percent male and 51*4 percent female.
It was during the decade of the 1950's that Mexico made the transi
tion from being a predominantly rural nation to one in which a majority
of the population was "urban." (The word "urban" should, perhaps, be
used cautiously in a nation such as Mexico, where such a large propor
tion of the economically active population is engaged in primary Indus*
tries.) In i960, 50.7 percent of the population lived in places with
populations of 2,500 or more. With regard to sex, by i960, 48.6 per
cent of all Mexican males and 51*4 percent of all females lived in
these urban areas.
From i960 to 1970 urbanization continued unabated, although due to
the larger population base, percentage gains were somewhat smaller than
during the 1950's. During the 1960's, the urban population increased
by 10,603,438 persons, and by 1970, this constituted 58.7 percent of
the total population, an increase of 59*9 percent over the i960 urban
population. In aggregate, urban gains during the 1960's exceeded those
of the previous decade by almost 4 million persons. (See Table VlII-2.)

271
By 1970, males constituted 49*0 percent of the urban population,
and 57*7 percent of all males were urban. A somewhat larger proportion --
59*7 percent -- of all females were urban. Even so, during the decade
of the 1960's, the urban male population increased 61.3 percent while
that of females increased but 585 percent. Since 1950, the former
marked urban female surplus had been reduced. There was almost no
difference between male and female population increases in rural areas --
15.6 and 15.8 percent respectively. Urban sex ratios increased with
each census year, from 89.7 to 94.6, to 96.3> from 1950 and i960 to
1970.
In Chihuahua, by 1950, the population was slightly more urban than
that of the nation. Only 55*9 percent of its population dwelt in
places of under 2,500 inhabitants. Among males, 42.5 percent were
urban, but 45.8 percent of the females were urban residents.
During the 1950's, the urban population increased by 87.8 per
cent, compared with a total population gain of 44.9 percent. Table
VIII-3 shows that urban growth rates in the decade exceeded six per
cent per year, while rural growth rates bordered on one percent per
year.
The i960 census enumerated 7^1,150 persons in urban areas, (Table
VIII-3) an increase of 327^793 persons during the decade, while in
rural areas, the population increased only 52,586 persons. The urban
population had become 57*2 percent of the total.
In the state in general, there was an increase of 46.8 percent
in the male population but only 43.1 percent in that of females. In
rural areas the male population increased 13*1 percent while the rural

272
female population increased, only 9*1 percent. Corresponding figures in
the urban areas were 92.4 percent and 83.5 percent. The census of pop
ulation of i960 reported that 49.4 percent of the urban population of
the state was male and 50.6 percent was female. (See Table VIII-3)
From i960 to 1970 "the rate of population growth decreased in all
categories in Chihuahua, due to the larger population base. (Tables
VIII-1 and VIII-3.)
The Major Municipios
The major municipios in the aggregate were overwhelmingly urban.
In 1950, of the 341,265 persons in these municipios, 282,961, or 82.9
percent lived in places of 2,500 persons or more. This included 81.7
percent of the male population and 84.1 percent of the females. (See
Table VIII-3) During the decade of the 1950's the total population
of the major municipios increased by 262,336 persons, but of this
increase, 259*114 persons were added to the urban population while
the population of the rural places increased only 3*222 persons. (See
Table VIII-2.) The increase of the rural population was only 1.24
percent of that of the urban.
In the decade of the 1960's, the increase of population, as seen
in Table VIII-2, was 290,499 persons, or 10.7 percent greater than
the increment in the previous decade. On the whole, the percentage of
increase was less in the 1960's than in the 1950's because of the larger
'1
population base in the later period, but, as noted, the numerical in
crease was greater. The numerical growth of the rural population of
the major municipios in the 1960's was almost four times as great as
in the 1950's -- 11,345 compared with 3*222. In this case the increase
of the rural population was 4.06 percent of the increase of the urban

273
population. In the 1950's it was only 1.24 percent of that increase as
noted above.
The researcher feels that there are, perhaps, two explanations
(other than errors in enumeration which have been so frequently sus
pected) for this phenomenon. First, the increase of the rural popula
tion qua "rural" may have been, indeed, greater in the 1960's. But,
second, it seems to be even more likely, that in many cases, the appar
ent increase of the "rural" population actually represents a spill
over of urban populations into adjacent localidades, or even previously
unpopulated areas outside the boundaries of the city proper. Although
this is speculative, there is precedent for such a belief in other
O
parts of Latin America.
Thus, the growth of many rural areas which are adjacent to expand
ing urban localidades may result from errors in classification rather
than in real growth of a rural population. These may be areas which
the Director General of Statistics had in mind when he mentioned local
idades which were enumerated separately but which were, in reality,
part of another, larger, localidad. This Subject has been discussed
earlier.
The researcher thinks it quite possible that such areas may have
been differently categorized in the three censuses under scrutiny.
Indeed, it is quite possible that many of these urban "spills" did
not even exist as localidades before the expansion of the urban place.
If such changes in definition did take place, they may account for
much, if not most, of the increase of the rural population of the state
~SCf. for example, T. Lynn Smith, Brazil: People and Institutions,
rev. ed. (Baton Rouge: Louisiana State University Press, I9S3), Chapter
XXII, passim.

274
in the 1960's.
Research on such changes in classification and definition and their
effect on reported population trends appears to the writer to he of
great importance, and he plans to undertake a pilot project in Municipio
Juarez in the future to test this hypothesis. During the period between
the census of 190 and 1970^ the rural population of all of the major
municipios, for both sexes, with the exception of males in Dlicias
showed an increase. In that municipio there was a small decrease of
I85 males> or 3 percent of the male rural population.
Numerically, the largest increase in the urban population during
the two-decade span of time was registered in municipio Juarez. In
fact, the total net increase of the rural population was only ten per
sons, and even this figure reflects the loss of two males from the rural
sector. In a sense, Jurez presents an odd pattern of rural popula
tion change. There was a decrease of 2,026 rural persons in the muni
cipio during the decade of the 1950's and an increase of 2,036 rural
persons in the following decade. Nevertheless, the total population
gain for the municipio was only 1,453 persons greater in the 1960's
than in the 1970's* 14 is conceivable, albeit speculative, that there
was some redrawing or redefinition of city boundaries during the period.
The geography of Ciudad Juarez produces some rather peculiar growth
patterns, not unlike conditions prevailing, for example, in the city of
Rio de Janeiro. Juarez is bounded on the north by the border with
the United States. To the east lie privately owned lands of persons
reported to the researcher to be politically powerful, as are the owners
of lands to the south of the city. The only federally owned land is
to the west and northwest of the city which abuts the foothills of

275
the Sierra Madre. In consequence, there are hundreds of shacks, rudely
constructed dwellings of scrap materials, and some substantial dwellings
of brick, adobe, or stone which line the ridges of the dozens of
arroyos which run east and northeast toward the Rio Grande. This is
the area of the paracaidistas (parachutists) who appear to just "drop
in" as it were, out of the sky. When he first arrived in El Paso in
1968, it was possible for the writer to overlook this area from the
heights on the west side of El Paso. At night, one could see the glow
of hundreds of kerosene lanterns through the windows or open doors
of such houses. Now, in recent months, one can see many of the roads
taking on a more geometrical form, the regular appearance of street
lights, and many spots of bright light which most likely result from
the electrification of the houses of the more affluent (or perhaps
earlier arrivals) among the paracaidistas who can claim title to the
land by registering occupation and remaining and improving the property
for a certain period of time, in a way similar to the homestead
laws of the United States. The researcher has been unable to determine
where the city boundary line runs in this area (Colonia Felipe Angel),
and to the extent that many of the roads in the more distant areas
of the Colonia follow the winding paths of the arroyo bottoms, one is
not surprised that the boundaries are not more firmly fixed.
The Minor Municipios
For the minor municipios, shifts in the population by sex and
residence are presented in Tables VIII-1 and VIII-3 as were those of
the major municipios. They will not be presented in the text discus
sion. In 1950 the minor municipios contained 59*7 percent of the

276
state's population and their total population, only 17*9 percent lived
in places with as many as 2,500 persons.
By i960, although the population of the minor municipios had
increased 23-4 percent to 623,192, "they now contained only 50.8 percent
of the total population of the state. Also, by i960, the number of
persons living in localidades in the minor municipios which were clas
sified as urban had increased to 25.7 percent of the total population
in those municipios. During the decade of the 1950's, although the
total population increased 23.4 percent, the urban population increased
77.4 percent. The increase of the rural population was only 11.6 percent
during the period.
The census of population of 1970 showed that by then, the minor
municipios indeed were "minor" in that they contained only 44.6 percent
of the state's population. Nevertheless, these municipios, and most
particularly their urban sectors, grew during the decade of the
1960's. While their rural population increased only 4.2 percent, that
of the urban areas increased 46.7 percent. At the time of the 1970
census, 32.8 percent of the population of the minor municipios was
urban. (See Table VIII-3.)
Mexico, then, is exhibiting the world-wide trend toward urbaniza
tion, and Chihuahua is more urban than is Mexico. Growing very rapidly
are the five most populous (the "major") municipios. Even among the
remaining municipios, those centers large enough to be classified as
urban (those with 2,500 persons or more) are growing at a pace faster
than the other (i.e., rural) parts of the municipios.

CHAPTER IX
SUMMARY AND CONCLUSIONS
In this work,, the number, distribution, and characteristics of
the population of the Mexican state of Chihuahua have been documented.
The dynamics of growth and redistribution of the population have been
examined. The laws which govern the collection and publication of
vital statistics, as well as these statistics themselves, have been
examined. Discussions were had with officials, and although friend
ships were made, little insight was gained thereby. The persons who
collect and publish data should not, perhaps, be presumed to be
experts in their field, any more than one expects the pilot to be an
expert in aerodynamic engineering. It is quite different to know how
to work things, and to know how things work. The researcher, occa
sionally, has been able to contribute personal observations to the
interpretation of the data derived from his familiarity with Mexico
and Mexicans, gained throughout more than half of his lifetime, but
much remains unexplained and inexplicable with data at hand.
In this work, grave questions have been raised regarding the census
of population of 1970* Despite impressive efforts made at great cost
on the part of the Direccin General de Estadstica to achieve an accu
rate enumeration, there are indications that many of the Census Takers
may not have performed their jobs as instructed. Perhaps they did not
receive adequate training or encouragement to do their job properly.
How far up the chain of command the inadequacy of training and/or
understanding extended., arid to what degree it affected the census of
277

278
population of 1970j is a matter of uneasy conjecture. Similar questions
probably apply as fully, and perhaps even more so, to earlier censuses.
The fact that errors of enumeration do occur in any census, taken in
any nation on earth, is small consolation to one who wishes to dis
cover answers to population-related questions.
The researcher was highly impressed by the diligence with which
the Direccin General de Estadstica, under the able leadership of Lie.
Ruben Gleason Galicia, provided for the formal structure of the census,
the training of personnel, the taking of the census, and its subsequent
publication. An encouraging development is the effort being initiated
by which the Direccin is to set up a continuous sampling of the Mexi
can population in an attempt to gauge the accuracy and adequacy of all
kinds of population data. Reports of on-going research and of sample
populations in several states lead to an optimistic view of the future
of population statistics in Mexico, to the extent that the ministries
and functionaries develop a willingness to respond constructively to
critiques of their methods and findings.
Sampling procedures may be able to provide both a check on the
approximate accuracy of a recent census and to provide estimates of
trends since the last census. Other efforts to improve enumeration
must always take into account the inaccessibility of many remote areas
of the nation. In Chihuahua, the population of such areas is presumably
a very small proportion of the total population of the state, but
increased effort should be made to reach these people through their own
functionaries by providing some sort of incentive program for compli
ance. Different problems of enumeration characterize the "zones of
misery" which surround the rapidly growing cities, not simply along

279
roadways but on the sides of mountains and crests of ridges above
arroyos, and in other areas hardly accessible except on foot or by ani
mal. Aerial photography, to pinpoint dwellings, roads, and footpaths
will be both useful and necessary here and in isolated areas, in the
effort to identify locations for enumeration. Indeed, if routine
enumeration is not always feasible, perhaps units of the military,
garrisoned in most municipio capitals, could be pressed into service
with modern vehicles to perform this most essential function.
The population of Mexico is growing rapidly, and will continue to
do so in the foreseeable future. The government was officially pro-
natalist until the early 1970's, when it made an adroit political
about-face in the definition of the word "control" in "birth control."
In order to defend its new policy of "responsible parenthood" in which
a family should have no more children than it can support, nurture,
and educate, the meaning of the word "control" was covered by a propa
ganda campaign. The Mexican people were assured that nobody would ever
"control" the number of children they would be permitted to have --
this is a matter of individual conscience -- but parents who really love
the children they bring into the world have the responsibility to limit
the number to those which can be effectively maintained and brought to
productive adulthood. Family planning clinics are now being established
all over the Republic in conjunction with the hospitals maintained by
the Seguro Social (Seguro Social is not "social security" as in the
United States, but Mexico's program of public assistance, including its
national health program). Yet, even among the better educated, both
ignorance and ambivalence prevail concerning family planning.
Birth rates continue to be extremely high in Mexico in general,

280
and it may be that "upwardly mobile couples" limiting family size form
a very tiny proportion of the total. The low median age of the popula
tion, alone, is sufficient to make possible a staggering increase in
the next generation of Mexicans -- an increase far beyond the present
ability of the government and the as-yet-undeveloped industrial sector
to provide goods and services. The fertility ratio, exceedingly high
already by the standards of the developed nations of the world, increased
significantly in Chihuahua during the period covered in the present
work. The researcher attributed this increase in the fertility ratio
more to the increased survival of young children than to increased
parity. Whatever the source, in the final analysis, such an increase
indicates an increasingly heavy burden of dependency in a nation which
still has far to go in tapping its available natural resources, and in
modernization of techniques of production and distribution of goods
and services of those resources already tapped. It may be that Mexico's
recently discovered oil wealth in its southern region will provide the
capital necessary for an augmented rate of development, but if it
merely lights the fuse for another round of explosive population growth,
the researcher fears that that nation may well have exploded its last
bomb. Mexico's crude death rates, already among the lowest in the
world, may become lower yet as a result of the self-perpetuating aspect
of young and highly fertile populations. Despite the government's
stand, highly consistent with the aims of a democratic nation, against
birth control, qua control, the researcher would hope to see, before the
end of the present decade, a massive program of public information and
propaganda favoring small families. At present, the simple provision
of contraceptives and information to those who request it does little

231
to alleviate the problem among the many who may, indeed, have no
knowledge of the availability, use, or significance of contraceptive
practices. In recent weeks a short public service message has been
appearing several times daily on the major television network, Mexico's
channel 2, which is relayed with generally good clarity to Ciudad
Juarez and perhaps to places even more distant from the national cap
ital. This audio-visual message contains a drawing of block figures,
obviously husband and wife, who are holding hands. Each parent holds
by the other hand that of one child -- two parents, two children. The
caption reads, and is also stated aloud, "Entre menos somos, mejor
estamos," or translated: "The fewer we are, the better off we are."
It was concluded in previous materials that vital statistics
leave much to be desired in terms of apparent reliability. The varia
tions which were observed in these from one Anuario Estadstico to
another make it impossible to use them as a reliable basis for popu
lation projections. Although data on deaths are perhaps more accurate
than those on births, it proved impossible to use death data to yield
predictions of population size compatible with the interpolations made
between the two censuses.
Concerning the reliability of the census itself, serious reserva
tions may be merited, as noted earlier in this summary. Certain specific
items of apparent information, should one take reported census data
literally, are so improbable that there can only be strong presumption
of quite faulty data. Marked disparities in sex ratios by age, the
reported more rapid decline in the female average expectation of life
at the older years (from the mortality tables), and the extrapolations
of population size calculated from reported vital rates in the various

282
Anuarios Estadsticos, are examples discussed in earlier chapters
which limit the confidence which can he placed in the censuses of popu
lation.
Both the rural and the urban population in the major municipios
grew much more rapidly in number (although not in percent) in the decade
of the I960's than during the 1950's. Indeed, although the rural popu
lations of municipios Chihuahua, Delicias, Hidalgo de Parral, and
Juarez showed a decrease in the decade of the 1950's, in all of these
municipios (with the exception of males in Delicias) there was an
increase in their rural populations in the following decade. As dis
cussed previously, there is reason to suppose that this tendency of
the "rural" population to increase in the major municipios may be
classificatory rather than real, reflecting growth in the "suburban"
zones which encircle the rapidly growing cities of most of Latin
America.
All of the major municipios showed population gains during the
two decades between 1950 and 1970, "but there were rural and urban
differences to the extent that the grouped data for the major municipios
showed a larger increase in both the rural and urban populations during
the decade of the 1960's than during the 1950's, whereas in the minor
municipios, the reverse was the case for the rural population. It is
possible that differences in definition may have affected the data.
In any event, it was during the 1950's that the state of Chihuahua
became predominantly urban.
During the entire period between 1950 and 1970, the urban popu
lation of Maxico increased more than did the rural. The same was true
in Chihuahua and in the major and the minor municipios, when these are

283
viewed collectively. Individual municipios, of course, varied among
themselves. Among the major municipios, the range was from that of
municipio Jurez, in which the rural population remained virtually
unchanged compared with a growth of almost 300,000 in the urban popula
tion, to that of Cuauhtemoc, in which the increment in the urban popu
lation was less than double that of the rural. In two of the major
municipios (Delicias and Hidalgo de Parral), there was an actual decline
in the size of the rural population. In the minor municipios, the
pattern of growth resembled that of Cuauhtemoc, supporting the suggested
interpretation that this relatively populous municipio has retained an
essentially rural character.
Some conventional tools of demographic analysis were utilized in
the analysis of the age and sex composition of Chihuahua. Age-sex
pyramids were constructed and index numbers used. The conclusions were
not surprising. The nation, the state, and its component parts all
reflected, to be sure, varying somewhat in degree¡ the profile to be
expected of a population experiencing extremely rapid natural increase.
The median age is low. Large numbers in the childhood ages create a
high dependency ratio, only slightly reduced by the relatively small
numbers of elderly. Irregularities in the expected size of some age
categories in comparison with adjacent ones, or the corresponding cate
gories in an earlier census, and erratic shifts in sex ratios by such
categories suggest marked errors in reporting.
Other characteristics of the population also were analysed. In
lieu of a racial category, data on indigenous languages, indicating non-
hispanieized Indians (the major racially distinctive group in Mexico),
were considered. More than 90 percent of those residents of Mexico

284
who reported Tarahumara as their language resided in Chihuahua. As one
would expect, the reliance on Indian languages varied widely with con
centrations in certain minor municipios.
Other data examined included those on occupation, income, marital
status, literacy, and median years of education. Heavy reliance on
primary industries characterized both the nation and the state, with a
principal difference being the greater relative importance of the
extractive (mining) occupations in Chihuahua than in Mexico as a whole.
While incomes are low throughout Mexico, the border location of Chi
huahua may be a major factor in having created somewhat higher incomes
there than in the country as a whole, with the expected urban-rural
differentials manifested. Marital data for nation and state did not
diverge widely, although certain forms of marriage vary from the national
pattern in the state of Chihuahua, and differences exist between the
major municipios and the minor ones. Although illiteracy in Mexico
even now is high by North American and Western European standards,
Chihuahua had a lower rate of illiteracy and higher median educational
attainment than did the nation. Beyond the middle years of life, the
frequency of illiteracy among women markedly exceeded that among men
in both the nation and the state, but this difference was much less in
Chihuahua.
If these various characteristics of the population are brought
together into a generalized statement, it seems safe to conclude that
the state of Chihuahua shows, more clearly than does the nation as a
whole, those characteristics which are expected with "modernization,"
although differences seldom are dramatic. As one might expect, these
characteristics are exhibited far more strongly in the two largest

285
and most urban municipios -- Juarez and Chihuahua -- than in the staue
as a whole. Although this research made no effort to compare Chihuahua
with adjacent sections of the United States, the demographic character
istics of the state are such that it is evident that the international
border is in fact a point of contrast in respect to growth rates, age
composition, income, educational attainment, etc. The Rio Grande sep
arates more than simply two political entities, but the presence of
two cultures and eight governments (city, county, state, and national
in each nation) in a contiguous metropolitan area with a combined popu
lation of one million or more, creates a vast natural laboratory for
the cross-cultural study of many elements of social organization and
institutions.
The ability of social scientists in the various disciplines to
avail themselves of the unique geographic, ecological, and political
characteristics of the metropolitan complex at the border depends to a
great extent upon their access to current and reliable statistics
including (and perhaps most especially) those of population. Proper
utilization of this "laboratory" cannot but work to the advantage of
both nations.
The limiting factor in securing more reliable census and vital
data in Mexico, as in any other nation, is determined to a great degree
by what amount of accuracy the nation is willing and able to buy.
Given the alternative uses of capital, if a nation must choose between
statistics and food, education, or health, the statistical services
may well have to take a back seat. Nevertheless, accurate statistics
are essential in modern planning for food, education, and health. The
Vicious circle of all things taking priorities over everything else

286
is an eternal dilemma in all nations seeking "development" or "moderni
zation. "
Population statistics will not reduce the excessively rapid growth
of the nation; city governments already know that they are logistically
unable to provide for the burgeoning populations they now have, and
their situation promises to become more severe in the future under the
double impact of rural-to-urban migration and high fertility. Yet
without statistics, how can meaningful planning be accomplished?
The question of priorities is not one which can be decided easily,
and if a clear decision of priorities is reached, this will be done by
the people and government of Mexico rather than by the sociological
researcher. Even so, this researcher is convinced that Mexico will
make a fortunate decision if the nation allocates funds for the effec
tive popularization of its new "responsible parenthood" program* Mexico
needs many things, but least among these needs is its present rapid
rate of population growth.

APPENDIX 1
"CENSUS DOCUMENTATION"
Tne following is an almost literal translation from IX Censo
General de Poblacio'n, 1970 28 de enero de 1970 Estado de Chihuahua,
pp. XXI XXIV,, and is provided so that the reader may better appre
ciate what was included in the training manuals for census personnel
at their various levels of activity. Brackets include words or phrases
added by the translator for reasons of clarity.
In a task of the magnitude and complexity of a census
of population, where the organization includes very dif
ferent levels of personnel upon whose efficient coordina
tion and diligence depends the success of the labors, it
becomes necessary to utilize a wide range of documentation
from /that which is/ strictly necessary for administrative
reasons such as the naming of the different functionaries
and the rates of pay, to the questionnaire itself by means
of which information is gathered about the characteristics
of the population and housing of the country*
Among other materials, diverse manuals are required
for the organization of field work, detailed instructions
With respect to certain concrete activities which should
be accomplished within certain periods, instructions which
permit the satisfactory completion of the process, reaching
from the preparation of census personnel, the means of con
trol /exercised over/ the documentation, and instructions
for the management of this, and of many other documents.
The Direccin General de Estadstica had to preare this
documentation with sufficient anticipation /prior to/ the
taking of the census, and to cite only one example it is
enough to point out that for the instruction of those who
aspired to /become/ Census Delegates, which was imparted in
the central offices of the Direccio'n General de Estadstica
in Mexico City, there were prepared, without counting the
questionnaires and auxiliary forms, twenty-eight distinct
documents which, together, contained about 400 pages.
It would be too prolix to enumerate the fundamental
characteristics of all the documentation used, a description
which is /really not/ material for this Prologue, but rather
287

of the Memoria Record/ of the census activities which now are
in the process of /being/ prepared. For this /reason/; that
which follows will /provide/ a summary description of the mosx
outstanding characteristics of the most important documents for
a letter understanding of the way in which the preparatory ac
tivities for the taking of the census; and the /act itself/
were developed.
a) legal and Organizational Bases
This document was used by all the Delegates; Subdelegates;
and Organizers who participated in the preparation and execu
tion of the taking of the Census of Population as well as by
the Bodies of Civic Support which were formed at the various
levels of politico-administrative division of the country.
/This is/ with a pamphlet which; in its first part; indi
cates the responsibility which the Direccin General de Esta
dstica has relative to the execution of the National Census in
accord with the Federal Law of Statistics and its Regulations.
Later; the document contains the most important legal reference
for census functionaries; it quotes the contents of Article 5
of the Political Constitution of the United States of Mexico
and the parts which are most directly connected with the census
program; of other legal ordinances such as the Federal Law of
Statistics and its Regulations; the Federal Communications La;.';
and the Penal Code for the Federal District and Territories.
In addition, in the document is transcribed in its entirety the
Decree which declares to be in the national interest the organi
zation; taking; tabulation; and publication of the National
Census of 197
The second part of this pamphlet describes the bases of
organization of the census tasks and it refers, initially, to
the diyision of the national territory for census purposes; to
the categories of personnel; and to the diverse Bodies of Civic
Support which would participate in the organization of taking o
the census.
With respect to the functions of personnel of different
levels, the description contained in the pamphlet is extremely
brief since other documents include more detailed explanations
of their activities; but for what the Bodies of Civic Support
do, this document contains the basic instructions relative to
their form of integration, jurisdiction, installation, and func
tion. In addition, it includes precise instructions with respe
to the form in which the different work commissions which these
Bodies established would act.
The document also refers to the collaboration of the
teaching profession in the preparatory activities and to the
form of realizing the lists of territorial integration and car
tographic material, the latter with the participation of the
Municipal Geographic Committees /Comits Geogrficos Munici
pales/.

b) Organizer of the General Census of
Population and. Housing
This document was prepared for the exclusive use of the
Organizer of the Census of Population. It is a pamphlet of
thirty-seven pages in which this functionary learns of the
activities which he is to develop. The document begins with
general introductions relative to the responsibility of the
Organizer and the position which he occupies in the census
organization, /it then/ passes directly to concrete references
about his more important functions.
Thus, it includes instructions with respect to the impor
tance of public relations in the work of the Organizer; the
form of installing the Bodies of Civic Support; the manner of
complementing and realizing cartographic material and the lists
of localidades; and the form of selecting and training the Ward
Chiefs, Section Chiefs, and Instructors.
Later, it refers to the manner of effecting the precensus
of blocks and to the process of selection, naming, and instruc
tion of Block Chiefs, Census Takers, and Census Agents.
Continuing, the document contains some instructions with
respect to the form in which the Organizers should effect the
promotion of the census event in the localidades /under/ their
jurisdiction; to the documentation calculations which should be
done following the taking of the precensus of blocks; and to the
way of effecting the computation of preliminary data and the
recollection of the documentation once the taking of the census
is concluded.
Finally, in a very important part, the document displays
the Chronological Guide to the activities of the Organizer.
c) Instructors Manual
This document is a pamphlet which consists of seventy-eight
pages which was used by the persons who would be in charge of
the instruction of the Block Chiefs, Census Takers, and Census
Agents.
The first pages of the document show the importance of the
function of the instructor and the way in which he should develo
his activities, showing concretely what should be the content
of each of the four sessions of instruction planned.
The document contains an introduction of a general nature
regarding the importance of the census of population emphasizing
also the confidential characteristics of the information which
is to be obtained as well as the sanctions planned for any
infraction of the orders relative to the preparation, organiza
tion, and taking of the census.

Later, the document includes a detailed description of
the functions of the Block Chief, the Census Taker, and the
Census Agent. With regard to the work of the Census Taker,
it includes a resume of the fundamental norms which he should
keep in mind in order to successfully complete his interviews.
The rest of the document is totally dedicated to the
description of the questionnaire and the questions which it
contains. Given in the first part are general explanations
of the structure of the questionnaire, the different areas
in which it is to be used. Later, instructions are included
of a general nature /which are/ applicable to all the questions
and the method of recording the responses: /and7 reference ___
is made to the place in which persons should be /interviewed/.
/Also included are instructions regarding/ special cases which
might present themselves and the adequate way of resolving
them.
gLater the document/ continues by defining the concepts
"habitation" or "dwelling" /vivienda/ and "family", and finally
explains the questionnaire, question by question, and the way
in which the concepts which they include were defined.
Considering that the Census Takers and Block Chiefs
will have very different educational levels, both the
Instructor's Manual and the Manual of Census Registration
include drawings whose purpose was to clarify graphically
certain aspects related to the questions contained in the
questionnaire.
a) Manual of Census Registration
/This is/ a pamphlet of sixty-two pages /in length/
with a content basically identical to the Instructor1s Manual,
although in this case the use of drawings is a little more
abundant in order to assist the understanding of the meaning
of the various questions.
e) The Questionnaire of the Census of Population
In this document information is covered relative to the
total population and all of the habitations which exist in the
country on the date of the census.
Each questionnaire served to record the data of one
dwelling and up to fourteen persons; in the case of a habita
tion /with/ more than fourteen persons, a second questionnaire
was used on which the necessary identification data were
noted, as well as the persons remaining /from the first
questionnaire/ but without repeating the data referring to the
habitation /itself/
The questionnaire consisted of three completely differ
entiated parts:

291
The upper right /portion/ was reserved for the notation
of the data relative to the Federal Entity, Municipio or Pre
cinct /Delegacin/, Localidad, Ward, Section, and Block in
which each dwelling was situated. In this part of the
questionnaire also should he noted the names and surnames
of the Census Taker, the Block Chief, and the Section Chief
which corresponded /to this location//
The upper left /part/ of the questionnaire contained
questions relating to the characteristics of the habitation.
The rest of the questionnaire, on both sides, contained
questions referring to the residents of the habitations. On
the front, the questionnaire had space for noting the data
corresponding to six persons and on the reverse, those rela- _
tive to eight more persons. This portion, designed to /obtain/
population data was divided into three areas, one white, one
grey, and one green.
The questions in the white area were to be asked of
all persons. The questions included in the grey area would
be asked only of persons of six years of age or over. Finally,
in the green area were found the questions which would only
be asked of those persons of twelve years and over.
f) Questionnaire of Livestock in Populated Places
This questionnaire was used by all the Takers of the
General Census of Population with the purpose of obtaining
information about the nimber of heads of livestock, of
birds, and of bee hives existing in the habitations on the
date of the census since it is common in Mexico, especially
in the medium- and small-sized populated places, that fam
ilies maintain on the premises or nearby, some animals of
these types. This information will be integrated later in the
corresponding Censuses of Agriculture and Ejidos.

APPENDIX 2
MODIFICATION OF SMITH'S AGE
REPORTING ACCURACY SCORE TECHNIQUE
The "accuracy score" technique which was developed by T. Lynn
Smith and discussed in Chapter VI, pp. 111-113, had to he modified to
accommodate census age reporting in Mexico which reported, in 1970,
single years of age only through age 84, the residual category being
Sp-and-over. There are nine categories of ages which end in zero --
0, 10, 20, . 80, or 9/85 = 10,6 percent. There are only eight
categories exactly divisible by five and not ending in zero --5, 15,
25, 75, or 8/85 = 9.4 percent. Of even age numbers not ending
in zero, there are thirty-four -- 2, 4, 6, 8, 12, l4, . 84, or
34/85 = 40.0 percent; and of the remaining ages there are also thirty-
four which are odd numbers not divisible by five -- 1, 3, 7, 9,
33, or 34/85 = 40.0 percent. In a "normally" distributed population,
it would be expected that the numbers of persons found at each of
these age categories would correspond rather closely to the expected
percentages, and this is especially true if the population were large.
If there were error in age reporting of the "preferred age" type men
tioned in the text, age heaping would appear at the preferred ages and
a low accuracy score would be calculated at the odd-numbered ages (not
ending in five) which are usually not chosen. Consequently, by dividan
the observed percentage by the expected percentage, some quantitative
idea of error in age reporting may be obtained.
292

LEGEND
1. Ahumada
2. Aldama
3. Allende
4. Aqu, les Ser dan
5. Ascensin
6. Bachiniva
7 Baileza
8. Batopilas
9. Bocoyna
10. Buenaventura
11. Camargo
12. Carichic
13- Casas Grandes
14. Coronado
15. Coyame
16. Cruz (La)
17. Cuauhtemoc
18. Cusihuiriachic
19 Chihuahua
20. Chinipas
21. Delicias
22. Dr. B. Domnguez
23* Galeana
24. General Trias
25. Gmez Faras
26. Gran Morelos
27 Guachochic
2. Gpe. D. Bravos
29. Gpe. Y Calvo
30. Guazapares
31. Guerrero
32. H. del Parral
33* Huejotitan
34. Janos
35* Jimenez
36. Jurez
37* Julimes
38. Lpez
39. Madera
40. Maguarichic
41. Manuel Benavides
42. Matachic
43- Matamoros
44. Msoqui
45. Morelos
46. Moris
47. Namiquipa
48. Nono aya
49. Nvo. Casas Grandes
50. Ocampo
51. Ojinaga
52. Prxedis G. Guerrero
53. Rosario
54. Riva Palacio
55 Rosales
56. S. Feo. de Borja
57- S. Feo. de Conchos
58. S. Feo. del Oro
59* Santa Barbara
60. Satevo
61. Saucillo
62. Temosachic
63. Tule (El)
64. Urique
65 Uruachic
66. Zaragoza Ignacio
67. Zaragoza Valle

APPENDIX 3
MAP OF CHIHUAHUA
1 I I I L
109
108 107
o -
cr>
0

105
104
fb
o
0
50
100
150 m.lei
$
Ma|Or Municipio
t
0
jl.
75
150
r*
225 kilometers
scale

SELECTED BIBLIOGRAPHY
Books and Monographs
A2mada, Francisco R., Resumen de Historia del Estado de Chihuahua,
Mexico, D.F.: Libros Mexicanos, 1955*
Balan, Jorge, Harley L. Browning, and Elizabeth Jelin, with the
assistance of Waltraut Feindt, Men in a Developing Society;
Geographic and Social Mobility in Monterrey, Mexico, Austin:
Institute of Latin American Studies, University of Texas Press,
1973.
Barclay, George W., Techniques of Population Analysis New York:
John Wiley and Sons, 1958*
Benitez Zenteno, Raul, Anlisis Demogrfico de Mexico, Me'xico, D.F. :
Biblioteca de Ensayos Sociolo'gicos, Instituto de Investigaciones
Sociales, Universidad Nacional, 1961.
and Gustavo Cabrera Acevedo, Tablas Abreviadas de Mortali
dad de l Poblacin de Mxico, 1930? 19^-0. 1930 I960, Mexico, D.F.
El Colegio de Mxico, Departamento de Publicaciones, 1967.
Biesanz, John and Mavis Biesanz, Costa Rican Life New York: Columbia
University Press, 19M+.
, The People of Panama, New York: Columbia
University Press, 1955
Bogue, Donald J., Principles of Demography, New York: John Wiley and
Sons, Inc., 199.
D1Antonio, William V. and William H. Form, Influentials in Two Border
Cities: A Study in Community Decision-Making, Notre Dame, Ind.:
University of Notre Dame Press, 1965.
Durant, Will, The Story of Civilization, Part II, The Life of C-reece:
Being a history of Greek civilization from the beginnings, and of
civilization in the Near East from the death of Alexander, to the
Roman Conquest; with an introduction on the prehistoric culture of
Crete, New York: Simon and Schuster, 1939*
El Paso Industrial Development Corporation and the El Paso Chamber of
Commerce, International Twin Plant Concept Fact Book, El Paso: No
publisher reported, 1969.
295

29c
Freedman, Ronald, ed., Population: The Vital Revolution, New York:
Doubleday and Company, 1964.
Ford, Thomas R., Man and Land in Peru, Gainesville: University of
Florida Press, 1955*
Gonzlez Flores, Enrique, Chihuahua de la Independencia a la Revolucin,
Mxico, D.F.: Imprenta Manuel Len Snchez, 19^9-
Grebler, Leo, Philip M. Newman, and Ronald Wyse, Mexican Immigration to
the United States: The Record and Its Implications, Los Angeles:
University of California, Graduate School of Business Administra
Division of Research, Mexican-American Study Project, Advance Re
2, "Preliminary and Subject to Revision," January,
Hauser, Philip M., ed., The Population Dilemma, Englewood Cliffs, K.J. :
Prentice-Hall, Inc., 1963 and 1968.
Hughes, Anne E., The Beginnings of Spanish Settlement in the El Paso
District, University of California Publications in History, Vol. 1,
No. 3, Place of publication not stated: University of California
Press, April, 191^*
Jordn, Fernando, Crnica de un Pais Brbaro, Mexico, D.F.: Ediciones
A.M.P.: Asociacin Mexicana de Periodistas, 1956.
Kephart, William M., The Family, Society, and the Individual, 2nd ed.,
Boston: Houghton MifflinCompany, 1966.
Leonard, Olen E., Bolivia:.. Land> People,, and Institutions, Washington,
D.C.: Scarecrow Press, 1952.
Lister, Florence C. and Robert H. Lister, Chihuahua: Storehouse of
Storms. Albuquerque: University of New Mexico Press, T90S.
Moorhead, Max L., New Mexico's Royal Road: Trade and Travel on the
Chihuahua Trail, Norman: University of Oklahoma Press, 195&*
Nelson, Lowry, Rural Cuba, Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press,
1950.
Pennington, Campbell W., The Tarahumar of Mexico: Their Environment
and. Material Culture, Salt Lake City: University of Utah Press,
1963.
, The Tepehuan of Chihuahua: Their Material Culture, Salt
Lake City: University of Utah Press, 1969
Quirk, Robert E., The Mexican Revolution, 1914-1915 The Convention
of Aguascalientes, New York: Citadel Press, 1963*
Saunders, John Van Dyke, The Population of Ecuador: A Demographic
Analysis, Latin American Monographs, No. 14, Gainesville: Univer
sity of Florida Press, i960.
p pj

Senior, Clarence, Land Reform and Democracy, Gainesville: University
of Florida Press, 1958.
Schmidt, Robert H. Jr., A Geographical Survey of Chihuahua, Southwestern
Studies Monograph No. 37, El Paso: Texas Western Press, 1973*
Simpson, Eyler N., The Ejido: Mexico's Way Out, Chapel Hill: Univer
sity of North Carolina Press, 1937
Simpson, Leslie Byrd, Many Moxicos, Berkeley: University of California
Press, 1962.
Smith, T. Lynn, Brazil: People and Institutions, rev. ed., Baton Rouge:
Louisiana State University Press, 1963.
, Fundamentals of Population Study, Chicago: J. B.
Lippincott Co., i960.
, Latin American Population Studies, University of Florida
Monographs, No. 8, Gainesville: University of Florida Press, Fall,
i960.
, The Sociology of Rural Life, 3rd ed., New York: Harper
and Brothers, 1953
, Studies of Latin American Societies, Garden City: Anchor
Books, Doubleday and Company, 197
and Homer L. Hitt, The People of Louisiana, Baton Rouge:
Louisiana State University Press, 1952.
and C. A. McMahan, The Sociology of Urban Life: A Textbook
with Readings, New York: Dryden Press, 1951*
Solis Garza, Hernn, Los.Mexicanos del Nopte, Mexico, D.F: Editorial
Nuestro Tiempo, 1971*
Tannenbaum, Frank, Peace by Revolution -- Msxlco After 1910> New York:
Columbia University Press, 1968. ~
Taylor, Carl C., Rural Life in Argentina, Baton Rouge: Louisiana State
University Press, 1948.
Whetten, Nathan L,, Guatamala: Land and People, New Haven: Yale
University Press, 1961.
, Rural Mexico, Chicago: University of Chicago Press,

Book Chapters
Chandrasekaran, C., "Survey of the Status of Demography in India," in-
Philip M. Hauser and Otis Dudley Duncan, eds., The Study of Popu
lation: An Inventory and Appraisal, Chicago: University of
Chicago Press, 1959*
Hauser, Philip M., "Demography in Relation to Sociology," in Kenneth
C. W. Kammeyer, ed., Population Studies: Selected Essays and
Research, Chicago: Rand McNally and Company, 1969*
Hawley, Amos W., "Population Composition," in Philip M. Hauser and Otis
Dudley Duncan, eds., The Study of Population: An Inventory and
Appraisal, Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1959*
Usher, Abbott Payson, "The History of Population and Settlement in
Eurasia," in Joseph J. Spengler and Otis Dudley Duncan, eds.,
Demographic Analysis: Selected Readings, Glencoe: Free Press,
1963.
Journals
Dotson, Floyd, "Disminucin de la Poblacin Mexicana en los Estados
Unidos de Acuerdo con el Censo de 1950," Revista Mexicana de
Sociologa. XVII: 1, Jan.-Apr., 1955-
Flores Talavera, Rodolfo, "Historia de la Estadstica Nacional,"
Boletn de la Sociedad Mexicana de Geografa y Estadstica:
Ciclo de Conferencias Especiales Relacionado con los Grandes
Censos Nacionales por levantarse en I960, Vol. LXXXVI, Nos. 1-3,
July-December, 1958, Mxico, D.F.: Talleres de la Editorial Libros
de Mxico, S.A., 1958*
Hernandez Alvarez, Jose', "A Demographic Profile of the Mexican Immigrant
to the United States, 1910-1950," Journal of InterAmerican Studies ,
8, July, 1966.
Martinez, Pedro Daniel, "Ambiente Sociocultural en la Faja Fronteriza
Mexicana," America Indgena.31:2, April, 1971*
Stoddard, Ellwyn R., "The U.S.-Mexican Border: A Comparative Research
Laboratory," Journal of InterAmerican Studies, 11, July, 1989-
Documents
Direccin General de Estadstica, Informe de Labores, 1971-1973. Mxico,
D.F.: Sept., 1973-
Estados Unidos Mexicanos, Anuario Estadstico de los Estados Unidos
Mexicanos: .1962-1983j Mexico, D.F.: Direccin General de
Estadstica," 1985 -

299
, Anuario Estadstico de los Estados Unidos Mexicanos:
1968-1969> Mxico, D.F.: Direccin General de Estadstica, 1971*
, Anuario Estadstico Compendiado: 1970> Mexico, D.F.:
Direccin General de Estadstica, 1971*
, Sptimo Censo General de Poblacin, 6 de junio de Vf/¡:
Resumen General, Mexico, D.F.:Direccin General de Estadstica,
n.d.
, VIII Censo General de Poblacin, i960, 8 de .junio de I960:
Estado de Chihuahua, Mexico, D.F.: Direccin General de Estads-
tica, 1963*
, VIII Censo General de Poblacin, i960, 8 de junio de i960:
Resumen General, Mxico, D.F.: Direccin General de Estadstica,
1962.
________ IX Censo General de Poblacin, 1970 > 28 de enero de 1970:
Estado de Chihuahua, Mxico, D.F.: Direccin General de Estads
tica, 1971*
, IX Censo General de Poblacin, 1970 28 de enero de 1970
Localidades por Entidad Federativa y Municipio con Algunas
Caractersticas de su Poblacin y Vivienda, Vol. 1, Aguascalientes
a Guerrero, Me'xico, D.F.: Direccin General de Estadstica, 1973
, IX Censo General de Poblacin, 19703 28 de enero de 1970
Resumen General, Mxico, D.F.: Direccin General de Estadstica,
1972.
, Informe de Labores de la Direccio'n General de Estadstica,
1968-1972, Mxico, D.F.: No publisher stated, Oct., 1972-
Organization of American States, America en Cifras, 1972. Situacin
Demogrfica: Estado y Movimiento de la Poblacin, Washington, D.C.:
InterAmerican Statistical Institute, 1972.
State of Chihuahua, Cdigo Civil, Chihuahua, Chih.: Peridico Oficial
del Estado de Chihuahua, 23 de marzo de 1974.
United Nations, Demographic Yearbook: 1962, New York: United Nations,
1962.
, Informes Estadsticos, Series M, No. 19, Principios para
un Sistema de Estadsticas Vitales, New York: Oficina de Estads-
tica de Las Naciones Unidas, Departamento de Asuntos Econmicos,
1953.
, Statistical Papers, Series A, Vol. XVI, No. 3; Population
and Vital Statistics Report: Data Available as of 1 July, 196b,
New York: Statistical Office of the United Nations, Department of
Economic and Social Affairs, 1964.

300
, Studies in Methods, Series F, Wo. 7; Handbook of Vital
Statistics Methods, New York: Statistical Office of the United
Nations, Department of Economic and Social Affairs, April, 1955*
United States Bureau of the Census, Census of Population, 1970 Subject
Reports, PC(2)-1D, Persons of Spanish Surname, Washington, D.C.:
U.S. Government Printing Office, 1973
United States Immigration and Naturalization Service, Report of the
Select Commission on Western Hemisphere Migration, Washington,
D.C.: U.S. Government Printing Office, 1968.
Miscellaneous
Encyclopaedia Britannica, Vol. IX, Chicago: William Benton, 1969*
Hamby, James E. Jr., Vital Statistics: Msthods and Reliability in
Bolivia, Ecuador, and Peni -- A Comparative Study, 1965, unpublished.
Martinez, Oscar J., The Growth and Development of Mexico's Northern
Border: A Bibliographical Essay, El Paso: A paper presented to
the meeting of the Rocky Mountain Social Science Association, April,
1974.
Stoddard, Ellwyn R., An International Boundary Treaty (The Chamizad)
and its Aftermath, Baton Rouge: A paper presented at the meeting
of the Rural Sociological Association, August, 1972.
, Illegal Mexican Labor in the Borderlands: Institutionalized
Support of an Unlawful Practice, San Francisco: A paper presented
at the annual meeting of the American Sociological Association in
August, 1975.
U.S. News and World Report LXXVII:4, July 22, 197^*

BIOGRAPHICAL SKETCH
James E. Hamby, Jr. was born in 1932 in Oklahoma City, Oklahoma.
He graduated from Central High School in January, 1950 and enlisted in
the United States Air Force in April of the same year. Upon comple
tion of basic training, he was assigned to the Department of Neuro
psychiatry at the School of Aviation Medicine where he remained,
working in research and clinical electroencephalography, until April
of 1956. At that time he was transferred to the 7505th USAF Hospital
in England. While there he worked as a corpsman on the psychiatric
ward, then later as wardmaster of the dependents1 and the isolation
wards. Finally, shortly before his discharge in 1958; be was assigned
as Noncommissioned-officer-in-charge of Base Medical Training. It was
then his job to set up and operate a school for hospital corpsmen to
train them in basic and special medical techniques.
In January of 1959; James Hamby was offered a position with the
Department of Psychiatry at the College of Medicine of the University
of Florida where he worked in research in neurophysiology until his
resignation in June of 1965
Hamby began attending classes at the University of Florida shortly
after his arrival there, and in January of 1961 he began working half
time and became a full-time student. He had vacillated between attend
ing medical school or majoring in physiology when a disastrous auto
mobile accident forced him to abandon these plans. It was during the
period of recovering from his injuries that he took his first course
in sociology -- an event which changed his life. Sociology became
%(.
301

202
his major both as an undergraduate and in graduate school.
During his academic career, Hamby was honored with a Ford Foun
dation Fellowship which he later rejected in favor of' another for
graduate study. Upon receipt of his Bachelor of Arts degree in 1965,
he was awarded a National Defence Foreign Language Fellowship (Tibie
Vi) in Portuguese during each of the three years he was in graduare
school. He was a member of Sigma Tau Sigma, the Student Tutor Society}
Alpha Kappa Delta, the National Sociology Honor Society; and was a
student member of the American Sociological Association.
Hamby was married in Mexico City in May, 1953 to his present wife,
Josefina Long Gonzalez, and they have three children: Maria, 21;
Elizabeth, 19; and James David, 16. His family is bilingual and
bicultural, as much at home in Mexico as in the United States.
Hamby has been an instructor in sociology at the University of
Texas at El Paso since September of 1968. His principal areas of
instructional interest are the introductory course, courses in the
cultures and institutions of Latin America, the sociology of the border,
and he has recently been asked to develop courses at the undergraduate
and graduate levels on Spanish-speaking groups of the Southwestern
United States and Northern Mexico

I certify that I have read this study and that in my opinion
it conforms to acceptable standards of scholarly presentation and is
fully adequate, in scope and quality, as a dissertation for the degree
of Doctor of Philosophy.
Professor of Sociology
I certify that I have read this study and that in my opinion
it conforms to acceptable standards of scholarly presentation and is
fully adequate, in scope and quality, as a dissertation for the degree
of Doctor of Philosophy.
T. Lynn /Smith,
Graduate Research Professor Emeritus
Department of Sociology
I certify that I have read this study and that in my opinion
it conforms to acceptable standards of scholarly presentation and is
fully adequate, in scope and quality, as a dissertation for the degree
of Doctor of Philosophy.

I certify that I have read this study and that in my opinion it
conforms to acceptable standards of scholarly presentation and is fully
adequate, in scope and quality, as a dissertation for the degree of
Doctor of Philosophy.
Sugiyama taka
Associate Professor of Sociology
I certify that I have read this study and that in my opinion it
conforms to acceptable standards of scholarly presentation and is fully
adequate, in scope and quality, as a dissertation for the degree of
Doctor of Philosophy.
This dissertation was submitted to the Graduate Faculty of the Depart
ment of Sociology in the College of Arts and Sciences and to the
Graduate Council, and was accepted as partial fulfillment of the re
quirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy.
August, 1975
Dean, Graduate School



TABLE VIII-11 (CONTINUED)
Place and Age
1960a
Total
1970b
Percent
Change
Juarez
276,995
424,135
53.1
0-4
47,738
70,180
47.0
5-9
41,205
66,910
62.4
10-14
33,111
58,407
76.4
15-19
27,215
45,892
68.6
20-24
24,651
35,304
43.2
25-29
20,401
27,970
37.1
30-34
17,888
24,095
34.7
35-39
15,906
21,859
37-4
40-44
10,591
18,163
71-5
45-49
9,798
14,928
52.4
50-54
8,540
10,262
20.2
55-59
6,464
9,283
43.6
60-64
5,119
7,442
45.4
65-69
2,950
5,883
99-4
70-74
1,951
3,594
84.2
75 and over
2,624
4,013
52.9
Unknown
843
Sources: ^Chihuahua:
chihuahua;


xml version 1.0 encoding UTF-8
REPORT xmlns http:www.fcla.edudlsmddaitss xmlns:xsi http:www.w3.org2001XMLSchema-instance xsi:schemaLocation http:www.fcla.edudlsmddaitssdaitssReport.xsd
INGEST IEID EAYG1NT80_L4T0LH INGEST_TIME 2015-06-17T22:39:13Z PACKAGE AA00029712_00001
AGREEMENT_INFO ACCOUNT UF PROJECT UFDC
FILES


217
huahua by age and sex in i960 and in 1970 > and- "the percentage of change
in the size of the populations during the period. Table VTII-2 is
provided to show the absolute numerical change in the sizes of the pop
ulations of the nation and state, as well as those of the major municip
ios and the aggregated minor municipios by sex and residence in the
periods from 1950 to i960, from i960 to 1970, and a summary of the total
change of the two-decade period. Finally, Table VIII-3 shows the
total population together with the percent of total change and the
annual rates of change by sex and residence for the nation, state, and
the major and aggregate minor municipios during the same periods as
seen in Table VIII-2. All figures in the present portion refer to
these tables.
According to the i960 census, there were 34,923*129 persons in
the nation 17*4 million males and 17*5 females. By the time of the
1970 census (which occurred 9*625 years after the June 8, i960 cen
sus), the total population had increased slightly more than 38 percent.
This was an annual increment of 3*35 percent. In 1970 there were
48,225,238 persons enumerated -- 24,065,6l4 males and 2^,159*624
females. During the period the number of males increased 38*2 per
cent or 3*36 percent per year while the number of females increased
38 percent, or 3*35 percent per year. The annual rates of change
are based on the formula used in Table VII-1 and discussed in Chapter
VII.
Referring to Table VIII-3 one sees that the growth of the national
population was smaller in the period 1950-i960 than it was during the
following decade. The percentage change in population size was 35*4
in the first period, but it was 38.1 during the second period despite


11
The end of the sixteenth century saw several expeditions set out to
discover a route between the settlements near the Conchos in the south
and those in New Mexico to the north. In 1598, don Juan de Oate took
400 men (including 130 who were accompanied by their families) from Santa
Barbara to a point on the (now) Rio Grande which he called El Paso del
Rio. From here he pushed on to establish Santa Fe, the first truly
permanent Spanish settlement in New Mexico. Gradually towns came to be
established along this route by the clergy, despite the opposition of
1 ?
hostile Indians.
Vital in the development of Chihuahua was the establishment of a
regular trade route between the mining centers of the Rio Conchos area
and the settlements in New Mexico, and especially' with Santa Fe. This was
Mexico's Camino Real, the 1,600-milelong "public thoroughfare over which
vagn and pack trains regularly passed" through arid and barren lands
populated by "wild, nomadic Indian tribes." This road passed through the
capitals of seven states, partly along the route of the Ohate expedition,
and thus it was an important link between the central government in
Mexico City and its far-flung dependencies to the north. The state,
as part of the Nueva Vizcaya, continued to grow apace with the discovery
of new areas for mining operations. Much of the growth was along this
trade route.
~ iyHughes, op. cit. p. 298. This source reports that there were
"more than 3,000 parishioners" of the church of Nuestra Seora de
Guadalupe Mexicana in the present El Paso-Ciudad Juarez area in 166S
(p. 308).
13Max L. Moorhead, New Mexicos Royal Road: .Trade and Travel on.the
Chihuahua Trail (Norman: University of Oklahoma Press, 1958), pp. 4-5.


27G
as a result of these differentials, but at the time of the 1950 census,
47.3 percent of the urban population was male and 52.7 percent was
female.
During the 1950's, the total population increased 35*4 percent, but
the urban population increased by 6l.2 percent, an increment of 6,721,635
persons. (See Tables VIII-1 and VIII-3) During the same period, the
rural population increased 16.3 percent, or only 2,410,477 persons. In
terms of sex differences, Table VIII-3 shows that the percentage of
urban males increased by 65.6 percent, while that of females increased
but 57.2 percent. By the date of the i960 census, the urban population
was 48.6 percent male and 51*4 percent female.
It was during the decade of the 1950's that Mexico made the transi
tion from being a predominantly rural nation to one in which a majority
of the population was "urban." (The word "urban" should, perhaps, be
used cautiously in a nation such as Mexico, where such a large propor
tion of the economically active population is engaged in primary Indus*
tries.) In i960, 50.7 percent of the population lived in places with
populations of 2,500 or more. With regard to sex, by i960, 48.6 per
cent of all Mexican males and 51*4 percent of all females lived in
these urban areas.
From i960 to 1970 urbanization continued unabated, although due to
the larger population base, percentage gains were somewhat smaller than
during the 1950's. During the 1960's, the urban population increased
by 10,603,438 persons, and by 1970, this constituted 58.7 percent of
the total population, an increase of 59*9 percent over the i960 urban
population. In aggregate, urban gains during the 1960's exceeded those
of the previous decade by almost 4 million persons. (See Table VlII-2.)


241
In contrast to the national trend., the rate of increase of the
female population in Chihuahua exceeded that of the male population
during the 1960's. In Table VIII-3 the rates of annual increase are
seen to have been 2.8 and 2.9 percent per year for males and females,
respectively, in the latter decade. During this decade, the male popu
lation of Chihuahua increased from 621,6l6 to 812,649 (191*033* or
3O.7 percent), and the female population increased from 605,177 to
799*876 (l9^>699 or 32.2 percent).
An interesting feature of Table VII-1 refers to migration gains
in Chihuahua, according to data by the Direccin General de Estadstica.
Net migration figures for the state, as shown, increased dramatically,
beginning in 1967. In the previous seven years the net migration figures
published by the Direccin in the Anuario Estadstico were smaller than
10,000 per year. However, in 1967 this figure jumped to l6,000, followed
by 56,000 in 1968, 52,000 in 1969, and finally, 83,000 in 1970. The
researcher does not know the basis of the Direccin's estimates.
Perhaps they were calculated as a residual from reported birth and
death rates combined with population extrapolations. It is difficult
to see how the Direccin reconciled the data in its various statements
regarding population change. For example, in Table VII-1, natural
increase was reported as 32.2 per 1,000 in 1970 which would have meant
a growth from this source of about 49,000 persons over the previous
year. A total growth for the state was estimated at 83,400. One would
presume, then, that migration would account for a gain of about 35*000
persons. To the contrary, the net migration gain was reported to be
83,000 people! By taking the estimates of total gain and of net migra-


21
and particularly the El Paso-Ciudad Juarez international metropolitan
complex has expanded. A scholar currently working to fill some of zhs
gaps in the state's history and to update the course of events and of
historical processes in the state is preparing a dissertation which will
provide a more thorough interpretation of events in modem Chihuahua
than is at present available.^
The Border Location
In an effort to present background material for the analysis of the
population data of Chihuahua, the physical geography and the history of
the state have been briefly surveyed. Another vitally important point
merits consideration, however -- the impact on the state of its border
location.
From the dip of the Rio Grande in the Big Bend territory on the
east, to the vicinity of the New Mexico-Arizona border on the west,
Chihuahua faces the United States. This simple fact of international
contiguity perhaps has as much to do with that which may be distinctive
to the population structure of the state as do geographical, climatic,
anthropological, or historical factors. During most of the modem era,
the United States of America has been the world's most affluent society,
with the world's highest wage scale. Although Mexico does, in fact,
compare favorably with many Latin American nations in terms of economic
conditions, nonetheless it has been, and is, a desperately poor nation
by North American standards. This is especially true in its rural
3bCf. Oscar J. Martinez, The Growth and Development of Mexico's
Northern Border: A Bibliographical Essay, an unpublished nauer pre-
sented to the meeting of the Rocky Mountain Social Science Association
in April, 1974, and by the same author, hopefully soon, his doctoral
dissertation at the University of California at Los Angeles.


The Century Prior to the Revolution of 1910
r
JLC
The Mexican war of independence from Spain was initiated on Sep-em
ber l6, l8l0, with the famous Grito de Dolores, "Long live Our Lady of
Guadalupe; Long live Independence!" voiced by Father Miguel Hidalgo y
Costilla. This was followed by years of tumult and bloodshed. Hidalgo
himself was executed less than a year later in the City of Chihuahua, 1
but Mexico was not able to finally free itself from the mother country
until 1821.
From the beginning, the people of the province of Nueva Vizca^ a
tended to be royalists. The Listers declare,^5
It was a loyalty of principle -- a provincial conservatism. Just
as they had been born into Roman Catholicism, so had they beer-
born into a society ruled by a monarchy in Spain. It never oc
curred to the Chihuahenses to question either.
However, in the years between the Grito de Dolores and the Independence,
there were factions both for and against independence. The birth of the
new nation and of the state of Chihuahua were almost simultaneous, the
former occurring in 1821 and the latter in 1823 In that year (l&2),
the national congress put an end to the political entity founded
and organized by Captain Francisco de Ibarra in 1562 with the name
of Nueva Vizcaya. . .
This was done by a decree from the central government which stated, in
part, that
. .the territory which until now has been named Province of
Nueva Vizcaya be divided into two parts with the name of Prov
ince of Durango the one, and Province of Chihuahua the other. .
the territory of the latter will include all that contained from
the point called Paso del Rio del Norte to that called Rio
Florido. . .
-L^Iaslie Byrd Simpson, Many Mexicos (Berkeley: University of
California Press, 1962), pp.""183-201, passim.
^-5Op. cit., p. 8l


The Taking and Processing of the Census
Census questionnaires were distributed to the Census Takers and
Census Agents on the morning of January 28, 1970> along with the list
of residences assigned to each. There was an attempt to begin the
enumeration at 8:00 A.M. and to finish by 4:00 P.M. of the same day.
This was not always possible, and in some cases it was necessary for the
Census Taker to work additional hours or days. In other cases, it was
not possible to enumerate the population on the census date. In this
event, part of the preplanning of the Direccio/n made allowances to per
mit the taking of the census earlier or later than the census date.^l
In any event, questions were so phrased as to refer to the census moment,
regardless of the date on which the census was actually taken.
Collection of Data and Preliminary Analysis
The collection of the completed questionnaires was accomplished
in the reverse order from the manner in which they were originally
distributed prior to the taking of the census. The Census Takers
examined their completed forms for accuracy and completeness and then
returned them, together with their summary data of the number and sex
of the persons enumerated, to their Block Chief or Census Agent who,
in turn, assured that none of the assigned dwellings had been missed in
the enumeration. The documents were then transmitted to the respecnive
Section Chiefs. Again, the forms were examined for completeness and
accuracy and forwarded to the Ward Chiefs, along with the preliminary sum
mary data. The Ward Chiefs then remitted all data to the Body of Civic
Support to which they were responsible. Here the documents were again
31Ibid., pp. XXXIX-XL


SELECTED BIBLIOGRAPHY
Books and Monographs
A2mada, Francisco R., Resumen de Historia del Estado de Chihuahua,
Mexico, D.F.: Libros Mexicanos, 1955*
Balan, Jorge, Harley L. Browning, and Elizabeth Jelin, with the
assistance of Waltraut Feindt, Men in a Developing Society;
Geographic and Social Mobility in Monterrey, Mexico, Austin:
Institute of Latin American Studies, University of Texas Press,
1973.
Barclay, George W., Techniques of Population Analysis New York:
John Wiley and Sons, 1958*
Benitez Zenteno, Raul, Anlisis Demogrfico de Mexico, Me'xico, D.F. :
Biblioteca de Ensayos Sociolo'gicos, Instituto de Investigaciones
Sociales, Universidad Nacional, 1961.
and Gustavo Cabrera Acevedo, Tablas Abreviadas de Mortali
dad de l Poblacin de Mxico, 1930? 19^-0. 1930 I960, Mexico, D.F.
El Colegio de Mxico, Departamento de Publicaciones, 1967.
Biesanz, John and Mavis Biesanz, Costa Rican Life New York: Columbia
University Press, 19M+.
, The People of Panama, New York: Columbia
University Press, 1955
Bogue, Donald J., Principles of Demography, New York: John Wiley and
Sons, Inc., 199.
D1Antonio, William V. and William H. Form, Influentials in Two Border
Cities: A Study in Community Decision-Making, Notre Dame, Ind.:
University of Notre Dame Press, 1965.
Durant, Will, The Story of Civilization, Part II, The Life of C-reece:
Being a history of Greek civilization from the beginnings, and of
civilization in the Near East from the death of Alexander, to the
Roman Conquest; with an introduction on the prehistoric culture of
Crete, New York: Simon and Schuster, 1939*
El Paso Industrial Development Corporation and the El Paso Chamber of
Commerce, International Twin Plant Concept Fact Book, El Paso: No
publisher reported, 1969.
295


268
population, the male population increased more rapidly than did the
female 25-3 percent as compared with 21.4 percent, yielding an
annual increase for males of 2.3 percent, and for females, of hut 1.9
percent.
During the 196o's the growth rate of the minor municipios dropped
sharply, as did that of the state and major municipios. In the minor
municipios, not only a reduced rate of growth, hut an actually smaller
numerical increase, occurred. The gain fell from 118,043 during the
1950's to 95,233 persons during the next decade. Between i960 and 1970,
the population in the minor municipios grew hy 15.3 percent. The
increase of the female population was greater than that of males --
I0.2 percent, or 1.6 percent per year, compared with 14.5 percent, or
1.4 percent annually. In actual numbers, the increase of females
exceeded that of males hy 1,647, representing only 0.23 percent of the
total population of the minor municipios. This was consistent with
the greater increment of females noted generally in Chihuahua, except
in municipio Juarez. It is tempting to speculate that the male growth
in this largest municipio may have siphoned men from other sections of
the state.
Trends in population hy age in the minor municipios showed a loss
in population at ages 50-54, greater among males than among females
(Table VIII-10). This decline resembled somewhat the trend in the same
age group (50-54) in the major municipios. In general, the rate of
growth in the different age groups was less in the minor than in the
major municipios. The greatest increment in population in the minor
municipios was in the age group 55~59.> where major municipios regis
tered moderate "but obvious gains. Except for the 50-54 age group, the


202
his major both as an undergraduate and in graduate school.
During his academic career, Hamby was honored with a Ford Foun
dation Fellowship which he later rejected in favor of' another for
graduate study. Upon receipt of his Bachelor of Arts degree in 1965,
he was awarded a National Defence Foreign Language Fellowship (Tibie
Vi) in Portuguese during each of the three years he was in graduare
school. He was a member of Sigma Tau Sigma, the Student Tutor Society}
Alpha Kappa Delta, the National Sociology Honor Society; and was a
student member of the American Sociological Association.
Hamby was married in Mexico City in May, 1953 to his present wife,
Josefina Long Gonzalez, and they have three children: Maria, 21;
Elizabeth, 19; and James David, 16. His family is bilingual and
bicultural, as much at home in Mexico as in the United States.
Hamby has been an instructor in sociology at the University of
Texas at El Paso since September of 1968. His principal areas of
instructional interest are the introductory course, courses in the
cultures and institutions of Latin America, the sociology of the border,
and he has recently been asked to develop courses at the undergraduate
and graduate levels on Spanish-speaking groups of the Southwestern
United States and Northern Mexico