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Family, church, and crown

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Family, church, and crown
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Kelly, Arlene M ( Arlene Marie ), 1951-
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Subjects / Keywords:
Baptism ( jstor )
Cassava ( jstor )
Parishes ( jstor )
Priests ( jstor )
Rivers ( jstor )
Rubber ( jstor )
Slavery ( jstor )
Society of Jesus ( jstor )
Towns ( jstor )
Women ( jstor )

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FAMILY, CHURCH, AND CROWN: A SOCIAL AND
DEMOGRAPHIC HISTORY OF THE LOWER XINGU VALLEY AND
THE MUNICIPALITY OF GURUPA, 1623-1889









By

ARLENE M. KELLY
























A DISSERTATION PRESENTED TO THE GRADUATE SCHOOL
OF THE UNIVERSITY OF FLORIDA IN
PARTIAL FULFILLMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY



UNIVERSITY OF FLORIDA 1984



































Copyright 1984 by

Arlene Marie Kelly

































This dissertation is dedicated to my parents,

Patrick Joseph Aloysius and
Katherine Louise Roberts KeZlly

















ACKNOWLEDGMENTS



I am greatly indebted to the Fulbright-Hays Program which supported my research during 1977-78; to the Ford Foundation (Brazil) which provided financial backing for this research during 1978-79; to the Associagao Brasileira de Estudos Populacionais (ABEP, at the Centro de Desenvolvimento de Planejamento Regional in Belo Horizonte) for grants received from 1979 to 1981; and to the Conselho Nacional de Desenvolvimento Cientffico e Tecnol6gico (CNPq) of the Brazilian Government for research support extended from 1981 to the present. Without the assistance provided by all these foundations, the completion of the study would have been impossible.

I am grateful also for the institutional support received from the Ndcleo de Altos Estudos Amaz6nicos (NAEA) at the Federal University of Pard (UFPa) since 1978, and for that of the Museu Paraense Emilio Goeldi, where I have been an associate researcher since July 1982, and which graciously granted a year's leave of absence from my position there to finish writing this study. Emergency aid granted me by the Amazon Research and Training Program of the University of Florida ensured its completion, and I thank those responsible very much for this help.


iv










During the six years in which the research for this study was underway, many, many people contributed in various ways to its success. My heartfelt thanks go to the Bougao Viana family in Belem for their gracious hospitality and affection; to the Cabral Rebelo family from the Xingu and Belem for their friendship and material support in facilitating transportation to the study area; to the Marques Queir6z family of Iturama for their support and invariably warm welcomes; and to colleagues and friends at both NAEA and the Goeldi Museum for their encouragement and advice. To name individually everyone who at some time or other helped me continue with the research would require many pages. Two individuals, however, must be mentioned.

Dr. Charles Wagley provided the first stimulus for my

interest in the Amazon region. That stimulus was reinforced with constant encouragement during the years of research in Brazil and heightened by his personal interest shown during his brief visits. I owe him many thanks. Dr. Neil Macaulay, chairman of my dissertation committee, gave me continual assurance through the years of research; his unceasing advice, criticisms, and hard work ensured that the results of this study would be the best possible. He deserves particular credit and has my deep gratitude for facilitating the successful completion of this dissertation. Any errors evident in this study are my responsibility.





v

















PREFACE



During the summer of 1974 with the support of the

Tropical South American Summer Fellowship Program, I was able to do primary research for my master's thesis concerning the rubber boom in the Xingu River valley. While seeking background material for Amazonian historical development prior to the onset of world rubber demand, I discovered a lack of continuity in secondary sources referring to the region as a whole; there were no comprehensive studies of the Amazon's history. Available studies focussed on events during the eighteenth century or during the reign of rubber in the late-nineteenth and early twentieth centuries and, without exception, presented a macro-view of the Amazon Region, giving no attention to the micro-regional variations of geography and demography. The sources for these studies were archival collections stored in capital cities such as Manaus, Bel6m or Rio de Janeiro; other sources of documentation in smaller cities and towns were neglected.

At the same time I was collecting data about the rubber boom and the Xingu River's leading rubber baron, Jos4 Porffrio de Miranda, I traveled between the city of Altamira and the municipal seat of Senador Jos4 Porfirio


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(formerly, Souzel) to check on documents stored in the municipal archives. In the clerk's office at Senador Josd Porfirio I was shown a trunk full of yellowed paper tied together in bales, which were civil registrations of births, marriages and deaths from the 1890's. Untying one of the bales, which contained marriage registers, I began reading and was impressed by the volume of information each register contained: place of birth, date of birth, occupation and place of residence for the couple with additional information concerning their parents. Since Senador Josd Porfirio's municipal history was shorter than that of two other towns in the micro-region of the lower Xingu Valley, Porto de Moz and Gurupd, I assumed that earlier registration material existed in the latter two places.

With the support of the Fulbright-Hays Program I returned to the Amazon Region in 1978 to explore the history of the geographic unity comprised of the lower Xingu Valley and the municipality of Gurupd, using documents stored in the various municipal and ecclesiastic archives in Gurupd, Porto de Moz, Senador Josd Porffrio and Altamira, as well as those in the capital cities. I began using church and civil registers in Gurupd in May 1978 and remained there until the end of August, without being able to finish researching either baptisms or births. To complete the phase of data collection, more than a year of research was necessary. After successive data collecting trips, I finished work in Gurupd by October 1979 and proceeded to Porto de vii










Moz, Senador Jos6 Porfirio and Altamira. The last field trip occurred in November 1982 when I recovered some data which had been lost through faulty film processing (I microfilmed much of the registration information and transcribed it in Belim).

Through the phases of research I became aware of institutions in the historical evolution of the study area: the family, the Church, and the State. Since the earliest stage of conquest, the Portuguese Crown and the Roman Catholic Church had been uneasy partners in the enterprise of American assimilation. The first military expedition into the Amazon Basin, in the early seventeenth century, was accompanied by a Franciscan missionary. By the midseventeenth century, the Jesuits had begun their Amazonian missionary activity in the lower Xingu River valley, and soon would clash seriously with the Crown officials who rescinded the Jesuits' authority over a strategically important part of the Xingu River and put it in the hands of Franciscan missionaries.

After the expulsion of the Jesuits and other regular missionary orders in the mid-eighteenth century, State documents concerning the secularized missions revealed the importance of the concept of family for the colonization process. Only Europeans or whites were included in the official concept of family; all other inhabitants, Amerindians and black slaves, were outside it. Religious and social reforms emanating from the Reformation and the Counter viii











Reformation reinforced strict monogamous marriage and legal interpretation of the family, in which the father, or head of household, dominated all others. Since Amerindians did not respect the institution of monogamous marriage, and the slaves, as chattel, were property of the head householder, both groups remained outside the legally interpreted domain of the family. They also formed the bulk of the labor force during the colonization process and after independence.

From the 1823 census data for the study area, it was

obvious that the organization of the population by families and labor force continued--only servile racial categories were included in the summaries which followed the nominal population listing for each place--and there was overriding concern on the part of both imperial and provincial authorities to organize exploitable labor pools. Their efforts had little effect and failed altogether when the region became a supplier for the foreigners' demands for rubber.

During the imperial period in the Xingu River valley, baptismal records were kept continuously, and the earliest records preserved detailed baptisms in Porto de Moz beginning in 1824. Other parishes have preserved baptismal registers from later dates: Souzel, from 1856; and Gurupi, from 1866. Unfortunately, civil documentation of births, which began in 1876, was haphazard and unreliable as demographic data. Minute analysis of the information provided in the baptismal registers, however, showed it to be reliable and revealing. The high number of illegitimate births (about 50%) implied ix











that post-Reformation concepts of family and marriage were not assimilated by the general population in the study area by the nineteenth century, and that application of methodologies derived from European models would not be adequate for analysis of Amazonian demographic-historical events. The marital pattern presented in the study area during the nineteenth century was overwhelmingly Amerindian. The distinct seasonality displayed by the movement of monthly baptisms in the area during the Empire indicated that the population tended to reunite twice a year in towns and cities, while during the rest of the time most persons worked or resided elsewhere. The continuation of this pattern until 1889 contradicts claims that the rubber boom drained population from the cities and towns. Most economic activities carried on, at least after the eighteenth century, were seasonal and took part of the male population away once or twice a year; therefore, the extraction of rubber only intensified an on-going process.

With the proclamation of the Republic in 1889, the uneasy partnership of Church and State in the Amazon, and in Brazil, was severed. The continual infringement of the State on activities formerly dominated by the Church was apparent in efforts by the State to control documentation in the Amazon Region. Statistical commissions were being organized throughout the nineteenth century for the small towns and cities and finally took hold in 1876, but even since then, Church records reflect more accurately the


x











resident population, at least outside the municipal centers, which is largely ignored by civil record-keepers due to lack of human and financial resources. The Church's influence has remained strong in the study area and throughout the Amazon Region, and missionary orders now staff most dioceses.












































x;



















TABLE OF CONTENTS

Page

ACKNOWLEDGMENTS .................. iv

PREFACE . . . . ... vi

LIST OF TABLES . . .. . xiv

LIST OF FIGURES .. .. . .. . xix

KEY TO ABBREVIATIONS ............... xx

ABSTRACT . . . . . xxi

CHAPTER

I THE LAND AND THE PEOPLES ...... 1

Notes . . . . .. 19

II THE EUROPEAN CONQUEST ......... 24

Notes. .... .............. 79

III CHURCH VERSUS STATE: SECULARIZATION OF THE
MISSIONS ... .. . . . 91

Notes . . ... .. 133

IV THE EXTRACTIVE ECONOMY, DISCONTENT, REACTIONS:
THE POPULATION ON THE EVE OF "INDEPENDENCE" 140 Notes . . . . 195

V BRAZILIAN INDEPENDENCE AND AMAZONIAN
REGIONALISM: CIVIL STRIFE, 1822-1836 201 Notes. ....... ........ 245

VI IMPERIAL CONSOLIDATION ......... 249

Notes. .................. 289





xii












CHAPTER Page VII FOREIGN PENETRATION AND THE RISE OF RUBBER, 1852-1872 .................. 295

Notes . . . . . 350

VIII LIFE CYCLES: BAPTISMS AND MARRIAGES, 18241889 . . . . 358

Notes . . . . . 416

IX LIFE CYCLES: DEATHS AND DISEASE, 1824-1889 422

Notes . . . . 445

X CONCLUSIONS . . . . 451

Notes. .......... ...... 476

BIBLIOGRAPHY .................. .. 477

BIOGRAPHICAL SKETCH ................ 487



































xiii

















LIST OF TABLES

Table Page

3.1 Income and Expenditure, Registered in 1769 for the year 1768, for the villages of Carrazedo,
Porto de Moz, Veiros, Pombal, and Souzel 123 4.1 Gurupd: Results of 1789 Census ...... 152 4.2 Annex Gurupd: Results of 1789 Census . 152 4.3 Carrazedo: Results of 1789 Census ..... 154 4.4 Vilarinho do Monte: Results of 1789 Census 154 4.5 Porto de Moz: Results of 1789 Census . 155 4.6 Veiros: Results of 1789 Census ...... 155 4.7 Pombal: Results of 1789 Census ...... 156 4.8 Souzel: Results of 1789 Census ...... 156

4.9 Reported Production in 1789 and 1791(89): St.
Anthony of Gurupd, Gurupd Annex or Village of
Sao Pedro, and Vilarinho do Monte ..... 167 4.10 Carrazedo: Reported Production, 1764 to 1782 169

4.11 Porto de Moz: Reported Production, 1764 to
1795 . . . . .. .. 170

4.12 Veiros: Reported Production, 1764 to 1795 172 4.13 Pombal: Reported Production, 1764 to 1795 173 4.14 Souzel: Reported Production, 1764 to 1795 175 4.15 Gurupd: Results of 1797 Census ...... 179 4.16 Annex to Gurupd: Results of 1797 Census 181 4.17 Vilarinho do Monte: Results of 1797 Census 182 4.18 Carrazedo: Results of 1797 Census ..... 183


xiv











Table Page

4.19 Porto de Moz: Results of 1797 Census . 185 4.20 Veiros: Results of 1797 Census ...... 186 4.21 Pombal: Results of 1797 Census ...... 188 4.22 Souzel: Results of 1797 Census ...... 189 5.1 Gurupd: Nominally Listed Population, 1823 205 5.2 Gurupd: Free Population, 1823 ...... 206 5.3 Gurupd: Slave Population, 1823 ...... 207

5.4 Vilarinho do Monte: Nominally Listed Population, 1823 ................ 210

5.5 Vilarinho do Monte: Free and Slave Populations, Non-white, 1823 .......... 211

5.6 Carrazedo: Nominally Listed Population, 1823 212

5.7 Carrazedo: Free and Slave Populations, Nonwhite, 1823 .............. 212

5.8 Boa Vista: Nominally Listed Population, 1823 213

5.9 Boa Vista: Free and Slave Populations, Nonwhite, 1823 ................ 213

5.10 Porto de Moz: Nominally Listed Population,
1823 .................. 214

5.11 Porto de Moz: Free and Slave Populations,
Non-white, 1823 ............... 215

5.12 Veiros: Nominally Listed Population, 1823 218

5.13 Veiros: Free Population, Including Whites,
1823 . . . . .. 219

5.14 Pombal: Nominally Listed Population, 1823 222

5.15 Pombal: Free and Slave Populations, Including
Whites, 1823 ............ ... 222

5.16 Souzel: Nominally Listed Population, 1823 225

5.17 Souzel: Free and Slave Populations, Including
Whites, 1823.. . . . 226


xv











Table Page

6.1 Exports from Bel4m to Foreign Ports, 1840-41 and 1841-42, with Quantities ........ 260

6.2 Free Population Counted in 1848, Gurupd and Xingu . .... .......... 273

6.3 Slave Population Counted in 1848, Gurupd and Xingu . . . . 274

6.4 Housing, Vital Events and Foreigners, 1848, Gurupd and Xingu ... .......... 274

6.5 Gurupi and Xingu, Qualified Voters and Electors, 1849 . . . . 281

6.6 Free Population Counted, 1853, Gurupd and Xingu 287

6.7 Slave Population Counted, 1853, Gurupd and Xingu . . . .. 287

6.8 Vital Events and Foreigners, 1853, Gurupd and
Xingu . . . . .. 288

7.1 Gurupd, Porto de Moz, Pard: Collections from
Inspection Agencies, 1851 to 1853 ..... 300 7.2 Vilarinho do Monte: Population Given in 1856 308 7.3 Porto de Moz: Population Given in 1856 309 7.4 Veiros: Population Given in 1856 . 309 7.5 Pombal: Population Given in 1856 .. 310 7.6 Souzel: Population Given in 1856 . 310

7.7 Gurupi, Porto de Moz, Pard: Income from Collection Agencies, 1856-61 ...... 323

7.8 Gurupi, Porto de Moz, Pard: Expenses of Town
Councils, 1856-61 .............. 323

7.9 Xingu Valley and Gurupd: Qualified Voters,
1857-60 . . . .. 324

7.10 Information from Friar Marcello's Report of
1859 ... ........ . .. 327

7.11 Gurupd and Xingu River, Population Estimates,
1862 .......... .... . 330


xvi











Table Page

7.12 Gurupd, Vilarinho do Monte, Porto de Moz and
Souzel: School Attendance, 1861 to 1863 331

7.13 Gurupd: Production, 1865-67 ........ 342

7.14 Porto de Moz: Production, 1865-67 ..... 342 7.15 Gurupd: Census Results, 1872 ....... 346 7.16 Vilarinho do Monte: Census Results, 1872 346 7.17 Porto de Moz: Census Results, 1872 .... 347 7.18 Veiros: Census Results, 1872 ....... 347 7.19 Pombal: Census Results, 1872 ....... 348 7.20 Souzel: Census Results, 1872 ....... 348 8.1 Acceptable Sex Ratio Limits ........ 359

8.2 Porto de Moz: Baptisms, 1824-89, Five-year
Intervals . . . . 360

8.3 Souzel: Baptisms, 1856-89, Five-year Intervals 367 8.4 Gurupd: Baptisms, 1866-89, Five-year Intervals 371 8.5 Sex Ratios from Birth Registrations ... 377 8.6 Births and Baptisms, Absolute Numbers, 1875-89 377 8.7 Porto de Moz: Illegitimacy, 1824-89 ... 389 8.8 Souzel: Illegitimacy, 1856-89 ....... 395 8.9 Gurupi: Illegitimacy, 1866-89 ....... 397

8.10 Xingu-Gurupd, Illegitimacy, 1824-89 ... 398

8.11 Porto de Moz: Marriages, 1839-89, Monthly Totals in Five-year Intervals ....... 402 8.12 Porto de Moz: Husband/Wife Origins, 1839-89 406

8.13 Souzel: Marriages, 1857-89, Monthly Totals in Five-year Intervals ..... ...... 407

8.14 Souzel: Husband/Wife Origins, 1857-89 . 409

8.15 Porto de Moz: Female Baptisms per Marriages by Interval, 1839-89 .......... 410

xvii











Table Page

8.16 Souzel: Female Baptisms per Marriages by Interval, 1857-89 . . . ...411

9.1 Souzel: Burials, Seasonality, 1865-87 .... 422 9.2 Souzel: Baptisms per Burials, 1865-87 .... 424 9.3 Epidemics, Xingu-Gurupi, 1823-89 ...... 426












































xviii


















LIST OF FIGURES

Figure Page

1.1 Map of Lower Xingu and GurupA ....... 3

8.1 Gurupd: Monthly Frequency of Baptisms, 1866-89 . . . . 381

8.2 Porto de Moz: Monthly Frequency of Baptisms, 1824-89 . . . . 386

8.3 Souzel: Monthly Frequency of Baptisms, 185689 . . . . 388

8.4 Porto de Moz: Marriages, Monthly Frequency, 1839-89 ..... ............ 403

8.5 Souzel: Marriages, Monthly Frequency, 1857-89 408 9.1 Souzel: Burials, Seasonality, 1865-87 423




























xix
















KEY TO ABBREVIATIONS



ABC Arquivo do Bispado de Cametd AMA Arquivo Municipal de Abaetetuba AMC Arquivo Municipal de Camet6 AMG Arquivo Municipal de Gurupd AMPM Arquivo Municipal de Porto de Moz AMSJP Arquivo Municipal de Senador Jos4 Porfirio ANRJ Arquivo Nacional do Rio de Janeiro APA Arquivo Paroquial de Abaetetuba APC Arquivo Paroquial de Camet& APG Arquivo Paroquial de Gurup& APIM Arquivo Paroquial de Igarap6 Miri APPX Arquivo Paroquial da Prelazia do Xingu BAPP Biblioteca e Arquivo P6blico do Para




















xx











Abstract of Dissertation Presented to the Graduate School of the University of Florida in Partial Fulfillment of the
Requirements for the Degree of Doctor of Philosophy



FAMILY, CHURCH, AND CROWN: A SOCIAL AND
DEMOGRAPHIC HISTORY OF THE LOWER XINGU VALLEY AND
THE MUNICIPALITY OF GURUPA, 1623-1889 By

Arlene M. Kelly

August 1984

Chairman: Neill Macaulay

Major Department: History

Three major institutions formed the structure of development in the Amazon Region since the discovery and conquest by Europeans: the family, the Church, and the State. The Portuguese Crown and the Roman Catholic Church became uneasy partners in the enterprise of American assimilation. After the Crown expelled the Jesuits and other regular missionary orders in the mid-eighteenth century, State documents about the secularized missions revealed the importance of the concept of family for the colonization process. Only Europeans or whites were included in the official concept of family; all other inhabitants, Amerindians and black slaves, were outside it.

During the Imperial period in the Xingu River valley, baptismal records were kept continuously, and the earliest records preserved detail baptisms in Porto de Moz beginning in 1824. Other parishes have preserved baptismal registers from later dates: Souzel, from 1856; and Gurupd, from 1866.

xxi











Unfortunately, civil documentation of births, which began in 1876, was haphazard and unreliable as demographic data. Examination of the information provided in the baptismal registers, however, showed it to be reliable and revealing. The high number of illegitimate births (about 50%) implied that post-Reformation concepts of family and marriage were not assimilated by the general population in the study area by the nineteenth century, and that methodologies derived from European models would not be adequate for analysis of Amazonian demographic-historical events.

With the proclamation of the Republic in 1889, the uneasy partnership of Church and State in the Amazon, and in Brazil, was dissolved. The continual intrusion of the State into activities formerly dominated by the Church was manifest in efforts by the State to control documentation in the Amazon Region. Statistical commissions were organized early in the Imperial era for the small towns and cities and finally took hold in 1876, but, even for later years, Church records reflect more accurately the resident population

--at least that outside the municipal centers, which has been largely ignored by civil record-keepers due to lack of human and financial resources. The Church's influence has remained strong in the study area and throughout the Amazon Region, and today missionary orders once again staff most parishes.





xxii
















CHAPTER I

THE LAND AND THE PEOPLES



The Amazon Basin, a unique geographical feature of the American tropics, drains a surface area of about 3,500,000 square kilometers in Brazilian territory. The source of the main artery, the Amazon River, lies in the Andean Highlands, and the first stretch of the river in Peru is called the Maraiion River. The upper part of the river from the Peruvian border to the Negro River is called the Solim6es River, becoming the Amazon from that point to its mouth. The Amazon River flows from west to east ranging from three degrees south latitude to zero degrees as it intersects the equator at its mouth.1

Major tributaries on the northern bank of the Amazon River include the Negro, Trombetas, Paru and Jari Rivers. They are known as black water rivers due to the coloration of the water by vegetable and mineral content. They have been called "starvation" rivers due to their low subsistence potential and lack of aquatic life.2 Tributaries on the southern bank of the Amazon include the Juru6, Pur's, Madeira, Tapaj6s, Xingu and Tocantins Rivers, which are clear-water rivers and carry little sediment in their waters. When there is little rainfall activity, their

1








2


waters reflect blue or emerald green. These rivers are considered more productive since they lack matter which consumes oxygen in the water and their greater transparency offers more potential for aquatic life.3 When there are heavy rains, or in the rainy season--winter--the rivers become muddy, full of loose sediment, which is the normal aspect of the Amazon River's water.

The seasons are divided in two principal periods:

the rainy season or winter, which begins in November and lasts until the end of May; and the drier season or summer, which extends from June until November. With the rainy season, the water level of the Amazon River begins to rise, reaching its highest levels in March or April. The yearly rise and fall of the tributaries differs from that of the main artery due to varying amounts of rainfall at their headwaters, which affect the volume of water in their courses.

The yearly floodings in the Amazon Valley leave deposits of silt on lands known as v~rzea. The annual renovation of the soil renders it more productive than areas known as terra firme, higher ground above the floodplain.4 The islands of the Amazon delta constitute the largest areas of v~rzea in the study area. The high and low virzeas differ by only about 30 centimeters and their usual expanse is around 150 meters along the river bank, although the width can reach to 1,600 meters.5 Natural pasture lands or fields appear on both virzea and terra firme settings. Marshes and swamp lands also cover portions of the region.6







3






























1f C -..
(A
c rme
















~r
S e L a s o s o of P a n e s
























Figure 1.1. Aap of Lower Xingu and Gurupa.
Source: Map SA-22, Pard, Conselho Nacional
de Geografia.







4


The soil type which predominates in the region is sandy, clayey soil, deficient in natural fertility.? Abundant foliage falling to the ground might be expected to create layers of humus; however, the high average temperatures in the region impede this process, since the rate of decomposition exceeds that of humus formation.8 Areas of the region with greater ranges of temperature, such as those in the western Amazon (Rondonia), and along the southern tributaries where they are blocked by rapids and falls (there is a difference of almost 12 degrees Celsius in this part of the Xingu River9), contain stretches of highly productive soil called terra roxa (red earth). Occasionally there appear patches of black earth, terra preta, which also are quite productive.

All of the tributaries of the Amazon River contain series of waterfalls and rapids (cachoeiras). From its source in the central highlands of Brazil, the Xingu River is studded with cachoeiras. At about four degrees south latitude the river's course detours sharply to the east for about 40 kilometers, then again sharply to the north for about 50 kilometers, where it turns west for another 30 kilometers before veering to the north and continuing to its confluence with the Amazon Piver. This detour is known as the Volta Grande, or Great Bend, of the Xingu. The rapids and falls of the Xingu River continue to appear closer to the main artery than do those of any other tributary of the Amazon. During the detour of the Great Bend, the Xingu River's water level drops by about 70 feet.







5


The land bordering the Great Bend is lined with

escarpments giving way to sandy beaches, in turn followed by more escarpments and beaches. Rising from the river banks, these escarpments reach 100 meters or more in height. During the dry season, these lands along the Great Bend are sometimes surrounded by stagnant pools of water, and veritable drought conditions exist, in which species of cactus flourish.10 The highest elevations in the study area occur between the Xingu and Tocantins Rivers at the Carajas Serra, which attains heights of from 500 to 600 meters. Past the bay formed when the Bend veers to the north, the western bank of the Xingu begins to flatten into plains as the river nears the main artery.

A major tributary of the Xingu River, the Iriri River, which also flows over a succession of rapids, enters from the west above the Bend. The mouth of the Iriri River and the upper course of the Xingu River through the Bend are studded with islands. There are clusters of islands above the bay formed by the last turn of the Bend. The lower course of the Xingu River has few islands, but does hold some treacherous sand banks, which appear when the tide is low. Besides yearly fluctuations of water levels, the Xingu and other Amazonian rivers experience the daily changes of tides.

Like the estuary of the Amazon, that of the Xingu contains numerous islands. The largest is the Island of Aquiqui formed by a canal, also called Aquiqui, which cuts







6


through from the western bank of the Xingu River to the southern bank of the Amazon. Other islands dot the estuary, and more fill the Amazon River after the Xingu enters it. The largest island near the mouth of the Xingu, the Great Island of Gurupi (Ilha Grande de Gurupi), forms part of the Amazon estuary, which also includes the islands of Caviana and Mexiana as well as the huge Island of Maraj6, farther east. A number of large creeks, called rivers in the region, flow through the Great Island of Gurupd into the Amazon River. They are black-water streams. The Great Island of Gurupi divides the main channel of the Amazon in two: the northern canal and the southern canal, which drain into the Atlantic Ocean about 275 kilometers apart.

While large creeks often are called rios, rivers, in the region, smaller creeks receive the name igarap4. The great majority--all of those entering the Xingu River--are clear water courses. Only those on the Great Island run with black water. Islands vary in size from very large and permanent, to small and liable to disappear due to flooding. Also, floating islands appear, formed mainly by vegetation separated from the shoreline by the water's current, or due to land erosion, and are called murur6. They float downstream in all the tributary rivers below the rapids and in the Amazon's mainstream, which carries fresh water 150 miles into the Atlantic Ocean.







7


The recorded history of the area of Gurupd and the

lower Xingu Valley is part of the history of the expansion of western civilization. The discovery, exploitation and colonization of the Americas brought together three distinct peoples for the first time. The natives, or Amerindians, inhabited the continents for tens of thousands of years isolated from other parts of the world. The newcomers, Europeans and Africans, had been in communication for some time. A few Africans arrived as sailors with the European expeditions, but most Africans arrived as slaves. Relatively little is known about sixteenthand seventeenth-century Africans and Amerindians. In the tropical lowlands of Africa and South America, the natives kept no written records. References to their lives and daily activities are scarce in conquest literature. To recreate probable contact and pre-contact conditions of the Amerindians, recent ethnographic studies are often indispensable.11

The Amerindians' ancestors traveled from Asia across the frozen expanse of the Bering Straits to the North American land mass. They crossed in various waves, moving south until some reached the tip of South America.12 Settlement along the Amazon River evokes a controversy. One authority claims that settlement proceeded from east to west, up the river. Another supports a west-to-east settlement, downriver.13 The earliest descriptions of the populations of the Xingu and Gurupi date from the seventeenth








8


century. Effects of earlier European forays on the South American continent must have reverberated in the study area before the first Europeans, the Dutch, entered the Xingu.14 Both the effects of European forays from afar and of the Dutch traders and sugar planters of the Xingu and Gurup& area may have been slight. The first Europeans described the area as populous and productive.15

Population estimates for traditional villages range from one hundred to two or three thousand inhabitants per village community.16 Subsistence for these populations was provided, interdependently, by farming, fishing, hunting and gathering. Variations of diet followed seasonal changes of climate and topography. The basic food for most groups--manioc--provided a variety of alimentary derivatives and was easily stored.17 For some people, corn or maize was the staple food. Supplements to these basics included sweet potatoes, other tubers or roots, fruits and beans. An important source of protein, besides fish and game, was found in various nuts.

Daily tasks were divided between men and women.18

Men cleared and burned the forest plot, removed the debris and readied the plot for planting. The women cultivated and harvested crops. Women controlled preparation of food and fermented beverages. Depending on the group's traditions, either men or women or both wove cloth, hammocks, and basket utensils; formed and fired ceramics; and designed body ornaments. Men shouldered the heavier







9


construction of houses. Some Amerindians' homes astonished Europeans with the size and undivided internal space.19 Either sex could thatch roofs and walls with palm fronds.

Activities surrounding the births of infants differed. Usually a birth united the women of a family group, unless the new mother alone cared for the baby. If twins were born, and no woman in the village wanted to raise another child, the second-born was left to die. A child born with an obvious handicap was not permitted to live. Population policies of Amerindians range from unrestricted expansion to highly controlled reproduction.20 Birth control methods include prohibitions on sexual intercourse, herbal and mechanical abortifants, as well as infanticide. Nevertheless, the social structure and customs of Amerindians rarely failed to provide care for a child. Generally, orphaned children were adopted by relatives or childless Amerindians.21

Ceremonies marking the transformation from childhood to adulthood varied from group to group. Boys underwent painful, hallucinogenic, survival or hunting tests. Girls usually spent time isolated from the group and suffered a change of appearance (hair cuts or ceremonial scarification) with or without the use of drugs, usually medicinal.22 Once these rites were completed both boys and girls could take mates.

Marriage involved specific duties on both sides. Women's expectations of men included supplying meat, clearing fields and constructing buildings. Cooking, planting, harvesting







10


and collecting some forest products comprised women's work. Occupations such as weaving, ceramics and creating body ornaments fell among both. In many groups, marriages could be dissolved by the husband's failure to supply his wife with game, or by the wife's refusal to cook. Depending on the group's tradition, one or the other would move. Each was then free to procure another mate.

Occasionally, men would take more than one wife. If both wives enjoyed each other's company, the husband had only one house to provide. But if the wives were incompatible, he would have to provide equally for two separate homes--offering equal portions of game, clearing equal garden plots, and building separate houses. In practice, few men could support more than one wife.

Some Amerindians lived long lives. A woman reached old age when childbearing possibilities were exhausted; a man, when he could no longer provide game. Both old men and old women taught the traditions and passed on the histories of their groups. They would teach the young methods of hunting and cooking and proper manners. When a person reached the point of not being able to fend, whether due to old age, physical incapacity, or disease, he or she was considered past salvation and often left to die.

Few specialized occupations existed. Most people knew something of all daily and seasonal activities. The one specialized occupation was that of the paj4, whose profession has been translated as witch-doctor or medicine man







11

23
and shaman. The paj4 was supposed to have a special relationship with the spirit world, which gave him powers beyond those of men without such contacts. He (or rarely, she) could call on the spirits to tell him the cause of illness or bad luck. If someone died unexpectedly, it behooved the paj6 to divine the murderer or establish an accidental cause. Otherwise, fear of his powers might lead to his own death at the hands of others in the group, instigated perhaps by a rival paj4 or shaman.

Besides special relationships with the spirit world, the pajd enjoyed more specialized knowledge concerning medicinal plants and their properties. His knowledge would be passed on to an apprentice, or perhaps one or more of his children. Often tobacco or hallucinogens would be used during curing or healing rituals. While most men and women were familiar with simple cures and means to please the spirits, the paj6 underwent special training; he learned special skills beyond those widely practiced for daily subsistence. Some of the paj6's skills were employed during group festivals that occurred seasonally or every two years.

Celebrating the rites of passage for girls and boys

(usually held at separate times), the harvest or hunt season, or visits from a neighboring and friendly group. were all occasions for festivals. Some festivals needed elaborate preparation, including the making of costumes and practice on musical instruments. These would be the festivals for the harvest, the hunt, or for the dead.24







12


Preparations for the festivals of the rites of passage differed from group to group. Group visits usually required an entire night of telling tales of valor-either personal or group--first by the visitors, then by the hosts. Later, the guests would expect to receive presents. Both sides debated the value of presents offered. Sometimes the host women complained that their men gave too much. When the situation reversed and the hosts visited their former guests' home, the same procedure occurred. Thus, if one group excelled in canoemaking and the other in arrow-making, a kind of barter would occur over the long run.

Other recreational activities included story-telling, singing, playing music and participation in physical games. Children played with toys, often copies of adults' tools and implements. There also were extended visits among family members. These visits would entail participation in daily activities of food procuring and preparation. During festivals and visits, a fermented alcoholic drink would be consumed.
25
The alcoholic drink, known by various names, also was consumed previous to another form of social interaction: war. Wars provided a manner of forced trade and social interaction. Attacking men would sack the victimized village and perhaps take women and children as prisoners.26 Treatment of such prisoners varied from slavery to incorporation in the conqueror's society.








13


In the sixteenth century, Amazonian Amerindian

society would experience the shocks of encounter with Europeans and Africans. Europeans and Africans had been in contact with each other for some time before the discovery and conquest of the Americas. Ever since news of Marco Polo's travels and the wonders of the East reached Europeans, they sought to discover means of trading with those far-off lands. In part, the series of Crusades undertaken over various centuries represent forced trade and social interaction between European Christians and inhabitants of the Middle East. These inroads, however, did not result in the establishment of permanent trade routes or the breaking of the Arab monopoly of Far Eastern commodities. European attempts to establish trade routes by sea, however, were successful-- and had unexpected consequences.

The earliest adventurers in the South Atlantic Ocean were the Portuguese who established bases on the African continent beginning in 1415. The Portuguese also colonized islands off the west coast of Africa, instituting a plantation system of sugarcane cultivation with slave labor. Creating settlements did not impede further explorations, always with the goal of reaching the "Indies," and maritime explorations continued to the east, rounding Africa, and to the west with the discoveries of the Americas. The Portuguese and Spaniards took the lead in maritime exploration with financial backing from Italians and







14


Flemings. They were joined later by English, French and
27
Dutch explorers. Besides the imperative of trade, the Portuguese and Spaniards carried with them the desire to spread the Roman Catholic faith.

Shortly after the discovery of the Americas, the

Catholic Church suffered the first of a series of shocking attacks on its spiritual and temporal authority. For hundreds of years the Church had been the official guide for European governments, but during the sixteenth century questions arose as to the validity of the Church's claims to hegemony in all aspects of personal and governmental life. Some Europeans broke with the Catholic Church and began what is known as the Reformation.28 Responding to this multi-faceted movement, the Church launched the Counter-Reformation, examining and attempting to reform those elements under attack. These reforms affected all Church members, from high ecclesiastic officials to lay or nonclerical Catholics.

The principal social event affected by the reforms was that of marriage. Bastardy, especially through concubinage, had been prevalent during the Middle Ages, but "from the sixteenth century onwards, the Church took upon itself the abolition of the practice."29 The Council of Trent established that a marriage had to be confirmed in the presence of a priest after the publication of banns. Protestants included the consent of parents as essential to a marriage.30 Both reform movements contributed to an ideological separation of nature and culture by Europeans.31







15


Births occasioned cooperation among women of rural villages, as did baptisms and funerals.32 Baptisms, besides providing for the spiritual relationship of the child, provided a "spiritual kinship" uniting the baptized child's parents with the godfathers and godmothers and their close relatives. Children were not always raised at home. They often were sent to relatives' or good friends' homes for education. Some Europeans, notably the English, could send adolescent children to be apprenticed to a tradesman; this was provided for by law in the mid-sixteenth century.34 Orphans with no living relatives had to fend for themselves.35

Subsistence in rural areas depended on farming,

stock raising and seasonal activities. Professions in towns were organized in guilds for each craft. Women rarely participated in occupations outside the home or farm. One town profession open to women was prostitution. Coined money circulated, although barter still Prevailed in rural areas. Exchange of goods from one generation to the other through inheritance most often occurred from the father to the oldest son. Daughters were provided with dowries at marriage. Younger sons often entered the military, clergy or a trade. An age considered old both 36
for men and women was 43 years, although some people lived into the eighties or nineties. Grandchildren, children or servants often would be left to the supervision of older people.







16


The Iberians, both Portuguese and Spanish, remained overwhelmingly Roman Catholic. Jews who would not convert were expelled from both Iberian countries around 1500, while Moslems had been conquered first by the Portuguese, centuries before, then by the Spaniards, and forcibly Christianized. In Iberia, as in the rest of Europe before the Reformation took hold, society was organized according to Church schematics. Each part of society had its proper place in the body of the Church: the Pope, its head, was represented by the local Kings; laborers held positions analogous to hands and feet; others were in intermediary positions. With the coming of the Reformation, opposition to this static arrangement grew. Part of the Counter-Reformation included the sprouting of new religious orders, and the revitalization of old ones, dedicated to the internal reform of the Church and society. Among these religious orders were the Franciscans and the Society of Jesus, or the Jesuits. Besides internal reforms in Europe, new or revitalized orders dedicated themselves to the propagation of the Catholic faith outside Europe, especially in Asia and the Americas. The Jesuit order was organized along military lines--it was a company whose captain was Jesus Christ-while the Franciscans depended on a philosophy closer to a harmony with nature.

As missionaries, the religious orders exported the reformed ideas of Western Europe to distant parts of the








17


earth. Often they tried to give local religious beliefs Catholic meanings. Thus, the god of thunder, apa, for the Tupi linguistic group of Amerindians, became God the Father of Catholic dogma. Little was known of the various Amerindian religions or languages; the Europeans translated concepts without understanding their full meaning.37 European customs and beliefs were considered to be the best, the epitome of known civilization, and as such were introduced to those people considered barbaric or primitive. The great civilizing force of Europe was Christian religion.

Concomitant with the religious reform that the Christian religion underwent shortly after the discovery of America, was the transformation of European family organization. During the Middle Ages parental authority had been diminished, as the Catholic Church recognized as valid the marriages contracted without parental consent between girls of eleven and a half and boys of thirteen and a half.38 Changes of family composition and living arrangements were stipulated by egalitarian contracts until the end of the thirteenth century. But reassertion of Roman Law changed the communal aspect of family life to rule by the head of the household, or patria potestas, the power of the father.39 With the spread of this innovation, wives, children and servants were bound to the authority of husbands or heads of households.

Africans entered Europe as slaves or servants. Some held positions as free mariners during the maritime







18


expeditions, but most entered Western European society as workers on Atlantic island plantations or as personal servants. Their long contact with Europeans helped to immunize them against certain diseases.40 The long-lived slave trading of Arabs in North and Northeastern Africa reduced many black Africans unwillingly to slave status. Black African labor was sought by Europeans first for the establishment of sugar plantations on the Atlantic Islands, later to staff sugar, tobacco, cotton, and coffee plantations in the Americas.41

African social organization differed from region to region. Some groups were Moslems and had knowledge of written script, but other groups had perceptibly unstructured lifestyles.42 In any case, the Africans who came to America were, with rare exceptions, slaves whose way of life was that imposed upon them--by their European masters. Europeans and Africans were in the Xingu River valley before the Portuguese occupation of the Amazon in the early seventeenth century.







19


Notes



1. Most--over two-thirds--of the Amazon Basin lies within Brazilian territory, yet it includes large portions of Peru, Bolivia, Ecuador, Colombia, Venezuela and the Guianas. In Peru, the upper course to Iquitos is called Marafion (Maranhao in Portuguese): the rest of the river is denominated Amazonas. Brazilians call the river Solim6es from Iquitos to the confluence of the Negro River and Amazonas (Amazon) thereafter.

2. Betty Meggers, Amazonia: Man and Culture in a Counterfeit Paradise (Chicago: Aldine, 1971), p. 12.

3. Ibid., p. 13.

4. Ibid., pp. 27-30; Orlando Valverde, Geografia Agrgria do Brazil I (Rio de Janeiro: Ministerio de Educagao e Cultura, 1964), p. 89.

5. Valverde, op. cit., pp. 46-7.

6. Ibid., p. 73.

7. Brazil, Ministry of Mines and Energy, Projeto RADAM (Rio de Janeiro: Departamento Nacional de Produgao Mineral, 1974), V 111-2. (Hereafter, RADAM.)

8. Meggers, op. cit., p. 14.

9. Valverde, op. cit., p. 48; RADAM IV 111/13-4.

10. Ranchers on Maraj6 Island lose thousands of head of cattle each year to drought. See William Sauck, "On groundwater geophysics in tropical regions," paper presented at International Symposium on Applied Geophysics in Tropical Regions in Bel4m, Para, Brazil, September 1-8, 1982.

11. Emilio F. Moran, Developing the Amazon (Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 1981), p. 41. Most information about pre-conquest American lifestyles has been reconstructed from twentieth century studies in situ.

12. An account of human settlement reaching the Amazon Basin is given by Ad6lia Engricia de Oliveira in the chapter, "Occupagio Humana," in Eneas Salati et al., Amazonia: desenvolvimento, integracio e ecologia (Sao Paulo: Brasiliense; Brasilia- :Conselho Nacional de Desenvolvimento Cientifico e Tecnol6gico, 1983), pp. 145-60.







20


13. The former opinion is expressed by Betty J. Meggers in Am6rica pr4-hist6rica (Rio de Janeiro: Paz e Terra, 1979) and in Amaz6nia, op. cit. (The latter is upheld by Donald W. Lathrap, The Upper Amazon (New York: Praeger Publishers, 1970). Meggers has researched extensively at the mouth of the Amazon River, especially Maraj6 Island. Lathrap's work centered on the Upper Amazon.

14. Alfred M4traux, in Migrations historiques des TupiGuarani (Paris: Maisonneuve Frbres, 1927), reconstructed migrations of Amerindians throughout the Brazilian interior in the sixteenth century.

15. Father Joho Felipe Bettendorf, in "Chronica da Missio dos Padres da Companhia de Jesus no Estado do Maranhio," Revista do Instituto Hist6rico e Geogrdfico Brasileiro
(RIHGB) LXXII, Part I (1909), p. 37, commented that the Captaincy of Gurupd had large numbers of Amerindians. Bettendorf spent over 30 years as a Jesuit missionary in the Amazon Region during the seventeenth century. He was Jesuit Superior for the missions twice, from 1668 to 1674 and again from 1690 to 1693. The first center of activity of the Jesuits in the Amazon Valley was the lower Xingu Valley. See Josd Moreira Brandao Castelo Branco, "Nos Vales do Xingu e do Tapaj6s," RIHGB, CCXXXI (1956), pp. 9-10.

16. Julian H. Steward and Louis C. Faron, Native Peoples of South America (New York: McGraw-Hill Book Co., Inc., 1959), pp. 56, 299. Other information concerning anthropological aspects of Amazon inhabitants can be found in the Handbook of South American Indians (Washington, D.C.: Bureau of American Ethnology, Smithsonian Institution), especially I (1946), III (1948), V (1949) and VI (1950); and Daniel Gross, ed., Peoples and Cultures of Native South America (New York: Doubleday, 1973).

17. Emilio F. Moran, "An energetics view of manioc culture in the Amazon," in Sol Tax, ed., World Anthropology (The Hague: Moulton, 1974).

18. Moran, Developing, p. 39 describes methods of farming, hunting, fishing and gathering in detail.

19. Luiz Felipe Ba@ta Neves, 0 Combate dos Soldados de Cristo na Terra dos Papagaios: Colonialismo e Respressao
Cultural (Rio de Janeiro: Forense-Universitdrio, 1978), p. 125.

20. Moran, Developing, p. 43.

21. Herbal abortifants have been recognized among the Urubu-Kaapor (William Balde, personal communication, July,







21


1982), and among three groups visited by botanist Ghillean T. Prance (personal communication, March, 1983). Regina Muller described mechanical methods prevalent among Assurini women (personal communications, 1979, 1980, 1982). These last, which include someone's jumping on the expectant mother's stomach and other physical abuse, may result from the Assurini's culture shock since recent contact with national Brazilian society. There are few children under five years of age. Earlier, in other parts of South America, Amerindian women's avoidance of conception or childbearing had been noted. See Nicolas SanchezAlburnoz, The Population of Latin America: A History, translated by W.A.R. Richardson (Los Angeles: University of California Press, 1974), pp. 55-56.
Comments from Luiz Figueira (1636) to Mrs. Agassiz (1866) emphasize the Amerindians' willingness to give up children to adoption even while parents are living. The ease of adoption and the confusion it can create among unsuspecting outsiders is illustrated by the following. The Amerindian group, Arara, was contacted peacefully in February 1981 and contracted common colds shortly after. Seven adults who fled to the jungle from the contact outpost died. The survivors, whose language was not understood easily, contained an aged man and a boy who called him "father." The representatives of the Brazilian Amerindian Agency (Fundagio Nacional do Indio, or FUNAI) accepted the situation as reality. Months later when communication improved between the Araras and the Brazilians, the true situation was revealed. Both of the boy's parents had died in the jungle among the seven who fled, and the aged man who had no relatives living "adopted" him. Their relationship functioned as one of father and son, and the other Araras recognized it as such (personal communication from Wellington Figueiredo, Chief of Arara Post, November, 1982). Figueira's experience occurred in the Xingu Valley and was related by Bettendorf, op. cit., pp. 48-9; Mrs. Agassiz' comments appeared in Louis and Elizabeth Agassiz, A Journey in Brazil (New York: Fredrick A. Praeger, 1969 (1st ed., Boston: Ticknor and Fields, 1868), pp. 372-3, 375.

22. Girls normally received instructions on specific birth control or fertility measures known to the group. See Maria-Barbara Watson-Franke, "To Learn for Tomorrow: Enculturation in Latin America: An Anthology (Los Angeles: University of California Press, 1976), pp. 191-211. All societies mark passages from puberty to adulthood by ceremonies including instruction, separation and reintegration to the group. Information concerning the rites of passage in other groups can be found in the sources cited in note 16 above.







22


23. John Herming, Red Gold: The Conquest of the Brazilian Indians (London: Macmillan London Limited, 1978), passim.and Charles Wagley, Amazon Town: A Study of Man in the Tropics (New York: Oxford University Press, 1976).

24. Charles Wagley, Welcome of Tears: the Taripap4 Indians of Central Brazil (New York: Oxford University Press, 1977) describes music and costumes of the Tapirap6 group. Inter-group visiting occurs among the WayanaApalai who travel between northern Brazil and Cayenne (Lucia Hussak van Velthem, personal communication, December, 1978; October, 1979).

25. Cauim is an alcoholic drink made by the Urubu-Kaapor (William Balde, personal communication, July, 1982). Chicha is made among Andean groups.

26. Florestan Fernandes, Organizagao Social dos Tupinambd (Sao Paulo: Instituto Progresso Editorial, 1948 ); Florestan Fernandes, A fungCo social da guerra na sociedade Tupinambd (Sao Paulo: reproduced from typewritten copy, 1951); and Egon Schaden, Aspectos fundamentais da cultura guarani (Sho Paulo: Universidade de Sao Paulo, 1954 ).

27. See C.R. Boxer, Four Centuries of Portuguese Expansion, 1415-1825 (Johannesburg: Witwatersrand University, 1962); J.H. Parry, The Age of Reconnaissance (London: Harper, 1963); and C.H. Haring, The Spanish Empire in America (New York: Oxford University Press, 1947).

28. See R. Bainton, The Reformation of the 16th Century (London: Hodder and Stouqhton, 1953).

29. Jean-Louis Flandrin, Families in Former Times: Kinship, Household and Sexuality, translated by Richard Southern (New York: Cambridge University Press, 1979), p. 182.

30. Ibid., p. 131.

31. Neves, op. cit., p. 41.

32. Flandrin, op. cit., p. 36.

33. Ibid., p. 19.

34. Sergio Buarque de Holanda, Raizes do Brasil (Rio de Janeiro: Livraria Jos4 Olympio Editora, 1978, 12th ed.), pp. 7-8; and John R. Gillis, Youth and History: Tradition and Change in European Age Relations, 1770 Present (New York: Academic Press, 1974), p. 26.

35. Flandrin, op. cit., pp. 41-3.







23


36. Ibid., p. 56.

37. Colin MacLachlan, in "The Indian Directorate: Forced Acculturation in Portuguese America (1757-1799), The Americas, XXVIII (1972), 380-1 noted the neglect of the Portuguese for all native languages other than TupiGuarani. Besides this linguistic group, there were three other major ones--Ge, Carib, and Arawak--as well as other minor ones.

38. Flandrin, op. cit., p. 131.

39. Ibid., p. 81.

40. Charles Boxer, The Golden Age of Brazil, 1695-1750 (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1962), passim.

41. European indentured laborers and some Asian workers were brought to the Americas to toil.

42. For more information about the African slave trade see Pierre and Gugette Chaunu, Seville et l'Atlantique (1504-1650) (Paris: cole Pratique des Hautes Etudes, 1955-60), 8 vs.; and Mauricio Goulart, Escravidao no Brasil: das origens a extingco do trifico (So Paulo: Livraria Martins Editora, 1950, 2nd ed.).

















CHAPTER II

THE EUROPEAN CONQUEST



Although Spaniards traversed the Amazon Valley during the sixteenth century, they established no settlements or fortifications to mark their passage.1 French, English and Dutch traders, however, established posts and fortifications in the Amazon Valley before the Portuguese arrived. The earliest trading posts in the Xingu Valley and Gurupi were set up by the Dutch. After the union of the Spanish and Portuguese Crowns in 1580, Portugal and its colonies inherited Spain's enemies, including the Dutch.

Before the union of the two Iberian Crowns, the

Netherlands provinces under the leadership of William of Orange and his Calvinist supporters had launched their struggle for independence from Spanish rule. While the southern Netherlands provinces, primarily Roman Catholic, made peace with Spain, in 1579,2 the northern provinces effectively secured their independence and began to reach for world power. Until the 1650's, when the Dutch fought England for the East India trade, they continued to invade, settle and trade in territorial possession of other European powers. One territory was the area of the Xingu and Gurupd.
24







25


Apparently before the signing of the Twelve Year

Truce between Spain and Holland, in 1609, Dutch factors were established along the Xingu and Dutch soldiers stationed at the site of Gurupa.3 During the Truce, Dutch activities in Spanish territories outside Europe continued and increased. The most impressive example of the Dutch presence in Brazil appeared in the northeastern part of the country, especially Pernambuco, which the Dutch held until 1654.4 They had been forced out of the Xingu earlier.

Dutch mariners and traders entered the area by 1598.5 By 1604, there were two small wooden fortifications, ostensibly guarding plantations and trading posts, established by the Dutch along the Xingu, on opposite sides of the river. The first was known by the Dutch as the Fort of Orange, located across the river from the present site of Veiros. The second, the fort of Nassau (after Maurice of Nassau, William of Orange's son), was built on a point called Maturt within the present city limits of Porto de Moz. A third fort was constructed later at Gurupi and called Mariocal.6

The Dutch traded with the inhabitants, said to be

Tupinambds. Items they received from the Amerindians included urucu (annatto, a pod which provides a red dye), mother of pearl, and lumber. They also cultivated sugar cane along the banks of the Xingu, probably with the help of African labor. Although there are claims that the Dutch came as settlers, bringing women and children with







26


them, no documentary evidence has been found to corrobo7 8
rate this. Nor is there any mention of clergymen. The Dutch were interested in trade and cane cultivation, but made no real effort to colonize the area.

The Portuguese, meanwhile, had begun to move northward in an attempt to rid Brazil's shores of foreigners. By 1615, they evicted the French from the territory of Maranhio, 300 miles southeast of the Amazon River's estuary. In 1616 the Portuguese established the town of Our Lady of Bethlehem, Bel4m, on the southern branch of the Amazonian mouth. From this position the Portuguese began their occupation of the Amazon Valley. They had information about the Dutch fortifications upriver, but their attention was drawn by a Dutch ship off the coast. After two attacks, the Portuguese fired and sank the ship.

Three years later the Captain at Belem, Manuel de

Sousa d'E9a, wrote to the king about the need to expel the foreigners from the Amazon Basin. He was answered with the arrival of Captain Luis Aranha de Vasconcelos who brought a 60 ton caravel, a brigantine, a launch and some canoes for the purpose of expelling the rival Europeans from the region. This was in May 1623; in June the first expedition left via the Pard River and consisted of 74 soldiers and 400 Amerindian archers.

Before reaching the Dutch outpost of Orange, the

Portuguese were attacked by enemy Amerindians. One prisoner they took informed them that there were no more than







27


30 Dutchmen at that position. Aranha de Vasconcelos took no chances, however. After sending a soldier with a white flag to demand the Dutch surrender, he dressed a number of Amerindians in European clothing and placed them among the soldiers in visible positions to confuse the Dutch. His plan worked and the Dutch surrendered their outpost. They turned over their arms and munitions, cotton, tobacco, Africans, Amerindians, and themselves: only 14 Dutchmen had manned the Fort of Orange. The buildings were burned to the ground.

The defenders of Fort Nassau fought before surrendering their position. There had been 35 Dutchmen, well supplied with slaves from Angola, Amerindians, arms, tools, equipment and provisions. In all, the Portuguese took 130 prisoners among Dutch, Africans and Amerindians.9

Before moving to attack Mariocal, the expedition received reinforcements from Belem. The defenders of Marical fought well, but lost. They did not surrender, however; they ran for cover on a nearby island, Ilha dos Tucujus.10 The Portuguese occupied the abandoned position, razed its buildings, and rested while planning to rout the Dutch and their allies from their island hideouts. But before they could pursue these enemies, the Portuguese had to battle a Dutch warship which arrived on the scene. Nearly the entire enemy crew died, including an English captain. The only prisoner taken from the warship was a boy of 18.







28


After this river battle, the Portuguese, now under the command of Captain-general Bento Maciel Parente, established the Fort of Saint Anthony of Gurupd on the site of Mariocal. At the time, Gurupd's position was thought to guard the major entrance to the Amazon Valley. Bento Maciel left a garrison of 50 soldiers and a larger, unspecified number of Amerindians under the command of Infantry Captain Jer6nimo de Albuquerque. They were to prevent foreigners from entering and occupying the Amazon. The establishment of the fort at Gurup& served to protect and defend navigation and shipping in the area, including the Xingu River Valley. The foreigners persisted, however, and more battles had to be fought before the Portuguese could rest assured of their sovereignty in the region.

In 1621, 22 Irish families led by Bernard O'Brien settled along the Amazon estuary. Sometime later, the group moved to a place near Gurupi which was called Mandiutuba, and which already housed some Dutch. After disagreements over religious questions, most of the colonists left for Europe with O'Brien. The Dutch who remained recognized Captain Nicolas Hosdam as their leader and the Irish, Captain Philip Purcell. The two leaders managed to gather 200 men among those dispersed from Mariocal and those living at Mandiutuba. News of this European concentration was sent to Bel6m by Gurupd's Captain Albuquerque.







29


In May 1625, 50 soldiers and 300 Tupinambb archers set out from Bel6m to oust the Dutch and Irish from the Amazon. After 20 days' traveling they reached Gurupd and were joined by the fort's garrison and another 200 Amerindians. The expedition's leader, Pedro Teixeira, divided his forces in two: one under Captain Albuquerque, the other with Captain Pedro da Costa Favela. The two columns attached simultaneously by land and by water. The combined Dutch and Irish forces fought tenaciously for 12 hours, but after nightfall, they abandoned Mandiutuba and fled to the island of Tucujus. At this point, versions of the story differ: one mentions 40 dead and wounded on the beach; another insists that 70 Irish defenders surrendered and the Portuguese killed 54 of them, taking the others prisoner.

The Portuguese troops followed the fugutives to

Tucujus. Out of an estimated 80 Dutchand Irish on the island, about 60 died, including the two leaders, Hosdam and Purcell. The survivors fled, guided by their Amerindian allies.

The Dutch made a last effort to trade in the area. Near the end of 1639 a Batavian packet mounting 20 guns appeared close to GurupA. The fort's commander, Captain Joao Pereira de Ciceres, led the garrison in various canoes taking the ship's crew by surprise and its cargo as spoils of war.11







30


Conditions in Europe about this time changed and affected events in the Americas. The Portuguese were disenchanted with their joint venture with Spain. One move by the Castilians which upset the Portuguese was the levying of a 5% property tax to raise money for a South American expedition. This action led to rioting in 1637.12 The Portuguese were unsettled by the European incursions in Brazil and thought that Spain did little to aid the colony. In reality, the Spanish government had suffered a number of bankruptcies and could do little. In December 1640, Duke Joao II of Braganga proclaimed himself King Joao IV of Portugal, severing the union of the Iberian Crowns.

In the Netherlands a Dutch West Indian Company had been formed in June 1621, basically to protect the contraband trade already being carried out by the Dutch in the Americas. The Company was not very profitable and the costs of maintaining outposts in the Americas exceeded the benefits. Even the apparently flourishing colony of Pernambuco was too costly for the Company to maintain.13 After Portugal's independence from Spain in late 1640, the Company's position became complicated. The Netherlands had preyed on Brazil because of Portugal's subjection to Spain; the Dutch difficulties were with Spain, not Portugal. After 1640 Dutch financiers began selling their shares in the Company, since they believed it more profitable to deal legally with an independent Portugal than to shoulder the costs of illegal privateering.14








31


The Dutch venture in the Xingu and Gurupi evidently brought little return for the substantial outlay necessary to establish and maintain the trading posts. In Pernambuco, at least the Dutch had profits from cane cultivation. The soils of the areas in the Xingu would not sustain continued cane cultivation. The legendary El Dorado was not found in the Xingu or at Gurupi. Except for the believed strategic importance of Gurupa's location, the area contained little of value besides forest products and the inhabitants.

The populations of the area along the Xingu and at Gurup& had been in contact with the Dutch for about 25 years before the Portuguese arrived to occupy the Amazon Basin. If indeed only men staffed the Dutch outposts, then one might assume that racially mixed children appeared. No records have been found which describe the inhabitants' 15
situation just after the Dutch had been ousted. In 1636 the area was visited by a Jesuit missionary, Luiz Figueira. He was not the first Catholic missionary to visit the Amerindians of the Xingu and Gurupi, but he was the first member of the Society of Jesus. Members of that order visited and lived in the area until the mid-eighteenth century. The first missionaries who entered the Xingu were two Franciscans, both chaplains with Portuguese military expeditions.

Friar Crist6vio de Sao Jos4 was the first missionary. He accompanied Captain Luis Aranha de Vasconcelos and is credited with having persuaded more than a thousand







32


Amerindian archers to join the expedition and to fight on the Portuguese side, before the expedition reached the environs of Gurup .16 Another Franciscan, Friar Antsnio de Merciana accompanied Captain Pedro Teixeira. For the entire expanse of the Amazon Valley, however, there were only four Franciscas. Some Jesuits arrived in 1615, but from 1617 until 1636 four Franciscan missionaries were responsible for an area of more than three million square kilometers. Luis Figueira found a cross erected at one site on the Xingu River,17 indicating that the Franciscans had traveled there.

The determined (and often noted) activity of these missionaries in the Amazon Region provides a distinct contrast to the Dutch attempts at establishing trading posts and settlements. Not once is a clergyman or priest mentioned in the accounts of their defeats. Surely, the religiously oriented Portuguese would have mentioned in their descriptions the presence of a priest or a Protestant clergyman, had there been one among the vanquished foes. Apparently, the Dutch were interested solely in trade, in contrast to the Portuguese, who, along with the Spaniards, as standard bearers of the Counter-Reformation, had a further goal: propagation of the Roman Catholic religion. The missionaries, then, served two masters in the Amazon Valley. First, they served the Pope and the CounterReformation by spreading knowledge and acceptance of the Roman Catholic religion. Second, they served the King and







33


State by extending and reinforcing Portugal's claim to a vast territory. Due to Portugal's demographic poverty, extensive colonization by nationals was unfeasible.18

Portuguese missionaries encountered problems similar to those of all Europeans trying to live in the American tropics. They faced untimely death due to accidents or disease, or at the hands of unfriendly Amerindians. Not all were prepared for missionary life, isolated from much of European society for long periods of time. They likely experienced homesickness and a desire to return to Portugal.19 Furthermore, they had trouble with colonists and government officials, their own countrymen, who competed for the right to control Amerindian labor and instruction. Amerindians were necessary for the major economic pursuits in the Amazon Valley: collection of forest products (drogas do sertio), cultivation and preparation of tobacco, and finding other Amerindians to join the labor force.

The Franciscan Order, begun in the early thirteenth century by St. Francis of Assisi, attracted many people during the Counter-Reformation, due to its reputation as a highly dedicated order. Throughout the overseas conquests by the Portuguese in Africa, Asia and America, the order expanded as the friars accompanied soldiers and colonists.20 Although they were the first missionaries on the scene during the Portuguese occupation of the Amazon Valley, the Franciscans had no strong supporters at the royal Court.21 The Society of Jesus, evident in Portuguese







34


installations in Maranhio as early as 1615, had no official sanction to work with Amazonian Amerindians until Jesuit Father Ant6nio Vieira caught the ear of the Portuguese King in the 1640's.22 The early Jesuit groundwork was laid by Luis Figueira, but his way had been cleared by the earlier presence of the Franciscans, especially Fr. Crist6vio de Sao Jos4.

Fr. Sao Jos4 accompanied the fleet of Captain Luis Aranha de Vasconcelos when he dislodged the Dutch from their two outposts on the Xingu River in 1623. Evidently the friar spoke to Amerindians at both trading sites, the Fort of Nassau, or Matur5, and the Fort of Orange across the river. When the next missionary arrived 13 years later, the Amerindians remembered the Franciscans well and kindly.23 From the beginning, the Franciscans and other missionaries encountered problems in assuring the well-being of their Amerindian charges. The need for missionary work in Amazonia was underscored in 1618 by Manuel de Sousa d'E9a who requested Franciscan and Jesuit missionaries from Portugal. He also supported the prohibition of lay captains to care for the Amerindians, due to the abuses they perpetrated, overburdening the Amerindians and even separating them from their families. This system was abolished in 1624, the same year in which the Crown authorized a yearly salary for the Franciscan friars. They were to receive cloth, wine, olive oil and other necessities to carry out their work. This payment







35


was called the ordindria.24 Three years later, the custodian of the order in the Amazon Region, Friar Crist6vao de Lisboa, had to complain about the poverty facing the Franciscans; in 1627, they had not received their ordinaria.25

Three years later, their position had not improved, and this impeded their missionary work.26 Their loss of prestige and effectiveness was underscored in 1636 when one of the worst slavers, Bento Maciel Parente, was named governor of Maranhao and Para and was granted the Captaincy of Cabo do Norte.27 That same year, Father Luis Figueira visited villages along the Xingu and Tocantins Rivers, laying the foundations for Jesuit control of the Amazonian missions.

Earlier, in 1624, Figueira had influenced the Captainmajor of Maranhao, Ant6nio Moniz Barreiros, to bequeath a sugar plantation near Sao Luis to the Jesuits. The Governor of Brazil had appointed Figueira as Barreiros' counsellor.28 In Sao Luis, Figueira built up Jesuit holdings and corresponded with theologians about the Amerindian question. He visited Pard in 1636 and, after Easter of that year, he left Belim with Joio de Avelar, a Jesuit, to visit Camutd (Cametd) and Gurupi. From Gurupi, whose commander at the time was Avelar's brother, the party proceeded to the Xingu Valley.

Figueira described the damp bread (beijd) made from manioc flour, the fine dyes, and the pleasing work of the







36


Xingu inhabitants.29 He found the church left by Friar Crist6vio and people who had been baptized by the Franciscans. One of their disciples, the Amerindian Crist6vio, was married by Figueira. The Jesuits baptized more people and, before they left, were offered children to be raised and taught Portuguese ways; Figueira accepted two boys whom he took with him to Portugal the next year. Before he left, the inhabitants gathered round him asking him to stay with them; his companion, Father Benito Amodei, apparently remained a few more days. Figueira promised to return with more friends who would be able to remain with the Xingu inhabitants. 30

On his return trip from the Xingu Valley, Figueira

again stopped at Gurupd where he met the captain, Pedro da Costa Favela who had been absent previously. In 1637, Figueira left for Europe, where he obtained a royal letter placing the Amazonian Amerindian villages and ecclesiastical government in the hands of the Jesuits. There was some opposition to this move, but in 1640, the King reconfirmed the order with regard to the Amerindians, though he withheld ecclesiastical administration from the Society.31 In Portugal, Figueira spent time recruiting more Jesuits for work in the Amazonian mission field and left Lisbon on April 30, 1643. His ship foundered near Beldm. Many passengers, including three of the Jesuits aboard, made it safely to shore, but Figueira and eleven other Jesuits clung to debris from the ship on which they reached the island of







37


Joanes (Maraj6 Island) where they met death at the hands of the Arua Amerindians. Figueira could not keep his promise to the Xingu inhabitants or complete his plan to found a mission in the area of Gurupa. The Jesuit effort was set back until the arrival of Father Antonio Vieira in 1652.32

The 1640's was a troublesome decade. Portugal, after

the break with Spain, underwent some governmental reorganization. To care for colonial matters, an Overseas Council, or Conselho Ultramarino, was created in 1642. Instead of being assigned to various departments, colonial affairs would be handled by this one council.33 In the meantime, the Dutch continued to hamper the Portuguese in the Amazon. In 1641, they captured Sao Luis and forced all the Franciscan friars to leave for Portugal. (This was a further blow to the Franciscans,who had lost eight friars to pirates in 1636.) Finally, in 1644, a combined force of Portuguese and Amerindians defeated the Dutch and drove them out of Maranhao.34

The Franciscan superior in the region, Friar Crist6vao de Lisboa, wrote about the scandalous behavior of the colonists toward the indigenous population. By 1647, there were no Amerindian villages in the 100 leagues between Sao Louis and Bel4m, and for 100 leagues west of Bel4m there were only domesticated Amerindians.35 In an attempt to put Amerindians on an equal footing with the white colonists, a royal letter abolished all administrators for Amerindians. A year later, in 1648, reports about working conditions for







38


"free" Amerindians described them as worse than those for slaves. Free Amerindians were kept working seven months a year growing and curing tobacco at ridiculous wages.36 The town council of Bel6m petitioned for the return of the Franciscans in 1649.37 However, the Jesuits were on their way.

Father Ant6nio Vieira, born in Portugal and educated at the Jesuit seminary in Bahia, became a close friend of Dom Joao IV by 1641. Three years later he obtained the position of Royal Preacher. In 1652, the King sent him to Maranhao with a royal order to organize the Amerindian missions.38 In September of that year, the Jesuits were granted two private villages, one of which was in the district of Gurupi, a situation sought since the attempts of Figueira to establish the Jesuits in the Amazon Valley. Vieira was pleased; he, too, saw Gurupi as the "gateway to the Amazon."39

Just after Vieira's arrival, a royal order was published freeing all Amerindians in captivity. The Chief of the Overseas Council, the Conde de Odemira, had drawn up a series of rules for the taking of Amerindian slaves. He recognized six legal justifications for enslaving Amerindians, and gave the religious orders the authority to judge the legality of each action. Both the governor and the captains-major were prohibited from using Amerindian labor for anything other than public works--building fortifications, for example.40 Vieira's encounter with regional







39


reality was provided by the Captain-major, In~cio do R~go Barreto, who invited Vieira to accompany an expedition to the Tocantins by way of Gurupa. The Jesuit was thinking about setting up a base for missionary operations in the area of Gurupd, while the captain-major planned a slaving expedition.41 Despite the obvious difference in goals of the military and religious leaders, Vieira and another Jesuit accompanied the Barreto expedition to the Tocantins River. His firsthand experiences of the resgate, or slaving expedition, helped Father Vieira form the ideas behind 19 paragraphs he wrote in April 1654.42

With those paragraphs, Vieira outlined his recommendations to the Crown for regulating Amerindian policy in the Amazon Region. His policy primarily favored the religious orders and urged that complete control be given them. The Jesuit did not forget the colonists' needs for a labor supply and included suggestions for increasing the available pool by excluding Amerindians from military service which removed them from workers' rolls.43 He also maintained that religious orders should have no holdings which required Amerindian labor. His concluding proposal was to entrust the missions to a single religious order.

While Father Vieira went to Lisbon to lobby for his policy, Father Manuel Nunes took charge of Jesuit affairs in the Amazon. Father Nunes clearly stated his intention to found a Jesuit house in GurupA; however, no action was taken until his superior returned from Portugal.44 Vieira








40


arrived in 1655 with a new law regulating the enslavement of Amerindians, which did not incorporate all of his recommendations. Those responsible for the parcelling out of Amerindians were to be two judges, one a chaplain for the future forced laborers, the other, a nominee of the local town council. The time spent by the Amerindians on labor service outside of their villages was stipulated as six months, to be divided into three two-month stints. Vieira had recommended four months in two stints.45 Vieira had achieved a major victory, however, because the Jesuits were granted a monopoly of the missions.46 By December 1655, Vieira had begun to put his plan into action. He sent two Jesuits, Manuel de Sousa and a companion, to Gurupd to commence missionary work in that district. The two Jesuits brought about 100 freed Amerindians with them to help in their work. At this time there was a total of 20 Jesuits working in the Region.47

An early case of opposition by the colonists to the Jesuits' work developed in Gurupi shortly after Manuel de Sousa and his partner appeared. Residents of Gurupd put the two Jesuits in a canoe and took them to a location near Bel6m, where they left them with a warning not to return to Gurupd. This act was condemned by the Governor, Andr4 Vidal de Negreiros, who applied the law of 1655 to the detriment of Gurupi's colonists. One important justification for the enslavement of the Amerindians was their impeding propagation of the Roman Catholic religion.







41


Gurupd's residents, however, certainly impeded religion by expelling the two priests. Governor Negreiros exiled two perpetrators to the southern colony and sent another two to Lisbon in chains for judgment and sentencing.48

This show of support for the Jesuits effectively halted the resistance of Gurupa's residents to further missionary activity for the time being. Father Manuel, evidently a young man at that time, returned to the area. He explored the Xingu River and entered its tributary the Jurunas creek, baptizing 543 people during this journey. Father Manuel related the Juruna tradition about a war against men who had appeared in canoes traveling down the Xingu River. Apparently, bandeiras, or expeditions from the area of the southern town of Sao Paulo, already had reached the area. This missionary also described the great skill of Juruna women at spinning cotton finely.49

Some Jesuits accompanied expeditions to fulfill the legal requirements for expeditions seeking Amerindians or other wealth. Rumors of mineral wealth drew an expedition to the Pacajds River in early 1656. The expedition's captain was Pedro da Costa; the missionary in tow, Father Joio de Souto Maior. Members of the expedition consisted of 32 whites and 190 chosen Amerindians.50 They were seeking gold and this effort became known as the "Journey of Gold," or Jornada de Ouro. They discovered no gold, and the purpose of the journey may have been misstated to deceive colonial authorities.51 The expedition did find a







42


number of Amerindian villages, the residents of which resisted being uprooted. So many died that the PacajAs River appearedto flow with blood. But some of the Pacajds people managed to escape the massacre and establish villages elsewhere. Father Souto Maior discovered one such village of refugees and the missionary baptized all the villagers, although one man, called the Principal, or chief, had to divest himself of one wife first. The chief told his second wife to find another husband so he could receive the baptismal blessing.52

By the end of 1656, the Jesuits under Father Vieira's direction had founded 56 mission villages in Maranhao and Pard. By accompanying expeditions along the river, missionaries were able to cover vast territories. After surveying the area of Gurupd and the Xingu River, Father Manuel de Sousa and a colleague, Manuel Pires, formed an expedition of 25 Portuguese soldiers and 200 Amerindians led by Domingos Poc6 and ascended the Amazon River.53 Before the Jesuits encountered major opposition, they managed to survey a great portion of the Amazon Valley. They established missions and convents in promising places, including the Xingu and Gurup9.

The Fort at Gurupd had a chapel dedicated to St. Anthony, which served the residents and soldiers stationed there. For the Amerindians settled close to the fort, a separate entity was formed: the mission of Sao Pedro, or St. Peter. Along the Xingu, the earliest established







43


Jesuit mission apparently was that of Our Lady of Exile, or Nossa Senhora de Desterro, at Tapara. Other missions appeared along the river, such as Caviana (Villarinho do Monte) and Maturd (Porto de Moz), later in the seventeenth century. Jesuit headquarters at that time alternated between Tapard and Maturl.54

The founders of Tapard were Fathers Salvador do Vale and Paulo Luis. On one occasion, as Father Luis was on his way to baptize a woman near death, he received word that she had died but resuscitated in order to be baptized and instructed in religion. This was considered a miracle,55 and it certainly offset native fears of receiving the last rites, or Extreme Unction--an annointing with oils carried out before death to insure the well-being of the recipients' souls in the afterlife. Evidently, some Amerindians perceived a cause-and-effect relationship between the last rites and death, thinking that the annointing caused death. The Jesuits encountered such problems throughout their ministry, despite efficient planning.

To aid in the organization of missionary work, some guidelines established normal procedures. Included in these were instructions concerning living arrangements: each established mission was to have a residence near the church and the residence was to be enclosed by a wall. (This arrangement can be seen still in Porto de Moz Matur.) There were to be guest houses separate from the quarters of the mission subjects, so that travelers







44


could be segregated from them. The missionaries were always to journey in pairs, with each priest keeping an eye on the other to prevent straying from the Order's rules.56

One great strength of the Society of Jesus was its ideology. The Order's founder, St. Ignatius de Loyola, had been a soldier before conceiving the idea for the Jesuits. The basic ideology of the Jesuits was reflected in their self identification as soldiers of Jesus Christ. Spawned at a critical time for the Catholic Church, the Society--or Company--of Jesus dedicated itself to "combat in a Christian world at war with heretics and pagans, with backsliders and innocents."57 The Jesuit Order provided militant workers for the goals of the Counter-Reformation. The militancy and sense of purpose of members of the Company of Jesus--their esprit de corps--sustained the missionaries in their arduous work at places far from their homelands.

The Jesuits prepared for their encounters with prospective catechumens (disciples of the religion) not only spiritually but also materially. Their professional traveling equipment included portable altars, chimes, and sand timers as well as religious books. When meeting a prospective group of catechumens, the missionaries carried cloth, tools, knives, dishes, candles, ready-made dresses, and other enticements.58 A most effective method of persuasion was to arrive in a new village with a former inhabitant--a child who had been given up or taken from it,







45


for example. The former inhabitant, having been welltreated, was to be plump and contented with life among the Portuguese. His obvious contentment would publicize vividly the advantages of "civilized" life.59

Another entrde to gain Amerindians' trust was the offer of medical assistance.60 Medical theory of the time in Iberia stressed the humoral base for illness. The four humors were considered to be the key to biological functioning,61 and curative medicine was prevalent. Salves and simple remedies, novelties to the American inhabitants, were used by the Jesuits to their advantage. Success at medical treatment by Europeans could discredit their major adversary among the Amerindians, the paj6 or shaman, whose profession was most affected by the missionaries' presence. The Jesuits called them witches, warlocks, or spell-casters (feiticeiros).62

One difficulty with the Jesuit presence in the vast region was their lack of manpower. There were not enough Jesuit missionaries in the Amazon Region to staff all the missions founded by 1656. The priests traveled constantly to maintain contact with their catechumens, but pastors could not always be located when they were needed.63 There were constant comings and goings during this phase of missionary work in the Amazon Valley. The Jesuit inspector, Father Joho Felipe Bettendorf, accompanied the missionary assigned to the Xingu sites and noted these problems shortly before the Society faced a greater challenge. 64







46


The colonists in Sao Luis decided that the Jesuits controlled too many able workers too well. Government officials also resented the Jesuits' monopoly of the labor force. Vieira felt that these people were wrong in blaming their poverty or lack of success on lack of slaves. He indicated other reasons for the difficulties of life in the region: the type of land, a growing scarcity of game and fish, lack of local markets and fairs, the war in Portugal, and the vanity of those who spent more than they could afford.65

Vieira reasoned to no avail, however; the colonists wanted slaves. A revolt began in Sao Luis with the imprisonment of the Jesuits there in May 1661. The mutiny had spread to Beldm by July. Vieira was imprisoned and kept under close guard, although missionaries in the districts of Gurupf and GurupA were offered protection by the military commanders and escaped the first waves of
66
arrest. Among the few who avoided early arrest then was Bettendorf at Gurupi. Although some of the settlers wanted to arrest him and the other priests, the Captainmajor of the Fort, Paulo Martins Garro, was pro-Jesuit, and the principal anti-Jesuit settlers were hung as rebels in Gurupd. In 1662, Bel4m's town council sent a task force to arrest Bettendorf and his colleagues, Fathers Francisco Veloso and Joao Maria Gorsony. This time the captain-major was unable to save them from detention. With the arrest of the three at Gurupd, all Jesuit missionaries in the Amazon Valley were in custody.67







47


These developments came at a bad time for Father

Vieira. His enemies came to power in Portugal with the accession of Afonso VI in 1662. Afonso remained on the throne until 1667, when he was replaced by his brother, King Pedro II, with whom Vieira had more influence.68 Afonso, by a law of September 1663, allowed the Jesuits to return to their missions on the condition that they share spiritual powers with other orders, but Father Vieira was prohibited from returning.69

From the Jesuit return in 1663 until 1680, the

Amazon Region was the setting for power struggles between the governors and the town council.70 Despite the loss of control, Jesuit missionaries continued to staff most of their outposts and gather more catechumens for instruction. Some early mission sites, however, had to be abandoned, including Tapard, which, in 1660 had received 600 Pauxis Amerindians from the locale of 6bidos. After 1670 missionary activity moved farther from the Fort at Gurupt. Another mission, across the river from the former Dutch Fort of Orange, was established at Itacuruga (Veiros). Missionaries working with Amerindians in the missions along the Xingu during the interim included Fathers Joao Maria Gorsony, Pedro de Pedroso, Gaspar Misseh, and Francisco da Veiga, and Brothers Domingos da Costa and Joao de Almeida.71

Especially active among these were Joao Maria Gorsony and Pedro de Pedroso. Father Pedroso was known as







48


an expert in the lingua geral, a language formed from the largest linguistic stock of the Brazilian coast, Tupi. The Jesuits had received word of a large group of Tupi speakers in the forest of the Xingu and Father Pedroso was sent to find them, which he did. He travelled for 14 days upriver to reach these people, the Taconhapds. He passed rocks with pictures and writing on them, which locates his voyage on the Great Bend of the Xingu, by the mouth of the Bacajd creek. The Bend was known as the Jurunas' River. Joho Maria Gorsony made repeated attempts to attract the Taconhapis to a mission, without success. Then, after spending some time at missions on the Tapaj6s River, he returned to the Great Bend of the Xingu later in the century and attained his goal.72

Another missionary who achieved success in the

Xingu missions was Father Aluisio Conrado Pfeil. Late in 1679 he arrived in Gurup6, where he ministered to the soldiers and the captain-major, Vaz Correa. He cared for three villages near the "Mission of the Xingu," or Itacuruga, and another across the river for the Coanizes Amerindians on Aquiqui Island. He was a patient proselytizer, and managed to baptize most of the villagers by 1680. He even ministered to a backwoodsman, Gaspar Ferreira. Father Pfeil also advised the government to build a fort on the north bank of the Amazon River, near the Paru River. He stated that the French showed up each year to catch peixe-boi (manatees) there.73







49


By the last quarter of the seventeenth century, the time had come for effective organization in the Amazon Region. One step was taken in 1677 with the Papal authorization of a bishopric, the Diocese of Sho Lufs. The first Bishop, Dom Greg6rio dos Anjos arrived in 1679 and had a say in Amerindian affairs.74 In 1680, the Jesuits presented a petition pleading for the reinstatement of their lost authority in the missions. The petition was supported by Father Bettendorf who believed that because the work in the region was difficult, it ought to be done. He compared the Amazon mission field with that of the East and admitted that the American tropics offered ungrateful, barbarous, and despicable people and it was poorer than the East. Life in these tropics was full of misery, persecutions, and daily dangers to body and soul. Bettendorf had to plead not only with the Portuguese authorities, but also with fellow Jesuits like Jodoco Peres, who wanted to abandon the missionary effort in the Amazon.75 Temporarily, the Jesuits regained their missionary power in the Amazon. Effectively, they could not keep it.

Even though Father Antonio Vieira never returned to the Amazon (he died in Bahia in 1697), his arguments in favor of the Amerindians and the Jesuits carried weight with his friend, King Pedro. The King issued a law on April 1, 1680, which restated Portuguese Crown policy on Amerindians. Again, enslavement was forbidden. Those







50


guilty of capturing Amerindians were to be sent to Portugal for punishment by the King. The religious community--the bishops, priests and prelates--as well as the governor were to inform on infractors. Any Amerindians taken justly were to be treated as if they were European prisoners of war.76 Also, the governing of the mission villages was given to the hands of the parish priest and the principal Amerindian. And all missions without vicars in Gurupd and the rest of the Amazon were to go to the Jesuits.77

Jealousy of other religious orders has been given as a reason for the success of the Beckman revolt, which occurred in Sao Luis in March 1684. While the Jesuits were put on ships leaving Maranhao, they were not the only casualty, since a trading company given a monopoly for commerce in the region was disbanded in 1685. The Jesuits returned to Maranhao that year, but did not recover control 78
of many of the missions they had regained in 1680. New regulations concerning the missions were issued in 1686 and 1693, which divided the missions among four orders: the Jesuits, Franciscans, Carmelites and Mercedarians.

Under the new regulations, Amerindian slaving was

still prohibited. For those on the work lists, however, time of service was stiupulated as six months for villagers in Para and four months for those in Maranhao. The difference was due to distances which had to be covered during the collecting expeditions in the forest.79







51


The colonists' dissatisfaction with the Jesuits may have included more than irritation at the Jesuits' control over the Amerindian labor force. At least for Gurupi, the Jesuits refused to send priests to minister to the local garrison and residents in the 1680's. The Captainmajor, Manuel Guedes Aranha, wanted a priest not only for the soldiers at the fort, but also for the Amerindians at the mission of Sho Pedro. The Jesuits, however, refused to send a priest, even though they had a convent relatively near the fort at their Xingu village, Itacuruga. The reason for this given by Father Serafim Leite is that the Jesuits were not supposed to attend to whites, only to the Amerindians. Father Mathias Kiemen attributes the Jesuit refusal to lack of manpower or dislike of Captainmajor Aranha.80

The Jesuits had a couple of disputes with Aranha in

the 1680's. The most upsetting occurred while Father Joao Maria Gorsony was away from the mission at Itacuruga. In 1687 or 1688, Father Gorsony was requested on an expedition to the Negro River. He had been involved in persuading about 20 villages of Guahuara Amerindians to move to his mission site, which was already populous. The leader of the expedition to the Negro River was a personal friend of Father Gorsony, Faustino Mendes. Mendes, a resident in the Xingu region, had a good reputation for treatment of Amerindians. He could be trusted not to harm any of the established missions and to use legal criteria for obtaining Amerindian workers.







52


While Father Gorsony was involved with the Negro River expedition, Captain-major Aranha sailed to the Xingu mission and dismantled the village which Gorsony had worked to build. Aranha apparently carried off the inhabitants. Gorsony's assistant, Father Antinio Vaz had remained in the Xingu, but missed Aranha's visit to the mission. At the time he was engaged in an unsuccessful attempt to attract some villages of Curabare people. A clove collector, Manuel Paes, lived among these people; Vaz's opinion was that as long as the clove collector remained, there was no hope for missionary success. Years later, after Paes died, these people went to the Tapaj6s mission where Father Gorsony had moved.

After the expedition to the Negro River, Father Gorsony returned to find his work undone in the Xingu. He was transferred to the Tapaj6s missions. Ant6nio Vaz remained to work in the Xingu along with Ant6nio da Silva, who catechized the Taconhap6 group near the Great Bend. Incidentally, Father Bettendorf regained a church bell which had been taken from the Xingu to Gurupi by captainmajor Antonio Pacheco and left it at a church in the Xingu missions. 81

Captain-major Aranha had permission to seek and

gather Amerindians, and he wanted to assure missionary care for his workers. The Amerindians from the dismantled mission at Itacuruga were taken to the mission of Maturd. After the reorganization of the missions in 1693, the







53


Franciscans of Piety would have control along the Xingu River as far up as Maturt.82

When the order to divide the missions arrived in

1693, the Jesuits had been allotted all the missions on the south bank of the Amazon River and its southern tributaries, including the Xingu River. However, according to the instructions from the King, the Franciscans of Piety were to control the Xingu missions, including Gurupd. Bettendorf, who was Jesuit Superior in Belem at the time, tried to argue with the Franciscans, contending that there must have been a geographical error, for the Franciscans had been assigned missions on the north bank of the Amazon River. Clearly, the Xingu flowed into the southern bank. The Franciscans would not listen to Bettendorf's reasoning, however, and took up residence in the Xingu missions in 1693. The matter was cleared up in 1694 when the King left the missions of the GurupA district in the hands of the Franciscans, and assigned the rest of the Xingu to the Jesuits. The missions considered to be included in Gurupi's district, however, comprised all missions along the Xingu upriver to Maturd (Porto de Moz). Thus, the Jesuits retained the Xingu mission of Itacuruga and any founded to the south.83 By 1695, the Jesuits had returned to Itacuruga.84 They had sent a representative, Father Bento de Oliveira (Jesuit Superior in Bel4m from 1693 to 1696) to plead their cause in Lisbon and he had been partially successful.85







54


The missions continued to function under the Regulation of 1686. The reapportioning of the missions to the four religious orders endured for nearly 60 years, as the missionary orders toiled without interruption. In the Xingu missions, the priests expanded knowledge of the area while pursuing more catechumens. Besides Father Ant6nio Vaz, who supervised the Xingu mission center for the Jesuits, St. John the Baptist of Itacuruga, two other Jesuits worked along the river: Joao de Avelar, who was commissioned to contact new and nonmission groups, and Manuel Rabelo, who assisted in the parish.86

They were so successful in attracting catechumens that they needed to buy manioc flour (farinha) from another mission to feed their new recruits. If Itacuruga flourished, however, the people transferred by Aranha to Maturd abandoned this mission, fleeting to the forest.87 Another missionary in the Xingu at this time was Antinio da Silva, who managed to persuade 400 Taconhap4s to move from the Great Bend downstream to the missions.88 Eighty families of Taconhapis were requested by Bettendorf to work for the hospital in Belem. The hospital, Santa Casa de Miseric6rdia, originally was established to house and care for indigent sailors who had no families near. Although Bettendorf claimed that they were to care for the upkeep of the hospital, the Taconhap4 worked in the cultivation of tobacco and sugar cane. Evidently disgruntled, the Taconhapd still alive in 1699 left Belim and







55


told Bettendorf they wanted no more to do with his mercy, referring to the Santa Casa. (Miseric6rdia means mercy.) The surviving Taconhap6 returned to the Xingu mission. Christianized Amerindians in Jesuit missions numbered 11,000 by 1696.90

Before and during the Jesuit attempts to gather Amerindians into mission villages, there were native groups that reacted to fleeing from the priests. Some groups, such as the Tucujds, had allied with the other Europeans, like the French, Dutch and Irish. To escape reprisals when the Portuguese successfully occupied the region, the Tucujds dispersed to the north of Gurupi's district. One group contacted in the Xingu by Father Ant6nio da Silva in the seventeenth century, the Cussary, migrated to the environs of French Guiana, arriving there before 1700.91

Whether contact with Europeans was peaceful or warlike, the Amerindians underwent change of habitat. Any type of contact with Europeans could prove deadly for Amerindians, and sometimes European diseases spread ahead of their carriers. Uniting of groups affected by population loss--whether in the missions or not--created new vulnerable groupings.92 Missionaries sought to avoid catechumens' flights by locating their missions at nontraditional places. To "descend" (descer) Amerindians meant to bring them to missions and settlements away from traditional lands. Besides easing teaching duties,








56


grouping Amerindians in one place provided a convenient labor pool.93

Resettlement in stationary communities meant an

abrupt break with the past for native inhabitants. They lost their planted fields and faced food shortages during their first years at a mission site. Variations in regional ecology could stymie attempts to supplement diet. Their social and cultural patterns underwent attacks and metamorphoses induced by the missionaries. Instead of gathering forest products for their subsistence, mission inhabitants were forced to supply commodities for export to the colonial capital and to Portugal. Cultivation and crafts also were intended to produce for export and nontraditional uses. Assembling groups in one place, combined with unfamiliar diet and work, facilitated the spread of disease.94

New catechumens had two years to adjust to mission

life before they were expected to participate in the labor market. They could not be distributed to colonists or Crown officials during those two years. Some missions were earmarked to supply workers for the Crown; others were to provide laborers for the colonists; and there were missions reserved for the missionaries. At times, one mission could serve all three categories.95

Furthermore, the missions were supposed to be selfsufficient. Once subsistence needs were met, a surplus was to be sent to Bel4m to purchase tools and other goods








57


not produced locally.96 During the first year of a mission, or the first year of acculturation for groups new to the mission system, food supply was a major concern. When a new mission was established, food reserves had to be used to feed inhabitants. The arrival of new catechumens presented a strain on whatever resources the mission had. Newcomers had left their food crops behind in their traditional villages, while residents had external demands on their time and activities. Amerindians allied with the Portuguese accompanied troops on expeditions of conquest and exploration; while traveling, supplies were requisitioned from settlements along the way. If the settlements' people offered no resistance, they lost a part of their food supply. If they resisted, violent persuasion was used, which sometimes took their lives.97

Productive land was diverted from food production to cultivation of cotton, tobacco, and sugar cane. Cultivation of cocoa, vanilla, clove and cinnamon also was encouraged. Yearly expeditions were sent out from the villages to collect forest products for export.98 By the regulations of 1686, the time occupied by these yearly expeditions was increased from four to six months for mission inhabitants in Pard.

Manioc flour served as the basic staple. Women were traditionally responsible for its cultivation and preparation. Dietary supplements formerly available through the







58


efforts of the men diminished. Important supplements to diet in the Xingu were fish, turtle meat and turtle eggs on a seasonal basis. No nets or hooks were used by Xinguaras in the seventeenth century; the inhabitants speared fish with arrows. Turtles were abundant and flocked to the sandy beaches near the Great Bend in October and November to lay eggs. Bettendorf reported millions of tur99
tles in the area of the Great Bend. Turtle fat became an export item.

Dependence on manioc flour, or farinha, increased,

and lack of it led to starvation in some instances. Available supplies of farinha were not sufficient for the population of Tupinambazes along the Tocantins River in 1697. They were hungry and dying, debilitated by disease, trying to subsist on unripened oranges. Out of 150 Tupinambazes, only 20 survived to go to the Xingu mission under the care of Father Ant6nio Vaz. Another group of the Lower Amazon, the Teyros, could not attend to planting due to disease and sickness in 1697. To survive they ate wild coconuts and palm hearts. A backwoodsman in the Xingu that same year gathered some Jurunas to take with him to the Tocantins Valley. When he was asked by what right he took those people, he responded by saying he did so to save them from dying of hunger. These Juruna had been persuaded to settle at the mission by Father Vaz, but had left the mission to seek food. In this case, disease, probably smallpox (bexigas), was blamed for the lack of cultivation. 100







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There were missionaries who blamed lack of food in

missions on the inhabitants' laziness. Besides laziness, the Amerindians were accused of drunkenness and lasciviousness. Other problems found by missionaries among the missions included loafing and absenteeism from work, school, and church service; robbery;and cannibalism. The missionaries' goals comprehended stopping cannibalism; limiting each husband to one wife; clothing the natives; and removing them from the influence of the shamans. The shamans, in the eyes of the missionaries, were equivalent to Satan. Shamans' methods were derided, but apparitions of spirits continued among the mission dwellers.101

Before missions were established, Europeans had lived in the region for some years. To serve the Europeans, native men were sent on collecting expeditions. Women remained behind as domestic servants and sometimes as concubines for the Europeans. The early missionaries encountered blue eyes, redheads, blond hair and freckles among young Amerindians. Whenever possible, these children were taken to be raised among the Portuguese.102 Some missionaries established schools for instruction. Without pen and paper, they resorted to writing in the sand or on bark with ink made from a mixture of herbal juices and charcoal.103

The Jesuits had directives for organizing the lives of their charges. Native women could be servants on four occasions only: when lactating, to serve as wet-nurses; when no longer virgin, as domestics for governors, captain-







60


majors, vicars and priests; to assist a helpless or poor woman with no relatives; and to accompany their husbands for harvesting manioc.104 Instructions were issued regulating marriages among the mission inhabitants, too. If one spouse came from another village, his or her background had to be investigated by the celebrant of the marriage. The woman was to move to her husband's village. Care had to be taken with Amerindians marrying slaves, for many slave-owners increased the number of slaves by inviting free Amerindians to marry their
105
slaves.

Amerindian marital preferences at times angered the Jesuits. The marriage of a widower to his wife's sister riled Father Vieira so much that he said the man was leading his entire group to Hell.106 It is understandable that the Jesuits, representing a militant arm of the Counter-Reformation, wished to impose upon their charges reforms concerning sexual behavior and marriage. Punishment for sexual transgressions must have seemed outrageous to the Amerindians, however. At least twice, Jesuits incurred the wrath of groups for the punishments they inflicted for sexual misbehavior. One woman flogged for promiscuity complained to members of a nearby group, who avenged her by clubbing to death the two Jesuits responsible. On another occasion, a Jesuit flogging led to the death of an Amerindian woman who had been living with a white settler. He was excommunicated. This action








61


seemed to corroborate mid-seventeenth century complaints by settlers about Jesuit cruelty. Father Vieira excused the death saying that the victim could have poisoned herself due to her obsession with her lover.107

Despite all the exhortation of Jesuits and other missionaries, people mixed and mated indiscriminately. Although few, African slaves were present in the Amazon Region, having first come to the Xingu River with Dutch traders. While many Portuguese settlers in the Amazon could not afford to buy slaves brought from Africa, a contraband trade in black slaves from the northeast of Brazil flourished. These slaves had been disciplinary problems for their former masters, who sold them cheaply. While the majority of blacks in the regions were male slaves, some free blacks arrived as lay missionaries and
108
sailors.108 Though present in unequal portions, all three races lived and mixed in the region.

Portuguese terminology did not go as far as the elaborations of the Spaniards or French in describing various racial mixtures. Basically there were eight different racial mixtures recognized by the Portuguese.109 Branco, or white meant unmixed white. A mulato was mixed white and black. Mameluco inferred white with Amerindian. Crioulo referred to unmixed black; cafuzo and curiboca meant black and Amerindian; cabra indicated Amerindian and mulato. Caboclo was used originally only for unmixed Amerindians, and pardo denoted any mixture which produced







62

110
dark skin. Legal marriage between races was not encouraged in the seventeeenth century. Domestic relationships likely to produce deviations from the Jesuit ideal for Amerindian society were controlled also.

The Jesuits permitted the mission inmates to hold dances and parties on Saturdays and on evenings before Holy Days. The parties lasted until ten or eleven at night when the church bell was rung to signal curfew.ll Two major times for festivals in the Gurupd-Xingu area were during the months of June and December. In June, the feast of St. John the Baptist, or Sao Joao Batista, was celebrated throughout the Amazon Region. In the Xingu Valley, St. John the Baptist was patron saint of the mission at Itacuruga. Missionaries tried to encourage celebration of the mission's patron saint. In GurupA, there were two patron saints: one for the fort, St. Anthony, and one for the mission village, St. Peter. Both saints' days fall in June. Festivities honoring St. John apparently surpassed those for the other patrons, however. A distinctive aspect of St. John the Baptist's celebrations involved setting bonfires. During the celebrations, the Amerindians reportedly jumped over the bonfires, as was their custom.112 The St. John the Baptist festival occurred at a time of seasonal change; Father Bettendorf indicated that the passing from winter to spring became known as the time of St. John.113

If June marked the passing of winter, or the rainy season, December denoted the passing of summer, when there were







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two weeks of partying by black slaves. These were found at Gurupt, owned by colonists, officers of the military garrison, or government officials at the prison or at the check-point for shipping along the Amazon. During the two weeks in December, the black slaves of Gurup& would celebrate St. Benedict (Sao Benedito), a black saint, with festivities including dances and fireworks.114 Whether for the black slaves or for the Amerindian catechumens, celebrating saints brought relief from the usual workday or collecting expedition.

Despite the intention of Jesuits and other missionaries, their charges in the Americas encountered mostly suffering and unfamiliar lifestyles in their mission habitations. The very act of bringing diverse groups to a central conglomeration contributed to their demise. Meetings for religious devotions, schooling and work served to facilitate the spread of European diseases.115 Toward the end of the seventeenth century, there were many complaints about remnants of groups being moved. One group brought to a mission village (aldeia) in the 1680's had been reduced to a few survivors of smallpox and colds. In 1697, members of the Araras moved to the Franciscans' Gurupatuba mission where many died. The remnant then was moved to a mission on a tributary of the Pard River near Beldm, the Guamd River, under the jurisdiction of the Jesuits.116







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The effect of diseases, terribly hard work, totally different manners and conceptions of family life, the loss of traditional religion, all contributed to the demise of many Amerindians. "They felt their gods had abandoned them. They were suddenly launched into a world over which they had no control, and they lost their will to live."117 Some people in the missions resorted to flight as relatives had done before the missionaries managed to persuade them to try their system. Others continued subjecting themselves to unfamiliar conditions, without hope of regaining their past life, yet preserving what they could. Survivors still had to contend with forced labor, social inequality, and cultural loss. In addition to the mission villages established throughout the region, blatant reminders of the Portuguese occupation were provided by the forts established in the valley, including the fort at GurupA.

Following the Portuguese victory in 1623, the eviction of the Dutch and the establishment of a fortification at Gurupd, that outpost remained Portugal's most advanced in the Amazon Valley until 1638. After two Franciscans and six Spanish soldiers arrived in Beldm in 1637 by floating down the river from Quito, the Portuguese were stirred to action. Thus, Pedro Teixeira led a Portuguese expedition upriver along the Amazon to Quito. He set a boundary marker at the Napo River to claim the major portion of the Basin for the Portuguese Crown.








65


The last Portuguese-controlled outpost he stopped at was Gurup .118

The Jesuits never established a house in Gurupd, although they would stop there to minister to the mission inhabitants and, sometimes, to the soldiers. Perhaps the actions of soldiers and officers stationed there in 1655 offended the Jesuits. A captain, Manuel de Carvalho, and a sergeant-major, Lourengo Rodrigues, were responsible for shipping two Jesuit missionaries off to the Moju River, telling them not to return. These officers were subsequently exiled by Governor Andr4 Vidal de Negreiros to the southern colony of Brazil.119

By mid-century, the fort had been reconnoitered by

other Europeans, who included information about the Xingu River in reports on the area. The Captaincy of GurupA had a hot but not unhealthy climate. The fort, staffed by a captain and some soldiers, with some settlers around, was supposed to prevent other Europeans from trading with the native inhabitants. Although its armament included canon, the fort did not deter all foreign trade. Foreigners intent on contracting shipments of lumber and manatee were able to bypass the fort and its guns by passing through the northern canal. The Xingu River, also called the Parnaiba, entered the Amazon River about 12 leagues west of Gurupd. Its climate was supposed to be less healthy than GurupA's because it was hotter. Nevertheless, there were reportedly large native populations there including







66


Wayana-Oiapi, Kararao, Jurunas and Coanizes. Good timber grew there along with Brazil nut trees. Natural foods of the inhabitants abounded: game, fish and large turtles. There were supposed to be many high mountains upriver.120

Opinions concerning the health aspects of GurupA differed, however. Around 1661, the Jesuits persuaded the captain-major of the fort, Paulo Martins Garro, to cut down some jungle which blocked fresh air from the river. The water supply was improved also by this action, which freed a clear-water stream. (Water from the main artery was muddy.) Fishing near GurupA was bountiful.121

Information from the Jesuits about the Xingu Valley was more detailed than that provided by foreign traders. Land along the banks of the Xingu River was said to be good for everything. If it were not for the plague of ants, even tobacco cultivation could be profitable. The river water, flowing from waterfalls and over sand, was excellent. One side of the river housed the Taconhapd group; the other, the Jurunas. This land teemed, not with milk and honey, but with game and honey, or perhaps, game and fruit.122

From Gurupd expeditions left both up- and downriver. In 1658, the captain-major, Garro, accompanied by the missionary Father Manuel Nunes, led an expedition to the Tocantins River. It consisted of 45 Portuguese soldiers and 450 Amerindians, including archers and rowers. The purpose was to punish a recalcitrant Amerindian nation,
123
the Inheyguaras. From opponents of the Jesuits in 1655, the people of Gurupd changed to supporters in 1662.








67


When Bel4m's town council sent a force to arrest the Jesuits hiding there, a battle ensued. A certain Saraiva, native of the Gurupi area (along a river between the borders of Maranhao and Pard), was killed. A black slave belonging to Antinio da Franga saved the lives of many whites that day.124 In the end, the Jesuits were arrested and deported to Belim.125 Another sad note for the Jesuits sounded in Gurupg when one of their missionaries, Joao Soares Avila, tired of the religious life and left his vocation to join the captain-major of Gurupd, who happened to be his brother, Paulo Soares; the captain-major conferred the rank of sergeant-major on his errant Jesuit brother.126

The most disappointing event for the Jesuits, however, occurred during the rule of Captain-major Manoel Guedes de Aranha at Gurupi. Although Aranha claimed to have permission to gather Amerindian workers, the Jesuits, especially Father Joao Maria Gorsony, were outraged when he stole catechumens attracted to the mission at Itacuruga. The captain-major took them, along with some others who had recently arrived from the interior, and settled them at the mission of Maturd. Aranha placed a white man, not a religious, in charge of the Amerindians there.127 In the 1690's, Manoel Guedes Aranha left his post at Gurupd, either because he was ill or simply tired of the job. His position went to a relative, Captain-major Pedro Pinheiro. Pinheiro used his own money to rebuild and reinforce the







68


fortifications at Gurupd.128 He accomplished this at a good time, since the French were attacking and seizing positions in the Amazon Region claimed by the Portuguese.

News of French incursions in the region was not new. While still serving as captain-major at Gurupd, Manuel Guedes Aranha had requested the help of the Jesuits. He required additional rowers to survey the northern bank of the Amazon River, where Frenchmen had appeared, giving signs of hostility, shooting off firearms. A Jesuit missionary from Switzerland, Aluisio Conrado Pfeil had recommended the building of another fort to deter the French. French interest in the region extended to the highest level, where Finance Minister Jean-Baptiste Colbert received information about conditions along the Amazon River.129

The idea of Gurupd as the sole gateway to the Amazon died with the realization that a northern channel, that of Macapd, gave access to the Amazon Basin. The French had invaded from the north and the garrison at Gurupd could do little about it. The estuary of the Amazon diverges greatly and the mainstream of the river is studded with islands which block visibility from shore to shore. The French from Cayenne took advantage of a concealed approach and fell upon the frail Portuguese outpost at Macapa, on the northern channel in 1697, and overran it.

The Jesuit Joao Maria Gorsony brought news of this

French audacity to the people in the fort of St. Anthony.







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When he arrived in Gurupi, the regional governor, Antonio Albuquerque de Carvalho was there, seeking munitions and soldiers to expel the French. The fort's commander detailed Sergeant-major Francisco de Sousa Fundho and a Portuguese force of 40 soldiers to carry out the governor's orders to regain the fort at MacapA and another further north. The captain-major at Gurupd, Hildrio de Sousa, had fallen ill during an expedition to the Abacaxi Amerindian group on the Madeira and Negro Rivers. His illness prevented him from commanding the soldiers personally.130 With some additional help, Sergeant-major Fundao carried out his mission and recuperated the lost outposts.

Gurupd remained a major point of entry for traffic

along the Amazon River, despite knowledge that ships could sail unnoticed through the northern channel. Another regional governor, Rui Vaz de Siqueira, visited the fort during the seventeenth century but did not see the Xingu. Samuel Fritz, a Jesuit working for Spain, received a warm welcome at Gurupd. During his voyage through the Amazon Valley, Fritz noted that he spent six days traveling without catching sight of any settlements. The Portuguese were constructing another fort at a mission on the Tapaj6s River at the end of the seventeenth century.131

Some unwilling visitors also spent time in Gurupi. In addition to providing defense and a checkpoint for shipping, the place served as a prison. The governor banished Captain Joao de Souto to the Captaincy of Gurupd








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because he mistreated a village leader in the mission of Mortigura. Another military official, Captain-major Sebastiao de Lucena de Azevedo, boasted openly of gathering Amerindians illegally in letters to Portugal. He was relieved of his position and exiled to Gurupd in 1647; his Amerindians were freed. The Amerindian leader, Lope de Sousa Guaguaiba, also served a prison sentence in Gurupd; it was he who had angered Father Vieira by marrying his wife's sister. Lope was popular with the colonists, with whom he cooperated in supplying Amerindian labor. Vieira arranged Lope's arrest and had him sent in chains to Gurupt.132

The highest ranking officials, the governors, first

lived at Sao Luis and later moved to Bel6m. The northern captaincies of Pard, Maranhao, Piaui and Ceard together formed a separate colony from the southern captaincies. The southern colony was known as "Brazil," while the northern part of Portuguese America originally was called "Maranhao," then, with Beldm's importance growing, the name of "Grio-Pard" was added. Grao-Pard and Maranhao dealt directly with Lisbon. One reason for its separation from the southern colony and its capital city, Salvador da Bahia, was travel difficulty: due to unfavorable sea currents and winds, it was faster and easier to go from Sao Luis or Bel6m to Lisbon than to go to Salvador.

The enforcement of royal legislation concerning the treatment of Amerindians depended on the inclinations of







71


the colonial governors. Some, like Andrd Vidal de Negreiros, vigorously enforced the Crown's protectionist policies. Others, like Rui Vaz de Siqueira, took advantage of their portion and profitted by trading in Amerindians. He occupied the office of governor and captain-general from 1662 to 1667, when Father Vieira's influence in Portugal was nil. The arrival of one of Siqueira's expeditions coincided with an outbreak of smallpox, which had erupted in Maranhio and spread to Par&. This epidemic killed most of the Amerindians from Siqueira's expedition and affected some people of mixed heritage born in the colony.133

Financial problems plagued both the colony and the mother country. The government, its coffers empty, was hard pressed to meet military payrolls. Often, soldiers would desert if they went without pay for long stretches. In order to raise money for salaries in 1649, Governor Luis de Magalhies taxed wine, aguardente (a fermented sugarcane juice distillate also known as cachaga), tobacco, and slaves from the backlands.134 The earlier creation of the Overseas Council in 1642 was supposed to bring about an increase in revenues from the northern colonies. That first year the Council named Joao Pereira de Cgrceres as "Captain of the Amazon River" for six years. He had been commander at Gurupd when the Dutch made their last effort to claim the area in 1639. During his six years as Amazon Captain, Cdrceres' orders were to seek mines and to introduce white settlers. 135







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Settlement of the Amazon Region was to have followed the pattern of the southern colony. Captaincies were created which dotted the entire coast, south to north. Those given charge of the captaincies were to be responsible for settlement and development of their areas. In most cases, the system failed. Some of the grantees never concerned themselves with their obligations. Others died trying, and a few were stymied by the hardships encountered. In the Amazon Region, five captaincies were created, including the Captaincy of GurupA and that of the Xingu. The Captaincy of Gurupd, created in 1633, remained the property of the Crown, while the Xingu Captaincy was given, in 1681, to Gaspar de Sousa de Freitas, who paid little attention to his grant. He abandoned it and it reverted to the Crown.136

The Crown also made land grants to colonists, which were known as sesmarias, and the grantees as sesmeiros. All such colonists were entitled to receive, besides land, a bull and two cows from the government.137 The great problem surrounding colonization in all of Brazil, however, stemmed from the small population of Portugal during the era of exploration and conquest. And besides Brazil, the Portuguese had colonies in Africa and Asia to attend. At the time of Pedro Alvarez Cabral's voyage to Brazil in 1500, there were approximately a million and a half people in
138
Portugal. Few Portuguese could be spared for colonization efforts.







73


Those sent to South America were often nonviolent

criminals.139 They were predominantly single males, although in 1621 some couples from the Portuguese Atlantic Islands arrived in Belim; they were sesmeiros and settled on the outskirts of the town.140 The first Portuguese in the area, however, came by way of the northeast of Brazil, from Pernambuco. They were the vanguard that fought the French, Dutch, English and Irish for possession of the Amazon Valley. The earliest outposts of Portugal in the region were staffed by men. The absence of any women but Amerindian women led naturally to miscegenation.141

The experiences of the first Portuguese in Pernambuco

led to unfulfilled expectations in the Amazon. The economic foundation of Pernambuco was the cultivation of sugar cane, a most profitable crop. The deceptively lush vegetation in the Amazon region fooled these people into thinking that the soil was capable of sustaining cane. The commander who led the Portuguese in establishing Bel4m, Captain Francisco Caldeira de Castelo Branco, thought that the land drained by the Amazon River was most fertile and capable of great
142
harvests. To encourage sugar cultivation, special legislation provided benefits for those who undertook to grow cane. Cane growers were exempt from military service and could not have their belongings confiscated if in debt.143 Even if these early conquerors' hopes and goals had proven realistic, they would have had to face stiff competition.







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Although the Dutch were ultimately unsuccessful in

holding on to their outposts in Portuguese South America, they did establish a flourishing colony in Pernambuco in the mid-seventeenth century. The wealth of the colony was based on sugar, for which the Dutch had more efficient means of production and marketing than did the Portuguese. When the Dutch left Pernambuco in 1654, they took their methods of sugar cane processing and marketing with them. From Brazil, many Dutch went to the Caribbean. In effect, their expulsion from Pernambuco led to the rise of the Caribbean Islands as Europe's principal source for the sweetener.144

Besides sugar, the early colonists of Pernambuco cultivated tobacco and cotton. All three crops needed seasonally labor intensive care for export production. Since Iberian settlers arriving in the Americas expected 145
to lead lives of ease, requiring little personal effort, they needed a source of labor to cultivate these export crops. Early expeditions and explorations in the Amazon Region produced no estimable sources of gold and silver, although the government in Portugal continued to encourage searches. Without these precious commodities, the settlers in the northern Portuguese colony turned to export agriculture. Aside from experiences in Pernambuco, the early conquerors had the example of the Dutch in the Xingu. Had not the Dutch produced sugar for export in two places on the Xingu?








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The Dutch had brought African laborers, besides exploiting nearby Amerindians as workers, while the early Portuguese in the region had few resources. Money from Europe, at the time of the Portuguese advance to the Amazon Valley, was not forthcoming. The Spanish Crown went bankrupt a number of times in the early seventeenth century. It is doubtful that the former criminals who settled in the region were wealthy. (A common nonviolent crime of the time was debt.) Purchasing African slaves to cultivate the export crops was beyond their means. They thought they needed labor, and the nearest available source was the groups of Amerindians populating the forest. Even the great defender of the Amerindians, Father Ant6nio Vieira, admitted that the Portuguese colonists needed workers or servants to survive. "For a man to obtain manioc flour, he has to have a small clearing; to eat meat he has to have a hunter; to eat fish, a fisherman; to wear clean clothes, a washerwoman; and to go to mass or anywhere else, a canoe and paddlers."146

The fights over control of Amerindian labor among the religious orders, the government officials, and the colonists, therefore, concerned survival as understood by the Europeans in the Americas. Father Vieira could have said "to have manioc flour, a man must clear some land; to eat meat, he must hunt; to eat fish, fish; to wear clothes, wash them; and to travel, have a canoe and paddle it." But Father Vieira was as much a product of his culture







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and times as the lay colonists and government officials with European backgrounds. As it turned out, both sugar and tobacco production went through crises, and the economic survival of most of the Portuguese Amazon came to be linked to extracting exotic forest products,147 although a plantation economy based on sugar did arise in the Tocantins River valley, and cattle ranches flourished on Maraj6 Island. An extensive plantation economy could not survive without laborers. African slaves were too expensive for most Amazonian colonists, and Amerindian slaves, dying by the thousands from exposure to diseases brought by Europeans and Africans, were too fragile.

The colonists followed recommendations from the Portuguese Crown that they collect forest products. Since these products were gathered only--not replanted or acquired in a rational manner--they became scarce near settlements. With increased scarcity, the Portuguese instructions recommended cultivation of those forest products which were especially valuable. These included sarsaparilla, sassafras, cacao, urucu, cinnamon, cotton, two types of a bark which substituted for cloves, vanilla, quinine, resinous seeds, and timber. Animal products encompassed leather and pelts. For a time, the government in Lisbon issued recommendations emphasizing the worth of the Amazon Valley and instead of pursuing the gilded dream of gold and precious metals, the colonies were urged to concentrate on collecting forest products and cultivating the land.148







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The colonists who had some capital could buy the more resilient workers, the Africans, to work their plantations. The colonists without capital, the great majority, relied heavily on the fragile native population and pursued extractive activities.

The missionaries complained of individuals who collected clove and other forest products in the interior. The missionaries competed directly with the colonists who made their living in the backlands. In the business of forest collecting, the backlanders depended on the Amerindians whose knowledge of the forest was indispensable to their success. The country around the principal settlement, Bel4m, was bereft of Amerindian groups except for those already working for certain colonists. And the collection of forest products led to the deployment of Europeans farther into the Amazonian interior.149 Europeans in the region were few and scattered. In 1676, the population of Bel6m was given as 234 people, meaning Europeans or persons of European descent. Amerindians and Africans did not receive consideration as people.150

The Portuguese government in 1689 permitted colonists to enter the backlands and bring back Amerindian laborers at their own expense. Whoever financed these expeditions enjoyed the right to hire these laborers. Although the law required a settler to deposit half-wages with the missionary ostensibly responsible for the workers, this measure did not protect the Amerindians. Anyone who had paid







78


ahead of time wanted to reap as much profit as possible, getting value for his expenditure.151

Some settlers arrived to the Amazon as auxiliaries to the missionaries. In 1700, the Overseas Council authorized Jose Lopes Espinola, a black resident of Cape Verde, to live among Amerindians on the Solim6es River. He had spent five years with the Parintins natives and had earned the appreciation of Franciscan missionaries; they awarded him a gold medal and the Overseas Council gave him the title of "Captain of the Hinterland Sertio." His wife from Cape Verde was allowed to join him in 1700.152

During the first few years of the eighteenth century, however, illegal enslavement of the Amerindians was prevalent. The Portuguese King, cognizant of this abuse, freed all Amerindians illegally caught. Unless an individual requested and received permission from the King to pursue and gather native workers, he was liable to lose his work force. Individuals could obtain royal permission: in 1702 one settler was authorized to employ 20 mission dwellers to man canoes which were to be sent to attract 20 families in Amerindians. These families would provide the labor to tend 10,000 cacao trees which the settler had planted.153

Amerindian labor provided the small number of European colonists with the force to survive and prevail in the Amazon Valley. Despite the illegality of native slavery during the colonization of the northern colony (enslaving




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FAMILY, CHURCH, AND CROWN: A SOCIAL AND DEMOGRAPHIC HISTORY OF THE LOWER XINGU VALLEY AND THE MUNICIPALITY OF GURUPA, 162 3-1889 By ARLENE M. KELLY A DISSERTATION PRESENTED TO THE GRADUATE SCHOOL OF THE UNIVERSITY OF FLORIDA IN PARTIAL FULFILLMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY UNIVERSITY OF FLORIDA 1984

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Copyright 19 84 by Arlene Marie Kel!

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This dissertation is dedicated to my parents Patrick Joseph. Aloysius and Katherine Louise Roberts Kelly

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ACKNOWLEDGMENTS I am greatly indebted to the Fulbright-Hays Program which supported my research during 1977-78; to the Ford Foundation (Brazil) which provided financial backing for this research during 1978-79; to the Associa9ao Brasileira de Estudos Populacionais (ABEP, at the Centre de Desenvolvimento de Planejamento Regional in Belo Horizonte) for grants received from 19 79 to 19 81; and to the Conselho Nacional de Desenvolvimento Cientifico e Tecnologico (CNPq) of the Brazilian Government for research support extended from 1981 to the present. Without the assistance provided by all these foundations, the completion of the study would have been impossible. I am grateful also for the institutional support received from the Nucleo de Altos Estudos Amazdnicos (NAEA) at the Federal University of Pard (UFPa) since 1978, and for that of the Museu Paraense Emilio Goeldi, where I have been an associate researcher since July 19 82, and which graciously granted a year's leave of absence from my position there to finish writing this study. Emergency aid granted me by the Amazon Research and Training Program of the University of Florida ensured its completion, and I thank those responsible very much for this help. iv

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During the six years in which the research for this study was underway, many, many people contributed in various ways to its success. My heartfelt thanks go to the Bou9ao Viana family in Belem for their gracious hospitality and affection; to the Cabral Rebelo family from the Xingu and Belem for their friendship and material support in facilitating transportation to the study area; to the Marques Queirdz family of Iturama for their support and invariably warm welcomes; and to colleagues and friends at both NAEA and the Goeldi Museum for their encouragement and advice. To name individually everyone who at some time or other helped me continue with the research would require many pages. Two individuals, however, must be mentioned. Dr. Charles Wagley provided the first stimulus for my interest in the Amazon region. That stimulus was reinforced with constant encouragement during the years of research in Brazil and heightened by his personal interest shown during his brief visits. I owe him many thanks. Dr. Neil Macaulay, chairman of my dissertation committee, gave me continual assurance through the years of research; his unceasing advice, criticisms, and hard work ensured that the results of this study would be the best possible. He deserves particular credit and has my deep gratitude for facilitating the successful completion of this dissertation. Any errors evident in this study are my responsibility. V

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PREFACE During the summer of 19 74 with the support of the Tropical South American Summer Fellowship Program, I was able to do primary research for my master's thesis concerning the rubber boom in the Xingu River valley. While seeking background material for Amazonian historical development prior to the onset of world rubber demand, I discovered a lack of continuity in secondary sources referring to the region as a whole; there were no comprehensive studies of the Amazon's history. Available studies focussed on events during the eighteenth century or during the reign of rubber in the late-nineteenth and early twentieth centuries and, without exception, presented a macro-view of the Amazon Region, giving no attention to the micro-regional variations of geography and demography. The sources for these studies were archival collections stored in capital cities such as Manaus, Belem or Rio de Janeiro; other sources of documentation in smaller cities and towns were neglected. At the same time I was collecting data about the rubber boom and the Xingu River's leading rubber baron, Jose Porfirio de Miranda, I traveled between the city of Altamira and the municipal seat of Senador Jose Porfirio vi

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(formerly, Souzel) to check on documents stored in the municipal archives. In the clerk's office at Senador Jos4 Porfirio I was shown a trunk full of yellowed paper tied together in bales, which were civil registrations of births, marriages and deaths from the 1890 's. Untying one of the bales, which contained marriage registers, I began reading and was impressed by the volume of information each register contained: place of birth, date of birth, occupation and place of residence for the couple with additional information concerning their parents. Since Senador Jos^ Porfirio's municipal history was shorter than that of two other towns in the microregion of the lower Xingu Valley, Porto de Moz and Gurupa, I assumed that earlier registration material existed in the latter two places. With the support of the Fulbright-Hays Program I returned to the Amazon Region in 19 78 to explore the history of the geographic unity comprised of the lower Xingu Valley and the municipality of Gurup^, using docioments stored in the various municipal and ecclesiastic archives in Gurup^, Porto de Moz, Senador Jos^ Porfirio and Altamira, as well as those in the capital cities. I began using church and civil registers in Gurupa in May 19 78 and remained there until the end of August, without being able to finish researching either baptisms or births. To complete the phase of data collection, more than a year of research was necessary. After successive data collecting trips, I finished work in Gurupa by October 19 79 and proceeded to Porto de vii

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Moz Senador Jose Porffrio and Altamira. The last field trip occurred in November 19 82 when I recovered some data which had been lost through faulty film processing (I microfilmed much of the registration information and transcribed it in Belem) Through the phases of research I became aware of institutions in the historical evolution of the study area: the family, the Church, and the State. Since the earliest stage of conquest, the Portuguese Crown and the Roman Catholic Church had been uneasy partners in the enterprise of American assimilation. The first military expedition into the Amazon Basin, in the early seventeenth century, was accompanied by a Franciscan missionary. By the midseventeenth century, the Jesuits had begun their Amazonian missionary activity in the lower Xingu River valley, and soon v;ould clash seriously with the Crown officials who rescinded the Jesuits' authority over a strategically important part of the Xingu River and put it in the hands of Franciscan missionaries. After the expulsion of the Jesuits and other regular missionary orders in the mid-eighteenth century. State documents concerning the secularized missions revealed the importance of the concept of family for the colonization process. Only Europeans or whites were included in the official concept of family; all other inhabitants, Amerindians and black slaves, were outside it. Religious and social reforms emanating from the Reformation and the Counter viii

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Reformation reinforced strict monogamous marriage and legal interpretation of the family, in which the father, or head of household, dominated all others. Since Amerindians did not respect the institution of monogamous marriage, and the slaves, as chattel, were property of the head householder, both groups remained outside the legally interpreted domain of the family. They also formed the bulk of the labor force during the colonization process and after independence. From the 1823 census data for the study area, it was obvious that the organization of the population by families and labor force continued — only servile racial categories were included in the summaries which followed the nominal population listing for each place — and there was overriding concern on the part of both imperial and provincial authorities to organize exploitable labor pools. Their efforts had little effect and failed altogether when the region became a supplier for the foreigners' demands for rubber. During the imperial period in the Xingu River valley, baptismal records were kept continuously, and the earliest records preserved detailed baptisms in Porto de Moz beginning in 1824. Other parishes have preserved baptismal registers from later dates: Souzel, from 1856; and Gurupa, from 1866. Unfortunately, civil documentation of births, which began in 1876, was haphazard and unreliable as demographic data. Minute analysis of the information provided in the baptismal registers, however, showed it to be reliable and revealing. The high niomber of illegitimate births (about 50%) implied ix

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that post-Reformation concepts of family and marriage were not assimilated by the general population in the study area by the nineteenth century, and that application of methodologies derived from European models would not be adequate for analysis of Amazonian demographic-historical events. The marital pattern presented in the study area during the nineteenth century was overwhelmingly Amerindian. The distinct seasonality displayed by the movement of monthly baptisms in the area during the Empire indicated that the population tended to reunite twice a year in towns and cities, while during the rest of the time most persons worked or resided elsewhere. The continuation of this pattern until 1889 contradicts claims that the rubber boom drained population from the cities and towns. Most economic activities carried on, at least after the eighteenth century, were seasonal and took part of the male population away once or twice a year; therefore, the extraction of rubber only intensified an on-going process. With the proclamation of the Republic in 1889, the uneasy partnership of Church and State in the Amazon, and in Brazil, was severed. The continual infringement of the State on activities formerly dominated by the Church was apparent in efforts by the State to control documentation in the Amazon Region. Statistical commissions were being organized throughout the nineteenth century for the small towns and cities and finally took hold in 1876, but even since then. Church records reflect more accurately the X

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resident population, at least outside the municipal centers, which is largely ignored by civil record-keepers due to lack of human and financial resources. The Church's influence has remained strong in the study area and throughout the Amazon Region, and missionary orders now staff most dioceses

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TABLE OF CONTENTS Page ACKNOWLEDGMENTS iv PREFACE vi LIST OF TABLES xiv LIST OF FIGURES xix KEY TO ABBREVIATIONS xx ABSTRACT xxi CHAPTER I THE LAND AND THE PEOPLES 1 Notes 19 II THE EUROPEAN CONQUEST 24 Notes 79 III CHURCH VERSUS STATE: SECULARIZATION OF THE MISSIONS 91 Notes 133 IV THE EXTRACTIVE ECONOMY, DISCONTENT, REACTIONS: THE POPULATION ON THE EVE OF "INDEPENDENCE" 140 Notes 195 V BRAZILIAN INDEPENDENCE AND AMAZONIAN REGIONALISM: CIVIL STRIFE, 1822-1836 201 Notes 245 VI IMPERIAL CONSOLIDATION 249 Notes 289 xii

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CHAPTER Page VII FOREIGN PENETRATION AND THE RISE OF RUBBER, 1852-1872 295 Notes 350 VIII LIFE CYCLES: BAPTISMS AND MARRIAGES, 13241889 358 Notes 416 IX LIFE CYCLES: DEATHS AND DISEASE, 1824-1889 422 Notes 445 X CONCLUSIONS 4 51 Notes 476 BIBLIOGRAPHY 477 BIOGRAPHICAL SKETCH 487 xiii

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LIST OF TABLES Table Page 3.1 Income and Expenditure, Registered in 1769 for the year 176 8, for the villages of Carrazedo, Porto de Moz, Veiros, Pombal, and Souzel 123 4.1 Gurup^: Results of 1789 Census 152 4.2 Annex Gurup^ : Results of 1789 Census .... 152 4.3 Carrazedo: Results of 1789 Census 154 4.4 Vilarinho do Monte: Results of 1789 Census 154 4.5 Porto de Moz: Results of 1789 Census .... 155 4.6 Veiros: Results of 1789 Census 155 4.7 Pombal: Results of 1789 Census 156 4.8 Souzel: Results of 1789 Census 156 4.9 Reported Production in 1789 and 1791(89): St. Anthony of Gurup^, Gurupd Annex or Village of Sao Pedro, and Vilarinho do Monte 167 4.10 Carrazedo: Reported Production, 1764 to 1782 169 4.11 Porto de Moz: Reported Production, 1764 to 1795 170 4.12 Veiros: Reported Production, 1764 to 1795 172 4.13 Pombal: Reported Production, 1764 to 1795 173 4.14 Souzel: Reported Production, 1764 to 1795 175 4.15 Gurupa: Results of 1797 Census 179 4.16 Annex to Gurup^: Results of 1797 Census 181 4.17 Vilarinho do Monte: Results of 1797 Census 182 4.18 Carrazedo: Results of 1797 Census 183 xiv

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Table Page 4.19 Porto de Moz : Results of 179 7 Census .... 185 4.20 Veiros: Results of 1797 Census 186 4.21 Pombal: Results of 1797 Census 188 4.22 Souzel: Results of 1797 Census 189 5.1 Gurupd: Nominally Listed Population, 1823 205 5.2 Gurup^: Free Population, 1823 206 5.3 Gurupa: Slave Population, 1823 207 5.4 Vilarinho do Monte: Nominally Listed Population, 1823 210 5.5 Vilarinho do Monte: Free and Slave Populations, Non-white, 1823 211 5.6 Carrazedo: Nominally Listed Population, 1823 212 5.7 Carrazedo: Free and Slave Populations, Nonwhite, 1823 212 5.8 Boa Vista: Nominally Listed Population, 1823 213 5.9 Boa Vista: Free and Slave Populations, Nonwhite, 1823 213 5.10 Porto de Moz: Nominally Listed Population, 1823 214 5.11 Porto de Moz: Free and Slave Populations, Non-white, 1823 215 5.12 Veiros: Nominally Listed Population, 1823 218 5.13 Veiros: Free Population, Including Whites, 1823 219 5.14 Pombal: Nominally Listed Population, 1823 222 5.15 Pombal: Free and Slave Populations, Including Whites, 1823 222 5.16 Souzel: Nominally Listed Population, 1823 225 5.17 Souzel: Free and Slave Populations, Including Whites, 1823 226 XV

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Table Page 6.1 Exports from Belem to Foreign Ports, 1840-41 and 1841-42, with Quantities 260 6.2 Free Population Counted in 1848, Gurupa and Xingu 273 6.3 Slave Population Counted in 1848, Gurup^ and Xingu 274 6.4 Housing, Vital Events and Foreigners, 1848^ Gurupa and Xingu 274 6.5 Gurupa and Xingu, Qualified Voters and Electors, 1849 281 6.6 Free Population Counted, 1853, Gurup^ and Xingu 287 6.7 Slave Population Counted, 1853, Gurup^ and Xingu 287 6.8 Vital Events and Foreigners, 1853, Gurup^ and Xingu 288 7.1 Gurup^, Porto de Moz Par^: Collections from Inspection Agencies, 1851 to 1853 300 7.2 Vilarinho do Monte: Population Given in 1856 30 8 7.3 Porto de Moz: Population Given in 1856 309 7.4 Veiros : Population Given in 1856 309 7.5 Pombal: Population Given in 1856 310 7.6 Souzel: Population Given in 1856 310 7.7 Gurupa, Porto de Moz, Pard: Income from Collection Agencies, 1856-61 323 7.8 Gurupa, Porto de Moz, Para: Expenses of Town Councils, 1856-61 323 7.9 Xingu Valley and Gurupd : Qualified Voters, 1857-60 324 7.10 Information from Friar Marcello's Report of 1859 327 7.11 Gurupa and Xingu River, Population Estimates, 1862 330 xvi

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Table Page 7.12 Gurupa, Vilarinho do Monte, Porto de Moz and Souzel: School Attendance, 1861 to 1863 331 7.13 Gurup^: Production, 1865-67 342 7.14 Porto de Moz: Production, 1865-67 342 7.15 Gurup^: Census Results, 1872 346 7.16 Vilarinho do Monte: Census Results, 1872 346 7.17 Porto de Moz: Census Results, 1872 347 7.18 Veiros: Census Results, 1872 347 7.19 Pombal: Census Results, 1872 348 7.20 Souzel: Census Results, 1872 348 8.1 Acceptable Sex Ratio Limits 359 8.2 Porto de Moz: Baptisms, 182 4-89, Five-year Intervals 360 8.3 Souzel: Baptisms, 1856-89, Five-year Intervals 367 8.4 Gurupa: Baptisms, 1866-89, Five-year Intervals 371 8.5 Sex Ratios from Birth Registrations 377 8.6 Births and Baptisms, Absolute Numbers, 1875-89 377 8.7 Porto de Moz: Illegitimacy, 1824-89 389 8.8 Souzel: Illegitimacy, 1856-89 395 8.9 Gurupa: Illegitimacy, 186 6-89 397 8.10 Xingu-Gurupa, Illegitimacy, 1824-89 398 8.11 Porto de Moz: Marriages, 1839-89, Monthly Totals in Five-year Intervals 402 8.12 Porto de Moz: Husband/Wife Origins, 1839-89 406 8.13 Souzel: Marriages, 1857-89, Monthly Totals in Five-year Intervals 407 8.14 Souzel: Husband/Wife Origins, 1857-89 .... 409 8.15 Porto de Moz: Female Baptisms per Marriages by Interval, 1839-89 410 xvii

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Table Page 8.16 Souzel: Female Baptisms per Marriages by Interval, 1857-89 411 9.1 Souzel: Burials, Seasonality, 1865-87 .... 422 9.2 Souzel: Baptisms per Burials, 1865-87 .... 424 9.3 Epidemics, Xingu-Gurupa 1823-89 426 xviii

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LIST OF FIGURES Figure Page 1.1 Map of Lower Xingu and Gurupd 3 8.1 Gurup^: Monthly Frequency of Baotisms 1866-89 381 8.2 Porto de Moz : Monthly Frequency of Baptisms, 1824-89 386 8.3 Souzel: Monthly Frequency of Baptisms, 18 5689 388 8.4 Porto de Moz: Marriages, Monthly Frequency, 1839-89 403 8.5 Souzel: Marriages, Monthly Frequency, 1857-89 408 9.1 Souzel: Burials, Seasonality, 1865-87 423 xix

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KEY TO ABBREVIATIONS ABC Arquivo do Bispado de Cameta AMA Arquivo Municipal de Abaetetuba AMC Arquivo Municipal de Cameta AMG Arquivo Municipal de Gurupa AMPM Arquivo Municipal de Porto de Moz AMSJP Arquivo Municipal de Senador Jose Porfirio ANRJ Arquivo Nacional do Rio de Janeiro APA Arquivo Paroquial de Abaetetuba APC Arquivo Paroquial de Cameta APG Arquivo Paroquial de Gurupa APIM Arquivo Paroquial de Igarape Miri APPX Arquivo Paroquial da Prelazia do Xingu BAPP Biblioteca e Arquivo Publico do Para XX

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Abstract of Dissertation Presented to the Graduate School of the University of Florida in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree of Doctor of Philosophy FAMILY, CHURCH, AND CROWN: A SOCIAL AND DEMOGRAPHIC HISTORY OF THE LOWER XINGU VALLEY AND THE MUNICIPALITY OF GURUPA, 162 3-1889 By Arlene M. Kelly August 1984 Chairman: Neill Macaulay Major Department: History Three major institutions formed the structure of development in the Amazon Region since the discovery and conquest by Europeans: the family, the Church, and the State. The Portuguese Crown and the Roman Catholic Church became uneasy partners in the enterprise of American assimilation. After the Crown expelled the Jesuits and other regular missionary orders in the mid-eighteenth century. State documents about the secularized missions revealed the importance of the concept of family for the colonization process. Only Europeans or whites were included in the official concept of family; all other inhabitants, Amerindians and black slaves, were outside it. During the Imperial period in the Xingu River valley, baptismal records were kept continuously, and the earliest records preserved detail baptisms in Porto de Moz beginning in 182 4. Other parishes have preserved baptismal registers from later dates: Souzel, from 1856; and Gurupd, from 1866. xxi

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Unfortunately, civil documentation of births, which began in 1876, was haphazard and unreliable as demographic data. Examination of the information provided in the baptismal registers, however, showed it to be reliable and revealing. The high number of illegitimate births (about 50%) implied that post-Reformation concepts of family and marriage were not assimilated by the general population in the study area by the nineteenth century, and that methodologies derived from European models would not be adequate for analysis of Amazonian demographic-historical events. With the proclamation of the Republic in 1889, the uneasy partnership of Church and State in the Amazon, and in Brazil, was dissolved. The continual intrusion of the State into activities formerly dominated by the Church was manifest in efforts by the State to control dociimentation in the Amazon Region. Statistical commissions were organized early in the Imperial era for the small towns and cities and finally took hold in 1876, but, even for later years, Church records reflect more accurately the resident population — at least that outside the municipal centers which has been largely ignored by civil record-keepers due to lack of human and financial resources. The Church's influence has remained strong in the study area and throughout the Amazon Region, and today missionary orders once again staff most parishes xxii

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CHAPTER I THE LAND AND THE PEOPLES The Amazon Basin, a unique geographical feature of the American tropics, drains a surface area of about 3,500,000 square kilometers in Brazilian territory. The source of the main artery, the Amazon River, lies in the Andean Highlands, and the first stretch of the river in Peru is called the Maranon River. The upper part of the river from the Peruvian border to the Negro River is called the Solimoes River, becoming the Amazon from that point to its mouth. The Amazon River flows from west to east ranging from three degrees south latitude to zero degrees as it intersects the equator at its mouth. Major tributaries on the northern bank of the Amazon River include the Negro, Trombetas Paru and Jari Rivers. They are known as black water rivers due to the coloration of the water by vegetable and mineral content. They have been called "starvation" rivers due to their low subsist2 ence potentxal and lack of aquatic life. Tributaries on the southern bank of the Amazon include the Jurua, Purus Madeira, Tapajds, Xingu and Tocantins Rivers, which are clear-water rivers and carry little sediment in their waters. When chere is little rainfall activity, their 1

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2 waters reflect blue or emerald green. These rivers are considered more productive since they lack matter which consumes oxygen in the water and their greater transparency offers more potential for aquatic life.^ When there are heavy rains or in the rainy season — winter — the rivers become muddy, full of loose sediment, which is the normal aspect of the Amazon River's water. The seasons are divided in two principal periods: the rainy season or winter, which begins in November and lasts until the end of May; and the drier season or summer, which extends from June until November. With the rainy season, the water level of the Amazon River begins to rise, reaching its highest levels in March or April. The yearly rise and fall of the tributaries differs from that of the main artery due to varying amounts of rainfall at their headwaters, which affect the volume of water in their courses The yearly floodings in the Amazon Valley leave deposits of silt on lands known as virzea The annual renovation of the soil renders it more productive than areas known as terra firme higher ground above the f loodplain. The islands of the Amazon delta constitute the largest areas of varzea in the study area. The high and low varzeas differ by only about 30 centimeters and their usual expanse is around 150 meters along the river bank, although the v/idth can reach to 1,600 meters.^ Natural pasture lands or fields appear on both varzea and terra firme settings. Marshes and swamp lands also cover portions of the region.^

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3 Figure 1.1. Map of Lower Xingu and Gurupa. Source: Map SA-22, Para, Conselho Nacional de Geografia.

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4 The soil type which predominates in the region is sandy, clayey soil, deficient in natural fertility."^ Abundant foliage falling to the ground might be expected to create layers of humus; however, the high average temperatures in the region impede this process, since g the rate of decomposition exceeds that of humus formation. Areas of the region with greater ranges of temperature, such as those in the western Amazon (Rondonia) and along the southern tributaries where they are blocked by rapids and falls (there is a difference of almost 12 degrees 9 Celsius m this part of the Xingu River ) contain stretches of highly productive soil called terra roxa (red earth) Occasionally there appear patches of black earth, terra preta which also are quite productive. All of the tributaries of the Amazon River contain series of waterfalls and rapids (cachoeiras) From its source in the central highlands of Brazil, the Xingu River is studded with cachoeiras. At about four degrees south latitude the river's course detours sharply to the east for about 40 kilometers, then again sharply to the north for about 50 kilometers, where it turns west for another 30 kilometers before veering to the north and continuing to its confluence with the Amazon Fiver. This detour is known as the Volta Grande, or Great Bend, of the Xingu. The rapids and falls of the Xingu River continue to appear closer to the main artery than do those of any other tributary of the Amazon. During the detour of the Great Bend, the Xingu River's water level drops by about 70 feet.

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5 The land bordering the Great Bend is lined with escarpments giving way to sandy beaches, in turn followed by more escarpments and beaches. Rising from the river banks, these escarpments reach 100 meters or more in height. During the dry season, these lands along the Great Bend are sometimes surrounded by stagnant pools of water, and veritable drought conditions exist, in which species of cactus flourish. """^ The highest elevations in the study area occur between the Xingu and Tocantins Rivers at the Carajas Serra, which attains heights of from 500 to 600 meters. Past the bay formed when the Bend veers to the north, the western bank of the Xingu begins to flatten into plains as the river nears the main artery. A major tributary of the Xingu River, the Iriri River, which also flows over a succession of rapids, enters from the west above the Bend. The mouth of the Iriri River and the upper course of the Xingu River through the Bend are studded with islands. There are clusters of islands above the bay formed by the last turn of the Bend. The lower course of the Xingu River has few islands, but does hold some treacherous sand banks which appear when the tide is low. Besides yearly fluctuations of water levels, the Xingu and other Amazonian rivers experience the daily changes of tides. Like the estuary of the Amazon, that of the Xingu contains numerous islands. The largest is the Island of Aquiqui formed by a canal, also called Aquiqui which cuts

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6 through from the western bank of the Xingu River to the southern bank of the T^azon. Other islands dot the estuary, and more fill the Amazon River after the Xingu enters it. The largest island near the mouth of the Xingu, the Great Island of Gurupa (Ilha Grande de Gurupa) forms part of the Amazon estuary, which also includes the islands of Caviana and Mexiana as well as the huge Island of Marajo, farther east. A number of large creeks, called rivers in the region, flow through the Great Island of Gurupa into the Amazon River. They are black-water streams The Great Island of Gurupa divides the main channel of the Amazon in two: the northern canal and the southern canal, which drain into the Atlantic Ocean about 275 kilometers apart. While large creeks often are called rios rivers, in the region, smaller creeks receive the name igarape The great majority — all of those entering the Xingu River — are clear water courses. Only those on the Great Island run with black water. Islands vary in size from very large and permanent, to small and liable to disappear due to flooding Also, floating islands appear, formed mainly by vegetation separated from the shoreline by the water's current, or due to land erosion, and are called murure They float downstream in all the tributary rivers below the rapids and in the Amazon's mainstream, which carries fresh water 150 miles into the Atlantic Ocean.

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7 The recorded history of the area of Gurupa and the lower Xingu Valley is part of the history of the expansion of western civilization. The discovery, exploitation and colonization of the Americas brought together three distinct peoples for the first time. The natives, or Amerindians, inhabited the continents for tens of thousands of years isolated from other parts of the world. The newcomers, Europeans and Africans, had been in communication for some time. A few Africans arrived as sailors with the European expeditions, but most Africans arrived as slaves. Relatively little is known about sixteenthand seventeenth-century Africans and Amerindians. In the tropical lowlands of Africa and South America, the natives kept no written records. References to their lives and daily activities are scarce in conquest literature. To recreate probable contact and pre-contact conditions of the Amerindians, recent ethnographic studies are often indispensable. The Amerindians' ancestors traveled from Asia across the frozen expanse of the Bering Straits to the North American land mass. They crossed in various waves, moving south until some reached the tip of South America. Settlement along the Amazon River evokes a controversy. One authority claims that settlement proceeded from east to west, up the river. Another supports a west-to-east set13 tlement, downriver. The earliest descriptions of the populations of the Xingu and Gurupa date from the seventeenth

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8 century. Effects of earlier European forays on the South American continent must have reverberated in the study area before the first Europeans, the Dutch, entered the 14 Xmgu. Both the effects of European forays from afar and of the Dutch traders and sugar planters of the Xingu and Gurupa area may have been slight. The first Europeans described the area as populous and productive.''"^ Population estimates for traditional villages range from one hundred to two or three thousand inhabitants per village community."'"^ Subsistence for these populations was provided, interdependently by farming, fishing, hunting and gathering. Variations of diet followed seasonal changes of climate and topography. The basic food for most groups — manioc — provided a variety of alimentary derivatives and was easily stored. For some people, corn or maize was the staple food. Supplements to these basics included sweet potatoes, other tubers or roots, fruits and beans. An important source of protein, besides fish and game, was found in various nuts. Daily tasks were divided between men and women. Men cleared and burned the forest plot, removed the debris and readied the plot for planting. The women cultivated and harvested crops. Women controlled preparation of food and fermented beverages. Depending on the group's traditions, either men or women or both wove cloth, hammocks, and basket utensils; formed and fired ceramics; and designed body ornaments. Men shouldered the heavier

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9 construction of houses. Some Amerindians' homes astonished 19 Europeans with the size and undivided internal space. Either sex could thatch roofs and walls with palm fronds. Activities surrounding the births of infants differed. Usually a birth united the women of a family group, unless the new mother alone cared for the baby. If twins were born, and no woman in the village wanted to raise another child, the second-born was left to die. A child born with an obvious handicap was not permitted to live. Population policies of Amerindians range from unrestricted expansion 2 0 to highly controlled reproduction. Birth control methods include prohibitions on sexual intercourse, herbal and mechanical abortifants, as well as infanticide. Nevertheless, the social structure and customs of Amerindians rarely failed to provide care for a child. Generally, orphaned children were adopted by relatives or childless Amerindians. Ceremonies marking the transformation from childhood to adulthood varied from group to group. Boys underwent painful, hallucinogenic, survival or hunting tests. Girls usually spent time isolated from the group and suffered a change of appearance (hair cuts or ceremonial scarification) with or without the use of drugs, usually medicinal. Once these rites were completed both boys and girls could take mates Marriage involved specific duties on both sides. Women's expectations of men included supplying meat, clearing fields and constructing buildings. Cooking, planting, harvesting

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10 and collecting some forest products comprised women's work. Occupations such as weaving, ceramics and creating body ornaments fell among both. In many groups, marriages could be dissolved by the husband's failure to supply his wife with game, or by the wife's refusal to cook. Depending on the group's tradition, one or the other would move. Each was then free to procure another mate. Occasionally, men would take more than one wife. If both wives enjoyed each other's company, the husband had only one house to provide. But if the wives were incompatible, he would have to provide equally for two separate homes — offering equal portions of game, clearing equal garden plots, and building separate houses. In practice, few men could support more than one wife. Some Amerindians lived long lives. A woman reached old age when childbearing possibilities were exhausted; a man, when he could no longer provide game. Both old men and old women taught the traditions and passed on the histories of their groups. They would teach the young methods of hunting and cooking and proper manners. When a person reached the point of not being able to fend, whether due to old age, physical incapacity, or disease, he or she was considered past salvation and often left to die. Few specialized occupations existed. Most people knew som.ething of all daily and seasonal activities. The one specialized occupation was that of the paje whose profession has been translated as witch-doctor or medicine man

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11 23 and shaman. The pai^ was supposed to have a special relationship with the spirit world, which gave him powers beyond those of men without such contacts. He (or rarely, she) could call on the spirits to tell him the cause of illness or bad luck. If someone died unexpectedly, it behooved the paje to divine the murderer or establish an accidental cause. Otherwise, fear of his powers might lead to his own death at the hands of others in the group, instigated perhaps by a rival paj^ or shaman. Besides special relationships with the spirit world, the paje enjoyed more specialized knowledge concerning medicinal plants and their properties. His knowledge would be passed on to an apprentice, or perhaps one or more of his children. Often tobacco or hallucinogens would be used during curing or healing rituals. VThile most men and women were familiar with simple cures and means to please the spirits, the pajd underwent special training; he learned special skills beyond those widely practiced for daily subsistence. Some of the paje's skills were employed during group festivals that occurred seasonally or every two years. Celebrating the rites of passage for girls and boys (usually held at separate times) the harvest or hunt season, or visits from a neighboring and friendly group were all occasions for festivals. Some festivals needed elaborate preparation, including the making of costumes and practice on musical instruments. These would be the festivals for the harvest, the hunt, or for the dead.^"^

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12 Preparations for the festivals of the rites of passage differed from group to group. Group visits usually required an entire night of telling tales of valor — either personal or group — first by the visitors, then by the hosts. Later, the guests would expect to receive presents. Both sides debated the value of presents offered. Sometimes the host women complained that their men gave too much. When the situation reversed and the hosts visited their former guests' home, the same procedure occurred. Thus, if one group excelled in canoemaking and the other in arrow-making, a kind of barter would occur over the long run. Other recreational activities included story-telling, singing, playing music and participation in physical games. Children played with toys, often copies of adults' tools and implements. There also were extended visits among family members. These visits would entail participation in daily activities of food procuring and preparation. During festivals and visits, a fermented alcoholic drink would be consumed. 2 5 The alcoholic drink, known by various names, also was consumed previous to another form of social interaction: war. Wars provided a manner of forced trade and social interaction. Attacking men would sack the victimized village and perhaps take women and children as 26 prisoners. Treatment of such prisoners varied from slavery to incorporation in the conqueror's society.

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13 In the sixteenth century, Amazonian Amerindian society would experience the shocks of encounter with Europeans and Africans. Europeans and Africans had been in contact with each other for some time before the discovery and conquest of the Americas. Ever since news of Marco Polo's travels and the wonders of the East reached Europeans, they sought to discover means of trading with those far-off lands. In part, the series of Crusades undertaken over various centuries represent forced trade and social interaction between European Christians and inhabitants of the Middle East. These inroads, however, did not result in the establishment of permanent trade routes or the breaking of the Arab monopoly of Far Eastern commodities. European attempts to establish trade routes by sea, however, were successful — and had unexpected consequences The earliest adventurers in the South Atlantic Ocean were the Portuguese who established bases on the African continent beginning in 1415. The Portuguese also colonized islands off the west coast of Africa, instituting a plantation system of sugarcane cultivation with slave labor. Creating settlements did not impede further explorations, always with the goal of reaching the "Indies," and maritime explorations continued to the east, rounding Africa, and to the west with the discoveries of the Americas. The Portuguese and Spaniards took the lead in maritime exploration with financial backing from Italians and

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14 Flemings. They were joined later by English, French and 27 Dutch explorers. Besides the imperative of trade, the Portuguese and Spaniards carried with them the desire to spread the Roman Catholic faith. Shortly after the discovery of the Americas, the Catholic Church suffered the first of a series of shocking attacks on its spiritual and temporal authority. For hundreds of years the Church had been the official guide for European governments, but during the sixteenth century questions arose as to the validity of the Church's claims to hegemony in all aspects of personal and governmental life. Some Europeans broke with the Catholic Church and 2 8 began what is known as the Reformation. Responding to this multi-faceted movement, the Church launched the Counter-Reformation, examining and attempting to reform those elements under attack. These reforms affected all Church members, from high ecclesiastic officials to lay or nonclerical Catholics. The principal social event affected by the reforms was that of marriage. Bastardy, especially through concubinage, had been prevalent during the Middle Ages, but "from the sixteenth century onwards, the Church took upon itself the abolition of the practice. "^^ The Council of Trent established that a marriage had to be confirmed in the presence of a priest after the publication of banns. Protestants included the consent of parents as essential to a marriage. "^^ Both reform movements contributed to an ideological separation of nature and culture by Europeans."

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15 Births occasioned cooperation among women of rural 32 villages, as did baptisms and funerals. Baptisms, besides providing for the spiritual relationship of the child, provided a "spiritual kinship" uniting the baptized child's parents with the godfathers and godmothers 3 3 and their close relatives. Children were not always raised at home. They often were sent to relatives' or good friends' homes for education. Some Europeans, notably the English, could send adolescent children to be apprenticed to a tradesman; this was provided for by law in the mid-sixteenth century. '^'^ Orphans with no living relatives had to fend for themselves Subsistence in rural areas depended on farming, stock raising and seasonal activities. Professions in towns were organized in guilds for each craft. Women rarely participated in occupations outside the home or farm. One town profession open to women was prostitution. Coined money circulated, although barter still prevailed in rural areas. Exchange of goods from one generation to the other through inheritance most often occurred from the father to the oldest son. Daughters were provided with dowries at marriage. Younger sons often entered the military, clergy or a trade. An age considered old both 3 6 for men and women was 43 years, although some people lived into the eighties or nineties. Grandchildren, children or servants often would be left to the supervision of older people.

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16 The Iberians, both Portuguese and Spanish, remained overwhelmingly Roman Catholic. Jews who would not convert were expelled from both Iberian countries around 1500, while Moslems had been conquered first by the Portuguese, centuries before, then by the Spaniards, and forcibly Christianized. In Iberia, as in the rest of Europe before the Reformation took hold, society was organized according to Church schematics. Each part of society had its proper place in the body of the Church: the Pope, its head, was represented by the local Kings; laborers held positions analogous to hands and feet; others were in intermediary positions. With the coming of the Reformation, opposition to this static arrangement grew. Part of the CounterRe formation included the sprouting of new religious orders, and the revitalization of old ones, dedicated to the internal reform of the Church and society. Among these religious orders were the Franciscans and the Society of Jesus, or the Jesuits. Besides internal reforms in Europe, new or revitalized orders dedicated them.selves to the propagation of the Catholic faith outside Europe, especially in Asia and the Americas. The Jesuit order was organized along military lines — it was a company whose captain was Jesus Christ — while the Franciscans depended on a philosophy closer to a harmony with nature. As missionaries, the religious orders exported the reformed ideas of Western Europe to distant parts of the

PAGE 39

17 earth. Often they tried to give local religious beliefs Catholic meanings. Thus, the god of thunder, apa, for the Tupi linguistic group of Amerindians, became God the Father of Catholic dogma. Little was known of the various Amerindian religions or languages; the Europeans trans37 lated concepts without understanding their full meaning. European customs and beliefs were considered to be the best, the epitome of known civilization, and as such were introduced to those people considered barbaric or primitive. The great civilizing force of Europe was Christian religion. Concomitant with the religious reform that the Christian religion underwent shortly after the discovery of America, was the transformation of European family organization. During the Middle Ages parental authority had been diminished, as the Catholic Church recognized as valid the marriages contracted without parental consent between girls of eleven and a half and boys of thirteen and a half. Changes of family composition and living arrangements were stipulated by egalitarian contracts until the end of the thirteenth century. But reassertion of Roman Law changed the communal aspect of family life to rule by the head of the household, or patria potestas the power of the father."^ With the spread of this innovation, wives, children and servants were bound to the authority of husbands or heads of households. Africans entered Europe as slaves or servants. Some held positions as free mariners during the maritime

PAGE 40

18 expeditions, but most entered Western European society as workers on Atlantic island plantations or as personal servants. Their long contact with Europeans helped to 40 iiranunize them against certain diseases. The long-lived slave trading of Arabs in North and Northeastern Africa reduced many black Africans unwillingly to slave status. Black African labor was sought by Europeans first for the establishment of sugar plantations on the Atlantic Islands, later to staff sugar, tobacco, cotton, and coffee planta41 tions in the Americas. African social organization differed from region to region. Some groups were Moslems and had knowledge of written script, but other groups had perceptibly unstruc42 tured lifestyles. In any case, the Africans who came to America were, with rare exceptions, slaves whose way of life was that imposed upon them — by their European masters. Europeans and Africans were in the Xingu River valley before the Portuguese occupation of the Amazon in the early seventeenth century.

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19 Notes 1. Most — over twothirds — of the Amazon Basin lies within Brazilian territory, yet it includes large portions of Peru, Bolivia, Ecuador, Colombia, Venezuela and the Guianas. In Peru, the upper course to Iquitos is called Maranon (Maranhao in Portuguese) ; the rest of the river is denominated Amazonas. Brazilians call the river Solimoes from Iquitos to the confluence of the Negro River and Amazonas (Amazon) thereafter. 2. Betty Meggers, Amazonia; Man and Culture in a Counter feit Paradise (Chicago: Aldine, 1971) p. IT. 3. Ibid p. 13 4. Ibid pp. 27-30; Orlando Valverde, Geografia Agraria do Brazil I (Rio de Janeiro: Ministerio de Educayao e Cultura, 1964) p. 89. 5. Valverde, op. cit pp. 46-7. 6. Ibid p. 73. 7. Brazil, Ministry of Mines and Energy, Projeto RADAM (Rio de Janeiro: Departamento Nacional de Produ^ao Mineral, 1974), V 111-2. (Hereafter, RADAM.) 8. Meggers, op. cit p. 14. 9. Valverde, op. cit ., p. 48; RADAM IV 111/13-4. 10. Ranchers on Mara jo Island lose thousands of head of cattle each year to drought. See William Sauck, "On groundwater geophysics in tropical regions paper presented at International Symposium on Applied Geophysics in Tropical Regions in Belem, Para, Brazil, September 1-8, 1982. 11. Emilio F. Moran, Developing the Amazon (Bloomington : Indiana University Press, 1981), p. 41. Most information about pre-conquest American lifestyles has been reconstructed from twentieth century studies in situ 12. An account of human settlement reaching the Amazon Basin is given by Adelia Engracia de Oliveira in the chapter, "Occupacpao Humana," in Eneas Salati et al Amazonia; desenvolvimento integracao e ecologia (Sao Paulo; Brasillense; Brasilia: Conselho Nacional de Desenvolvimento Cientffico e Tecnologico, 1983), pp. 145-60.

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20 13. The former opinion is expressed by Betty J. Meggers in America pre-hist6rica (Rio de Janeiro: Paz e Terra, 1979T and in Amazonia op. cit (The latter is upheld by Donald W. Lathrap, The Upper Amazon (New York: Praeger Publishers, 1970). Meggers has researched extensively at the mouth of the Amazon River, especially Maraj6 Island. Lathrap 's work centered on the Upper Amazon. 14. Alfred Metraux, in Migrations historiques des TupiGuarani (Paris: Maisonneuve Freres 1927), reconstructed migrations of Amerindians throughout the Brazilian interior in the sixteenth century. 15. Father Joao Felipe Bettendorf, in "Chronica da Missao dos Padres da Companhia de Jesus no Estado do Maranhao," Revista do Institute Histdrico e Geogr^fico Brasileiro (RIHGB) LXXII, Part I (1909), p. 37, commented that the Captaincy of Gurupd had large numbers of Amerindians. Bettendorf spent over 30 years as a Jesuit missionary in the Amazon Region during the seventeenth century. He was Jesuit Superior for the missions twice, from 1668 to 1674 and again from 1690 to 1693. The first center of activity of the Jesuits in the Amazon Valley was the lower Xingu Valley. See Jos^ Moreira Brandao Castelo Branco, "Nos Vales do Xingu e do Tapajos," RIHGB CCXXXI (1956), pp. 9-10. 16. Julian H. Steward and Louis C. Faron, Native Peoples of South America (New York: McGraw-Hill Book Co., Inc., 1959) pp. 56 2*99 Other information concerning anthropological aspects of Amazon inhabitants can be found in the Handbook of South American Indians (Washington, D.C. : Bureau of American Ethnology, Smithsonian Institution) especially I (1946), III (1948), V (1949) and VI (1950); and Daniel Gross, ed. Peoples and Cultures of Native South America (New York: Doubleday, 1973). 17. Emilio F. Moran, "An energetics view of manioc culture in the Amazon," in Sol Tax, ed. World Anthropology (The Hague: Moulton, 1974). 18. Moran, Developing p. 39 describes methods of farming, hunting, fishing and gathering in detail. 19. Luiz Felipe Ba#ta Neves, 0 Combate dos Soldados de Cristo na Terra dos Papagaios ; "Colonialismo e Respressao Cultural (Rio de Janeiro: Forense-Universitdrio 1978) p. 125. 20. Moran, Developing p. 43. 21. Herbal abortifants have been recognized among the Urubu-Kaapor (William Balde, personal communication, July,

PAGE 43

21 1982) and among three groups visited by botanist Ghillean T. Prance (personal communication, March, 1983). Regina Muller described mechanical methods prevalent among Assurini women (personal communications, 1979, 1980, 1982). These last, which include someone's jumping on the expectant mother's stomach and other physical abuse, may result from the Assurini 's culture shock since recent contact with national Brazilian society. There are few children under five years of age. Earlier, in other parts of South America, Amerindian women's avoidance of conception or childbearing had been noted. See Nicolas SanchezAlburnoz, The Population of Latin America: A History translated by W.A.R. Richardson (Los Angeles: University of California Press, 1974), pp. 55-56. Comments from Luiz Figueira (1636) to Mrs. Agassiz (1866) emphasize the Amerindians' willingness to give up children to adoption even while parents are living. The ease of adoption and the confusion it can create among unsuspecting outsiders is illustrated by the following. The Amerindian group, Arara, was contacted peacefully in February 1981 and contracted common colds shortly after. Seven adults who fled to the jungle from the contact outpost died. The survivors, whose language was not understood easily, contained an aged man and a boy who called him "father." The representatives of the Brazilian Amerindian Agency (Funda
PAGE 44

22 23. John Heniining, Red Gold; The Conquest of the Brazilian Indians (London : Macmillan London Limited 1978) passim and Charles Wagley, Amazon Town; A Study of Man in the Tropics (New York; Oxford University Press, 1976) 24. Charles Wagley, Welcome of Tears; the Taripape Indians of Central Brazil (New York: Oxford University Press 1977) describes music and costumes of the Tapirape group. Inter-group visiting occurs among the WayanaApalai who travel between northern Brazil and Cayenne (Lucia Hussak van Velthem, personal communication, December, 1978; October, 1979). 25. Cauim is an alcoholic drink made by the Urubu-Kaapor (William Balee, personal communication, July, 1982). Chicha is made among Andean groups. 26. Florestan Fernandes, Organizayao Social dos Tupi namba (Sao Paulo: Institute Progresso Editorial, 1948 ) ; Florestan Fernandes, A funyao social da guerra na sociedade Tupinambd (Sao Paulo: reproduced from typewritten copy, 1951) ; and Egon Schaden, Aspectos fundamentals da cultura guarani (Sao Paulo; Universidade de Sao Paulo, 1954 ) 27. See C.R. Boxer, Four Centuries of Portuguese Ex p ansion, 1415-1825 (Johannesburg; Witwatersrand University")^ 1962) ; J.H. Parry, The Age of Reconnaissance (London; Harper, 196 3) ; and C.H. Haring, The Spanish Empire in America (New York: Oxford University Press, 1947). 28. See R. Bainton, The Reformation of the 16th Century (London: Hodder and Stoughton, 1953) 29. Jean-Louis Flandrin, Families in Former Times; Kin ship, Household and Sexuality translated by Richard Southern (New York; Cambridge University Press, 1979), p. 182. 30. Ibid. p. 131. 31. Neves, op. cit p. 41. 32. Flandrin, op. cit p. 36. 33. Ibid p. 19. 34. Sergio Buarque de Holanda, Raizes do Brasil (Rio de Janeiro; Livraria Jos^ Olympic Editora, 1978, 12th ed.), pp. 7-8; and John R. Gillis, Youth and History; Tradition and Change in European A g e Relations, 1770 Present (New York: Academic Press, 1974), p. 26. 35. Flandrin, op. cit pp. 41-3.

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23 36. Ibid p. 56 37. Colin MacLachlan, in "The Indian Directorate: Forced Acculturation in Portuguese America (1757-1799) The Americas XXVIII (1972) 380-1 noted the neglect of the Portuguese for all native languages other than TupiGuarani. Besides this linguistic group, there were three other major ones — Ge Carib, and Arawak — as well as other minor ones. 38. Flandrin, op. cit p. 131. 39. Ibid. p. 81. 40. Charles Boxer, The Golden Age of Brazil, 1695-1750 (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1962), passim 41. European indentured laborers and some Asian workers were brought to the Americas to toil. 42. For more information about the African slave trade see Pierre and Gugette Chaunu, Seville et I'Atlantique (1504-1650) (Paris: l5cole Pratique des Hautes Etudes, 1955-60), 8 vs.; and Mauricio Goulart, Escravidao no Brasil; das origens a extinyao do trafico (Sao Paulo: Livraria Martins Editora, 1950, 2nd ed. )

PAGE 46

CHAPTER II THE EUROPEAN CONQUEST Although Spaniards traversed the Amazon Valley during the sixteenth century, they established no settlements or fortifications to mark their passage. French, English and Dutch traders, however, established posts and fortifications in the Amazon Valley before the Portuguese arrived. The earliest trading posts in the Xingu Valley and Gurupa were set up by the Dutch. After the union of the Spanish and Portuguese Crowns in 1580, Portugal and its colonies inherited Spain's enemies, including the Dutch. Before the union of the two Iberian Crowns, the Netherlands provinces under the leadership of William of Orange and his Calvinist supporters had launched their struggle for independence from Spanish rule. While the southern Netherlands provinces, primarily Roman Catholic, made peace with Spain, in 15 79, the northern provinces effectively secured their independence and began to reach for world power. Until the 1650 's, when the Dutch fought England for the East India trade, they continued to invade, settle and trade in territorial possession of other European powers. One territory was the area of the Xingu and Gurupa. 24

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25 Apparently before the signing of the Twelve Year Truce between Spain and Holland, in 1609, Dutch factors were established along the Xingu and Dutch soldiers stationed at the site of Gurupa. During the Truce, Dutch activities in Spanish territories outside Europe continued and increased. The most impressive example of the Dutch presence in Brazil appeared in the northeastern part of the country, especially Pernambuco, which 4 the Dutch held until 1654. They had been forced out of the Xingu earlier. Dutch mariners and traders entered the area by 1598.^ By 1604, there were two small wooden fortifications, ostensibly guarding plantations and trading posts, established by the Dutch along the Xingu, on opposite sides of the river. The first was known by the Dutch as the Fort of Orange, located across the river from the present site of Veiros. The second, the fort of Nassau (after Maurice of Nassau, William of Orange's son), was built on a point called Maturli within the present city limits of Porto de Moz. A third fort was constructed later at Gurupa and called Mariocax.^ The Dutch traded with the inhabitants, said to be Tupinamb^s. Items they received from the Amerindians included urucu (annatto, a pod which provides a red dye), mother of pearl, and lumber. They also cultivated sugar cane along the banks of the Xingu, probably with the help of African labor. Although there are claims that the Dutch came as settlers, bringing women and children with

PAGE 48

26 them, no documentary evidence has been found to corrobo7 8 rate this. Nor is there any mention of clergymen. The Dutch were interested in trade and cane cultivation, but made no real effort to colonize the area. The Portuguese, meanwhile, had begun to move northward in an attempt to rid Brazil's shores of foreigners. By 1615, they evicted the French from the territory of Maranhao, 300 miles southeast of the Amazon River's estuary. In 1616 the Portuguese established the town of Our Lady of Bethlehem, Belem, on the southern branch of the Amazonian mouth. From this position the Portuguese began their occupation of the Amazon Valley. They had information about the Dutch fortifications upriver, but their attention was drawn by a Dutch ship off the coast. After two attacks, the Portuguese fired and sank the ship. Three years later the Captain at Belem, Manuel de Sousa d'Eqa, wrote to the king about the need to expel the foreigners from the Amazon Basin. He was answered with the arrival of Captain Luis Aranha de Vasconcelos who brought a SO ton caravel, a brigantine, a launch and some canoes for the purpose of expelling the rival Europeans from the region. This was in May 16 23; in June the first expedition left via the Par^ River and consisted of 74 soldiers and 400 Amerindian archers. Before reaching the Dutch outpost of Orange, the Portuguese were attacked by enemy Amerindians. One prisoner they took informed them that there were no more than

PAGE 49

27 30 Dutchmen at that position. Aranha de Vasconcelos took no chances, however. After sending a soldier with a white flag to demand the Dutch surrender, he dressed a number of Amerindians in European clothing and placed them cimong the soldiers in visible positions to confuse the Dutch. His plan worked and the Dutch surrendered their outpost. They turned over their arms and munitions, cotton, tobacco, Africans, Amerindians, and themselves: only 14 Dutchmen had manned the Fort of Orange. The buildings were burned to the ground. The defenders of Fort Nassau fought before surrendering their position. There had been 35 Dutchmen, well supplied with slaves from Angola, Amerindians, arms, tools, equipment and provisions. In all, the Portuguese took 130 pris9 oners am.ong Dutch, Africans and Amerindians. Before moving to attack Mariocai, the expedition received reinforcements from Belem. The defenders of Marica£ fought well, but lost. They did not surrender, however; they ran for cover on a nearby island, Ilha dos Tucujus.''"^ The Portuguese occupied the abandoned position, razed its buildings, and rested while planning to rout the Dutch and their allies from their island hideouts. But before they could pursue these enemies, the Portuguese had to battle a Dutch warship which arrived on the scene. Nearly the entire enemy crew died, including an English captain. The only prisoner taken from the warship was a boy of 18.

PAGE 50

28 After this river battle, the Portuguese, now under the command of Captain-general Bento Maciel Parente, established the Fort of Saint Anthony of Gurupa on the site of Mariocai. At the time, Gurupa 's position was thought to guard the major entrance to the Amazon Valley. Bento Maciel left a garrison of 50 soldiers and a larger, unspecified number of Amerindians under the command of Infantry Captain Jeronimo de Albuquerque. They were to prevent foreigners from entering and occupying the Amazon. The establishment of the fort at Gurupa served to protect and defend navigation and shipping in the area, including the Xingu River Valley. The foreigners persisted, however, and more battles had to be fought before the Portuguese could rest assured of their sovereignty in the region. In 1621, 22 Irish families led by Bernard O'Brien settled along the Amazon estuary. Sometime later, the group moved to a place near Gurupa which was called Mandiutuba, and which already housed some Dutch. After disagreements over religious questions, most of the colonists left for Europe with O'Brien. The Dutch who remained recognized Captain Nicolas Hosdam as their leader and the Irish, Captain Philip Purcell. The two leaders managed to gather 200 men among those dispersed from Mariocai and those living at Mandiutuba. News of this European concentration was sent to Bel^m by Gurup^ s Captain Albuquerque.

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29 In May 1625, 50 soldiers and 300 Tupinamba archers set out from Belem to oust the Dutch and Irish from the Amazon. After 20 days' traveling they reached Gurupa and were joined by the fort's garrison and another 200 Amerindians. The expedition's leader, Pedro Teixeira, divided his forces in two: one under Captain Albuquerque, the other with Captain Pedro da Costa Favela. The two columns attached simultaneously by land and by water. The combined Dutch and Irish forces fought tenaciously for 12 hours, but after nightfall, they abandoned Mandiutuba and fled to the island of Tucujus. At this point, versions of the story differ: one mentions 40 dead and wounded on the beach; another insists that 70 Irish defenders surrendered and the Portuguese killed 54 of them, taking the others prisoner. The Portuguese troops followed the fugutives to Tucujus. Out of an estimated 80 Dutchand Irish on the island, about 6 0 died, including the two leaders, Hosdam and Purcell. The survivors fled, guided by their Amerindian allies The Dutch made a last effort to trade in the area. Near the end of 1639 a Batavian packet mounting 20 guns appeared close to Gurupa. The fort's commander. Captain Joao Pereira de Caceres led the garrison in various canoes taking the ship's crew by surprise and its cargo as spoils of war.

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30 Conditions in Europe about this time changed and affected events in the Americas. The Portuguese were disenchanted with their joint venture with Spain. One move by the Castilians which upset the Portuguese was the levying of a 5% property tax to raise money for a South American expedition. This action led to rioting 12 in 16 37. The Portuguese were unsettled by the European incursions in Brazil and thought that Spain did little to aid the colony. In reality, the Spanish government had suffered a number of bankruptcies and could do little. In December 1640, Duke Joao II of Bragan^a proclaimed himself King Joao IV of Portugal, severing the union of the Iberian Crowns. In the Netherlands a Dutch West Indian Company had been formed in June 1621, basically to protect the contraband trade already being carried out by the Dutch in the Americas. The Company was not very profitable and the costs of maintaining outposts in the Americas exceeded the benefits. Even the apparently flourishing colony of Pernambuco was too costly for the Company to maintain. "^"^ After Portugal's independence from Spain in late 16 40, the Company's position became complicated. The Netherlands had preyed on Brazil because of Portugal's subjection to Spain; the Dutch difficulties were with Spain, not Portugal. After 1640 Dutch financiers began selling their shares in the Company, since they believed it more profitable to deal legally with an independent Portugal than to shoulder the costs of illegal privateering. "''^

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31 The Dutch venture in the Xingu and Gurupa evidently brought little return for the substantial outlay necessary to establish and maintain the trading posts. In Pernambuco, at least the Dutch had profits from cane cultivation. The soils of the areas in the Xingu would not sustain continued cane cultivation. The legendary El Dorado was not found in the Xingu or at Gurupa. Except for the believed strategic importance of Gurupa 's location, the area contained little of value besides forest products and the inhabitants. The populations of the area along the Xingu and at Gurup^ had been in contact with the Dutch for about 25 years before the Portuguese arrived to occupy the Amazon Basin. If indeed only men staffed the Dutch outposts, then one might assume that racially mixed children appeared. No records have been found which describe the inhabitants' situation just after the Dutch had been ousted. "^^ In 1636 the area was visited by a Jesuit missionary, Luiz Figueira. He was not the first Catholic missionary to visit the Amerindians of the Xingu and Gurupa, but he was the first member of the Society of Jesus. Members of that order visited and lived in the area until the mid-eighteenth century. The first missionaries who entered the Xingu were two Franciscans, both chaplains with Portuguese military expeditions. Friar Crist6vao de Sao Jos^ was the first missionary. He accompanied Captain Luis Aranha de Vasconcelos and is credited with having persuaded more than a thousand

PAGE 54

32 Amerindian archers to join the expedition and to fight on the Portuguese side, before the expedition reached the environs of Gurupa.''"^ Another Franciscan, Friar Antonio de Merciana accompanied Captain Pedro Teixeira. For the entire expanse of the Amazon Valley, however, there were only four Franciscas. Some Jesuits arrived in 1615, but from 1617 until 16 36 four Franciscan missionaries were responsible for an area of more than three million square kilometers. Luis Figueira found a cross erected at one 17 site on the Xmgu River, indicating that the Franciscans had traveled there. The determined (and often noted) activity of these missionaries in the Amazon Region provides a distinct contrast to the Dutch attempts at establishing trading posts and settlements. Not once is a clergyman or priest mentioned in the accounts of their defeats. Surely, the religiously oriented Portuguese would have mentioned in their descriptions the presence of a priest or a Protestant clergyman, had there been one among the vanquished foes,. Apparently, the Dutch were interested solely in trade, in contrast to the Portuguese, who, along with the Spaniards, as standard bearers of the Counter-Reformation, had a further goal: propagation of the Roman Catholic religion. The missionaries, then, served two masters in the Amazon Valley. First, they served the Pope and the CounterReformation by spreading knowledge and acceptance of the Roman Catholic religion. Second, they served the King and

PAGE 55

33 State by extending and reinforcing Portugal's claim to a vast territory. Due to Portugal's demographic poverty, 18 extensive colonization by nationals was unfeasible. Portuguese missionaries encountered problems similar to those of all Europeans trying to live in the American tropics. They faced untimely death due to accidents or disease, or at the hands of unfriendly Amerindians. Not all were prepared for missionary life, isolated from much of European society for long periods of time. They likely experienced homesickness and a desire to return to Portugal. Furthermore they had trouble with colonists and government officials, their own countrymen, who competed for the right to control Amerindian labor and instruction. Amerindians were necessary for the major economic pursuits in the Amazon Valley: collection of forest products ( drogas do sertao ) cultivation and preparation of tobacco, and finding other Amerindians to join the labor force. The Franciscan Order, begun in the early thirteenth century by St. Francis of Assisi, attracted many people during the Counter-Reformation, due to its reputation as a highly dedicated order. Throughout the overseas conquests by the Portuguese in Africa, Asia and America, the order expanded as the friars accompanied soldiers and colo20 nists. Although they were the first missionaries on the scene during the Portuguese occupation of the Amazon Valley, the Franciscans had no strong supporters at the 21 royal Court. The Society of Jesus, evident in Portuguese

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34 installations in Maranhao as early as 1615, had no official sanction to work with Amazonian Amerindians iintil Jesuit Father Antonio Vieira caught the ear of the Por22 tuguese King m the 1640' s. The early Jesuit groundwork was laid by Luis Figueira, but his way had been cleared by the earlier presence of the Franciscans, especially Fr. Cristovao de Sao Jose. Fr. Sao Jose accompanied the fleet of Captain Luis Aranha de Vasconcelos when he dislodged the Dutch from their two outposts on the Xingu River in 1623. Evidently the friar spoke to Amerindians at both trading sites, the Fort of Nassau, or Maturu, and the Fort of Orange across the river. When the next missionary arrived 13 years later, the Amerindians remembered the Franciscans 23 well and kindly. From the beginning, the Franciscans and other missionaries encountered problems in assuring the well-being of their Amerindian charges. The need for missionary work in Amazonia was underscored in 1618 by Manuel de Sousa d'E9a who requested Franciscan and Jesuit missionaries from Portugal. He also supported the prohibition of lay captains to care for the Amerindians, due to the abuses they perpetrated, overburdening the Amerindians and even separating them from their families. This system was abolished in 1624, the same year in which the Crown authorized a yearly salary for the Franciscan friars. They were to receive cloth, wine, olive oil and other necessities to carry out their work. This payment

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35 24 was called the ordindria Three years later, the custodian of the order in the Amazon Region, Friar Crist6vao de Lisboa, had to complain about the poverty facing the Franciscans; in 1627, they had not received 25 their ordinaria. Three years later, their position had not improved, 2 6 and this impeded their missionary work. Their loss of prestige and effectiveness was underscored in 1636 when one of the worst slavers, Bento Maciel Parente was named governor of Maranhao and Para and was granted the Cap27 tamcy of Cabo do Norte. That same year, Father Luis Figueira visited villages along the Xingu and Tocantins Rivers, laying the foundations for Jesuit control of the Amazonian missions. Earlier, in 1624, Figueira had influenced the Captainmajor of Maranhao, Ant6nio Moniz Barreiros, to bequeath a sugar plantation near Sao Luis to the Jesuits. The Governor of Brazil had appointed Figueira as Barreiros' coun28 sellor. In Sao Luis, Figueira built up Jesuit holdings and corresponded with theologians about the Amerindian question. He visited Para in 1636 and, after Easter of that year, he left Belem with Joao de Avelar, a Jesuit, to visit Camuta (Camet^) and Gurupa. From Gurupa, whose commander at the time was Avelar' s brother, the party proceeded to the Xingu Valley. Figueira described the damp bread ( beiju ) made from manioc flour, the fine dyes, and the pleasing work of the

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36 29 Xmgu inhabitants. He found the church left by Friar Crist6vao and people who had been baptized by the Franciscans. One of their disciples, the Amerindian Cristovao, was married by Figueira. The Jesuits baptized more people and, before they left, were offered children to be raised and taught Portuguese ways; Figueira accepted two boys whom he took with him to Portugal the next year. Before he left, the inhabitants gathered round him asking him to stay with them; his companion. Father Benito Amodei, apparently remained a few more days. Figueira promised to return with more friends who would be able to remain with the Xingu inhabitants.^^ On his return trip from the Xingu Valley, Figueira again stopped at Gurupd where he met the captain, Pedro da Costa Favela who had been absent previously. In 1637, Figueira left for Europe, where he obtained a royal letter placing the Amazonian Amerindian villages and ecclesiastical government in the hands of the Jesuits. There was some opposition to this move, but in 1640, the King reconfirmed the order with regard to the Amerindians, though he withheld ecclesiastical administration from the Society In Portugal, Figueira spent time recruiting more Jesuits for work in the Amazonian mission field and left Lisbon on April 30, 164 3. His ship foundered near Bel^m. Many passengers, including three of the Jesuits aboard, made it safely to shore, but Figueira and eleven other Jesuits clung to debris from the ship on which they reached the island of

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37 Joanes (Maraj6 Is land) where they met death at the hands of the Arua Amerindians. Figueira could not keep his promise to the Xingu inhabitants or complete his plan to found a mission in the area of Gurupa. The Jesuit effort was set back until the arrival of Father Antonio Vieira in 16 52."^^ The 16 40 's was a troublesome decade. Portugal, after the break with Spain, underwent some governmental reorganization. To care for colonial matters, an Overseas Council, or Conselho Ultramarine was created in 1642. Instead of being assigned to various departments, colonial affairs 33 would be handled by this one council. In the meantime, the Dutch continued to hamper the Portuguese in the Amazon. In 1641, they captured Sao Luis and forced all the Franciscan friars to leave for Portugal. (This was a further blow to the Franciscans, who had lost eight friars to pirates in 1636.) Finally, in 1644, a combined force of Portuguese and Amerindians defeated the Dutch and drove them out of 34 Maranhao. The Franciscan superior in the region. Friar Cristovao de Lisboa, wrote about the scandalous behavior of the colonists toward the indigenous population. By 1647, there were no Amerindian villages in the 100 leagues between Sao Louis and Belem, and for 100 leagues west of Belem there were only domesticated Amerindians."^^ In an attempt to put Amerindians on an equal footing with the white colonists, a royal letter abolished all administrators for Amerindians. A year later, in 1648, reports about working conditions for

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38 "free" Amerindians described them as worse than those for slaves. Free Amerindians were kept working seven months a year growing and curing tobacco at ridiculous wages. The town council of Belem petitioned for the return of the 37 Franciscans m 1649. However, the Jesuits were on their way. Father Antonio Vieira, born in Portugal and educated at the Jesuit seminary in Bahia, became a close friend of Dom Joao IV by 1641. Three years later he obtained the position of Royal Preacher. In 1652, the King sent him to Maranhao with a royal order to organize the Amerindian 38 missions. In September of that year, the Jesuits were granted two private villages, one of which was in the district of Gunj^aa, a situation sought since the attempts of Figueira to establish the Jesuits in the Amazon Valley. Vieira was pleased; he, too, saw Gurupa as the "gateway to 39 the Amazon." Just after Vieira' s arrival, a royal order was published freeing all Amerindians in captivity. The Chief of the Overseas Council, the Conde de Odemira, had drawn up a series of rules for the taking of Amerindian slaves. He recognized six legal justifications for enslaving Amerindians, and gave the religious orders the authority to judge the legality of each action. Both the governor and the captains-major were prohibited from using Amerindian labor for anything other than public works — building fortifications, for example. Vieira 's encounter with regional

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39 reality was provided by the Captain-major, Inacio do R^go Barreto, who invited Vieira to accompany an expedition to the Tocantins by way of Gurupa. The Jesuit was thinking about setting up a base for missionary operations in the area of Gurupa, while the captain-major planned a slaving 41 expedition. Despite the obvious difference in goals of the military and religious leaders, Vieira and another Jesuit accompanied the Barreto expedition to the Tocantins River. His firsthand experiences of the restate, or slaving expedition, helped Father Vieira form the ideas behind 19 paragraphs he wrote in April 1654.^^ With those paragraphs, Vieira outlined his recommendations to the Crown for regulating Amerindian policy in the Amazon Region. His policy primarily favored the religious orders and urged that complete control be given them. The Jesuit did not forget the colonists' needs for a labor supply and included suggestions for increasing the available pool by excluding Amerindians from military service which removed them from workers' rolls. ^"^ He also maintained that religious orders should have no holdings which required Amerindian labor. His concluding proposal was to entrust the missions to a single religious order. While Father Vieira went to Lisbon to lobby for his policy. Father Manuel Nunes took charge of Jesuit affairs in the Amazon. Father Nunes clearly stated his intention to found a Jesuit house in Gurupa; however, no action was taken until his superior returned from Portugal. Vieira

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40 arrived in 1655 with a new law regulating the enslavement of Amerindians, which did not incorporate all of his recommendations. Those responsible for the parcelling out of Amerindians were to be two judges, one a chaplain for the future forced laborers, the other, a nominee of the local town council. The time spent by the Amerindians on labor service outside of their villages was stipulated as six months, to be divided into three two-month stints. Vieira had recommended four months in two stints. Vieira had achieved a major victory, however, because the Jesuits were granted a monopoly of the missions. '^^ By December 16 55, Vieira had begun to put his plan into action. He sent two Jesuits, Manuel de Sousa and a companion, to Gurupd to commence missionary work in that district. The two Jesuits brought about 100 freed Amerindians with them to help in their work. At this time there was a total of 20 Jesuits working in the Region. '^^ An early case of opposition by the colonists to the Jesuits' work developed in Gurupa shortly after Manuel de Sousa and his partner appeared. Residents of Gurup^ put the two Jesuits in a canoe and took them to a location near Bel^m, where they left them with a warning not to return to Gurup^. This act was condemned by the Governor, Andre Vidal de Negreiros, who applied the law of 1655 to the detriment of Gurupa 's colonists. One important justification for the enslavement of the Amerindians was their impeding propagation of the Roman Catholic religion.

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41 Gurup^'s residents, however, certainly impeded religion by expelling the two priests. Governor Negreiros exiled two perpetrators to the southern colony and sent another 48 two to Lisbon in chains for judgment and sentencing. This show of support for the Jesuits effectively halted the resistance of Gurupa's residents to further missionary activity for the time being. Father Manuel, evidently a young man at that time, returned to the area. He explored the Xingu River and entered its tributary the Jurunas creek, baptizing 543 people during this journey. Father Manuel related the Juruna tradition about a war against men who had appeared in canoes traveling down the Xingu River. Apparently, bandeiras or expeditions from the area of the southern town of Sao Paulo, already had reached the area. This missionary also described the great skill of Juruna women at spinning cotton finely.'^ Some Jesuits accompanied expeditions to fulfill the legal requirements for expeditions seeking Amerindians or other wealth. Rumors of mineral wealth drew an expedition to the Pacaj^s River in early 1656. The expedition's captain was Pedro da Costa; the missionary in tow. Father Joao de Souto Maior. Members of the expedition consisted of 32 whites and 190 chosen Amerindians.^^ They were seeking gold and this effort became known as the "Journey of Gold," or Jornada de Ouro They discovered no gold, and the purpose of the journey may have been misstated to deceive colonial authorities.^-^ The expedition did find a

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42 number of Amerindian villages, the residents of which resisted being uprooted. So many died that the Pacajls River appeared to flow with blood. But some of the Pacaj^s people managed to escape the massacre and establish villages elsewhere. Father Souto Maior discovered one such village of refugees and the missionary baptized all the villagers, although one man, called the Principal, or chief, had to divest himself of one wife first. The chief told his second wife to find another husband so he could receive the baptismal blessing. By the end of 1656, the Jesuits under Father Vieira's direction had founded 56 mission villages in Maranhao and Par^. By accompanying expeditions along the river, missionaries were able to cover vast territories. After surveying the area of Gurupd and the Xingu River, Father Manuel de Sousa and a colleague, Manuel Pires, formed an expedition of 25 Portuguese soldiers and 200 Amerindians led by Domingos Pocu and ascended the Amazon River. ^'^ Before the Jesuits encountered major opposition, they managed to survey a great portion of the A-mazon Valley. They established missions and convents in promising places, including the Xingu and Gurup^. The Fort at Gurup^ had a chapel dedicated to St. Anthony, which served the residents and soldiers stationed there. For the Amerindians settled close to the fort, a separate entity was formed: the mission of Sao Pedro, or St. Peter. Along the Xingu, the earliest established

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43 Jesuit mission apparently was that of Our Lady of Exile, or Nossa Senhora de Desterro, at Tapara. Other missions appeared along the river, such as Caviana (Villarinho do Monte) and Maturil (Porto de Moz) later in the seventeenth century. Jesuit headquarters at that time alternated between Tapar^ and Maturvf.^^ The founders of Tapard were Fathers Salvador do Vale and Paulo Luis. On one occasion, as Father Luis was on his way to baptize a woman near death, he received word that she had died but resuscitated in order to be baptized and instructed in religion. This was considered a mira55 cle, and it certainly offset native fears of receiving the last rites, or Extreme Unction — an annointing with oils carried out before death to insure the well-being of the recipients' souls in the afterlife. Evidently, some Amerindians perceived a cause-and-ef feet relationship between the last rites and death, thinking that the annointing caused death. The Jesuits encountered such problems throughout their ministry, despite efficient planning. To aid in the organization of missionary work, some guidelines established normal procedures. Included in these were instructions concerning living arrangements : each established mission was to have a residence near the church and the residence was to be enclosed by a wall. (This arrangement can be seen still in Porto de Moz Maturtl.) There were to be guest houses separate from the quarters of the mission subjects, so that travelers

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44 could be segregated from them. The missionaries were always to journey in pairs, with each priest keeping an eye 5 6 on the other to prevent straying from the Order's rules. One great strength of the Society of Jesus was its ideology. The Order's founder, St. Ignatius de Loyola, had been a soldier before conceiving the idea for the Jesuits. The basic ideology of the Jesuits was reflected in their self identification as soldiers of Jesus Christ. Spawned at a critical time for the Catholic Church, the Society — or Company — of Jesus dedicated itself to "combat in a Christian world at war with heretics and pagans, with backsliders and innocents "^^ The Jesuit Order provided militant workers for the goals of the CounterRe formation. The militancy and sense of purpose of members of the Company of Jesus — their esprit de corps — sustained the missionaries in their arduous work at places far from their homelands The Jesuits prepared for their encounters with prospective catechumens (disciples of the religion) not only spiritually but also materially. Their professional traveling equipment included portable altars, chimes, and sand timers as well as religious books. When meeting a prospective group of catechumens, the missionaries carried cloth, tools, knives, dishes, candles, ready-made 5 8 dresses, and other enticements. A most effective method of persuasion was to arrive in a new village with a former inhabitant — a child who had been given up or taken from it.

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45 for example. The former inhabitant, having been welltreated, was to be plump and contented with life among the Portuguese. His obvious contentment would publicize vividly the advantages of "civilized" life.^^ Another entree to gain Amerindians' trust was the offer of medical assistance. Medical theory of the time in Iberia stressed the humoral base for illness. The four humors were considered to be the key to biological functioning,^'^ and curative medicine was prevalent. Salves and simple remedies, novelties to the American inhabitants, were used by the Jesuits to their advantage. Success at medical treatment by Europeans could discredit their major adversary among the Amerindians, the pajg or shaman, whose profession was most affected by the missionaries' presence. The Jesuits called them witches, warlocks, or spell-casters ( f eiticeiros ) One difficulty with the Jesuit presence in the vast region was their lack of manpower. There were not enough Jesuit missionaries in the Amazon Region to staff all the missions founded by 1656. The priests traveled constantly to maintain contact with their catechumens, but pastors could not always be located when they were needed. ^"^ There were constant comings and goings during this phase of missionary work in the Amazon Valley. The Jesuit inspector, Father Joao Felipe Bettendorf, accompanied the missionary assigned to the Xingu sites and noted these problems shortly before the Society faced a greater challenge.

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46 The colonists in Sao Luis decided that the Jesuits controlled too many able workers too well. Government officials also resented the Jesuits' monopoly of the labor force. Vieira felt that these people were wrong in blaming their poverty or lack of success on lack of slaves. He indicated other reasons for the difficulties of life in the region: the type of land, a growing scarcity of game and fish, lack of local markets and fairs, the war in Portugal, and the vanity of those who spent more than they could afford. Vieira reasoned to no avail, however; the colonists wanted slaves. A revolt began in Sao Luis with the imprisonment of the Jesuits there in May 1661. The mutiny had spread to Bel^m by July. Vieira was imprisoned and kept under close guard, although missionaries in the districts of Gurupi and GurupS were offered protection by the military commanders and escaped the first waves of 6 6 arrest. Among the few who avoided early arrest then was Bettendorf at Gurupa. Although some of the settlers wanted to arrest him and the other priests, the Captainmajor of the Fort, Paulo Martins Garro, was proJesuit, and the principal anti-Jesuit settlers were hung as rebels in Gurupi. In 1662, Belem's town council sent a task force to arrest Bettendorf and his colleagues. Fathers Francisco Veloso and Joao Maria Gorsony. This time the captain-major was unable to save them from detention. With the arrest of the three at Gurupi, all Jesuit missionaries in the fi 7 Amazon Valley were in custody.

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47 These developments came at a bad time for Father Vieira. His enemies came to power in Portugal with the accession of Afonso VI in 1662. Afonso remained on the throne until 166 7, when he was replaced by his brother, 6 8 King Pedro II, with whom Vieira had more influence. Afonso, by a law of September 166 3, allowed the Jesuits to return to their missions on the condition that they share spiritual powers with other orders, but Father 69 Vieira was prohibited from returning. From the Jesuit return in 1663 until 1680, the Amazon Region was the setting for power struggles between the governors and the town council. Despite the loss of control, Jesuit missionaries continued to staff most of their outposts and gather more catechumens for instruction. Some early mission sites, however, had to be abandoned, including Tapard, which, in 1660 had received 600 Pauxis Amerindians from the locale of 6bidos. After 1670 missionary activity moved farther from the Fort at Gurupa. Another mission, across the river from the former Dutch Fort of Orange, was established at Itacuru9a (Veiros) Missionaries working with Amerindians in the missions along the Xingu during the interim included Fathers Joao Maria Gorsony, Pedro de Pedroso, Caspar Misseh, and Francisco da Veiga, and Brothers Domingos da Costa and Joao de Almeida. Especially active among these were Joao Maria Gorsony and Pedro de Pedroso. Father Pedroso was known as

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48 an expert in the lingua geral a language formed from the largest linguistic stock of the Brazilian coast, Tupi. The Jesuits had received word of a large group of Tupi speakers in the forest of the Xingu and Father Pedroso was sent to find them, which he did. He travelled for 14 days upriver to reach these people, the Taconhap^s. He passed rocks with pictures and writing on them, which locates his voyage on the Great Bend of the Xingu, by the mouth of the Bacajd creek. The Bend was known as the Jurunas' River. Joao Maria Gorsony made repeated attempts to attract the Taconhapes to a mission, without success. Then, after spending some time at missions on the Tapajos River, he returned to the Great Bend of the 72 Xingu later in the century and attained his goal. Another missionary who achieved success in the Xingu missions was Father Alufsio Conrado Pfeil. Late in 1679 he arrived in Gurup^, where he ministered to the soldiers and the captain-major, Vaz Correa. He cared for three villages near the "Mission of the Xingu," or Itacuru^a, and another across the river for the Coanizes Amerindians on Aquiqui Island. He was a patient proselytizer and managed to baptize most of the villagers by 1680. He even ministered to a backwoodsman, Caspar Ferreira. Father Pfeil also advised the government to build a fort on the north bank of the Amazon River, near the Paru River. He stated that the French showed up each year to 73 catch peixe-boi (manatees) there.

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49 By the last quarter of the seventeenth century, the time had come for effective organization in the Amazon Region. One step was taken in 1577 with the Papal authorization of a bishopric, the Diocese of Sao Luis. The first Bishop, Dom Greg6rio dos Anjos arrived in 1679 and 74 had a say in Amerindian affairs. In 1680, the Jesuits presented a petition pleading for the reinstatement of their lost authority in the missions. The petition was supported by Father Bettendorf who believed that because the work in the region was difficult, it ought to be done. He compared the Amazon mission field with that of the East and admitted that the American tropics offered ungrateful, barbarous, and despicable people and it was poorer than the East. Life in these tropics was full of misery, persecutions, and daily dangers to body and soul. Bettendorf had to plead not only with the Portuguese authorities, but also with fellow Jesuits like Jodoco Peres, who wanted to abandon the missionary effort in the Amazon. Temporarily, the Jesuits regained their missionary power in the Amazon. Effectively, they could not keep it. Even though Father Antonio Vieira never returned to the Amazon (he died in Bahia in 169 7) his arguments in favor of the Amerindians and the Jesuits carried weight with his friend. King Pedro. The King issued a law on April 1, 16 80, which restated Portuguese Crown policy on Amerindians. Again, enslavement was forbidden. Those

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50 guilty of capturing Amerindians were to be sent to Portugal for punishment by the King. The religious community — the bishops, priests and prelates — as well as the governor were to inform on infractors. Any Amerindians taken justly were to be treated as if they were European 76 prisoners of war. Also, the governing of the mission villages was given to the hands of the parish priest and the principal Amerindian. And all missions without vicars in Gurupd and the rest of the Amazon were to go to the Jesuits. Jealousy of other religious orders has been given as a reason for the success of the Beckman revolt, which occurred in Sao Luis in March 1684. While the Jesuits were put on ships leaving Maranhao, they were not the only casualty, since a trading company given a monopoly for commerce in the region was disbanded in 1685. The Jesuits returned to Maranhao that year, but did not recover control of many of the missions they had regained in 1680.^^ New regulations concerning the missions were issued in 1686 and 1693, which divided the missions among four orders: the Jesuits, Franciscans, Carmelites and Mercedarians Under the new regulations, Amerindian slaving was still prohibited. For those on the work lists, however, time of service was stiupulated as six months for villagers in Para and four months for those in Maranhao. The difference was due to distances which had to be covered during the collecting expeditions in the forest.

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51 The colonists' dissatisfaction with the Jesuits may have included more than irritation at the Jesuits control over the Amerindian labor force. At least for Gurupa, the Jesuits refused to send priests to minister to the local garrison and residents in the 1680 's. The Captainmajor, Manuel Guedes Aranha, wanted a priest not only for the soldiers at the fort, but also for the Amerindians at the mission of Sao Pedro. The Jesuits, however, refused to send a priest, even though they had a convent relatively near the fort at their Xingu village, Itacuru9a. The reason for this given by Father Serafim Leite is that the Jesuits were not supposed to attend to whites, only to the Amerindians. Father Mathias Kiemen attributes the Jesuit refusal to lack of manpower or dislike of Captainmajor Aranha. The Jesuits had a couple of disputes with Aranha in the 1680 's. The most upsetting occurred while Father Joao Maria Gorsony was away from the mission at Itacuru9a. In 1687 or 1688, Father Gorsony was requested on an expedition to the Negro River. He had been involved in persuading about 20 villages of Guahuara Amerindians to move to his mission site, which was already populous. The leader of the expedition to the Negro River was a personal friend of Father Gorsony, Faustino Mendes. Mendes, a resident in the Xingu region, had a good reputation for treatment of Amerindians. He could be trusted not to harm any of the established missions and to use legal criteria for obtaining Amerindian workers.

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52 While Father Gorsony was involved with the Negro River expedition, Captain-major Aranha sailed to the Xingu mission and dismantled the village which Gorsony had worked to build. Aranha apparently carried off the inhabitants. Gorsony 's assistant, Father Antonio Vaz had remained in the Xingu, but missed Aranha' s visit to the mission. At the time he was engaged in an unsuccessful attempt to attract some villages of Curabare people. A clove collector, Manuel Paes, lived among these people; Vaz's opinion was that as long as the clove collector remained, there was no hope for missionary success. Years later, after Paes died, these people went to the Tapajos mission where Father Gorsony had moved. After the expedition to the Negro River, Father Gorsony returned to find his work undone in the Xingu. He was transferred to the Tapajds missions. Ant6nio Vaz remained to work in the Xingu along with Antdnio da Silva, who catechized the Taconhape group near the Great Bend. Incidentally, Father Bettendorf regained a church bell which had been taken from the Xingu to Gurupa by captainmajor Antonio Pacheco and left it at a church in the Xingu missions Captain-major Aranha had permission to seek and gather Amerindians, and he wanted to assure missionary care for his workers. The Amerindians from the dismantled mission at Itacuru9a were taken to the mission of Maturu. After the reorganization of the missions in 1693, the

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53 Franciscans of Piety would have control along the Xingu River 8 2 as far up as Maturli. When the order to divide the missions arrived in 1693, the Jesuits had been allotted all the missions on the south bank of the Amazon River and its southern tributaries, including the Xingu River. However, according to the instructions from the King, the Franciscans of Piety were to control the Xingu missions, including Gurupa. Bettendorf, who was Jesuit Superior in Belem at the time, tried to argue with the Franciscans, contending that there must have been a geographical error, for the Franciscans had been assigned missions on the north bank of the Amazon River. Clearly, the Xingu flowed into the southern bank. The Franciscans would not listen to Bettendorf 's reasoning, however, and took up residence in the Xingu missions in 1693. The matter was cleared up in 1694 when the King left the missions of the Gurup^ district in the hands of the Franciscans, and assigned the rest of the Xingu to the Jesuits. The missions considered to be included in Gurupa' s district, however, comprised all missions along the Xingu upriver to Maturu (Porto de Moz). Thus, the Jesuits retained the Xingu mission of Itacuru9a and any founded to the 8 3 south. By 1695, the Jesuits had returned to Itacuru9a. They had sent a representative. Father Bento de Oliveira (Jesuit Superior in Belem from 1693 to 1696) to plead their cause in Lisbon and he had been partially successful.85

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54 The missions continued to function under the Regulation of 1686. The reapportioning of the missions to the four religious orders endured for nearly 60 years, as the missionary orders toiled without interruption. In the Xingu missions, the priests expanded knowledge of the area while pursuing more catechumens. Besides Father Antdnio Vaz, who supervised the Xingu mission center for the Jesuits, St. John the Baptist of Itacuru9a, two other Jesuits worked along the river: Joao de Avelar, who was commissioned to contact new and nonmission groups, and Manuel Rabelo, who assisted in the parish. They were so successful in attracting catechumens that they needed to buy manioc flour (farinha) from another mission to feed their new recruits. If Itacuru9a flourished, however, the people transferred by Aranha to Maturti abandoned this mission, fleeting to the forest.^'' Another missionary in the Xingu at this time was Antonio da Silva, who managed to persuade 400 Taconhapes to move from the Great Bend downstream to the missions. Eighty families of Taconhapes were requested by Bettendorf to work for the hospital in Belem. The hospital, Santa Casa de Miseric6rdia, originally was established to house and care for indigent sailors who had no families near. Although Bettendorf claimed that they were to care for the upkeep of the hospital, the Taconhape worked in the cultivation of tobacco and sugar cane. Evidently disgruntled, the Taconhap^ still alive in 16 99 left Belem and

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55 told Bettendorf they wanted no more to do with his mercy, referring to the Santa Casa. ( Miseric6rdia means mercy.) The surviving Taconhapg returned to the Xingu mission. Christianized Amerindians in Jesuit missions numbered 11,000 by 1696.^ Before and during the Jesuit attempts to gather Amerindians into mission villages, there were native groups that reacted to fleeing from the priests. Some groups, such as the Tucujtis, had allied with the other Europeans, like the French, Dutch and Irish. To escape reprisals when the Portuguese successfully occupied the region, the Tucujus dispersed to the north of Gurupa's district. One group contacted in the Xingu by Father Antdnio da Silva in the seventeenth century, the Cussary, migrated to the environs of French Guiana, arriving there before 1700.^-^ l^ether contact with Europeans was peaceful or warlike, the Amerindians underwent change of habitat. Any type of contact with Europeans could prove deadly for Amerindians, and sometimes European diseases spread ahead of their carriers. Uniting of groups affected by population loss — whether in the missions or not — created new 9 2 vulnerable groupings. Missionaries sought to avoid catechumens' flights by locating their missions at nontraditional places. To "descend" ( descer ) Amerindians meant to bring them to missions and settlements away from traditional lands. Besides easing teaching duties,

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56 grouping Amerindians in one place provided a convenient 93 labor pool. Resettlement in stationary communities meant an abrupt break with the past for native inhabitants. They lost their planted fields and faced food shortages during their first years at a mission site. Variations in regional ecology could stymie attempts to supplement diet. Their social and cultural patterns underwent attacks and metamorphoses induced by the missionaries. Instead of gathering forest products for their subsistence, mission inhabitants were forced to supply commodities for export to the colonial capital and to Portugal. Cultivation and crafts also were intended to produce for export and nontraditional uses. Assembling groups in one place, combined with unfamiliar diet and work, facilitated the 9 4 spread of disease. New catechumens had two years to adjust to mission life before they were expected to participate in the labor market. They could not be distributed to colonists or Crown officials during those two years. Some missions were earmarked to supply workers for the Crown; others were to provide laborers for the colonists; and there were missions reserved for the missionaries. At times, one mission could serve all three categories Furthermore, the missions were supposed to be selfsufficient. Once subsistence needs were met, a surplus was to be sent to Belem to purchase tools and other goods

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57 96 not produced locally. During the first year of a mission, or the first year of acculturation for groups new to the mission system, food supply was a major concern. When a new mission was established, food reserves had to be used to feed inhabitants. The arrival of new catechumens presented a strain on whatever resources the mission had. Newcomers had left their food crops behind in their traditional villages, while residents had external demands on their time and activities. Amerindians allied with the Portuguese accompanied troops on expeditions of conquest and exploration; while traveling, supplies were requisitioned from settlements along the way. If the settlements' people offered no resistance, they lost a part of their food supply. If they resisted, violent persuasion was used, which sometimes took their lives. ^"^ Productive land was diverted from food production to cultivation of cotton, tobacco, and sugar cane. Cultivation of cocoa, vanilla, clove and cinnamon also was encouraged. Yearly expeditions were sent out from the villages to collect forest products for export. By the regulations of 1686, the time occupied by these yearly expeditions was increased from four to six months for mission inhabitants in Para. Manioc flour served as the basic staple. Women were traditionally responsible for its cultivation and preparation. Dietary supplements formerly available through the

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58 efforts of the men diminished. Important supplements to diet in the Xingu were fish, turtle meat and turtle eggs on a seasonal basis. No nets or hooks were used by Xinguaras in the seventeenth century; the inhabitants speared fish with arrows. Turtles were abundant and flocked to the sandy beaches near the Great Bend in October and November to lay eggs. Bettendorf reported millions of turQ Q ties in the area of the Great Bend. Turtle fat became an export item. Dependence on manioc flour, or farinha, increased, and lack of it led to starvation in some instances. Available supplies of farinha were not sufficient for the population of Tupinambazes along the Tocantins River in 1697. They were hungry and dying, debilitated by disease, trying to subsist on unripened oranges. Out of 150 Tupinambazes, only 20 survived to go to the Xingu mission under the care of Father Ant6nio Vaz. Another group of the Lower Amazon, the Teyros, could not attend to planting due to disease and sickness in 1697. To survive they ate wild coconuts and palm hearts. A backwoodsman in the Xingu that same year gathered some Jurunas to take with him to the Tocantins Valley. When he was asked by what right he took those people, he responded by saying he did so to save them from dying of hunger. These Juruna had been persuaded to settle at the mission by Father Vaz, but had left the mission to seek food. In this case, disease, probably smallpox ( bexigas ) was blamed for the lack of cultivation.

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59 There were missionaries who blamed lack of food in missions on the inhabitants' laziness. Besides laziness, the Amerindians were accused of drunkenness and lasciviousness. Other problems found by missionaries among the missions included loafing and absenteeism from work, school, and church service; robbery; and cannibalism. The missionaries' goals comprehended stopping cannibalism; limiting each husband to one wife; clothing the natives; and removing them from the influence of the shamans. The shamans, in the eyes of the missionaries, were equivalent to Satan. Shamans' methods were derided, but apparitions of spirits continued among the mission dwellers ^^"^ Before missions were established, Europeans had lived in the region for some years To serve the Europeans native men were sent on collecting expeditions. Women remained behind as domestic servants and sometimes as concubines for the Europeans. The early missionaries encountered blue eyes redheads blond hair and freckles among young Amerindians. Whenever possible, these children were taken to be raised among the Portuguese "'"'^^ Some missionaries established schools for instruction. Without pen and paper, they resorted to writing in the sand or on bark with ink made from a mixture of herbal juices and charcoal "^'^ The Jesuits had directives for organizing the lives of their charges. Native women could be servants on four occasions only: when lactating, to serve as wet-nurses; when no longer virgin, as domestics for governors, captain-

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60 majors, vicars and priests; to assist a helpless or poor woman with no relatives; and to accompany their husbands for harvesting manioc. ''"^^ Instructions were issued regulating marriages among the mission inhabitants, too. If one spouse came from another village, his or her background had to be investigated by the celebrant of the marriage. The woman was to move to her husband's village. Care had to be taken with Amerindians marrying slaves, for many slave-owners increased the number of slaves by inviting free Amerindians to marry their slaves. Amerindian marital preferences at times angered the Jesuits. The marriage of a widower to his wife's sister riled Father Vieira so much that he said the man was leading his entire group to Hell.^''^^ It is understandable that the Jesuits, representing a militant arm of the Counter-Reformation, wished to impose upon their charges reforms concerning sexual behavior and marriage. Punishment for sexual transgressions must have seemed outrageous to the Amerindians, however. At least twice, Jesuits incurred the wrath of groups for the punishments they inflicted for sexual misbehavior. One woman flogged for promiscuity complained to members of a nearby group, who avenged her by clubbing to death the two Jesuits responsible. On another occasion, a Jesuit flogging led to the death of an Amerindian woman who had been living with a white settler. He was excommunicated. This action

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61 seemed to corroborate mid-seventeenth century complaints by settlers about Jesuit cruelty. Father Vieira excused the death saying that the victim could have poisoned her10 7 self due to her obsession with her lover. Despite all the exhortation of Jesuits and other missionaries, people mixed and mated indiscriminately. Although few, African slaves were present in the Amazon Region, having first come to the Xingu River with Dutch traders. While many Portuguese settlers in the Amazon could not afford to buy slaves brought from Africa, a contraband trade in black slaves from the northeast of Brazil flourished. These slaves had been disciplinary problems for their former masters, who sold them cheaply. While the majority of blacks in the regions were male slaves, some free blacks arrived as lay missionaries and 108 sailors. Though present in unequal portions, all three races lived and mixed in the region. Portuguese terminology did not go as far as the elaborations of the Spaniards or French in describing various racial mixtures. Basically there were eight different racial mixtures recognized by the Portuguese. "'"^^ Branco or white meant unmixed white. A mulato was mixed white and black. Mameluco inferred white with Amerindian. Crioulo referred to unmixed black; cafuzo and curiboca meant black and Amerindian; cabra indicated Amerindian and mulato. Caboclo was used originally only for unmixed Amerindians, and pardo denoted any mixture which produced

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62 dark skin. "''''^ Legal marriage between races was not encouraged in the seventeeenth century. Domestic relationships likely to produce deviations from the Jesuit ideal for Amerindian society were controlled also. The Jesuits permitted the mission inmates to hold dances and parties on Saturdays and on evenings before Holy Days. The parties lasted until ten or eleven at night when the church bell was rung to signal curfew. "^^"^ Two major times for festivals in the Gurup^-Xingu area were during the months of June and December. In June, the feast of St. John the Baptist, or Sao Joao Batista, was celebrated throughout the Amazon Region. In the Xingu Valley, St. John the Baptist was patron saint of the mission at Itacuru9a. Missionaries tried to encourage celebration of the mission's patron saint. In Gurup^, there were two patron saints: one for the fort, St. Anthony, and one for the mission village, St. Peter. Both saints' days fall in June. Festivities honoring St. John apparently surpassed those for the other patrons, however. A distinctive aspect of St. John the Baptist's celebrations involved setting bonfires. During the celebrations, the Amerindians reportedly jumped over the bonfires, as was their custom. ^ The St. John the Baptist festival occurred at a time of seasonal change; Father Bettendorf indicated that the passing from winter to spring became known as the time of St. John."^"^"^ If June marked the passing of winter, or the rainy season, December denoted the passing of s;immer, when there were

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63 two weeks of partying by black slaves. These were found at GurupA, owned by colonists, officers of the military garrison, or government officials at the prison or at the check-point for shipping along the Amazon. During the two weeks in December, the black slaves of Gurupa would celebrate St. Benedict (Sao Benedito) a black saint, with festivities including dances and fireworks Whether for the black slaves or for the Amerindian catechumens, celebrating saints brought relief from the usual workday or collecting expedition. Despite the intention of Jesuits and other missionaries, their charges in the Americas encountered mostly suffering and unfamiliar lifestyles in their mission habitations. The very act of bringing diverse groups to a central conglomeration contributed to their demise. Meetings for religious devotions schooling and work served to facilitate the spread of European diseases "'""'^ Toward the end of the seventeenth century, there were many complaints about remnants of groups being moved. One group brought to a mission village ( aldeia ) in the 1680 's had been reduced to a few survivors of smallpox and colds. In 1697, members of the Araras moved to the Franciscans' Gurupatuta mission where many died. The remnant then was moved to a mission on a tributary of the Par^ River near Beldm, the Guam^ River, under the jurisdiction of the Jesuits

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64 The effect of diseases, terribly hard work, totally different manners and conceptions of family life, the loss of traditional religion, all contributed to the demise of many Amerindians. "They felt their gods had abandoned them. They were suddenly launched into a world over which they had no control, and they lost their will to live. "'^"'•^ Some people in the missions resorted to flight as relatives had done before the missionaries managed to persuade them to try their system. Others continued subjecting themselves to unfamiliar conditions, without hope of regaining their past life, yet preserving what they could. Survivors still had to contend with forced labor, social inequality, and cultural loss. In addition to the mission villages established throughout the region, blatant reminders of the Portuguese occupation were provided by the forts established in the valley, including the fort at Gurup^. Following the Portuguese victory in 1623, the eviction of the Dutch and the establishment of a fortification at Gurupd, that outpost remained Portugal's most advanced in the Amazon Valley until 1638. After two Franciscans and six Spanish soldiers arrived in Bel^m in 16 37 by floating down the river from Quito, the Portuguese were stirred to action. Thus, Pedro Teixeira led a Portuguese expedition upriver along the Amazon to Quito. He set a boundary marker at the Napo River to claim the major portion of the Basin for the Portuguese Crown.

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65 The last Portuguese-controlled outpost he stopped at was GurupS.-'--'-^ The Jesuits never established a house in Gurupi, although they would stop there to minister to the mission inhabitants and, sometimes, to the soldiers. Perhaps the actions of soldiers and officers stationed there in 1655 offended the Jesuits. A captain, Manuel de Carvalho, and a sergeant-major, Louren90 Rodrigues, were responsible for shipping two Jesuit missionaries off to the Moju River, telling them not to return. These officers were subsequently exiled by Governor Andre Vidal de Negreiros to the southern colony of Brazil. By mid-century, the fort had been reconnoitered by other Europeans, who included information about the Xingu River in reports on the area. The Captaincy of Gurup^ had a hot but not unhealthy climate. The fort, staffed by a captain and some soldiers, with some settlers around, was supposed to prevent other Europeans from trading with the native inhabitants. Although its armament included canon, the fort did not deter all foreign trade. Foreigners intent on contracting shipments of lumber and manatee were able to bypass the fort and its guns by passing through the northern canal. The Xingu River, also called the Parnaiba, entered the Amazon River about 12 leagues west of Gurup^. Its climate was supposed to be less healthy than Gurup^'s because it was hotter. Nevertheless, there were reportedly large native populations there including

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66 Wayana-Oiapi Kararao, Jurunas and Coanizes. Good timber grew there along with Brazil nut trees. Natural foods of the inhabitants abounded: game, fish and large turtles. There were supposed to be many high mountains upriver."^^^ Opinions concerning the health aspects of Gurupd differed, however. Around 1661, the Jesuits persuaded the captain-major of the fort, Paulo Martins Garro, to cut down some jungle which blocked fresh air from the river. The water supply was improved also by this action, which freed a clear-water stream. (Water from the main artery was muddy.) Fishing near Gurupa was bountiful."'"^"'' Information from the Jesuits about the Xingu Valley was more detailed than that provided by foreign traders. Land along the banks of the Xingu River was said to be good for everything. If it were not for the plague of ants, even tobacco cultivation could be profitable. The river water, flowing from waterfalls and over sand, was excellent. One side of the river housed the Taconhapd group; the other, the Jurunas. This land teemed, not with milk and honey, but with game and honey, or perhaps, game and fruit. "^^^ From Gurupd expeditions left both upand downriver. In 1658, the captain-major, Garro, accompanied by the missionary Father Manuel Nunes led an expedition to the Tocantins River. It consisted of 45 Portuguese soldiers and 450 Amerindians, including archers and rowers. The purpose was to punish a recalcitrant Amerindian nation, 12 3 the Inheyguaras. From opponents of the Jesuits in 16 55, the people of Gurupa changed to supporters in 1662.

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67 When Belem's town council sent a force to arrest the Jesuits hiding there, a battle ensued. A certain Saraiva, native of the Gurupi area (along a river between the borders of Maranhao and Pard) was killed. A black slave belonging to Antdnio da Fran9a saved the lives of many 124 whites that day. In the end, the Jesuits were arrested 125 and deported to Bel^m. Another sad note for the Jesuits sounded in Gurupa when one of their missionaries, Joao Soares Avila, tired of the religious life and left his vocation to join the captain-major of Gurupi, who happened to be his brother, Paulo Soares; the captain-major conferred the rank of sergeant-major on his errant Jesuit brother. -'^^ The most disappointing event for the Jesuits, however, occurred during the rule of Captain-major Manoel Guedes de Aranha at Gurupa. Although Aranha claimed to have permission to gather Amerindian workers, the Jesuits, especially Father Joao Maria Gorsony, were outraged when he stole catechumens attracted to the mission at Itacuru9a. The captain-major took them, along with some others who had recently arrived from the interior, and settled them at the mission of Maturu. Aranha placed a white man, not a .religious, in charge of the Amerindians there. In the 1690' s, Manoel Guedes Aranha left his post at Gurupa, either because he was ill or simply tired of the job. His position went to a relative. Captain-major Pedro Pinheiro. Pinheiro used his own money to rebuild and reinforce the

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68 12 8 fortifications at GurupS. He accomplished this at a good time, since the French were attacking and seizing positions in the Amazon Region claimed by the Portuguese. News of French incursions in the region was not new. While still serving as captain-major at Gurupd, Manuel Guedes Aranha had requested the help of the Jesuits. He required additional rowers to survey the northern bank of the Amazon River, where Frenchmen had appeared, giving signs of hostility, shooting off firearms. A Jesuit missionary from Switzerland, Aluisio Conrado Pfeil had recommended the building of another fort to deter the French. French interest in the region extended to the highest level, where Finance Minister Jean-Baptiste Colbert received information about conditions along the 129 Amazon River. The idea of Gurupa as the sole gateway to the Amazon died with the realization that a northern channel, that of Macapd, gave access to the Amazon Basin. The French had invaded from the north and the garrison at Gurupa could do little about it. The estuary of the Amazon diverges greatly and the mainstream of the river is studded with islands which block visibility from shore to shore. The French from Cayenne took advantage of a concealed approach and fell upon the frail Portuguese outpost at Macapa, on the northern channel in 1697, and overran it. The Jesuit Joao Maria Gorsony brought news of this French audacity to the people in the fort of St. Anthony.

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69 When he arrived in Gurupa, the regional governor, Antonio Albuquerque de Carvalho was there, seeking munitions and soldiers to expel the French. The fort's commander detailed Sergeant-major Francisco de Sousa Fundao and a Portuguese force of 40 soldiers to carry out the governor's orders to regain the fort at Macap^ and another further north. The captain-major at Gurup^, Hildrio de Sousa, had fallen ill during an expedition to the Abacaxi Amerindian group on the Madeira and Negro Rivers. His illness pre1 If) vented him from commanding the soldiers personally. With some additional help. Sergeant-major Fundao carried out his mission and recuperated the lost outposts. Gurup^ remained a major point of entry for traffic along the Amazon River, despite knowledge that ships could sail unnoticed through the northern channel. Another regional governor, Rui Vaz de Siqueira, visited the fort during the seventeenth century but did not see the Xingu. Samuel Fritz, a Jesuit working for Spain, received a warm welcome at Gurupd. During his voyage through the Amazon Valley, Fritz noted that he spent six days traveling without catching sight of any settlements. The Portuguese were constructing another fort at a mission on the Tapajos River at the end of the seventeenth century Some unwilling visitors also spent time in Gurupa. In addition to providing defense and a checkpoint for shipping, the place served as a prison. The governor banished Captain Joao de Souto to the Captaincy of Gurupa

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70 because he mistreated a village leader in the mission of Mortigura. Another military official. Captain-major Sebastiao de Lucena de Azevedo, boasted openly of gathering Amerindians illegally in letters to Portugal. He was relieved of his position and exiled to Gurupa in 16 47; his Amerindians were freed. The Amerindian leader. Lope de Sousa Guaguaiba, also served a prison sentence in Gurupl; it was he who had angered Father Vieira by marrying his wife's sister. Lope was popular with the colonists, with whom he cooperated in supplying Amerindian labor. Vieira arranged Lope's arrest and had him sent in chains to 132 Gurup^. The highest ranking officials, the governors, first lived at Sao Luis and later moved to Belem. The northern captaincies of Par^, Maranhao, Piaul and Ceard together formed a separate colony from the southern captaincies. The southern colony was known as "Brazil," while the northern part of Portuguese America originally was called "Maranhao," then, with Bel^m's importance growing, the name of "Grao-Par^" was added. Grao-Para and Maranhao dealt directly with Lisbon. One reason for its separation from the southern colony and its capital city, Salvador da Bahia, was travel difficulty: due to unfavorable sea currents and winds, it was faster and easier to go from Sao Luis or Belem to Lisbon than to go to Salvador. The enforcement of royal legislation concerning the treatment of Amerindians depended on the inclinations of

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71 the colonial governors. Some, like Andre Vidal de Negreiros, vigorously enforced the Crown's protectionist policies. Others, like Rui Vaz de Siqueira, took advantage of their position and profitted by trading in Amerindians. He occupied the office of governor and captain-general from 1662 to 1667, when Father Vieira's influence in Portugal was nil. The arrival of one of Siqueira 's expeditions coincided with an outbreak of smallpox, which had erupted in Maranhao and spread to Pari. This epidemic killed most of the Amerindians from Siqueira 's expedition and affected 1-3-5 some people of mixed heritage born in the colony. Financial problems plagued both the colony and the mother country. The government, its coffers empty, was hard pressed to meet military payrolls. Often, soldiers would desert if they went without pay for long stretches. In order to raise money for salaries in 1649, Governor Luis de Magalhaes taxed wine, aguardente (a fermented sugarcane juice distillate also known as cachaga ) tobacco, and slaves from the backlands The earlier creation of the Overseas Council in 1642 was supposed to bring about an increase in revenues from the northern colonies. That first year the Council named Joao Pereira de Carceres as "Captain of the Amazon River" for six years. He had been commander at Gurupd when the Dutch made their last effort to claim the area in 1639. During his six years as Amazon Captain, Carceres' orders were to seek mines and to introduce white settlers.

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72 Settlement of the Amazon Region was to have followed the pattern of the southern colony. Captaincies were created which dotted the entire coast, south to north. Those given charge of the captaincies were to be responsible for settlement and development of their areas. In most cases, the system failed. Some of the grantees never concerned themselves with their obligations. Others died trying, and a few were stymied by the hardships encountered. In the Amazon Region, five captaincies were created, including the Captaincy of Gurupa and that of the Xingu. The Captaincy of Gurupa, created in 1633, remained the property of the Crown, while the Xingu Captaincy was given, in 1681, to Caspar de Sousa de Freitas, who paid little attention to his grant. He abandoned it and it reverted to the Crown. '^^ The Crown also made land grants to colonists, which were known as sesmarias and the grantees as sesmeiros All such colonists were entitled to receive, besides land, a bull and two cows from the government '''^^ The great problem surrounding colonization in all of Brazil, however, stemmed from the small population of Portugal during the era of exploration and conquest. And besides Brazil, the Portuguese had colonies in Africa and Asia to attend. At the time of Pedro Alvarez Cabral's voyage to Brazil in 1500, there were approximately a million and a half people in 138 Portugal. Few Portuguese could be spared for colonization efforts.

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73 Those sent to South America were often nonviolent 139 criminals. They were predominantly single males, although in 1621 some couples from the Portuguese Atlantic Islands arrived in Belem; they were sesmeiros and settled 140 on the outskirts of the town. The first Portuguese in the area, however, came by way of the northeast of Brazil, from Pernambuco. They were the vanguard that fought the French, Dutch, English and Irish for possession of the Amazon Valley. The earliest outposts of Portugal in the region were staffed by men. The absence of any women but Amerindian women led naturally to miscegenation."^^ The experiences of the first Portuguese in Pernambuco led to unfulfilled expectations in the Amazon. The economic foundation of Pernambuco was the cultivation of sugar cane, a most profitable crop. The deceptively lush vegetation in the Amazon region fooled these people into thinking that the soil was capable of sustaining cane. The commander who led the Portuguese in establishing Belem, Captain Francisco Caldeira de Castelo Branco, thought that the land drained by the Amazon River was most fertile and capable of great 142 harvests. To encourage sugar cultivation, special legislation provided benefits for those who undertook to grow cane. Cane growers were exempt from military service and could not have their belongings confiscated if in debt."^"*"^ Even if these early conquerors' hopes and goals had proven realistic, they would have had to face stiff competition.

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Although the Dutch were ultimately unsuccessful in holding on to their outposts in Portuguese South America, they did establish a flourishing colony in Pernambuco in the mid-seventeenth century. The wealth of the colony was based on sugar, for which the Dutch had more efficient means of production and marketing than did the Portuguese. When the Dutch left Pernambuco in 1654, they took their methods of sugar cane processing and marketing with them. From Brazil, many Dutch went to the Caribbean. In effect, their expulsion from Pernambuco led to the rise of the Caribbean Islands as Europe's principal source for the 144 sweetener. Besides sugar, the early colonists of Pernambuco cultivated tobacco and cotton. All three crops needed seasonally labor intensive care for export production. Since Iberian settlers arriving in the Americas expected 145 to lead lives of ease, requiring little personal effort, they needed a source of labor to cultivate these export crops. Early expeditions and explorations in the Am.azon Region produced no estimable sources of gold and silver, although the government in Portugal continued to encourage searches. Without these precious commodities, the settlers in the northern Portuguese colony turned to export agriculture. Aside from experiences in Pernambuco, the early conquerors had the example of the Dutch in the Xingu. Had not the Dutch produced sugar for export in two places on the Xingu?

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75 The Dutch had brought African laborers, besides exploiting nearby Amerindians as workers, while the early Portuguese in the region had few resources. Money from Europe, at the time of the Portuguese advance to the Amazon Valley, was not forthcoming. The Spanish Crown went bankrupt a number of times in the early seventeenth century. It is doubtful that the former criminals who settled in the region were wealthy. (A common nonviolent crime of the time was debt.) Purchasing African slaves to cultivate the export crops was beyond their means. They thought they needed labor, and the nearest available source was the groups of Amerindians populating the forest. Even the great defender of the Amerindians, Father Antdnio Vieira, admitted that the Portuguese colonists needed workers or servants to survive. "For a man to obtain manioc flour, he has to have a small clearing; to eat meat he has to have a hunter; to eat fish, a fisherman; to wear clean clothes, a washerwoman; and to go to mass or anywhere else, a canoe and paddlers ""^^^ The fights over control of Amerindian labor among the religious orders, the government officials, and the colonists, therefore, concerned survival as understood by the Europeans in the Americas. Father Vieira could have said "to have manioc flour, a man must clear some land; to eat meat, he must hunt; to eat fish, fish; to wear clothes, wash them; and to travel, have a canoe and paddle it." But Father Vieira was as much a product of his culture

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76 and times as the lay colonists and government officials with European backgrounds. As it turned out, both sugar and tobacco production went through crises, and the economic survival of most of the Portuguese Amazon came to be linked to extracting exotic forest products, although a plantation economy based on sugar did arise in the Tocantins River valley, and cattle ranches flourished on Maraj6 Island. An extensive plantation economy could not survive without laborers. African slaves were too expensive for most Amazonian colonists, and Amerindian slaves, dying by the thousands from exposure to diseases brought by Europeans and Africans, were too fragile. The colonists followed recommendations from the Portuguese Crown that they collect forest products. Since these products were gathered only — not replanted or acquired in a rational manner — they became scarce near settlements. With increased scarcity, the Portuguese instructions recommended cultivation of those forest products which were especially valuable. These included sarsaparilla sassafras, cacao, urucu, cinnamon, cotton, two types of a bark which substituted for cloves, vanilla, quinine, resinous seeds, and timber. Animal products encompassed leather and pelts. For a time, the government in Lisbon issued recommendations emphasizing the worth of the Amazon Valley and instead of pursuing the gilded dream of gold and precious metals, the colonies were urged to concentrate on collecting forest products and cultivating the land.""-^^

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77 The colonists who had some capital could buy the more resilient workers, the Africans, to work their plantations. The colonists without capital, the great majority, relied heavily on the fragile native population and pursued extractive activities. The missionaries complained of individuals who collected clove and other forest products in the interior. The missionaries competed directly with the colonists who made their living in the backlands. In the business of forest collecting, the backlanders depended on the Amerindians whose knowledge of the forest was indispensable to their success. The country around the principal settlement, Belem, was bereft of Amerindian groups except for those already working for certain colonists. And the collection of forest products led to the deployment of Europeans farther into the Amazonian interior ''"^^ Europeans in the region were few and scattered. In 1676, the population of Belem was given as 23 4 people, meaning Europeans or persons of European descent. Amerindians and Africans did not receive consideration as people. "^^^ The Portuguese government in 1689 permitted colonists to enter the backlands and bring back Amerindian laborers at their own expense. Whoever financed these expeditions enjoyed the right to hire these laborers. Although the law required a settler to deposit half-wages with the missionary ostensibly responsible for the workers, this measure did not protect the Amerindians. Anyone who had paid

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78 ahead of time wanted to reap as much profit as possible, getting value for his expenditure."'"^''" Some settlers arrived to the Amazon as auxiliaries to the missionaries. In 1700, the Overseas Council authorized Jose Lopes Espinola, a black resident of Cape Verde, to live among Amerindians on the Solimoes River. He had spent five years with the Parintins natives and had earned the appreciation of Franciscan missionaries; they awarded him a gold medal and the Overseas Council gave him the title of "Captain of the Hinterland Sertao ." His wife from Cape Verde was allowed to join him in 1700. "'"^^ During the first few years of the eighteenth century, however, illegal enslavement of the Amerindians was prevalent. The Portuguese King, cognizant of this abuse, freed all Amerindians illegally caught. Unless an individual requested and received permission from the King to pursue and gather native workers, he was liable to lose his work force. Individuals could obtain royal permission: in 1702 one settler was authorized to employ 20 mission dwellers to man canoes which were to be sent to attract 20 families in Amerindians. These families would provide the labor to tend 10,000 cacao trees which the settler had planted. "'^^ Amerindian labor provided the small number of European colonists with the force to survive and prevail in the Amazon Valley. Despite the illegality of native slavery during the colonization of the northern colony (enslaving

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79 natives was legal for 70 years, from 1500 to 1570), various methods were used to acquire laborers "^^^ The missions, staffed by the religious orders, continued to provide workers for private and state purposes until they were expelled in the mid-eighteeenth century. Individuals, legally and illegally, continued to procure more Amerindians outside the missions. Africans, slave and free, arrived in the Amazon Basin. Mission sites and settlements multiplied, some forming the nucleus of future cities. The Europeanization of the Amazon Region, begun in the seventeenth century, increased markedly in the eighteenth. Notes 1. The first recorded navigation of the Amazon River by Europeans was in 1541 with the expedition of Francisco de Orellana. About 20 years later the troubled expedition headed by Pedro de Ursua and then Lope de Aguirre descended the river. 2. David Maland, Europe at War: 160 0-16 50 (Totowa, N. J. : Rownan and Littlefield, 1980) p. 1. 3. For a description of factors leading to the Truce, see Ibid^, pp. 36-8. Information about the Dutch outposts in the Xingu River and Gurupa comes from Orlando L.xM. de Moraes Rego, "Feitorias Holandesas da Amazonia," Re vista de Cultura do Par^ XXVI & XXVII (1977) pp. 111-28"; 4. See Charles Boxer, The Dutch in Brazil, 1624-1654 (Oxford: Clarendon Press 1957) 5. Moraes Rego, op. cit p. 112. 6. Ibid., pp. 112-3. 7. This is the opinion of Jos6 Burlamaqui de Mirando who has researched the history of the Xingu Valley for 20 years.

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80 It is possible that he had in mind the later attempt by the Dutch in 1639 when a ship reached Gurup^, possibly with some families aboard. 8. The Calvinists had urged the creation of a Dutch West India Company since 1602, see Maland, op. cit p. 4; such a company was created in 1621. 9. Moraes Rego, op. cit pp. 113-7. 10. The identity of the Ilha dos Tucujus has provided a topic for controversy. Some authors believe that it refers to the coast of Macapd, along the northern bank of the Amazon estuary. However, the apparent proximity of the island to Mariocai (Gurupd) leads one to believe that it was the Ilha Grande de GurupS. Travelling by motor laianch to the coast of Macapa takes over 12 hours from Gurupd; to the northern bank of the Amazon near Almeirim, six hours. The transport time involved from Gurupa to the Great Island of Gurup^ is from 30 minutes to an hour, depending on the tides and weather conditions. It is most likely that the men fleeing from Gurup^ in canoes took to the Great Island. 11. Hemming, op. cit pp. 580, 583-4 gives a comprehensive list of sources he used concerning the combined Dutch and Irish efforts as well as the independent ones. 12. Maland, op. cit p. 160. 13. Piet Heyn's capture of the Spanish silver fleet off Cuba in 1628 was the great exception. Profits from the sale of this cargo gave dividends of 75%. 14. Maland, op. cit p. 177. 15. There is no mention of the Irish here for two reasons. First, the Irish colonists remained only two to four years. Second, they were accompanied by families, which precludes a somewhat different behavior from that of men stationed away from their families, as the early Dutch were. Dutch families may have arrived later (16 39) or may have been confused with Irish families. During the seventeenth century many Irish emigrated to Spain to escape English inroads in Ireland. 16. Mathias C. Kiemen, O.F.M., The Indian Policy of Portugal in the Amazon Region, 1614-1693 (Washington, D.C. ; The Catholic University of America Press, 1954), p. 23. 17. Bettendorf, op. cit pp. 48-9. 18. A.H. de Oliveira Marques, History of Portugal 2nd ed. (New York: Columbia University Press, 1976), I, 164-8.

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81 19. Joao Ren6r de Carvalho, "Presenqa e perman§ncia da Ordem do Carino no Solimoes e Rio Negro no seculo XVIII," paper presented at IX Simp6sio Latinoamericano in Manaus Amazonas, Brazil from July 29 to August 1, 19 81, p. 5. 20. Father Hugo Fragoso, "Os Aldeamentos Franciscanos do Grao-Para (1617-1755)," paper presented at IX Simposio Latinoamericano, in Manaus, Amazonas, Brazil from July 29 to August 1, 19 81, p. 6. 21. Kiemen, op. cit p. 123. 22. Serafim Leite, Historia da Companhia de Jesus no Brazil (Rio de Janeiro! Instituto Nacional do Livro, 1943) IV, 44. The Society of Jesus was present in Maranhao from 1615 to 1618. After a few years' absence, they returned in 1622. 23. Leite, op. cit III, 345-6; Hemming, op. cit p. 218, mentions the Franciscan missions in the Xingu Valley; and Fragoso, op. cit ., passim details Franciscan accomplishments 24. Kiemen, op. cit ., pp. 28, 30-31. 25. Ibid. P38. 26. Ibid. p. 39. 27. Ibid. p. 44. 28. Ibid p. 48; Hemming, op. cit p. 316. 29. Leite, op. cit ., IV, 308. 30. Kiemen, op. cit ., p. 50. Kiemen notes (fn. 12, p. 50) that Friar Cristdvao began the custom of taking young boys from the Amerindians in the Tocantins River Valley in 16 25. Also see Leite, op. cit ., IV, 129, 345, 347; and Castelo Branco, op. cit ., pp. 4-5, 8. Bettendorf, op. cit ., pp. 4849 relates the Xingu population's reaction to Figueira from information gathered by a later missionary to the Xingu Valley, Father Joao Maria Gorsony. Father Gorsony heard it from a sergeant-major stationed at Gurupa. 31. Kiemen, op. cit ., pp. 52, 53. 32. Leite, op. cit .. Ill, 345, 346, 347; IV, 44-5, 334-5; Kiemen, op. cit ., p. 55; Hemming, op. cit ., pp. 316-7, 606. 33. Kiemen, o p. cit p. 56. 34. Ibid pp. 56, 76.

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82 35 iDid. P62 o c JO loia. pp. 6 5-6 69-7 6 1 liDia. P71 0 o oo iDlU. P-7 c iDid. P80 A r\ 4U xw -I ^ pp. 85 86 -7 ; A ^ op CIC pp. A 0 XDia. pp. y-s-y 5 4 J xw ^ J lt)ia. P94 44 Leite op cit. Ill, 45. Kiemen op cit. pp. 46. Ibid. p101. 47. Ibid. p. 103; Leite, 48. Kiemen / op cit. Paffirms that two soldiers were sent to India. At any rate, they were exiled from the Amazon Region. 49. Bettendorf, op. cit ., pp. xx, 115, 116, 119, 120. This missionary also worked along the Amazon River where he died among the "barbarous" Conduriz Amerindians. His body was brought to Bel^m and buried in the chapel of Saint Alexander (Santo Alexandre) in Belem. 50. Leite, op. cit III, 307. Leite said there were 32 whites and a "mineiros" pilot. Since the expedition was seeking gold, perhaps the pilot was familiar with mining procedures. Gold was discovered only in 1695 in the area which became known as Minas Gerais, or General Mines 51. 52. 251, 53. 118. 54. Hemming, op. cit ., p. 327, believes this. Ibid.; Leite, op. cit .. Ill, 307, IV, 191-2, 250, Kiemen, op. cit ., p. 102; Bettendorf, op. cit ., p. Castelo Branco, op. cit. pp. 8-9.

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83 55. Ibid ; Bettendorf, op. cit pp. 89, 276. Bettendorf gives the missionary's name as Pero Luiz. Even if Bettendorf were correct, the priest was located in the Xingu missions in the seventeenth century. Bettendorf, p. 653, cites Amerindian beliefs about Extreme Unction current in the late seventeenth century. 56. Leite, op. cit. IV, 110. 57. Neves op. cit. P158. 58. Leite op. cit. IV, 107, 169. 59. Joao Daniel, Tesouro Descoberto no Rio Amazonas Separata dos Anais da Biblioteca Naciona (Rio de Janeiro: Biblioteca Nacional, 1976), II, passim Joao Daniel was a Portuguese Jesuit missionary imprisoned after the general expulsion of the Society from the missions. His work was written during his imprisonment from all he could remember. He had spent some time in the Xingu missions and he was very embittered by the expulsion of his order. His great love for the region and of nature gave his work an appearance closer to that of the philosophy of St. Francis of Assisi than to that of St. Francis Xavier. He died, still imprisoned, in 1776. 60. Lycurgo Santos Filho, Pequena Histdria da Medicina Brasileira (Sao Paulo: Editora Parma Ltda. 1980), p. 21. 61. Ibid. 62. Bettendorf, op. cit pp. 275-6. 63. Ibid p. 89; Castelo Branco, op. cit pp. 8-9. 64. Bettendorf, op. cit p. 258. 65. Kiemen, op. cit pp. 113-4. 66. Ibid p. 113; Leite, op. cit IV, 54, 58; Hemming, op. cit pp. 341-2. 67. Bettendorf, op. cit ., pp. 227-8; Leite, op. cit .. Ill, 348; Kiemen, op. cit ., p. 116; and Hemming, op. cit., p. 342. 68. Kiemen, op. cit p. 116; Hemming, op. cit p. 342. 69. Kiemen, op. cit pp. 118-9. 70. Ibid p. 118. 71 Bettendorf, op. cit ., pp. 35, 185, 244, 261-2; Leite, opcit .. Ill, 276, 348-9, 350, 355; Castelo Branco, op. cit. p. 10 —

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84 72. Leite, op. cit III, 355; Castelo Branco, op. cit pp. 9-10. 73. Bettendorf, op. cit pp. 35, 323, 325-6; Leite, op. cit .. Ill, 257"; 74. Kiemen, op. cit p. 135. 75. Bettendorf, op. cit pp. 398-400 presents the Jesuit petition to regain the missions. See also Leite, op. cit IV, 88-9, 147. Jodoco Peres was Jesuit Superior in the Amazon Region from 1683 to 1690, just prior to Bettendorf s second term as superior. 76. Kiemen, op. cit p. 141. 77. Bettendorf, op. cit ., pp. 331-2; Leite, op. cit IV, 65; Hemming, op. cit p. 343; Vicente Salles, 0 Negro no Pard: Sob o regime de escravidao (Rio de Janeiro : Funda9ao GetUlio Vargas, Servi9o de publica9oes e Belem : Universidade Federal do Pard, 1971) p. 25. 78. Kiemen, op. cit ., pp. 139, 153; Bettendorf, op. cit., p. 370. 79. Kiemen, op. cit ., pp. 155, 160; Leite, op. cit., IV, 92. 80. Kiemen, op. cit ., p. 174; Leite, op. cit ., IV, 134. 81. The story was pieced together from Bettendorf, op. cit., pp. 259, 413, 415, 488-91, 522, 523, 527; and Leite, op. cit .. Ill, 350-1, 375, IV, 134. 82. Bettendorf, op. cit ., p. 581; Kiemen, op. cit ., p. 174; and Leite, op. cit .. Ill, 350. 83. Bettendorf, op. cit pp. 543, 544, 551-2, 554, 556, 564, 572-3, 580, 5 81; Kiemen, op. cit ., pp. 175, 177; Leite, op. cit ., IV, 135 ff ; Fragoso, op. cit ., p. 15. 84. Leite, op. cit.. Ill, 351. 85. Bettendorf, op. cit. p. 598. 86. Kiemen, op. cit pp. 181-6; Bettendorf, op. cit. PP581, 610, 672. 87. Bettendorf, op. cit. p. 629; Leite, op. cit. III, 351. 88. Bettendorf, op. cit. p. 335.

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85 89. Bettendorf, op. cit passim; Hemming, op. cit. p. 426; Santos Filho, op. cit p. 66. 90. Kiemen, op. cit p. 179. 91. Bettendorf, op. cit p. 335; Dominique Tilken Gallois, "Contribui9ao ao Estudo do Povoamento Indfgena da Guiana Brasileira. Um Caso Especifico: Os WaiSpi" ("Contribution to the Study of Amerindian Settlement of the Brazilian Guiana Highlands. A Case Study: The Waianpi") A Master's Thesis in social anthropology presented to the Social Sciences Department of the University of Sao Paulo, Sao Paulo, 1980, pp. 214, 226. 92. Sdnchez-Alburnoz op. cit p. 77. 93. Ibid ; Neves, op. cit p. 118. 94. S^nchez-Alburnoz, op. cit ., p. 59; Neves, op. cit p. 118; Fragoso, op. cit p. 28 95. Fragoso, op. cit ., p. 28. Hemming, op. cit pp. 419-421, describes the missions as divided in three distinct types. After reviewing documents and sources for the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries, however, it is clear that one mission could supply laborers for all three — civil, state and church — purposes. Bettendorf requisitioned 80 Taconhap^ families for church work; the captain-major Aranha of Gurup^ moved Amerindians out of Jesuit control for his own purposes. Documents concerning the missions in the late eighteenth century indicated the fates of men and women from home villages. Some were constructing forts at Macapa and Obidos; others working for the settlers; and still others served as oarsmen, hunters and fishermen for the clergy and military. See Listas de Reparticao do ano 1775, Codex 956, BAPP; Listas de Repartiqao do ano 1776, Codex 957, BAPP; Listas de Reparti9ao do ano 1777, Codex 958, BAPP. 96. Fragoso, op. cit. p. 130; Moran, Developing pp. 5960; Hemming, op. cit p. 442. 97. S^nchez-Alburnoz op. cit p. 52. 98. Ibid. p. 59. This occurred throughout colonization in many areas; Mauricio de Heriarte, "Descri9am do Maranham. Par^. Corupd. Rio das Amazonas," in Faksimile-Ausgabe aus den MSS 5880 und 5879 der Osterreichischen National Bibliothek (Vienna; Karl Anton Nowotny 1964), p. 35. (Heriarte was a Crown Judge, Treasurer and Auditor who reported to the Governor-general on conditions in the north in 1662.) Also, Hemming, op. cit pp. 221-2; Castelo Branco, op. cit. p. 49.

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86 99. Bettendorf, op. cit p. 115. 100. Bettendorf, op. cit pp. 629-30. The backwoodsman was Balthazar Furtado, a resident of the district of Garnets. 101. Bettendorf, op. cit pp. 275-6, 667; Neves, op. cit pp. 93, 94, 113, 123; Fragoso, op. cit p. 14. 102. Salles, op. cit pp. 8, 75; Gilberto Freyre, Casa Grande e Senzala (Rio de Janeiro: Livraria Jos^ Olympio Editora, 1978, 19th ed. ) pp. 93, 412-3. 103. Bettendorf, op. cit p. 155. 104. Leite, op. cit IV, 121. 105. Ibid p. 117. 106. Hemming, op. cit pp. 340-1, recounts this episode calling the new wife "his widow's sister" which was taken to mean the Amerindian's dead wife's sister. 107. Both stories are recounted by Hemming, op. cit pp. 317, 341, 606. The two Jesuits were caring for a sugar mill during the minority of Antdnio Moniz Barreiros son. The Jesuit who ordered the first flogging was Father Francisco Fires, one of the three survivors of the 1643 shipwreck. The second flogging was on the orders of Father Francisco Veloso. Bettendorf, op. cit passim also mentioned the floggings. 108. Rendr de Carvalho, op. cit p. 1, printed the documents referring to the lay missionary from Cape Verde. All references to slaves held by the Dutch and later captured by the Portuguese described them as escravos (which could be only male or of both sexes) and implied they worked the sugar cane plantations. As cane workers, and in view of the small number taken, they probably were all males 109. The French and Spaniards had more specific terms. For comparative information see Magnus Morner, Race Mixture in the History of L atin America (Boston: Little, Brown, 1967) 110. This is taken from Manoel Didgues Junior, Etnias e culturas do Brasil which was reproduced in Salles, op. cit. P 94. Exact definitions differed. S^nchez-Alburnoz"; op. cit ., p. 130, states that the result of unions between Portuguese men and Amerindian women were termed curiboca, caboclo and mameluco. Salles also included racial terminology from Alexandre Rodrigues Ferreira, an eighteenth century naturalist who visited the Amazon Region. He understood

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87 cafuzo as a mixture of black men and Amerindian women. Curibocas, according to the naturalist, resulted from male mulattos, mesti90s and cafuzos mating with black females. Another source Salles refers to (p. 92) Ant6nio Ladislao Monteiro Baena (a mid-nineteenth century lieutenant-coronel in Pari who also worked for the public works department) averred that white men and Amerindian women produced mamelucos; pardos and black women begot cafuzos and bu j ame ; Amerindian males and black females yielded curibocas. Diegues outline is the most complete, however, and serves as a guide for this study. 111. Leite, op. cit IV, 113. 112. Bettendorf, op. cit ., p. 337, describes the bonfires at St. John's Day celebrations. Fragoso, op. cit p. 27, also indicated the importance of celebrating patron saints in the missions. Joao Daniel, op. cit I, 244; II, 61, 63-3, refers to the celebrations for St. John, St. Peter and St. Paul as the principal ones at the mid-eighteenth century, previous to the Jesuit expulsion. (Joao Daniel arrived in 1750 to begin working in the Amazon missions.) He gave further importance to the festival for St. John which culminated on June 24 because it coincided with the return of the diligencias or canoe expeditions sent to the interior to gather forest products which were transhipped to Belem. The members of the diligencias would remain during the celebration and take on provisions for the next expedition. 113. Bettendorf, op. cit p. 139. 114. Salles, op. cit ., p. 185, 115. Carl 0 Sauer, Aboriginal Population of Northwestern Mexico (Berkeley: Ibero-Americana No. 10, University of California Press, 1935), writes about the misdirected intentions of the missionaries. See also Sanchez-Alburnoz, op. cit p. 60. One of the earliest religious workers to note the effect of diseases on American populations was Friar Toribio de Motolinia in the early sixteenth century. 116. Bettendorf, op. cit ., pp. 415, 632-3. 117. Sanchez-Alburnoz, op. cit p. 55. See also Salles, op. cit p. 6 118. Kieman, op. cit p. 54. 119. Leite, op. cit .. Ill, 345, 348. See also, above, p. 48.

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88 120. Heriarte, op. cit pp. 35, 40; Letter from de Sainte Colombe to Jean-Batiste Colbert on December 20, 1679 in Faksimile-Ausgabe aus den MSS 5880 und 5879 der Osterreichischen National-Bibliothek (Vienna; Karl Anton Nowotny, 1964), p. 126. (The letter concerned Heriarte's description of Pard and contained recommendations for a successful French take-over of the Amazon Region.) The Amerindian groups specified were Guaianyns Caraus lurunas and Cuanis. 121. Bettendorf, op. cit pp. 29-30; Leite, op. cit IV, 190. 122. Bettendorf, op. cit p. 35. 123. Ibid pp. 112-3. 124. Salles, op. cit p. 17. 125. See above, p. 54. 126. Bettendorf, op. cit p. 45. 127. Ibid p. 490; see also, above, pp. 58-60. 128. Bettendorf, op. cit p. 31. 129. Bettendorf, op. cit ., p. 523; Letter from de Sainte Colombe, op. cit p. 125; see above, p. 56. 130. Bettendorf, op. cit ., pp. 30, 221. 647. 131. Bettendorf, op. cit p. 221; Hemming, op. cit ., p. 428. 132. Bettendorf, op. cit ., pp. 220-1; Kiemen, op. cit ., pp. 67-8; Hemming, op. cit pp. 340-1. 133. Salles, op cit pp. 14-15. 134. Kiemen, op. cit p. 73. 135. Kiemen, op. cit p. 56; and above, p. 38. 136. Oliveira, op. cit pp. 180-1; Manoel Barata, Formagao Hist6rica do Pard: Obras Reunidas { Belem : Universidade Federal do ParS, 1973), p. 173. The other three were Camuta (Cameta) on the west bank of the Tocantins River in 1637; Cabo do Norte, which included approximately the whole of the present Federal Territory of Amapd, sometime between 16 34 and 16 37; and Joanes or Maraj6 Island in 166 5. Other captaincies created farther south (e.g. Piaul) belonged to the jurisdiction of Maranhao.

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89 The Xingu grant was composed of 20 leagues on the east bank of the river. 137. Arthur Cezar Ferreira Reis, Aspectos Economicos da Dominayao Lusitana na Amazdnia (Rio de Janeiro: Servi90 de Document 39^0, Ag§ncia da SPVEA, September, 1960 ) p. 37. 138. Freyre, op. cit p. 8. 139. Ibid pp. 19-20. 140. Reis, op. cit p. 17. 141. Freyre, op. cit p. 12; Jos^ de Souza Betencourt, Aspecto Demogr^f ico-Social da Amazdnia Brasileira (Rio de Janeiro: Servi90 de Divulga9ao da Representa9ao da SPVEA, 1960), "Introdu9ao: by Arthur C.F. Reis, p. 11. 142. Reis, op. cit p. 10; Salles, op. cit pp. 6, 7; Moran, Developing p. 58. 143. Reis, op. cit ., p. 32; Salles, op. cit p. 7. 144. See Boxer, The Dutch in Brazil passim The Dutch expulsion carried dividends for North America and Surinam. Among the Calvinist Dutch in Pernambuco were Jews descended from people expelled by the Portuguese and Spaniards. Some of these Jews from Pernambuco went to other Dutch colonies, such as New Amsterdam in North America. Others established an independent Jewish state in Surinam. Some years later, the English established hegemony over New Amsterdam which became New York. 145. Hemming, op. cit ., p. 357; Salles, op. cit ., p. 80. 146. Quoted in Hemming, op. cit p. 337. 147. Salles, op. cit pp. 6, 80; Hemming, op. cit ., p. 33 148. Reis, op. cit pp. 23, 34. 149. Bettendorf, op. cit p. 616; Castelo Branco, op. cit p. 10. 150. Reis, op. cit p. 17. 151. Hemming, op. cit pp. 417-8, 422. 152. Renor de Carvalho, op. cit ., pp. 1, 3, 4. 153. Hemming, op. cit ., pp. 418, 419.

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90 154. Stuart B. Schwartz, "Indian Labor and New World Plantations: European Demands and Indian Responses in Northeastern Brazil," in American Historical Review LXXXIII (1978) p. 44.

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CHAPTER III CHURCH VERSUS STATE: SECULARIZATION OF THE MISSIONS The early eighteenth century in the Amazon Region saw the continuation of many previous controversies. Colonists complained about the missionary orders' monopoly of Amerindian labor. The suggestion arose to reinstate the Jesuits as the only order in charge of the Amerindians. Individuals continued to travel to hinterlands in search of laborers. And the perceptions of the labor force, the Amerindians, varied from the image of "noble savages" to that of depraved barbarians. European values and stereotypes emerged victorious, even though the natives gained official status of equality with whites during the eighteenth century. Far from the center of colonial government, Rio de Janeiro after 176 3, the Amazonian inhabitants usually dealt directly with Lisbon. Discovery of gold in the central-south of Brazil diverted Portugal's attention there. Agricultural exports such as cocoa, tobacco, and cotton accounted for most of the revenue from the north. Suspicion that the religious orders were reaping too great a part of the region's profits contributed to their abrupt expulsion from the Amazon. The missions were placed under the control of secular priests (those not belonging 91

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92 to specific orders such as the Jesuits or Franciscans) a lay director (normally a low-ranking military officer) and the most important Amerindian of the mission village, known as the Principal. Despite overt acceptance of racially mixed offspring, certain rules and regulations carried distinctly racially prejudiced guidelines. By the end of the eighteenth century, seeds of social and political discontent were germinating. Events in Europe reverberated in the Americas, with European wars producing unexpected aftereffects in the American colonies. By the end of the eighteenth century, ideas spawned by the European Enlightenment"^ had penetrated even rural areas of the colonies. France abolished slavery 2 in 1794. Portuguese words translating "liberty, fraternity and equality" appeared in colonial correspondence and thought. This reorientation in thinking, and the snowballing changes it wrought, however, affected only part of the total population in the Amazon Region. Only the wealthier people, a small minority, had much contact with Europe. Furthermore, concepts carrying one meaning in the European context could arouse different emotions and perceptions outside that context. While Europeans who remained at home might think of the Amerindians as "noble savages," those who voyaged to the Americas were likely to offer substantially different opinions. Most Amerindians known to Europeans in the eighteenth century, however, were no longer products of their natural environment. They had

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93 learned to live under European concepts propagated by the missionaries. Simply residing in the mission centers and participating in the export economy introduced by the Europeans destroyed many aspects of their traditional existence. Static living conditions interfered greatly with the Amerindians' habitual patterns. "Ethnographic studies have shown that the resident core of a typical modern hunter-collector band changes from season to season, and even from day to day as families shuttle back and forth 4 between the camps of husband's and wife's relatives." All Amerindians new to the mission system, therefore, underwent severe cultural and social changes. Even if village centers before the arrival of the missionaries had been stationary for periods of seven or ten years, this temporary permanence would apply only to the rainy or winter season. During the summer, or dry season, villagers would scatter to procure sustenance. The increased gathering of the natives in a central mission also increased chances of epidemic spread of diseases.^ Severe psychological shock accompanied the Amerindians' changeover to mission life. Formerly personal choice was an important factor of daily life; routines had not been established; each person did what was needed when and where he or she considered it appropriate.^ When the natives accepted missionaries or other Europeans as masters, tutors or role models, they underwent a transformation.

PAGE 116

94 The Europeans, attempting to identify familiar traits in Amerindian society, translated Amerindian positions beyond their accepted meaning in Amerindian society. The paje or shaman became the representative of religion and the strongest man of the village, and symbolized the state. ^ In terms of Amerindian society, however, neither position carried the affirmed power perceived by the Europeans. In any village there could, and often would be, various inhabitants who fulfilled the qualifications for these symbols of power. The subtle differences perceived by Amerindians concerning their way of life in the tropics were not understood by Europeans. Individual personalities of Amerindians were submerged; the natives were perceived as an undifferentiated group. Knowing one was knowing all. Just as African slaves rarely had European surnames, so Amerindians received only first names. Their parents' names — first names, that is — were added to the given name for identification. Perception of real people included only Europeans. Numbers of Amerindians were given in estimates or approximations. Their lack of distinction and individualization extended even to their clothes. Men, women and children were dressed in a kind of nightgown, with nothing well defined to distinguish g among ages or between sexes. The protection of the Amerindians sought by missionaries often was justified in terms of the value of these people in reference to European society. They were not considered worthy in and of

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95 themselves. Their value lay in prospects of their use as a labor force, contributing to European goals. Traditional methods of existence no longer satisfied the imperatives of life and survival after the arrival of the Europeans in the Americas. These newcomers dominated the inhabitants first due to the superiorty of their weapons and, eventually, to their immunity to epidemic diseases. The strength and endurance of the few Europeans in the Americas contributed to their success. The people subjugated by them who survived wanted to learn the secrets of such strength and endurance. They depended on representatives of the foreign culture to teach them the means by which they might eventually be dominant. The teachers who most affected Amerindian daily life were those who persisted and spent the most time with the natives. Outside the main outposts of Portuguese culture in the Amazon Region — Bel6m, Gamuts (Cameti) and Gurupa — the missionaries had most contact with the native populations. Of the religious orders active in the region, the Jesuits possessed the largest and most efficient organization. Amerindians who lived under the rules of the Society of Jesus experienced the best, or worst, introductions to European society. The thoroughness of Jesuit behavioral teaching, their use of rewards and punishments and their economic astuteness enabled the Jesuits to appear most successful in "civilizing" or Europeanizing the natives. People introduced to European society by the militant and

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96 paternalistic Jesuits developed a greater dependence on extra-continental manners than those introduced by other religious orders.''"'^ The economic cleverness of the Jesuits aroused jealousy from civil and military colonists. The fact that Jesuits enjoyed more education and worldly knowledge than did other orders stood them in good stead when competing with colonists and government officials with little or no formal education. The shift of priorities for economic production baffled the Amerindians and benefitted the Europeans who were capable of directing such activities. The restructuring of the native society to pursue production for exportation provides a key to the understanding of Western development in the Americas. ^"^ Instead of working solely for individual or group survival, Amerindians learned to accumulate extra commodities. Work produced a surplus to support members of the population devoted to noneconomic activities. Under traditional Amerindian structures, few or no members subsisted through noneconomic activities. The only possible exception was the paje, who received gifts if his treatments and invocations proved effective. The missionaries and other Europeans considered the pajes to be their principal adversaries among the Amerindians."'"^ By the mid-eighteenth century few Amerindian groups remained untouched by Western civilization. Mission dwellers represented the remnants of varied groups living under a

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97 structure which combined some traditional, familiar aspects and many imported Western values. Seventeenthcentury European family patterns were superimposed on the Amerindians. Homes for mission dwellers were to be small, with capacity only for nuclear families, to facilitate their adjustment to European values. "^"^ Discussion concerning the Amerindians' legal freedom included qualifying statements regarding their ability to cope as full citizens. Although legal freedom could be extended to the mission dwellers to salve consciences, in reality they required intermediaries to protect and represent them. Without a special interest group to translate Western concepts and laws, the Amerindians would be at a disadvantage, like children or orphans with no legal power. In 17 41, Pope Clement XIV published a Bull, or papal decree, which absolutely prohibited Amerindian slavery. The decree was withheld from circulation in Brazil, however, because the Portuguese King feared the settlers' reaction."'"'* The King requested opinions about legislated freedom for the Amerindians, and in 1747, he received some responses. Fathers Afonso da Expecta9ao and Gabriel de Castelo da Vida, both Franciscans, agreed that the Amerindians merited complete freedom, although they would need to receive constant supervision. To the missionaries, the Amerindians seemed to have short memory spans and they apparently forgot ideals taught by the missionaries, often reverting to older ways or returning to the forest

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98 altogether "^^ Perceptions of Amerindians were often unflattering in the mid-eighteenth century. The French naturalist, Charles de la Condamine, considered all Amerindians, whether in the missions or in the forests, to be equally degenerate. La Condamine travelled through the Amazon Region from Ecuador to Brazil in the 1740's, with the purpose of studying the equator; his expedition included a number of European scientists who took side trips along Amazonian tributaries. Generally, La Condamine considered the Portuguese Amazonian missions to be in better condition than those in the Spanish Amazon. Describing traits of the mission inhabitants, La Condamine echoed and amplified the Franciscans' opinions. Amerindians were gluttons and "enemies of work, indif1 fi ferent to all motives of glory, honor or gratitude." Amerindians gave no thought to the future and spent their lives without thinking. They aged without ever emerging from childhood, from which they retained all defects. "'"^ Portuguese legislation viewed the Amerindians as legal children who required supervision constantly for the organization of daily life. Amerindians still are legal wards of the white man's government. Civilians' and missionaries' opinions on Amerindian matters did diverge. The case of an Amerindian woman, Francisca, provides an example of diverging mid-eighteenth century opinions in Beldm. Francisca petitLoned for her freedom twice in the 1730' s. She had been working 20 years

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99 at Ana de Fonte's house. Her companion, Angelico de Barros Gon9alves, persuaded her to try for legal freedom after learning of details surrounding her captivity. Her homeland was in the region of the Negro River, where for years the Manao group had supplied the Portuguese 19 with Amerindian slaves. Francisca had been left with a Manao leader by her father. Whether she had been left as a servant to the Amerindian leader, or as a ward in a daughter's position, was the crucial issue. The first petition was judged by the civil courts. The chief justice found that Francisca had not been considered a servant or slave of the Manao leader, and therefore she had been enslaved illegally by the trader who took her to Belem, Her owner then appealed to the Council of Missions, which decided in favor of Francisca' s owner. Ana de Fontes. The Council of Missions overturned the civil20 court decision and Francisca remained as a slave. Just as transporting slaves from Africa usually meant loss of many lives due to unsanitary and crowded condi21 tions transporting Amerindian slaves also incurred high mortality. "Canoe captains in the official trade complained that they often lost a third or a half of a shipment of slaves during the several weeks' journey from the Negro to 22 Pard (Belem) Depopulation of the missions became a common complaint. First among causes was high mortality, due to disease, overwork, faulty diet and psychological shock. A contributing factor to depopulation of missions

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100 was shifting populations; missionaries complained of the compulsion of Amerindians to wander. Some evidently visited family and friends and hunted and gathered seasonally, finally returning to the missions. Workers sent to fulfill official requisitions for collecting forest products and constructing public buildings did not always return to their missions. In 1750, of 3000 Amerindians sent from missions, 2500 returned. Despite regulations specifying that such workers were to spend only 6 months working away from their home village, the normal stint 23 was 9 months. Mission populations near centers of European administration and colonization suffered most. By the mid-eighteenth century, missions were established farther in the interior. This occurred in the Xingu Valley, where the Jesuits expanded their string of missions to the Great Bend. Missions close to European settlers and administrators, such as Gurupa, however, lost people, until the mission of St. Peter became a mere memory. La Condamine stopped at Gurupd in 1743 and noted that the only Amerindians there were settlers' slaves. Another report about Gurupa, six years later, observed that "there used to be an ample numbers of Indians in it the mission of St. Peter, but successive epidemics of smallpox and measles have left it destitute of inhabitants of either 24 sex or any age." After the secularization of the missions in the 1750's, efforts to attract Amerindians to missions continued. There is little information about the

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101 other missions consigned to the Franciscans by the reorganization of 1694. The mission of St. Peter at Gurupa was vacant. Nothing about Caviana or Santa Cruz (Holy Cross) appeared to describe conditions there. Another mission, to the south of Santa Cruz, St. Joseph of Arapijd, received little attention, as did that of St. Blaise (Sao Bras).^^ Missions consigned to the Jesuits multiplied until the missionary orders were expelled or prohibited from working in the missions. Itacurn9^, the mission of St. John the Baptist left to the Jesuits after the reorganization of 1694, grew and members of varied groups lived there. Some groups argued and could not live together peacefully in Itacuru9d. A new mission was founded at Piraguari, also dedicated to St. John the Baptist, with dissidents from Itacuruqd. This occurred by 1727; Father Ant6nio Vaz mentioned visiting it before he died in 1728.^^ In 1730, the Jesuits had 878 baptized Amerindians at Itacuru9a, and 76 catechumens. In Piraguari, there were 733 converts and 345 unbaptized Amerindians. Among the converts were 245 men, 286 women, 103 boys, and 99 girls. There was no differenciation for the catechumens. From the 1750' s, there was no mention of converts, only catechiimens Among the latter were some Muruas who threatened the missionary's life. The catechumens included 220 men, 348 women, 81 boys, 62 girls, and 200 infants. The last Jesuit in Piraguari, Louren9o Kaulen, had built homes for himself and the mission

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102 inhabitants. There was a dock to facilitate transportation and the church was in good condition and stocked with religious images. Farther south along the Xingu River, but on the west bank, the Jesuits had founded the mission of St. Ignatius of Aricari. A Jesuit report mentioned the mission of St. Ignatius first in 1723. By 1730, there were 970 baptized villagers and 182 still in training. Part of the villagers belonged to the Juruna group, and many of these had been attracted by Father Luis de Oliveira in 1736. There was trouble, though, as some of the Jurunas returned to the forest. The trouble concerned the continued missionary procedure of sending children, especially boys, to study in Be 16m or some large city. The Juruna did not accept this practice. Allegedly, the Juruna planned to retaliate by resorting to cannibalism — including the missionary, another white present and two baptized Amerindians in the menu. A still-friendly Juruna, however, warned the missionary in time; he escaped to an old mission along with the others on the menu. With the plot uncovered, the Juruna at Aricari evidently feared reprisals by troops and a number of them fled into the forest. The Jesuits continued to found missions and to explore the little-known terrain of the Xingu River. The last Jesuit to staff the mission of Aricari, Father Manuel dos Santos, had founded another mission, called Javari. In 1750, a companion. Father Roque Hundertpf undt traveled

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103 for five weeks along the Great Bend. Due to treacherous falls and rapids, he managed to cover 150 leagues (about 600 miles). He did find the Iriri River where he met some friendly people called Curibaris and Jacipoias. At the fartherest point he reached, Father Roque encountered some Jurunas, who told him that 60 leagues farther upriver they had seen signs of civilization, including cattle, horses and sheep. Evidently, some settlers had tried to follow 2 9 the Xingu River north. Settlement of the colony was moving increasingly away from the coast, advancing the frontiers of Western society. Barriers of rapids and falls were crossed, but the difficulty was such that they remained formidable for some time to come. Missionary activity and, to a lesser extent, individual initiative made possible effective Portuguese control in the Amazon Valley. Despite the enforced expulsion of the Jesuits and other regular orders in the 1750 's, their work enabled the Portuguese Crown to claim territory far vaster than previously acknowledged by international law. The Treaty of Tordesillas sanctioned by the Pope in 1494 divided South America between Spain and Portugal. By the terms of this treaty, the far greater portion fell to Spain. Portugal's share only touched the Amazon estuary. The authority of the Treaty was challenged in word and deed. Francois I of France requested to see the codicil of Adam's will which favored Spain and Portugal, leaving out France. The French, English, Dutch and other Europeans challenged

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104 the Treaty by claiming, and later settling, large portions of the Americas and other discovered territories, beginning in the fifteenth century. By the mid-eighteenth century, the situation was recognized and dealt with of f icially "^'^ The Treaty of Madrid in 1750 officially recognized the need to populate effectively a region in order to sustain European claims of sovereignty. Simple territorial claims no longer sufficed to hold a territory; actual European penetration and settlement became the qualifier. Actual possession and use, uti posseditis established by the Treaty of Madrid, was accepted as the decisive factor for awarding sovereignty. Under the Treaty, the extensive network of missions in the Amazon Region ensured Portuguese sovereignty there. One of the intellects behind the formulation of the treaty, Alexandre de Gusraao, was a Jesuit. He must never had imagined how adversely his brother Jesuits would be affected by the conditions outlined in the Treaty. Few Europeans, in relative numbers, actually lived in the Amazon Region. Many people accepted as Europeans or whites in the Amazon were products of interracial mating. The blurring of color lines was recognized in the nineteenth century, but had begun with the arrival of the early adventurers and conquerors. Since the occupation of a territory was decided by the population present who lived in the manner of Europeans, it was necessary to produce either Europeans or Europeanized natives in order to retain such territories. The Jesuits and other missionary orders had tried

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105 to segregate native and European populations. In Spanish colonies, the missionaries established more viable segregation with the effective division of Amerindians, Europeans, and Africans into separate communities. Although little information is available about Portuguese missionaries' efforts to the same end, they too attempted to keep the native population separated from the colonists' settlements. Despite later efforts by the Crown to integrate the native population into state life by recognition of their legal right to citizenship, actual events conspired to maintain distinctions. While residents of the Amazon Region maintained separation between Amerindian and European villages, the Portuguese Crown and its representatives sought to blur and erase that distinction. In 1757, missionary control of Amerindians was disallowed and state control 31 established. Due to the demographic poverty of Portugal, there were not enough European settlers to occupy effectively all the territory claimed. Some rational manner had to be devised for the Portuguese to secure their territories. They had suffered losses in other territorial spheres, in Africa and Asia, where many of their colonial possessions had been taken over by the Dutch. Surviving Portuguese colonies in Asia included Goa and Macao, very small areas; Portuguese African colonies were similarly reduced. A way had to be found to save the vast northern and southern colonies in South America; "the solution lay in a uniao da sociedade

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106 civil (a civil union) of the conquerors and conquered under the same laws without distinctions based on ..32 origins The Marqugs de Pombal Sebastiao de Carvalho e Melo, who effectively formulated Portuguese policy from 1750 to 1777, appointed his brother, Francis Xavier de Mendon9a Furtado, to implement new policies in the Amazon Region. Pombal reflected on the best solution to the need of Portugal to effectively populate its territories. From his reflections, which included acknowledging the American natives' tendency to occasional cannibalism, he decided that, basically there was little difference between European and Amerindian populations. The only difference was that Europeans "did not eat people.""^'* Perceptible barriers to the incorporation of the native populations into the fabric of accepted society were removed with the policies of Pombal. An obvious barrier was the presence of the missionary orders who had fought for the right to keep the native populations separate. Their struggle was to preserve in America what they had lost, or never achieved in Europe. European society had escaped the all-influential power of the Roman Catholic Church at the beginning of the Renaissance, In Europe, the power of the Church had been successfully challenged by the State with Henry VIII 's declaration of divorce. The reform begun by Luther within the Church, ended up causing splits and encouraging more splits. The

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107 Church's reaction was to reform practices within the European populations to spread its influence and increase flocks depleted by European dissent. With recognition of uti posseditis by the Treaty of Madrid in 1750, European nations had to inspire fidelity to national goals. Religious unity no longer existed in most European nations. National identity became the unifier which was needed to make masses of people pull together for national goals. Not all European nations underwent this recognition simultaneously. In most cases there were recurrent waves of change which absorbed resistance and broke down barriers. Despite a general European shift to the concept of national affiliation, the Iberian nations continued to depend on religious affiliation. But with international religious orders, such as the Jesuits and, to a lesser extent, the Franciscans, the Iberians and the French faced problems of national European allegiance. The Jesuits encouraged natives of all countries and territories to study the Order's precepts and follow them. With the discovery of, and possibility of communication with, formerly unreachable populations, "international" began to include much more than Europe or the few familiar non-European nations. During the period of discovery and conquest, international religious orders aided national states to claim vast stretches of the earth. Their usefulness to individual nations, however, stopped when religious divisions in Europe precluded unity based on religion. In effect, the Treaty of

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108 Madrid gave recognition to secular, national power, effacing the need for religious unity as the mainstay of accepted tents for largescale agreement. The international aspects of religious orders such as the Jesuits — the Company of Jesus which had been organized along para-military lines — threatened the more secular, national organization of European countries manifest in the Treaty of Madrid. '^^ One indicator is the international membership of the Jesuits. Although the historian of the Jesuits in Brazil, Father Serafim Leite, S.J., contends that the majority of Jesuits who worked in both the northern and southern Portuguese colonies in South America were Portuguese, many non-Portuguese Jesuits worked in the Xingu Valley. Joao Felipe Bettendorf, Jesuit Superior in the Amazon Valley twice, from 1668 to 1674 and from 1690 to 1693, was a native of Bavaria. He visited the Xingu missions as field missionary and as Jesuit Superior. An Italian, Pier Luigi Consalvi was Jesuit Superior in the Amazon Valley from 1674 to 1683."^ Between them, these two non-Portuguese are credited with 18 years of influence on missionary activity in the Amazon Valley, and of political leadership for the advancement of Amerindian rights. Lesser influence was exerted by several non-Portuguese missionaries who worked in the Xingu and Gurupa mission fields and never reached the position of highest Jesuit authority in the Amazon Region. Louren90 Kaulen and Roque Hundertpf undt both German Jesuits working the Xingu missions in the 1750' s, were often

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109 the subjects of criticism and rumors. Kaulen was accused of inhumane treatment of his mission charges by the Dominican Bishop who visited the Amazon missions in 1763. Instruments of confinement and torture were found at the 3 8 Jesuit's residence. The colonial government also accused Roque Hundertpfundt of wrong-doing: allegedly, he participated in a plot to deliver the Amazon Valley to 39 the French. Similar accusations were not made against Portuguese nationals working as members of the Jesuit Order. Often, foreign origins were obscured by the nationalizations of names. Just as Christopher Columbus was claimed by the Spaniards although he was Italian and married to a Portuguese woman, other discoverers and agents for national affairs were claimed by the nations employing them. This was the case with the employment of foreigners in religious orders which served nation-state goals, not just religious goals. Identification of people belonging to the Jesuit Order during the early centuries of European colonization was according to declared national loyalty, not birthplace. Thus, at the same time a German Jesuit, Bettendorf, was serving the Portuguese Crown near the end of the seventeenth century, a German-Swiss Jesuit, Samuel Fritz was employed by the Spanish Crown. The proximity of Spanish Jesuit missions to the western borders of Portuguese Amazonia, and the presence of French, Dutch and English colonies to the north of Belem, inspired Pombal to rid himself and Portuguese colonies of a potential internationalizing threat, the Jesuits.

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110 The Treaty of Madrid addressed national aspirations. Earlier a European treaty had upheld the right of a ruler to insist that his religion would be that of his subjects (the Treaty of Augsburg, 1555, cujus religio, religio est ).'^^ The Treaty of Madrid — although the settlement it wrought 41 would later be modified — effectively established that the people of an area and their inclinations were the decisive factor for political, or European national, sovereignty. One hindrance to the spread of accepted national aspirations was the Socity of Jesus, which not only favored mixed European membership, but also encouraged non-European membership, at least as civilian or lay aides. Furthermore, in the Amazon Valley, the Jesuits at one time had refused to administer to the Europeans or white population as they concentrated on the natives. '^^ In order to fulfill the requirements mutually accepted by Europeans with the signing of the Treaty of Madrid, the native populations of colonies had to become nationalized populations, recognizing a common European nation as their own. Discrimination against mingled populations and barriers to future mingling had to yield. One such barrier in mission territories was the religious orders who had struggled to keep natives separate from Europeans. State power was threatened by the missionary orders' presence; the missionaries' final royalty was to the Roman Catholic ultimate goal, not necessarily including national sovereignty by single European countries. Although the Marqu§s de Pombal did not disavow religion's

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Ill importance in the colonial effort, he reduced its control by the expulsion of missionary orders from the colony in 43 1757. The royal order had been issued two years earlier, in 1755. It abolished the regulations issued in the late seventeenth century and established secular control of the 44 missions. Suppressing the powers of the regular orders, the royal communication, or alvara provided that Amerin4 dian villages would be governed by their recognized leaders. These leaders, however, were recognized and attributed power by Portuguese representatives ; they were not chosen by the village population. Despite administrative shortcomings, which later became evident, the new policy "emphasized the integration of the Indian into Portuguese culture rather 46 than his conservation." New guidelines for the Portuguese administrators concerned with native American populations were contained in the Diretorio dos Indies published in 1757. Its publication signaled the dawn of the era of the directorate, or secular rule, over the native population. Recommendations included the adoption of European clothing styles and European housing with partitions, and the eventual organization of Amerindians into European family units. New public buildings to be built in the villages included town halls and jails, symbolic of state authority.'*^ Another goal of the directorate's directives was to erase the use of the hybrid "native" language, the lingua geral, and replace it with Portuguese.

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112 The establishment of primary schools to convey and teach European manners, including language, was recognized as important, but manpower or the labor necessary to attain this goal was lacking. Schools begun for the villagers' benefit, in the eyes of the Portuguese state officials, were to be funded by the villages. Most mission villages could not afford the expense of maintaining teachers. The regulations included provisions for the event of only one teacher serving an entire village: boys and girls could attend the same school. Here, the legislation revealed a great shortcoming, indicating the gap between reality and idealized society; there was no provision in the law for villages — a majority in the Amazon — for which 4 8 no teacher could be found. Besides provisions for the cultural integration of mission dwellers into Portuguese society, social inducements were planned to facilitate such integration. Legal marriage between Europeans and natives often was viewed derogatorily and was socially unacceptable. Under the aegis of the directorate, such intermarriage was encouraged. Incentives formerly offered to European couples opting to settle in the Amazon Region now were offered to any military man who decided to marry legally a native woman. Farm implements and cattle were offered, for they were indicators of the difference between native and European: using tools and raising cattle, along with wearing clothes, separated the civilized from the barbarian.

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113 The natives were not completely trusted tay Pombal. Additions to the originally broad directorate instructions provided that the leadership of the former mission villages rest in the hands of a triumvirate: the Amerindian leader, the secular parish priest, and the civil or state-appointed director. The director was to assure himself and his charges that Portuguese directives were being complied with by investigating the economic production of his village and the people responsible for it. The colonial governor was to receive an annual inventory of cultivated land and its production as well as a list of those responsible for it. Also, people who did not contribute to the village's production were to be identified. A further recommendation included the prohibition of making and dealing in cacha9a, the regional white lightning, "except for medicinal purposes."^"'' This was to encourage productive work habits. Those who had been most efficient in gathering together and preserving the native people, the Jesuits, lost their control due to incompatibility with recognized national goals in mid-eighteenth-century Europe. In 1696, the Jesuits controlled the lives of 11,000 people in the northern colony of Grao-Para-Maranhao In southern and central missions, the Jesuits ministered to 15,450 inhabitants, which brought the number of Amerindians under Jesuit tutelage in Portuguese America to 26,500 near the end of the seventeenth century. Before their expulsion, the Society of Jesus had gathered more natives to their missions. In 1730 the Jesuits

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114 reported a population of 21,0 31 in their 28 villages established in Grao-Pari and Maranhao. There were 5,240 men, 6,485 women, 3,280 boys and 3,043 girls. By 1750, however, the Jesuits controlled only 19 villages. The Franciscans had 26 villages; the Carmelites, 15; and the Mercedarians, 3.^"^ The expulsion of missionary orders from the mission field was not an isolated event in Portuguese affairs. The Portuguese had expelled the Jesuits from Portugal and all its colonies by 1759. The French followed suit, ordering Jesuits to leave their territories in 1764. The Spaniards forced Jesuits within their borders to join the general exodus in 176 7. Jesuit hardships increased the next decade when the Pope proscribed them.^'* A few Jesuits tried to escape the expulsion and survived in the Amazonian interior until 1761, when the last of them, including Roque Hunderptfundt were captured and sent to prison. Pombal's brother, Francisco Xavier de Mondon9a Furtado, justified expulsion of the Jesuits by contending that they did not respect national borders. Jesuits working for the Portuguese Crown were said to be in treasonous contact with those working for the Spanish Crown. They opposed the official border limits in colonial territory, since the restrictions were prejudicial to Spanish Jesuits who had missions in border areas. Suspicion surrounding a Spanish Jesuit in 1767 prompted a request for reinforcements in 5 6 Brazil. The Jesuits posed no more threats for Portuguese authorities in the Amazon Region.

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115 With the departure of the Jesuits, local conditions required prompt attention. There were problems of mission administration, defense of the territory, and economic survival. The mission inhabitants were the key to these problems. By early November 1759, an exodus of Amerindians from the missions was blamed for lack of supplies in the northern territory. The mission inhabitants had ceased planting and other work. Some settlements were totally evacuated and riimors spread that the rest would be abandoned soon. Transportation throughout the region suffered, be57 cause canoe paddlers left their jobs. Returning fugitives to their jobs or missions and gathering new Amerindians concerned the authorities. In 1760, search and destroy techniques were being used against settlements formed by fugitives, called mocambos One mocambo, which was abandoned when its inhabitants were led to a mission village by an Amerindian, had a population of 62. As a reward, the leader received the official title of Principal ( Patente de Principal ) and some clothes. Attracting uncontacted Amerindians continued. A contingent of 59 men, I women and boys was brought to Piraguari, now renamed Pombal.' A powerful mocambo on the Pacajas River had been formed with fugitives from several missions and servants from Belem, but by September, 1760, it had been dismantled. A mixed escort of soldiers and Amerindians destroyed the mocambo and took most of the fugitives found there to Belem. The captives were to be redistributed to their former mission villages

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116 59 and to city residents. In the mission villages, both returned fugitives and new arrivals worked on canoes and went on expeditions to collect forest products They also decocted fats and oils; treated, salted, and marinated fish; and planted crops. Beginning in 1764 there were yearly reports about productions for tax purposes although reports were not continuous through the end of the century, nor did all villages appear each year. For the missions in the Xingu Valley there was data on production sent to Bel^m, which revealed their relative importance in the regional economy. The missions appeared under new names in the reports: as part of the Europeanization of the missions, each village received a Portuguese name. The former St. Joseph of Arapij6 became Carrazedo, or Sao Jos6 de Carrazedo. This mission's contribution to general production in 1764 was 0.55% of the region's cacao. St. John the Baptist of Itacuru9a was rebaptized St. John of Veiros. Veiros participated with 52.29% of copaiba oil (produced from a tree of the same name); 3.09% of unrefined clove; 2.29% of manatee; and 0.0 3% of all pots of turtle fat. South of Veiros, St. John of Piraguari was renamed St. John of Pombal. Pombal's population produced 25.37% of estopa (a fibrous bark used for caulking); 14.54% of turtles 13.95% of nuts; 6.21% of pots of turtle fat; 4.19% of manatee; and 1.39% of marinated fish. Farther south and on the west bank of the river, the village of Santo Indcio of Aricari Decame Santo Indcio of Souzel. Souzel s largest share

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117 of the region's produce was in nuts, with 18.60% of the total. In addition, Souzel reported 9.09% of the pots of turtle fat; 7.94% of manatee; 5.20% of copaiba oil; 3.98% 6 0 of cacao; and 1.09% of fine clove. Freight charges were levied to cover transportation costs to Belem, and there was a ten percent tax on edibles. The cabo, who coordinated the collecting expedition, accompanying the parties to the forest, received a percentage of the value of the shipment. The director of the village also received a percentage of the production. The next year, 1765, Carrazedo produced all of Pari's piracux fish and 8.14% of the nuts; 5.32% of andiroba oil; 4.11% of manioc flour (farinha) ; 1.90% of fine clove; and 0.18% of cacao. The former village of Maturu, now called Porto de Moz, appeared in the annual report this year. This village sent 12.88% of the northern colony's clove; 12.20% of the estopa; 3.74% of copaiba oil and 0.46% of the cacao. Veiros dispatched 44.78% of Park's copaiba oil; 9.19% of the manatee; 3.16% of unrefined clove; 2.38% of the pots of turtle fat; 0.15% of fine clove; and 0.14% of the turtles. Pombal exported a commodity which did not show on the general listing of produce: coffee. Other exports included 76.59% of all jabutis (small tortoises); 34.70% of fine clove; 33.33% of cotton in bales; and 0.02% of the cacao. Souzel shipped 16.80% of nuts; 6.99% of copaiba oil; 3.13% of cacao and 0.10% of the fine clove total.

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118 A ship's manifest from that year indicated items for export to Europe. Many commodities produced in the villages were intended to be consumed by the resident population in Bel^m. Others, appearing on intercontinental ships' manifests, obviously were for European consumption. This particular manifest came from a ship belonging to the General Company of Commerce for the State, which was created by Pombal and had export monopolies on products from the Amazon 6 3 Region. This manifest, from November 30, showed these items: gold dust, cacao, coffee, fine clove, unrefined clove, sarsaparilla, uruc6 (a plant which produces a red dye), cans of copaiba oil, animal pelts, and lumber for shipbuilding. This was the Company's cargo. The manifest also included cargo belonging to individuals: cacao, coffee, fine clove, anil, cotton, animal pelts, and lumber. In comparing totals for items which appeared in the reports of production from the villages and the same appearing on the ship's manifest, a discrepancy appears. More than twice the cacao produced in the villages was shipped by the Company, not counting additional amounts listed among cargo belonging to individuals. Inclusion of the total mission production for the previous year, 1764, still would not equal the amount appearing on the manifest. Either other suppliers were used, or more than two years' produce was shipped at one time, or reports concerning village production were underestimates.

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119 The last possibility would be unlikely. The village director, responsible for composing the productivity reports, should have had no desire to misrepresent production, as he was paid a percentage of the production. Although some forest and agricultural products might weather two to three years' storage before shipping, that, too, was unlikely. Storage facilities were haphazard and preservation of produce would depend on treatment or processing undergone after collection. If cacao were dried and stored, for example, it could endure a delay in shipping. And if this did occur, then were products processed before sale and shipment from the villages? The mission inhabitants, it appears not only collected forest products and harvested crops, but also processed them for shipping. Unless other, yet-to-beidentified sources of supply existed, native labor contributed more to the colonial economy than heretofore acknowledged. The appearance on the manifest of items excluded from the listing of villagers' production, however, indicated that other sources of supplies did exist. Unfortunately, there was no indication of sources for items on the manifest. The gold-dust reported on the manifest may have come from mining efforts in the region or from long-distance trade with other parts of the colony. Lumber for shipbuilding sometimes came from land-grants held by sesmeiros who were given permission to cut lumber on their land. Lumber was the only cargo of one ship leaving Belem for Lisbon 6 5 in 1767. For the villages exporting produce to Bel^m at

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120 the time, there was no indication of gold mining or lumbering. By 176 6, another village appeared on the annual report: Santa Cruz de Caviana, now Vilarinho do Monte. It provided 4.18% of the manioc flour that year. Carrazedo contributed 19.44% of andiroba oil production; all of the tobacco production; 1.49% of the manioc flour; and only 0.21% of the cacao. Porto de Moz shipped 23.01% of estopa; 10.64% of the fine clove; 6.88% of copaiba oil; 3.85% of nuts; 0.93% of andiroba oil; and 0.17% of the manioc flour. By the report of 1767, Carrazedo produced 19.33% of Park's nuts; 6.13% of the andiroba oil and 2.91% of the estopa. Porto de Moz exported other commodities: 10.78% of the sarsaparilla; 4.48% of the manioc flour and 3.00% of the breu. Veiros contributed 18.37% of the turtles going to Bel^m; 13.92% of the manatee; and 1.67% of the pots of turtle fat. Pombal offered the most varied exports for the year: all tobacco reported; 34.04% of the coffee; 28.85% of the fine clove; 25.51% of the estopa; but a mere 0.02% of the cacao. Souzel sent only one product, cacao; it was 29.71% of the year's production. The villagers in Souzel apparently suffered at the hands of their religious caretaker during late 1767 and early 1768. His actions merited the attention of the governor, Francisco Xavier de Mendon9a Furtado. Allegedly, the secularized Mercedarian took more than his share from the collecting efforts of the villagers. He was accused of

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121 taking manioc flour from the common land that the Amerindians worked in addition to their personal land. To crown his misdeeds, he was accused of disorders, including a knife attack on two people. The vicar was in danger of losing his job, for similar complaints had been received before and were to continue. The next year for which production figures were found was 1769. For that year there was a mistake in the total of pots of andiroba oil counted. Carrazedo sent 40 pots, but it is impossible to calculate its proportion now. Carrazedo also sent piracui fish which provided 51.44% of the total for that year; 10.49% of the nuts; 4.85% of the tobacco; and 1.58% of the cacao. Porto de Moz s largest share of production was nuts, with 8.05%; then, cacao, with 3.92%; and breu, with 0.57%. Veiros exported nearly half the year's copaiba oil, at 48.38%; 19.39% of wild pork meat; 11.61% of the nuts; 3.21% of the cacao; 1.09% of the unrefined clove; and 0.32% of the manatee. Pombal dispatched 27.53% of the year's nuts; 31.63% of the fine clove; 9.81% of the estopa; 7.89% of the tobacco; 1.40% of the unrefined clove; and only 0.02% of the cotton. Souzel accounted for 10.49% of the unrefined clove; 5.62% of the nuts; 1.19% of the fine clove and only 0.13% of the cotton. For 1769 and afterwards, there was also information concerning the income and expenditures of the villages. Vilarinho do Monte, which did not appear with any export production, had equal income and expenditure, yet was in

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122 debt for payment for the Treasury clerk and Amerindian representative. Overall, the accountings were not accurate. In none of the villages under study did the recorded expenses equal the total given for them. Included with expenses were the tithe and new tax; the fifth; subsistence for the Amerindians; the commission for the treasurer; the sixth for the directors; the fee for the Treasury clerk and Amerindian representative; initialled books belonging to the Treasury; deposits with the treasurer; expenses met with the deposits; and total active money deposited. Two last categories included debts owed by the missions to the treasurer and debts owed by the treasurer to the missions. None of the villages had books at the Treasury or deposits on account. Only Veiros was owed money from the Treasurer; all other villages owed money. The most costly expense listed was Amerindian subsistence, ranging from Carrazedo's low of 60.23% to Souzel's high of 75.12% of village earnings. The smallest portion of money owed was the clerk's and representative's fee. The lowest was in Pombal, 0.19% and the highest was in Carrazedo, 0.81%. All taxes and commissions varied from their nominal proportions. (See Table 3.1 following page.) That indicated that tax regulations were not strictly enforced. The director's sixth, supposedly 16%, ranged from 8.28% in Souzel to 11.78% in 71 Carrazedo. If one combined all the commissions, however, the pie-slices extend from 32.42% of the earned income in Veiros to 38.57% in Carrazedo. Those were sizable slices.

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123 N 00 0) I (Ti CO CO ft 3 CO ^ 2 -a -H H N If c2 <0o\o o LD CM 00 1^ o rH o O r-\ CN in o • • • • • • • • • o rin CO o 00 o rH o r~ o n 1— 1 IH rH in 0^ (N o 00 00 Lf) rin in (Ti VD CM o CM o 00 o^ CO CN CN rH LT) in rH o CN n c/> O cn CM 00 toto 1^ rrH o CM CM CN "a* CM 00 o o rH rH a> rH rH o (Ti rH CTi 0> 00 o rH o O in m in o rH • • • • • • • • CD o CTi rH en o in o o O rH V£> o rH H d o CN CTi o o 00 cri o fH a\ rH o CM CO O IX) a^ CM cri •COc/> C/3v> o {/> o 00 CN o 00 rH CM ro 00 ro in CM CO CN >x> rCM rH n in O cr> ro o 00 rH o O CN o CTi (N CO CO o CJ^ • • • • • • • o rrH o rH o 00 o o rH >X) rH CJi O rH rH >X) iH rH in CO CN O CM in in o rH CM CN in O CM ro in in in CO CO in O rH o co •/> V3<0o rH O > T3 5 • CO rrrH c (d 0) Cu th CTi u VX3 iS rH CO t 19 rH N rq gi +3 a q CO -P (u 5 CO Q t3 Id c CO S CM ^1 0^ 73

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1 124 The highest expenses for Amerindian subsistence appeared in Souzel and Pombal, the two villages farthest from the Amazon River and the newest along the Xingu. One reason for higher expenses could be the arrival of new Amerindians to these villages. Without crops planted at the time of arrival, newcomers needed a higher expenditure for sustenance than older inhabitants. In the early 1760s, Father Joao de Sao Jos6 Queir6s visited Gurupi and the Xingu missions. After telling of difficulties with the jurisdiction of Boa Vista, another settlement on the Xingu (which Father Queiros switched from Gurupa to Porto de Moz) he described the village of Veiros. In Veiros were 500 residents who lived very poorly in rough and tumble shacks and with little food. There were many children, who could form a beautiful choir, in Father Queiros' opinion. He noted that there was excellent clove bark above the rapids, but people from Veiros did not venture there, due to the wild people at Souzel. He also told of a woman paje in Veiros, who was greatly feared. Her witchcraft and cures were accomplished with herbs and breath — breath awakened with aguardente. The paje would bid all surrounding her to dance, and when they were so tired they could no longer stand, she would feign the voice of a spirit. The witch claimed that the spirit of a de73 ceased Amerindian spoke through her. Near Veiros Father Queirds saw the ruins of the Dutch fort. The Amerindians claimed to have found there a small .J

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125 piece of artillery. Farther along, about two leagues, he arrived at Pombal, where there were 80 0 seasoned residents, and some new people who had gathered there recently — and had already been baptized. The only thing Father Queiros noted that was out of the ordinary was the large number of birds in Pombal. The woodpecker drew his attention due to its manner of making nests in tree trunks. The priest also noted a lack of cattle; vampire bats killed them. There were some extraordinarily large oranges, but they too had enemies: leaf-cutter ants ate the leaves and few trees survived. One flourishing fruit was genipap, which, besides being edible, supplied a black dye.^^ From Pombal, Queir6s travelled to Souzel, stopping enroute at Xingu Tapera ( tapera means abandoned village or site) It took four hours for him and his entourage to cross the river, or bay, to Souzel where they spent three days. The church there was one of the best and it was dedicated to St. Francis Xavier. It contained good altars, pulpits, and a sacristy and choir. Souzel had many fine residential homes, too, dating from the time of the Jesuits. The people, however, were little less than barbarous and retained notable hatred for whites, which Father Queiros also credited to the Jesuits. Among the Amerindian groups he found at Souzel were the Vaiapi and Jurunas. He associated the Jurunas with cannibalism. He told of one Juruna who supposedly left to visit relatives still in the forest carrying with him the head of

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126 a black man and one of a cow, allegedly claiming that his relatives had never seen either. Since Father Queiros thought that the Xingu River passed through a mining area and was fed by the Cuiab^ River (which left a distant mining district) he assumed that both the black man and the cow could have been acquired from an expedition going north 7 6 along the Xingu River. The rapids south of Souzel on the Xingu River were impassable and the only way to surmount them was to cross by land. This had been achieved by the Jesuit Roque Hunterdtpfund, who founded a mission near a stream called Anaoar. But Father Queir6s claimed that this Jesuit treated his mission dwellers so bad that they set fire to the mission. Continuing with a denunciation of the Jesuits, he described how another member of the order, Manuel dos Santos, left behind many prisons and instruments of torture when he was expelled. While in Souzel, he was shown an obituary register, in which he found entered the death of Father L^zaro Duarte. However, Father Queir6s knew that the same person had lived in Veiros, where he sought not God, but mammon. When Father Ldzaro returned from a trip, the married woman he had been living with was not at home. He sought her and, finding her occupied with another man, a knife fight ensued in which the priest was wounded. When the superior of his order had passed Veiros on his way to visit Souzel, Father Lazaro despaired; he drank a slow acting poison. The priest from

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127 Souzel at the time, Dion£sio R^gis, crossed to Veiros to get Father L^zaro and take him to Souzel to meet the superior there. They left for Souzel, but the day they arrived, Father L^izaro died. His obituary called him a 7 S saintly man, avid for the salvation of souls. Father Queir6s complained that the inhabitants of Souzel, did not avail themselves of the religious opportunities that his visit offered them. He had no more to say about Souzel, but told another story concerning illfated priests, this time in Pombal. One Father Manuel Afonso chastized the brother of the Principal (official representative of the mission dwellers) which provoked the inhabitants of the mission to rebellion. They tore down five doors, but the priest, in the company of some whites, managed to escape. To avenge this insult to Father Manuel Afonso, Father Joao de Sousa was sent to Pombal. There he ordered the Amerindians to be tied to 79 tree trunks and beaten. With that story recounted. Father Queiros and company left Souzel, passing through Veiros and Porto de Moz. From there he went to Boa Vista, which was a white settlement. Previously, Queirds had mentioned that the inhabitants there did not want to mix with Amerindians. During his visit to Boa Vista, however, the good father spent more time complaining about the lack of food than describing the village. It was the month of March and fish were not plentiful, he said.^

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128 From there he went to Vilarinho do Monte. The priest who served that parish was a secularized Franciscan from Coimbra, Portugal. There two mutuns (birds similar to quails, but silken black with brightly colored beaks) were given to Father Queir6s who sent them ahead to GurupS. His next stop, Carrazedo, was difficult to reach. From the port he had to climb steep steps, pausing often to regain his breath. This village's vicar was also a Frauiciscan, but made no effort to find poultry. Queir6s accused the priest of having fine chickens, and hiding them from him. From there. Father Queir6s followed the mutums to Gurupd.^'^ He spent Holy Week in Gurup^, noting that all work on the fort had stopped due to lack of manioc flour. He observed that his voyage on the Xingu River had been safe. Leaving Gurup5, he saw the enormous tree trunks and the floating islands which he believed emanated from the Xingu River. Both the Xingu and Amazon Rivers possessed strong and dangerous currents, whirlpools and unequal tides, he observed: only a most dexterous pilot could safely navi82 gate such waters. Father Queirds' journey took place in the early 1760 's. By the end of that decade, many changes had occurred. Colonists arrived from Europe in increasing numbers and diversity. In one consignment of colonists to Par^, there were Spaniards, Germans, Frenchmen, Englishmen, Hungarians and two prisioners from Wales, among others. Despite official

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129 sanctions against foreigners entering Brazil, from the seventeenth to the early nineteenth centuries many nonPortuguese immigrated there. The major concern surrounding foreigners was their religious affiliation, not their nationality. Once there, all colonists were subject to restrictions on travel; ship's captains and people traveling to the interior were warned against transporting passengers 84 without licenses granted by the state. A few Jews or recent converts from Judaism to Catholicism apparently were in the Amazon Region. The nearest Jewish community during the eighteenth century was in Surinam, formed by Jews fleeing Pernambuco at the time of the expulsion of the Dutch. No such communities existed in the Amazon, only individuals. Francisco Xavier de Mendon9a Furtado, brother of Marques Pombal, died in November, 1769. After his death, there was an apparent shift in policy toward the missions. In official reports, there was a shift from concern with production in villages to the labor force in them. For at least three years in the 1770 's, there were Listas de Repartigao or distribution lists, drawn up for the villages. There was emphasis on all able-bodied men between the ages of 13 and 60. This was an increase from the previous agespan considered apt for male workers: 15 to 50.^^ Specifically, the lists concerned distribution of labor already done, and the available laborers in the village. Only men were included on the distribution list, sometimes with notations. The list was divided into three principal

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130 parts: those working or available, those newly enrolled, and those being taken off the work rolls. For those working and available, notations appeared beside the names of those employed, citing their destinations. Some were working on village business ( neg6cio ) which was also called the dili gincia, and involved servicing and taking canoes to the wilderness to find and gather forest products. Besides working for the villages — or rather, the directors of the villages — some men worked for the commander of Gurup^ on gathering expeditions Individuals worked as fishermen and hunters for the director, the vicar, the Principal villager and the commander of Gurupa. The Principal villager and his close relatives were exempt from the worklists. Men on the worklist were sent to aid in building the Fort at Macapd, under construction since the 1760s. The other parts of the list involved additions and deletions. An addition was made when a boy turned 13, or when someone "returned from the absence in which he had been wandering." Reasons for deletions included relationship to the Principal, accident, infirmity, old age, or death. Besides these specifications, information was annexed about other villagers of both sexes who were working. The name of the colonist for whom they worked was given with the justification for their employment. Either the colonist had acquired permission through a portaria or employed these villagers by paying wages, called a soldadada Each portaria included a specific number and date as well as the period

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131 of time for its validity. Most portarias carried a validity of two years, but some had been extended at least once. Villagers appearing on these annexes included men, Q-7 women and children; their positions were not specified. No comments were included among the distribution lists concerning employment of villagers on common land, or the roya comun The Captaincy of Par^ passed through great difficulties in the 1770s. Agriculture and subsistence gathering were decadent, not only in Para but also in the neighboring captaincy of Rio Negro. The two principal causes for this decadence were cited as, 1) the indolence of the natives and, 2) the lack of manpower or population. These observations were published in 1777, the year in which the Marquis of Pombal fell from power in Portugal. Pombal's intention to integrate the native population as an active part of the national population succeeded in that the mission dwellers were incorporated into the economic sector. The shift of emphasis after the death of Pombal's brother, Mendon9a Furtado, to extractive activities rather than an overall concern with agriculture, gathering, and processing, still kept the mission inhabitants involved in the economic sector. They were not socially integrated. Aside from being placed on distribution lists, they could be allotted to colonists for two years or more. Although the distribution lists included only boys and men from the ages of 13 to 60, those villagers distributed by other means

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132 included men, women and children. Prestimably, these last were to be employed as servants in varying capacities. The immigration of Europeans and Africans to the Amazon increased also through Pombal s initiatives and Mendon9a Furtado's enforcement. Foreigners were admitted as well as families from the A9ores and the Portuguese mainland. Africans from other Portuguese outposts such as Angola, Guinea, and Cape Verde arrived mostly as slaves; African on celebrations were held in New Mazagao in 1773. Despite attempts to increase population and productivity, however, the Amazon Region suffered want. The words published in 1777 describing the region as generally decadent due to native laziness and lack of work force echoed for years to come. One aspect of Pombal s legislation met with complete success: missionary orders, although they eventually returned to the Amazon Region, never again retained complete control of the mission populations or of the uncontacted Amerindians. Secularization of the missions did integrate the native population more fully into the economic sector of colonial society. Their social integration would have to wait.

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133 Notes 1. See Charles Griffin, "The Enlightenment in Latin America," in The Origins of the Latin American Revolutions 1808-1826 (New York: Alfred A. Knopf, 1965). 2. D.F. Fieldhouse, The Colonial Empires from the Eight eenth Century (New Yorlcl Dell Publishing Co. 1971) p. 121; also, Henri Anatole Coudreau, La France £quinoxale ; Etudes sur les Guyanes et I'Amazonie (Paris; Challamel Ain6, 1886). 3. Compare Hemming 's summation of Charles de La Condamine's opinion ( op. cit pp. 453 ff.) and that presented by Rousseau with his concept of the noble savage. 4. Marvin Harris, Cannibals and Kings; The Origins of Cultures (New York; Vintage Books, 1977), pp. 48-9. 5. Slnchez-Alburnoz op. cit p. 59. 6. Harris, op. cit p. 101. 7. Neves, op. cit pp. 92-3. 8. Freyre, op. cit ., p. 23; Neves, op. cit pp. 45-6. Instructions issued to Jesuit missionaries in 1658 outlined the procedures for baptizing an Amerindian; the month and year was to be noted; godparents were to be cited with last names (in the absence of last names, their parents' names were to be added) ; for adults being baptized, their Christian names was lengthened with their Amerindian names. For children, and godparents, this meant that Antdnia, daughter of JoSo and Maria would become either Ant6nia Joao or Antdnia Maria. See Leite, op. cit IV, 115. 9. Freyre, op. cit ., p. 23. 10. Neves, op. cit p. 162. 11. Sinchez-Alburnoz, o p. cit ., p. 58; Schwartz, op. cit ., p. 44. 12. See note 23, Ch. I. 13. MacLachlan, op. cit p. 361 cites the injunction to construct small European-style cottages with room partitions. 14. Fragoso, op. cit. p. 33. 15. Ibid., pp. 14, 33.

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134 f 16. Hemming, op. cit p. 45 3. La Condamine's expedition unintentially promoted miscegenation. An offshoot of the expedition travelled along the Paru River to the Guiana Highlands. An artist, Madame Koch (?) accompanied one of the French naturalists and they spent some days among the Wayana Amerindians. One of the Wayana leaders decided he wanted Madame Koch to remain with him and kidnapped her. The Frenchman waited a few days, saw nothing of the artist and left the area to rejoin the main expedition. The woman had children; some of her descendants are alive today (personal communication from Lucia Hussak van Velthem, October, 1981) 17. Hemming, op. cit p. 435. 18. Ibid contends that the 200 or so years of exploitation of the Amerindians led to an increasingly negative attitude on the part of Europeans. It would seem apt to assume that those exploited also formed negative opinions, even if they were not vocal about them. SSnchez-Alburnoz op. cit ., pp. 55-6, believes that psychological shock at the time of conquest, and with continued contact, formed such negative attitudes that they sometimes led to mass suicides. Neves, op. cit pp.. 117-21 also discusses adverse effects of forced change. The Brazilian Indian agency, or FUNAI, subordinated to the Ministry of the Interior, handles Amerindian affairs today. 19. David Sweet, "Francisca: Indian Slave," in David G. Sweet and Gary B. Nash, eds Struggle and Survival in Colonial America (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1981) pp. 274-285. By the nineteenth century, the Manao were extinct. They had provided slaves for the Portuguese from other groups. Supplies of slaves dwindled and the Portuguese then took captives among the Manao as workers. 20. Ibid 21. For information regarding African slavery on a broader scale, see Goulart, op. cit ., and Chaunu, op. cit ; for slavery in the territory called ParS, see Salles op. cit 22. Sweet, op. cit p. 284. 23. Leite, op. cit IV, 139-40. 24. Hemming, op. cit p. 445. 25. Ibid ; Fragoso, op. cit pp. 18-9, 20; Ernesto Cruz, Colonizacao do Par^ (Bel^m: Conselho Nacional de Pesquisas, Institute Nacional de Pesquisas da Amazdnia, 1958) p. 138. 26. Leite, op. cit. III, 352.

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135 27. Ibid., Ill, 351, 352; IV, 139. Leite provides conflicting information about Piraguari. In III, 352 he cites 1751 as the year in which 921 catechumens were in the village. In IV, 139 he cites the same population figures and descriptions as if they were from 1756. 28. Ibid. III, 353, 354. 29. Ibid III, 354, 355-6. 30. William Woodruff, Impact of Western Man; A Study of Europe's Role in the World Economy 1750-1960 (NewTork; St. Martin's Press, 1966) describes and analizes effects of European contact not only in the Americas, but worldwide. 31. Most of the background material for this section comes from MacLachlan, op. cit The only difficulty with this treatment of the secularized missions is a failure to distinguish changes in Portuguese mission policy after Pombal's fall in 1777. 32. Ibid p. 358; Fieldhouse, op. cit p. 140. 33. MacLachlan, op. cit ., p. 358; Fieldhouse, op. cit., p. 140. 34. MacLachlan, op. cit p. 358. 35. England's alliances and breaks with Papal authority offer one example of such recurring waves. Henry VIII, seeking a royal wife to produce a male heir, divorced one wife in defiance of Papal sanctions. Successive wives produced two female and one male progeny. Each took a particular religious path. Despite acrid religious battles, the country's unity persisted. Finally, Protestant persuasions, especially the Anglican sect, gained political sway. Other European nations suffered through periods of intense religious persecution. Spain expelled Jews and Moslems to maintain national and religious unity. France, the German States, and the Netherlands suffered religious wars and evolved tentative policies of religious toleration with occasional reversals. Religion and religious affiliations still divide hiaman populations. Often, as the case in Northern Ireland presents, economic and perceptual liabilities or prerogatives follow religious divisions. Other spots troubled by apparently religious divisions include the Soviet Union, Lebanon, Uganda and India. A religious group can be deprived of certain civil or human rights. Similar deprivations occurred and continue to occur based on more apparent racial divisions. With the rise of plural religions in Europe, racial background became an indicator of social divisions. When religion had unified Europeans, race had been an indicator of the enemy, such as during the Crusades when Arab Christians were

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136 slaughtered by crusaders who mistook them for enemy Moslems because of their appearance. In later centuries, when religious unity gave way to national unity, race emerged as an indicator of the enemy, the barbarian (originally barbarians were those who did not speak a recognized civilized language) and the despised became those of non-European races and customs. 36. For histories of the Jesuit Order, see T.J. Campbell, The Jesuits, 1534-1921 (London: The Encyclopedia Press, 1921) and J. Brodrick, Origin of the Jesuits ( New York : Doubleday 1960) 37. Leite, op. cit IV, 225-31. 38. See Joao de Sao Jos^Queir6z, Visitas Pastorals: Memo rias (1761 e 1762-63 ) (Rio de JaneTfol n.p. 1961) for an example of the rivalry between orders. Queiroz was a Dominican who disliked the Jesuits. He visited the missions in the Amazon Region shortly after the Jesuit expulsion. 39. See Salles, op. cit ., p, 36, fn. 77. 40. The Treaty of Augsburg actually applied only to Roman Catholics and Lutherans. 41. Modifications of the established guidelines by the Treaty of Madrid can be followed in Gordon Ireland, Boundaries, possessions and conflicts in South America (Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 1938). 42. Leite, op. cit ., IV, 134; above, p. 51. Bettendorf, the Jesuit Superior at the time, felt that the order's vocation was to serve the Amerindians, not the Europeans. 43. MacLachlan, op. cit. 44. Ibid. pp. 359 ff. 45. Ibid. p. 360. 46. Ibid. p. 361. 47. Ibid. pp. 361-2. 48. Ibid. p. 361. 49. Ibid. p. 363. 50. Ibid. 51. Ibid. 52. Leite, op. cit ., IV, 138; Kiemen, op. cit ., pp. 179-80.

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137 53. Kiemen, op. cit p. 180. 54. The Jesuits regained status within the Church organization by their reincorporation in 1814. 55. Leite, op. cit IV, 368. 56. Fragoso, op. cit p. 39, describes some of the Mendon9a Furtado's motives; also, CorrespondSncia from the Conde de Oeiras to Ayres de Sa, Embassador in Madrid, of August 27, 1767 mentioned the discovery of a Spanish Jesuit who had entered Brazil disguised as a Portuguese subject, Codex 80 7, II, ANRJ. 57. Correspond§ncia by Sr. Dom Antonio Rolim de Moura of November 5, 1759 also stated that attempts to recruit Amerindians had failed. Codex 602, II Doc. 4, ANRJ. 58. Communication from Manoel Bernardo de Mello de Castro to Sr. Francisco Xavier de Mondon9a Furtado on November 5, 1760, Anais of BAPP X 269; Doc. no. 380. 59. Communication from Manoel Bernardo de Mello de Castro to Snr. Francisco Xavier de Mendon9a Furtado on September 3, 1760, Anais of BAPP, X 247, Doc. no. 354. 60. Mappa Geral dos Rendimentos do Comercio dos fndios, 1764, Codex 99, I, ANRJ. 61. Ibid ; see also MacLachlan, op. cit and Robin Anderson, "Following Curupira: Colonization and Migration in Pari (1758-1930)," Dissertation, Department of History, University of California, Davis, 1976. 62. Mappa Geral dos Rendimentos do Comercio dos fndios, 1765, Codex 99, I, ANRJ. 63. For a detailed study of this monopolistic company, see Manoel Nunes Dias, Fomento e Mercantilismo ; A Companhia Geral do Grao-Pari e Maranhao 1755-1778 (Bel^m: Universidade Federal do Par^, 1970). 64. Lista das Cargas da Companhia Geral do Comercio deste Estado, e Cargas dos Particulares Par5, November 30, 1765, Codex 99, I, ANRJ. 65. Madeiras embarcadas para o Arsenal de Lisboa na Charrua Nossa Senhora das Merc^, Capitao Joze dos Santos, Mestre Joao Martins, valor 945$520, on October 23, 1767, Codex 99, I, ANRJ. 66. Mappa Geral dos Rendimentos do Comercio dos Indios, 1766, Codex 99, I, ANRJ.

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138 67. Mappa Geral dos Rendimentos do Comercio dos Indios 1767, Codex 99, I, ANRJ. 68. Letter to Francisco Xavier de Mendon^a Furtado on June 30, 1768, Codex 99, II, ANRJ. 69. Letter from Captaincy of Rio Negro (created from the western portion of Par^ in 1755) indicated that military and lay settlers were committing crimes against the Amerindians. Codex 99, I, ANRJ. 70. Production tables from directorate villages in 1769, Codex 99, II, ANRJ. 71. For a discussion of percentages on production legally allowed to directors, cabos, etc., see MacLachlan, op. cit. pp. 366, 374. 72. Rendimentos de Despezas das Villas e Lugares no anno 1768, given in 1769, Codex 99, II, ANRJ. 73. Queir6z, op. cit., pp. 74. Ibid. pp. 360-1, 362. 75. Ibid. pp. 363-4. 76. Ibid. p. 364. 77. Ibid. pp. 364-5. 78. Ibid. pp. 365-6. 79. Ibid. pp. 363, 366-7. 80. Ibid. pp. 356, 367-8. ^ In 1708, Luis Pereira received authorization from the Crown to found a settlement with colonists on the Xingu River and to gather as many Amerindians as he could from the Amazon River. Hemming, op. cit p. 419. The results of Luis Pereira 's efforts may well have been Boa Vista. Since it was a settlement by whites or Europeans, then it would not appear in the production reports concerning Amerindian mission villages. Boa Vista never really flourished. 81. Queirdz, op. cit p. 369. 82. Ibid. pp. 370-1. 83. List of colonists from 1767, Codex 997, BAPP. For official colonization efforts, see Cruz, op. cit.

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139 84. Instructions to ship's captains and travelers were reiterated in 1790, repeating the Avizos da Secretaria do Estado of July, 15, 1757 and June 6, 1761, in Codex 99, XI and others, ANRJ. For further elaboration of prohibitions on foreign entry from the seventeenth to the nineteenth centuries, see Jose Honorio Rodrigues, Historia e Historio grafia (Petropolis, R.J.; Editora Vozes Limitada, 1970) 85. Eidorfe Moreira, Presenya Hebraica no Para (Belem, Pard: s/p, 1972), pp. 10-13. 86. Listas de Reparti9ao do anno 1775, Codex 956, BAPP: Listas de Reparti^ao do anno 1776, Codex 957, BAPP; Listas de Reparti9ao do anno 1777, Codex 958, BAPP. All information concerning these distribution lists is contained in the cited three codices. 87. Ibid. 88. Salles, op. cit p. 49. 89. Ibid pp. 57-8; Betencourt, op. cit ., pp. 29-30. The Jesuits received the final blow by being dissolved by Pope Clement XIV in 1773. They were restored as an order in 1814.

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CHAPTER IV THE EXTRACTIVE ECONOMY, DISCONTENT, REACTIONS: THE POPULATION ON THE EVE OF "INDEPENDENCE" Two ships left Belem loaded with cargo for Lisbon in January 1781, their manifests showing both extractive and cultivated products. The merchantman which sailed from Bel^m for Lisbon on the 20th carried rice, cacao, coffee, sarsaparilla, fine clove, cotton, molasses, pelts, hides, manioc flour, powdered manioc flour, tapioca, nuts, and smoothed planks. On the ship leaving a week later there was rice, cacao, coffee, sarsaparilla, fine clove, unrefined clove, cotton, sumauma (a type of wood, or lumber) sugar, aguardente, copaiba oil, and molasses. Many products were cultivated or processed, including rice, some cacao, coffee, cotton, aguardente, molasses, hides, and both types of manioc flour. Thus, four years after the dire statements about the decadence of the Amazon Region, two ships left from there carrying a variety of cultivated and extractive products. Total production, however, did decline in the years after 1777. In 17 82 there was a report on production, which, when compared with previous productivity gauges, revealed rather 140

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141 slim pickings. Carrazedo sent only 70 arrobas* of cacao. ^ Porto de Moz sent sarsaparilla fine clove, unrefined clove, estopa, rice, and jabutis. Pombal also dispatched fine clove and sarasaparilla, as well as manioc flour, rice, and baled cotton. Souzel exported only three items: fine clove, rice and cotton. Despite the small variety of items reported from those villages for 1782, they included both extractive and cultivated products. In 1783, there was an unprecedented census taken. This included all the inhabitants and households in each of the parishes and settlements. Despite allegations to the contrary concerning colonial census-taking, this one included all inhabitants of both sexes and all ages. The purpose appeared to be economic, not military or eccle4 siastic. The inhabitants were classified according to race, sex and age. The population nuclei were divided among white towns or cities, all with black slaves; Amerindian villages, with and without whites; and Amerindian places, with and without whites.^ Among the 21 white towns was Gurupd. (Santar^m was included also among the white towns, with the notation that it was actually an Amerindian village with whites.) Among the 26 Amerindian villages with whites were Porto de Moz, Pombal, Veiros, and Souzel. There were three Amerindian villages without whites. Amerindian places, smaller than *An arroba is equal to about 32 pounds. Quantities expressed in arrobas give the total number of them and only additional weight in pounds.

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1^2 the villages, numbered 37, of which 18, including Vilarinho do Monte, were with v/hites and 19 without whites, including Carrazedo and the annex of Gurup^, Sao Pedro. These divisions of towns according to social composition ran somewhat counter to Pombal's intentions. However, the inclusion of all races might indicate a hesitant acceptance to include those formerly excluded from tax rolls. This indicated that although distinctions were recognized, they were not so divisive in reality. The first category* counted was that of free people in general, excluding mission Amerindians. The adjective "white" was not used in this description. In Gurup^ there were 269 free people. No free people lived in Gurupa's annex, Sao Pedro, and none in Carrazedo. In Vilarinho do Monte, there were 74; in Porto de Moz, 383; in Veiros, 86. Pombal had 34 free people and Souzel, 21. The next category tabulated comprised mission Amerindians and those established in settlements. None were at Gurup^, but Sao Pedro held 86, and all of Carrazedo 's population, 194 people, were under this classification. In Vilarinho, 103 Amerindians resided. Mission dwellers numbered 153 in Porto de Moz and 771 in Veiros. Pombal totalled 892, and Souzel 571. This was the largest group of people living in the area. *The word "category" is applied to classifications of people whether by social condition, race, sex or age throughout this study. Division is used as a conceptual distinction.

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143 Most black slaves lived in Gurup^, where there were 124. No slaves were in the annex, Carrazedo or Veiros. Only seven lived at Vilarinho, and one in Pombal. There were 38 slaves residing in Porto de Moz and seven in Souzel. Another differentiation of the census was the totalling of the three divisions. One cross-racial division which had not previously appeared was "hearths (fogos)," or households. There were 80 hearths in Gurupd; 14 in Sao Pedro; 23 in Carrazedo; 29 in Vilarinho; 97 in Porto de Moz; 218 in Pombal; 145 in Veiros; and 96 in Souzel. Finally, the census recorded that year's total additions through births and immigration, and the decreases through death and emigration. This was the most complete population count yet taken in the captaincy. The only inhabitants not included were those quite difficult to count: fugitive mission dwellers in mocambos; fugitive slaves in quilombos (settlements bound throughout the region, primarily refuges of escaped slaves^) and uncontacted Amerindians.''' Blurring of racial lines according to twentieth-century perceptions had not yet occurred in the region. The only town in the area which received status among the white towns was Gurupd. The free population of Gurupa consisted of 269 people. In Porto de Moz, however, the free population was considerably larger, 383 people. Yet it was not considered a white town but an Amerindian one; there were Amerindians present and they were not regarded as slaves. "Free" Amerindians apparently were considered somewhat above slaves but

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144 g below free people. If, then, the free population of Porto de Moz were not white, what was it? Probably, the free population consisted of many people of mixed heritage, either mestiqo (white and Amerindian) or mulatto (white and black) or a combination of these mixtures. Since the late seventeenth century probably there were white settlers, all males, receiving land grants or sesmarias in the Xingu Valley.^ In the 1740s, there were seven sesmarias granted, four to men and three to the same woman, Catarina de Mendonca Brandao. "'"'^ Another seven land grants were made in the 1750s, all to men. Three more sesmarias were conceded to men in the 1760s, and none the next decade. During the 1780s, only one man received a grant, Jose Alvares Ataide. There was no indication of marital status, and these settlers receiving land grants could have been progeny of miscegenation continued from the time of the Dutch. Besides, most settlers did not receive royal land grants. The free population in Porto de Moz in 1783, therefore, could have roots in the mixture of white settlers, Amerindians, and the few Africans, free and slave, who arrived in the region. The 1783 population count could have been undertaken to demonstrate the Portuguese Crown's right to retain the territory awarded by the Treaty of Madrid in 1750. This census included the Captaincy of Rio Negro, as well as Para. Although borders between Spanish and Portuguese America remained virtually unchanged after the 1750 Treaty, occasional

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145 disputes arose, most notably over Cdlonia do Sacramento in the south of Brazil. Wars in Europe also complicated colo. 12 nial conditions. After the 178 3 census report, there was an accounting for 1783-84, which enumerated only the Amerindian populations. The populations were classified according to official status, sex, age, number of couples, households, those absent, and occupations. There were also comments about the Amerindians employed in the village, the village's physical appearance, and the director "'""^ Village officials were assigned six categories: Principals, Captains-major, Sergeants-major, Captains, Adjutants, and Standard Bearers. In all, there were few officials living in the area, at least among Amerindians. In the annex to Gurupa, there were only two officials, a Captain-major and a sergeant-major. There were 33 males and 37 females. Comparing this with the total of 86 people given in the 1783 census, adding the three reported to have been born, and the four reported to be away from the village, the total became 93. Adding the men and women plus officials reported in this next census, the total was 72. Three people were absent, which brought the total to 75. The people who were distributed to the business canoes and to the residents of Gurupa made a total of 19. This brought the total number of mission villagers to 94, indicating that the data were reliable, assuming one more had been born than died since the 1783 census.

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146 The inhabitants distributed to service outside the village proper consisted of five men and 12 women working for the residents, and two men out to business on the canoes. Amerindians working on the village's common land numbered six. All the natives used the whites' church, which was in good condition. The director in charge, Manuel da Costa Vidal who was also taking care of Carrazedo, was considered to be a good one. In Carrazedo, there were two officials: one Principal and one Captain. There were another 15 8 people enumerated, including those absent. Here, there were more men than women distributed in service: 11 men and six women working for the residents and ten on the diligences. Another four people were working the common land. The church was about to fall down, though the residents' homes were in good condition. Vilarinho presented a poorer aspect. There was only one Captain, and the total population was 12 7 people, but 16 were absent and 30 in service to the residents : 12 men and 18 women. Only two were working on the common land, and both church and homes were fairly dilapidated. The director here was the same as for Porto de Moz, Pedro Costa Mourao. Unfortunately, he could neither read nor write, which should have disqualified him as director. In Porto de Moz, there was one Principal and a Captain. Another 174 inhabitants, including those absent, lived there. Working outside the village were 32 men and 18 women. One

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147 man worked with the royal service, six with the residents, and 25 on the business canoes. All women worked for the residents. Seven were at work on the common, but all buildings needed either repair or replacement. Veiros had a considerably larger mission population, but, like Porto de Moz, had one Principal and one Captain. Including people temporarily away from the village, there were 834 persons, besides the officials. Working outside the village were 86 men and 14 women. All the women were in service to the residents, as were 13 of the men. Ten were working for the Crown and 6 3 were out on business in canoes. There were 14 working on the village plantings. The church was in good repair, but there was no town hall, no jail and the homes were in an awful state. The director, Sebastiao Lopes Castelo, was considered to be a bit cool toward work. In Pombal there was the largest number of officials, six. There were three Principals, one Sergeant-major, one Captain and a Standard-bearer. In all, 941 people were listed as living in Pombal. The distribution of the inhabitants' labor appeared uniquely to include women in the royal service. There were 19 men working for the residents, 51 in the diligences, eight women in royal service and 35 women working for the residents. If there had been fewer men assigned to the canoes, one could ass\ame a categorizing error in the statistics, but apparently eight women from Pombal were in royal service. Perhaps they

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148 were cooks. There were 49 fanning on the common land. While everything needed repair, a start at least had been made in patching up the residents' homes. The director, Jos6 Vieira Gomes, was a good one. In Souzel there were two Principals, two captains, one standard-bearer, and 649 other people in the population. Those working outside the village were distributed as follows: ten men in royal service; 11 working for residents; 56 men in the business canoes; and 12 women working for the residents. Assigned to the common land, on which rice as well as manioc were cultivated, were 13 workers. The church needed repair and there was no jail or townhall. Many homes were dilapidated, but some were being repaired. The director, Inacio Morals de Bitancourt, was well behaved but not efficient in the least. Each of these villages had distinct characteristics, yet all were subject to the requisition of their laborers by others and some dwellers simply absented themselves from the villages. Of the absentees, only the numbers are known, not the names; who returned and who remained cannot be ascertained. The efforts of the remaining villagers continued to provide food and exports for those commanding them. In 1784 a report listed exports from some of the villages. By then, the exports consisted solely of extractive products in half the locations. Porto de Moz produced sarsaparilla, dried fish, and turtles for export, Pombal sent fine clove and nuts.

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149 From Veiros there was fine clove, sarsaparilla, estopa, and rice. Souzel dispatched cacao, fine clove, and sarsaparilla. Directors either did not remain continually in their positions, or held other posts concurrently. In a 1788 report pertaining to 1785, the General Treasury of the State acknowledged receipt of the tithes ( dizimos ) paid by residents of Souzel in 1785. The report placed the 1788 director, Boaventura Josd Bentes in the position of tax collector in 1785. The same was true of Pedro de Oliveira Pantoja, who collected tithes from the residents of Porto de Moz in 1785. "'•^ Also in 1788 there was a shipment of representative natural products from Par^ to the Royal Court in Lisbon. There were 12 balls of rubber latex ( pelas de leite de seringa), one snail shell, one conch, one sea horse, feathers used by the Mundurucu nation (a group living on the Tapajds River and in the area between that river and the Xingu) to adorn themselves for war, a tracaja (an edible land turtle), a jabouti, and one Mundurucu lance, among other things. 1^ The population of two Xingu villages, Souzel and Pombal, was estimated in 1788: each had 800 inhabitants. 18 For Pombal, the inhabitants were listed as "souls." The next year there was a family census combined with a productivity report. This census apparently involved the free families. For the first time recorded, production was

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150 divided into various categories. The general categories included products derived from the wilderness ( generos do sertao) agriculture and plantations, manufactures, stock 19 raising, and fisheries. The parish of St. Anthony of Gurupd had 73 heads of family. They accounted for no extractive commodities, but did produce manioc flour, beans, and corn from the second category. From the third, there was aguardente, sugar, oil (unspecified), molasses, and tobacco. The fisheries produced manatee and piracui. There were four heads of families in the annex to Gurupa, but no production noted. Carrazedo had neither heads of families nor production. For Vilarinho there was production of manioc flour, corn, tobacco, and manatee, and 19 heads of families. Porto de Moz, with 50 households, produced manioc flour, corn, tobacco, and manatee. Veiros, with only 11 family heads, sent only manioc flour to Beldm. Pombal counted five heads of family and exported nuts and manioc flour. With two heads of family, Souzel shipped nothing. The distinctions between white towns and Amerindian missions were maintained. The separating factor was the presence of mission dwellers. The census sent to Lisbon in 1791 was more comprehensive than earlier ones, and included not only the statistics about colonists and Portuguese-descended settlers, but also about slaves and mission dwellers. The "European" towns became parishes ( freguesias ) and the surviving missions were designated

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151 2 ] Amerindian settlements ( povoayoes dos tndios ) No mission dwellers resided in parishes. To whites, slaves, and mission dwellers, a fourth category was added: agregados (boarders or tenant farmers connected with a family, sometimes residing in the home) The term employed for grouping whites or Europeans and their descendants was "family." The family was divided into various categories There were heads of families (either men or women and the rest of the family: wives or female companions ( mulheres adjuntas ) ; males subdivided by large age groups ; and females subdivided similarly. Slaves, agregados, and mission dwellers were divided by sex and age only; there were no family groupings for them in the census of 17 89. Use of the adjective white ( branco ) appeared at the end of the census as a subheading for totals concerning the families. In Table 4.1 (following page) the census results for Gurupd are assembled. One detail concerning the identity of heads of households appears: of the 73 heads of households in Gurup^, 60 were men and 13 were women. Evidently, they were considered the heads of households for the slaves and agregados in Gurup^, as well as for those in the families. There was imbalance between the sexes of the families: women outnumbered men by 23. For both slaves and agregados, however, there were more men than women. Possibly women from these groups entered the families' statistics

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152 Table 4.1. Gurupa : Results of 1789 Census. Families Slaves Agregados Missioner: Divisions M JM r irl r M r M F Heads 60 13 Wives, etc. 53 Others: 1-7 48 49 22 23 17 11 7-15 21 23 4 8 13 3 15-60 7 21 48 40 20 25 Over 60 1 1 4 1 Subtotals 136 159 75 72 54 40 Totals 295 147 94 Source: Codex 99, vol 12, 1791(1789) ANRJ. Table 4.2. Annex Gurupa: Results of 1789 Census. Divisions Heads Wives, etc. Others: 1-7 7-15 15-60 Over 60 Subtotals Total Families M F 1 1 3 2 1 1 1 Slaves M F 14 3 1 4 Agregados Missioners M F M F 6 3 8 1 18 2 14 1 17 35 Source: Codex 99, vol. 12, 1791(1789), ANRJ.

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153 In the annex to Gurupa (see Table 4.2) males outnumbered females. There were four household heads, all male. In Carrazedo (Table 4.3), there were no household heads. Was no family structure recognized among the mission dwellers? In that mission, there were 24 fewer men than women. At Vilarinho, men also were in the minority; there were 19 household heads, all male, and 16 companions. Among the 50 householders in Porto de Moz (Table 4.5, p. 155), there were 11 women and 39 men. In the overall population of Porto de Moz, however, there were fewer men. Among the slaves there were three more men than women, and among the agregados one more. Veiros' (Table 4.6, p. 155) population presented fewer men than women among the families and agregados; only the mission dwellers showed more men in their population. The householders were eight men and three women. There were 11 wives, etc., which must have posed a problem. Perhaps three were sisters of the women householders. Pombal had conventional numbers of householders and companions, five of each. There were no slaves living either in Pombal or in Veiros. There were fewer men than women in all cases. Souzel's householders and companions also were equal in numbers, two of each. In Souzel, only one other person, an adult male, was considered to belong to the families. Among the slaves, there were only two adults, both women. The mission inhabitants numbered fewer men than women. (See Tables 4.7 and 4.8.)

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154 Table 4.3. Carrazedo: Results of 1789 Census. Families Slaves Agregados Missioners Divisions MFMFMFMF Heads Wives, etc. Others: 1-7 24 26 7-15 -----15 23 15-60 ______ 30 45 Over 60 ______i_ Subtotals 70 94 Totals Source: Codex 99, vol. 12, 1791(1789), ANRJ. Table 4.4. Vilarinho do Monte: Results of 1789 Census. Families Slaves Agregados Missioners Divisions M F M F M F M F Heads 19 Wives, etc. 16 Others: 1-7 15 11 4 6 5 4 18 22 7-15 4 7 1 2 4 10 16 15-60 1 10 8 6 4 9 22 32 Over 60 1 1 1 Subtotals 39 44 12 14 12 18 50 70 Totals 83 26 30 120 Source : Codex 99, vol. 12, 1791(1789) ANRJ. V

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155 Table 4.5. Porto de Moz : Results of 1789 Census Families Slaves Agregados Missioners Divisions M M F lYl r M 1X1 r Heads 39 11 Wives, etc. 29 Others: 1-7 25 20 6 3 20 19 9 19 7-15 14 11 1 -L. 2 11 7 10 10 15-60 25 48 16 15 28 32 30 36 Over 60 4 2 2 3 5 Subtotals 103 123 23 20 61 60 52 70 Total 226 43 121 122 Source : Codex 99, vol. 12, 1791 (1789) ANRJ. Table 4.6. Veiros : Results of 1789 Census Families Slaves Agregados Missioners Divisions M F M F M F M F Heads 8 3 Wives, etc. 11 Others: 1-7 7 6 3 2 133 121 7-15 4 3 1 1 44 17 15-60 2 5 3 6 163 160 Over 60 2 26 48 Subtotals 21 28 7 11 366 346 Totals 49 18 712 Source: Codex 99, vol. 12, 1791(1789), ANRJ.

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156 Table 4.7. Pombal: Results of 17 89 Census. Divisions Heads Wives, etc. Others: 1-7 7-15 15-60 Over 60 Subtotals Totals Families M F 6 3 5 5 8 1 14 19 33 Slaves Agregados Missioners M F M F M F 115 88 146 24 373 141 43 217 50 451 824 Source: Codex 99, vol. 12, 1791(1789), ANRJ. Table 4.8. Souzel : Results of 1789 Census. Families Slaves Agregados Missioners Divisions MFMFMFMF Heads 2 Wives, etc. 2 Others: 1-7 i 120 130 7-15 3 74 46 15-60 1 2 140 209 Over 60 848 Subtotals 3 2 4 2 342 433 Totals 5 6 775 Source: Codex 99, vol. 12, 1791(1789), ANRJ.

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157 In general, there was a dearth of men. Only in Gurup^ was there a dearth of mission dwellers, although the population of Gurupa's annex was mostly mission inhabitants (64.82%), there supposedly were none in the parish. The mission dwellers had no separate church, however, and used that of the parish. Apparently, a fictional separation was maintained so that Gurup^ retained any advantages due a parish. Despite the growth of knowledge about the region and the consequent understanding that Gurupa did not guard the Amazon waterway well, it served as a registration port for shipping to the west and for that going to Belem. Gurupa also was the site of one of the prisons in the region. The largest number of black slaves lived in Gurupa, where they constituted 27.43% of the population. In Vilarinho, they were 10.04% of the whole population. In Porto de Moz and Gurupa's annex, they comprised 8.79% and 7.41% respectively. Few slaves lived in Souzel in 1789; they accounted for only 0.76% of the population. Despite the lack of recognized mission dwellers in Gurupd's population, they formed a high proportion of the adjacent area's population. In the annex, they furnished 64.82% of the recognized population and the entire population of Carrazedo. Outside Gurup^, the lowest proportion of mission dwellers in a town was found in Porto de Moz, where they accounted for 23.83% of the whole. In Vilarinho do Monte, they made up nearly half the total, with 46.33%.

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158 Mission inhabitants comprised over 90% of the population in all three villages that had been administered by the Jesuits until 1759. In Veiros, Amerindians were 91.40% of the population; in Pombal 96.04%; and in Souzel, almost all, 98.60%. These high proportions could be due to the arrival of new groups, not necessarily to the natural growth of the existing groups in the villages. They were all farther from the main arteries of communication than were the other sites. Greater penetration by families occurred in Porto de Moz, the mission taken and transformed by the commander of Gurupd at the end of the seventeenth century. Interest in this one village by military authorities could have been strategic. Across from Porto de Moz, the furo of Aquiqui forms an island at the mouth of the Xingu River. This furo gives access to the Amazon River out of sight of Gurupa's garrison. Invasions by other European nations still threatened occasionally; Father Pfeil had warned the Portuguese authorities of the French threat from the northern tributaries to the Amazon River, especially the Paru River. It was possible to travel from Porto de Moz to Almeirim, at the mouth of the Paru River, undetected by the military 22 stationed at Gurupa. It behooved the Portuguese to occupy strategic points with people who could be depended on to defend them. The hinterlands also provided the city of Belem and the export market with staples. Accompanying the 1789

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159 census was a production report, more inclusive than the other report from that year. The produce was divided into categories similar to those of the earlier report. GurupS was reported to be exporting the following cultivated products: raw cotton, rice, cacao, coffee, manioc flour, beans, and corn. Aguardente, sugar, oils, molasses, cloth, and tobacco comprised the manufactures exported by Gurupa. Included in the fisheries' products were manatee and piracui fish. Vilarinho sent products from all four categories. From wilderness products, the Vilarinho population consigned cacao; among agricultural or plantation products were raw cotton, rice, cultivated cacao, coffee, manioc flour, and corn; tobacco was the only manufactured or processed article; and in the fishing category was manatee. Cacao was being cultivated by 1789 along the Xingu. Porto de Moz included it among its second category products, together with coffee, manioc flour, and corn. The only forest product shipped from Porto de Moz was sarsaparilla. In manufactures, Porto de Moz sent, besides cured tobacco, three canoes, two large ones and one small one. Manatee was another item from there. Sarsaparilla was the only gathered product shipped from Veiros. Cultivated ones included coffee and manioc flour. Pombal consigned unrefined clove and sarsaparilla from the wilderness category. Nuts were included under agricultural products, along with manioc flour. The only commodity exported by Souzel in 1789 was fine clove.

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160 The production report for 1790 concerned only products sent from the mission settlements of Porto de Moz, Veiros, Pombal and Souzel. Porto de Moz dispatched rice, cotton, and corn. From Veiros there was sarsaparilla and manioc flour. Pombal shipped the most impressive variety of goods: sarsaparilla, fine clove, breu, estopa, dried fish, pots of turtle fat, jabouti, and manioc flour. From Souzel went sarsaparilla, fine clove, and manioc flour. In July 1790 instructions were issued concerning the 10% tax or tithe on production. There were five types of tithes. First were the maun^as,^'* taxes collected for three-year periods. They were due on all products cultivated by whites or free people in all ten divisions of the Captaincy of Para. Second, were taxes on cattle and horses on Maraj6 Island. Third, products gathered from the wilderness were taxed. The fourth tax classification included all products cultivated on the common lands of the Amerindian settlements. Lastly, there were tithes on all products which the Amerindians cultivated for their families in the 25 settlements. Maun9as specifically included rice, cotton, manioc flour ("which was the sustenance of almost all the inhabitants"), beans, corns, aguardente and all stock and poultry raised for home consumption.^^ Certainly, this tax edict represented a drastic attempt to put money into the colonial coffers. In June 1790, 342 soldiers had deserted due to lack of pay and uniforms. It was a time for complaints from all sides. Unruly slaves

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161 were being introduced into the Captaincy from other parts of Brazil — from Bahia, Maranhao, and Pernambuco. Slavetraders, sumacas, brought in bad-mannered slaves and took out money. From Macapl alone, 70 slaves had run away; all were thought to be in French Cayenne. The presence of so many ill-behaved and rebellious slaves in Para was blamed on the fact that those brought to the Captaincy tended to be incorrigible ones, whose previous owners had sold them to slave-traders at low prices to be rid of 27 them. Not only were soldiers deserting and slaves fleeing, but there were complaints about the directors of the settlements misusing the Amerindians and misappropriating 2 8 their production. Information received in Belem in 1791 described the general conditions of the interior. Each Amerindian had some land, and each white resident indistinctly cultivated a few crops to the proportion of his laborers. Residents had to negotiate with the Amerindians for subsistence for themselves and their slaves. They needed considerable amounts of manioc flour. Despite inspections, the directors of the settlements filed fraudulent reports of production. Announcements were ordered posted for public reading, advising every inhabitant who was not a mission dweller that he (or she) was obliged after January 1, 1792 to declare to the town clerk the amount of rice and cotton consiamed for subsistence and clothing. The clerk would note

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162 the name of the declarant with the quantities of each consumed and the amount of taxes to be paid.'^^ In the year this order was issued, 1791, there was one distiller of aguardente in GurupS. The distillery, called an engenhoca, was run by Luis Antdnio da Silva in association with 3 1 a widow, Catarma Josef a de Aragao. By the end of 1791, the government had taken steps to enforce this latest taxation decree. On December 31, a list was emitted naming the people authorized to collect the tithe on consumption of rice and cotton, particularly cotton cloth, in the Captaincy of Para. Among the eight people indicated was Ant6nio Diniz do Couto for Gurupa."^^ He may not have spent much time collecting taxes in late 1792, or the tax might not have been collectable. He was also military commander of Gurupi and leader of seek-and-destroy missions against fugitive blacks and Amerindians. In 1792 he commanded an escort of six canoes. One was large with two masts; another was large with no masts ( igaritg ) ; and there were two small boats ( botes ) and two traveling canoes ( montarias ) The personnel consisted of the commander, 11 subordinate officers, 53 soldiers, two servants, and 62 Amerindians, including two pilots. There were 129 people in all, but no indication of their distribution among the canoes was given. Commander Couto s force ran into difficulties. The largest canoe sprang a leak and the six Amerindians bailing almost did not succeed in getting the water out.

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163 Everything had to be taken out of the canoe, which was raised on poles to caulk the leak. Other damage to canoes in the escort included a broken mast and a split rudder. The Amerindians accompanying the escort consisted of 22 people from the village of Gurup^ and one pilot, F§lix da Costa; 21 Amerindians from Pombal; and 20 people from Veiros with another pilot, Verissimo Jose. Their service constituted part of the work known as dili34 gence. There were two other contingents in this expedition. One was commanded by Jos^ Leoc^dio Rodrigues from Bel^m, with soldiers from the town of Chaves and 36 Amerindians : nine from Souzel, seven from Pombal, one each from Veiros and Porto de Moz, and 18 from Chaves. The contingent which successfully carried out the mission was led by Manuel Joaquim de Abreu from the Macapi regiment. He commanded 75 people, including 37 Amerindians. There were 13 from Souzel; six from Pombal; three from Veiros; and 15 from Chaves. They carried supplies including fish, meat, manioc flour, 1100 cartridges and shot."^^ A letter written by the Adjudant of Macap^, Manuel Abreu on November 13, 179 2 arrived in Belem on January 2, 1793. In it, Abreu described the progress of the search for blacks in the area of Macapd. Fourteen people were caught in the region of River Carapapois These blacks had four sites among which they rotated living. The escort also found a place where Amerindians had been housed

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164 The blacks told the escort that a white Frenchman had been in touch with the Amerindians and persuaded them to move to another site. Other mocambos were said to exist in the 3 6 area. At this time, a "mocambo" evidently was understood to be a refuge of any fugitive, whether black or Amerindian. Another troop went after fugitive slaves in January 179 3. This troop set out from Santarem with 16 soldiers and 12 Amerindians. They caught two blacks and killed one."^ In February, the Captaincy reviewed its auxiliary military structure. The first division was composed solely of white companies. It was concentrated in Bel^m, with four companies stationed there. Six other communities near Belem had first-division companies. The second division had ten companies of whites and six with Amerindians and mesti9os. Four white companies were stationed in a suburb of Belem, one in each of two towns on the Tocantins River, two in the town of Vigia and one in Bragan9a. Two of the mixed companies were in the same suburb of Bel^m, two in each of the towns on the Tocantins, and two more in Vigia. The third division also included white and mixed companies. Five white companies were stationed in Cameta. Another five in towns in the lower Amazon Basin. One company of 100 was stationed in the area of Gurupa and Boa Vista. The white companies consisted of about 100 soldiers each. The mixed companies, composed of about 150 soldiers each, were also spread over the lower Amazon Basin. One, the fourth company of mixed soldiers, was stationed in the area of Gurup^ 3 8 and the Xingu River.

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165 Preparations for war were underway. Deserters from the military would be sentenced to six years in jail, if caught. There were 2 39 regular officers and soldiers actually detached throughout the Captaincy of Para. In Gurup^ there were escort leaders ( cabos ) and three soldiers detached early in 1793,"^^ at a time when events in Europe were reverberating in the Americas. The French Revolution directly affected the lives of many in the Caribbean and South America. The most dramatic effects of the French revolutionary movement were felt in Haiti. Attempted uprisings on the half-island by free blacks and mulattos prompted the French representative on the island to free all slaves in August 1793, although France did not abolish slavery officially until February 1794. Trov)le long had been brewing. In the 1780 's the Spanish government had opened Trinidad to settlement by French planters and their slaves, and, after 1789, many French took advantage of this opportunity. Nearby, in the French mainland colony of Cayenne, slaves fled their former masters and refused to work. Food became scarce and conditions deteriorated in Cayenne. French colonists and revolutionaries in Cayenne, and privateers from Frenchcontrolled islands, soon began to threaten the trade of the Portuguese Amazon.'*''" Production reports available for 1795 were scanty. They concerned only the income from the tax of tithes on the maun9as. For rice and cotton, the towns of Gurup^ and

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166 Santar^m were tallied together; amounts declared for each product in Gurupa alone were not available. Manioc flour production was taxed in Porto de Moz, Vilarinho, Veiros, Souzel, and Pombal. In GurupS, taxes were collected on aguardente production; there were four mills producing the liquor. There was also some cotton cloth produced 42 and consumed in Gurupd. A report issued on 179 3-9 4 was more comprehensive on production, although the information is partial for some 43 villages. Gurup^ produced only one agricultural product, while two villages, Vilarinho and Pombal, had no reported production. Carrazedo shipped cacao, two agricultural products, one processed product, and three fish products. Porto de Moz exported sarsaparilla nuts, manioc flour, and three other agricultural products. From Veiros came sarsaparilla, manioc flour, and two other agricultural products, plus two fish products. Souzel embarked fine clove, manioc flour, and two other agricultural products, and two 44 processed products. Table 4.9 (following page) reproduces the information gleaned from production reports about Gurupa, Gurupa' s annex, and Vilarinho do Monte for the year 1789. They were the only places in the area to be included among whitepeopled places. The first column covers only products shipped by families, or people considered to be white. The second includes products from all inhabitants, including Amerindians. The products covered only in the second column

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167 Table 4.9. Reported Production in 1789 and 1791(89). St. Anthony of Gurupa: Years 1789 1791(89) Products Manioc Flour x x Beans x x Corn X X Aguardente x x Sugar x x Oils X X Honey/Mo lasses x x Tobacco x x Manatee x x Piracui Fish x x Raw Cotton x Rice X Cacao X Coffee x Cloth X Gurupd Annex or Village of Sao Pedro: No reported production. Vilarinho do Monte: Year Products Manioc Flour Corn Tobacco Manatee Cacao Raw Cotton Rice Coffee Source: Codex 99, vol. 1789 1791(89) X X X X X X X X X X X X 12, ANRJ.

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168 include raw cotton, rice, cacao, coffee, and cloth. All products are either cultivated or processed. Some cacao could be gathered from the wild, but cultivation of cacao did occur among the Amerindian settlements and was reported as subject to the tithe. If planting and cultivation were criteria for distinguishing the Europen settlements from native ones, the distinction had disappeared. Amerindians dwelling in the former missions along the Xingu River were planting before the end of the eighteenth century. Carrazedo (Table 4.10) reported no production after 1782. The only product exported by Carrazedo that year was cacao. The most varied and largest number of exports from Carrazedo arrived in Belem in 1765. After that, the village apparently entered a decline. Of the commodities produced in Carrazedo, only three or four could be considered processed or cultivated: cacao could have been collected or cultivated, while manioc flour, andiroba oil, and tobacco needed to be processed. All other produce from Carrazedo — piracul fish, fine clove, nuts, and estopa — had to be collected from the jungle. Porto de Moz (Table 4.11) presented a healthier variety of exports, and a longer time span of production than did Carrazedo. Only in 1764 was Porto de Moz absent from the reports. Twenty-one different products were sent from the village during the 11 years represented. The early years, until 1789, are marked by the overwhelming presence of extractive items. The processed items, copaiba and

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169 Table 4.10. Carrazedo: Reported Production, Products Cacao Fine Clove Piracui Fish Nuts Manioc Flour Andiroba Oil Tobacco Estopa Years ^ in rVD X X X X XX X X X X X X X X X 00 1764 to 1782. XXX XX Sources: For 1764, 1765, 1766, 1767, Codex 99, vol. 1, ANRJ; for 1769, Codex 99, vol. 2, ANRJ; for 1782, Codex 99, vol. 4, ANRJ. andiroba oils and manioc flour, were traditional. Procedures involved in their processing were taught to the Europeans by the Amerindians. Also, the manufacturing of canoes was a craft known to the Amerindians before the arrival of the whites. Cultivation of corn, tobacco, coffee, cotton, and rice for export, however, was introduced by the Europeans. To some extent, the categories represented in the production reports organized after 1789 were traditional activities classified by European perceptions. "Manufactures" did not mean the same thing in 1789 on both sides of the Atlantic. In Europe, "manufacturing" inferred use of a powered machine, such as a flying shuttle or spinning jenny. Cloth making in the Amazon Region at that time used

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170 Table 4.11. Porto de Moz: Reported Production, 1764 to 1795. 00 cn Years r~rr~-r~r-r^r^r-r-r~r^ Products Cacao X X Fine Clove x x x Estopa XX x Copaiba Oil x x Andiroba Oil x Manioc Flour x Lumber Cotton Rice X XXX X X Nuts X Sarsaparilla x x x x x Breu X X Unrefined Clove x Dried Fish x Turtles X Corn Tobacco XXX X X Manatee x Coffee X Large Canoes x Small Canoes x X X X Sources: For 1764, 1765, 1766, 1767, Codex 99, vol. 1, ANRJ; for 1769, Codex 99, vol. 2, ANRJ; for 1782, Codex 99, vol. 4, ANRJ; for 1784, Codex 99, vol. 6, ANRJ; for 1789, 1791(89), Codex 99, vol. 12, ANRJ; for 1790, Codex 99, vol. 13, ANRJ; for 1793(94), Codex 99, vol. 15, ANRJ; and for 1795, Codex 99, vol. 16, ANRJ.

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171 no such machines. Neither the processing of manioc nor the making of canoes would be considered manufactures in Europe. It was as if round pegs were placed in square holes: the Portuguese inappropriately applied European concepts to Amazon activities. The first five years of production shown in Table 4.12 for Veiros presented a consistent example of forest products gathered for export. The variety of products dwindled and changed in the last years represented. Perhaps the natural products which had grown wild close to the village had been exhausted. Before the European insistence on production for export, only subsistence needs were met from collecting and gathering. Amerindians were not known to replant or reforest those species, which they were accustomed to use sparingly. But manioc and corn were planted, as well as tobacco and tubers. Turtles had been raised for consumption. Reforestation of cacao or sarsaparilla, however, had been unnecessary before Europeans arrived. Coffee, an introduced plant, appeared on Veiros' export list only once, in 1789. Pombal exported varied products in the years for which there were production reports. The most consistently appearing items were nuts, fine clove, and manioc flour. Table 4.13 shows that these items were, on the whole, extractive products. One cultivated product, coffee, appeared only from 1765 to 176 7. Another, tobacco, appeared twice, in 1767 and 1769, as an export.

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172 Table 4.12. Veiros : Reported Production, 1764 to 1795. Years rProducts Unrefined clove X Manatee X Copaiba Oil X Turtle Fat X Fine Clove Turtles Cacao Nuts Wild pork meat Estopa Sarsaparilla Manioc Flour Coffee 00 a\ in rON rH o ro \£> VD 00 00 00 cn r~ rrrH iH iH H iH r-l X X X X X X X X X X X X X X X X X X X X X X X X X X X XXX X X X X X Sources: For 1764, 1765, 1766, 1767, Codex 99, vol. 1, Arquivo Nacional do Rio de Janeiro (hereafter, ANRJ) ; for 1769, Codex 99, vol. 2, ANRJ; for 1782, Codex 99, vol. 4, ANRJ; for 1784, Codex 99, vol. 6, ANRJ; for 1789 and 1791(89), Codex 99, vol. 12, ANRJ; for 1790, Codex 99, vol. 13, ANRJ; for 1793(94), Codex 99, vol. 15, ANRJ; and for 1795, Codex 99, vol. 16, ANRJ.

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173 Table 4.13. Pombal : Reported Production, 1764 to 1795. 00 (Tl vo r 0^ 1^ 00 00 o^ 00 o a\ lO rrrr> rH iH H iH H <-{ iH rH rH rH Estopa X X X Turtles X X Nuts X X X X X X Turtle Fat X X X Manatee X X Salt fish X Coffee X X X Jabutis X X Fine Clove X X X X X X X Cotton X X X X Cacao X X X Fried fish X Tobacco X X Unrefined Clove X X Sarsaparilla X X X Rice X Manioc Flour X X X X X Breu X Dried Fish X Sources: For 1764, 1765, 1766, 1767, Codex 99, vol. 1, ANRJ; for 1769, Codex 99, vol. 2, ANRJ; for 1782, Codex 99, vol. 4, ANRJ; for 1784, Codex 99, vol. 6, ANRJ; for 1789 and 1791(89), Codex 99, vol. 12, ANRJ; for 1790, Codex 99, vol. 13, ANRJ; for 1793(94), Codex 99, vol. 15, ANRJ; and for 1795, Codex 99, vol. 16, ANRJ.

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174 The export production of Souzel, presented in Table 4.14, was less extensive than that of Pombal Veiros, or Porto de Moz. During the years represented, only 11 items appeared on the reports. Cotton was listed in 1769, and both cotton and rice in 1782. Possibly both had been cultivated, although cotton was a traditional forest product. The only other cultivated and processed product, manioc flour, which appeared consistently during the last three years mentioned, also was a traditional one. All other items appearing on Souzel 's report were extractive. The export product recorded most often for Souzel was fine clove; it was listed ten times. The rising demand for food in Belem toward the end of the century might account for the appearance of manioc flour as a common export item from the Xingu from 1784 through 1795, although Porto de Moz and Carrazedo had exported it since the 1760s. Perhaps communities closer to Bel^m, such as those to the south of the city and along the Tocantins River, had been able to meet former demands. Another factor determining shifts of emphasis on products could have been their growing scarcity, or replacement with other items. Turtle fat, used by the Europeans for cooking, when olive oil was unavailable, was last exported from the area in 1767, from Veiros. Turtles were shipped from Porto de Moz only in 1782. Veiros also had exported them, but stopped in 1767.

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175 Table 4.14. Souzel: Reported Production, 1764 to 1795. Years Products Cacao Fine Clove Manatee x Copaiba Oil x Turtle Fat x Nuts X Cotton 00 o^ in r-(N rH o m in IX) VO 00 CO CO
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176 Church and State evinced different concerns at this time. The Vicar General of Para in 179 5 was concerned with moral, not economic life. He wrote to the governor urging him to take action on the case of a businessman and his companion. Although they had several children together, the businessman refused to marry the woman. The governor had had no complaints about their alleged scandalous behavior from others, however, and refused to take any action 4 7 in the matter. The governor had other matters to occupy his thoughts. Amerindians from the Portuguese colony, even a mesti90, were fleeing across the border into Cayenne. A plan was concocted to fool the refugee mesti90, Valentim, into thinking that an Amerindian soldier and three companions were fugitives like him. Once in Cayenne, they were to obtain seeds and plants to bring back to Para. This was accomplished in June of 1797.^^ That same year, another census was carried out in the Captaincy of Par^. More elaborate than the previous one in 1789, it recognized more classes among the inhabitants. Families remained as the first category, the only one in which heads of households were identified. The next large grouping was for slaves, and the third, was that of service people ( gente de servigo ) This third group was further subdivided into three classifications: white tenants and servants, salaried Amerindians, and salaried mesti90S. The fourth category was made up of Amerindians. A fifth classification included officials and members of their households

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177 ( agregados is used again): vicars, directors, their wives, sons and daughters. Then there appeared groupings for slaves belonging to the vicars, the directors, and Amerindians: first the male slaves and then the female slaves. Additionally, there were enumerations of hearths,* births, marriages and deaths. Another entry identified Amerindians from other settlements. At the time this census was taken, there were 21 parishes and 61 Amerindian settlements. Age groups were subdivided further than in the previous census.^' Although this census was more elaborate than the previous one, the differences posed difficulties in comparing the two. Since the families of the directors were not specifically included in the 1789 census, did that mean they were absent altogether? Were Amerindians who held slaves considered household heads? Were slaves of the vicars, directors and Amerindians excluded from the 1789 census? Since an explicit effort to include these categories was made in 1797, in the case of the first and third questions, then, yes, they probably were excluded. As for the Amerindians being considered heads of households, it is possible, but doubtful. Most likely, this would depend on the extent to which they had incorporated European values to their own lives. These would include profession and practice of the Roman Catholic religion, acceptance and use of clothing, "Hearths" designated cooking fires or f ogos ; there could be more than one to a household.

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178 plus an understanding and working knowledge of one's legal rights as a property-owner, and comprehension of money value and economic exchange. The few Amerindians who might meet these requirements would be those who held the trust of the Portuguese representatives and were designated Principals The results of the 1797 census for the parish of Gurupd is presented in Table 4.15 (see next page). The only class not represented officially in the town was mission dwellers. Consequently, there was no director or anyone related to a director. Neither was there a vicar or slaves belonging to him or to Amerindians. The most populous class was that of the families: there were 299 people reported among the families, with 170 females and 129 males. Men were a definite minority in the 15-60 age group. Even supposing that all 34 men who were householders had living wives, women in that age group still would be nearly three times more numerous than the men. Of the other classes represented in Gurup^, the most numerous was that of the slaves. Among them could be Africans, mulattos and any Amerindian who married a slave, and their children. There were more salaried Amerindians than white tenants and servants, although their number was relatively small. Men slightly outnumbered women in both groups. The smallest contingent, one man and four women, was the salaried mesti90s. Only one birth was reported that year, and there were 13 marriages and 15 deaths. The total population was 46 8, over half belonging to the families.

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179 01 u 0) a o •H cn cn I I I I I I I I I I I I tn T3 i-i •H T3 (U M o 00 73 to Q) O fa •w o r-l to (0 (U w S S I ^ 1 I I in T3 C tn u > CO 2 0* o u O in H 0) CO C •H -d u c (0 -H (0 0) cn S 2 01 4J c 01 p c c 0) • -p > w u 3 0) 0 in n P iH 0) 01 •H e (0 n c o •H 01 CN rH I I ^ fM m r~ rH tH ^ in I I 00 fa CO !h 2 •H Q C 0) u H •H x; u 01 rH 01 o 3 O cn > fa •H Q 2 01 0) fa > rH cn 01 2 > in Id i-i fO 01 4J •H 01 (0 2 < o CN O > 0) Ti o u o >H D o cn

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180 The population present in Gurupd's annex in 1797 consisted primarily of mission dwellers. Table 4.16 (see p. 181 ) shows the recognized population in the annex. Female Amerindians outnumber male Amerindians in the village, 25 to 18. The other people present included the vicar, a director and his wife, plus four slaves: two males, two females. One of the female slaves belonged to the vicar. Although no hearths had been reported for Gurupa, there were nine in the annex. There had been no births or marriages and two deaths. The total population comprised 50 people. Vilarinho do Monte, as shown in Table 4.17, had no white tenants or servants or any salaried mesti90s. The largest contingent of people in Vilarinho were the mission inhabitants, numbering 97, among whom there were three more women than men. Among the families were 96 people, with six more women than men. Family heads consisted of 21 men and seven women. There were some slaves, 27 in all, with one more woman than there were men. There were ten salaried Amerindians, five of each sex. There was a vicar who had one male slave and a director and his wife, also who had one male slave. There had been two each of births, marriages and deaths. In Vilarinho do Monte, there were 46 hearths and a total population of 2 35. In Carrazedo, shown in Table 4.18, there v/ere only two classes: families and mission dwellers. There was no vicar or resident director. The mission inhabitants numbered 127,

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181 U b fH 3 to V8 a u 3 C3 O +> X 0) r-t H •§ Eh T3 to Q) O •H O U -H (0 -P rH CO ITS dJ CO S 2 Cm tn 0) J (0 C rH -H (0 M cn -P C CO C C (U (0 -P > U 0) OJ -P CO S •H s: <^ fa CO CO S CO fa •H S fa 0) o •H n •H > a I I I I I I I I t I t I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I (0 I o in vo rH I I in rrH o I o o >H > o n3 -P o -p 0 in to rH (0 +3 O ft c •H fa (!) (tS B rH CO > rH 03 •rl Q G 0) U i8 u -H Q CO 0) > (0 rH cn to > u 03 O fa fa u fa fa o 04 (0 o Eh 0) 0) Q (0 2 CO •H tn u (T3 0) a: o rH O > X 0) -a o u u 3 o cn

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182 CO 0) c o •H (fl CQ S •H S OJ O fa •rH O IB 4J rH CD IT3 OJ in o ^ I o m in rH in ^ I I I I I I I I I I C 0) •rH M -l-l 0) (0 o C M •H (U Vh > (U (0 fa CO S in m o P4 18 + CO 3 CO c rH n c TD (0 (U -H fa rH rs U G nJ -H rH )H w e s < to -p C CO Iti +J fa c c p > ^H P CO 2 •H s fa CO 0) > n) rH •H e fa en c O •rl CO •H > •r( Q rH CM rH I in I I I in I I I I I I I I I I I I ^ m I I ^ ro m I in CN CO fa in in I 1 rH o CO rH (CJ p O -P -Q 3 CO (0 -p o CO > rH (0 Vh •H Q c }H 14) CO > rH CO (0 > ra CJ fa fa •H Q S fa CM CO s: 10 CN (0 CO P u •H CQ CO x: u rH o CM O > o^ (1) t3 O U o Sh 3 O CO

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183 w CO u rn in T3 M r-l C 0) a rH T3 0 CN S-l -H •H rH (U CO CO (N iH vo m 1 (N i 4-> CO CN o Tl CO 0) O lii •H O (0 +J CO (0 0) cn S S I I I I I I I I I I t I C to •H 0) S-l > 0) m i< CO &4 o (it as •P O to 3 CO c 0) u (0 P r-4 3 (0 o •o 0) N Id u u n) u 00 H 0) n) EH c (0 -H (0 0) CO g S CO p C CD (OP Pn c c (1) (0 P > i-l QJ (1) P CD S •H CO 0) > rH CO S CO fa •H s PL4 n c o to > •H Q I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I in CD as I o in vo rH I I in rrH o I o O U > O CO rH BJ P O P (0 p o CD > (C3 rH cn iH •H Q Vh T3 rH •H u fa fa u •H Q S CD (U fa > IT3 rH CO CD S > CO £! P (0 (0 o •rt > (0 s CO p •rl CQ CD s: p (0 cu 2 t-o O > X (U TI O u 0) o u o

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184 with three more women than men. There were 12 people among the families, with two more females than males. Family heads included two men and one woman. There had been no marriages, but six births and three deaths. With 34 hearths, Carrazedo had a total population of 139. Porto de Moz, as seen in Table 4.19, had people from all classes recorded in the census of 1797. The largest part of the population was found among the families: 158 males and 192 females, with 70 male and 30 female heads of family. The second most populous group was the mission inhabitants, with 127 people and seven more women than men. In descending population, the slaves were next with 64 people, and four more men than women. They were followed by salaried Amerindians, with 15 men and 26 women. Lastly were the salaried mesti90s, only two men and four women. Among the classes of population in Porto de Moz, only the slaves had more men than women. There was no director, but there was a vicar who had seven male slaves and three female slaves. There were also four Amerindians from other villages, three men and one woman. Vital statistics for Porto de Moz showed 18 births, ten marriages and 18 deaths. With only 25 hearths, the total population was 6 32 people. In Veiros (Table 4.20, p. 186), there were no slaves or salaried mesticos. Mission inhabitants, by far the largest portion of the population there in 1797, numbered 768, with 396 men and 372 women. These figures were unusual, due to the high proportion of males in the population.

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185 N i o + u o H 0) H 10 CO 00 I — CN UJ 1 (i, ,—1 00 1^ ^ N (\\ >-l w (VI •ri 'vj vo O rH J-l -rH 111 rn n o 1 1 o CO 01 CN r-l o o n r-l 1 1 1 ^ rH 0) 0 Pm •H C CO •H 0) o nj -P ^) > iH to (0 0) 1 1 1 •rl T> U C IC -H rH }H CO 0) •H rH in fo I in • CO CO 3 -u CO C CO n CN T c 03 -P H c c U 0) (0 4J > r~ M CT> 0) 0) in CN m rP to s rH •H IH 0 1X1 o 0) fa CN +> m rH 3 > CO (0 rH CM rH W S rH rH cn CN rH n o o CX) VD ( in rH cn CN in CN cn CO in o in 0) o •H CO •H > •rH Q CO (0 (U X I in I o o yo O •H o > CO > rH tn to > u Q S x: (0 4) Q n 00 to u •rl m in CN to x: p ta tu a: cn o CN O >
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186 0) u a o •H 0) 0) •H S T3 m OJ O fa •H o (0 -P iH 01 '3' CN cn 1 (N X! M fa rH rH m C 0) 00 00 •H T3 rH M -H CO 0) 0) in o ID ^ 1 e -p 1 s m o I I I I I I I I I I I I M > CO fa O Id o CO 3 u c U O CQ 4J H 3 (0 (0 o u •H (U > o CN 0) rH Eh 0) C TJ (0 0) -H •H 73 U C (0 -H rH U (0 (U cn E C CO (0 +J c c 4J > u 4J cn •H cn 0) > rH Vi fa fa fa to fa 0) g (0 fa D) o r^ to •H > •H Q I rH rH I n I I I I I I I I till I I I I I I I I I I I I CN CM CN (N CN rH '3' tn 0) a: I o in 1^ rH I I tn rrH o I o U5 O (Tl SH > O (0 p o -p XI 3 C/3 P O Eh to > to rH CQ C (U M rH •H U to tu > rH cn to > u o fa •H Q fa fa U Q a fa tn to -p m 0) Q (Q 00 CN CO x: +j u •H 03 o CN to x: +j )H Q) Id en o CN O > o u o u 3 o

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187 Among the families, the next most numerous class in Veiros, there were 41 people, 19 males and 22 females. There were eight male and four female heads of family. The other classes represented in Veiros were the salaried Amerindians with four, one man and three women. Both of the white tenants or servants were children seven years old or younger, one boy and one girl. A vicar was in residence, and a director with one male slave. There had been 28 births, nine marriages and 36 deaths. For a population totalling 818 people, there were 120 hearths in Veiros. Pombal, too, had no slaves or salaried mesticos (see Table 4.21 on next page). As in Veiros, the largest contingent of the population was that of the mission inhabitants. Women outnumbered men, 454 to 380. There were 58 people among the families and nine family heads, all males. There were two white servants or tenants, both women. Only one salaried Amerindian, a woman over 90 years of age, lived in Pombal. No director lived there, but a vicar resided in the village. There were also four Amerindian outsiders, two men and two women. In 1797 there were 33 births, 16 marriages and 22 deaths reported in Pombal. With 901 people in the village, there were 162 hearths. Souzel (see Table 4.22, p. 189) had only two classes: families and mission dwellers. The majority of the population, the Amerindians, amounted to 646 people, with fewer men than women, 305 and 341, respectively. Among the families were 2 8 people, 17 men and 11 women. There were eight

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188 0) U in 0) a o •H cn CO S •H S to 0) O •H O M -H nJ -P rH 01 cn 2 S o in CO CN rH m rH in rH H 00 erin s icie O o o CN o E -P CN n iri 00 rH 00 s m O I I I I I I I I I I I I c cn U > O 01 + o Eh CO CO c u <4H O m + H Id s o (it CM 10 n •H -a M c rH SH cn e S -P C CO (0 -P Cn C C 0) (0 -p > !h 0) (U -P cn S •H CO rH cn S 01 b 0 •H I I I I I I I I I I I I CN I I I I I I I I I I t I I I I I I I CN I I CN o> ^ n I I I "X) rH CN CN 00 in 01 CO C rH cn 0 o rtJ rH H o^ P CO to o O 0 -P H -a in -P 0 > rH 1 1 XI Eh -H 1 1 in o > Q rH rH O cn m > rH cn •H Q u u o fa •H Q S cn > (0 rH cn cn > CN CN cn P Id iH 01 x: H CN Ul x: -p !h z ON o CN O > X! 0) O U O u 3 O cn

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189 m 0) a o •H to to S •H 2 in in o rH CO 1 r~ n Cm rH erin side r~ vo r-n H in 1 C30 n r~ o A Ou 2 do, 04 t3 to 0) O fa H O" U -H (0 4J rH CO CO S S I I I I I I I I I I I I T5 C CO •H (U > (U (0 < cn fa -P O Eh CO CO c 0) u M-l O a n 0) N 3 O 03 CN CM H E-t CO c (U -H fa •H -a M c (3 -H rH (0 CU U3 g 2 CO -P C CO (CJ -P fa C C Q) (0 -P > U ITJ rH w 2 CO fa •H Q I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I rrH m I fa 00 v£) I on I CO CN CO T5 (0 (U I o in rH I I in o I o o > o CO rH (T3 4J O +J X! cn CO r-i as -P O Eh fa CO > rH CO •H Q C CU T3 rH H o Sh -r( Q CO (U fa > (0 rH CO CO 2 > fa u (9 O 0) +) (0 Q) Q CM CO u 2 CO p u •H co s: -p 0) PS o CN O > o u CU o u 3 O CO

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190 family heads, all men. The village had a director and a vicar. The vicar had one female slave. Vital statistics for 1797 included 19 births, two marriages and 17 deaths. For a total population of 677, there were 172 hearths The population of the town and villages surveyed in 1797 in the area of the Xingu River and Gurupa was composed of more women than men. Women comprised 53.97% of the area population, and men, 46.03%. The largest class of population living in the area was the mission inhabitants, contributing 72.3% of the whole. The next largest group, the families comprised 24.19% of the area population. Among the families, there were 230 heads of family, who were more often men than women, but a good proportion of them were women. Men comprised 66.09%, or more than a third. While the census of 1797 included more of the people present in the villages — adding statistics for salaried people, and vicars and directors with their slaves and families — the fugitive and uncontacted population was not considered. Officials, however, were concerned about the uncontacted and fugitive Amerindians in the Captaincy of ParS. In 1798 directives were issued calling for efforts to induce these Amerindians to leave the forests and to begin to live among "men."^-'Those who already were in missions or settlements were to be kept constant and permanent in their roles in society, serving the state and following a religion which enabled them to live happily.

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191 The most efficient means of socializing Amerindians was to have both mission dwellers and newly contacted groups form a company of militia. The officers and commanders of such militia units would be Principals and officials of the missions, as well as various white residents. In order to attract the Amerindians, it was recommended that they be told that they would be required to work only part of the year, except when they might be involved in urgent government work. Payments consisted of two uniforms — long pants, shirt, and vest of cotton, dyed black — and a portion of salt and aguardente. A year later, in 1799, there were complaints of a secular priest who was supposed to care for the mission dwellers at Esposende (formerly called Tuar^, on the northern bank of the Amazon River) He had been terrorizing the mission inhabitants and exploiting them for his own enrichment; he was continuously ordering Esposende villagers to Tapara situated on the Xingu where he had land to be worked. Many who lived in Porto de Mos and Gurupa could testify to the priest's misbehavior. It was said that he only went to Esposende from another village after cutting a Principal's arm. Allegedly, residents of Esposende had died without receiving sacraments. Furthermore, the priest had been carrying on an affair in Tapara With a woman named Marinha. In January 1799, the mission system was officially terminated, in accordance with a royal order of 179 8, but

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192 this entailed no substantial changes. The system of taxation continued. A list of those responsible for the collection of the tithes on maun9as in the Captaincy of Pari was established. For Santar^m and Gurupd the collector was the same person. From 1795 to 1797 he was Pedro Auzier Romeiro, and from 1798 to 1800, the collector for the two towns was Jose Luis Coelho.^^ A governmental preoccupation at the end of the eighteenth century concerned the use of the alcoholic beverage, cacha9a. The government wished to increase exportation of cacha9a to Africa. In an attempt to diminish use of the drink in Brazilian ports, the government of 1798 recommended a high 57 tax on its consumption. During the next decade little information was available about the area of the Xingu River and Gurupa. Events in Europe occupied the interests of the Portuguese government. In 1793 Portugal joined England and Spain in war against France. Spain left the alliance in 1795 and, in 1801, invaded Portugal. Peace was restored later that year and lasted until 180 7, when Portugal was put under pressure by France and Spain to break with England. The English-Portuguese alliance held firm, however, and, as French forces invaded Portugal from Spain, in November 180 7, the Portuguese royal family and court departed Portugal for Brazil, escorted by the English fleet. The French, represented in Lisbon by General Andoche Junot, declared the Portuguese royal family, the Bragancas deposed. This

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193 deposition was challenged by British foces who landed in Portugal and waged campaigns there against the French. The French finally left Portugal in 1811, expelled in a combined effort by Portuguese and British forces. The arrival of the royal family in Brazil and the raising of Brazil to the status of kingdom, equal to that of Portugal, was unique in American history. The capital of the new kingdom was Rio de Janeiro. Since communications within Brazil were difficult, and the establishment of the court was an involved, complex affair, the Portuguese-Brazilian government was occupied with its immediate surroundings, leaving other regions to themselves Exports from Pari, continued to go to Portugal; the four main items were cacao, rice, coffee, and cotton. The abolition of slavery in French territories endured only to 1802. Under Napoleon a decree was issued declaring that any worker-cultivator who refused to work would be pubished as a counter-revolutionary criminal, which meant death. The former slaves evidently felt they could support themselves adequately by hunting and fishing; if they were obliged to cultivate corn or sugar, that meant the re-establishment of slavery. After 1802 blacks and mulattoes began to hide in the forest where they could not be found. In Cayenne, there were four or five thousand slaves after the re-imposition of slavery, compared with 14,000 before the abolition in 1794.^^ in 1808 the French colony was seized by a combined British and Portuguese force and

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194 incorporated into the Kingdom of Brazil, where it remained until 1814, when it was returned to France in the peace settlement mandated by the Congress of Vienna. In 1818 and 1819, some population calculations were made for Brazil and Pari. Without including mission dwellers, slaves comprised 53.35% of the whole population 6 3 recognized in Brazil in 1818. This included both black and mulatto slaves. For Para in 1819, slaves accounted 6 4 for 36.30% of the total population. Those were the slaves living in established towns with recognized owners; just as no estimates were available for Amerindians living outside the nuclei of the Europeans, so for fugitive slaves there were no numbers General information for the region was scanty. In the early 1820s, developments in Europe foreshadowed events in Amazonia and in the rest of Brazil. The Portuguese demanded the return of their king, John VI, and in 1821, he left his son Pedro as regent of Brazil and returned to Portugal. The Portuguese tried to return Brazil to the status of a colony, but Pedro declared its independence on September 7, 1822. Not all areas of the country accepted Brazilian independence on that date. Pard, along with the rest of the north of Brazil, seemed to prefer rule from Lisbon to that from Rio de Janeiro. The last population estimates made under Portuguese rule for the area of the Xingu River and Gurupl included no details and concerned only three villages. In 1820, Veiros had 218 inhabitants;

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195 Pombal, 290; and Souzel, 375. No other information was 6 5 available Notes 1. Cargas e valores Par^ para Lisboa, na Corveta S. Arma, Sao Jos^ e Almas, on January 20, 17 81; and Carga e Valor dos Generos, Belem para Lisboa, on January 27, 1781, both in Codex 99, III, ANRJ. 2. An arroba is a dry weight equalling approximately 32 pounds 3. Production tables from 1782; The treasurer who signed for Souzel 's production was Joao Manoel Rodrigues, Codex 99, IV, ANRJ. 4. Caio Prado Junior, The Colonial Background of Brazil translated by Suzette Macedo (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1967), pp. 25-6 assigns only military and ecclesiastic importance to colonial census-taking. 5. Habitantes e Fogos que existem em todas e em cada huma das Freguesias e Povoa9oens das Capitanias do Estado do Par^ lo de Janeiro de 1783, Secao Creacao e Limites de Provincias, January, 1783, Codex 602, II, ANR^, supplied all material referring to this census. 6. See Richard Price, Maroon Societies ; Rebel Slave Com munities in the Americas (Garden City, N.J.: Anchor Press 1973) 7. This census may not have been colony-wide, as the 1797 census attempt appears to have been (see fn. 4 above) It does not contain information on birthplace, occupation, marital status, or exact age, yet is is opportune to remember that prior to the 1850 census, the United States of America used as the unit of classification the family, not the individual 8. See Charles Wagley, ed. Race and Class in Rural Brazil /Paris/: UNESCO, 196 3. ~ 9. This land-grant was conceded to eight men with Portuguese surnames: Antonio da Cunha Sotto Mayor, Louren90 da Rocha Murtinho, Pedro Barbosa Leal, Gabriel da Rocha, Francisco de Oliveira, Silvestre da Costa Gomes, Pedro da Rocha Martinho, and Mario de Souza Azevedo. The location was given as the ParaoassU or Parnafba, in Anais of BAPP, X, 29 8, no. 35. Before Xingu was a generally accepted name

PAGE 218

196 for the river valley under study, it was called also Parnalba or Paranaiba. Another river with the name Parnaiba provides a boundary between the present states of Maranhao and Piaui. Many places in Brazil have had repetitive indigenous names, despite efforts to particularize each place name. Thus, there is a municipality of Mina Gerais called Pard de Minas. The ambivalence presented by the location's demomination was resolved by the addition of "assu" to the first alternative, which is a Tupi word meaning very large. This would apply more readily to the Xingu River than to the present Parnaiba in Piauf. Land-grant information appears in Anais of BAPP, X, 29 8332. 10. Ibid pp. 305, 315, 327, 332. 11. Ibid pp. 298, 306, 315, 317, 320, 327. 12. Ireland, op. cit 13. Mappa de todos os indios e indias, e f ogos e de todas as circunstancias que arrespeito de cada Villa, e Lugar de Indios, na Capitania do Par^, observou o Dr. Intendente (no name specified), 1783-84, Codex 99, VI, ANRJ. All information regarding the 1783-84 census comes from this source. 14. Ibid also, it becomes obvious that separate villages were not employed by one master, as Hemming (see above, p. 63) thought. There were three types of service Amerindians could be put to: they could work for the Crown; they could work for the residents, or the director; or they could work for the parish priest. Actually, there was a fourth possibility: they could work for themselves. In doing so, residence would be taken up in sites distant from the settlement's center, the vila (village) or lugar (place) designated by Portuguese officials. 15. Production tables from the villages and places in 1784, Codex 99, VI, ANRJ. 16. Balan9a da Receita e Despeza da Thezouraria Geral do Estado em 1788 para 1785, Codex 99, X, ANRJ. 17. Rela9ao dos Productos Naturaes e Plantas Vivas que Remette do Para para o Real Gabinete o Capital Luis Pereira da Cunha na Carrua Aguia de que he Commandant e o Tenente do Mar Antonio Jozd Monteiro, Beldm Par^ on December 27, 1788, Codex 99, IX, ANRJ. One wonders if this shipment were not made tongue-in-cheek, to show that little of value to Europeans existed in this region.

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197 18. Quoted by Carlos Borromeu Ebner, Xingutania: Indios e Hist6rias do Xingu (Bel^m: separata dos Anais Missionirios do Preciosissimo Sangue, 1950) pp. 19-20, taken from Southey 19. Geral: Populaqao, Cabe9as de Familias, Total de Cada Ramo, Total; Generos de Sertao, Agriculturas e Planta9oens, Manuf acturas Crea9oens, Pescarias, 1789, Codex 99, XII, ANRJ. 20. Ibid 21. Mappa das Popula^oes das Freguesias e Povoa
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198 Par^ em 1790, which also explains that the Mappa did not include items cultivated by the Amerindians for their own subsistence, 1791, Codex 99, XII, ANRJ. 30. Ordens Expedidas on November 28, 1791, Codex 99, XIII, ANRJ. 31. Information received about the district of Gurupl in 1791, Codex 99, XII, ANRJ. 32. Rela9ao das Pessoas em Carregadas de receber os Dizimos do Consumo do Arroz e Algodao, nos diversos districtos da Capitania do Para, e particularmente pelloque pertense aos Rollos depanno, on December 31, 1791, Codex 99, XIII, ANRJ. 33. Letter reporting events of September 15, 1792; Rella9ao da Tropa Auxiliar que vierao em Diligencia de baixo das Ordens, e Cargo de Alferes Antonio Dinis do Couto, Commandante da Villa do Gurup^; and Rella9ao dos Indies que vierao em Diligencia de baixo das Ordens e a Cargo de Alferes Antonio Dinis do Couto,..., 1792, Codex 99, XIII, ANRJ. 34. Ibid. 35. Rella^ao dos Officiaes Inferiores e Soldados com o Alferes Joze Leocadio Rodrigues Camello; and Tropa Auxiliar com Furriel Florentino da Gama da Villa de Chaves, 1792, Codex 99, XIII, ANRJ. 36. Letter from Adjutant Commander, Manoel Joaquim de Abreu, on November 13, 1792, Codex 99, XIV, ANRJ. 37. Letter referring to another troop which left from Santar^m in January, 179 3, Codex 99, XIV, ANRJ. 38. Report on Teryos de Auxiliares including Companhias de Brancos and Companhias de Mesti90s e Indies, on November 10, 1793, Codex 99, XIV, ANRJ. 39. War preparations in 179 3, Codex 99, XIV, ANRJ. 40. For events in Haiti, see Fieldhouse, op cit pp. 120-2; comments on the situation in Cayenne are contained in Coudreau, op cit ; information about Trinidad, in Bridget Brereton, Race Relations in Colonial Trinidad 1870-1900 (Cambridge, England: Cambridge University Press, 1979) pp. 7-8. 41. Letter to Francisco de Souza Coutinho describing deteriorating conditions in Cayenne on September 10, 1795, Codex 99, XV, ANRJ.

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199 42. Rendimentos dos Dizimos das Maun9as : Arroz e Algodao; Rendimento dos Dizimos dos Rollos por ano Consiomo no Interior; outros, Pesqueiros; Gado Generos do Sertao, Generos d'Embarque; Dizimos da Farinha; Arecadacoes dos contractos da Marchantaria de Aguardente, imposi^ao de 6 $000 em cada engenho, Codex 99, XVI, ANRJ. 43. Mappa dos Generos Recebidos na Thezouraria Geral do Commercio remettidos das Povoa96ens dos Indios das duas Capitanias do Estado do Pari, seo Rendimento, as despezas que fizerao comtodo o Anno de 179 3 de que se trata, e o estado ultimo das contas que passarao para o de '94 sendo Thezoureiro Joao de Amaral Coutinho, Codex 99, XV, ANRJ. 44. Ibid 45. Barata, op. cit pp. 325-8. 46. Preliminary reviews of documents in the Arquivo Mvinicipal of Abaetetuba, Arquivo Municipal of Cameta and the Arquivo do Bi spado de Cameti tend to support this contention, but more detailed study is needed. 47. Letter from General Vicar about scandalous life of Francisco Gon9alves Lima to the governor in 1795, Codex 99, XV, ANRJ. 48. The mestico was known as Valentim and the courrier in charge of carrying out the smuggling of plants and seeds was a soldier from the Macapa regiment, Lazaro Valente Marreiros, letters of June 24, 1797 and June 5, 1797, signed by Manoel Joaquim d'Abreu, Codex 99, XVII, ANRJ. 49. Mappa Geral da Popula(j:ao da Capitania do Para pellas suas Differentes Classes, Idades, e Sexos, em que tamben se declara o numero dos Fogos Nascimentos, Casamentos e Mortes no Anno de 1797, Codex 99, XX, ANRJ. 50. Here, there may have been a mistake in transcription. It seems more likely that there were 13 births and one marriage. 51. Instructions for attracting more Amerindians to settlements on May 12, 1798, Codex 807, XI, ANRJ. 52. Ibid. 53. Ibid. 54. The complaints came from the Director of the village of Esposende, Joao Antonio da Costa and were received in 1799, Codex 99, XIX, ANRJ. 55. MacLachlan, op. cit. p. 385.

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200 56. Rela
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CHAPTER V BRAZILIAN INDEPENDENCE AND AMAZONIAN REGIONALISM: CIVIL STRIFE, 1822-1836 Increased organization marked the nineteenth century in the Amazon Region. The Roman Catholic Church was one of the first institutions affected by this general expansion and strengthening of administrative structures. From 1713 to 1760 the Amazon Region constituted one diocese, which meant that it was entitled to a bishop from the Church hierarchy as its administrator. Another diocese for the Upper Amazon was created in 1760. In August 1821, the diocese of Santarem was created, removing that area from the jurisdiction of the bishop in Bel^m and further subdividing the Captaincy of Pari. The first bishop and general vicar of the redefined Lower Amazon diocese was Dom Reraualdo de Sousa Coelho, who had been nominated as bishop of Para in 1819, and took office in August 1820. '" His nephew, Romualdo Ant6nio Seixas also a priest, was elected deputy to the General Cortes, or Parliament, in Lisbon in 1821. He was called to Lisbon as a Councillor of 2 State, but remained in Pari until August 1823. In Rio de Janeiro, a constitution was being drawn up to guide the emerging independent empire. The declaration of independence of September 1822 formally freed Brazil from the Portuguese 201

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202 colonial system, securing commercial freedom and administrative autonomy, but did not guarantee popular sovereignity to the Brazilian people. The Constitutional Convention which convened in May 1823 heatedly debated the issues of popular participation in government. This was a period of social unrest, even in the vicinity of the Brazilian capital, where there were reports of attacks by bandits and gypsies. They assaulted farms and isolated homes, stealing horses and invading houses. To check on the behavior of the residents, it was suggested that all coronels and captains submit reports on the people living in their districts. There were to be three-man 3 patrols twice daily, from 4 to 7 AM and 5 to 8 PM. While the province of Rio de Janeiro was suffering the depredations of highwaymen and other criminals, the northern province of Para underwent equally disturbing political and social problems Portuguese commercial interests in Para were strong. As movement toward a Brazilian constitutional regime accelerated, political parties emerged representing different factions of the population. The Caramuru Party was composed of Portuguese colonialists and merchants favoring retained ties with Portugal. The Patriotic, Instructive and Philanthropic Society ( Sociedade Patriotica, Instrutiva e Filan tr6pica or the Filantr6picos ) supported regional autonomy or independence. The organizer of the Filantropicos Canon Joao Batista Gon9alves Campos, was a native of Acara, as was

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203 Felipe Alberto Patroni Martins Maciel Parente, a supporter of the Filantropicos Patroni had studied law at Coimbra University in 1816 and participated in the constitutional movement in Portugal. He returned to Belem in December 1820 and helped to overthrow the corrupt governing junta and establish a new one, under the presidency of Canon Romualdo Antdnio Seixas. Besides the president, the junta consisted of a judge as vice-president, four officials of the Armed Forces, one businessman, and one farmer. Patroni went to Lisbon to justify the establishment of the new junta, and while there became disenchanted with the "liberal" government and its continuation of colonialist Portuguese policies with regard to Brazil. His brothers, supporters of independence and nativism, distributed pamphlets in Belem for which they were imprisoned in August of 1821.^ While in Portugal, Patroni obtained a printing press, which he brought with him back to Belem; he began publishing the periodical 0 Paraense on April 1, 1822. His return to Para coincided with that of the Military Commander ( Coman dante das Armas ) Brigadier Jos^ Maria de Moura, who had been transferred from Pernambuco to Belem. Moura disliked opposition and wanted to destroy the press. One of his officers. Major Jose de Brito Ingles, warned Patroni, who moved his press and materials. The press was saved, but Patroni was imprisoned and eventually sent to Fort Sao Juliao in Portugal. After Brazilian independence Patroni was freed from prison and he finished his education at Coimbra.^

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204 One of Moura's contested actions was the promulgation of the Portuguese constitution. At the oath taking on January 13, 182 3, only Portuguese-born citizens appeared. The first elections held under the new constitution were won by Batista Campos and his Filantropico party on February 25. On March 1, all elected officials were deposed and ordered imprisoned by Moura. Batista Campos managed to flee to the interior, where he ran from town to town. Material used for the publication of 0 Paraense which had been continued by Batista Campos, was confiscated and used by Moura to publish the Luzo-Paraense (Portuguese-Paraense) The first edition of the Luzo-Paraense came off the press on April 1, 1823."^ On April 14, civilians together with some troops in Beldm protested against Moura's arbitrary actions. The town of Muana on Marajd Island also opposed Moura. Hundreds were imprisoned, including 145 from Muana alone, who were sent to Belem. The prisoners were held in the holds of a frigate and a ship-of-the-line Two hundred and sixty-seven, including Batista Campos and Patroni were condemned to death by firing squad. Only the intervention of Canon Romualdo Seixas saved them; instead of being shot, they q were sent to Fort Sao Juliao in Lisbon where 100 died. Several governing juntas tried to rule in Belem, some lasting only a few days. Despite political instability during most of 1823, one of the juntas did manage to carry out at least a partial census of towns and villages in Para.

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205 One of the areas included in the 1823 census was that of Gurup^ and the Xingu River Valley. A nominal list of inhabitants was made, to which was appended information concerning all aspects of economic, religious and military activities, and an assessment of potential production of 9 land and water resources. The people were not divided into families and others, and families were not included in the siammaries of racial classes which appeared after the nominal listing. The summaries conprehended free persons — blacks, cafusos, curibocas, mulattoes, Amerindians, and mamelucos — and slaves: blacks, cafusos, curibocas, and mulattoes. The nominative list divided people by sex and marital state. This reckoned married men and women, widowers, widows, single men, single women, male and female children. From the nominal list of GurupS in 182 3, there were 826 people. Their breakdown is shown in Table 5.1. Table 5.1. Gurupa: Nominally Listed Population, 182 Marital Condition Number Age Range Married Men 82 16 to 77 years Married Women 80 14 to 62 years Widowers 11 27 to 64 years Widows 26 38 to 67 years Single Men 142 14 to 72 years Single Women 158 14 to 64 years Male Children 175 1 mo to 13 years Female Children 152 2 mo to 11 years Source: Codex 10 02, BAPP.

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206 There was a total of 416 women, slightly outnumbering the men, of whom there were 410. The populations described in the summaries were divided only by sex and racial category. The free population is shown in Table 5.2. Table 5.2. Gurupa: Free Population, 1823. Category Males Females Total Blacks 5 4 9 Cafusos 13 20 33 Curibocas 24 20 44 Mulatos 17 14 31 Amerindians 95 88 183 Mamelucos 37 49 86 Totals : 191 195 386 Source: Codex 10 02, BAPP. Again, among the free population that was not white, women slightly outnumbered men. The same occurred among the slave population depicted in Table 5.3. Table 5.3. Gurupa: Slave Population, 1823. Category Males Females Total Blacks 77 86 16 3 Cafusos 24 14 38 Curibocas 8 13 21 Mulatos 13 13 26 Totals: 122 126 248 Source: Codex 1002, BAPP.

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207 Since the total population was 826 and the nxmber of people appearing in the summaries was 634, the number of inhabitants considered white in GurupS was 192. There were 97 men and 95 women. The population counted lived both in the village (vila) and in the surrounding area or district (distrito) There were 135 hearths in the village and 173 in the district, for a total of 308 hearths in the administrative area of Gurupd. The district began at the mouth of the Tajapuru River and extended to the Macapl stream on one side. On the other, it was bounded by the town of Boa Vista. There were no documents in the archives of the town hall from the time of Gurupd's inception as a town, believed to be 1758, when the towns received Portuguese charters. GurupS's town council consisted of eight men. Two were judges who presided over the council, alternating the duties monthly. There were two councilmen ( vereadores ) one public prosecutor or defender, one jailer (alcaide) one caretaker ( porteiro ) and one treasurer. Only the jailer and caretaker received yearly salaries. There was one priest assigned to Gurupa, who also cared for Carrazedo and Vilarinho do Monte. There were four brotherhoods ( irmandades ) that raised money to buy candles and celebrate masses. The patron saint was St. Anthony, feasted in June. Other major religious celebrations included those of Holy Week, the Holy Spirit, Corpus Cristi, and St. Benedict. No person distinguished in military.

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208 civil, or church affairs was recorded as being from Gurup^. There were two military companies stationed in Gurupa: one of militia, with 78 men, and the other regular light infantry ( ligeiros ) with 76 men. Six men were distinguised in business and trade: Joao Urbano da Fonseca, Manuel Bentes Lobo, Standard-bearer Joao da Paixao Froes Alexandre Antfinio Froes Manuel do Rosario de Sousa, and Manuel de Jesus de Carvalho. They traded with the Xingu and other parts of the Amazon for sarsaparilla, clove, coffee, cacao, pirarucu (a fish similar to cod) and manioc flour. Gurupd apparently served as an exchange point for commodities from other parts of the Lower Amazon Region. Gurupd's merchants bought sarsaparilla and clove from the towns of Almeirim and Araiolos and shipped the products to Bel^m. Other products they transhipped to Belem included clove from the Xingu, fish from Monte Alegre, and nuts from Araiolos and Esposende. From Gurupd's production, they sent cacao and coffee to the capital of Pard. Town revenue accrued from a three-year contract for cacha9a, or aguardente, which was valued at 331$000, and from licensing a small cacha9a mill on the Marajoi River, 6$000. The income from these pursuits was uncertain and barely covered expenses. There were six men noted for their farming enterprises: Captain Manuel Maria Fragao Captain Joaquin Pereira do Nascimento, Captain Jos4 Froes de Brito, Antdnio Vicente Supico, Nunc Roberto Pimentel, and Captain Lucas Jos^ Ferreira. Their main products were manioc flour, rice, corn.

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209 and cotton. Planting was done from July to January. In Gurup^'s district, the following products were cultivated: manioc, coffee, cacao, tobacco, rice, cotton, and beans. Cacao was also an extractive product, along with breu. Manufactures or processed items included andiroba oil, aguardente made from sweet manioc, and hammocks of all types. There were no minerals. A blue dye from the district, anil, was used to tint hammocks. There was a primary school teacher, Alexandre de Sequeira Queir6s. He received a yearly stipend of 120 $000 from government coffers. The only major ranch in the district was on the Majari River. It was small, a half-league along the river and one league back from the river. There were 16 head of cattle and 22 pigs. Except for the farmers mentioned, all other householders lived from their own labor without the help of slaves. Ranches were not considered profitable in the area due to a lack of slaves. The land considered proper for manioc, coffee, cacao, and tobacco was along the right, or southern, bank of the Amazon River where the land was called terra firme — although the v^rzeas along the northern bank also were reported suitable for cacao, and for rice, cotton, beans, all types of agriculture. The information gatherers discerned 11 types of trees which were potential lumber exports. Within the district were nine rivers and 88 creeks, or igarap^s. Equipment for fishing included harpoons for

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210 manatee; fishing lines for large fish; and tiinb6 (a root which when cut and kneaded is set into blocked-off waterways, where it releases a poison which stuns fish, making them easy to gather) and gapuias (nets) used for small fish. There were 26 types of fish or aquatic mammals identified for the district of Gurupa. Among them were manatees, electric eels and piranhas. Game was hunted with dogs and firearms No detailed descriptions were provided for Vilarinho do Monte, Carrazedo or Boa Vista. Only their populations and number of hearths were given. The population listed nominally for Vilarinho do Monte is shown in Table 5.4. Table 5.4. Vilarinho do Monte: Nominally Listed Populati 1823. Marital Condition Number Age Range Married Men 46 14 to 75 years Married Women 44 13 to 70 years Widowers 2 26 to 46 years Widows 14 25 to 70 years Single Men 48 13 to 60 years Single Women 65 13 to 80 years Male Children 63 1 mo to 12 years Female Children 58 2 mo to 11 years Source: Codex 1002, BAPP. The total population of Vilarinho was 340 people, with 159 men and 181 women. The nonwhite population of Vilarinho, shown in Table 5.5, included both free and slave.

PAGE 233

211 Table 5.5. Category Free Curibocas Mulattoes Amerind! ans Maine luc OS Subtotals Slaves Blacks Caf usos Curibocas Mulattoes Subtotals Totals Vilarinho do Monte: Nonwhite, 182 3. Males 1 2 61 15 79 10 4 4 3 21 Free and Slave Populations 100 Females 5 2 72 20 99 17 4 5 3 29 128 Total 6 4 133 35 178 27 8 9 6 50 228 Source: Codex 1002, BAPP. The total number of people among the nonwhite populace was 228, with 100 men and 128 women. There were, therefore, 112 white people with 59 men and 53 women. There was a total of 70 hearths in Vilarinho. In Carrazedo, the population included only one white man. For a total population of 201, there were 48 hearths. There were five more women in the town than men. Carrazedo 's population is described in Tables 5.6 and 5.7. In a population of 219, Boa Vista had 42 white inhabitants: 18 men and 24 women. For the whole population, there existed 55 hearths. Boa Vista's breakdown is given in Tables 5.8 and 5.9.

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212 Table 5.6. Carrazedo : Nominally Listed Population, 18 Marital Condition Number Age Range Married Men 34 23 to 69 years Married Women 34 19 to 68 years Widowers 4 39 to 59 years Widows 8 30 to 67 years Single Men 10 14 to 27 years Single Women 23 12 to 59 years Male Children 50 4 mo to 11 years Female Children 38 1 mo to 11 years Source: Codex 100 2, BAPP Table 5.7. Category Free Cafusos Curibocas Mulattoes Amerindians Memelucos Subtotals Slaves Blacks Cafusos Subtotals Carrazedo: Free and Slave Populations, Nonwhite, 1823. Totals Source : Males 2 3 6 70 15 96 1 1 97 Females 5 3 1 78 15 102 1 103 Total 7 6 7 148 30 198 1 1 2 200 Codex 1002, BAPP.

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213 Table 5.8. Boa Vista: Nominally Listed Population, 1823. Marital Condition Number Age Range Married Men 34 23 to 87 years Married Women 32 25 to 56 years Widowers 4 35 to 80 years Widows 8 34 to 90 years Single Men 12 16 to 27 years Single Women 25 15 to 63 years Male Children 43 1 to 12 years Female Children 61 1 to 18 years Source: Codex 1002, BAPP. Table 5.9. Category Free Cafusos Curibocas Mulattoes Amerindians Mamelucos Subtotals Slave Blacks Cafusos IIMulattoes Subtotals Boa Vista: Free and Slave Pooulations, Nonwhite, 182 3. Totals Source : Males 4 2 8 22 34 70 3 2 5 75 Females 5 4 37 48 94 3 4 1 8 102 Total 9 6 8 59 82 164 6 6 1 13 177 Codex 1002, BAPP. The reports on all four places — Gurup^, Vilarinho do Monte, Boa Vista, and Carrazedo — were signed by the same

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214 people: the vicar, Father Manuel do Nascimento ; one of the farmers, Captain Jose Froes de Brito; Joao Ferreira da Silva; and Francisco Antonio Ferreira da Silva. Information concerning Porto de Moz was similar to that for Gurupa, although more details were provided giving a clearer picture of the town and activities of some inhabitants. The total population of the town in 1823 was 402. There were 169 men and 2 33 women. The white population, 14 3 people, consisted of 56 men and 87 women. The specific breakfowns of the population in Porto de Moz is described in Tables 5.10 and 5.11. Table 5.10. Porto de Moz: Nominally Listed Population, 1823. Marital Condition Number Age Range Married Men 65 16 to 70 years Married Women 65 14 to 50 years Widowers 3 23 to 60 years Widows 23 25 to 60 years Single Men 12 16 to 50 years Single Women 41 17 to 70 years Male Children 89 1 to 15 years Female Children 104 1 to 16 years Source: Codex 1002, BAPP. One street ran the length of the town, parallel to the Xingu River. There was one plaza ( praga ) called the Pelourinho. All the houses along the main street, Rua Sao Bras, faced the river. Each of the 38 houses were thatched; there were no tile roofs. In the town there were 51 hearths, and in the district, another 51.

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215 Table 5.11. Category Free Blacks Cafusos Curibocas Mulattoes Amerindians Mamelucos Subtotals Slave Blacks Cafusos Subtotals Totals Porto de Moz: Free and Slave Populations, Nonwhite, 182 3 Males 1 7 10 3 37 44 102 11 11 113 Females 1 10 11 10 70 33 135 7 4 11 146 Total 2 17 21 13 107 77 137 18 4 22 259 Source: Codex 1002, BAPP. Information about the town s past included only that it had been the village of Maturu, raised to the rank of town in 1758 by Mendon9a Furtado. The borders then established extended to a site called Nazareth to the south, and to the igarape Macup^ on the north. In 1801, the northern boundary was changed to the igarape Ma j ari There were seven men on the town council: three vereadores or town councilmen, one public prosecutor or defender, one clerk, one jailer, and one caretaker. Elected judges were mentioned as an afterthought, but did not appear to be included on the council. No comment was made about payment to any of the council members.

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216 There was one priest for the town and the district. The patron saint of the town was St. Blaise. There were three main celebrations including St. Blaise, the Holy Spirit, and Body of God (Corpo de Deus) No one from Porto de Moz was said to be distinguised in military service, or through studies, or by entering the church. Some of the people worked in the civil service as judges and councilmen. There were no teachers, no elementary school or Latin Grammar classes. The company of light infantry which had been stationed in Porto de Moz was transferred to Gurupa. Most of the men in it preferred living in Vilarinho do Monte and Carrazedo, which belonged to the administrative jurisdiction of GurupS. There was supposed to be a company of militia stationed in Porto de Moz, with 78 soldiers. Most of the male Amerindians were enrolled in the militia of the second line. The income and expenses of the town were hard to calculate. Some years there were many diligences, other years, there were few. Exports to Belem included clove, estopa, urucu, breu, capaiba oil and coffee. Extractive items included estopa, breu, clove, copaiba oil, and nuts. Manufactured crafts comprehended large and small igarites (covered canoes) large and small protes (simple canoes) and canoes with capacity from one to eight ( montarias ) for use by their makers and for sale.

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217 There were no minerals in the district, but the residents did make use of four types of natural dyes. Important people in Porto de Moz included Captain Louren90 Justiniano Vieira, who had some cultivated manioc plots and some slaves; Captain Daniel Eduardo de Sousa, who enjoyed a similar situation; and Dona Maria Francisca da Luz, who also had slaves and manioc plots. Their produce was for their own maintenance and for sale in the town. The land was appropriate for coffee, manioc, cotton, corn, rice, and beans. In June, the inhabitants generally planted manioc, tobacco, and beans. In December, they planted manioc, corn, rice and cotton. The most common crop was manioc. Besides planting manioc. Captain Louren90 Vieira operated a ranch and had eight slaves. Captain Daniel de Sousa also ran a fazenda (ranch) and had two slaves. Dona Maria Francisca had three slaves, but no ranch; she worked land in the town. Indcio de Sousa had a ranch and one female slave. In all, there were four ranches in Porto de Moz. The first had 24 head of cattle and one horse; the second, 52 head of cattle and four horses; the third, 110 head of cattle and 30 horses; the fourth, 40 head of cattle and eight horses. Ownership of the ranches was not given. Stretching along the Xingu River to the south, there were 21 sites, or inhabited places, which reached to Nazareth, the last one within the jurisdiction of Porto de Moz. Along the Jaraucu River across the Xingu from Porto de Moz, there were ten other inhabited sites.

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218 Acapu, a hard wood, and acari-quara were timbers used in building homes. There were ten other types of valuable trees identified in Porto de Moz. Fishing was done with lines and pariis (traps) The next town along the Xingu River, Veiros, had a total population of 4 75 people in 1823. There were only two whites, both men. One was included in the categorized listing of population; perhaps the other was the vicar. There were no slaves or blacks in Veiros, only free people. The information from the nominal population list is produced in Table 5.12. The categorical summaries are presented in Table 5.13. Table 5.12. Veiros: Nominally Listed Population, 1823. Marital Condition Number Age Range Married Men 70 19 to 77 years Married Women 69 16 to 60 years Widowers 3 30 to 59 years Widows 30 20 to 70 years Single Men 14 16 to 21 years Single Women 53 14 to 40 years Male Children 124 1 mo to 14 years Female Children 111 1 mo to 13 years Source: Codex 1002, BAPP. The town of Veiros had one street, 13 houses, and 23 huts. There was also a town hall and a church, all thatched. In the town, there were 36 hearths, and in the district, 88, making a total of 124 hearths for 475 people in the jurisdiction of Veiros.

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219 Table 5.13. Veiros: Free Population, including Whites, 1823. Category Males Females Total Cafusos 11 2 13 Curibocas 23 25 4 8 Mulattoes 2 3 5 Amerindians 149 222 371 Mamelucos 25 11 36 Whites 2-2 Totals: 212 263 475 Source: Codex 1002, BAPP. Ten people comprised the town council. There was one judge who acted as president, with one substitute. There were three town councilmen, one public defender or prosecutor, and one substitute. Also, there was one clerk, one caretaker, and one constable. The only information about the town's past was that it had been created in 1758. The boundary on the east ran from the Acatu River to the Maxipan^ River, and on the west, from the Acarahi River to the Piri River. At the time, no one in the town was distinguised in military, civil, or church work. There was one vicar, but no brotherhoods or confraternities. The patron saint of the town was St. John the Baptist, who was celebrated on the feast day. Also celebrated were St. Francis (Sao Francisco) and Our Lady of Conception (Nossa Senhora da Concei9ao) The last two could be celebrated together or at different times, even at Christmas,

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220 or at the correct times; there were no set days for the celebrations. No teachers taught either primary or secondary school in Veiros. There were two military companies both belonging to Gurup^, said to have 52 and 48 soldiers. There were no commercial farmers or businessmen in the district; everyone worked on a subsistence basis. Nor were there ranchers, slave-owners, or registered landowners. The land was not good for cattle. In the summer, people planted manioc and corn. Some coffee was planted in the backyards ( quintais ), The town had virtually no money income. There had been no auctioning of a three-year contract for aguardente in more than three years. The only funds that came in, 80 $0 00, were used to supply people going out to work and to pay the expenses of the town council. The inhabitants bartered manioc flour and coffee with the traders who came to the river. In exchange they received dry goods, ironware, cotton cloths, soap, and other items. The principal production consisted of manioc flour and coffee. There would have been more manioc flour, however, had it not been used to make aguardente. There was no manufacturing except for home consumption; three dyes were used, among them anil. The eastern part of the jurisdiction contained land proper for the cultivation of crops, especially coffee. The western part was almost sterile. It was deserted after most of the people who had lived there left in fear of

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221 belligerant Amerindians. There were no more than five inhabited places along the Marud igarape in 1823. There were some inhabitants along the Acarahi River, all within one and a half hours of travel time from its mouth. Timber in the district was in short supply, except for three types: Itaiaba, Acapu, and Acariuba, which were used to construct homes. Fish were abundant. The Acarahi River supported seven kinds of fish and shrimp. In the winter, there were some turtles, manatee, and pirarucu. In the Marua igarape there were piranhas and ten types of edible fish and shrimp. The method of fishing was with a trap ( anzol ) The inhabitants said that an anzol placed in a pool in front of the Dutch fort always caught fish. Along the Acarahi River also were good prospects for hunting; tapir, pigs, and other game abounded. Veiros' sister town, Pombal, presented a picture similar to that of Veiros. There were, however, slaves in Pombal. But, like Veiros, most hearths were located outside the town, in the district. There was a lack of distinguished people and landowners in Pombal, too. In all, there were 867 people living in Pombal in 1823. Pombal constitutes the only exception to the pattern repeated in the other towns, in that Pombal s population stated in the summary lists exceeded that of the nominal listing. Perhaps slaves had been left out of the nominal listing there. Results from the 1823 census are shown in Tables 5.14 and 5.15.

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222 Table 5.14. Pombal Marital Condition Married Men Married Women Widowers Widows Single Men Single Women Male Children Female Children Nominally Listed Population, 1823. Niomber 118 126 7 36 38 116 218 204 Age Range 17 to 78 years 15 to 60 years 31 to 80 years 27 to 83 years 16 to 38 years 14 to 65 years 1 mo to 15 years 1 mo to 13 years Source: Codex 1002, BAPP. Table 5.15. Category Free Cafusos Curibocas Mulattoes Amerindians Mamelucos Whites Subtotals Slave Blacks 3 Cafusos Subtotals 3 Totals 384 Source: Codex 100 2, BAPP, Pombal: Free and Slave Populations, Including Whites, 1823. Males 3 18 8 259 92 1 381 Females 3 15 6 370 84 478 4 1 5 483 Totals 6 33 14 629 176 1 859 7 1 8 867 There was a square ( praya ) in Pombal, adjoining the church, which had a thatched roof. The town had nine

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223 houses and 13 huts ( tujupares ) all thatched. The town hall was in ruins. In the town were 28 hearths. Most people lived in the outlying district, where there were 95 hearths, making a total of 123 in the jurisdiction. The town council consisted of two judges, three town councilmen, one public prosecutor or defender, one caretaker, and one clerk. The clerk definitely was not paid, and no salaries were mentioned for the others. In the statement of origins, there was no mention of the former mission village, only that the town was created in 1758. The eastern limits of the jurisdiction extended from the Maxipana River to the Maxuaispora River; along the west, the border ran from the Piri River to the Omarituba River. One priest was assigned to Pombal, but there were no brotherhoods. The patron saint, John the Baptist, was celebrated on June 24. Other festivals were sometimes organized for Our Lady of the Rosary (Nossa Senhora do Ros^rio) St. Thomas (Sao Tome), and for Christmas, St. Benedict (Sao Benedito) was feasted. No inhabitant of Pombal was distinguished in civil, military, or church service. There were no teachers in the village or in the district. There were supposed to be two companies of light infantry stationed in Pombal, each with 52 soldiers. No lands were demarcated; there were no commercial farmers or businessmen. Everyone worked to produce as much manioc flour as possible to barter for the goods they wanted. They traded manioc flour and any

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224 available extractive forest products for items such as cotton cloth, ironware, gun powder, and dry goods, which came from Gurupa, Mazagao, or Macapa. A great deal more manioc flour would have been available for barter if the fabrication of aguardente from sweet manioc had been prohibited. The only income for the town hall was from the contract for aguardente, auctioned for 120$000 for a three-year period. Most of the money went into making the aguardente and repairing the canoes of the diligence, which were paddled by the Amerindians (gente) The land was good for planting manioc and coffee. Manioc was planted in the summer season. Coffee and clove arrived from the district of Souzel, upriver to the south. There was tabatinga (a clay good for making pottery) in Pombal. In the entire district, there were no more than eight head of cattle; none had been sold since two cows were butchered in 1819. On an island in the district, Paracajura, the only usable wood was estopa. In adjacent waters there were seven types of fish including pirarucu. Near the town there were five types of lumber trees, including acapu and Brazil nut trees (castanheiros) Houses were made from acapu or acariuba. On the Maxuaca River and a small inlet ( brayo furu merim) there existed all kinds of timber. The inhabitants had not moved there, even though the land was good; this was due to the presence of uncontacted Amerindians ( gentio ) and fugitives. There abounded fish including piracuru, manatee, turtles, and tortoises. Fishing was done with

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225 harpoons traps and arrows Timbo also was used to harvest fish. Game in the area included pigs, tapirs, and deer. Dogs, arrows, and firearms were used in hunting. The number of inhabitants in Souzel in 1823 fell between that of Veiros and Pombal. There were 762 people, only three of whom were slaves. l^Thites appeared in the summary information with other racial categories. There were another 81 people, probably whites, who did not appear in the summary, but were included in the nominal listing. The results are shown in Tables 5.16 and 5.17. Table 5.16. Souzel: Nominally Listed Population, 182 Marital Condition Number Age Range Married Men 107 17 to 66 years Married Women 118 14 to 80 years Widowers 11 25 to 80 years Widows 48 19 to 90 years Single men 37 15 to 55 years Single Women 104 13 to 50 years Male Children 188 1 mo to 14 years Female Children 149 1 mo to 14 years Source: Codex 1002, BAPP. All 81 people not included in the summary statements were women. Most of 762 people living in the administrative area of Souzel subsisted outside the village where there were 9 6 hearths. In the village, which had two streets, there were only 2 0 hearths. The homes were widely spaced along the streets, all of them, the ten houses ( intujuen das ) and the 14 huts, were in bad condition.

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226 Table 5.17. Souzel: Free and Slave Populations, Including Whites, 1823. Category Males Females Total Free Cafusos 27 24 51 Coribocas 59 63 122 Amerindians 199 200 399 Mamelucos 50 50 100 Whites 6-6 Subtotals 341 337 678 Slave Blacks 112 Mulattoes 1-1 Subtotals 2 13 Totals: 343 338 681 Source: Codex 1002, BAPP. The church was the only building with a tiled roof. The old Jesuit residence was divided between the vicar and the widow of Captain Indcio Leal and her family. The Captain had bought the residence. There was only one priest for the whole district. The patron saint was St. Francis Xavier who was celebrated during Christmas time. St. Anne (Santa Ana) was feasted on her day, and Our Lady of the Rosary (Nossa Senhora do Rosario) sometime after Christmas The town council consisted of 11 people: the president, one substitute for the president, three councilmen, one public prosecutor or defender, two judges, one caretaker, one constable, and one clerk who worked without pay.

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227 There was no information about salaries for the other positions. Only four books existed in the town hall's archives. Books from the time of the extinct directorate could not be read, because termites had destroyed them. There was no information concerning the boundaries of the village or who established them. No teacher had been in the village, nor was there anyone distinguished in civil, military, or church service. Inhabitants of Souzel reported that there were two companies of militia of the second line, with 78 soldiers each, stationed in the district of Gurupa. The only income disclosed was from the contract for aguardente. Alexandre Froes received the contract by auction for 120$000, covering the three-year period beginning in 1822. Yearly expenses could not be calculated since there were so many diligencias needed to bring the people (gente) to work and to the distillery. Most of the manioc went to making aguardente. If the production of aguardente were prohibited, there would be more manioc flour, according to the report. Clay existed in the district: white and red ( taba tinga ) and yellow and red ( teua ) There was clove and some sarsaparilla. Manioc and corn planting customarily was done in the summer. Some of the clove was sold in the district and some of it was sent to Bel^m. The inhabitants exchanged manioc flour, coffee, and clove for ironware, cotton, and cloth which came from Gurup^, Macapa, and Mazagao.

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228 The district contained good pasture land, but there were no ranches. On one stream, the Ari, the widow of InScio Leal kept some cattle. The cattle could have reproduced, and multiplied, if the people did not kill them with arrows. The cattle roamed the area and ate planted crops. Occasionally, the widow sold cattle to inhabitants of the district. The western part of the district, where the town was located, contained high hills and knolls, which were not easy to climb. At the higher levels, there were many ants. On the other side of the river, the eastern part of the district, some inhabitants had planted coffee and manioc, there was a settled site on the Croata River. The river contained at least five types of fish. Another large stream on the east bank of the Xingu, the Arapari, had all the kinds of fish mentioned for the Croats, plus manatee, pirarucu, turtles, tortoises, and acambeuas (another species of turtle which was common in the Xingu area) The inhabitants used the fat of the turtles, tortoises, and acambeuas to fuel lamps for illumination. The territory south of the Arapari was uninhabited until the islands and the rapids began. On the village side of the river, another tributary, the Turucui was identified as navigable by igarite for one day. The hills and knolls came to a stop there. No one owned lands which they cultivated in Souzel. Everyone worked for subsistence. Nearly all inhabitants gathered clove upriver along the Xingu and

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229 along the other rivers of the district. Game was plentiful: pigs, peccaries, tapirs, and deer were hunted with arrows firearms and dogs Many types of trees were identified in the district. Among the seven mentioned were acapu and acariquara, used by the people for constructing homes. The land along the Tucurui creek contained the building woods and angel im piquia itauba, plus clove, sarsaparilla and capiranga dye used for tinting clothes Other dyes found in the district were mururipe and arucina. The reports for Souzel, Pombal, and Veiros were signed by the same three officials: the vicar. Father Jose de Nossa Senhora dos Prazeres ; Captain Bernandino Fernandes da Gama; and Manuel Antonio Cardoso. Lieutenant Joaquim 12 Alves' name appeared twice. Despite the abolition of the directorate in 1799, inhabitants of these three towns — Souzel, Pombal and Veiros — participated in the Servi9o Real Nacional, or royal national service. In all, 36 men from the villages were active in the royal national service in 1823. Half came from Souzel: 14 married men and four bachelors. Pombal 's population contributed 14 in all, 11 married and three single. Four bachelors from Veiros also were in the royal national service. No one from the other villages was recorded doing service. The organization of the 1823 census differed greatly from that of those taken in the eighteenth century. Although some of the inhabitants were groups by racial categories.

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230 they were also included among divisions according to family status. Since individual ages were given in the nominal listing, some perceptions about length of childhood and some inferences about lifespan were possible. The limits for children's ages varied from place to place. The age at which boyhood was considered to end ranged from 11 to 15. The end of girlhood spanned a wider range, from 11 to 18. By comparing the ages of the younger married women with those of the older girls, an average age signalling the end of girlhood in the area can be estimated. The younger age-range for married women went from 13 to 25; the most often-repeated age was 14. For the end of girlhood, the modal age was 11, repeated three times, 13 appeared twice. The highest ages for younger married women and the end of girlhood, 25 and 18, respectively, both appeared in Boa Vista. Boa Vista, due to its unique inception, presented 14 a case apart from the rest of the area. On the whole, girlhood was over by 12 or 13. At the youngest, women could be married at 13 years, though 14 was more usual. Boyhood presented a smaller range, from 11 to 15 years for its termination. Also, the span for younger ages at marriage for men was smaller than that for women, from 14 to 23. There was no one modal age for either end of boyhood or younger men's marriage. Boyhood ended between 13 and 15 years of age. By sixteen, men could marry, although 14 was the youngest age, presented once (in Vilarinho do Monte) On the whole, there was a difference of about two

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231 years between end of boyhood and girlhood, and the same for age of marriage for the sexes. In both cases, males were approximately two years older than the females. A difference in lifespan can be noted between men and women in the area's population from 1789 to 1823. The total population reported for the area in 1789 was 3,657 people. There were 1,702 men and 1,955 women. Out of the total, 234 people were reportedly over 60 years of age, or 6.40% of the population. Of those 234 people, 71 were men and 163 were women. Therefore, just 4.17% of the males alive in 1789 were over 60 years of age, and 8.34% of the females. In 1797, 3,654 people were counted in the census: 1,682 men and 1,972 women. Those over 60 years of age in 1797 numbered 225 people. Of these, 72 were men and 153 were women. This proportion together represented 6.16% of the total reported population, slightly less than in the previous census. The proportion of males over 60 years was 4.28%, and the proportion of females, 7.76%. The proportions had changed slightly during the years between these two population counts: more men were living longer, and fewer women By 1823, the total population reported was 4,084 people. Among them were 1,864 men and 2,220 women. There were 156 people noted who were older than 60 years. They represented 3.82% of the whole population. Among the people over 60 were 83 men and 73 women. That is, 4.45% of the male population was over 60, and only 3.29% of the females, in 1823.

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While the proportion of men living past 60 seemed to rise, that of women apparently fell substantially between 1797 and 1823. Reasons for this could be found perhaps in daily living conditions, changing patterns of work, or in changed perceptions concerning age. During the months this census was carried out, June through September 1823, conditions definitely deteriorated in Belem. On July 14, the prisoners taken during the April uprising were shipped to Portugal. The next day, news reached Belem via a brig from Gibraltar about the dissolution of the Portuguese parliament "^^ The northern provinces of Brazil, Maranhao and Para, with the southernmost province, the Banda Oriental, were the only holdouts to Brazilian independence. Moura's position in Belem was further threatened by the Brazilian interception of Portuguese orders concerning 1 6 reinforcements that were to be sent to Maranhao. The instructions were intercepted by Thomas Lord Cochrane, a British seafarer, who was serving the Brazilian Empire. In late July, Cochrane succeeded in taking Maranhao and inducing the citizens there to accept the new national government. He sent Captain John Pascoe Grenfell to Para 1 7 to induce adherence to independence there. Grenfell arrived in Belem on August 10, in one brig, the Pom Miguel with 96 men, flying the colors of Dom Pedro's government. He intimated that the rest of the ships of Lord Cochrane 's squadrom were following behind him. Most of the inhabitants accepted Grenfell 's authority and independence was proclaimed

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in Belem on August 15. The town councils of the interior accepted independence at later dates as the news reached them. Moura was arrested and deported to Lisbon. Grenfell authorized the formation of a provisional government, or junta, of which Batista Campos became president. Troubles continued, however, between natives and Portuguese troops and merchants. In mid-October, violent clashes erupted and Batista Campos, unable to maintain control, requested Grenfell 's aid. Grenfell stepped in and shot five military officers who had served with Moura and were considered to be the ringleaders of the uprising. Other participants, civilians and soldiers, were imprisoned. Batista Campos requested space on board one of the ships under Grenfell (Grenfell had appropriated several merchantmen) 19 to house 200 prisoners. More than 150 prisoners were crammed into the hold of the prison-ship, the Palha£0, on October 20. All exits were closed to the hold; no food was given the prisoners, but salt water was poured over the imprisoned men. Two days later when the hold was opened, there were at least 250 dead men. Three more died that day, and the only sur20 vivor, an 18 year old, died two months later. Batista Campos was arrested, charged with responsibility for the deaths of the prisoners, and sent to Rio de Janeiro by Grenfell. At the Santa Cruz prison, Batista Campos defended himself so well that not only was he given

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234 his freedom, but he also was awarded the decoration of the Cavaleiro da Ordem de Cristo. He returned to Belem in August 1824. Grenfell remained in ParS until March or April of 1824, leaving after the arrival of the new governor of Para, Colonel Jos^ Araugo Roso. Roso's father was Portuguese, and the colonel was said to be lukewarm towards independence. Coincidental to Batista Campos' return to Belem, there were uprisings against Roso in Turia9u and Bragan^a, and a military commander was murdered. Roso accused Batista Campos of plotting both uprisings and the murder. Once again he was arrested and shipped to Rio de Janeiro. This time, along with absolution, Batista Campos received the Ordem do Cruzeiro and was named chief priest ( arcipreste ) of 22 Bel^m's cathedral. He took office on August 1, 1826. The situation in Beldm and generally in Para continued turbulent for many years. The first representatives elected from Par^ went to Rio de Janeiro to take their seats in the first Imperial Parliament in 1826. Governors named by the central government made attempts to implement imperial directives and legislation, but never seemed to satisfy the inhabitants of Par^. In October 1828, a law was passed for reorganizing the municipalities. The condition of Gurup^ prior to the reorganization was described by an Englishman who visited the town in April 182 8, on his way from the Pacific coast of Peru to the Atlantic coast of Para via the Amazon River.

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235 Henry Lister Maw, a lieutenant in the Royal Navy, traveled on a 25 ton ship with a crew including a pilot or helmsman, six Amerindians, one black slave, and an Amerindian boy to do the cooking. In Santar^m, he fell athwart the authorities and was briefly imprisoned. On a Friday morning, April 4, he passed what he believed to be the mouth of the Xingu River. That afternoon he arrived in Gurupa, "one of the oldest stations or settlements in 23 this part of Brazil." After he anchored in a small bay, an official came off the point of the settlement in a canoe to review passports and the ship's papers. Once the visitors landed, the papers were countersigned by the commander. The paperwork took some time and while they were waiting, the commander lent Maw and his helmsman a Portuguese translation of a speech 24 by Mr. William Pitt. The speech concerned the advisability of removing the Portuguese royal family to Brazil during the Napoleonic Wars. The Maranon or Amazon River was mentioned in the speech, which, according to Maw, was considered extraordinary and admired by the people in the 25 area. Maw described Gurupa as consisting of "one long street running parallel to the river; several of the houses are 2 6 shaded by orange trees." He gave no more details, saying only that the town's appearance indicated that it was not flourishing, though it had been considered an important 27 place. Maw made no connection between the trouble he had

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236 experienced in Santar^m and the general turmoil in Par^ at the time Before the mandated municipal reorganization could be carried out in Gurupa and the Xingu, there was a change in the national government. In April 1831, Dom Pedro I abdicated and a regency was established to rule in the name of his five-year-old son, Dom Pedro II. In August, the National Guard was created. This police force was placed at the disposition of the landed classes to maintain local power. The army was retained to deal with dissident 2 8 movements on a national scale. The first governor nominated by the Regency to rule in Para, however, stayed in power only 18 days. The "party of the rich, the conservatives and the restorationists the Caramurus — then in control of the Bel^m municipal government — suspected the Visconde of Goiana of leanings toward the Filantropicos and plotted his removal. An attempt by Batista Campos to warn the Visconde of the intentions of the Caramurus failed when the latter intercepted his letter on August 7, 1831.^^ The Visconde was seized and sent back to Rio; Batista Campos' residential block was surrounded and searched, and he and his colleagues were sent to prison in the Upper Amazon Region. Batista Campos went to the prison of Sao Jose do Crato on the upper Madeira River; his colleagues, to that of Sao Jos^ de Marabitanas on the upper Negro River. All managed to escape, to the town of Juritim near 6bidos, where they established their headquarters. By early 1832,

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the municipal town councils of Obidos, Vila Franca, Faro, Alter do Chao, and Santarem recognized Batista as acting governor of the Province. Soon after, the troops on the Negro River, formerly loyal to the Caramurus killed their commander, allegedly due to lack of pay."^^ A new governor was appointed for Para by the government in Rio, but he never took office. The governordesignate, Desembargador Jos6 Mariani, declined the position after the Caramurus reacted with a gun battle against troops and Filantr6picos in which 25 Filantropicos and 31 70 Caramurus were reported killed. Despite the tangled political situation, some government work was accomplished. A provincial presidential report for 1833 indicated that Para had been organized into judicial districts (comarcas) In the judicial district of the Lower Amazon, eight municipalities ( termos ) — all of which were designated towns ( vilas ) — were included: Tapajoz (Santarem) Faro, Pauxis (6bidos) Franca, Monte Alegre, Macap^, Porto de Moz, and Gurupd. The town of Porto de Moz became the administrative center for the areas of Porto de Moz, Veiros, Pombal, and Souzel. The latter three became "places" ( lugares ) losing the designation of town. The town of Gurupd was in the same position for Gurupd, Carrazedo, Vilarinho do Monte, and Boa Vista. The last three also be32 came places. For Belem, a new governor was appointed, Dr. Bernardo Lobo de Sousa. He took office on October 21, 1833 and decreed

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238 a general amnesty. Lobo, a Free Mason, did not get along with Batista Campos, who was supported by the bishop, Dom Romualdo Seixas. In May of 18 34, Dom Romualdo delivered a sermon against the Masons. Lobo's subsequent attempts to discredit the bishop lost him support among the population. More opposition to Lobo arose with the imposition of forced recruitment. The Additional Act of 18 34 gave greater power to provincial governments and Lobo made use ^ 33 of It. While Lobo was attacking both Batista Campos and the bishop, a newspaper, Sentinela Maranhense na Guarita do Pari (The Sentinel of Maranhao in the Sentry-box of Para) edited by Vicente Ferreira Lavor Papagaio, got two editions out. The paper was pro-Filantr6pico and Lobo ordered its press destroyed. The Filantr6pico editor fled to the farm of a friend, Felix Clemente Malcher, on the Acara River. Batista Campos was there with various supporters when Lavor arrived. Among the supporters were Francisco and Antonio Vinagre, sons of a laborer from Acara. They were people who lived in huts or cabins ( cabanas ) These were the type of participants giving the movement its name: the cabanagem 34 whose proponents were cabanos Lobo sent an expedition to rout the cabanos from Acara. In taking recruits, the military impressed Eduardo Francisco Nogueira, a laborer dedicated to Batista Campos. He was one of the 20 soldiers sent with Colonel Jose Maria Nabuco de Aratijo to Acar^. Along the way, the force was surprised

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239 by a group of 50 cabanos led by Antonio Vinagre and some brothers by the name of Angelim. The cabanos shot and killed two sentries in the attack and took the other prisoner, except for the colonel who was killed, either by Eduardo Angelim or by Nogueira."^^ A second, more powerful expedition was organized at the end of October 1834. It was under the double command of Navy Captain James Inglis and Colonel Manoel Sebastiao de Melo Marinho Falcao. There were 300 army and navy men on the brig Cacique, the schooner, Maria, and three launches. After contact with the cabanos. Colonel Falcao was dead, along with two of his soldiers, and ten of his men were wounded. The expedition was reorganized under the command of Major Monte Roso. Vlhen the force reached Malcher's farm, they found it deserted; everything except the chapel was 3 6 reduced to ashes. Six days later, on November 3, the government troops found Malcher and his son, Aniceto, in a hut. They were imprisoned. Another Vinagre, Manuel, was killed as he was bringing food to the Malchers. Lobo was most eager to capture or kill Batista Campos. On November 19, he entrusted this mission to Lieutenant Joao Luis de Castro. The lieutenant proceeded to a farm in the district of Igarape Miri, Batista Campos' hiding place. Batista Campos was warned and fled to another farm in the district of Barcarena. He escaped capture, but died there, from an infected cut on New Year's Eve, 1834.^^

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240 Events in Par^ were mostly of regional interest. Even published provincial reports by appointed governors received little attention in the imperial capital. The report of judicial reorganization concerning Par^ in 1833 evidently had not been perused by the compiler of the list of town councils in Brazil in December 1834 in Rio de Janeiro; the divisions established in Pari in 1833 were not mentioned. The district of the Lower Amazon received no attention and, furthermore, Porto de Moz was not men38 tioned among the towns, although Souzel was. January 18 35 brought the cabanos into Belem. They took power with violence, killing Lobo, James Inglis, and others. Lobo's body was displayed by the Bay of GuajarS. Felix Clemente Malcher was freed from prison and declared 39 president of the province. But after 42 days of bloody battles, Malcher was deposed, imprisoned and murdered. Francisco Vinagre took over the presidency of the province and lasted four months. Vinagre, who was 23 at the time, and Eduardo Angelim, 21, together had taken about one week to raise six thousand men who took over the provincial government for the cabano cause. Orders from the Imperial Government arrived instructing Angelo Custodio Correia to assume the presidency of the province. Angelo Custodio had been the most voted for deputy in Par^ in 1834 and served as vice-president under Lobo. From Gamete, he had held the nationally recognized government together. After receiving the imperial instructions.

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241 he went to Bel^m, where he formally took office. But then, on May 15, 18 35, he returned to Cameta, moving the 41 provincial capital to that more secure location. On June 20, a new provincial president, appointed by the imperial government arrived in Bel^m with an official committee. The new president. Marshal Manuel Jorge Rodrigues, took office on July 25. He disembarked 400 mean at Belem and created a military organization in the city called the Volunteers of Pedro II. Francisco Vinagre turned over the government to Rodrigues and the Marshal counted on the cabano troops loyal to Vinagre. He made the mistake of imprisoning Francisco Vinagre, however. On August 14, Antonio Vinagre and the Angelim brothers invaded Beldm with thousands of cabanos. There followed nine days of fire and bloodshed. Antonio Vinagre died as well as the son of the Marshal, Captain Jorge Rodrigues. The Marshal fled to Tatuoca, an island off the coast of Belem. He left behind a detachment of soldiers stationed in the Church of Carmel (Igreja do Carmo) but took as hostages some members of the family of Eduardo Angelim. From Tatuoca, he ordered the bombardment of Belem and attempted to 42 blockade the city. Eduardo Angelim assumed control of the provincial government in Belem on August 24, 1835. Angelo Custddio remained in Cameta, in Rio. Marshal Rodrigues remained on Tatuoca. Eduardo Angelim requested the bishop, Romualdo Seixas to intervene on behalf of the hostages held there:

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242 his wife, Luisa Clara, two sisters, and his ten-year-old brother, Francisco. The bishop's emissary. Canon Severino Machado returned with only Luisa Clara. The bishop also interceded on behalf of the troops left behind by Rodrigues in the Carmel Church. They were being attacked and there was indiscriminate killing of soldiers and officers. He also spoke against the sacking of Portuguese shops and 43 homes in Bel6m. The rebel governorship of Eduardo Angelim was beset by troubles. In Bel^m, he ordered the execution of a major who had imprisoned a canon and allegedly planned to boil the clergyman in oil. Another executed was a civilian who had strangled two women: one Brazilian, one Portuguese. Outside Belem, Rodrigues remained in Tatuoca. In March 1836, three English war ships arrived in Belem to demand Angelim' s surrender. They were under the command of Admiral Strong, who had stopped first at Tatuoca and spoken to Rodrigues. A year earlier, during Malcher's administration, the English ship Clio had been sacked. The ship had been loaded with arms and munition, which were taken by the looters, who also killed the crew. This occurred off the Atlantic coast of Para near the town of Salinas. Angelim told Strong that he considered the episode lamentable, but closed. He authorized the Admiral to verify what he could in the towns of Vigia, Cintra (Maracana) and Salinas. During his administration, Angelim created new companies of troops, organized a secret service, and furnished vaccine

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243 for distribution to the public. There had been a small44 pox epidemic in Belem and many died. The mediator during the troubled times of the cabanagem in Para was the bishop, Dom Romualdo Seixas, who tried to secure the well-being of all. He intervened for Angelim's hostaged family; he did the same for the troops in the Carmel Church; and, he even tried to protect the property of Portuguese citizens in Belem. Above all, he opposed the Imperial Regent, Father Diogo Antonio Feijo, who controlled Brazilian policy from 1835 to 1837. Seixas upheld clerical celibacy, the right of the Holy See to nominate Bishops and Archbishops and exemption from public service for prelates — positions contrary to those held by Feijo. His opposition to Feijo could have been the cause of the fierce repression of the cabano movement which began in 45 1836.^^ Feij6's government was confronted with two serious separatist movements : the Cabanagem in Para and the Farroupilha Revolt in the southern province of Rio Grande do Sul. The Farroupilhas waged bloody civil war, accepting foreign aid for ten years. Father Feijo was accused of being soft on the Farroupilhas while sparing no effort to crush the Cabanos. The Farroupilha rebels received amnesty (after Feijd left office) while those of the Cabanagen were sentenced to ten years imprisonment on the Island of Fernando de Noronha.'^^

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244 If Maw had been unaware of the political troubles in Para in 1828, by 1835, other voyagers were quite cognizant. Lieutenant W. Smyth and Mr. F. Lowe sought navigable passages by way of three rivers from Peru to the Atlantic, including the Amazon River. One place they stopped was Santarem, one of the largest towns to the west of GurupS. There they found a community of Jews who had travelled up the Tapajos River and brought back considerable amounts of gold-dust and diamonds. The diamonds, found near the headwaters of the Tapaj6s, brought the most profit. Beef was available in great quantities at Santarem. It was the first time the Englishmen had tasted beef in eight months of travel. The post was excellent with many ships tied up there, including a Brazilian war schooner. On their trip down the Amazon River, the two had been warned of the risky state of affairs in Pard. They were told that the Amerindians were murdering all Europeans, but they decided to proceed with their trip anyway. On their journey from Santarem to Gurupa the only incident of note concerned a large tree which fell into the river near their vessel; if it had fallen on it, the vessel would have sunk. In Gurup^, they stayed only long enough to procure fresh supplies for themselves and the eagle and ocelot they had obtained during their trip. They purchased a goat and a sheep for all to share. The only indication of their awareness of the Xingu River was their noting a greater width of the river a few leagues before reaching Gurupa.

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245 Besides obtaining provisions, they noted that Gurupa was the first place at which they felt the efforts of the tide. Eight days after leaving Gurupa, they arrived in Belem, where there were frequent assassinations and it was not safe to walk the streets after dark. Many Brazilians and Portuguese had fled the city. Some of those who did not, sought asylum in the houses of Englishmen and Ameri47 cans The general anarchy which had divided Para came to an end in 1836. The arrival of Marshal Rodrigues replacement. General Francisco Jose Scares de Andrea, signified the beginning of the end for the cabanos Notes 1. Francisco Jose de Souza Scares d' Andrea, Pis curs o com que o Presidente da Provincia do Par^ Fez a Abertura da Sessao da Assemblea Provincial no Dia 2 de Maryo de 1838 ( Bel^m : Typographia Restaurada de Santos e Santos menor, /T8387) p. 8; Jeronimo Francisco Coelho, Falla Dirigida pelo ExTO Snr Conselheiro Jeronimo Francisco Coelho Presi dente da Provincia do Gram-Para a Assemblea Legislativa Provincial na Abertura da Sessao Ordinaria da Sexta Legis latura No Dia 1 de Outubro de 1848 ( Belem Par^, Typ. Santos e Filhos, 1848, p. 40; Ricardo Borges Vultos Nota veis do Para (Belem: Conselho Estadual de Cultura, 1970) p. 51. 2. Borges, op. cit pp. 27, 51. 3. Problema de seguranca das estradas infestadas de salteadores e ciganos, 1822, Codex 807, VII, ANRJ. 4. Borges, op. cit pp. 35, 36. 5. Ibid., pp. 74-6. 6. Ibid. pp. 36, 75-6, 78-9. 7. Ibid. pp. 38, 39.

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246 8. Ibid pp. 39, 41, 51. 9. Estatisticas de Popula9ao, Rela96es Descritivas dos lugares e vilas do Para no ano 1823, Codex 1002, BAPP, provides all information concerning the 1823 census. 10. Ibid both received 6$000 per year. 11. Ibid. the name of the ranch was Acajutuba; the owner's name was not given. 12. Ibid 13. Ibid 14. Boa Vista did not appear in reports concerning mission populations. Its establishment was probably the result of the efforts of a Portuguese, Luis Pereira. In 170 8 he received authorization to descend Amerindians from the Amazon River and to found a settlement with whites on the Xingu River. Since this did not represent a government or missionary sponsored attempt at colonization. Boa Vista appears to have been neglected generally in official correspondence. Age at marriage apparently followed a European pattern, even in 1823, when people considered white composed only 19.18% of Boa Vista's population. 15. Barata, op. cit p. 18. 16. John Armitage, The History of Brazil, from the period of the arrival of the Braganza family in 1808, to the abdication of Don Pedro the First in 1831 2 vols. (London Smith, Elder and Co., 1836), I, 105. 17. Ibid p. 106; Borges op. cit pp. 41, 52. 18. Armitage, op. cit pp. 106-107; Borges, op. cit pp. 41, 52. 19. Armitage, op. cit p. 10 7; Borges, op. cit., pp. 41, 53. 20. Armitage, op. cit pp. 107-8; Borges, op. cit ., pp. 29, 42, 53, 129. 21. Borges, op. cit pp. 41, 42. 22. Ibid pp. 29, 42-3. 23. Henry Lister Maw, Lt. Royal Navy, Journal of a Passage from the Pacific to the Atlantic, Crossing the Andes in the Northern Provinces of Peru, and Descending the River Marahon, or Amazon (London; John Murray r printed by W. Clowes, 1829) p. 369.

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247 24. William Pitt, the Younger, English prime minister from 1783 to 1801, and May 1804 to January 1806. 25. Maw, op. cit pp. 369-70. 26. Ibid p. 370. 27. Coelho, op. cit p. 27. 28. Emilia Viotti da Costa, Da Monarquia ^ Republica ; momentos decisivos (SSo Paulol Livraria Editora Ciencias Humanas Ltda. 1972 2nd ed.), p. 12. 29. Borges, op. cit p. 44. 30. Ibid p. 45. 31. Ibid 32. Jos6 Joaquim Machado d'Oliveira, Relatorio do Presi dent da Provincia do Para em 3 de Dezembro de 18 33 ( Belem Paxil Na Typografia do Correio, 1833), Annexe 2, pp. 1-2. 33. Borges, op. cit p. 45; Viotti da Costa, op. cit p. 12 34. Borges, op. cit. pp. 46, 117, 118. Borges, p. 35 states that Batista Campos was born in Acara in 1782. 35. Borges, op. cit pp. 46, 118, 129. Although it is unclear, Eduardo Francisco Nogueira and Eduardo Angelim may well be the same person, Angelim' s father was Pedro Joao Nogueira. He and his wife, Maria Jose de Jesus, had fled a drought in the northeast of Brazil in 1825 or 1827. They brought their three sons: Geraldo, Manoel, and Eduardo. After living in Bel^m, the family moved to Acara where they worked for Felix Clemente Malcher (ibid. p. 115) 36. Ibid pp. 46, 118. 37. Ibid. 38. Rela9ao das Camaras do Brazil. Provincia do Para. Comarca do Pard. Cidades : Pard Beldm Villa: Bragan9a, Collares, Villa Vi90sa, Gurup5, Melga90, Santarem, Sousel, Alter do Chao, Villa Nova da Prainha, Borba, Villa Franca; and the Comarcas of the Rio Negro and Joanes and Marajo, on December 10, 1834, Codex 808, IV, ANRJ. 39. Borges, op. cit. pp. 119-20. 40. Ibid. pp. 89-90, 120.

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248 41. Ibid., pp. 120-22. 42. Ibid pp. 31, 89-90, 121-3. 43. Ibid pp. 123-4. The hull of the Clio was rediscovered on a beach near Salinas, Para in 1983. Some pieces of armament were still attached. 44. Borges op. cit pp. 31, 55. 45. Borges, op. cit pp. 129-30. 46. Lieutenant W. Smyth and Mr. F. Lowe (Late of H.M.S Samarang ) Narrative of a Journey from Lima to Para, across the Andes and down the Amazon: undertaken with a view of ascertaining the practicability of a navigable communication with the Atlantic by the Rivers Pachitea, Ucayali, and Amazon (London: John Murray, printed by William Clowes and Sons, 1836), pp. 298-303.

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CHAPTER VI IMPERIAL CONSOLIDATION, 1836-1853 Scares de Andrea arrived in the Amazon in March 1836. The government maintained by Marshal Rodrigues was transferred to the Island of Arapiranga, in the estuary of the Moju-Guama Rivers giving access to Belem. Scares de Andrea divided his forces between this island and that of Cotijuba. With him were nine war ships and about 2000 men, including 400 inmates of prisons from the southern part of Brazil. He insisted on an immediate and complete surrender by the Cabanos to the Imperial Government.'^ Angelim sought the advice of Bishop Seixas. After listening to the bishop on the desirability of avoiding further bloodshed, he proposed the peaceful surrender of Belem pending a general amnesty. Andrea responded that he had no authority to grant amnesty and insisted on unconditional surrender, after which he promised to intervene with the imperial government on behalf of the Cabanos. Angelim went to Carapijo farm, located on the Guam^ River, where he and his principal supporters agreed to the peaceful surrender of Belem, on condition that the Cabanos be allowed to eva2 cuate Belem without hindrance. This condition was not met. The Cabanos' evacuation was accomplished by numerous canoes 249

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250 and small boats which had to run a gauntlet of the Imperial squadron's bombardment in order to reach their refuge at Acara. Bishop Seixas tried to intervene, but was unable to prevent the slaughter, in April 1836. Scares de Andrea's arrival in Belem put an end to the multiple governments in Par^. Angelo Custodio recognized Scares de Andrea's authority on May 13, 1836. With the evacuation of Angelim and the Cabanos and the retirement of Rodrigues, finally there was only one provincial governor m Para. A year passed before an accounting of the affair by Scares de Andrea was published. He chose not to describe in detail the horrors of the civil strife, in which "barbarity seemed to want to devour in one gulp all existing civilization." It was not that he wished to spare anyone, but that he felt all survivors had been witnesses or vic4 tims of the evil doings perpetrated. He proceeded to recap the major casualties and losses. "With the exception of the town of Cameta, the parish of Abaetd, the garrison at Macap^ and of the towns and small settlements of the Xingu River, apparently no other parts of this vast province escaped the fury of the malcontents;" most of the sugar mills and ranches had been destroyed; the slaves were dispersed or dead; the cattle raised for food had been eaten; and the seeds for the most ordinary and necessary foodstuffs had been destroyed. Scares de Andrea said that there were districts in which not one white man

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251 was left living. Everywhere, the lack of population was felt, in all classes.^ The National Guard had been disbanded in the province; Police Guards were substituting for them. An expedition was sent along the Amazon River, to cover the upper and lower courses, under the command of Lieutenant Joaquim Jose Luis de Sousa. As much as Soares de Andrea tried to put his province in order, events conspired to throw obstacles in his way. While Par^ was beginning to recover from years of disruptions, fighting, and assassination, the neighboring province of Maranhao entered a period of civil war known as the Balaiada. Numerous quilombos or mocambos were formed in the hinterlands between the two provinces. While agriculture began to collapse in Maranhao, due to lack of laborers, it began to recover in Para. Laborers were sought from contraband slave-traders from Maranhao and Cear^, and the Paraense authorities attempted to recapture fugitives in their settlements.^ Another measure to stabilize the population was taken with the passage of Provincial Law #2 on April 26, 1839, which created a Workers' Corps. The corps was to be under the direction of military commanders stationed throughout the province. The commanders had received a series of instructions in 1837 which basically outlined procedures to deal with remnants of the Cabano movement in the interior. Vagabonds and strangers who did not seek employment were to be imprisoned and sent to Bel€m; women who troubled

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252 public order were to be entrusted to the Justice of the Peace and set to work at some public project.^ A Police Guard was to be formed from all men capable of bearing arms, between 15 and 50 years of age. Officers were to be chosen from the most well-to-do-people. One of the duties of these Guards was to explore and reconnoiter surrounding areas to determine if rebels still lurked in the province. Rural inhabitants were to be used as guides and to point out suspected rebels. Any rebels who refused to surrender their arms or resisted capture were to be killed. Nothing was to be done to the families of fugitive rebels. Their persons and belongings were to be left alone, except that any war materiel discovered was to be confiscated and considered state property. Fugitives' families were to be requested to use persuasion with their relatives in hiding to induce them to give up resistance. Those captured rebels known to be malicious would be imprisoned. All others, after being disarmed, were to be employed in public works under the supervision of reliable citizens. o The workers were not allowed to carry arms. The Seventh Military Command had not been firmly established by the time the Workers' Corps were created. The headquarters were supposed to be at either Gurupa or Porto de Moz. The military commanders were responsible for both the Police Guards and the Workers Corps The Workers Corps was composed of Amerindians, mesti90S, and free or freed blacks who were landless or without consistent

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253 employment. More specifically, they were to be men between the ages of 15 and 50 and chosen with reference to their marital state. Those liable for enlistment in the Workers' Corps were, in descending order of preference, men who had abandoned their families, single men, widowers without children, married men without children, married men with children, and widowers with children. The Workers' Corps was to be used for public works' projects which were 9 supposed to be completed in from two weeks to three months. There were rumors of rebel activity throughout the province. Inhabitants in the neighboring province to the south, Mato Grosso, supported a rebellion in the city of Cuiaba. Reasons for this, according to Scares de Andrea, were that some people considered mixed bloods ( tapuios and cafuzes) given to robbery and murder, were themselves unhappy victims of persecution by political parties or systems. He was concerned about the occasional appearance of some canoes with suspicious people near Gurupa and Breves. He urged more combined water and land expeditions to flush the remaining Cabanos out of hiding, compelling them to return to their homes or to leave for places where they were not known as rebels. '^^ Besides the remaining rebels in the province, there were other problems to bother Scares de Andrea. Along the upper reaches of the Branco River, a tributary to the Negro River, an English missionary appeared with the intention of converting Amerindians living there. Scares de Andrea was

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254 not pleased. By August of 1839, there were more details about the missionary, a Lutheran called F. Jowd, according to the provincial report. He was involved in converting Amerindians of the Macuxis and Uapixana groups, teaching them to read and write and to build houses. He had managed to gather about him some 6 00 Amerindians Amerindians in the province as a whole concerned Provincial President Bernardo de Sousa Franco, who took over 12 from Scares de Andrea in April 18 39. He noted that there were reports of industrious Amerindians at the headwaters of the Xingu River, who cultivated cotton and gathered other goods from the forest. He wanted to send a missionary there to bring these Amerindians into the fold of the Catholic Church and civil society. He requested authorization and financing from the Imperial Government to do this. Sousa Franco also was concerned with commerce and foreign penetration in the markets of the interior of the province. A tax of 100$000 each year was charged on traveling salesmen. Sousa Franco thought it much too high and suggested cutting it in half. The full tax should fall on foreigners, who were legally prohibited from trading in the domestic market ( cabotagem ) but who circumvented the prohibition by registering their canoes in Brazilians' names. The major part of the canoes carrying merchandise for sale to the interior ( regatoes ) were actually ov/ned by foreigners. Nationals of countries having trade agreements with Brazil were exempt from the tax. The treaty countries included Portugal,

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255 Britain, Belgium, Holland, Denmark, and the United States of America. All others, Brazilians as well as foreigners, 14 were subject to the tax, which Sousa Franco thought unfaxr. There were still reports of Cabanos near Breves, and the French colony in northern Amap^ was harboring some. As yet, there was no attempt to take a census of the population in the interior, though some estimates were made for Bel^m's population. By one accounting, there were 9,052 people in Bel^m in 1839, consisting of 6,613 free and 2,439 slave. Sousa Franco estimated a population of 13,319. There had been an enumeration of only the adult free population of Belem and Maraj6 Island in 1816, which was 19,136. While direct comparison is impossible, there obviously was a decline between 1816 and 18 39. Other calculations included population estimated for the entire Lower Amazon. For 1819, a total of 123,901 people had been given; by 1839, the estimated total fell to 30,020, indicating a dramatic decrease during the 20 years which included the worst of the Cabanagem. The provincial president in 1840, Joao Antdnio de Miranda, emphasized the importance of an adequate population for the welfare of the state. In his opinion, the one province of the country most in need of people — i.e., a labor force — was Pard. Despite a near total lack of income from the municipal government in Belem, administrative reorganization and information gathering continued. The comarcas were reorganized and the new comarca for the Lower Amazon now included

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256 Macapl, Chaves, Porto de Moz, and Gurupa. The administra16 tive center was located in Macapa. Because of its location, Gurupa was considered to have significant potential in the region. Its condition and that of nearby towns and villages needed attention, if this potential was to be realized. The only jail in the town was the military prison connected with the fort, and was small and lacked security. Besides a new jail, Gurupa required the construction of docks to facilitate the loading and unloading of goods and people and there was no parish or place within the jurisdiction of Gurupa whose Church did not need repairs. No parish or place had the services of a full-time vicar or parish priest. There were three interim priests: Joaquim Gomes Ferreira de Melo Barauna in Gurupa; Manuel Maria d' Anunciapao in Porto de Moz; and Torquato Antonio de Sousa in Souzel. The other places in the area, Vilarinho do Monte, Carrazedo Veiros, and Pombal had no priests assigned to them. Public education presented a bleaker picture. There were only two towns with provisions for public schools: Porto de Moz and Gurup^. Gurupa 's teacher, Francisco de Paula Leitao, had an enrollment of 76 students in his school. There was no teacher for the school in Porto de Moz, however.''"^ From Souzel came complaints about the mistreatment of the Workers' Corps of Souzel and the Xingu River by its commander, Miguel Ant6nio Pinto Guimaraes. He was accused

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257 of using the workers illegally for his private benefit. An immediate suspension was suggested, which could be effected by the area's Military Commander at Gurup^. Whe1 8 ther Guimaraes was suspended or not was not indicated. The Xingu River was the site of one of five missions created by Provincial Law #76 on October 2, 1840. Father Torquato, already tending to the parish at Souzel, was designated as the missionary responsible for attracting new Amerindians to the Church and to civilization on the Xingu River. The Amerindians' image was praised by Provincial President Miranda in 1840. According to him, they were mostly sufferers and many were friends of work. They easily accustomed themselves to the civilized population who lived in the hinterlands communicating with them by means of the lingua geral. President Miranda thought that colonization through civilizing the Amerindians was more economical, convenient and less prejudicial than introducing 19 foreign workers. The other missions created by the same law included Sao Joao d'Araguaia, Tabatinga, Jari River, and Sao Joaquim do Rio Branco. The missionary who staffed Sao Joaquim do Rio Branco was Friar Jos^ dos Santos Inocentes His work was in direct competition to that of the "Lutheran" Jowd who was toiling in the Branco River region. With satisfaction. President Miranda could report that the Brazilian Catholic missionary in the Branco River was enjoying success against the efforts of Jowd in 1840.^

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258 A year later only the missions on the Xingu, Branco, and Araguaia Rivers had missionary staff. The Xingu missionary, Father Torquato, received provincial praise for his success at gathering Juruna and other Amerindians to his fold. The President recommended that Father Torquato choose a site for settlement as far as possible from his charges' habitual habitat and as close as possible to Souzel or other parishes on the Xingu River. Father Torquato was also commended for his work on the Xingu road, which 21 was considered to be of great public benefit. This projected road was to cut through the Great Bend to link the two parts of the Xingu River, avoiding the barriers of rapids and falls scattered through the Bend. Perhaps due to the relatively short navigable distance on the Lower Xingu, there was no naval force stationed there. The Military Commander at Gurupa even thought that the 49 8 soldiers under his command for the two districts of Porto de Moz and Gurupd were too many in relation to the population of the districts. He requested that the number of soldiers be reduced. His troops consisted mostly of Amerindians. His other concern in 1841 focussed on the fort in Gurupa. He had no authorization from the government to spend money for needed major repairs, although small repairs 22 might be done. Public education for the area presented a brighter picture in 1841. Francisco de Paula Leitao remained as teacher in Gurup^, with 76 students. Porto de Moz had received an

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259 interim professor, Antonio de Sousa Gomes, although no numbers were given for the student body. It was a good time for a teacher to arrive in Porto de Moz, since that town was designated as the center for the electoral district which included Gurupa. The calculations done to arrive at the number of electors for the voting district in Porto de Moz indicated that population information on record was not accepted by the electoral commission. The number of houses, according to information presented to the commission, was 477; the number of inhabitants from the same source (which was not given) was 6,544. From these totals, each house sheltered more than 13 (13.72) people. These totals, however, were changed by approximate calculations which gave 1,400 houses and 9,000 people, an average of over 6 (6.43) people per house. According to the methods used by the commission, the area was 23 entitled to 15 electors. Apparently, elections were not held soon after. Lack of information about production in the area prevented the compilation of reports about activities in individual towns and parishes. There was a report about exports to foreign ports during 1840-41 and 1841-42 (to February of 1842) These exports with respective quantities are shown in Table 6.1. Information concerning some places in the interior was gathered in 1842 by the Lieutenant-Colonel of Artillery, Antonio Ladilau Monteiro Baena. He took comprehensive notes

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260 Table 6.1. Exports from Belem to Foreign Ports, 1840-41 and 1841-42, with Quantities. Product 1840 -41 1841 -42 Hulled Rice 120,010 16 arb 45,196 8 arb. Unhulled Rice 18,939 alq. — Sugar 24,752 4 arb. 9,357 16 arb. Cotton 8,570 10 arb. 3,433 24 arb. Unworked Rubber 15,979 3 arb. 5,105 5 arb. Rubber Shoes 317,287 pair 300,529 pair Cacao 131,615 14 arb 156,742 31 arb. Nuts 10,889 alq. 10,490 alq. Hides 36,673 16,261 Clove 2,227 24 arb. 744 2 arb Resin 523 16 arb. 227 26 arb Oil 4,955 cans 2,690 cans Sarsaparilla 4,055 26 arb 2,592 10 arb. Urucu 2,699 16 arb. 2,060 6 arb. *Alqueires are dry weights of varying capacity. Source: Discurso Recitado pelo Exmo. Snr. Doutor Bernardo de Souza Franco, Vice-Prezidente da Provincia do Par^ na abertura da Assemblea Legislative Provincial No Dia 14 de Abril de 1842 (Pari Bel^m : Typographia de Santos e menor, 1842) Exporta9ao, s/p. (RPPP-ANRJ) about Gurupd and collected population descriptions for Carrazedo and Vilarinho do Monte. No other locations in 24 the area were discussed in his report. Baena divided the people into two groups: free and slave. In Gurupd there were 482 white and mestiyo free inhabitants of both sexes and 2 33 slaves, which gave a total of 715 people. He apparently was referring only to the population living in the town; those living in the district,

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261 outside the town, do not seem to be included. There were 162 hearths and 68 houses. Most of the houses were thatched but four had tiled roofs. The houses were arranged on two parallel streets with two grassy crosstreets. The first street began at the port and passed in front of the church, ending at Fort St. Anthony. The second street, Sao Jos^ or St. Joseph, began at the remains of the old village of Mario ca£ and ended in the square next to the fort. Population was distributed in and around the town and the islands, rivers, and creeks of the district. Among them were the island and river of Guajara, the Sarapoi creek Urual River, Moju River, Marauin (Marioni) River, Marupucu River, Mararu River, Baquid River, Mumbua9U River, Cujuba creek, Pucurul River, Bacd igarap^, Tapereira River, Guajard-miri River, Maria Ribeira River, Prainha stream, and Caratatuba igarap4. The jurisdiction of the town began on the south bank of the Amazon, extending from the Tajapuru creek to the Majari River and including the villages of Carrazedo and Vilarinho do Monte. On the north bank of the Amazon, it began at the Cajari River and ended at the Paranar^cuara River, which included the mission of the Jari River and the parishes of Araiolos, Esposende and Ale. 25 meirim. The Church of St. Anthony was made of mud and plaster with a tile roof, and was not entirely enclosed. Except for the main chapel, its architecture did not impress Baena. The images in the church were only tolerable, there

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262 was a choir and on the side for reading the gospel, there was a pulpit extending from the wall of the nave. Baena opined that everything had been done in bad taste, that the church needed repairs, and noted that it did not have even a belfrey. Gurupd had one batallion of Police Guards composed of six companies. Each company had one captain, one lieutenant, and one standard-bearer (alferes) and the batallion staff ( Estado Maior ) was composed of the Major commander, one adjutant, one quarter-master, one surgeon-major, one flag bearer, one secretary, one adjutant sergeant, one wagonmaster (vague-mestre) and one drummer (tambor-mor) The numerical strength of the batallion was 574, but 436 men had no uniforms or arras. The batallion 's area included Porto de Moz, and there had been no desertions. Some people were occupied in trades by 1842. There was one tailor with a trainee or apprentice; one shoemaker with an open store; one ironworker, an Amerindian, who worked as needed in houses with his own tools and equipment; one carpenter without apprentices; and two stoneworkers or 2 6 bricklayers, who were odd, according to Baena. Other workers in Gurupd, those belonging to the Workers' Corps regulated by Provincial Law, were of benefit only to their respective commanders, who used them in private pursuits, rowing or building canoes and extracting forest products. In Baena 's opinion, the workers should have been working for whomever they chose.

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263 By 1842 the n\iiiiber of students taught by the schoolmaster had risen. There were 84 boys; all could read and write; four studied Portuguese grammar and geography and one was studying French grammar. The boys' attendance at school was interrupted sometimes by their parents, who needed them to help at home. In the same school, there were also seven girls matriculated. Three of them could both print and write longhand; two others knew the four arithmetical operations and priciples of linear geometry. The inhabitants participated in the saints' celebrations, but did not attend church and were said to omit many Catholic practices. Baena did not specify which ones were omitted. He did comment that the vicar, the military commander, and the elementary school teacher had obtained their manioc plantations and other lands more or less arbitrarily. The landowners at this time were the captain of the Police Guards, Luis Carlos Vieira, who owned one square league on Gurup^-miri with 25 slaves of all ages; Felix Antofiio dos Santos, who had a place of one square league on Manuhituba; and Florencio Albino do Rosario, with a square league on the Caratutuba. They always had manioc and coffee under cultivation on these lands. Manioc production in Gurup^ was not sufficient to meet the needs of consumption. Both Vilarinho do Monte and Carrazedo, which produced much manioc flour, shipped it elsewhere. Gurupd bought manioc flour from the Xingu River settlements.

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264 Baena also made a survey of natural resources to be found in the district. He found only one mineral resource, sulfur ( enxof re ) on land belonging to Carlos Antdnio do Espirito Santo in the parish of Vilarinho do Monte. Lumber resources included rosewood and itauba along the Pixuna stream; there were some cedars and monkey wood on the large and small islands of the district; and along the Marajoi River, there was some acariuba, most of which was cut to build houses and canoes. Fish resources included juju which the inhabitants used to make pirdcuhu (a type of pirao a porridge made with manioc flour and broth, in this case, fish broth), which fed most of the people. All year round pescada, pirahiba, surubim, piramutaba, and perl.pitinga were available. During the summer there was juju, tarahira, acara, jandid, and acari. In the winter, acari tambaqui, pacutinga, and aracu could be caught. Besides fish, game was available on large and small islands in the district, especially the Large and Small Islands of Gurup^ (Ilhas Grande de Gurupa and Gurupai) where there were tapir, red deer, some pigs, paca (a rodentlike animal), and agouti, which were abundant. Other animals in the district included armadilloes, red howler monkeys, and spider monkeys, while among the birds were macaws parrots and parakeets Baena did not have a high opinion of the inhabitants of Gurup^. He felt that they did not take advantage of

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265 their surroundings, which offered so much. They apparently preferred to live in misery. Carrazedo and Vilarinho do Monte received only cursory attention from the visiting lieutenant-colonel. There were 157 inhabitants in Carrazedo, with 23 houses and 53 hearths. There was an ironworker, an Amerindian, who worked from house to house with his own equipment. There were 155 people in Vilarinho do 27 Monte with 19 houses and 15 3 hearths. While Baena provided no details on Carrazedo and Vilarinho do Monte, and totally ignored the other villages, additional information on the district appeared in the presidential report on the province. The teacher at Gurup^, Francisco de Paula Leitao, gave examinations to only 78 of his 91 students, and none of them was female. Porto de Moz had a fulltime professor in 1842, Amaro Jose da Silva e Melo, who gave examinations to 6 7 boys. That year there were 119 5 2 8 boys and 55 girls examined in the province. Porto de Moz was receiving provincial money to build public buildings, including a town hall and a jail. The town also received 29 financial aid to repair its church. The report, submitted by the provincial vice-president in April, lamented the lack of progress in the missions recently established. He especially noted the lack of resources to support Amerindians during the first year after they had been attracted to the missions. He asked for a vote in the provincial assembly to reserve money for welfare, tools, and presents for the Amerindians in such

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266 conditions. The only mission evincing some success was that of the Xingu. The nearby area of the Pacajas River in the district of Portel (between the Xingu and Tocantins Rivers) was populated by various groups of Amerindians who claimed they were ready to try settlement and establish homes near a village; some had done so. But the vice-president feared that there would be no means to support them during their first year."^^ During 1842, the Xingu River received a visit from Prince Adalbert of Prussia. His travels took him through the Great Bend of the river and as far as the rapids called Piranhaquara, above the Bend. There was a formerly inhabited site called the "House of Martinho" (Casa do Martinho) where a Brazilian, or civilized man, had been living. During his stay in the area, Adalbert was the guest of Father Torquato. The prince visited the old Jesuit mission site founded by Roque Hundertpfund at Tauaquara, which Father Torquato had revived. In the village of Souzel, Adalbert commented on the church which had been built during the Jesuit ministry of the village. In the church was an especially good picture of the Virgin Mary. There were 50 huts in Souzel at the time of Adalbert's visit; many of them had roofing made of mud tiles. That year, a decree was issued authorizing the moving of Souzel from its traditional location to one across the river, to a place called Croajo.

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267 Pombal presented to the Prince a rather abandoned air. Adalbert noted only some huts along the beach. Veiros presented a more picturesque situation: Adalbert described a staircase carved out of the cliff which rose from the river to the church. The church was surrounded by 20 or 30 huts. Porto de Moz appeared to Adalbert as only a bit less important than Gurupa. He remained with the impression that it was more lively than the fortified town, perhaps because he arrived to witness the celebration of St. Andrew (Santo Andri) The blacks were dancing in a house to the beat of the bengui or tanta (driam) made from a short piece of hollow tree trunk, with skin stretched across the ends. Most of the people were dark ( pardas ) and the children were naked. The Prince estimated a population of 4,000 in the district 32 of Porto de Moz. By the next year, police organization was extended to Porto de Moz. The deputy named was Daniel Leitao da Fonseca and his substitute was Manuel Pinto de Aralijo. In Gurupd, the citizens named as substitutes for the sheriff ( delegado ) included Amaro Jose da Silva e Melo, Matias Jose de Aragao and Raimundo Antonio de Almeida. The substitutes named for the District of Peace established in Vilarinho do Monte were Francisco de Paula Leitao, 3 3 Zeferino Velasco da Fonseca, and Manuel Luis Santarem. In 1843 a new president of Pard was named by the government in Rio de Janeiro. Jos^ Tomds Henriques proceeded to take stock of the situation in the province. He informed the public that in 1843, there were 95 parishes in Par^,

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268 of which 21 had full-time parish priests, 37 had interim vicars, and the remaining 37 were vacant. Only three of the missions established in the province had missionaries, including that of the Xingu River. Father Antonio Manuel Sanches de Brito was reappointed Director of the Missions. Originally appointed by one provincial president, he had been fired by another, and was being returned to the position with pay for the time he was unemployed. The problem of staffing the missions was to be solved in part by a decree of June, 1843, authorizing the immigration of Italian Capuchins, who would be distributed among the provinces where missionaries were needed, along with the necessary 34 money for residences and other missionary needs. Payments from the government, whether imperial or provincial, however, sometimes were delayed. The elementary schoolteachers in the interior of the province received their pay for 1842-43 three years late. Professor Leitao in Gurupa obtained his salary of 200$000, but Professor Silva e Melo in Porto de Moz died before receiving the 233$333 due him. Perhaps he was caught by the wave of smallpox which hit Porto de Moz and Pombal in 1843, but no cause of death was specified for him. "^^ In March 1844, news was sent to Belem describing widespread loss of cattle on the Xingu and Jaraucu Rivers in the district of Porto de Moz. At the same time, along the coast of Souzel many dead fish appeared thrown up on the beach at low tide, and smelling so bad that the area was

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269 impassable. The same occurred at Pombal and on the island facing it. After this happened, the inhabitants of the parish and island of Pombal suffered violent attacks ^ ^ 36 of fever. Work on public buildings brought attention to Porto de Moz in March. The main supports for the town hall were rotten and threatening to collapse. To repair the town hall and construct a jail in Porto de Moz, the citizen Joaquim Duarte Rodrigues Souto was awarded a contract to complete the job by April 1846 for 3:000$000, to be paid in three installments from the provincial treasury. "^^ Later in the year, by August, the provincial president ordered the senior judge of the Upper Amazon to take responsibility for the Amerindians. Amerindians arriving from the hinterlands were exeitpt from enlistment in both the Police Guards and the Workers' Corps. Anyone found mistreating the Amerindians would be prosecuted, including officials who had jurisdiction in the territory. This position could have been taken in order to prevent situations similar to one which occurred in the Upper Amazon on the Jurua River earlier that year. Two swindlers had been killed there, allegedly because they did not pay for the commodities received from the Amerindians, and they used violent means to capture and even sell some of the 3 8 people. There were no such reports from the Xingu River or Gurup^.

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270 In 1845, a commission was formed in Gurupa to find the best means to deal with a nearby swamp, lying across a stream which ran by the fort. The commission recommended draining the swamp and constructing a bridge to cross the stream which would cost from 500$ to 600 $0 00. The commission felt that the stagnant water in the swamp contributed to the spread of fevers. Besides the drainage project, Gurupd needed a building suitable for town council 39 meetings In Porto de Moz work progressed on the rennovation of its town hall. By August of 1845, Joaquim Duarte Souto had requested the last installment of 1:080 $000 from the provincial treasury. Only one room needed to be finished by bricklayers, and the structure still had to be white40 washed. Payments for public works apparently were made with more punctuality than those for public servants. Neither schoolteachers nor parish priests received their annual salaries on time. The priests in the area received their pay for the fiscal year 1842-43 during 1846. In Gurup^, the Portuguese priest, Jos^ Ant6nio Alves, received 266$666; Father Manuel Maria da Anuncia9ao in Porto de Moz received 400 $000; and Father Torquato realized 233$333 and an additional 87$500 for his duties as missionary to the Amerindians. These payments may have been for only half a year's salary, since the schedule of payments to missionaries published a few months earlier in the official newspaper, 13 de Maio provided 500$000

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271 yearly for each missionary, plus 100$000 for supplies and presents for the Amerindians. If the missionary was also a parish priest, like Father Torquato, then his annual salary for this position would be 1505000. It appeared that Father Torquato was paid only part of the total in 41 any case. Lack of money or pay was not the only problem affecting inhabitants in the area in 1846. A French expedition led by Francis de Castelnau visited Gurupa in March, on the last leg of a voyage that took the party from Rio de Janeiro to Lima and from Lima to Para. Castelnau approached Gurupl in early March, passing the mouth of the Xingu River. In his account of the expedition he mentioned the Xingu as practically the only river in the central portion of the Amazon Region about which he could not obtain precise information. Unaware of Prince Adalbert's explorations and the work of Father Torquato and Roque Hundertpf und, he thought no one had managed to cross the falls which began above Souzel. He doubted the river's potential for commercial navigation. At daybreak, Gurupl came into sight. Castelnau noted many cattle in outlying fields before reaching the town. Gurup^'s houses were badly constructed along two streets parallel to the river, which were partially hidden from view by high bushes. The small church was very old and the fort contained some obsolete cannons. The military commander at the fort had the rank of major. One of the

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272 soldiers had been in Europe and in the Indies. The most striking aspect of the miserable town, though, was the lack of food. Castelnau and his companions could not even find bananas. They were followed everywhere they went in 42 the town by inhabitants begging for food. From the areas north of Gurupa in the same judicial district came disquieting news during 1846. From Almeirim to Obidos there were rumors of quilombos harboring fugitive slaves, army deserters, with other criminals. Some runaway slaves and deserters had been captured, but many remained at large, especially on the islands off Macapa. Some individuals, although employed in rubber extraction, lived lives of crime independent of their jobs, robbing and assaulting as they pleased. Cattle thieves had hit Chaves. Complaints about quilombos and roving criminal 43 bands were still being heard m August 1847. The president of Pard in 1848, Councillor Jerfinimo Francisco Coelho, was concerned about the province's population. He assumed that the numbers of free and slave people in Par^ had increased and those of the Amerindians decreased. In order to obtain more precise information, he designated a statistical commission for each parish, which consisted of a Justice of the Peace, the parish priest, and a deputy responsible for census-taking. The results of their efforts appeared with the publication of tables which accompanied the provincial report in October, 44 1848.^^

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273 Concerning social status the only divisions presented were free and slave. The population also was divided bysex and broad age groups: adults and children ( menores ) The results for the area of Gurupa and the Xingu River are shown in Table 6.2 and Table 6.3, presenting the free and slave populations, respectively. Table 6.2. Free Population Counted in 1848, Gurupa and Xingu. Towns & Adults Children Villages Males Females Males Females Total Gurupa 312 229 286 192 1,019 Vilarinho 111 160 110 101 482 Porto de Moz 356 425 292 274 1,347 Veiros 142 209 146 141 638 Pombal 141 232 133 115 621 Souzel 291 414 281 270 1,256 Totals : 1,353 1,669 1,248 1,093 5,363 Source : Mappas que Acompanhao a Falla Dirigida Pelo Exmo. Snr. Conselheiro Jeronimo Francisco Coelho, Presidente da Provincia do Gram-Para a Assemblea Legislativa Provincial Na Abertura da Sessao Ordmaria da Sexta Legislatura No Dia lo de Outubro de 1848 (Pard Belem : Typ. Santos e Filhos, 1848) No. 19. Information about inhabited houses, occurrences of births, marriages, and deaths, as well as the number of foreigners living in each place, were given for 1848. This information is presented in Table 6.4. Of all the towns and villages, Porto de Moz had the largest population, with 1,474 people including free and slave. Porto de Moz also contained the highest number of

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274 Table 6.3. Slave Population Counted in 1848, Gurupa and Xingu. Towns & Villages Gurupl Vilarinho Porto de Moz Veiros Poitibal Souzel Totals : Adults Males Females Children Males Females 61 14 31 1 6 113 84 14 37 8 143 46 4 28 10 88 47 12 31 3 93 Total 238 44 127 1 27 437 Source: Ibid., Table 6.3. Table 6.4. Housing, Vital Events and Foreigners, 1848, Gurup^ and Xingu. Towns & Inhabited Villages Houses Births Marriages Deaths Foreigners Gurup^ 69 40 12 32 6 Vilarinho 19 10 6 Porto de Moz 234 81 6 37 9 Veiros 90 18 2 8 Pombal 98 13 20 Souzel 180 27 3 16 6 Totals : 690 189 23 119 21 Source : Mappas que Acompanhao a Falla Dirigida Pelo Exmo. Snr. Conselheiro Jeronimo Francisco Coelho, Presidente da Provincia do Gram-Pard h Assambl^a Legislative Provincial Na Abertura da Sessao Ordinaria da Sexta Legislatura No Dia lo de Outubro de 1848 (Pari Belem : Typ. Santos e Filhos 1848) No. 19 inhabited houses. Gurupd, on the other hand, claimed the highest number of slaves in the population. Perhaps Gurupa' s evident decline prompted the residents of Vilarinho do Monte

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to request annexation to Porto de Moz in 1846. By 1848, Vilarinho do Monte was among the towns subordinate to 4 Porto de Moz, and not to Gurup^ as it had been previously. Eighteen forty-eight appeared to be a year in which general reforms were called for by the provincial president One reform which was enforced dealt with the National Guard created in 1831-32. In 1848, officials of the Guard had to be nominated from the districts in which they lived. They could move to another location with the same rank only if 4 6 a position of that rank were open. Other reforms called for, but apparently not carried out, concerned the Workers' Corps The Corps had been created in 18 39 in an attempt to reduce the proportions of Cabanos and their followers still numerous in the interior of the province. In the opinion of the Imperial representatives who created the Corps its organization was an attempt to avoid the evils of unsettled masses of people — a certain class with a licentious and vagabond way of life — for the good of the province. This attempt to avoid one evil, however, produced another which had an oppressive and degrading effect on the lives of those involved. Too often the Commanders of the Corps used the services of the workers for their own and their friends' 47 personal benefit. Councillor Coelho, as President of ParS in 1848, called for a substitution: instead of Workers' Corps, there should be Municipal Companies connected to the

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276 National Guard. As the law stood, the workers — Amerindians, mesti90s, and free or liberated blacks without land or jobs — were to work in agriculture, commerce and public works. The law of 1839 authorized anyone to contract them for service. Coelho suggested establishing more specific definitions of service for members of the Municipal Companies. His suggestions included apprehending deserters, potential recruits, and criminals, and escorting prisoners; seeking and destroying quilombos ; exploiting the forests and rivers; guarding the diligencias; cutting timber for national projects; working for the security and military defense of the province; and carrying official correspondence and doing other work directly related to public ser48 vice. In the Amazon Region (including the Negro River and Upper Amazon) in 1848 there were nine Workers' Corps with a total of 7,385 people, including officers and workers. Out of that total 608 were living in Gurupd.^^ President Coelho 's call for reform of the Workers' Corps was aptly timed. Applications of the 1839 law had led to virtual slavery for those workers under unprincipled commanders. Slavery as an institution was being abolished progressively in colonial and former colonial territories. The second emancipation of the slaves in French Guiana in 1848 ruined the planters left there. Perhaps to avoid further discontent — flights from justice, military service, and slavery continued — Coelho requested a form of social and economic

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277 control less likely to be warped by the personal incompetence of cupidity of a single commander. The missions underwent reform at mid-century. An Imperial Decree and Regulation issued in August 1845, which established a Directorate for the conversion and civilization of the Amerindians, began to be implemented in 1848. This implementation affected the Xingu mission established by Father Torquato in the early 1840' s.^^ Father Torquato had two major accomplishments during his time as missionary near Souzel. He managed to settle some of the Juruna Amerindians along the Tucurui River, where he wanted to construct a chapel. These Amerindians had been in contact with the villages at least since 1823, when they were known to trade their handicrafts — arrows, bows, cotton, and hammocks — for ironware. Besides the settling of the Juruna group. Father Torquato worked on the opening and improvement of a road which crossed the Great Bend of the Xingu River, allowing travelers to avoid the falls and rapids treacherous to navigation. By 1848, however, he was no longer at the mission site; either he had left or been transferred to another ministry. New directors were named to the Xingu and other missions as a result of the Decree of 1845. The new director for the Xingu mission was Cordolo CSndido de Gusmao Borralho, who reported on the condition of his territory in 1848. He claimed that the missions (aldeias) of the Xingu were lost and that the missionary who had been there abandoned

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278 it and did little. Borralho also informed the provincial president that a projected mission at the mouth of the PacajSs River was not begun. By the next year, Borralho was still with the Xingu missions and a director for the 5 3 PacajSs had been appointed: Jose Joaquim Alves Pican90. No additional information about the condition of the missions was included. School attendance in 184 8 and 1849 was lower than that of 1842, both in the province as a whole and in Gurupl and Porto de Moz. There were only 41 teachers for boys' schools in the entire province in 1848, and 22 of them did not have full-time positions. There were two schools for girls: one in Belem and one in Turia9u. In the boys' schools were 875 students; in the girls', 39. There were no girls in school in either Gurup^ or Porto de Moz. After the death of Silva e Melo, Porto de Moz was without a school teacher until the arrival of Professor Manuel Nogueira Borge da Fonseca, who had 10 students in 1848. By the next year, there were 40 students attending his classes. The teacher in Gurup^ was the same as earlier, Francisco de Paula Leitao who had 34 students in 1848, and 47 by 1849. As an interim instructor, Borges da Fonseca earned 30G$000 a year; Leitao was tenured and received 400 $000.^^ Inspection stations had been established in both Gurup^ and Porto de Moz by 184 9. They were to collect provincial taxes on merchandise leaving the areas of their jurisdiction The inspector or tax collector ( coletor ) at Gurup^ was

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279 Mateus Jos^ Roberto, who earned 500$080 for the fiscal year 1848-49. The coletor of Porto de Moz, Daniel Leitao da Fonseca, earned 402$550 for the same period. The reform of the Workers' Corps called for by President Coelho had not occurred by 1849, when he reiterated his suggestion. The overall n\amber of people belonging to the Corps in the province had risen by about 150, to 7,626. The Corps in Gurupd, however, presented about 150 fewer people by 1849, with a total 433 officials and workers. The organization of the Police Guards was reviewed in 1849. The highest ranking officer, a major, was stationed in Porto de Moz, which housed the Fourth Batallion; his staff included an adjutant, a quarter-master and a flagbearer. Among higher officers were five captains, three lieutenants, five second lieutenants ( alferes ) ; in the ranks were five first sergeants, ten second sergeants, five privates first class ( furrieis ) 27 corporals ( cabos ) and 367 privates, for a total of 4 31 men in the Police Guards at Porto de Moz. The Guards stationed in Gurup^ included an adjutant, a quarter-master, a flag-bearer, an adjutant sergeant, a quarter-master sergeant, three captains, five lieutenants, six second lieutenants, six first sergeants, 12 second sargeants six privates first-class, 24 corporals, and 320 privates, which gave a total strength of 38 7 Police Guards 5 6 in Gurup^.

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280 The district judge for the jurisdiction that included both Porto de Moz and Gurupa was Antonio Jos^ Lopes Damascene, at Macap^; the position of municipal judge in Porto de Moz was vacant in 1849. The distribution of qualified electors for primary and secondary elections was established in 1849; they were designated as voters and electors, respectively. Table 6.5 presents the electoral information for Gurupl and the Xingu towns, in which the number of qualified voters and electors is shown for each of the towns and villages. The size of the primary and secondary electorate was not based on the number of inhabitants. If it were, then Souzel, with a counted free population of 1,256 in 1848 (see above, p. 273), larger than that of Gurupa with 1,019, should have had both more qualified voters and more electors. Even using the number of inhabited houses as an indicator of established families, Souzel presented 108 in 1849 while Gurupd claimed only 69. (See Table 6.4, p. 274.) The decisive difference must have been due to the number of landowners in each place, with Gurupa presenting more than Souzel. Another factor was the presence of businessmen or traders with employees who might meet the income qualification for voting in primary elections, 100$000 a year. Souzel, despite a higher numerical population, had a lower commercial or propertied population Souzel did not have a parish priest in 1849. The church was in such bad condition that the inhabitants feared a disaster any day when people were gathered there to pray.

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281 Table 6.5. Gurup^ and Xingu, Electors. 1849. Qualified Towns & \7 1 1 1 P5 rr^ Q V J. -L JCLy^ ^ O Qualified Qualified GurupS 215 5 Vilarinho 66 2 Porto de Moz 196 5 Veiros 112 3 Pombal 113 3 Souzel 164 3 Totals : 866 21 Source : Falla Dirigida pelo Exmo Snr. Conselheiro Jero nimo Francisco Coelho, Prezidente da Provincia do Gram-Para a Assemblga Le(^islativa Provincial na Abertura da Segunda Sessao Ordinaria da Sexta Legislatura. No dia lo de Outu bro de 1849 (Par^ Bel4m : Typ. Santos e Filhos, 1849), Annexo No. 17. N.B. The district for the town of Gurupa at that time included the towns of Almeirim, Esposende, and Araiolos They are not included in this study due to their geographical location on the north bank of the Amazon River, and the relatively short duration of their administrative attachment to Gurup^. The town lacked qualified manpower to make repairs; there was no mason or carpenter. To help the people of Souzel rebuild their church, Provincial President Coelho authorized 320$000 for materials and the wages of two skilled people, whom Coelho contracted. Both Gurup^ and Porto de Moz had resident priests: Friar Marcelo de Santa Catarina and Friar 5 8 Manuel Maria d'Annunciacao, respectively. Gurup^'s relatively high number of qualified voters might seem more undeserved in view of the characterization of Gurupd by Henry W. Bates, who visited there in October 1849, as, "a small village situated on a rocky bank 30 or

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282 59 40 feet high." Yet, this small town and Porto de Moz were the only official centers of judicial, military, and policy administration for the large area surrounding them. A law passed in December of 1849 changed the fiscal year from July to June to January 1 to December 31. Thus, when the tax collectors in Port de Moz and GurupS made their reports in 1850, these were divided in semesters. Daniel Leitao da Fonseca gathered 439 $840 from July to December of 1849 and 91$550 during the first semester of 1850, summing 531$390. The new collector at Gurup^, Francisco Raimundo da Fonseca had gotten 75 $34 5 during the last half of 1849 and 110$000 during the first semester of 1850. Those were the last reports concerning the collectors for 60 the decade. In 1850 the Imperial Government passed legislation which called for increased documentation of vital events (births and deaths) and landholding. In each district a book for the registration of births and deaths was to be kept by the Justice of Peace. The clerk ( escrivao ) was responsible for the entries which had to be made within a certain period of time after occurrence of the events: ten days for births, 24 hours for deaths.^"'" By the Land Law of 1850, only those landholders who had fulfilled all regulations concerning occupation, cultivation, and payment of taxes on their claims retained property rights to their land. The only form of obtaining land after the enactment of the Land Law was purchase. In effect, the

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283 Land Law reinforced the power of those who had established 6 2 claims and had legalized them by the time of its passage. In 1851, the mission on the Xingu River, which had been abandoned, was scheduled to be restored, although no mission director was named then. Another parish in the area had a priest assigned to it: Pombal, where Friar Jose da Rainha das Virgens was ministering. Porto de Moz retained the same vicar. Friar Manuel Maria d' Anuncia9ao, but there was a new one in Gurupd, Father Mateus Valente do Couto Sernixe. The other parishes, Vilarinho do Monte, 6 3 Veiros, and Souzel had no priest assigned to them. There was at least one complimentary opinion about the native inhabitants by a European visitor during 1851. Alfred Russel Wallace showed admiration and sympathy for the Amazonian Amerindians. There were apparent differences between Amerindian and European cultures, but no great distance, according to Wallace, who encouraged Amerindians' education. He thought the Amerindians' intellectual capacity was "very little inferior to that of a philosopher." An account of Pard's general situation in May 1851, however, was far from optimistic. According to an article in 0 Velho Brado da Amazonia Pari, was one of the hungriest provinces in the Empire. There were four reasons given for this famished state of affairs: general lack of workers; the few free whites there worked exclusively in extractive pursuits, either collecting latex or forest products, and hunting and fishing; farmers owned few slaves and half of

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284 those fled to quilombos; and the interior was visited byboys in public service only to attend the saints celebra6 5 tions or to have a good time ( de pagode folgazao ) Certainly if the numbers for registered port traffic in the area were accurate, very little official navigation occurred. For the year, only one open canoe v/as registered in the ports of Porto de Moz, Veiros, and Pombal. The crew employed on the canoe consisted of one white and three Amerindians. Exact figures for Gurupd cannot be ascertained since the town was included with Macapa and Mazagao. For those three towns there were four open canoes registered in the ports, and the crews were composed of 13 Amerindians and one mulatto or mesti90 ( pardo ) The picture sketched by the summary of riverine trade ( navegayao de cabotagem ) suggests that this commerce was more active than the trafft ft fic registered in the ports. Riverine trade included more vessels and crew than simple port traffic. While information presented for 1851 did not include details for individual parishes, riverine trade for the judicial division comprehended by the Comarca of Macapa, which included Gurupa and the villages along the Xingu River, was dealt with. There was one yacht (hiate) and 20 covered canoes (probably with thatched coverings) involved in commerce among the towns and villages of the Macapd division. The crews consisted of 14 masters, 19 pilots, and among the sailors there were four free whites, 32 Amerindians, five mixed-bloods (pardos) 11

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285 6 7 blacks, and 17 black slaves. The difference in nimbers, from port traffic to river trade, of boats and crews suggested that more activity was carried on away from established villages and towns. Land near the towns evidently did not produce items coveted by businessmen and traders. Settlements scattered along river banks and islands must have furnished profitable commodities to arouse the interest and action of the traders. The National Guard in Pari had been discontinued in 1837, when the Police Guards were established. A law of 1850 permitted the revival of the national guard, which was accomplished by renaming the Police Guards and adding a component of reserves. This was done in 1852. By the next year, the active National Guard in Gurupa was composed of four companies with 512 members; there were 36 members of the reserves. More guards were stationed in Porto de Moz, with six companies, 608 active members, and 77 reser6 8 ves. Civil police officers were named in the two towns in 1852. The sheriff in Gurupa was Pedro Alexandrine da Fonseca and his substitute was Zeferino Urbano da Fonseca. In Porto de Moz Joaquim Duarte Rodrigues Souto was the 6 9 sheriff, and Daniel Leitao da Cunha was his substitute. The same schoolteacher was still in Porto de Moz, Francisco de Paula Leitao, who earned a salary of 400$000 and a 100$000 bonus in 1852 when he had 62 male students. Gurupa offered two levels of education; in 1853, there were 86 students. Porto de Moz had a newly assigned

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286 teacher in 1852, Jose Ferreira de Lacerda, who received only a salary of 400$000. He had no students that year, but the next year 23 male students were attending his sin70 gle-level, one-room, school. In Souzel the church was still under construction, for which the provincial treasury allocated 500$000 in 1852. The Xingu mission had no 71 director m charge that year. On January 1, 1853 the era of steam navigation began in the Amazon Region with the first run of the steamboat Maraj6 An outline of navigation possibilities for the southern tributaries of the Amazon River was pessimistic. Little was known about the Xingu, but the other three major rivers — the Madeira, Tapajds, and Tocantins — were blocked by waterfalls currents and steep banks which could pro72 vide persistent obstacles to steam navigation. The results of census-taking legislated in 1850 appeared in 1853-54. Except for parishes in Ourem, Mazagao, Chaves, and Macap^, the results presented were estimates; those four places were the only ones which furnished popu7 3 lation statistics that year. If parishes subordinated to each of those centers were included, then the statistics represented in the 1853-54 population counts for GurupS and the Xingu villages were not interpolations, but the result of active census-taking. Statistics for the free and slave populations in the area are presented in Tables 6.6 and 6.7. During the five years or so since the last population statistics appeared, Gurupa, Vilarinho and Porto de Moz had

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287 Table 6.6. Free Population Counted, 1853, Gurupa and Xingu. Towns & Adults Children V xxxd^tro Ma 1 *3 q 1 JLCl O Total GurupS. 674 851 210 135 1,870 Vilarinho 170 266 254 188 878 Porto de Moz 854 584 947 325 2,710 Veiros 181 164 84 72 501 Pombal 61 119 58 82 320 Sousel 252 295 308 325 1,180 Totals 2,192 2,279 1,861 1,127 7,459 Source : Relatorios a que se Refere a Falla Que o Exm. Sr. Conselheiro Sebastiao do Rego Barros Presidente Desta Provincia dirigiu a Assemblea Legislativa Provincial~Na abertura do corrente anno 1854 Jan. 16, 1854 (Para Belem : Typ. da Aurora Paraense, 1854) Mappa Populacional. Table 6.7. Slave Population Counted, 1853, Gurupa and Xingu. Towns & Adults Children Villages Males Females Males Females Total Gurupi 81 122 54 63 320 Vilarinho 18 12 17 22 69 Porto de Moz 40 26 29 39 134 Veiros 1 1 2 Pombal 1 1 Sousel 4 2 1 2 9 Totals 145 163 101 126 535 Source: Ibid., Table 6.6. gained population. Porto de Moz presented the most change, doubling its free population during those years. In fact, the three towns and villages closest to the Amazon River — Gurupd, Vilarinho, and Porto de Moz — were the only ones

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288 gaining population. All three further south along the Xingu River, at greater distances from the main artery, lost population. In one year, the easier and faster transportation offered by steam travel apparently attracted people to its proximity. The population information presented in 1854 also included details about births, marriages, deaths, and foreigners. This is shown for the area in Table 6.8. Table 6.8. Vital Events and Foreigners, 1853, Gurupa and Xingu. Towns & Villages Births Marriages Deaths Foreig Gurupa 136 23 70 17 Vilarinho 74 31 31 1 Porto de Moz 200 40 47 19 Veiros 64 24 40 Pombal 60 21 36 Sousel 96 34 80 8 Totals 630 173 304 45 Source : Relatorios a que se Refere a Falla Que o Exm. Conselheiro Sebastiao do Rego Barros, Presidente Desta Provincia dirigiu a Assemblea Legislativa Provincial Na abertura do corrente anno. 1854 Jan. 16, 1854 (Para /Bel em/: Typ. da Aurora Paraense, 1854), Mappa Populacionar. Not only had the pace of vital events picked up since 1848, but the number of foreigners in the area had doubled; "internationalization" was underway.

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289 Notes 1. Borges, op. cit p. 124. 2. Ibid pp. 31, 125. 3. Ibid., pp. 29, 31, 89-90, 125. 4. Soares d' Andrea, op. cit p. 4 (hereafter. Scares d'Andrea, 1838) 5. Ibid. 6. Ibid pp. 20, 26; Salles, op. cit p. 41. 7. Francisco Joze de Souza Soares d'Andrea, Espozi9ao do Estado e Andamento dos Negocios da Provincia do Para — No Acto da Entrega que fez da Prezidencia — 0 Exmo Marechal Francisco Joze de Souza Soares d'Andrea Ao Exmo Doutor Bernardo de Souza Franco No dia 8 de Abril de 1839 \ Belem Pari : Typ. de Santos e menor, 1839) General Instructions to Military Commanders, p. 19, (hereafter, Soares d'Andrea, 1839); Salles, op. cit p. 166. 8. Soares d'Andrea, 1839, op. cit pp. 19-23. 9. Ibid p. 6; Coelho, op. cit pp. 32, 35, 36, 37. 10. Soares d'Andrea, 1839, op. cit p. 4. 11. Ibid p. 3; Bernardo de Souza Franco, Discurso Reci tado pelo Exmo Snr Doutor Bernardo de Souza Franco Prezi dente da Provincia do Pari Quando Abrio a Assemblea LegiFla tiva Provincial No dia 15 de Agosto de 18 39 ( Bel6m Par^: Na Typ. de Santos e menor, 1839) p. Y. 12. Bernardo de Souza Franco was a student of Dom Remualdo Seixas. He participated in the April rebellion of 1823 and was one of the prisoners whose death sentence was commuted to imprisonment at Fort Sao Juliao. He survived the ordeal and returned to Belem in February 1824. He studied law at Olinda, graduating in 1838. He was a deputy from Para to the National Parliament when he became president of the province, which he remained until February 18 40. He was often a deputy between 1838 and 1855, and was a Senator from 1855 to 1875. He had been 17 at the time of the April uprising (see Borges, op. cit pp. 93-5). 13. Souza Franco, op. cit p. 4. 14. Ibid. p. 9.

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290 15. Ibid p. 1; Cruz, op. cit p. 17; Scares de Souza, op. cit annexo, p. 26. There might be some distortion if the total for 1819 included more than the Lower Amazon. If so, the decline would not appear to be so great. 16. Cruz, op cit p. 17; Joao Antonio de Miranda, Discurso Recitado pelo Exmo Snr. Pouter Joao Antonio de Miranda, Prezidente da Provincia do Para na Abertura da Assemblea Legislativa Provincial do Dia 15 de Agosto de 1840 ( Bel6m ParS: Typ. Santos e menor, 18 40) pp. 45 TUIT 17. Ibid pp. Ill, 116, Tabella das Aulas Ptiblicas, s/p. 18. Newspaper 13 de Maio January 20, 1841, pp. 356-7; 13 de Maio April 28, 1941, p. 570 (hereafter, 13M) 19. Miranda, op. cit p. 65; Manoel Paranhos da Silva Vellozo, Discurso Recitado pelo Emo. Snr. Desembargador Manoel Paranhos da Silva Vellozo Prezidente da Provincia do ParA Na Abertura de la Sessao da 4a Legislatura da Assembl6a Provincial No dia 15 de Agosto de 1844 ( Belem Pars : Na Typ. de Santos e menores 1844) p. 15. 20. Miranda, op. cit p. 5; Silva Vellozo, op. cit p. 15. 21. Bernardo de Souza Franco, Discurso Recitado pelo Exmo Snr Doutor Bernardo de Souza Franco, Vice-Prezidente da Provincia do Par^ na Abertura da Assemblea Legislative Provincial. No Dia 14 de Abril de 1841 ( Belem Para: Typ. de Santos e menor, 1841) p. TT, Thereafter, Souza Franco, 1841); 13M, February 6, 1841, pp. 475-6. 22. Souza Franco, 1841, op. cit ., p. 7; 13M, February 20, 1841; 13M, April 28, 1841, p. 5^9. 23. Souza Franco, 1841, op. cit Mappa dos Collegios Eleitoraes, Educacqao, s/p. 24. Estatisticas de Populacao. This report was inserted at the end of the census information from 1823 and signed by Antonio Ladislao de Monteiro Baena in 1842, Codex 1002, BAPP. 25. Almeirim, Esposende, Araiolos, and the Jari mission are not included in this study because they formed part of GurupS's jurisdiction for a relatively short time. Later administrative divisions took them out of Gurupa's area. 26. If the transcription is accurate, these masons may h^ve been women. The two were called "pedreiras curiosas." Their sex could account for the oddity in Baena 's eyes, or someone may have been joking with him. I

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291 27. Baena's information from 184 2, Codex 1002, BAPP 28. Bernardo de Souza Franco, Discurso Recitado pelo Exmo Snr Doutor Bernardo de Souza Franco, Vice-Prezidente da Provincia do Para na abertura da Assembl^a Legislativa Provincial No Dia 14 de Abril de 1842 ( Belem Par^; Typ. de Santos e menor, 1842) s/p TEereafter, Souza Franco, 1842). 29. Ibid p. 29. 30. Ibid pp. 10-1, 29. 31. Principe Adalberto da Prussia, Brasil; Amazonas Xingu (Belo Horizonte, Minas Gerais: Editora Itataia Ltd., 1979) pp. 210-12; Ebner, Xingut^nia p. 21; Castelo Branco, op. cit p. 66. 32. Ibner, op. cit ., pp. 17, 19; Adalberto, op. cit 33. 13M, October 21, 1843, p. 1547; 13M, December 23, 1843, p. 16T5T 34. Joz^ Thomaz Henriques, Discurso Recitado pelo Exmo Snr Coronel Jozd Thomaz Henriques, Prezidente da Provincia do Para, na abertura da Segunda Sessao da Assemblea Legis^ lativa Provincial no Dia 15 de Agosto de 1843 ( Bel^m Pari: Typog. Santos e menor, 18 43), p. 3; Silva Vellozo, op. cit ., p. 13; 13M, August 19, 1843. 35. 13M, August 12, 1843, p. 1465; 13M, February 17, 1847, pp. 1^^ 36. Silva Vellozo, op. cit ., p. 21. 37. Ibid pp. 39, 47. 38. Ibid pp. 14, 17. 39. Joao Maria de Moraes Discurso Recitado pelo Exnp Snr Doutor Joao Maria de Moraes, vice-prezidente da Provincia do Para Na Abertura da 2a Sessao da 4a Legislatura da Assemblea Provincial No Dia 15 de Agosto de 1845 ( Belem Par^: Typ. Santos e Filhos, 1845), p. 30; 13M, September 16, 1846, p. 2. While Gurup^'s inhabitants deBated water drainage problems, the northeast of Brazil, especially Cear^, was experiencing a severe drought. By 1845, there had been no rain for two years (see 13M, June 21, 1845, pp. 2-3). 40. Maria de Moraes, op. cit. p. 41. 41. 13M, May 20, 1846, p. 2; 13M, February 17, 1847, pp. 2-3.

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292 42. Francis de Castelnau, Expedition dans les Parties Centrales de I'Amerique du Sud, de Rio de Janeiro a Lima et de Lima au Para; ex^cut^e par ordre du Gouvernement Fran9ais pendant les annees 1843 a 1847, sous le direction de Francis de Castelnau, Histoire du Voyage V. 5 (Paris : P. Bertrand, Libraire-Editeur 1851) p. 132 43. Joao Maria de Moraes Discurso Recitado pelo Exmo Snr Doutor Joao Maria de Moraes Vice-Prezidente da Provincia do ParA Na Abertura de la Sess^o da 5a Legislatura da Assembl^a Provincial No dia 15 de Agosto de 1846 ( Bel^m Pari: Typ. Santos e Filhos, 1846), pp. 4-5 (hereafter, Maria de Moraes, 1846); Joao Maria de Moraes, Discurso Recitado pelo Exmo. Snr Doutor JoSo Maria de Moraes, Vice-Presidente da Provincia do Pard Na Abertura da 2a Sessao da 5a Legislatura da Assembl^a Provincial No dia 15 de Agosto de 184 7 ( Belgm Par^: Typ. Santos e Filhos, 1847), p. 4 (hereafter, Maria de Moraes, 1847). 44. Scares de Souza, op. cit ., annexe, p. 27; Coelho, op. cit p. 108 45. 13M, September 16, 1846, p. 2; 13M, October 17, 1846, pp. 3-4 ; Jeronimo Francisco Coelho, Mappas que Acompanhao a Falla Dirigida Pelo Exmo Snr. Conselheiro Jeronimo Fran Cisco Coelho Presidente da Provincia do Gram-Parg a Assem bl^a Legislatiya Provincial Na Abertura da Sessao Ordinafia da Sexta Legislatura No Dia lo de Outubro de 184 8 ( Bel^m Para: Typ. Santos e Filhos, 184B) No. 19 (hereafter Coelho, Mappas) 46. Coelho, op. cit., p. 27. 47. Ibid, pp. 32-3. 48. Ibid. pp. 32, 35-8. 49. Ibid. p. 31. 50. Coudreau, op. cit., p. 51. 51. Coelho, Mappas, No. 17; 13M, November 7, 1846, pp. 1-2. 52. Information about Souzel from 1823, Codex 1002 BAPP; Silva, Vellozo, op. cit ., pp. 16-7; 13M, February 3, 1841, p. 473; 13M, February 20, 1841, p. 4W7 53. Coelho, Mappas No. 17; Jeronimo Francisco Coelho, Falla Dirigida pelo Exmo Snr Conselheiro Jeronimo Francisco Coelho, Prezidente da Provincia do Gram-Para a Assemblda Legislativa Provincial na Abertura da Segunda Sessao Ordinaria da Sexta Legislatura No dia lo de Outubro de 1849 ( Beiem Para.Typ. Santos e Filhos, 1845), No. 15 (hereafter, Coelho, 1849); 13M, November 7, 1846, pp. 1-2.

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293 54. Coelho, op. cit p. 52; Coelho, Mappas No. 9; Coelho, 1849, op. cit No. 8. 55. Coelho, 1849, op. cit .. No. 4. 5 6 Ibid No 5 57. Ibid p. 86, No. 17, No. 18. 58. Ibid pp. 29, 70, No. 7. 59. Henry W. Bates, The Naturalist on the Amazons (London: Bradbury and Evans, Printers, 1863), p. 229. 60. Fausto Augusto d'Aguiar, Falla Dirigida pelo Exmo Snr Dr. Fausto Augusto d Aguiar Prezidente da Provincia do Para a Assembl6a Legislativa Provincial, Na Abertura da Primeira Sessao ordinaria da Setima Legislatura no "dia lo de Outubro de 185 0 ( Bel6m, Par^: Tyo. Santos e Filhos 1850) Relatorio. 61. Regulamento para execu9ao da 2a parte do Art. 17:3 da Lei No. 586 de 6 de Setembro de 1850, esp. arts. 1, 5, 6, 9, pp. 234-40, Codex 808, III, ANRJ. 62. Viotti da Costa, op. cit p. 15, passim. 63. Fausto August d'Aguiar, Relatorio do Presidente da Provincia do Gram Par^ 0 Exmo Sr. Dr. Fausto Augusto d'Aguiar, na abertura da 2a Sessao ordinaria da setima legislatura da Assemblea Provincial, 15 de Agosto de 1851 ( Bel6m Para: Santos e Filhos, 1851), p. 5^ and Rela9ao Nominal dos Parochos, Annexo s/n, (hereafter, d'Aguiar, 1851) 64. Wilbert, op. cit ., p. 6 (Wallace after Bronowski, 1973, p. 302) 65. Salles, op. cit p. 53. 66. d'Aguiar, op. cit ., "Mappa Demonstrative do Trifico dos Portos e Rios Nevagdveis, 1851." 67. Ibid "Mappa Demonstrative da Navega9ao de Cabotagem. 68. Josd Joaquim da Cunha, Falla que o Exmo Snr. Dr. Jos^ Joaquim da Cunha, Presidente" desta Provincia dirigio a Assemblea Legislativa Provincial, na abertura da mesma assemblea, 10 de setembro de 1852 ( Bel^m Pard: Santos e Fiihos, 1852), pp. io-il (hereafter, da Cunha, 1852); Jos^ Joaquim da Cunha, Falla que o Exmo Sr. Dr. Jose Joaquim da Cunha, Presidente Desta Provincia, Dirigio a Assemblga Legislativa Provincial, na abertura da mesma assemblea. No Dia 15 de Agosto de 1853 ( Belgm Pard : Santos e Filhos, 1853) Annexo No. 3 (hereafter, da Cunha, 185 3)

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294 69. da Cunha, 1852, op. cit "Rela9ao das Delegacias." 70. Ibid "Mappa das Cadeiras de Instru9ao Publica...;" da Cunha, 185 3, op. cit Annexe No. 4. 71. da Cunha, 1852, op. cit pp. 12, 72, 82. 72. da Cunha, 1853, op. cit p. 20. 73. Soares de Souza, op cit. Annexe inv. p. 30.

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CHAPTER VII FOREIGN PENETRATION AND THE RISE OF RUBBER, 1852-1872 In 1852 the Amazon Valley received a visit from the United States Navy. The two Navy lieutenants, William Lewis Herndon and Lardner Gibbon, passed through the Gurupl area in March and April of 1852. Their comments about the areas they visited are enlightening for various aspects of Amazonian daily life at the time. For example, east of Santarem they encountered a man who worked on a cacao plantation belonging to someone in that city. Water from the river nearly reached the door of his house, which was surrounded by marshes and, from its appearance, Herndon thought it to be unhealthy. The man who lived there with a wife and six healthy-looking children informed him, however, that they were never sick there. The father's main complaint, as told to the navy officers, was about the required military service at Santarem, which took him away from his work and family during several months of each year, preventing him from adequately supporting his family. "'' Herndon 's pilot received many requests from Amerindians along the way to work as crew. The pilot refused in all cases, however, because "custom, if not law, gave the patron the service of the tapuio /Amerindian_7, provided this

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296 latter were in debt to the former" and the pilot believed 2 that the patron ensured the Amerindians' being m debt. During the sailing from Monte Alegre to Gurup^, the navy officers were buffeted by heavy rains and wind. Herndon observed that this occurred in the Amazon Region wherever the land was elevated, and that the hills along the river banks between the two towns deserved the name of mountains ^ The expedition crossed the Amazon River about 50 miles east of Almeirim to GurupS, sailing from island to island. The 10 mile expanse of the river was divided by large islands creating the two channels of Macap^ and Gurupi, "the latter conducting to ParS, the former running out to sea by 4 the shores of Guyana. They arrived in the town of Gurupa at 9PM on April 1. Although the deputy sheriff claimed a population of two or three thousand for the town, and official reports indicated over one thousand, Herndon estimated about 300 inhabitants. He described the town as "a village of one street, situated on a high grassy point on the right bank of the Amazon River with large islands in front diminishing the width of the river to about a mile and a half "^ There was a great demand for salted fish in Gurup^, just as the expeditionaries had found at every other place they stopped southeast of the Barra do Rio Negro. Herndon commented that they could easily have made a profit if they had had surplus provisions. Commerce in Gurupd was

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297 dominated by trading for India-rubber obtained along the Xingu River and the neighboring smaller streams. Herndon made no connection between dedication to trade and rubber extraction and lack of dedication to procuring food supplies. The scarcity of fish, for example, was attributed to the high water level of the rivers' lowering the piscosity, or concentration of fish. Herndon added that in Santar^m people gathered around a canoe which arrived with fish as if it were a rare occurrence, and they "seemed so lazy that they would prefer eating farinha alone, rather than take the trouble to go down the Amazon and catch fish."^ Herndon had the opportunity to meet the new municipal judge of Porto de Moz, who was staying with the military commander of Gurup^ before taking up his post. The judge told Herndon that the Xingu River was obstructed by rapids after four days' travel from its mouth, and that savages also barred further navigation. Since Herndon had been told in Santarem that caravans from Cuiaba had traversed the Xingu River and found dolphins in it, he dismissed the barrier of the rapids and drew "the old gentleman" into conversation about the Amerindian population. The old gentleman "thought that a military force should be employed to reduce them to a more perfect system of subjection, and that they should, •7 by all means, be compelled to work." Herndon mentioned that a Portuguese told him the best reform would be to hang all the Amerindians, and the judge countered that perhaps the old ones could be killed advantageously, but they should

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298 be shot, not hung. Herndon had thought that as a judge, the man would have preferred hanging and was amused at his g evident philanthropy. Other information culled by Herndon was that an industrious rubber gatherer could make 16 pounds of rubber a day; in Bel^m he was told that each rarely averaged more than three or four pounds a day. Breves, a settlement about 200 miles downriver from Gurup^, was a depot for India-rubber and annually was sending about 3000 arrobas, or 96,000 9 pounds, to Bel^m. By 1854 there was a postal agency in Gurupa served by ^ steamships of the Companhia de Navega9ao e Com§rcio da Amaz6nia, which had been organized in 1852. Perhaps Gurup^ was emerging from its former decadence, since its town council requested that the parish of Sao Jos^ of Carrazedo be restored to legal recognition as a parish. For judicial affairs, Gurupa remained subordinate to Porto de Moz, which in turn was subordinate to Macapa. The district judge in Macap^ was the same one from 1849, Dr. Antdnio Jose Lopes Damascene, and the public prosecutor was Francisco Rodrigues de Carvalho. The municipal judge in residence in 1854 was Jos^ Gomes de Paiva. Porto de Moz's town council was among seven municipal governments which had not sent financial reports and budgets, for which it was fined 100 $000."''^ That year the provincial president, Sebastiao do Rggo Barros discussed the need for two more comarcas in Para: one including MarajcS Island and one for Gurup^, Porto de

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299 Moz, and Monte Alegre. He cited the distance between the towns as a major factor in preventing coiranunLcation and inhibiting the administration of justice. The administrative divisions in 1854 comprehended two municipalities in the area. Porto de Moz included five districts presided over by a justice of the peace: Porto de Moz, Veiros, Pombal, Croajo, and Vilarinho do Monte. Gurupa, subordinate to Porto de Moz, included four districts: Gurupa, Almeirim, Esposende, and Araiolos "^"^ The inspection and tax collection agencies, coletorias, established in the province were assigned different classifications. The first class included agencies that had produced progressive increases in revenue; the second class, those which had potential for improvement; the third class, those collecting diminishing revenue; and the fourth class, those agencies totally inactive. Porto de Moz belonged to ^ the first class, and Gurupa, to the third. Collections made during a three-year period in the two towns and the province are presented in Table 7.1. In 1851, Porto de Moz and the districts belonging to it, provided 2.39% of income from inspection agencies in the province. Including Gurup^ and its districts in 1852, the area contribution was 3.77%, and the next year rose to 3.82%. The general provincial total declined during those years, but Porto de Moz's increased steadily. The organization of the National Guard and the towns' police personnel remained unchanged from 1852. The

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300 Table 7.1. Gurupa, Porto de Moz, Para: Collections from Inspection Agencies, 1851 to 1853. Places 1851 1852 1853 Total Gurupi 487$500 433$300 920$800 Porto de Moz 1:084$500 1:141$020 1:284$500 3:510$020 Subtotals: 1:084$500 1:628$520 1:717$800 4:430$820 Para 45:389$690 43:167$306 45:022$186 133:579$182 Source: Relatorios a que se Refere a Falla Que o Exm. Sr Conseilheiro Sebastiao do Rego Barros Presidente Desta Provincia dirigiu h Assembl^a Legislativa Provincial Na abertura do corrente anno. 185 4 Jan. 16, 1854 (Para TBeTlmTl Typ. da Aurora Paraense 1854, Annexe s/n. Workers' Corps, though, apparently had undergone reorganization and reappeared as "Municipal Corps" in each of the districts. The inspector-major for the corps in Gurup^ and Porto de Moz in 1854 was Josd Roberto Pimentel. The captain or commander for Porto de Moz and Veiros was Daniel Leitao da Fonseca, who commanded one sergeant, five helmsmen, and 93 workers, for a total of 100 people in that corps. In Pombal, the captain, Manuel Mendes da Silva Neves, commanded one sergeant, six helmsmen, and 84 workers, for a total of 92. The captain for Souzel and Vilarinho do Monte, Joao Ferreira Leal, was in charge of one sergeant, five helmsmen, and 102 workers, totalling 109 people in that corps. Gurupa had only the captain, Ant6nio Rodrigues Barradas with eight workers. Almeirim, included with Gurupi's districts of peace, presented 25 workers and one captain, Joao Rabelo Mendes. There were no captains in the other two districts, Esposende and Araiolos, which had nine and 20 workers.

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301 respectively."^"^ No information was given concerning the duties of these Municipal Corps. The schoolteachers in both Gurupd and Porto de Moz were the same as those in 1852, Francisco de Paula Leitao, with 65 students, all male, in the former, and Jose Ferreira de Lacerda, with 33 students, also males, in the 14 latter. The situation of parish priests in the area remained stable: only Gurupd, Porto de Moz, and Pombal ^ had priests. No missionary had yet arrived at the Xingu Mission and nothing was known about the Amerindians there. No information was forthcoming about navigation on the Xingu River, but an outline of shipping in the Comarca of Macapd was available and included parts of the area.'^^ The shipping in the Comarca of Macapa included the ports of Mazagao, Gurup^ and adjacent islands, Porto de Moz, Veiros, Pombal, Chaves, Cintra, and the coast of Maraj6 Island to the Cabo do Norte. The products involved in trade were not specified; the only indication was that the boats left these ports with "infinite objects of trade. Involved in the trade at that time were two flatboats ( bateloes ) ten covered canoes, and 37 simple canoes. The crews of these boats consisted of 273 free people and 21 slaves The Municipal Corps of Workers (Corpos dos Trabalhadores was cited in 1855) was divided in 1855; the Command of Porto de Moz was separated from Gurupi. The officials on the independent Command in Porto de Moz were Daniel

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302 Leitao da Fonseca as inspector-major and Amaro Antdnio Marques as the coitunander in the town. A new commander, Roberto Botelho de Sampaio, was named in Souzel to replace Joao Ferreira Leal who had died. The same people were in command for Gurup^ and its districts The workers of the corps were used on construction sites. The provincial president requested the district commander of Porto de Moz to lend the commission in charge of rebuilding and repairing Souzel 's church six workers from the village of Souzel. They were to be excused from all other work while effectively employed with the churchconstruction commission. According to one official opinion, the workers' corps was necessary for its immediate effects of accustoming indolent and ignorant classes to work and to subordination to the private and public good. The workers were not used only for local projects. Groups of them were requisitioned from Bel^m, Vigia, and Gurupa in July 1855 for the construction of the Reducto docks in Belem.'''^ The National Guard passed review in 1855. The major of the 2 4th Infantry Battalion stationed in Porto de Moz wanted to leave his battalion. The provincial president could not grant his wish, however, for this was a matter that could be resolved only by the Imperial Government. There were three staff officers and two staff noncommissioned officers with six company officers, 557 guards, and 40 men of other ranks. One more man had been added to the reserves, bringing that total to 78. Porto de Moz's battalion included

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303 six companies. In GurupS, there were four companies which formed the 2 3rd Infantry Battalion, whose headquarters had two staff officers and four staff noncommissioned officers; in the companies were 13 officers, 47 men of other ranks, and 469 guards. Thus, the strength of Gurup^'s battalion TO was 535, with an additional 24 in reserve. Both battalions received shipments of armament and leather goods, as did those in Cametd and Macapd. The lieutenant-colonel of the Porto de Moz battalion received an award from the Portuguese king, the Commendation of the Order of Christ. Joaquim Duarte Rodrigues Souto merited the award due to his care and concern for Portuguese subjects during the Cabanagem in Pard, and his continued high standards as a deserving citizen. Along with his duties as lieutenant-colonel in the National Guard, Souto was sheriff in Porto de Moz, with Daniel da Fonseca Leitao as his deputy. In Gurupd, the law officers were the same as before: Pedro Alexandrine da Fonseca as sheriff and Zeferino Urbano da Fonseca as deputy. Elections were held in 1855, but there was some trouble with those in Veiros. The nature of the problem was not specified. The niamber of electors accorded each parish was somewhat different from that noted earlier: Porto de Moz, 3; Veiros, 2; Pombal 2; and SouzeL, A.^'^ Municipal organization was unstable. The town council in Gurup^ had to rent a private home in order to hold its meetings. The move was approved by the provincial council.

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304 which authorized a rent of 160$000 yearly. Porto de Moz and GurupS were no longer linked to Macapa's judicial administration; in 1855, they were joined to the Comarca of Santar^m. Porto de Moz remained as the principal municipality, with Gurupd subordinate to it. Throughout 1854 and part of 1855, the provincial government was trying to make up a list of possible substitutes for the position of municipal judge in Porto de Moz. One citizen, Hermenegildo Pereira de Melo, had been requested to state his acceptance or rejection of the position as sixth substitute for the judge. By November the final list of substitutes was posted: Manuel Mendes da Silva Neves, Tiago Profirio d'Aratijo, Daniel LeitSo da Fonseca, Jose LeocSdio de Sousa, Jos^ Miguel Tendrio, and Manuel Agapito Marcial were the substitutes, in that order. The municipal judge that year was Jose Gomes 2 2 de Paiva, who adjudicated for Porto de Moz and Gurupa. The only matters appearing on the court's docket concerned slaves: one fugitive and one for sale. A cafuz slave with Amerindian features ( atapuiado ) Geraldo, who belonged to Faustino Pereira, had been seen near the store or trading post of Boaventura Ferreira Pinheiro on the Baquia River (on the Great Island of Gurupa) Faustino searched for his slave, Geraldo, on the Baquia, but, unable to find him, returned to Porto de Moz. After he had left for town, a bounty-hunter ( sev-andi jo ) appeared on the MarariS River (west of the Baquia on the Great Island of Gurupa) saying that he was an inspector for the river and showing a paper

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305 signed by a Deputy Benedito. He was hunting a slave called Ant6nio, whom he captured and who was put in chains at Gurupa. After an investigation it was discovered that Antdnio had been born in Vila Franca (on the Tapajos River) and raised in the home of a Colonel Ingles in Santarem. Faustino Pereira had no claim on Ant6nio and the sheriff of Porto de Moz ordered the black set free. No more news 23 concerning Geraldo was given. Two months later, in October, there was trouble with the will of the widow Maria Florencia de Sa in which she bequathed a slave apparently in an ambiguous manner. The judge had suspended an order to sell the slave at auction pending a more certain resolution of the widow's will. No follow-up information concerning the slave's fate appeared.^ The tax collection post or inspection agency in Porto de Moz was among the province's top revenue producers, according to revised figures given for the provincial totals for collection posts in 1853. The total provincial revenue figure was revised upward to 50 : 475$897. In March of 1855, the town council of Porto de Moz requested authorization for the creation of a primary school for girls. By May, a competition was held for the instructor's position at the girls' school, in GurupS, which previously had been authorized, while another girls' school, in Porto de Moz, was created. By October, Porto de Moz had a tenured professor for boys, Jose Ferreira de Lacerda, with 39 students, and an interim professor for girls. Ana

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306 Amelia de Paiva, who had no student enrollment at the time. Gurup^ reported no teacher for the girls' school; the only educator present by October was Francisco de Paula Leitao, with 6 7 male students. The girls' schools in the area were two of the three authorized in 1855. The third was 2fi m Obidos. The vicars in Porto de Moz and Souzel requested help from the provincial government for the construction of a church in the former, and completion of the church in the latter, in January 1855. In September there was a request from Porto de Moz for the construction of a chapel in Souzel. The provincial treasury by October sent 3: 000 $000 for building the main church in Porto de Moz.^^ The contradiction between completion of a church in Souzel and the construction of a new chapel there might be resolved by the situation of the town. Since 1842, the move of the town from the west bank to the east bank of the Xingu River had been authorized. Evidently, the move had not been completed by 1855, though there were people living on the eastern site. In 1854, the district of Souzel was not included among those of Porto de Moz, but that of Croajo was. Croaj6 was located across the river from the old Souzel (Aricari) and perhaps the new chapel was to be constructed at the Croajd site. There were three parish priests in the area that year; all earned 400 $000 annually. Gurupa's vicar was Belarmino Francisco Martins Gafanhoto; Vilarinho do Monte s Bernardino

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307 Dutra da Vera Cruz; and Porto de Moz's, Antonio Manuel 2 8 Pinheiro. There was a good bit of official correspondence concerning the priests of the area in 1855. Three of the parishes were without religious ministers: Souzel, Pombal, and Veiros. One priest, Father Joao de Santa Cruz, was instructed not to go to Alemquer, which had a priest, but to Porto de Moz and then Pombal. Other correspondence concerned Father Josd da Rainha das Virgens who was mentioned as vicar of Pombal and in charge of the parishes of Veiros and Pombal. Some priests were not remaining in their parishes, as indicated by an ecclesiastic communication suggesting that the vicars of two parishes, Vilarinho do Monte and Alemquer, return and take up residency in their parishes. In October, the priest at Gurupa was the subject of four unspecified complaints. While he was suspended from his duties there. Father Bernardino was requested to serve in his place. In December this situation was repeated and Father Bernardino was assigned to care for Vilarinho do Monte and Carrazedo as well as for Gurup^.^^ By 1856, the parishes were redistributed among the priests, with Father Belarmino Francisco Martins Gafanhoto in Gurup^, Father Bernardino Dutra da Vera Cruz in Vilarinho do Monte, Ant6nio Manuel Pinheiro in Porto de Moz, and Father Jose da Rainha das Virgens caring for Veiros, Pombal, and Souzel. In 1856, population statistics were published for most of the province, and perhaps the presence of a parish priest was necessary for whatever enumeration

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308 occurred. The only parish for which detailed statistics were not available was Gurupi; the totals given were 1,870 free people, 320 slaves, and 17 foreigners. Information for the other towns and villages is presented in Tables 7.2 through 7.6. Table 7.2. Vilarinho do Monte: Population Given in 1856. Adults Children Categories Males Females Males Females Totals Free Whites 42 71 66 60 239 Amerindians 101 161 148 140 550 Black 8 5 2 3 18 Mixed 37 32 14 19 121 Subtotals : 188 269 230 222 928 Slave Black 14 19 10 9 52 Mixed 4 5 2 3 14 Subtotals : 18 24 12 12 66 Foreigners 1 1 Totals : 207 293 242 234 995 Source: Exposigao Apresentada pelo Exmo Sr. Conselheiro Sebastiao do Rego Barros Presidente da Provmcia do Gram Pari, ao Exmo Senr. Tenente Co rone 1 d Engenheiros Henrique de Beaurepaire Rohan, no Dia 29 de Maio de 1856. Por occasiao de passar-lhe a Administrayao da mesma Provtncia /Belem_7: Typ. de Santos & Filhos, 1856. From 1853 to 1856, the population of Vilarinho do Monte apparently increased by 48 people. Similar increases were reported for all places except for Souzel, which slightly diminished in population. Despite the fact that Souzel apparently lost population during the period, it was one of

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309 Table 7.3. Porto de Moz : Population Given in 1856. Categories Adults Males Females Children Males Females Total Free Whites 199 131 193 81 604 Amerindi ans 457 302 631 169 1,558 Mixed 37 72 106 70 285 Blacks 39 47 57 45 188 Subtotals : 732 552 987 365 2,636 Slave Mixed 9 28 6 12 55 Blacks 8 36 7 11 62 Subtotals : 17 64 13 23 117 Foreigners 26 1 27 Totals : 775 617 1,000 388 2,780 Source : Exposipao Apresentada pelo Exmo Sr. Conselheiro Sebastiao do Rego Barros, Presidente da Provincia do Gram Para, ao Exmo Senr. Tenente Coronel d Engenheiros Henrique de Beaurepaire Rohan, no Dia 29 de Maio de 1856. For occasiao de passar-lhe a Administragao da mesma Provmcia Bel6m : Typ. de Santos & Filhos, 1856. Table 7.4. Veiros : Population Given in 1856. Adults Children Categories Males Females Males Females Totals Free Whites 4 4 Amerindians 58 106 65 43 272 Mixed 63 103 74 58 298 Blacks _ Subtotals: 125 209 139 101 574 Slave Mixed 1 1 Blacks 1 1 Subtotals: 2 2 Foreigners _ Totals: 127 209 139 101 576 Source: Ibid., Table 7.3.

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310 Table 7.5. Pombal : Population Given in 1856. Categories Adults Males Females Children Males Females Total Free Whites — — — — Amerindians 131 129 78 48 386 Mixed — Blacks — Subtotals : 131 129 78 48 386 Slave Mixed Blacks 1 1 Subtotals : 1 1 Foreigners Totals : 132 129 78 48 387 Source: Ibid. Table 7.3. Table 7.6. Souzel: Population Given in 1856. Categories Adults Children Males Females Males Females Totals Free Whites 49 26 14 10 99 Amerindians 215 233 216 162 826 Mixed 12 4 4 3 23 Blacks 91 1 92 Subtotals : 367 263 235 175 1,040 Slave Mixed 2 3 4 1 10 Blacks 13 10 5 28 Subtotals : 15 13 9 1 38 Foreigners 11 11 Totals : 393 276 244 176 1,089 Source: Ibid. Table 7.3.

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311 the places which opened a primary school, along with Vila31 rinho do Monte. With the beginning of steam navigation along the Amazon River, GurupS experienced growth and change. One of the stimulants to this change was increasing demand for rubber. According to provincial authorities, however, extractive pursuits, including rubber gathering, were detrimental to the development of the province. In the opinion of the provincial president in 1857, Henrique Beaurepaire Rohan, the exclusive collection of forest products was not the work of a civilized people. This activity, which he incorrectly ascribed to the natives (incolas) since they depended on an interdependence of cultivation and collection, not only prejudiced some families, but affected the general population and hindered civilization. He blamed exclusively extractive activities for the high mortality which blocked the government's attempt to increase the sparse population. The same year that the provincial president was declaiming the hazards of exclusively extractive activities, the town council in GurupS wanted to investigate the possibilities of cutting a road from the town of Gurupa to Portel. Lieutenant Colonel Pedro Alexandrine da Fonseca had visited President Rohan to assure him of the feasibility and advantages of opening a road between the two towns. The officer was authorized to open an exploratory trail in order to judge the distance and the disposition of the terrain, to estimate the expense of such a venture.

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312 ~ There were reconunendations to expand the reach of established postal agencies. Of 30 municipalities in the province, only nine agencies had been situated among them. Another agency was recommended for the area in Porto de Moz, which would have been the second opened in the area, with the first in Gurupa. The postal agencies were served by the Amazon Navigation and Trading Company, which had three lines running in 1857. The first line was from Belera to Manaus, with the following ports of call: Breves, Gurup^, Prainha, Santarem, and 6bidos. The second line went from Belem to the Tocantins River, and the third, from Manaus to the Upper Amazon. Some of the cities which did not benefit at all from steam travel at the time included Porto de Moz 34 and Monte Alegre. Presumably, with the establishment of a postal agency at Porto de Moz, steamboat transportation would be extended there. The newfound importance of Gurupa was reflected by its establishment as an independent Comarca in September 1856. By 1857, there were seven comarcas 11 districts with municipal judges, and 79 districts of peace in the province. Jurisdiction for Vilarinho do Monte was taken from Porto de Moz and given to Gurupa in 1858. The man nominated for comarca judge. Dr. Raimundo Jose Rabelo, delayed in going to 35 Gurupa to occupy the post. A year after receiving the designation of comarca, Gurup^ became the seat of the twelfth district, with a municipal judge.

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313 In 1859, however, both Gurupd and Porto de Moz lacked municipal judges. The judge for Gurupd, Dr. Felix Gomes do R§go, was on leave and no one had substituted for him."^^ Perhaps lack of provincial funds affected the contracting or appointment of a replacement. There was no money for repair or construction of churches in various parishes, including Macapa and Gurupa. Earlier in the year, during the months of May and June, the Amazon River and its tributaries had flooded higher than ever before, at least in the memory of those living. Everything that was not on high ground — cattle, fruit trees, cereals — was lost. About 50,000 head of cattle were lost in Monte Alegre, Santardm, 6bidos, and Gurup^, and 500 horses in (jbidos. The loss of cultivated products — including cereal, cacau, coffee, and manioc — was incalculable. "^^ By October 1859, a report reached the provincial government concerning the condition of Gurupd. Apparently submitted by the town council, it began, "In this municipality, all that exists made by the hand of man is a small chapel serving as the main church, nearly anihilated, and the begin38 nings of a ruined fort." Again, Gurupa 's geographical position was propounded as important, especially as a military port with great significance for the security of Brazil. But the installations apparent in 1859 were disappointing the reviewers; there were only two insignificant bridges in the municipality, one crossing the Majari stream, and the other, the Pixuna stream. There were no roads, considered

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314 39 so important to trade, agriculture, and public security. Despite the postal agency and the status as a port-of-call for the steamboats, Gurupd did not present a very progressive appearance. The organizational scheme for workers was described in a presidential report published in October 1859. There were three classes of workers: the first was private workers; the second, public workers; and the third. Municipal Guard workers. The first class was obliged to travel for agricultural service on the farms ranches and lands of individuals who would pay each worker a daily wage at a reasonable rate, which was not specified. At the end of each week, two-thirds of the salary was to go to the worker, and onethird was to be deposited in the coffers of the provincial collection agency. The landowners were responsible for providing sustenance for the workers they engaged, who were to work a predetermined — but again unspecified — number of hours per day. The second class of workers were obliged to toil on piablic works in the municipality, such as the opening, construction of, and repairs to, roads and canals; the construction and repair of bridges, chapels, churches, and other public buildings; the draining of swamps, the piping of water, and other projects for the province or municipality. There was to be a daily wage, paid weekly, with two-thirds to the worker and one-third to the provincial collection agency. The wages were to be paid either by the province or by the municipality

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315 The third class of workers was taken from the existing workers' corps. The names of ten to 20 men from the corps was to be posted in each municipality, with a preference for single men rather than married ones. They were to be uniformed and armed. Their commanders were to be retired army officers, or in the event there were no such officers, retired officers of the National Guard, or of the former Police Guards, or — only if there were none of the above — civilians. The salary for the third class of laborers was arbitrary and subject to increase when their work was outside the place of residence. These guards were at the disposition of the police authorities, who could requisition them from their respective commanders. With the authorization of the provincial president, the chief of police could concentrate the Municipal Guards in any place in the province threatened by disturbances. For the convenience of public service, the president of the province could disband some or all of these corps, dismissing their commanders. The thirds of salaries from the first two classes of workers — the private ones and the public works details — were to be used to pay the Municipal Guards. The barracks for these Guards would be in the seat of the municipality, even if they were dispatched in squadrons to other parishes in the province. Efforts to contact Amerindians outside the municipal jurisdictions were made. Some Amerindians from the Xingu River were contacted by a Brazilian civilian, Domingos

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316 Antdnio Ferro, who had a contract to do so from the provincial president. In April 1859, Ferro arrived in Belem with nine Taconhapeua, including two chiefs ( tuchauas ) On the 16th of that month, the wife and son of one of the chiefs received baptism and the president gave them gifts. Also, he distributed among all the Taconhapeua presents of clothe?, hunting arms, and various tools for cultivation. He proceeded to seek a missionary for them, whom he found in Friar Marcelo de Santa Catarina de Sena. Friar Marcelo received instructions to leave for the Xingu in July, which he did, bringing all necessary vestments and equipment with 41 which to say mass. Evidently, Friar Marcelo did not remain long in the Xingu mission, but he did recovmt the existence of at least three thousand estimated Amerindians among whom were Jurunas — the most numerous — Taconhapeua, Xipoca, Arara, and Tapaiuna. The mission was located just above the first falls near the Tucurui River, and the Amerindians lived farther above the falls. He reported that the Jurunas lived on the islands, due to fear of attacks by the Taconhapeua. The Juruna cultivated manioc, corn, and beans on a small scale, and wove threads and hammocks 42 which were rather rough. Early in 1860 the provincial president. Dr. Antdnio Coelho de S^ e Albuquerque, visited the interior, stopping at Cameta, Santarem, dbidos Macapa, Breves, Gurupa, Monte Alegre, and Prainha, as well as at some rural establishments. S^ e Albuquerque's opinion of agriculture in the province

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317 was pessimistic: the state of cultivation was deplorable and only the abundance of spontaneous products along the 43 river banks prevented abject poverty in the province. The principal reason for growth of extractive production, to the detriment of cultivation and agriculture in general, was the rising demand and consequent high prices for rubber outside the region. It seems that the accelerated rise in prices during 1853-54 attracted more people to work at rubber extraction, which, while dangerous to life and health, 44 could bring them obvious material rewards. In President Sa e Albuquerque's opinion, the reckless continuation of this industry would decimate the population, without doubt. In addition, rubber extraction was absorbing almost all available labor, causing the neglect of other industries which required Amazonian workers. Coffee, sugar, urucu, vanilla, clove, and many other cultivated and collected products were disappearing from the markets. If a dike were not constructed to stem the flood of the means of production to rubber, the other sources of wealth, which were more certain and civilized, would wither and weaken. The president deplored the desertion of a regular and organized farming life to that of a poor and unhappy nomadic 45 one. One example of the flight of inhabitants to the rubber fields was seen in Gurupd. There the president saw whole blocks of new, spacious houses abandoned by their owners, who had become rubber gatherers ( seringueiros ) Everything

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318 was lacking in the forest where the seringueiros plied their trade. There was, however, a swarm of small merchants, who bought or traded for rubber and sold it at market, either for their own account or that of their patron. Some towns of the interior which formerly had been flourishing were creeping toward a total decadence with the emigration of their inhabitants to the islands and other areas with rubber trees. Among these towns, according to the president, were Gurup^ and Porto de Moz.^^ The manner in which the inhabitants pursued rubber extraction also received censure from President Sa e Albuquerque. Fascinated by the high prices offered for rubber, they abandoned their usual activities to dedicate themselves exclusively to rubber extraction, which was easy and cheap. The only equipment needed was a knife to slash the rubber tree and a cup — even one made of clay — to catch the sap or latex dripping from the trunk. The president estimated that a robust man using only these utensils could produce up to 20 pounds of rubber, which could earn him 10$000 to 20$000 per day. The people, however, were provisioned badly, without food, clothes, or shelter. They slept in humid places, exposed to rain and seasonal variations, and were deprived of any medical assistance. Almost without exception, said the president, they were victims of illness, enfeebling or deadly diseases in many cases. Yet the industry of extracting riibber, he recognized, did increase public income, feeding the export market, and developed many private for47 tunes

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319 The socialization of the Amerindians also earned the attention of the president. To accustom the natives to civilized society, the president encouraged their appearance at villages, towns, and cities to trade. In his opinion, the most pernicious agents of civilized society in contact with the Amerindians were the people running the floating trading posts ( regatoes ) whose operations were scandalous if not criminal. He claimed that the trade items offered by the regatoes consisted of aguardente or cheap items for which they received valuable commodities collected or produced by the Amerindians. Since the regatoes procured their customers at their homes or near them, the Amerindians had no incentive to seek the villages or towns, where they would experience the civilizing effects of contact with the settled inhabitants. These traders became rich in a short time, alledged the president, who added that, in order to maintain their monopoly, they encouraged antipathy among the Amerindians toward the public authorities and private citizens residing in the settlements.^^ Recounting the condition of GurupS, however, the president offered a view which certainly had no attractions for visitors, whether civilized or not. With all the homes that had been abandoned, one might conclude that few people remained in the town. Gurupa's famous fort was no more than fallen or falling shells of walls in an irregular decagon. The fort was incapable of serving as any public utility. The house designated as a prison was no more than

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320 a filthy lean-to, without facilities or security. The arms used by the guard in charge of the prison were in terrible condition. The president ordered the sheriff to rent another building which appeared more suitable for use as a prison and guard barracks, and to replace the useless 49 arms with some in good condition. The former district judge in Macapa, Dr. Antonio Jose Lopes Damascene, was now district judge in Gurup^. At the time of the president's visit, however, he was on vacation. An Imperial Decree of January 1860 nominated Francisco Mendes Pereira Jtinior as municipal judge for Gurup^. The former district judge in GurupS, Dr. Felix Gomes do R§go, was transferred to the Comarca of Guimaraes in the Province of Maranhao. There was no municipal judge present in Porto de Moz in 1860.^ Both police positions in Porto de Moz were vacant. ..... Ambrosio Duarte Rodrigues Souto was nominated for the post of sheriff and Zeferino Sanches de Brito, for that of deputy The school established for girls in Porto de Moz had lapsed due to lack of enrollment. Nor were there any schoolteachers in Porto de Moz, Souzel, Vilarinho do Monte or Gurup4 in 1860.^^ The flight to the rubber fields put an end to provincial plans concerning a work force organized in three classes. Pay received from rubber production would remain ostensibly in the hands of the producer. There was no debiting of a third part of a week's pay to cover someone

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321 else's wages. Those who opted for the rubber fields controlled all the earnings from their labor. However, while in the rubber fields and away from the settled villages and towns, the riibber workers were subjected to the economic whims of the floating traders, the regatoes, unless there were an established store ( barracao ) on a nearby river bank. If one estimate of the exchange rate was valid, then the regatoes marked up their prices by 50 times in their 52 trading deals. The owners of the barracoes, too, sought a big profit on their goods, which had passed through the hands of middlemen from Belem or beyond, increasing in price each time. Unless a rubber gatherer had a store of edibles, or part of his family was occupied in subsistence activities, he or she had to depend on the barracao or regatao for food and clothing. Apparent profits from the rubber trade must have been enough to attract even those with regular salaries, such as the schoolteachers (if it is assumed that the lack of teachers in all towns in the area was due to their entry into the rubber trade) Teachers could expect to receive their entire salaries, but these were often paid months or years late; the rubber business offered quicker rewards With the spontaneous acceptance of the rubber trade by most inhabitants, the provincial government had to learn to deal with it instead of complaining. In 1861 two interrelated questions concerning the Amazon Region were raised: how to regulate extractive production and how to fix the population as farmers and cultivators

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322 of food. One suggestion was to impose a fine on anyone leaving land claimed. The register of land claims ( regis tro dos titulos de posse ) should contain the name of the claimant, his employees, his age, and qualities of the land. Should the claimant leave the land, he would pay the value of it to the government. The second claimant who took occupancy of that land would do so under the obligation to cultivate twice as much in foodcrops as had the previous claimant. This was to be effected because of the manner in which the rubber fields ( seringais ) were exploited. It was ascertained that as soon as a seringal (singular of seringais) was sapped entirely, the rubber workers ( serin gueiros ) moved on to another field until it, too, was sapped. This kind of exploitation, with no thought given to planting foodstuffs or to replanting exploited plants, could provide only an illusory wealth. That was the kind of wealth Par^ was enjoying in 1861. The rush to the rubber fields adversely affected provincial income from the area of Gurupa and the Xingu River. Table 7.7 indicates the revenue from the collection agencies in Gurupd and Porto de Moz and the provincial total for the second semester of 1856 through the first semester of 1861. Table 7.8 follows with the corresponding expenses from these towns and the province. The year of greatest income from the collection agencies was 1857. The revenues over the years fluctuated, however, and only with a longer series should any conclusions be attempted. Gurupa consistently

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323 vi, m 00 to 0) •H U I >4-( in t3* rH in 0^ (N 00 in rn 00 o 00 in 00 rH in vo r — fH 00 00 CN in rH ro ro o CO ro 1 vo r— 1 CO (N r— 1 vo CN 00 CN vo un ,_j rH ,—1 ro ro c/> vo CN rH m rH 00 ro ^* ro r-j 00 in rH vo o CN 00 00 00 00 00 CN ^ in ro 00 00 00 in CN H iH CTi rH • rH fN o O a^ 00 00 r~ O 00 CTi CN 00 in rrH 00 CO fH fO in o iH ro in r-l rH CM ro CO o r1 rH vo ro CO in ro o fO r00 vo rH N rH in o CO CN CN in rH O de rH O in in VO O O rH s VD tolOcoCOin in vo rn CO ro CN vo ro ^(a rH ro VO a\ en rH r-l ro g 8 0) tn 13 CQ 00 rH i vo CO CO 8 na rH CN VO ro o% /— \ 00 CN W 1 C/> coc/> CO c/> fM ro VO vo cn ro CN vo in CN CO fO CO CN ro *J > rH o <0 V3vo VO ro CO rH 00 r-in in rH ro CO ^ N 1 r\ U 1 00 \ N uu vo _J rn cn cococoin 00 ro fN in 00 CN rH iH r-1 CN • rH (N in O 00 (Tl 00 vo VO 00 in in 00 coco in cn rvo CO en ro ro r rH rH vo vo rH rH CN rH rH o rH O rro O in rcococoCOin vo o r~ 00 CO cn CO rH 00 in CN CN ro CN in co ro rn ro CO 00 CN rH o rH vo vo ro CN rH CN VO ro rH I N T3 •H CO rH de tota qn 8 1 04

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324 kept expenses below income, while Porto de Moz expended as much as was taken into its provincial coffers. Voting qualifications were reviewed in 1861, both for qualified voters and electors. The fluctuations in nxamber of qualified voters with the minimum number for each town and village in the area are presented for the years 1857 to 1860 in Table 7.9. Table 7.9. Xingu Valley and Gurup^: 1857-60. Qualified Voters 54 Places 1857 1858 1859 1860 Minimum Gurup^ 407 391 371 372 371 Vilarinho 88 100 99 100 88 Porto de Moz 236 240 239 283 236 Veiros 132 140 138 139 132 Pombal 123 125 131 131 123 Souzel 122 224 208 211 208 Source: Relatorio do Exmo Sr Angelo Thomaz do Amaral Presidente da Provincia do Gram-Para ao Exmo Vice-Presi dente Olyntho Jose Meira Por occasiao de passar-lhe a administrayao da mesma l May 4 1861 (Para Bel^m : Typ. de Santos & Irmaos, 1861), Annexe no. IG. Evidently, some care was taken each year to determine the number of people qualifying as voters. From the number of electors previously assigned to the towns and villages, changes occurred in 1861 when these were fixed along with the site of the elections. Gurupa's electorate went from four to six; the place designated for the elections was the church. All churches in the other towns and villages also

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325 served as polling places. In Vilarinho the number of electors remained stable at two. Porto de Moz gained two electors, going from three to five, while both Veiros and Pombal went from two to three. Souzel, with a previous five electors, gained one for a total of six. Souzel did not appear often in official dispatches, as it had no administrative status; it was still a village forming one district of Porto de Moz. In Porto de Moz and Gurupa in 1861, there 55 were vacancies for the post of m\inicipal judge; the positions were still vacant the following year. In 1862 some changes were reported in the distribution of the National Guard. The Superior Command of the area was centered in MacapA and included the municipalities of 5 6 Macapi, Masagao, Gurup^, and Porto de Moz. Most information in the president's report for that year concerned natural resources: production and people. Among the commodities discussed in the report were rubber, clove, and cacao. The places where most collecting caravans sought rubber were the islands in the Amazon estuary (besides Maraj6 Island, three other large islands are considered to form part of the estuary: Mexiana, Caviana, and Ilha Grande de Gurup^) islands near Breves, the area immediately surrounding Belem, and the banks of the Amazon, Xingu, Tapaj6s, Ana j as, Jari and Tocantins Rivers. Clove appeared in great abundance in the forests of the districts of Viseu and Bragan9a; on the lands between the Gurupi and Capim Rivers, and on the banks of the Capim River; and on

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326 the Xingu, Amazon, and other rivers. Cacao was cultivated on a large scale along the Tocantins River, including the entire district of Camet^, and along the Amazon River from 57 Gurup^ to Vila Bela. There were reviews of production for the region, including Gurupd and Porto de Moz. In Gurupa at the time, there were five animal-powered sugar mills or aguardente factories, which experienced frequent work-stoppages due to lack of labor. The main items of exports included cacao (3,000 arrobas) nuts (8,000 alquieres) and rubber ( gomma elastica 20,000 arrobas). The value of the exports was not given. There were also 12 cattle ranches with both cattle and horses, which employed 39 free workers and seven slaves. Together, cattle and horses numbered 6,548 head. Porto de Moz presented a slightly different picture. There were no mills. Export items included nuts (500 alquieres, valued at 1:000$000), clove (100 arrobas, 1:500$000), and rubber (5,500 arrobas, 88:000$000). There were three cattle ranches with 500 head of cattle and 20 horses, and eight free workers. Before 1859 there had been ten cattle ranches with more than 6,000 animals, but the great flood of that year destroyed all but 60 or so.^^ Interest in the Amerindian inhabitants was revived, and information about the last attempted mission on the Xingu was reviewed. Apparently, Friar Marcelo de Santa Catarina de Sena spent a short — but unspecified — time at the mission and later absconded with, or squandred, the money (3:884$442)

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327 he was given for the support of the mission. Evidently, no concrete evidence of a mission was found at the site on the Tucurui River where the friar allegedly began a mission. The only results of the escapade were the contents of a report and a table which the friar sent to the provincial representative. The friar's table is presented in Table 7.10. Table 7.10. Information from Friar Marcelo's Report of 1859, Stopovers First Second Third Fourth Travel Group Time Chiefs Groups 6 hours Miri Juruna 3 hours Jaura Juruna 3h hours Taconhapeua 1 day Juruna Number of Inhabitants 80 70 80 85 Source: Relatorio apresentado a Assemblea Legislative da Provincia do Par^ na Primeira Sessao da XIII Legislatura Pelo Exmo Senr Presidente da Provincia Dr. Francisco Carlos de Araujo Brusque Em lo de Setembro de 1862 (Pari Bel^m Typ. de Frederico Carlos Rhossard, 1862), p. 19. More details were available in 1862 about the events surrounding Friar Marcelo's tentative mission than in 1859, when it occurred. Each of the stopovers represented what the friar called cabanas which probably stood for maloca or residential area for Amerindians. There were various numbers of cabanas (huts) in each site which measured from seven to eight bra9as (a linear measure of about 2.2 meters). These malocas began above the first rapids or falls. Besides the groups cited in Friar Marcelo's table, there were Xipocas, Araras and, Tapaiunas (possibly fugitive slaves.

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328 since this expression in Tupi referred to blacks, not other Amerindian groups) and other groups. The Juruna were calculated to be the most numerous. They were described as fearful of the Taconhapeua and to protect themselves they inhabited islands which were not connected to higher land or terra firme during low tide. They were considered insubordinate, even to their own leaders, the tuxauas and always avoided any form of subjection. The friar evidently had a poor opinion of the Juruna because he called them lazy and indolent; they walked around naked and ate insects that bothered them, like fleas and mosquitoes. The Juruna had small-scale plots of planted manioc, corn, and beans, and wove string and rough hammocks. The Taconhapeua were considered to be more intelligent and in59 dustrious than the Juruna. About the same time that the inhabitants of the Great Bend of the Xingu sparked the interest of the provincial government, the terrain became a subject of debate. An enterprising inhabitant of the area, Jose Leoc^dio de Sousa, decided to seek a workable land route crossing the Bend to avoid the falls and take advantage of the natural products which existed there and further south. He ascertained that the best route would be one which crossed between the Tucurui and Amb^ streams (the Tucurui River became a stream in Leoc^dio's report). A small road of three leagues (a league was a measurement of uncertain length, but fell between 4.83 km. and 5.5 km.) would complete the transit. Provincial

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President Francisco Carlos de Araujo Brusque requested the treasury to budget 3: 000 $000, payable on completion of the work, for Jos6 Leoc^dio and a partner, Jose Torquato Galvao Vinhas ^ ^ Little was occurring in the municipality of Gurupa, Information about Amerindian groups inhabiting its districts referred to the Jari and Paru Rivers, both in the district of Almeirim. Only two groups were identified, the Aparay (probably Apalai) and the Urucu-iana (probably the Wayana) The former lived at a place called Arimatapurti and the others at a point 30 days travel away. They cultivated cotton, tobacco, corn, and some vegetables and fruits. Their only trade item was sarsaparilla. In the town of GurupS, the inhabitants were receiving 5: 000 $000 for the construction of a new church, which was to cover all costs. For Gurup^ and the other towns and villages of the area, population estimates appeared in 1862. They were estimates based on the 1854 figures, which also may have been based on estimates. The 1862 estimates are 6 2 presented in Table 7.11. The provincial report of the next year, 1863, presented on November 1, included various items about the area under study. There was news about the church under construction at Gurupd. The payment for construction mentioned above must have been only partial payment, since the sum expended in building the structure had reached 23:675$155. The church was constructed of brick and stone and replaced the

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330 Table 7 11 w m. Li ki' C4 ciii
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331 Table 7.12. Gurupa, Vilarinho do Monte, Porto de Moz, and Souzel: School Attendance, 1861 to 1863. Places 1861 1862 1863 Males Females Males Females Males Females Gurup^ 13 Vilarinho Porto de Moz 42 Souzel 16 35 15 51 15 17 23 42 84 46 19. 14 Source : Relatorio apresentado a Assemblea Legislativa da Provincia do Par^ na Segunda Sessao da XIII Legislatura Pelo excellentissimo Senhor Presidente da Provincia Dr Francisco Carlos de Araujo Brusque em lo de novembro de 1863 TPaFI Bel^m : Imp. na Typ. de Frederico Carlos Rhossard, 1863) Annexos, Instrucao Publica. an interim basis. Also on an interim basis was Joaquim Duarte Rodrigues Souto, since April 1861. In July 1861, Father Theod6sio Canovas Nogueira had begun teaching on an interim basis in Souzel. Vicars' payments, at least in Gurup^ and Vilarinho do Monte (and Barcarena, Moju, Baiao, and Oeiras) were overdue in October 1863.^^ Revenue from the collection agencies in Porto de Moz and GurupS had been received. The agent responsible in Gurupl in 186 3 was Manuel Ferreira da Paixao; his clerk or accountant was Jose Leandro dos Santos Cabral. The income they collected came from a 5% tax on the sale of slaves, which rendered 115$760; a licensing fee of 15$000 on stores, taverns, bars, bakeries, and other commercial establishments, rendering 30$000; a tax of 75$000 on each canoe belonging to a ragatao, 450$000; and miscellaneous collections, 403$975, which gave a total of 999$735 for revenue collected in Gurupa that year.

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332 In Porto de Moz taxes were collected by the agent Daniel Litao da Fonseca and the clerk-accountant Manuel Borges Tavares da Fonseca. They collected taxes of 25% on consumption of aguardente, totalling 41$000; a 5% tax on the sale of slaves, 35$000; the 15$000 per store, tavern, bar, bakery, etc., 90$000; and the 75$000 per canoe belonging to a regatao, 750 $000, which rendered a total of 916$000 for the year.^^ There were no judges in either Gurupa or Porto de Moz. The district judge, Antonio Jose Lopes Damascene had died; no explanation was given for the vacancies for municipal judges. A description of the Lower Xingu Valley ignored the population, except to note that civilized men resided in the settlements of Souzel, Pombal, Veiros, and Vilarinho do Monte, and in the town of Porto de Moz. Most noteworthy among the numerous products of the Xingu were rubber, cacao, nuts, estopa, clove, and breu. After November 1, 1863, Porto de Moz was to be a portof-call on both the outbound and inbound routes of the steamship company. In order to facilitate navigation on the Xingu River, a small light was to be placed at the entrance to the main channel of the river's mouth, with a buoy above it to warn of nearby rocks treacherous to ship6 8 ping. The opening of Porto de Moz to steamboat travel was linked to the inauguration of a road crossing the barrier of the Great Bend. The costs of adding Porto de Moz to the scheduled stops was 250 $000 per voyage, to cover the

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333 extra expense for coal. To open the road between the Tucurui and Ambe streams, the provincial treasury spent 3:317$100, which reimbursed the expenditures of Jos6 Leoc^dio de Souza and Joao Torquato Galvao Vinhas The streams had to be cleaned or dredged and their navigable limits extended six maritime leagues. The road had a length of about 12 miles and a general width of 20 feet, except for the extremities, which were widened to 40 feet or so to facilitate the loading and unloading of cargo at the terminal docks. Three large and spacious huts had been constructed of palm fronds for the comfort and shelter of travelers. Province President Brusque had heard a rumor that more than 1,500 persons had alreadytraveled this dirt roadway to reach the upper part of the Xingu River, because they wanted to collect the forest products which abounded there. They had not been exploited until the opening of the road.^^ One natural resource located along and above the Great Bend, the Amerindians, had been exploited previously; most had retreated there to escape this exploitation, when it was beyond the range of European penetration. The construction of the road put them in jeopardy once again. The provincial president managed to collect information about the groups living along the Bend and beyond during the year of road construction. He believed that the land there could prove to be perhaps the most fertile of the entire province, and he identified at least 13 "savage" groups which lived

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334 in the region: Jurunas, Taconhapeuas Jacipoias, Urupaias Curuaias, Peopaias, Taua-tapuiari, Caraj as-mirira, Carajas71 72 poctis Xipocas Araras and Tapaiunas. The Juruna numbered approximately 250 people, mostlyfemale, according to the provincial report. At the time they were investigated, they lived on the first islands above the waterfalls in 2 3 badly built thatched huts. Around the huts, there were no gardens or plantations but they did cultivate manioc and cotton on both sides of the river. The women spun a fine thread from the cotton which 7 3 they used to make hammocks and belts. Brusque, the provincial president, was amazed at some of the differences perceived among the Amerindians. He received information that the Taconhapeuas had brown hair, eyes with blue tints and nearly white skin, and that they came from the same area as the so-called Caraj as-pocus said to be of black skin, eyes, and hair. The Jurunas were supposedly black haired and light-yellow skinned, while their neighbors, the Tapuya-eret§ were copper-colored and similar in appearance to the Urupaias, who were supposed to be of an elegant bearing with a reddish-brown skin. Brusque claimed that such differences among natives had never been noted in other parts of the world. "^^ The homeland of the Taconhapeuas was given as the headwaters of the Iriri River, a tributary of the Xingu from the west above the Bend. They had been persecuted by neighboring tribes and about 500 of them emigrated to one of the

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335 large islands in the Xingu River and built their homes there. They cultivated manioc and cotton on both river banks, as did the Jurunas their implacable enemies. The Taconhapeuas appeared to be good workers and honest in their dealings, seeming to conserve remnants of an education which they perhaps had received in bygone days. The island they lived on contained vestiges of a small chapel, but it was not known who was responsible for it. Those Taconhapeuas who remained at the confluence of the Iriri and Xingu Rivers faced war and periodic attacks in which they were defeated and decimated. The emigrants were not much luckier, because they fell victim to intermittent malarial fevers which reduced their number to 75 about 150 people of both sexes. Little was known about the group called Jacipoia. They consisted of no more than 60 people living in four sites located on islands in the Iriri River. Their tuxaua was called Uacume, and they resembled the Jurunas in their activities, except that they were more indolent and not as 7 6 good looking. The Urupaias were rather numerous, although no numbers were cited for them, and they were very distrustful and fearful of interactions with other groups. They maintained strict relations of friendship and trade with the Taconhapeua, whom they greatly resembled. The Taconhapeuas came into contact more frequently with caravans of Brazilians or civilizados who occasionally traveled to the

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336 area beyond the Bend searching for forest products, and from whom they obtained trade items to exchange with the Urupaias for canoes, thread, cotton, hammocks, and poultry (probably ducks or turkeys) The Urupaias became middlemen for other Amerindians who wished to obtain civilized products without contact with the civilized people. They profited on the resale of agricultural tools and decorative beads (mi£anga) They were considered to be different from those groups who, on encountering civilized men with firearms, began to covet the weapons — like the Taconhapeua, who had obtained some. The Urupaia remained so afraid of firearms that they would not approach a person armed with a gun. Oral tradition among the Urupaia recounted the encounter with men who had shot at them in remote times causing great mortality. The history of this encounter supposedly sustained their fear of firearms. On their islands, they cultivated manioc, cotton, and urucu. They were considered to be elegant, well-formed, of a pretty color, dextrous, and industrious. Their tuxaua was named > 77 luacua. Information about the Curuaias came from the Taconhapeuas, who were the only people with whom they maintained contact, albeit reserved contact. They were said to be rather numerous, although no figures were given. They resided in the forest at a great distance from the western bank of the Xingu River. They had permanent residences,

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337 planted cotton and manioc, and wove hammocks. They were not familiar with bodies of water, and when they reached a beach they appeared confused and terrified. Apparently, 78 the Urupaias were not accustomed to riverine life. The Peopaias also inhabited the western banks of the Xingu River. But they were rarely seen, and never in large nvimbers. Allegedly, they were ugly, short, coppercolored, and of irregular features. They maintained no peaceful relationships with other groups of the area. The only social interaction they sustained was war, and they were cannibals, according to the other groups of the 79 area. The group known as Tapuia-erete inhabited the eastern part of the Xingu River and also allegedly practiced cannibalism. These people were tall, muscular, and wheatcolored, with their faces painted black to the middle. They used the same weapons as other tribes, lances and bows and arrows, but theirs were thicker, heavier, and stronger. Instead of sleeping in hammocks or on animal skins, which served most Amerindians as beds, they used on a long basket ( balaio ) The Carajas-mirim inhabited the same general territory as the Tapuia-eret§ and had no connections with any other group. The individuals of this group supposedly symbolized the ultimate degeneration of the human species. Their heads were flattened but big; they were stout and short; they did no planting or handicrafts. Their food

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338 consisted of wild fruits and game and a type of clay which they stored. They had no huts, but slept on piles of leaves gathered haphazardly, and by 186 3 were few in numbar. 81 The Caraj^s-puctas also lived to the east of the Xingu River, along which they occasionally appeared in groups of six to eight people, sometimes going north, sometimes south. They were very tall, slim, and almost black, with wide heads and noses. Some of the other Amerindians believed that these people did not come from their territories in which they had been seen, but none was certain about this. All agreed, however, that they were an extremely fierce people. They were feared by all the groups who inhabited the Xingu Valley. They were wily in battle, withholding their offense until they perceived that the enemy had used most of their arrows; then they attacked. In their pierced ears these people sported feathers, crosswise. In war they used neither bow nor arrow, but a mace ( maga ) which they wielded so well that they could deflect incoming arrows The length of the mace was given as 5^5 82 palmos (spans). In all probability, these people were 8 3 not Carajds, but Kayap6. The Jurunas and Taconhapeuas had conflicting information about the Araras : the Jurunas claimed they were cannibals, the Taconhapeuas said they were not. Supposedly, the Araras appeared ten years earlier (1853) and since then they were encountered in various places, wandering

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339 without a fixed settlement, enemies of all except the Taconhapeua, with whom they cultivated strong relationships. In the last two years they had lengthened their excursions to points below the waterfalls, to about three leagues from a small settlement of individuals working at the rubber trade. The settlement was called Tingaapuaa and the individuals had some huts or tents there. Among these seringueiros were people daring enough to try and reach an understanding with the Araras They gave them manioc flour, salt, plates, tools, and trinkets and received some offers of cooperation from the Amerindians. In 1861 the Araras tarried ten days at the settlement. Then the next year, they stayed for 20. Again, some people working in the rubber trade visited them and gave them gifts. The Araras were described as noble in bearing, tall, with light brown hair and skin that was nearly white. The women made long braids in their hair, which reached almost to the backs of their knees. The men's hair was rather short and many of them sported fine and rather thin moustaches. In 186 2, 34 3 adults of both sexes were counted. Many others never appeared because they were in the forest hunting game and collecting seasonal foods. They were completely naked and wore only tiaras or headdresses (grinalda) made from many-colored feathers and bracelets of animal teeth. Until December 1862 they had demonstrated no belligerant attitudes. However, in that month two small canoes passing by tied up

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3 40 near their stopping place, their crews curious to see the Araras. Suddenly the people of the canoes were assaulted by clouds of arrows Two crew members both Jurunas died from the attack and others were gravely wounded by the arrows The reason for the attack was given as the presence of the Jurunas, enemies of the Araras. When the arrows from this attack were collected later, 491 were found — shot in less than half an hour — which led people to believe that there were more Araras than met the eye during the incident. The Araras left the scene after a few more days, leaving no indication of the direction in which they went.^^ Both the Xipocas and the Tapaiunas (probably fugitive slaves) rarely appeared to other groups, who knew little about them and believed them both to be nomads. From time 85 to time they appeared on the banks of the Xingu Ruver. The Tapaiunas were also found along the Anapu River, one of the most extensive between the Tocantins and Xingu Rivers. It flowed via the canal of Pacajai into the Pacaja River, which emptied into the bay of Portel. The Taconhapeua also traveled in that area, trading with the niomerous civilized inhabitants. Some of the products they brought were copaiba oil, tobacco, breu, rubber, and estopa. The itinerant ways of the Amerindians were lamented by Provincial President Brusque. Nothing came of their semipermanent residences, all of which disappeared after a relatively short time. By abandoning the established village

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341 ( aldeia ) to which they were accustomed, the Amerindians lost their shelter, their plantings, and all that they had worked and suffered for. This apostacy Brusque attributed to the regatao, who often would give in exchange for valuable forest products nothing more than a shirt and pair of 87 pants. The Xingu River, according to the provincial president, was the center for multitudes of Amerindians who provided the origins for settlements established by missionaries, which became villages and towns with Portuguese administration. He believed there was no exaggeration in saying that those Amerindians living outside the settlements along the Great Bend and further south on the Xingu River, 8 8 numbered more than 12,000 people. In effect, more people lived outside the pale of Brazilian administration in the area of the Xingu River than within it. Production in the area did not yet concentrate solely on rubber. The most important cultivated product in Para Province in 1867 was cacao; about half the province's total 89 came from the district of Cameta. Gurupa's products and their quantities from 1865 to 1867 are shown in Table 7.13. The same information for Porto de Moz is in Table 7.14. The leading items of export in Gurupa were rubber, animal pelts, nuts, and cacao. Porto de Moz, with less overall variety of products, exported mostly rubber (but less than Gurupa) and animal pelts. Rubber extraction and preparation (by smoking or defu mayao ) earned the scorn of the provincial president in 1867.

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342 Table 7.13. Gurupa: Production 1865-67. Products/units 1865 1866 1867 Rubber/arrobas 16 ,057 16,108 14, 821 Animal pelts/pounds 14,197 24,859 21,776 Tanned hides/units 132 98 85 Deerskins/pounds 1,941 3,189 1,741 Cacao/arrobas 3,425 1,516 5,959 Nuts/alquieres 12,640 1,192 9,798 Capalba oil/pounds 44 240 Sarsaparilla/arrobas 142 12 102 Tobacco/arrobas 4 Source: Annexes ao Relatorio com que o Excellentissimo Senhor Vice-Almirante e Conselheiro de Guerra Joaquim Raymundo de Lamare Passou a Admxnistracpao da Provincia do Gram-Par^ ao Excellentissimo Senhor Visconde de Arary lo Vice-Presidente Em 6 de Agosto de 1868 (Para Belem : Typ. do Diario do Gram-Pard, s/d) Annexo no. 3A. Table 7.14. Porto de Moz: Production, 1865-67. Products/units 1865 1866 1867 Rubber/arrobas 11,749 10,844 3,585 Camaru/pounds 1,226 3,757 3,140 Animal pelts/poiands 15,639 24,648 23,996 Tanned hides/units 24 737 15 Sarsaparilla/arrobas 4 Source: Ibid. Table 7.13.

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343 He believed that there was no advantage in the trade and that it did not deserve classification as an industry. The seringueiro prepared rubber only at the urging of his creditor or patrao, and in a manner which suited his supposedly lazy nature. The seringueiro s work owed nothing to civilization, yet merchants and the province reaped economic benefits from it. Economic benefits of the rubber trade were not visible as yet in Gurup^, at least to the eyes of Mrs. Louis Agassiz, who accompanied her husband, a naturalist, to the Amazon in the 1860s. By the time of her visit, the church construction had been completed; she described the church as of considerable size and in good repair. The fort was old and abandoned and many of the houses were in ruins and deserted. Mrs. Agassiz thought that Gurup^ was the scene of fewer activities than were other places she had visited in the Amazon Region. She pondered the probleiri of insalubrity in Gurup^, where intermittent fevers had struck many, including the deputy, who was incapacitated. Mrs. Agassiz disapproved of the apparent lack of affection among the Amerindians and their children, evidenced by the ease with which parents gave their children to others for education 91 and maintenance. When Mrs. Agassiz traveled from Porto de Moz by steamer, 92 the trip took five days to reach Belem. The steamboat lines serving the interior of the Amazon Valley were working well. The ease of this transportation helped to increase

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344 services and to spread "progress" in the region. Access to the region was widened by an Imperial Decree on December 7, 1866, which opened to international trade the Amazon River to Brazil's border on the west, the Tocantins River as far as Camet^, the Tapaj6s River to SantarSm, the Madeira River to Borba, and the Negro River as far as Manaus. The Xmgu River was noted by its absence in this decree. Governmental administration expanded to care for the increased traffic in the region with the creation of customs houses ( alfandegas ) in the valley. The Alfandega established in Cameta included in its jurisdiction Gurupa and the territory to the east as far as the outskirts of Belem. The Xingu and Tapaj6s Rivers were in the area of responsibility of the customs house established in Santarem.^'^ The keeping of official records of vital events was required by legislation enacted at various times during the nineteenth century, but took hold only after 1870. The regulations concerning the registration of births and deaths which were distributed after 1850 generally were 95 ignored. By a law passed on October 26, 1867, the collector was charged with the responsibility of recording population statistics. Despite the fact that Porto de Moz and Gurupd were among the municipalities which complied with the law, the overall provincial results were unsatisfactory. An imperial investigation of population statistics throughout the country revealed many deficiencies. From Para, there was information for only 53 districts; 35 districts had presented no population statistics

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345 To remedy the situation, a general law of September 9, 1870 determined that a census should be held every ten years. A Decree issued on January 14, 1871 created and regulated a General Directorate of Statistics (Directoria Geral de Estatistica) The date for complying with the orders for a census was set for August 1, 1872, and by April 18 of the next year all the parishes in the area — Gurup^, Vilarinho do Monte, Porto de Moz, Veiros, Pombal, and Souzel — had returned the results of the census. These results are reproduced in Tables 7.15 through 7.20. The information required for the 1872 census included age, sex, racial group, and marital condition, literacy, religion, national origin, and social status: free or slave. The results shown in the following tables include information on sex, racial category, and social condition with the presence and numbers of foreigners in the population noted. The high number of mulattoes or pardos noted in Souzel, Veiros, Porto de Moz, Vilarinho do Monte, and Gurupa indicates that "pardo" was intended or perceived to include mesti90s as well as mulattoes. Possibly the word was understood differently in varying villages and towns. The law issued in September 18 70, however, concerned more than counting populations as a whole; it also provided for civil registration of births, marriages, and deaths. A regulation of April 1874 gave further details about the procedures to be followed for registration of the vital

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346 Table 7.15. Gurupa: Census Results, 1872. Categories Males Females Total Free Whites 491 490 981 Mulattoes (Pardos) 487 381 868 Blacks 57 48 105 Amerindians (Caboclos) 351 258 609 Subtotals 1,386 1,177 2,563 Foreigners 14 1 15 Slave Mulattoes 4 3 40 83 Blacks 66 67 133 Subtotals 109 107 216 Foreigners 11 2 Totals 1,495 1,284 2,779 Source: Brazil. Recenseamento Geral de 1872 (Rio de Janeiro: Officina da Estatistica; s/d) Table 7.16. Vilarinho do Monte: Census Results, 1872, Categories Males Females Total Free Whites 100 154 254 Mulattoes 74 102 176 Blacks 25 9 34 Amerindians 78 74 152 Subtotals 367 339 706 Foreigners Slave Mulattoes 2 7 9 Blacks 7 3 10 Subtotals 9 10 19 Foreigners Totals 376 349 725 Source: Ibid., Table 7.15.

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347 Table 7.17. Categories Free Whites Mulattoes Blacks Amerindi ans Subtotals Foreigners Slave Mulattoes Blacks Subtotals Foreigners Totals Porto de Moz : Males 407 386 91 22 906 21 28 30 58 Census Results, 1872. Females Total Source ; 964 Ibid. Table 7.15. 212 369 68 13 662 11 20 31 693 619 755 159 35 1,568 21 39 50 89 1,657 Table 7.18. Veiros : Census Results, 1872. Categories Males Females Total Free Whites 222 197 419 Mulattoes 353 322 675 Blacks 60 54 114 Amerindians 349 345 694 Subtotals 984 918 1,902 Foreigners Slave Mulattoes Blacks Subtotals Foreigners Totals 984 918 1,902 Source: Ibid., Table 7.15.

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348 Table 7.19. Categories Free Whites Mulattoes Blacks Amerindians Subtotals Foreigners Slave Mulattoes Blacks Siibtotals Foreigners Totals Source: Ibid. Pombal: Census Results, 1872, Males Females 64 72 27 9 172 172 Table 7.15, 61 102 34 10 207 207 Total 125 174 61 19 379 379 Table 7.20. Souzel : Census Results, 1872. Categories Free Whites Mulattoes Blacks Amerindians Subtotals Foreigners Slave Mulattoes Blacks Subtotals Foreigners Totals Source: Ibid. Males 335 351 119 19 824 6 10 16 26 850 Table 7.15. Females 165 269 60 13 507 4 14 18 525 Total 500 620 179 32 1,331 6 14 30 44 1,375

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349 events. The time limits were established but not included in the available information. In May of the next year, an announcement was sent to the town councils of all municipalities ordering them to begin preparations for the implementation of the registration law. They were to acquire and distribute all necessary books, and to learn and follow the required form of registration. The target date for beginning registration of births, deaths and marriages in 9 8 the province was January 1, 1876. Registration of vital events had occurred in rural towns and villages, but these were recorded as religious, not civil, events, and were the responsibility of the parish priest, or any visiting priest who spent time in the locale. The earliest preserved baptismal registers encountered were from the parish of Oeiras on the Tocantins River, beginning in 1801. Apparently earlier baptismal registers existed 99 but were lost or destroyed. In the area under study, the earliest preserved baptismal register began in 1824, for Porto de Moz. The parish records from Porto de Moz, Souzel, and Gurupd provided detailed information on population movements in the area during the imperial period, from 1824 to 1889.

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350 Notes 1. William Lewis Herndon and Lardner Gibbon (Lieutenants, US Navy) Exploration of the Valley of the Amazon made under the direction of the Navy Department Part I, by Lt. Herndon (Washington D C : Robert Armstrong, Public Printer, 1853) p. 325. 2. Ibid P. 324. 3. Ibid p. 326 4. Ibid p. 327. 5. Ibid 6. Ibid. 7. Ibid p. 328. 8. Ibid. pp. 328-9. 9. Ibid. pp. 331-2. 10. Sebastiao do Rego Barros Relatorios a que se Refere a Falla Que o Exm. Sr. Conselheiro Sebastiao do Rego Barros Presidente Desta Provincia dirigiu ^ AssembL^a Legislativa Provincial Na abertura do corrente anno (16 de janeiro) 1854 ( Bel^m Par^; Typ. da Aurora Paraense, 1854) s/p (hereafter, Barros, Jan. 1854 ) ; Sebastiao do Rego Barros, Falla que o Exm. Sr." Conselheiro Sebastiao do Rego Barros Prezidente Desta Provincia dirigiu h. Assemblga Legislativa Provincial na Abertura da Mesma Assemblea No Dia 15 de Agosto de 1854 ( BelSm Pard : Typ. da Aurora Paraense, Imp. por J.F. de Mendonca, 1854), pp. 25, 28, 64 (hereafter, Barros Agosto, 1854 ) 11. Barros, Jan. ,1854 "Mappa da Divisao Civil;" Barros, Agosto, 1854 pp. 2 8-9. 12. Barros, Jan., 1854 pp. 22, 25, Annexe No. 3. 13. Ibid "Mappa dos Trabalhadores 14. Ibid "Mappa das Cadeiras." 15. Ibid "Mappa da Divisao Ecclesiastica, Annexe No. 22; Barros, Agosto, 1854 p. 41. 16. Barros, Jan. 1854 "Mappa de Navega9ao.

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351 17. Sebastiao do Rego Barros, Falla Dirigida h Assembl^a Legislativa Provincial pelo Exmo Senr. Conselheiro Sebastiao do Rego Barros, Dignissimo Presidente Desta Provincia, no Dia 26 de Outubro de 1855 por occasiao~ d'Abertura da Segunda Sessao Ordinaria da Nona Legislatura da Mesma Assemblea ( Bel^m : Tyo. Santos e Filhos, 1855) p"I 27, Annexo No. 22 (hereafter, Barros, Out. 1855 ) ; 13M, November 6, 1855, p. 1; 13M, November 16, 1855, p. 2. 18. 13M, January 9, 1855, p. 1; 13M, May 19, 1855, p. 4; 13M, June 21, 1855, p. 3. 19. Barros, Out, 1855 Annexo No. 4; 13M, July 10, 1855, p. 1. 20. Barros, Out. 1855 Annexo No. 18; Sebastiao do Rego Barros Exposi9ao apresentada pelo Exmo. Senr. Conselheiro Sebastiao do Rego Barros, Presidente da Provincia do Gram Pard, Por occasiao de passar a Administra9ao da mesma Pro vincia ao lo Vice-Presidente o Exmo Senr. Dr. Angelo Cus todio Corr6a ( Beldm ; Typ. de Santos e Filhos, 1855) p. 3 (hereafter, Barros, 1855 ) ; 13M January 13, 1855, p. 3; 13M May 19, 1855, pTT7 21. 13M, April 26, 1855, p. 1; 13M, June 16, 1855, p. 4. 22. Barros, Out. 1855 Annexo No. 23; Joao Maria de Moraes, Exposi9ao apresentada pelo Exmo. Senr. Doutor Joao Maria de Moraes, 4o Vice-Presidente da Provincia do Gram-Para, Por occasiao de passar a Administra9ao da mesma Provincia ao 3o Vice-Presidente, o Exmo Senr Coronel Miguel Antonio Pinto Guimaraens ( Bel^m ; Typ. de Santos e Filhos, 1855), p. 15 (hereafter, Maria de Moraes, 1855 ) ; 13M, January 11, 1855, p. 1; 13M, April 26, 1855, p.~rr~13M, May 1, 1855, p. 1; 13M, June 16, 1855, p. 4; 13M DecemEer 11, 1855, p. 2. 23. 13M, August 16, 1855, pp. 2-3. 24. 13M, October 22, 1855, p. 1. 25. Joao Baptista de Figueiredo Tenreiro Aranha, Relatorio que ao Illmo e Exmo Senr Vice Presidente Desta Provincia do Para para ser Presente a Assemblea Legislativa Provincial submette o Inspector do Thesouro Publico Provincial Joao Baptista de Figueiredo Tenreiro Aranha no anno de 1855 (August 2, 1855) (Bel^m Para: Typ. de Santos e Filhos, 1855), p. 24, Annexo No. 8. 26. Barros, Oct., 1855 Annexo No. 13; Barros, 1855 p. VI; 13M, March 27, 1855, p. 4; 13M, May 19, 1855, p. 1; 13M, May 30, 1855, p. 2.

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352 27. Barros, Oct. 1855 p. 11; 13M January 6, 1855, p. 3; 13M, January 25, 1855, p. 1; 13M, September 20, 1855, p. 2; TlM, October 18, 1855, p. 1; T3m, October 31, 1855, p. 2. 28. Barros, Oct. 1855 Annexe No. 6. 29. Ibid ; 13M, August 25, 1855, pp. 2, 3; 13M, October 3, 1855, p. 2; T5m, October 20, 1855, pp. 1-2; TIM, December 26, 1855, p."T7 13M, December 28, 1855, p. 2. 30. Sebastiao do Rego Barros, Exposigao Apresentada pelo Exmo Sr. Conselheiro Sebastiao do Reqo Barros, Presidents da Provincia do Gram-Parl, ao Exmo Senr. Tenente Coronel d' Engenheiros Henrique de Beaurepaire Rohan, no Dia 29 de Maio de 1856. Por occasiao de passar-lhe a Administracao da mesma Provincia ( Bel4m : Typ. de Santos e Filhos, 1856), Annexe No. 2 (hereafter, Barros, May, 1856 ) Possibly, these statistics were an indirect result of the cholera epidemic which hit ParS in 1855-56. This is discussed below. 31. Ibid p. 6. 32. Henrique de Beaurepaire Rohan, Relatorio apresentado ^ Assemblg'a Legislativa Provincial do Par^ no Dia 15 de Agosto de 1857 por occasiao da abertura da segunda sessao da 10a Legislatura da mesma Assemblea, pelo Presidents Henrique de Beaurepaire Rohan ( Belem: Typ. de Santos e Filhos, 1857), p. 8 (hereafter, Rohan, 1857. 33. Ibid p. 24. 34. Ibid p. 25; Henrique de Beaurepaire Rohan, Relatorio apresentado ao Illmo e Exmo Senr. Dr. Joao da Silva Carrao No acto de ser empossado da presidencia da Provincia do Pard por Henrique de Beaurepaire Rohan (December 27, 1857 ) ( Bel^m : Typ. de Santos e Filhos, 1857 ), pp. 15-6 (hereafter, Rohan, Dec. 1857 ) 35. Rohan, 1857 p. 9; Rohan, Dec. 1857 p. 12; Ambrosio Leitao da Cunha, Relatorio apresentado por Ambrosio Leitao da Cunha ao Passar a administraqao da Provincia do Pari ao Sr. Major Manoel de Frias e Vasconcellos em 8 de Decembro de 1858 Bel^m: s/p, s/d Annexe No. 1. 36. Manoel de Frias e Vasconcellos, Falla diriqida a Assemblga Legislativa da Provincia do Para na Segunda Sesslo da XI Legislatura pelo Exmo Sr. Tenente-Coronel Manoel de Frias e Vasconcellos Presidente da Mesma Provincia em lo de Outu bro de 1859 ( Bel^m Pari: Typ. Commercial de A.J.R. Guimaraes, 1859 ) p. 7. 37. Ibid pp. 18, 64.

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353 38. Ibid p. 18. 39. Ibid., pp. 19, 22. 40. Ibid pp. 50-1. 41. Ibid p. 60. 42. Castelo Branco op. cit pp. 12-3. 43. Antonio Colho de S& e Albuquerque, Relatorio que o Exmo Sr. Antonio Coelho de e Albuquerque Presidente da Provincia do Par^ Apresentou ao Exmo Sr. Vice-Presidente Dr. Fabio Alexandrine de Carvalho Reis ao Passer-lhe~a Adininistra9ao da Mesma Provincia em 12 de Maio de I860 ( Bel^m Pari: Typographia Commercial de A.J. Rabello Guimaraes, 1860 ), p. 34; Angelo Thomaz do Amaral Rela torio apresentado ao Exmo Sr. Angelo Thomaz do AmaraT T Pelo Primeiro Vice-Presidente Da Provincia do Gram-Pari 0 Exmo. Sr. Dr. Fabio Alexandrine de Carvalho Reis (e,~8 de Agosto de 1860 ( Bel§m Pard: Typ. Commercial de Antonio Joze Rabello Guimaraes, 1860 ) p. 7 (hereafter, Amaral, 1860 ) 44. Barata, op. cit pp. 319-20, Roberto Santos, Histo ria Economica da Amazonia (1800-1902) (Sao Paulo: T.A. Queiroz 1980) presents the most analytical and thoughtful review of Amazon economic history for the nineteenth century 45. e Albuquerque, op. cit. p. 41. 46. Ibid 47. Ibid 48. Ibid 49. Ibid. pp. 41-2. p. 41. p. 32. pp. 25, 35. 50. Ibid p. 3; Amaral, 1860 p. 4; Angelo Thomaz Amaral, Relatorio do Exmo Sr. Angelo Thomaz do Amaral Presidente da Provincia do Gram-Pard ao Exmo Vice-Presidente Olyntho Jos^ Meira Por occassiao de passar-lhe a administra^ao da mesma em 4 de Maio de 1861 ( Bel^m Par^: Typ. de Santos e Irmaos, 1861), p. 7 (hereafter, Amaral, 1861 ) The transfer for Damascene was issued on May 3, 1860. He took office on September 18, 1860, four and a half months later. 51. Sd e Albuquerque, op. cit ., pp. 9, 10; Amaral, 1860 p. 4. 52. Sd e Albuquerque, op. cit. p. 32.

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354 53. These recommendations came from the president of neighboring Amazonas Province, Silva Coutinho, and were reproduced in Joao Jos6 Pedrosa, Falla com que o Exmo Snr. Dr. Joao Jose Pedrosa Abrio a la Sessao da 23a Legislatura da Assemblea Legislativa da Provincia do Par^ em 23 de Abril de 1882 ( Bel^m Pars : Typ. de Francisco da Costa Junior, Imp. Raymundo Casemiro da Silveira Guimaraes 1882), pp. 58-9. 54. Both Araiolos and Almeirim, classified in 1861 as districts of Gurupd, have been neglected intentionally. Almeirim' s qualified voters from 1857-60 were 128, 112, 111, and 142. Araiolos had 63, 66, 61, and 60 during those years. 55. Amaral, 1861, Annexes lA, IB, IG. Almeirim' s electors went from 2 to 3 ; Araiolos from 1 to 2 56. Francisco Carlos de Araujo Brusque, Relatorio apresen tado h Assemblea Legislativa da Provincia do ParS na Pri meira Sessao da XIII Legislatura Pelo Exmo Senr Presidente da Provincia Dr. Francisco de Araujo Brusque Em lo de Setem bro de 1862 ( Bel^m Par5: Typ. de Frederico Carlos Rhossard, 1862, pp. 7, 77 (hereafter. Brusque, 1862). 57. Ibid., pp. 40, 45 47. 58. Ibid. p. 63 59. Ibid., pp. 18-9. 60. Ibid., p. 88. 61. Ibid. p. 18 62. Souares de Souza, op. cit Annexe inv, p. 30; Brusque, 1862 p. 83, "Mappa Comprehensive." 6 3. Francisco Carlos de Araujo Brusque, Relatorio apre sentado ^ Assemblea Legislativa da Provincia do Pard na Segunda Sessao da XIII Legislatura Pelo excellentissimo Senhor Presidente da Provincia Dr. Francisco Carlos de Araujo Brusque em lo de novembro de 186 3 ( Belem ParS: Imp na Typ. de Frederico Carlos Phossard, 1863) p. 96 (hereafter. Brusque 186 3 ) 64. Ibid p. 92, Annexes, Instru9ao Pilblica, p. 3. 65. Ibid p. 97; Francisco Carlos de Araujo Brusque, Annexes ao Relatorio apresentado h Assemblea Legislativa da Provincia do Pars na Segunda Sessao da XIII Legislatura Pelo excellentissimo Senhor Presidente da Provincia Dr. Francisco Carles de Araujo Brusque em lo de novembro de 136 3 First Part (Annexes I) Second Part (Annexes II) ( Beldm ParS: Typ. de Frederico Carles Rhossard, 186 3) Instru9ae Publica (hereafter. Brusque Annexes I or Annexes II)

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66. Brusque, 1863 Annexe No. 4; Brusque, Annexes II Tabella Explanat6ria. 67. Brusque, 1863 pp. 75, 89. 68. Ibid pp. 67, 70. 69. Ibid pp. 67, 106. 70. Ibid. p. 106. 71. A communication from Patrick Menget (Universite de Nanterre, France, Anthropology Department) advised that all references to Caraj^s Amerindians in the nineteenth century Xingu Valley should be understood as Kayapi. He identified the mistake through photographs taken in the nineteenth century in the Xingu Valley. He has worked for years with Amerindians in the Xingu Region and currently studies the Txikao, a Carib group. Communication of October, 1980. 72. Brusque, 1863, pp. 15-6. 73. Ibid. P16. 74. Ibid. p. 23. 75. Ibid. p. 16-7. 76. Ibid. p. 17 77. Ibid. pp. 17-8. 78. Ibid. p. 18. 79. Ibid. p. 19. 80. Ibid. 81. Ibid pp. 19-20. 82. Ibid. pp. 20-1. 83. See above, note 71. 84. Brusque, 1863 pp. 21-2. 85. Ibid. pp. 22-3. 86. Ibid. p. 75. 87. Ibid. p. 12. 88. Ibid. p. 23.

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356 89. Joaquim Raymundo de Lamare Relatorio apresentado h. Assembl^a Legislativa Provincial por S. Exca. 0 Sr. Vice Almirante e Conselheiro de Guerra Joaquim Raymundo de Lamare Presidente da Provincia, em 15 de Agosto de 1867 ( Bel^m) Pari: Typ. de Frederico Rhossard, 1867) p. 11 (hereafter, Lamare, 1867 ) 90. Ibid p. 12. 91. Agassiz, op. cit pp. 372-3, 375. 92. Ibid pp. 374-6. 93. Barao de Arary, Relatorio da Presidencia do Pari Apresentado a Respectiva Assembl^a Provincial Pelo Exce llentissimo Senhor Vice-Presidente Barao de Arary, em 1 de Outubro de 186"n ( Belem ParS: Typ. do Jornal do Amazonas, 1866), p. 17; Joaquim Raymundo de Lamare, Relatorio com que o Excellentissimo Senhor Vice-Almirante e Conselheiro de Guerra Joaquim Raymundo de Lamare Passou a Administrayao da Provincia do Gram-Par^ ao Excellentissimo Senhor Visconde de Aray lo Vice-Presidente em 6 de Agosto de 1868 ( Belem Pari: Typographia do Diario do Gram-Para, 1868) p. 32 (hereafter, Lamare, 1868 ) 94. Lamare, 1868 p. 33. 95. The regulations resulted in desultory attempts to record births and deaths starting in 1854. Of all the Municipal Archives visited, only two presented any visible results: Porto de Moz and Gamete. Both archives contained registers of births and deaths from 1854, but not continuing past 1856 in the case of Porto de Moz. See Codex 808, III 234-40, ANRJ; Registro de Nascimentos e Cbitos de 185 4, AMC; Regis tro de Nascimentos e 6bitos, AMPM. Land registers from 1854 still exist for all parishes of the study area — Gurupd, Vilarinho do Monte, Porto de Moz, Veiros, Pombal, and Souzel — at ITERPA, Belim. Other records emerging from the 1850 regulation included those for commercial transactions, such as sales of lands and slaves. These records have been preserved in Gurupl, Registro de Compra e Venda de 1854, AMG; and in Porto de Moz, Registro de Compra e Venda de 1854, AMPM. Both volumes continue for most of the late nineteenth century. 96. Joaquim Raymundo de Lamare, Annexes ao Relatorio com que o Excellentissimo Senhor Vice-Almirante e Conselheiro de Guerra Joaquim Raymundo de Lamare Passou a Administrayao da Provmcia do Gram-Par^ ao Excellentissimo Senhor Visconde do Arary lo Vice-Presidente Em 6 de Agosto de 1868 ( Belem Par^: Typ. de Diario do Gram Par^ 1868 ), No. 29, p. 16 (hereafter, Lamare, Annexes); Scares de Souza, op. cit Annexe inv. s/p.

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357 97. Barao de Santarem, Relatorio com que o Excellentissimo senhor Barao de Santarem 2o Vice Presidente da Provincia Passou a Administragao da Mesma ao Excellentissimo senhor Doutor Domingos Jose da Cunha Junior em 18 de Abril de 1873 ( Belem Para: Typ. do Diario do Gram-PajFl^ 187 3) pp. 30-1 Joao Alfredo Correa de Oliveira, Relatorio apresentado a Assemblea Geral na 3a Sessao pelo Ministro e Secretario de Estado dos Negocios do Imperio (Rio de Janeiro: Typographia Nacional 1871) Annexe s/n; Francisco Maria Correa de Sa e Benevides, Relatorio Apresentado pelo Exm. Sr. Dr. Francisco Maria Cor r§a~de e Benevides Presidente da Provincia do Pari a Assemblea Legislativa Provincial na Sua Sessao Solemne de Installagao da 20a Legislatura, No Dia 15 de Fevereiro de 1876 ( Belem Pari: Typ. do Diario do Gram-Para 1876) p. 52. 98. Benevides, op. cit pp. 54-5; Jose da Gama Malcher, Relatorio com que ao Exm. Sr. Dr. Jose da Gama Malcher, lo Vice-Presidente Passou a Administragao da Provincia do Para o Exm. Sr. Dr. Joao Capistrano Bandeira de Mello Filho em 9 de margo de 1878 ( Belem Para: Typ. Guttember, 1878), p. 87; A Provincia do Para April 1, 1876, p. 3 (hereafter, APP) 99. The present volume numbered 1 of Baptismos de Oeiras, ABC, had no volume number from the original pages, since the first few were missing. The second volume, however, was numbered 8, so one infers that six baptismal registers had been lost. There are at least 11 volumes of baptisms from Oeiras stored in the APC.

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CHAPTER VIII LIFE CYCLES: BAPTISMS AND MARRIAGES, 1824-1889 The oldest baptismal registers of the lower Xingu River and the Municipality of Gurupa come from Porto de Moz. These volumes begin in 1824 and continue to the present. For some years, very few or no baptisms appear registered, which can be due to several factors. First, the parish priest might have died, been ill or traveling. Second, the original notations of the baptisms may have been lost or damaged.^ Third, the oldest register (from 1824 to 1840) was rebound and some pages were not included, thus reducing the number and reliability of the baptisms which appear. In order to measure the reliability of the baptismal registers, a chart was elaborated from one presented by Louis Henry. The chart bases its ranges on total numbers of baptisms and the accpetable sex ratios one might expect from them. The sex ratio equals the proportion of males to females. The accepted sex ratios at birth for any hiaman group give 10 5 males born for each 100 females. There can be fluctuations, of course, from one year to another. In order to correct for possible fluctuations, the collected baptisms for each parish were grouped in five-year intervals. Acceptable sex ratio limits vary according to 358

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359 the total number of registers used in each analysis. Table 8.1 provides a guideline to acceptable limits pertinent to this study. Table 8.1. Acceptable Sex Ratio Limits • Number of Registers Minimum Sex Ratio Maximum Sex Ratio 100 86.00 128.50 175 88.25 125. 38 250 90.50 122.25 325 92.75 119.13 400 95.00 116.00 525 95.75 115.00 650 ; 96.50 114.00 725 97.25 113.00 900 98.00 112.00 1075 98.50 111.63 1250 99.00 111. 25 1600 100.00 110.50 Source: Elaborated from Louis Henry, Tecnicas de Analise em Demografia Hist6rica (Curitiba: Universidade Federal do Parana, 1977) p. 60. In the registers for Porto de Moz, nine pages were missing. This indicates a loss of 34 to 42 baptismal 2 transcriptions. A listing of those baptisms recuperated and used in this analysis (including baptisms reported for slaves' children) follows in Table 8.2. Since it is impossible to guess the sex of those baptized and recorded on the missing pages, the real sex ratio for some years may be different. There is no way to know precisely.

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360 TaDle 0 ^ Porto de Moz : Intervals Baptisms TOO/! on Five— year Years Total Baptisms Males Females Sex Ratio 1824-29* 196 91 105 86.66 1830-34 220 111 109 101. 84 1835-39 409 185 224 82.59 1840-44 352 172 180 95.55 1845-49 349 197 152 129.62 1850-54 450 244 206 118.45 1855-59 490 246 244 100.82 1860-64 377 194 183 106.01 1865-69 301 137 164 83.54 1870-74 185 93 92 101.09 1875-79 236 117 119 98. 32 1880-84 352 185 167 110.78 1885-89 396 195 201 97. 02 *To facilitate analysis, the first interval includes six years, not five. Source: Registros de Batismos, I-VI Porto de Moz, APPX. The resulting sex ratios from Porto de Moz's baptismal registers show clearly that for most years a fairly representative number of children born in the parish were baptized. The intervals with acceptable sex ratios include 1830-34, 1840-44, 1855-59, 1860-64, 1870-74, 1875-79, 188084, and 1885-89. Generally, biology and geography, combined with politics and priestly absences, can explain the unacceptable low rates for three intervals The greater fragility of male children during the early years of life leads to a higher male infant mortality. This occurs naturally and only societies with access to

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361 medical expertise can avoid a higher natural death rate of infant boys. Delays in registering infants, whether in civil (birth) or religious (baptismal) registers, implies fewer number of male registrants due to male infant deaths. Not all inhabitants lived in the parish centers, and some would have to travel considerable distances to the place of residence of the priest, if they wished to baptize their newborn. During two of the three unacceptable low intervals 1824-29 and 1865-69, there exist lacunae in the baptismal registers inferring an absence of the parish priest. The first gap occurs from January to March 1824; and in 1827, no baptisms were registered from January through October. During 186 7, no baptisms appear in the months of January and April through December. Blanks appear for February, March, May, and April 186 8, and for the first two months and the last month of 1869. With the vicar absent, no one performed baptisms except at home in case of near-death. No annotations appear in the registers for the first interval (1824-29) to indicate that original transcriptions were lost. Still, it is possible to assume that the previous register, containing the first three months of 1824, has disappeared over the years. Also, the first interval falls during the period of political upheaval in the Province of Par^. Besides a possible absence of the priest (or at least of baptismal registers) news of military confrontations may have inspired parents to keep their male children out

PAGE 384

362 of the registration books. Little is known about the reaction of Porto de Moz's inhabitants to Park's adherence to Brazilian Independence, other than the fact that the town councilmen obeyed an order sent from Belem on August 4 29, 1823, to proclaim the new regime. The death of Porto de Moz's vicar, Antonio Manuel Pinheiro, explains some gaps for the decade of 1860. His replacement, Frei Joao da Santa Cruz, described the disorganization he encountered when arriving at the post: "The entries in the register stopped at the end of February, 1864, and there were many notes on separate papers in the rectory's office." This was written at the end of 1865; the appointment of Frei Joao was temporary and he did not remain full time in Porto de Moz.^ Vicars from other parishes and missionaries sometimes performed baptisms in Porto de Moz until a permanent replacement was found. All of the children born shortly before or during these periods of absences ran the risk of dying without priestly baptism, and of not appearing in the registers. 1835-39 represents a low proportion of males baptized in Porto de Moz, which covers the culmination and most violent years of the Cabanagem (see Chapter V) Although the inhabitants of the Xingu and Gurupa, unlike those of other areas, did not participate actively in the Cabanagem, the general turmoil posed a threat to stability throughout the region. Together with the violence of those years, the creation of the Workers' Corps in 1839 (proposed in

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363 1837) could have induced some parents to refrain from baptizing sons. With the creation of the Workers' Corps, the "floating" or unemployed, landless, male, nonwhite population could be conscripted for public works projects. This system was probably viewed as a revival of the earlier scheme of repartition or reparti9ao (see Chapter III) which took away part of the male population for months, sometimes years, at a time, and was to be avoided. Thus, political and social factors combined with biological and geographical ones to produce the few unacceptably low sex ratios presented in Porto de Moz's baptismal registers. Political uncertainties during and after the years of Independence, social upheavals rampant during the Cabanagem, the death and absences of parish priests, plus difficulties and distances to be covered from outlying districts, all contributed to underrepresentation of males in Porto de Moz's baptismal registers. One must remember also the greater biological fragility of male infants, which lessened their niombers during delays between births and baptisms Given these conditions, the two intervals of high sex ratios~129. 62 in 1845-49, and 118.45 in 1850-54~appear anomalous. Yet, the enactment of the Land Law and an Episcopal visit could have influenced parents to register their sons, especially if they had held them back during previous years. Neither of the two five-year intervals preceding 1845 reaches a ratio of 105/100, although 1840-44 falls

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364 within acceptable limits. With the enforcement of the Land Law and the attempt to instill civil registration, civil administration began to pose a threat to the religious organization of Brazil. The attempt to require civil registration of births and deaths was a challenge to the Church's monopoly, but it was effectively countered in the XinguGurupa by the visit of the Bishop of Para in 184 6.^ Due to the authoritarian structure of Portuguese colonial society, carried over into independent Brazil, real power rested in the hands of very few people, and could be represented by a pyramid. The point at the top signifies the ultimate authority, who retains the last word, even concerning details. The presence of the Bishop in the interior represented an assertion of the Church's hold on the population. All events ratified by religious sanction could be expected to increase during the Bishop's visit. Parents would feel that their children were more baptized with the Bishop present than with only the parish priest officiating. Thus, for the interval of 1845-49 some parents might be expected to rebaptize their children. If they had withheld their sons previously, then during the Bishop's visit there would be more males baptized than females. In 1854, the Land Law was enforced with the beginning of active registration of land claims.^ Since Brazil's declaration of Independence, the only means of obtaining public land until 1850 was through active occupation. Discussions in Rio de Janeiro concerning the implantation of

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365 a national land law began in 1842. The Land Law of 1850 prohibited any form of obtaining public land except by purchase from the government. Only those who had fulfilled all regulations for cultivation, occupation, and pay9 ment of taxes on their claims prior to 1850 were exempt. The enforcement of the law was delayed four years. '''^ In 1854 the first pxiblic, civil registers for land and property transactions appear, as well as some attempts at civil birth and death registrations "''^ A review of the land registrations for the region shows that most people acquired their holdings by occupation, not by purchase or in12 heritance. The desire to pass on holdings to family members could have inspired a general registration of sons. (Few holdings are registered in women's names; female ownership of land was not illegal, but it was rare.) At no other time during the imperial era in the area do such high sex ratios appear. Another possibility leading to high proportions of raales-inthe baptismal registers involves the conversion of Amerindians. According to missionaries' theories of conversion, one ought to convince the leaders of a given group first. Once a group's leaders consented to conversion, then their followers would imitate their actions, facilitating the missionary work. This hypothesis, however, applies more readily to the parish of Souzel, which will be reviewed next. One test for such a hypothesis would be the frequency with which adult baptisms were recorded. Each registration usually

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366 included information about the age-status of the baptized. For example, if the individual was a child, then the term inocente or innocent was used; if an adult, then adulto preceded the name. Only in the late nineteenth century do birthdates appear in baptismal registrations. From the records available, however, few adults and fewer adult Amerindians agreed to baptism. Porto de Moz provides the longest, continual baptismal register used in this study. Church registers existed in the eighteenth century, but no measures were taken to ensure their conservation. An 18 23 commentary on the situation in Souzel notes that the three registers which existed previously had been destroyed by the climate and termites "^"^ This official interest endured briefly, however, because the earliest register recuperated from this parish begins in 1856. The following table shows records of baptisms recuperated from Souzel, including those of slaves' children from 1856 to 1889. While the registers of baptisms retrieved from Souzed covered a shorter time span than did those of Porto de Moz, they had no discernible missing pages. The high masculinity rate for the first interval probably is due to conversions of Amerindians although specific indications do not appear. During the mid-nineteenth century missionary activity in the study area centered on the region upriver from the parish of Souzel. Many Amerindian groups who previously had rejected contact with Brazilian society 14 lived there.

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367 Table 8.1. Souzel: Baptisms, 1856Intervals 89 Five-year J. C CL^ O Total Baptisms Males pptna 1 PS Cpv Ratio 1856-59* 209 126 83 151. 81 1860-54 259 133 126 105.55 1865-69 295 159 136 116.91 1870-74 255 131 124 105. 65 1875-79 253 132 121 109. 09 1880-84 264 134 130 103.08 1885-89 299 144 155 92.90 *To facilitate analysis, the first interval includes four years, not five. Source: Registros de Batismos Souzel, APPX Government officials, worried about roving, nomadic bands of "wild" Amerindians, created mission stations in frontier areas. Although Europeans had penetrated the entire length of the Xingu by the late seventeenth century, they just passed through and did not remain in the region (unless they died there) From time to time some European or Luso-Brazilian would attempt to explore or exploit the region, but only for limited time periods. '''^ Upriver from Souzel, enduring settlements of colonists or missionaries were established only in the 1890 's. In the mid-eighteenth century the German Jesuit, Roque Hunderpfund, established a short-lived mission facing what is now the city of Altamira. The general expulsion of the Society of Jesus from Brazil cut short his efforts. Until provincial preoccupations stirred the authorities in the

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368 mid-nineteenth century, only visitors and adventurers dared cross the Great Bend of the Xingu, and few others lived there, except for Amerindians. After advertising openings for several missionaries to work in various areas of the Amazon Region, the provincial authorities accepted some Italian Capuchins from the Xingu mission. Friars Carmelo and Ludovico Mazzarino began their mission activities in the study area in 1868. They established a center for settlement and conversion of groups located around and above the Great Bend, at a place within sight of Fa1 6 ther Rogue's former mission. For several years the missionaries worked hard and 17 enjoyed some success, as Amerindians of the Juruna and Taconhapeua groups converted and settled at the mission. Some went to Souzel under the guidance of one of the missionary brothers. The appearance of high numbers of male baptisms in Souzel, however, cannot be related to the missionary activity of the Capuchins, for they began their efforts after the era of high male sex rations in Souzel 's baptisms One factor contributing to high rates of baptized males could be related to the rebaptizing of male children. If, in 1856, no earlier baptismal register existed for the parish, then parents would want to ensure some kind of registration for their sons. By that time, the Land Law was in effect and kinship legitimacy became more important. Another possibility rests in the activity of Souzel' s parish

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369 priest since the 1840 's, Padre Torquato de Sousa. He, too, attempted to explore beyond the Great Bend and tried to encourage the opening of a crossroad. Father Torquato arrived by the 1840 's and served as host and guide to the expedition of Prince Adalbert of Prussia. While Prince Adalbert noted that some rubber tappers had reached beyond the Great Bend by 1842, most of the inhabitants there were Amerindians. Soon after the Prince's visit, one of the major landholders of mid-nineteenth century Souzel, Jose Leocadio de Sousa, tried to establish a land passage across the Bend. The unknown or rumored riches beyond the Bend enticed people to apply for legal authoriza1 8 tion to exploit the area. When Souzel was transferred from its traditional site at Aricari, in the 1860's, the new town was established on lands belonging to Jose Leocadio. Various reasons for the trans ferral have been given, including attacks of army ants on crops nearby, the collapse of the port area in front of the town, and flooding of the town. A decade after the establishment of Souzel Novo or New Souzel, the town became the municipal seat for the municipality of Souzel. Further administrative and economic favors seem to have accrued from rubber gathering, especially the exploitation of the Iriri River Valley, rich in rubber resources. Many people worked on the opening and maintenance of the 19 road. With the road, the Middle Xingu would give its resources to the enrichment of Souzel, until the creation of the municipality of Altamira in the early twentieth century.

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370 From its conception, the road project offered an exciting challenge, which attracted Father Torquato to the Great Bend. The conversions of Amerindians in this area by Father Torquato perhaps influenced the high male ratios for the first interval of Souzel's recuperated baptisms. The Capuchins did not succeed with their mission. One of them fell ill and died in the area; the other desisted shortly after. They had visited other areas of the Amazon, including some parishes on the Tocantins River, and left reports about the Amerindians they encountered. Some of these reports appear in the presidential reviews of the province. From time to time, one or the other per20 formed baptisms in Souzel or Porto de Moz. The remaining five-year periods for Souzel demonstrate an acceptable sex ratio, which indicates that either the priest or the population concerned themselves with the baptism of all, or nearly all, of those born. The relatively low sex ratio presented in the last five-year period (188589) could be due to dislocations caused by the quest of 21 latex from rubber trees. The settlement of Altamira had begun to draw people to it, and the port town of Victoria was growing as the delivery point for produce from Altamira. Altamira serves as the depot for transshipment of rubber and other products to Bel^m. Although the Xingu did not receive many Cearense immigrants the rise of rubber production from the area implies a rise in the number of people dedicated to rubber extracting. It is known that the number of people

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371 in Souzel increased greatly at this time, and that rubber extraction involved at least six months away from the parish center. With the time between birth and baptism extended, those fragile male infants would not appear in the registers. The earliest years of the parish baptismal register for Gurup^ show a disproportionate, yet acceptable, number of males baptized. The 24 years of baptisms recuperated from the records of this parish are summarized in Table 22 Table 8.4. Gurup^: Baptisms, 186689, Five-year Intervals Years Total Baptisms Males Females Sex Ratio 1866-69* 274 146 128 114.06 1870-74 364 184 180 102.22 1875-79 636 318 318 100.00 1880-84 1182 595 587 101. 36 1885-89 1445 727 718 101.25 *To facilitate analysis, the first interval includes four years, not five. Source: Regis tros de Batismos, Gurupa, APG. Since earlier registers had existed in Souzel 's church's office, but had been destroyed, there probably had been earlier records in Gurupa which also were lost. Gurupa was the first site of intentional Portuguese settlement in 2 3 the study area, and on the Amazon River above Belem. While there is initially a high ratio of males to females, all intervals of baptisms from the Gurupa registers

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372 fall within acceptable limits. The greater number of males baptized from 1866 to 1869, when contrasted with the lower number in Porto de Moz (see Table 8.2), could indicate a flux of parents traveling from Porto de Moz to Gurupi to baptize their children, especially males. Porto de Moz at that time was without a parish priest. Mindful of the enforcement of the Land Law in 1854, parents needed to register at least their sons to ensure legal inheritance rights. Greater than normal ratios of males in the registers imply a conscious effort by parents to ensure sons' legal rights. The year 1850 in Brazil marks the beginning of effective imperial prohibition of the international slave traffic, with enactment of the Eusebio de Queiros Law. Yet so few slaves existed in the study area, and demand for them was so weak, that this prohibition went unnoticed. The same year's Land Law, in contrast, constituted the major external influence on the region's inhabitants. After 1850, the need to be registered and have a legal existence began to be taken seriously by the inhabitants, especially in regards to their male children. Thus, while other factors tended to lower male ratios, most intervals fall within acceptable limits. The existence of forced labor or public works groups formed by the colonial and imperial governments was one of the factors tending to lower the malefemale ratio. The age groups affected by such labor conscription ranged from

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373 13 to 60 years. Parents concerned with their son's future could have kept them from appearing on the baptismal rolls, which served as the only birth registers. This tactic would be appropriate only for those who lived outside the parish center, along the river or streambanks. Those who lived close to or in towns would not be able to hide a birth from the priest in residence. So, only those who lived in the periphery and were determined to protect their sons' future from recruitment would not baptize their sons. From the sex ratios apparent in Tables 8.2, 8.3, and 8.4, however, it seems that the thought of labor recruitment did not hold back many parents. Baptism held meaning for parents beyond that of a sacrament of the Roman Catholic Church: it provided for the acquisition of godparents and the forming of important fictive kinship ties among nonrelated people. This system of godparantage or compadraria will be further 24 discussed below. Strife between the Church and Crown during the late nineteenth century also affected the registration of vital events. At least once during the latter part of the century, there was a flare-up of open hostility between the two. The general absence of baptisms during the interval of 1870 to 1874 indicates a protest by the priests caring for parishes. For all three parishes, the decade of the 1870 's presents various months with no baptisms registered; the parish priests simply did not carry out their functions. This happened when the priests' closest supervisor, the

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374 Bishop, was in trouble with the State. Park's Bishop, Dom Antdnio de Macedo Costa, was arrested on Imperial orders due to his stubborn stand against Free Masons, in 1873, and in support of him, parish priests refused to record vital events. After his release from prison in 25 1875, the parish registers were reopened and filled. The year or so without formal baptisms should imply a smaller number of males registered during the interval 1870-74, due to male infant deaths during this time. Yet, the registers show no imbalance for that interval in any of the parishes. Other reasons include economic and geographical influences which should have lowered the proportions of male infants registered. Although some agriculture and stockraising existed in the study area, by far the major activities were extractive. Exports included cacao, Brazil nuts, rubber latex, tree resins, seed oils, as well as animal skins and other forest products. The collecting of these products involves the dislocation of at least a part of the population for months at a time. Each season, rainy and dry, presents its varied opportunities for collecting, hunting, and fishing, usually at some distance from the towns, villages, and settlements. By the 1880s the rubber craze had affected the study area. There were times in the late nineteenth century when travelers found Porto de Moz or'^Gurupa practically 2 6 deserted. The general population — whole families — had followed the rubber tree trails, in hopes of participating in the enormous profits of the rubber business.

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375 All extractive activities, including hunting and fishing, are seasonal. Rubber tree tapping occurred during the dry season, from May or June until December. Both cacao and Brazil nuts have their seasons for ripening and gathering. And, due to the appearance of the fertile varzea strips only during the dry season, certain crops were planted only at the beginning of the tropical summer. Other crops were raised during the rainy season. Plots of land cultivated for subsistence often were located far from homes, thus few inhabitants remained year-round in their "hometowns." Whether people engaged in the cultivation of crops or in extractive pursuits, temporary migrations occurred, which imply delays in baptisms as family groups migrated. Due to the biological factor of greater male infant fragility, a low masculinity rate is to be expected. The existence of high proportions of males at baptism, or even numbers within acceptable limits, however, is surprising. High sex ratios do not have facile explanations. One possible cause, the conversion of Amerindian men in mass would apply only to early missionary activity. But the number of adult baptisms registered is slight, and, in any event, the idea itself is flawed: after many men or a tribal group had been converted and baptized, the women would be expected to follow. Thus, if a high proportion of males is baptized during one interval, a complementary high proportion of females should occur in the next interval. This last condition is not met by the results of the

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376 recuperated baptisms from the study area. Furthermore, there are few notations made for adult baptisms, and not all of these are baptisms of Amerindians. It is possible that some groups attracted to the mission villages lacked a proportionate number of women. In natural populations, the sex proportions tend to even out in the same cohorts until women reach the childbearing age. Then, if no other factors intervene (i.e., wars, epidemics, natural disasters, crop failures, etc.) the proportion of women should decrease. So, if it were not for the lack of specified adult Amerindian baptisms in the registers, conversions of Amerindians could conceivably be an explanation for unacceptably high proportions of male baptisms appearing. But it is the Land Law, enacted in 1850 and implemented in 1854 that stands out as the most prominent factor promoting high proportions of males in the baptismal registers. The lack of civil registers until the 1870s in most of the Xingu-Gurupa area forced parents wishing to record their heirs — almost invariably male — to use the only avenue open: baptism. There are indications that birth registration was attempted in the 1850s and failed. Even when civil registration did take hold in the region, from the sex ratios of the brief period during the Empire when birth registers existed, it is evident that baptism retained its traditional importance. Below are the sex ratios from the civil birth registers recuperated in Porto de Moz and Gurupa.^^

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377 Table 8.5. Sex Ratios from Birth Registrations. Years Porto de Moz Gurup^ 1876-79 72.22 75.00 1880-84 150.00 320.00 1885-89 90.90 147.05 Sources: Regis tros de Nascimentos Porto de Moz, AMPM; and Registros de Nascimentos, GurupS, AMG. The first interval's low rates indicate two possible reactions on the part of the inhabitants : suspicion of the civil government's reasons for instituting required birth registrations, and lack of interest in the institution. The extremely high rates of the following interval (188084) however, indicate a desire to ensure legal male existence. Porto de Moz's sex ratio drops to below normal for the last interval, while Gurup^ maintains the male bias. These rates, however, ought to be considered jointly with the totals of registrations they represent, and be compared with the totals of baptism in the two parishes for the same intervals. When this is done, the numbers show greater reliance by far on the baptismal fount. Table 8.6. Births and Baptisms, Absolute Numbers, 1875-89, Years 1875-79 1880-84 1885-89 Porto de Moz Births Baptisms 62 70 42 236 352 396 Gurupa Births Baptisms 56 21 84 636 1182 1445 Sources: Tables 8.5, 8.2, and 8.4.

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378 Even supposing the loss of one to two birth registrations for Porto de Moz, the sharp contrast in representability between the church and civil sources remains. Use of the parish registers alone contributes the most to understanding demographic and historical events in the Xingu-Gurup^ area. Not even the absence of one year — 1875 — from some baptismal registers justifies any dependence on the civil documents. The only exception to this generality concerns the immigrant Jewish population. Morrocan and Spanish Jews migrated to the region during the rubber boom. At one time, they seemed to control Gurup^'s commerce. Some moved to Porto de Moz. Their only avenue for registration opened with birth registers established in the 1870s. The peak of the rubber boom came at the end of the nineteenth and the beginning of the twentieth centuries, and it was during this time that most Jewish immigrants arrived. Although this study neglects a part of the population at the end of the Imperial period — the Jews — it was a tiny part at the time.^^ Today, all descendants of these immigrants seem to have converted to Catholicism or left the area. Table 8.6 indicates that the inhabitants of the area relied more on priestly ministrations than on the town clerk' notations. Reasons for a greater reliance on the priest could be personal, economic, geographical, or habitual. Since the colonization and proselytizing of the seventeenth century, the population was accustomed to the baptismal rite.

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Furthermore, baptism was associated with the choice of godparents, and godparentage was a strand woven deeply into the fabric of the society. Also, the priest, due to his powerful position, was a respected man in the villages, who, to some extent, took the place of the pajd in Amerindian society; he was feared and respected simultaneously. The town clerk was an innovation in a society accustomed to scarce paper and scarcer paperwork. His compensation came not from the government, but from the fees he collected for completing each registration, and for each copy furnished. The parish priest, on the other hand, received a yearly stipend from governmental coffers, a congrua to cover expenses. Although parents or godparents of the baptized traditionally presented the celebrant with a tip or some material evidence of gratitude, it was not required. Before the establishment of civil registration, parish priests traveled outside their own jurisdictions to tend to shepherdless flocks. During most years they might spend a month or so in a priestless parish for the celebrations of that parish's patron saint. For example, the priest from Porto de Moz ministered to parishioners of the parish of Boa Vista, where the patron saint's feast day fell on September 8 (Our Lady of Nazareth) Nearly every year between 1824 and 1889, Porto de Moz s parish priest spent at least part of the month of September in Boa Vista, performing baptisms and administering other sacraments. With the establishment of civil registers, priests continued their travels.

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380 often to settlements with no town clerk's office. Due to the great distances and the difficulty of transportation for most inhabitants residing outside the village center, these people visited the centers rarely, mainly in times of emergency or festivals. Civil registrations done outside the population nuclei, without exception, occurred on the plantations and in the rural homes of wealthier people who could afford paying expenses of registration and transportation. After all, the town clerk earned his living, or part of it, through the payment of fees. He could not be expected to work without pay, which he would have done had he attempted to register all vital events that occurred. The parish priests, on the other hand, were paid by the State to carry on their work.^ To some extent, the parish priests' work was facilitated by the confraternities or religious lay organizations, present in many towns and settlements.'^"'" Dedicated either to the town's patron saint, or to one especially esteemed by the populace, the lay organizations planned and activated festivals each year in honor of their patrons. The saints' festivals apparently followed the seasonal changes in the area, not necessarily the church calendar for the saints' days. These festivals definitely affected the number of baptisms. By far, the most striking example is that of Gurup^ (See Figure 8.1). The graph shows twice-yearly plethora of baptisms: the greatest number occurring in December and January and the

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381 Figure 8.1. Gurup^ : Monthly Frequency of Baptisms, 1866-89. Source: Table 8.4. Figures drawn by Guilherme Leite, artist, MPEG, Belem, Para.

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382 other high in the month of June. Both effusions of yearly baptisms are explained by the dual occurrences of religious festivals and seasonal changes. Religious festivals or festas in the region last from three to 15 days, with major festivals occupying the longer durations. In Gurupa, the two major festivals are for St. Anthony and Saint Benedict. Although St. Anthony is the town's patron saint, the festival for St. Benedict is the largest and the favorite. St. Benedict, a black saint, protects river travelers. A local legend credits him with miraculous powers to intercede on one's behalf to attain a 32 desired goal, A kind of religious bargain is struck between the saint and the petitioner in which the saint grants the petitioner's request in return for a promise (promessa) made to the saint by the petitioner. Promises to be fulfilled can consist of the petitioner's attendance at the saint's festival, perhaps contributing time, money, or goods for the enhancement of the celebration. Keeping one's promise, though, was not the only reason for attending the saint's festival. The festival also served as a marketplace where goods brought from Belem exchange hands produce from the dry or rainy season was bought and sold, and slightly different products from varying parts of the region were exchanged for credit, money, or goods like ironware, clothes, arms and ammunition — for items not produced locally. St. Anthony's feast day fell on June 13, in the same month as the most famous festival of the Amazonian interior,

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383 that of St. John (Sao Joao) In the villages and settlements of the interior, the population had reason to celebrate during the month of June. In June, all the canoes, or diligencias were required to return to their places of origin (See Chapter III) and those who were forced to work on them were temporarily released from servitude. The system of reparti9ao, or Amerindian labor distribution, had been in effect since the Jesuit occupation of the study area (since their second attempt in the seventeenth century) and persisted throughout the Directorate years, probably until 1823. The Amerindians' labor went to support European inhabitants at first. Apparently, by the time of the Directorate, men (there were no reference to female directors of former mission villages) of means organized the Amerindians' work activities. These men could be Brazilian-born and possibly of mixed racial 33 heritage. Three types of reparti9ao were established: for service to the Crown to the colonists, and to the missionaries and priests. With the secularization of the Pombaline era, however, each former mission had to pay taxes at the end of a three-year period. Each former mission, or "village" of Amerindians, as the population reports of the late eighteenth century titled them, had a civilian director and a secular priest, as well as an Amerindian leader, or Principal (see Chapter III) whose position still existed with its privileges. The Director of the village contracted with the Crown to pay a certain quantity

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384 of goods or money from the production of the village under his control. He estimated production beforehand, betting on the amount of cacao, rubber, hides, turtle lard, or other goods, that "his" village could deliver. The government insisted on the value of 10% of each village's production, known as the dizimo or tithe. There were times when the estimate exceeded actual production. To obtain this produce, one or several canoes left each of the villages in December or January. They had to meet a deadline to return in June, by the time of the festa for St. John, on June 24."^^ This deadline was related to the departure of the annual fleet for Europe. If the canoes did not manage to return by the time of the Sao Joao festa, the whole voyage was a failure, for their goods would miss the sailing of the fleet and there would be no profit whatsoever. Generally, the tropical products produced and gathered by the rivering diligences could not be stored from one year to the next. Without prompt shipment, they moldered and rotted, losing their marketability. The festivals, besides coinciding with the return of the canoes and providing marketing opportunities gave the population an opportunity to socialize and exchange the latests news. Gurupd, with its location on the main artery of the region, kept abreast of regional, national and international happenings more easily than Porto de iMoz or the smaller and more distant towns and villages. Even after steam travel was introduced in the region (1853), most of

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385 the population traveled by canoe. The distances between settlements in the more rural parts of the municipalities impeded close contact among families and friends during most of the year. With the return of the canoes, everyone, not just the relatives of the rowers and other workers sent on the diligence to procure forest riches, had something to do. Even if there was no direct interest in the return of the canoes, inhabitants might have something to sell or exchange, from personal production on farm plots / or craf twork produced in homes The festival reunited families and friends, and also antagonists. Few festivals lacked fighting, whether it be over an imagined or real love affair, or over an old rivalry or enmity. Since newspapers did not exist in the study area during the Empire, the festivals allowed those who lived far from the city of Gurupa or the other towns to catch up on distant news. The unmarried courted, children were baptized, couples married, and religious obligations were discharged. Gurupd's festivals of St. Benedict, beginning on December 13 and continuing until the 27th, preceded the departure of the canoes and attracted many people. Estimates of numbers of people attending the festival of St. Benedict during the Empire do not exist, but if the number of baptisms effected at this time are used as an indicator, many hundreds, or some thousands of people converged on the city to celebrate the festival. So many baptisms were required that the overflow carried into January.

PAGE 408

During the saints' festivals, everyone was certain of finding the parish priest at his post. In June, when the canoes returned, there was the combination of saints' festivals: those of St. Peter, St. 34 Anthony, and St. John. This month also coincides with the transition from the wet season to the dry. On a lesser scale, the same activities found during St. Benedict's Figure 8.2. Porto de Moz : Monthly Frequency of Baptisms, 1824-1889. Source: Table 8.2. festival occur at this time. For Gurupa, the leaving of the canoes spurred greater involvement with the festival cycle than in Porto de Moz, where the baptismal peaks occur in July, September, and February (Figure 8.2.).

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387 Porto de Moz's patron, Saint Blaise, was celebrated in February (although today he receives his homage in the month of June) The feast of St. Francis Xavier (a Jesuit saint) is celebrated in February in both Souzel and Porto de Moz. Lesser monthly variations of baptisms noted for Porto de Moz (a range of 2.21 to 7.82 baptisms) may be due to the stronger attraction of Gurupd's festival of St. Benedict, the more frequent presence of the parish priest, and the longer time period for which baptisms were recuperated. During the last half of the nineteenth century, Porto de Moz's main church, dedicated to St. Blaise, was not in use. A chapel dedicated to St. Benedict housed religious observations."^^ The slumps of baptisms during the months of October and November in Porto de Moz and September and October in Souzel (Figure 8.3) coincide with a seasonal regional ac3 6 tivity: tortoise egg gathering. At least part of the population departs from the centers for the sandy beaches known to be used by tortoises for procreation. Another factor contributing to baptismal slumps at this time of the year, and sometimes during the months of February or March, includes the Catholic Church's prohibition of most ritual during the seasons of Advent (four weeks before Christmas, or December 25th) and Lent (forty days preceding Easter, celebrating the resurrection of Jesus Christ, which was a movable date on the calendar) Seasonal changes however, are more likely to coincide with frequency

PAGE 410

of baptisms. Saints' feast days are transferred to accomodate seasonal, historical and economic factors. Contrary to the benign neglect of Gurupa's patron saint, Souzel's patron, St. Francis Xavier receives a good number of visitors during the month of February. Souzel's inhabitants also celebrate St. Benedict, but in late June, not in December. JFMAMJJASOND 4.75 11 6.32 4.74 3.91 6.09 621 4.82 1.59 0.41 2.26 1.5 Figure 8.3. Souzel. Monthly Frequency of Baptisms, 1856-89. Source : Table 8.3. High attendance frequencies at religious festivals, however, did not indicate observance of all religious rituals. Married parenthood, for example, appears to be the exception, rather than the rule, in the study area.

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389 The illegitimacy rates for the Xingu-Gurupa area exceeded those for Sao Paulo at the end of the eighteenth and beginning of the nineteenth centuries which were consi37 dered quite high. The Xingu-Gurupa rates of abandoned (exposto) children, however, are not so high. Table 8.7 gives the percentages of illegitimate baptisms abandoned children and adult baptisms in Porto de Moz Table 8.7 Porto de Moz: Illegitimacy, 182489. Years Illegitimate Abandoned Adult Total 1824-29 38.27 0 0.51 38 78 1830-34 45. 00 0 0 45. 00 1835-39 39.85 0.25 0 40 10 1840-44 49.15 0 0 49 15 1845-49 57.31 0 0 57. 31 1850-54 57.11 0 0 D / 1 1855-59 46. 33 0 0 46. 33 1860-64 47. 75 0.79 0 48.54 1865-69 62. 79 1.00 0 63. 79 1870-74 56.76 0.54 0.54 57.84 1875-79 56.36 1.69 0 58.05 1880-84 50.85 0. 85 0 51.70 1885-89 48.99 1.01 0 50.00 Totals : 50.41 0.44 0.04 50.89 Source: Registros de Batismos, Porto de Moz, APPX. According to Nicolas S^nchez-Alburnoz high proportions of illegitimacy form a norm in Latin America, not 38 an exception, as in Europe. Still, the rates he cites fall short of the extreme highs in the study area. From

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390 a parish in the province of Catamarca, Argentina, between 1813 and 1818, 25% of children baptized were illegitimate, 39 and from 1834 to 1844, nearly half. Bastards baptized in the cathedrals of Guadalajara and Mexico City numbered about 20% in 1821.^ Whether illegitimacy in the Xingu-Gurupa area was stratified according to race and social status or not awaits analysis. Data for Minas Gerais analyzed by Herbert S. Klein showed that higher illegitimacy rates corresponded "to the lowest degree of assimilation in the dominant class," which represented, in this case, the mes41 ti90 or mixed-blood slaves. Results of such an analysis for the study area would be different, due to different proportions of racial groups, with the greater influence of Amerindians in the Xingu-Gurupa. But a complete analysis of the illegitimacy rates according to race is impossible, since not all parish priests noted the necessary information in the records. During the Empire, slightly over half the baptisms registered in Porto de Moz were of illegitimate children. Occasionally, albeit rarely, both parents' names appear with the annotation of illegitimacy. These data may yield lower than realistic percentages, since different priests used different methods to note baptisms. When both parents' names appeared and no notation of illegitimacy was made, then the child was considered legitimate. The overall high rate of illegitimacy, or bastardy, in Brazil has been

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391 highlighted by Gilberto Freyre as a contributing factor to social unrest and disequilibrium, which agrees with a theoretical tendency of some sociologists. Reported criminality in the study area during the Imperial Period does not support this view. During the period 1840-1889, there were a total of 28 crimes reported in the Xingu-Gurupl area. Of these, 14 were homicides, and no illegitimates were among the offenders. Of the other crimes, seven were physical assaults and three were suicides. Only one reported suicide was by an illegitimate, who shot himself in the right eye; perhaps it was an accident, but, in any case, the child had a recognized father. The other four crimes reported were a kidnapping, a robbery, an attempted assault, and a threat to public order; whether illegitimates were in42 volved m these crimes cannot be determined. In any case, despite quite high illegitimacy rates, there appeared few tendencies to criminality in the population. At least we can affirm that the great quantity of illegitimate children in the study area did not contribute to crime waves. The notoriously high illegitimacy rates in other parts of Brazil are low in comparison with those of the study area. Illegitimacy rates for Sao Paulo peaked at 30.15% in 1816-30, and in Curitiba during 1770-99 the general illegitimacy rate reached 26.3%, including abandoned children.'*'* Certainly a rate of more than 50% illegitimacy is inconsonant with traditional Western European society. It is not Portuguese open or inclusive sexual relationships and a slave society.

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392 as Freyre would have it, that account for the liberality of illegitimate births in this region. Rather, it was a carry-over from precontact South America, where loosely bonded marriages in the form of serial monogamy or poly45 gamy were common. These customs horrified those Portuguese colonizers who considered only strict monogamy civilized, and accepted the Biblical injunction "What God has joined together, let no man put asunder." The missionary priests whose orders derived from the CounterRe formation, more than all other Europeans who arrived on American shores, insisted on this arrangement. They believed that the Amerindian must change not only religious values, but also social patterns, to adapt to the culture of the "Old World. Some Amerindians possibly employed a strategy considered to be Iberian, "obedezco, pero no cumplo," or I obey, but do not comply, when dealing with insistent missionaries. While they continued their traditional patterns of social behavior, they pleased the missionary by pretending to marry only one person. The forced trans ferral of cultural values, during the century and a half of religious domination in the Amazon Valley, and in most of colonial America, did not take hold always as the missionaries desired. Many of the precontact values held by most Amerindians concerning sexual relationships persisted despite European efforts to change them. These traditions apparently were passed on to the caboclo culture that developed from the Amerindian, European,

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393 and African cultures (especially if loose marriage bonds, serial monogamy, and polygamy have a functional base in Amazonian adaptation) Since many early Portuguese settlers included deported criminals and prostitutes, social deviants in their homelands they probably would not have qualms about adapting to a prevailing situation of polygamous or serial marriage. Also, the small numbers of Portuguese women who accompanied early colonists and administrators (fewer Portuguese women than Spanish women in Spain's colonies) left few choices open to European men. In regions with high numbers of African women, a mulatto population appeared. In the study area, the Amerindian women offered European immigrants a choice apart from formalized marriage with a European woman. After the 1200 's, marriage in Europe became a formalized institution. By the nineteenth century, one man, one wife was the general rule, as Europeans criticized other 4 6 Europeans' "lax" courtship habits. Marriage as an institution also existed in the study area in the nineteenth century, yet from the illegitimacy rates, and other data presented below, it seems that, realistically, marriage there was of little importance. The incidence of later official legitimization of bastard children by their father is low. Only once in the baptismal registers for Porto de Moz does this occur. While there is no documentary proof for the assumption, one is inclined to believe that most bastards in the region knew their fathers and received some support

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394 from them. The marriage registers in Souzel offer an interesting example of unassumed yet public fatherhood. When a certain bridegroom registered his name he included Filho which corresponds to son; thus, his name repeated that of his father. Yet, in refering to his parentage, the marriage register records that he was an illegitimate child; his mother certainly had no shame in declaring his 47 father's identity. Any woman alone in this rural environment would be strained to support children, or even one child, through her own efforts. The rural economy demanded an interchange of labor from the sexes to assure subsistence and survival. There were, however, various choices other than cohabitation open for an unwed mother. One was giving up the child to be raised to a childless couple or a family of means. This strategy was used not only by single mothers, but also by families of few means and many children. The institution was known as familia de criayao or raising family, which served as a social family, as opposed to a procreative or nuclear family. A similar practice was used by Europeans before and after the discovery of the Americas. Children, after a certain age, would be sent to a relative's or close friend's home, often outside the home village or town. The practice also occurred with Amerindian groups, as was seen in the reception of Father Luis Figueira in Xingu valley in the seventeenth century. The raising family served as a buffer zone for the large number of bastards in

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395 the region. Even priests were given children to raise, usually boys The absence of community constraints provides further evidence of popular acceptance of unwed mothers in the Xingu-Gurupa area. There are no reports of censuring unwed mothers, although all parishes show high rates of illegitimacy. Souzel (Table 8.8) presented the lower rates of the three, while Porto de Moz was the most profligate in illegitimacy. Table 8. 8. Souzel: Illegitimacy, 1856•89. Years Illegitimate Abandoned Adult Total 1856-59 41.63 0 0 41.63 1860-64 40.15 0 0 40.15 1865-69 43.05 0 0.34 43.39 1870-74 37.65 1.17 0 38. 82 1875-79 48.62 1.97 0 50.59 1880-84 45.45 1.14 0 46.59 1885-89 53.51 0.33 0 53. 84 Totals : 45.55 0.65 0.06 45.26 Source : Registros de Batismos Souzel, APPX. At the end of the Empire, Porto de Moz s illegitimacy rate was falling while Souzel 's increased. Gurupa 's rate also fell. Both Gurupa and Porto de Moz were municipal seats during the Empire. Souzel gained municipal status only in the 1870s, and then began to serve as a civil registration center. Souzel presented geographical, pioneer, and administrative differences to the study area's other

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396 two municipal seats in the nineteenth century, Porto de Moz and Gurupd. In geographical terms, reaching Souzel was more difficult than reaching either Gurupd or Porto de Moz. Gurupd enjoyed a favorable position on the main artery of the region, the Amazon River, while Porto de Moz, although on the banks of the Xingu River, had two access routes from the Amazon: through the mouth of the Xingu, and via the furo of Aquiqui, which begins cutting from the Xingu to the Amazon Rivers directly across from the town. Besides the relative isolation stemming from more difficult communications, there is the fact that Souzel remained in Jesuit hands longer than either of the other two towns. Gurup^ never was recognized officially as a Jesuit mission, while Porto de Moz, after the altered agreements for mission redistribution in 1694, was assigned to the Franciscans. Perhaps the Franciscans taught no less moralistically than the Jesuits, but the permanence of one missionary order in Souzel avoided some of the disruption or interruption of lines of education that was experienced in the other two towns. In the latter half of the 1870s in Souzel there was a sharp rise in illegitimacy. This coincided with the creation of the municipality of Souzel, from territory formerly belonging to the municipality of Porto de Moz. The simultaneous implantation of civil registration and separate administration implied an intraregional transfer of personnel or the arrival of new inhabitants from the outside. In

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fact, in the final years of that decade the Xingu Valley felt the first impact of immigrants from Brazil's droughtstricken Northeast; 1877 was a particularly bad year for the Northeast. While Xingu inhabitants collected rubber in family groups, newcomers, whether foreigners or Northeasterners, were likely to begin extracting alone. The richest rubber trails in the area were to be found from the Great Bend of the Xingu to the upper reaches of that river and through its affluent, the Iriri River. The established outpost nearest to these trails, until very late in the nineteenth century, was Souzel, which saw a surge in illegitimacy with the influx of outsiders. Gurupa, too, had a rather high proportion of illegitimate baptisms during this same five-year interval (See Table 8.9). Table 8.9, Years 1866-69 1870-74 1875-79 1880-84 1885-89 Totals : GurupS: Illegitimacy, 1866-89. Illegitimate 61.68 48.90 56.45 44.92 42.36 47.40 Abandoned 0 0 0 0.42 0.48 0.31 Adult 0 0.28 0.15 0.09 0 0.07 Total 61.68 49.18 56. 60 45.43 42.84 47.78 Sources: Regis tros de Batismos, Gurupa, APG. Although illegitimacy in the study area population was nearly 50% (See Table 8.10), the rate of abandoned or orphaned children was extremely low, less than 1%.

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398 Table 8.10. Xingu-Gurupa Illegitimacy, 1824-89. Leg Illeg Abnd Adult Totals Absolute Numbers: 5159 4840 43 6 10.048 Percentages: 51.34 48.17 0.43 0.06 100.00 Sources: Tables 8.7, 8.8, and 8.9. Abandoning a child, that is, leaving it to be found by others, occurred more frequently in Sao Paulo (from 1741 to 1845, 15.99% of those children baptized were abandoned children^-"-) and Curitiba (11.1% from 1770 to 1799^^) than in the Xingu-Gurupa area. Indeed, among the numbers for abandoned children are some who were orphaned at birth. Therefore, the true rate of abandoning children is less than the reported 0.43%. From the information available in the baptismal registers, it is not always possible to distinguish between the two situations. Thus, they were combined in the analyzed data. Such a slight rate of abandonment implies that parents or mwed mothers in poverty situations did not often despair. Usually there would be some way to ensure the care and raising of the child. One possibility was to choose parents of cria9ao for the child. There might also be the child's godparents, which would strengthen the cria9ao relationship. In regard to godparentage the Xingu-Gurupa did not differ from the rest of Brazil, where the function and responsibilities of godparents were taken quite seriously and served to ensure the care of the godchildren in the event of death

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of one or both parents, or their inability to care for 53 them. Children received assistance as naturally from godparents as from biological parents Although the social54 status links of the godparent network have been questioned, its effectiveness as substitute parents has not. Except for five intervals for Porto de Moz and the first interval for Souzel, baptismal sex ratios in the parishes fall within acceptable limits. Apparently, most inhabitants baptized their children, despite difficulties in so doing. A tendency to low proportions of males indicates that usually there was a delay between the time of birth and the time of baptism. This lowered the total of male infants baptized due to higher rates of male infant mortality Baptismal registers for Souzel and Gurupa are reliable sources for family reconstitution, except that no nominal list of inhabitants has come to light for either the 1850s or 186 0s. Although the baptismal registers of Porto de Moz begin in 1824, and there exists a nominal population listing for the Xingu-GurupS area from 1823, the failure of these registers to include acceptable proportions of male to female baptisms for five intervals (26 years) during the Empire, eliminates them as a reliable source for family reconstitution in that parish. A more detailed study of the baptismal registers might develop information that could alter these conclusions. For example, the data presented here were organized according to the parish in which baptism was registered. Place of origin of parents and birthplace

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400 of children were not considered. Organization of data by these indicators will be done at a later date. The distinct seasonality of baptisms, with pronounced peaks during the year at religious festivals, and other delays between the birth and baptism of children, make calculations of monthly conceptions impossible. Despite the desirability of baptism, apparently it did not justify a special trip to the parish center, as did the saints' festivals. The study area's greater illegitimacy rates imply a different pattern of social organization there than in other parts of Brazil (Curitiba, Parana; Sao Paulo and Minas Gerais) The lack of a two-parent family has been linked to juvenile delinquency and criminality in Western European societies. However, despite the large proportion of bastards baptized in the parishes of Gurupa and the Xingu in the nineteenth century, no rampant criminality was reported for the area. This regional society's ability to absorb bastards belies Western European concepts. While in recent times a need for orphanages in Brazilian urban areas has arisen, traditionally the society cared for abandoned or bastard children without recourse to religious or state institutions Within the regional society, buffer institutions arose to accept the large number of illegitimate children. Unwed mothers were not censured by the community as they were in Europe, nor were their children kept apart from others.

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401 The institutions of the "raising" family and godparenthood combined to assuage possible social contretemps due to a high proportion of bastards baptized in the area during the era of the Empire. Among the factors promoting high illegitimacy was the costs of a formal marriage. Although, as noted above, the priest received a yearly stipend from the provincial coffers, custom required that some gratuity be given to the celebrant of the marriage ceremony. Also, inability to furnish personal documents could be an effective barrier 55 to marriages. Aside from official expenditures, events such as baptisms and weddings usually were accompanied by some kind of celebration, or party, for family and friends, implying a further expenditure of resources. Baptism was the more important, for it admitted the child, whether legitimate or not, to the church rolls and provided for substitute parents if necessary. Marriage registers surveyed for Porto de Moz had no visible gaps for the 1839-1889 period. The following table shows Porto de Moz's marriages in five-year intervals, grouped by month with yearly totals (see Table 5.12). The peak years for consecrated marriage in Porto de Moz were between 1850 and 1854. One financial influence, a peak of rubber prices, occurred in 1856. Its effect, however, was delayed in the interior of Para Province, and the Amazon Region in general, and did not directly influence the marrying peak.

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402 Table 8.11. Porto de Moz: Marriages, 1839-89, Monthly Totals in Five-Year Intervals. Years J F M A M J J o N n LJ X\J L. d O 1839-44* 4 5 3 3 6 2 7 2 5 2 — 39 1845-49 6 4 — 2 6 10 7 10 2 — 1 — 48 1850-54 1 9 2 2 10 34 7 13 6 — — — 84 1855-59 1 8 4 1 2 8 5 4 5 2 1 1 42 1860-64 3 2 4 2 13 18 2 2 46 1865-69 2 5 8 2 2 5 12 5 6 4 2 53 1870-74 2 5 2 5 5 3 7 7 4 1 41 1875-79 1 2 1 1 5 6 15 4 10 45 1880-84 5 3 2 11 3 19 7 8 1 59 1885-89 5 1 2 7 4 6 2 4 2 1 34 Totals : 27 45 19 27 52 83 89 79 47 15 5 3 491 *To facilitate analysis, the first interval includes six years, not five. Source: Registros de Casamentos, Porto de Moz, APPX. The Imperial consolidations of that period affected inhabitants of the Amazonian interior more than other regional developments. The implantation of the Land Law in 1850 and its enforcement in 1854 could have influenced the rise of legalized marriages during those years. Couples formerly living together without formalized marriage might have decided to ensure their common children's rights to inheriting land. Beyond the benefits of legalization, the religious emphasis of the Bishop's visit must have influenced couples' decisions to marry according to the Church's precepts. Seasonal, local festas were not religious events of the same order as the rare bishop's visit. While ostensibly

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existing to render homage to the saints. These festivals essentially served economic and social intercourse and stemmed from historial and practical considerations, discussed above. Apparently, effects of the economic and social exchanges during the months from June to August harvested proportionally more baptisms than marriages (see Figure 8.2 above). Nevertheless, when Porto de Moz s baptisms (Figure 8.2) are compared with its marriages (Figure 8.4), the marriages present a steeper rise at mid-year. 550 9,17 ^87 5.50 1059 16,90 18,13 1609 9,57 3,06 1,02 0,61 Figure 8.4. Porto de Moz: Marriages, Monthly Frequency, 1839-89. Source: Table 8.11.

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404 Although the end of the year festivals show peaks, they are lower than those for the mid-year festivals. Unfortunately, recuperated marriages from Gurupa begin only with 188 3, and its seven years of marriage data would not allow useful comparisons with the other parishes. The frequency of weddings for the festival of St. Benedict in Gurupi during the month of December, were it known, would be illuminating. The two parishes along the Xingu River, Porto de Moz and Souzel, both demonstrate greater frequency of marriages at mid-year. If it is accepted that weddings cost more than baptisms, there is a definite economic connection with the festivals, especially those at mid-year in the Lower Xingu Basin. Baptisms concerned salvation, assuring the children's future, not only through the religious ritual, but by the acquisition of godparents who might care for the children later. Some godparents shouldered the costs of the child's baptism, thus insuring their influence with the child's family and their interest in the children's welfare. Godparenthood also carried potential political connections. Some researchers have linked socio-economic status of individuals with their frequency as godparents. Their godchildren, or afilhados, and their families expected to receive financial and other help from godparents. In return, they supported the godparent in a niamber of possible ways.

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405 Marriage, on the other hand, was a social event with economic undertones. On one level, it represented the joining of two families, when parents and relatives approved of the union. On another, it involved a personal agreement between two people. Yet, the economic factor remained, not only in the contracting of the event but also in its formalization. All peaks for marriages occurred during and after the saints' festivals. Although Gurup^ cannot be included in this generalization, it appears that more money or goods circulated in the Xingu Valley at the mid-year change from wet to dry season than at any other time. Besides reinforcing the concept of seasonality of official events in the study area, the data on marriages provides an indication of regional, national, and international migration to the area. Table 8.12 gives the origins of husbands and wives married in Porto de Moz. Although breakdowns are not provided in Table 8.12, 92.22% of the marriages registered in Porto de Moz during the Empire occurred 5 7 in the parish center. Table 8.12 shows that more than half of both husband and wives hailed from the study area. These simple statistics indicate that, on the whole, men in Brazil and the Amazon were more mobile than women. Men who married within their parish of origin accounted for 36.66% of all men marrying in Porto de Moz. Women marrying in their parish of origin accounted for 58.86%. Adding to these figures the proportions of men and women from other parts of the study

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406 Table 8.12. Porto de Moz: Husband/Wife Origins, 1839-89. Husbands Wives Years : PdM X-G (X-G) n/i PdM X-G (X-G) n/i Totals 1839-44 16 3 13 7 27 3 3 6 39 1845-49 28 1 1 18 38 2 2 6 48 1850-54 9 3 15 57 51 7 5 21 84 1855-59 16 2 4 20 31 3 5 3 42 1860-64 19 20 2 5 20 24 2 46 1865-69 18 9 20 6 25 12 10 6 53 1870-74 14 7 5 15 16 6 2 17 41 1875-79 14 5 26 29 1 1 14 45 1880-84 30 15 7 7 33 18 3 5 59 1885-89 16 10 3 5 19 4 8 3 34 Totals : 180 70 75 166 289 80 39 83 491 *The parentheses indicate outside the study area. Source: Ibid., Table 8.11 area, 51% of the men married in the area came from the area, as did 75% of the women. There are quite a few with no origin indicated. Also, due to high illegitimacy rates, it is assumed that many people did not marry, although they cohabited. While conclusions for the whole population cannot be formed from marriage data, those who appear in it may be described. The indications point to matrilocality for weddings performed throughout the Empire period in Porto de Moz. Table 8.13 reveals the same tendency for Souzel. A tendency to matrilocality in a region of high illegitimacy is interesting but firm conclusions should not be drawn from such insufficient data. Nevertheless, this tendency does

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407 imply mother-oriented families, or families in which the father truly is not the central figure. There are also implications of either serial monogamy or polygamy. When the seasonality of marriages in Souzel is examined, the Church's prohibitions against marriage during the penitential seasons of Lent and Advent evidently had more effect there than in Porto de Moz. In the latter, only Advent (preceding Christmas) was respected (see Table 8.11). The table for Souzel's marriage seasonality follows. Table 8.13. Souzel: Marriages, 1857-89, Monthly Totals in Five-year Intervals. ,,,, Years : J F M A M J J A S 0 N D Totals 1857-59* 1 6 4 1 5 2 19 1860-64 2 4 13 5 6 4 6 40 1865-69 13 9 4 6 18 12 15 11 5 93 1870-74 11 7 4 7 2 10 6 5 1 2 55 1875-79 9 9 11 3 5 7 1 4 1 50 1880-84 6 4 1 1 4 3 4 1 1 25 1887-89** 1 6 1 1 1 6 5 2 4 1 3 1 32 Totals : 43 45 6 25 50 33 48 35 15 3 9 3 315 *To facilitate analysis, the first interval includes three years, not five. **This interval is incomplete due to lacunae in the rebound marriage register encountered for this period. Evidently, the person responsible for rebinding erred, and instead of inserting marriages from 1885 to 1886, inserted burials from 1865 to 1887, which will be reviewed in the next section. 5 Source: Registros de Casamentos, Souzel, APPX. The marriage peak of Souzel occurs ten years later than that of Porto de Moz, but there are no extant marriage registers

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preceding 1857. Thus, any impact of the Land Law on Souzel' marital patterns is lost to this account. Figure 8.5 reveals that Souzel, unlike Porto de Moz, did not have a marriage peak in June. Definite statements concerning Souzel 's marriages cannot be made, however, due to the loss of at least two years of marriage registrations. Yet, is is probable that some marriages were performed during Porto de Moz's June festival for St. Blaise. An overview of spouses' origins in Souzel, Table 8.14, reveals less mobility on the part of both husbands and wives there than elsewhere in the study area. ^ : 20 19 18 17 1 J FMA MJ JASOND 13,65 1429 1,9 7.94 1537 10,48 15.24 11,11 4,76 0,95 2.86 0,95 Figure 8.5. Souzel: Marriages, Monthly Frequency, 1857-89. Source: Table 8.14.

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409 Table 8.14. Souzel: Husband/Wife Origins, 1857-89. Husbands Wives Years : Szl X-G (X-G) n/i Szl X-G (X-G) n/i Totals 1857-59 9 2 8 16 2 1 19 oO U 0 t "5 ~l £. 1 J c D D 0 Q ^ o Z Q 0 H U 1865-69 7 4 *i -7 J 1870-74 37 5 5 8 35 10 2 8 55 1875-79 26 11 6 7 25 16 2 7 50 1880-84 23 1 1 21 2 2 25 1887-89 17 3 12 1 21 3 7 2 33 Totals : 191 44 36 44 200 58 17 40 315 Source : Ibid. Table 8.13. Statistics on place of weddings are not presented, but only nine, or 2.86% occurred outside the parish center. The data from Souzel, like that from Porto de Moz, show more women than men marrying in their home parish or area, although the difference is less. 60.63% of the men married within their parish, and 74.6%, within the study area. Of the women, 63.49% married within their parish and 81.9%, within the area. Souzel 's greater isolation during most of the period under study is indicated. To estimate fertility rates, three series of calculations were performed: number of baptisms to number of marriages; number of legitimate baptisms to number of marriages and number of female baptisms to number of marriages. The tables present only the last calculation, because due to the great niomber of illegitimate births and the non-Western patterns of marriage, calculations of the other ratios are

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410 less certain. Those rates derived from the comparison of females baptisms to marriag~es however, appear to produce realistic numbers. Table 8.15. Porto de Moz: Female Baptisms per Marriages Dy xntervaj. j.ojy — oy Female Number of mtervax nap tiisms Marriages Proportions 1839-44 248 38 6. 36 1845-49 157 48 3.27 1850-54 212 84 i 2.52 1855-59 249 42 5.93 1860-64 183 46 3.98 1865-69 164 53 3.09 1870-74 92 41 2.24 1875-79 119 45 2.64 1880-84 167 59 2.83 1885-89 201 34 5.91 Totals : 1792 491 3.65 Source : Tables 8.2 and 8. 11. For some intervals, Porto de Moz did not retain all pages of its baptismal registers; therefore, the rates presented in Table 8.15 would be higher for some years. For the time covered by both baptisms and marriages there is a replacement rate of 3.65, which is more than sufficient. Souzel's total rate was lower (see Table 8.16). While the real rates for some Porto de Moz intervals should be higher, the rates for Souzel's last interval ought to be lower, due to the loss of two years of marriage registrations. Nevertheless,

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411 Table 8.16. Souzel: Female Baptisms per Marriages by Interval, 1857-89. J.ntervax Female Baptisms Number of Marriages Proportions 1857-59 77 19 4.05 1860-64 126 40 3.15 1865-69 136 93 1.46 1870-74 124 55 2.25 1875-79 121 50 2.42 1880-84 130 25 5.20 1887-89 155 32 4.84 Totals : 869 315 2.76 Source : Tables 8 3 and 8.13. the data supports the contention that the population of the study area did not conform to a European pattern of behavior. Baptism, and to a less extent, formal marriage did bring concrete benefits to the living. Formalized religious marriages, as well as baptisms, provided for godparents, although these ties were not so strong as those formed at baptism. It is from the recuperated baptisms that the study area's behavior during the Empire reveals itself most clearly, especially the rates for illegitimacy and abandcxied children. A European pattern of social behavior did not appear. One of the reasons for the institution of strict monogamic marriage in Europe in the 1200s, and its reinforcement in the 1500s was regulating inheritance, ordering social life to respond to material or economic ideals. Strict monogamy.

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412 however, represented only one form of marriage in the XinguGurupi. A variation of monogamy, serial monogamy, also existed and still exists. This form was prevalent among the Amerindians before their conversion to Catholicism. From nineteenth century records, it has been shown that this form of marriage remained common among inhabitants of the study area. Another possible form of marriage, also employed by the Amerindians, was polygamy. This was when one man cohabitated simultaneously with two or more women. Many peoples throughout the world have practiced this form of marriage, such as the Mormons in the United States of America and Moslems in many parts of Asia and Africa. A third form of marriage, polyandry, concerned the cohabitation of one woman with two or more men simultaneously. This form is quite rare and was observed only in a highland 59 village of India. There are, then, two major forms of marriage prevalent in the world, with an additional variation on one. The variation consists of serial monogeimy, or a series of monogamous relationships over time. A recent study provoked controversy by maintaining that divorce in its present form takes the place of death. Lawrence Stone argued that due to the lengthened life span of current populations, a fabricated manner of escaping strict monogamy was needed. That manner was found in divorce and the spread of its legal facilitation. Serial monogamy, or a series of informal marriages, was similar to divorce but without legal complications. When marriages

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413 were not formalized, identification through documents was difficult. Cases like that cited of the marriage of an illegitimate child carrying the father's name, despite the mother's unmarried status, helped to illuminate this situation. Similarly, the existence of polygamy was verified through the baptismal documents. The same man registered two children by different women a few months apart. One woman was his lawful wife, and the other was not. ^'^ Again, these examples are difficult to perceive, but they do exist. The behavior of the study area's inhabitants followed that of the Amerindians rather than that of the Europeans, in regard to the social behavior inherent in formalizing marriage and establishing a family. The basic family found in the study area revolved around the mother, as the father's presence was not constant. Here, both similarities and differences in family patterns found for the Imperial era in the study area, and those presumed to be current among Amerindians before European contact, must be identified. As shown in Chapter I, the Amerindian marriage pattern appeared to have been one of serial monogamy with some polygamy. The polygamists were the exceptions among their groups; each husband was expected to support all families equally, which required a greater than usual physical effort. In situations of serial monogamy, as long as the father accepted the children, there was no slur of illegitimacy on them, even if the father or mother later contracted marriages with others, or had contracted previous ones.

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414 Although these patterns appeared to be repeated in the study area during the Empire, this could only be verified through miniscule study of the documents. The behavior of the inhabitants presented problems for the demographic historian, for present methodologies for population studies use European standards of measurement. This prejudices studies of societies which do not follow basically European patterns, including the present one. With the material requirements for survival in the area, the labor of both sexes provided the needed subsistence base. However, labor organizations imposed by European colonizers interrupted the agriculturalextractive cycles of Amerindian subsistence. Male Amerindian labor weighed heavily in the calculations of the European colonizers, whether religious, military, or civilian. For long periods, or for a lifetime, the male inhabitant of a mission village would travel and work for the benefit of an export economy. Although trade and barter existed among precontact Amerindians, their system apparently provided basic subsistence first for the family and group. With the innovations and impositions of the colonizers, Amerindian basic subsistence suffered. And the presence of males in home villages was not a constant; neither was the presence of colonizing males — the priest, the military detachments, or the civil administrators and colonists — a constant. The male contingent was quite mobile and unpredictable. New elements had entered and altered traditional patterns of social behavior. The ideals imposed

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415 by the colonizing society were different, but the bulk of the area's inhabitants only appeared to accept them. Strict monogamy might appear in the written records accompanied by a large sample of illegitimate births. Yet, were these illegitimate children so considered by their 6 1 neighbors? The high percentages of illegitimacy seen in the study area during the Empire derive from European concepts. For the earliest Europeans who traveled and lived in the study area, the missionaries, the marital proclivities of the Amerindians equalled sins, and had to be changed. A man with more than one wife, or a couple who parted to take new partners, provoked derision and censorshop from the missionaries. Any form of marriage that was not strict mono6 2 gamy was not "civilized," in the opinion of an ethnocentric culture. Since the types of marriage encountered among the Amerindians did not receive official sanction, neither did their patterns of family traditions. The stated illegitimacy rates for the area would be laughable to the Amerindians and their descendants. From what was gleaned, community members knew which men sired children, with whom, outside of form.al marriage, although this information did not enter directly into the registers at each instance. It was not accepted by the record-keepers (who sometimes participated in the results of illegitimacy rates). The continued practice of traditional customs, despite pressures to conform to European-Christian

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416 ideals, amounted to a passive resistance on the part of the study area's inhabitants to alien impositions. The Xingu-Gurupa area offers an example of inhabitants and their environment sucked into international and, later, national, currents foreign to them. These currents increased with the construction and opening of the Transamazon Highway in the 19 70s. They continue with the influx of migrants and the implantation of economic development projects throughout the Amazon Basin. Notes 1. The parish priest for Porto de Moz for example, died in 1864 or 1865. His successor left a note in the baptismal register which described the condition in which he found the parish office. There were various baptisms noted on stray bits of paper that had not been entered in any register. Baptismal Register IV, APPX. Baptismal registers used for the parish of Porto de Moz were the following. Ref. no. years including (besides PdM) 1 1824-40 Boa Vista 2 1840-52 3 1852-60 Vilarinho do Monte 4 1860-71 Pombal 5 1871-80 Boa Vista 7 1872-95 Vilarinho and Boa Vista All baptismal registers for Porto de Moz before 1927 are in the APPX. 2. The missing pages are for 1835-39, three to four baptisms lost; 1840-44, three to four lost; 1845-49, nine to twelve lost; 1850-54, nine to twelve lost; and 1855-59, ten lost. 3. For the intervals with missing baptisms, additional sex ratios were calculated. Only one of these would affect a ratio's acceptability. That is, if all the possibly twelve missing baptisms in 1850-54 were for female infants, the new ratio would be 111.93 males per 100 females. However, none of the other intervals outside the maximiom or minimum limits would be affected by the missing baptisms, enabling them to fall within acceptable limits.

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417 4. Joao de Palma Muniz, Adhesao do Grao-Pard h. Independ^ncia e Outros Ensaios (Bel^m: Conselho Estadual de Cultura, 1973"^ reedition of Revista do Instituto Hist6rico e Geogr^fico do Pari Ano VI IV (1922) p. 439. 5 See above note 1 6. Torres, op. cit 7. Land claim registrations for the towns and villages began in 1854 and are stored in the State Land Offices, Instituto de Terras do ParS (ITERPA) 8. Viotti da Costa, op. cit p. 132. 9. Ibid p. 126. 10. Estado do Pard, Legisla9ao de Terras do Pard, I ; 1890-1963 (Bel^m, s/p, s/d) p. 1. 11. For the study area, only the archives of Gurupa and Porto de Moz have registrations beginning in that year; they were the only municipal centers at the time. 12. Land claim registrations for Gurupa, Boa Vista, Vilarinho do Monte, Porto de Moz, Veiros, Pombal, and Souzel, 1854, ITERPA. 13. Estatfsticas de Popula9ao. Rela96es descritivas dos lugares e vilas do Pard no ano de 1823, information concerning Souzel, Codex 1002, BAPP. 14. Two voliames of baptismal registers covered the years to 1889: no. 1, 1856-78; and no. 2, 1878-1906, in Altamira, Par^, APPX. 15. See above, pp. 306-7, 333-41. 16. Lamare, 1868 p. 25. Friar Carmello had been on the Trombetas River and reported on the Amerindian inhabitants there after September 1867. Both Friar Carmello and Friar Ludovico Mazzarino had been in the Pacaj^ mission where they were to return on February 29, 1868, and at the time of the report (August 6, 1868) were in the Xingu mission. By 1870, the two had been in the Xingu mission where Friar Carmello died of an illness among the Amerindians, but Ludovico was still there. A substitute for Carmello, Friar Affonso de Bologna, was appointed (Abel Gra9a, Relatorio apresentado a Assembl^a Legislativa Provincial na Primeira Sessao da 17a Legislatura, pelo Quarto Vice-Presidente Dr Abel Gra9a em 15 de Agosto de 1870 ( Bel^m Par^: Typ. do Diario do Gram-Pard, 1870) pp. 41-2.

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418 17. Ibid 18. From Adalbert of Prussia, op. cit there was some indication of white settlers above and around the Great Bend. In 1884 an estimate of 300 "civilized" people extracting rubber in the region of the Bend and above was made by Francisco de Paulo Castro, "Relatorio da Viagem Exploradora de Matto-Grosso a Pard pelo Rio Xingu 1885," in Anais da BAPP, XI 214. 19. See Arlene Kelly, "The Xingu and Jose Porfirio," Master's Thesis presented to the University of Florida, Department of History, March, 19 75. 20. See note 17 above. 21. Baptisms were performed at Vila Ambe, present site of the Military Police barracks in Altamira, by 1905, in Baptismal Register no. 3 for Souzel, in APPX. 22. The Baptismal Registers for GurupS are listed below. No. Years No. Years 1 1866-71 6 1885-86 2 1871-77 7 1886-87 3 1877-81 8 1887-88 4 1881-83 9 1888-89 5 1883-85 10 1889-90 23. See above. Chapter II. 24. Discussion concerning the importance of godparenthood can be found in Wagley, Amazon Town and T. Lynn Smith, Brazil: People and Institutions (Baton Rouge: University of Louisiana Press, 1946). Prof. Wagley 's Amazon Town Ita is based in Gurupa. 25. For the Church-State conflict of the 1870s, see Mary C. Thornton, The Church and Freemasonry in Brazil, 1872 1875: a study in regalism (Washington: Catholic University of America Press, 1948). 26. Herndon commented on the small population in Gurupa, and Mrs. Agassiz made the same observation. 27. From Registros de Nascimentos of Gurup^, AMG; and Registros de Nascimentos, Porto de Moz, AMPM, 1876-1889. 28. Ibid, and Registros de Baptismos APG; Registros de Baptismos, Porto de Moz, APPX. 29. Due to the unreliability of civil records, the Jewish presence in the study area cannot be estimated accurately. 30. The yearly stipend of priests is known, but, more study is necessary to ascertain payments made to clerks or scribes

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419 31. Estatisticas de Popula9ao. Rela96es descritivas dos lugares e vilas do ParS no ano de 1823. Codex 1002, BAPP. 32. The regional religioiis celebration which attracts most attendants currently is the feast of Our Lady of Nazare in the second Sunday of October, called the Cirio. An analysis of this celebration appears in Isidore Alves, 0 Carnaval Devoto: Um estudo sobre a festa de nazare, em~ Bel6m (Petr6polis; Editora Vozes Ltda. 1980). 33. MacLachlan, op. cit passim 34. This was a powerful combination of saints, see note 112, Ch. II; also, St. John's Day was important in European villages. John R. Gillis, Youth and History: Tradi tion and Change in European Age Relations, 1770 to Present (New York: Academic Press, 1974), p. 29 tells of traditional St. John's Day festivities in Medieval and later Europe, which included official courtship of young people. 35. Baptismal Registers, Porto de Moz APPX. 36. Bettendorf, op. cit passim 37. Maria Luiza Marcilio, A Cidade de Sao Paulo: Povoa mento e Populacao, 1750-1850 (Sao Paulo; Livraria Pioneira Editora, 1974), pp. 157, 159. 38. SAnchez-Alburnoz op. cit p. 67. 39. Ibid. p. 131. 40. Ibid. p. 130. 41. H.S. Klein, "The Colored Freedman in Brazilian Slave Society," in Journal of Social History cited by SanchezAlburnoz, op. cit pp. 132-3. 42. Codex 1002, BAPP; Coelho, 1849 p. 107; Barros Jan. 1854 Mappa N; Rohan, Agosto, 1856 p. 4; Rohan, 1857, P5; Amaral, 1861 p. 6; 13M, March 17, 1855, p. 1. 43. Marcilio, op. cit p. 159. 44. Louis Henry, T^cnicas de An^lise em Demografia Histo rica (Curitiba: Universidade Federal do Parana, 1977) p~. S'l 45. See Chapter I. 46. Examples are given in Gillis, op. cit. p. 26.

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420 47. Registro de casamentos de Souzel, no. 1, July 12, 1865. The bridegroom was named Silvestre Penha Pereira Filho, an illegitimate son of Teodosia Maria, APPX. 48. Holanda, op. cit pp. 7-8; Gillis, op. cit pp. 8-9. 49. Gillis, op. cit pp. 31, 35. 50. See note 30, Chapter II. 51. Marcilio, op. cit p. 159. 52. Henry, op. cit p. 61. 53. See Wagley, op. cit ., and Smith, op. cit ., for further discussions 54. A study by Stephen Gudeman and Stuart B. Schwartz of four parishes in the Bahian Rec6ncavo provided no basis to accept godparenthood as a reinforcement of relations between master and slave. Reported in Hispanic American Historical Review LXI (1981) 374-5. 55. Marcilio, op. cit pp. 159-61. 56. Registros de casamentos de Porto de Moz, no. 1, 183989, APPX. 57. Ibid. 58. Registro de casamentos de Souzel, 1857-1887 was rebound and death notices or sepultamentos were included for the years 1865 to 1887; the second register for Casamentos in Souzel included the years 1886-1904, APPX. 59. Gerald D. Berreman, "Pahari Polyandry: A Comparison," in American Anthropologist LXIV (1962) 60-75. 60. Registro de Baptismos, Porto de Moz, Registro no. 1, APPX. 61. During the late 1970s, an anthropologist visited an Amerindian mission run by a Protestant sect in the northern portion of Amazonia. The missionary was pleased because the Amerindians had accepted — apparently — monogamy, and lived only one nuclear family per hut. The anthropologist, however, was interested in demographics and marriage patterns. He/she was dismayed to discover so many huts with only mothers present. After some time, when the inhabitants realized that the anthropologist did not care whether or not they led Christian lives, they revealed that a number of men in the settlement lived with and supported more than one wife, but were afraid to show this openly to the missionary. (Communication of December, 1981.)

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421 62. See above, Ch. Ill, IV. 63. In the 1970s grandchildren of one of the parish priests arrived in the parish seeking his grave. They wanted to erect a monument to their grandfather. 64. In the study area currently exists the Abraham Lincoln sugar mill and many l\amber mills. In the region, the construction of the Tucurui Dam on the Tocantins River and the implantation of an Alcoa subsidiary, Alunorte do Brazil, in Abaetetuba, at the mouth of the Tocantins River are notable.

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CHAPTER IX LIFE CYCLES: DEATHS AND DISEASE, 1824-1889 Records of deaths or burials in the Xingu-Gurupd parishes during the Empire are less complete than those of baptisms and marriages. The only series of registrations describing deaths for the study area exists for Souzel. Their existence was ignored until the sepultamentos were discovered bound among the marriage registrations for the 1880s. Unfortunately, the death registrations supply little information; no cause of death was noted, nor age of the deceased The data were arranged to see if seasonal variations existed. and are presentee in Table 9 1. Table 9. 1. Souzel : Burials Seasonality 186587. Years J F M A M J J A S 0 N D Totals 1865-69 14 12 19 10 9 15 7 13 7 8 2 1 117 1870-74 10 4 3 9 15 14 11 10 9 11 2 8 106 1875-79 10 6 10 16 12 27 13 12 5 15 1 3 150 1880-84 15 5 15 14 12 9 17 13 15 21 8 15 159 1885-87 8 9 6 5 7 3 14 9 7 6 5 4 83 Totals : 57 36 53 54 55 68 62 57 43 61 18 51 615 Source: Regis tro de sepultamentos, Souzel, APPX. The graphic illustration of this table follows in Figure 9.1 on the next page. The months most disposed to 422

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423 mortality in Souzel's records were January, June, and October. Higher concentrations of the population during festival time might be expected to lead to higher mortality. Most settlements outside the municipal or parish centers had their own cemeteries, and unless the priest happened along on the day of the death or burial, the event went without registration. The inadequacy of the range of

PAGE 446

424 burial data is indicated by a comparison of the number of burials to the number of baptisms registered during the same time span. Table 9.2 makes this comparison. Table 9. 2. Souzel, Baptisms per Burials, 1865-87. Years Baptisms Burials Proportion 1865-69 295 117 226.50 1870-74 255 106 240.57 1875-79 253 150 168.67 1880-84 264 159 166.04 1885-87 216 83 260.24 Totals : 1283 615 208.62 Sources : Table 8.13 and 8.17 During the time both baptismal and burial data were available, an average of two people were baptized per person dying. Normally, one would expect closer proportions. Evidently, family and friends preferred timely internment to a delayed registered burial. With the transportation difficulties and the need to bury the deceased rapidly in a tropical environment, it is understandable that relatively few burials were registered. Also, various segments of the population migrated temporarily each year, and registration facilities were unlikely outside the parish center. Besides those who migrated temporarily, the part of the parish's population residing outside the center must be considered. The relatively small number of burials compared to number of baptisms might also be due in part to the fact that death brought no benefits to the living unless an inheritance was

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425 involved (that is, an inheritance regulated by official or state norms ) Causes of death in the Xingu-Gurupa area varied. Besides accidents, murder, suicide, and old age, diseases contributed greatly to mortality and to a weakening of the population. For the Amerindian populations, the introduction of diseases from Europe and Africa constituted a devastating attack on their health and numbers since they had no natural immunity to the infections. Smallpox, yellow \ fever, measles, and the common cold wreaked havoc on sixteenthand seventeenth-century Amerindian populations, and still gravely threaten those aboriginal populations undergoing increased contact with European-influenced society.''" By the early nineteenth century, however, the inhabitants of the area of the lower Xingu and GurupS consisted of people from the three representative races in Brazil and their mixed descendants, although the Amerindian contribution was the most significant. Despite the many years of contact with people from Europe and Africa, diseases struck the area and the region often in what were considered to be epidemic proportions. Table 9.3 (next page) indicates those reported for the specific cities and towns in the area from 1823 to 1887. The first and most prevalent illness affecting the people in the area was noted simply as "fevers." Reasons for fevers varied widely then as today, and could include typhus, tuberculosis, malaria, yellow fever, colds, dysentery, and

PAGE 448

426 CO i tn 00 U 3 O I G •H X! m o •H g (U -a •H w 0) rH (0 Eh CO z 3 O 0 10 XI s o tn 0 u 0) > 0 T3 01 N (C S-l u (0 u a o a (0 in N 0 (1) X 0 a •c 0 10 •H z V) a m u CO E in < 0 t-l u 0) u o u (U >- -a u > > > > 0 > •H > 0 0) £ a 0) Cm Um 0) u u-l u-l 0 s: c (8 H 01 U in u u M HJ > 0 > •H > o in u > 03 Ud '(0 w tn in a u 1-1 3 0) u > > > 3 o u-l u-l Um t-l (N (0 (N T 00 CO CO U > 3 0 u > > cn 0) u > a (0 3 M o a X 10 e 8. E go o a X a g m o a S n u H Ifl e u 0) 4) > auj (0 0) N in O 0) aiH ^ in iH (0 10 o E £ (0 X m O 01 a"-* i-i in >-l (0 B (1) E £ in 0) > in u > 0 U 3 X X 0) •H •H 0 10 10 u-l 0 0 d) £ tn £ in in 1— 1 •H u a CLir-l i-i u rH )4 (U a —1 rH m n TJ H > > >i o 10 10 10 0) a a (0 x: 3 £ £ £ 0) u-l a) u^ U4 £ o in in in in 00 in i£ r~ CO c\ rH vo CO r~ in in in in in rCO 00 00 00 CO CO CO CO 00 CO CO 00 CO CO in sh in 0 i?> rj< IH C 0 CO 10 in u a 0 a r3 3 >,oo in (N b • 0 \ ca jj 0 a U UH 0 0) o a < £ a a \ (N in V0 -rH CU 0 -t-H 00 03 CO V CO in in rH P~ 03 00 < 0 m CO CO — •v. ta ^ CO C rH IH -H n rH rH (0 0 tN o 0) x: Uh iH O \ U 0 0 0 O 0 a: m UH ^ o O 10 Uh u rr rH > u — o rH 10 v0 in u X -H CO tn o arH SO 0 (1) w 0\ CO rH •H a rH c 0 00 a 3 a iH in 10 0 CO 0 CO 10 rH 00 10 IH CO 0 -H • iH 0 Uh 1~ a|rH o r l-" oo >o •• a •• in .•0 r~ rH 0) in ON x: 10 TJ 10 c rH m U •H •H 0 0 in a 10 > 0 u 0 \ B tt) \.H a u 00 < c JJ o e z 10 00 m — 1 JJ •rl u 10 c CO Q) S <10 rH • -H 10 in a Vi c £ 3 IH m 0 iH (1) 0 0 rH 0 c C UH UH \D u rH r~ 10 t) X 10 CO & *" M 10 J2 in 0 rHMininc — u 0) TT \ 10 • • -H K T3 C vo o r~ -4 10 o \ • u (N in ^ PM CO rH • ai ^ rH "O>H ~' 0 • rnlrH arnl a 0 a o TO iH 10 o IN o ON O I CO I tn rH ITJ •,0 tn ^ Uh 0 U •• m in rH ja (1) Uh tfl ^ ^ -rt I O 10 0) \00 0 'C 4J UCOrHlH -OlNC ti o ru m j 3 \ M 10 in in tn O a
PAGE 449

others. Illnesses prevalent among the area's inhabitants were noted in 1823. In Gurup^, fevers, colds, and diarrhea were mentioned as afflictions. In Porto de Moz the variety of afflictions was such that a report, after naming ten, went on to say that they were so many that there could be no idea of exactly how many. The remedies used by the people in Porto de Moz indicate that Amerindian medicinal practices were combined with prescriptions from Europe and Africa to cure ills. For example, to reduce high fevers infusions of orange leaves or coffee were taken. For dysentery there were two remedies : tea made from the flowers of the cashew, and coffee laced with ginger. For the fevers and illnesses prevalent in Veiros and Pombal, it was reported that no good remedies had been found. The inhabitants of Souzel noticed a correlation between rampaging fevers and 3 the annual rise and fall of the river's water level. No information concerning diseases during the decade of the 1830s was available, but in 1842 both Porto de Moz and Gurupa sent reports to the capital complaining about violent fevers in their jurisdictions. Complaints intensified the next year and the town council of Porto de Moz requested and received a shipment of medicine from Beldm. So many people were said to have died in Pombal that year, that the village 4 was left almost deserted. Apparently, the government in Belem had sent a navy surgeon along with the medicines to help suppress the epidemic in the jurisdictions of Gurup^ and Porto de Moz. From March 1843 to January 1844, 107 people

PAGE 450

428 died in the town of Gurup^, whose population was considered to be from 900 to 1000 inhabitants. The surgeon, Francisco Xavier de Moraes Pereira, also mentioned that another 181 people had died in the parishes of Carrazedo, Vilarinho do Monte, Almeirim, Esposende, and Arraiolos, whose population was estimated at 1900. In July of that year, the military commander of Gurup^ sent a brief report indicating that the fevers continued in Porto de Moz and along the Xingu River with a large — although unspecified — number of victims.^ The fevers continued to some extent into 1845 in both Gurupa and Porto de Moz, and the provincial government continued to send aid and medicines. Medicine was needed also in Gurupa for the indigent population suffering from the epidemic, and the vicar of Souzel requested monetary aid for that town's inhabitants so that they could buy medicines from the pharmacist or boticirio A general survey of the situation in 1846 indicated that the greater number of victims dying from the fevers were those of the indigent class — who lacked medicine, a proper diet, and other resources, •7 as well as knowledge of local remedies. In 1848, the fevers were still ravishing the province and among the settlements which suffered most were Porto de Moz and GurupsJ. Again, g the largest numbers of victims came from the poorer classes. The fevers reported in 1857, however, apparently were different from earlier ones. A medical doctor, Antdnio David Canavarro de Vasconcelos, recognized symptoms of fevers prevalent in Gurup^, Porto de Moz, Vilarinho do Monte, Carrazedo ^

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429 and Tapara as the same as those which had appeared years earlier in the Jari River Valley. These were intermittent fevers complicated by gastroenteritis or hepatitis. Dr. Canavarro had been requested to investigate the outbreak A 9 of fevers in Gurupa reported in late 1856. By 1859 it was accepted that intermittent fevers were endemic to swampy, low-lying areas, including parts of Gurupd and Porto de Moz. The intensity of the fevers increased with the lowering of water levels, which affected those people involved in extracting rubber, who had established temporary residences on islands in the waterways By 186 2, the fevers in Gurup^ and Porto de Moz appeared to be malarial and constant. The malarial fevers appearing in 1876 were accompanied by smallpox and measles and struck Porto de Moz especially hard. Intermittent and malarial fevers continued to spread in the province in 1878, vacillating in severity. By this year both Porto de Moz and Souzel were suffering intense waves of fevers. The provincial government ordered medicines with precise instructions for application and diet recommendations sent to the afflicted areas. "^^ Provincial welfare measures extended only as far as municipal seats, and not into newly exploited lands being opened with the advance of workers seeking rubber trees to tap. During the exploratory voyage of Charles von den Steinen in the 1880s, rubber gatherers were found well beyond the Great Bend of the Xingu River. A Brazilian army captain

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430 accompanying the expedition, Francisco de Paula Castro, commented on the prevalence of fevers among the rubber gatherers above the Bend in 1884, and the lack of medical assistance. He worried that they would abandon the rubber fields for more populous areas with medical help, and therefore destroy the most profitable commerce of the Province of Par^.''"'^ In 1887, malarial fevers were endemic and, along with other diseases, affected the provincial capital, producing lethal effects. One of the earliest diseases to arrive with the Europeans and Africans was smallpox, which continued to affect people in rural areas of Brazil almost to the present. Smallpox was identified in Bahia in 1561 and, two years later, the first great epidemic struck there, supposedly killing more than 30,000 Amerindians who lived in villages established by missionaries. By the mid-seventeenth century, smallpox had reached Maranhao and Pard, where Betten14 dorf notes that there was an outbreak in 1661-62. Another occurrence was in 1695, which caused great mortality, although there are no precise figures. Smallpox struck again in Para in 1721 and the epidemic lasted until 1733, taking thousands of lives. "^^ The disease hit Maranhao again in 1788, and Para in 1793, attaining terrible proportions according to one report, but no precise mortality rates were 16 given. Meanwhile in Britain, the idea of inoculation being investigated by Edward Jenner, who having infested a teen-

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431 age boy with the mild disease of cowpox, demonstrated in 1796 that the patient was immune to smallpox. By March 1798, the colonial governor, Francisco de Sousa Coutinho, accepted the burden for all costs connected with trying out the new process in Par^. Despite his good intentions, however, the general population resisted all efforts to be inoculated or vaccinated against the disease, not trusting in the benefits of the innovation. At its introduction, only one soldier was willing to take the preventive mea17 sure. The revolutionary method of taking a disease into one's system in order to prevent a more serious, related infection was slow to gain acceptance in England, and in other places as well. Too few people in Par^ accepted the idea when it was first introduced, and in 1819 another violent outbreak occurred, which has been blamed on the importation of African slaves in April of that year, which coincided with heavy seasonal rains. According to Arthur Vianna, the rainy season was not propitious to the spread of smallpox, but when the drier dog-days of June arrived 18 the disease spread rapidly. It would reappear throughout the nineteenth century. Information concerning outbreaks of smallpox in towns and villages of provincial Par^ is scanty. There was only a statement that smallpox ( bexigas ) appeared in the province 19 in 1839. Apparently, there had been sporadic outbreaks during the 1830s, with a hiatus about 1840. Ten years passed before smallpox was recognized again as active.

PAGE 454

432 In part, the temporary retreat of smallpox could have been due to programs of vaccination sponsored by the pro21 vincxal government, which began in June 1840. Precise information about the number of people successfully vaccinated was not available, except for a few details concerning vaccination efforts in the Capital, Belem. Evidently, no other town council in the province sent information about these inoculations. One physician working alone vaccinated 15 6 people in Beldm from February to May 1844. The vaccine took in 88 people, and did not in 32; there were 36 who did not appear within the eight22 day period to verify the results. Just two years later, in July 1846, 342 people received vaccinations, of which 111 were successful, three doubtful, and 48 unsuccessful; 180 people never appeared to verify the results of their vac23 cmations No information was available concerning vaccination attempts in the interior of the province during these years Statistics were kept concerning mortality due to smallpox in the provincial capital from 1851 to 1905. In 1851, 568 deaths in Belem were attributed to smallpox, and through the years until 1905, mortality from the disease ranged from one in 1895 to 747 in 1888.^^ Although vaccination efforts probably continued, they were not made in all parts of the province, as there were no vaccinations in the area of the 25 Xingu and Gurupa in 1853. Relatively few cases of smallpox appeared during the 1860 's and by 1868 provincial

PAGE 455

433 authorities considered the disease virtually extinct in the province, since only one or two cases occasionally ^ 26 appeared. Their hopes were dashed when new and serious outbreaks occurred in 1878, which were blamed on the arrival of refugees from the drought-stricken northeast. Refugees continued to arrive and many went to work in rubber fields pushing westward and spreading farther into the upper courses of Amazonian tributaries. Serious outbreaks continued until 1885, followed by a hiatus until 1887, when 27 there were new eruptions of the disease. Steps were taken to curtail the ravages with the dispatching of vaccines to schools in the interior, including schools in Vilarinho do Monte and Veiros.^^ In 1889, the Health Department, trying to forestall further spread of smallpox, sent vials of vaccines with instructions to 43 different places in the interior including Gurupa, Porto de Moz, and 29 Souzel. Although the province of Par^ was perhaps one of the first places in the world for which Jenner's practice of vaccination was tried, attempts at mass vaccination against smallpox were not successful until the twentieth century, after the advent of the Republic. In the nineteenth century, a disease new to Europeans, Africans, and Americans alike appeared, cholera. Endemic in Bengal, it spread in the early nineteenth century through asiatic Russia to China and through the Mediterranean basin to Egypt and Europe. The disease had not been detected in

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434 Porto, Portugal when a ship left there bound for Bel^m, Para on April 15, 1855. The Portuguese vessel, Defensor left Porto with 304 passengers, of whom 288 were intended colonists for the province of Par^, and 17 crew members. On the tenth day of sailing an illness appeared among the passengers, and from then until May 12, while the ship was at sea, 36 passengers died. Although there was a physician on board, who presumably assisted those stricken, no one suspected that the ship was carrying passengers infected by cholera, which had been in evidence in Spain and some parts of Portugal, but not in Porto. The large proportion of people dying was blamed on the pitiable sanitary conditions on board the Defensor especially the cramped and filthy lodgings and the copper implements used in the pre31 paration of inferior food. The vessel anchored in the port of Beldm on May 15, after 30 days of voyage. At this time, the medical service of the port was part of a government department headed by a health inspector. Dr. Camilo Jose do Vale Guimaraes. It was one of Dr. Camilo' s assistants. Dr. Josd Ferreira Cantao, who took charge of the vessel's inspection and concluded that the high mortality was due not to an epidemic disease but 32 to the deplorable conditions on board. With the cholera unrecognized, contact was made between infected colonists and inhabitants of the city of Beldm. One of the first contacts occurred when seven slaves secretly anchored near the Defensor and sold fish and fruit to the hungry passengers.

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435 Another contact was with soldiers stationed at the Naval Armory (Arsenal da Marinha) who became so ill that the army surgeon, Dr. Amdrico de Santa Rosa, began to question the cause of their illness during his regular rounds on May 26. A third vector spreading the epidemic was the steamboat Tapajos which carried 32 of the colonists from the Defensor to their destination at 6bidos, touching many 33 of the Lower Amazonian ports during the voyage. Until the end of May, the epidemic was limited to the Old City (Cidade Velha) or oldest neighborhood of Bel^m, and seemed to attack only people from the lower classes. The bordering neighborhood of Campina appeared to be immune. The public health commission of the province sent a report to Rio de Janeiro on May 30, which did not recognize the severity of the disease, calling it cholerine, a mild form of cholera. Two weeks later, by June 15, however, the full strength of the cholera was beginning to be felt, as it struck the wealthiest along with the poorest. "^^ A few days earlier, on June 11, cholera had begun to take effect in (5bidos, a western point of the Lower Amazon Valley. By October 31, 34 parishes of the interior of the province had registered 2,786 victims of the cholera epidemic; this was a partial counting, since not every parish remitted information about the effects of the epidemic in its jurisdiction.'^^ The worst effects of the cholera epidemic continued through July and it seemed to abate by early August, although some localities such as Porto de Moz still felt its force at

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436 3 6 the end of August. Unfortunately, there were no detailed data describing the effects of the epidemic in Porto de Moz and most other localities of the study area, except for Gurupd and Vilarinho do Monte. In 1855, mortality in Gurupa attributed to the cholera epidemic struck mostly adult males 20 males died from it, along with 15 women, and two children Only those numerical results of the epidemic could be derived from data concerning Gurupa, as there was no indication of the composition of the estimated population at the 37 time the epidemic struck. For Vilarinho do Monte, however, information was provided about the estimated population as well as the death tolls due to cholera for that year In Vilarinho, more women than men died from the epidemic in 1855: 14 men, 20 women, and seven children. These numerical results, however, did not represent proportional effects on the population. There were fewer men than women in the population — 196 men, 315 women, and 486 children — which meant that, proportionally, more men died in Vilarinho do Monte than women, with 7.65% of the men succumbing to cholera, 6.35% of the women, and only 1.44% of the children. Comparison of the ethnic or racial composition of the population with that of the cholera fatalities yielded somewhat surprising results. There were 138 mixed-bloods or mesti90s reported in the population of Vilarinho do Monte, along with 238 whites, 5 50 Amerindians, and 71 blacks. Mortality among the different races was broken down into the following percentages: 8.62% for whites, 3.45% for Amerindians, 3.13%

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437 3 8 for blacks, and no one died from cholera among the mesti90s. Allegations that the lower economic and social classes were most affected by the epidemic, are not supported by the experience of Vilarinho do Monte, where, to the contrary, the whites, usually considered to be of the upper classes, suffered the highest proportion of deaths due to the cholera epidemic in 1855. The appearance of cholera in the region in 1855, and the assumption that lower classes would be those most likely affected, provided an interesting test case. Formerly, all diseases of epidemic proportions were either endemic (Amerindians would be little affected by them) or brought by Europeans and Africans, who had some immunity. Cholera was devastating to all races present in the region in 1855 because it had been a disease endemic to a small portion of Asia, the Bengal region of India and Bangladesh. Europeans, Africans, and Amerindians alike had no prior immunity to the disease. If the disease were more severe on one socio-economic class than another, mortality rates from the 1855 epidemic would be expected to be higher among the least privileged among the Amazonian population, that is, the Amerindians and Africans or blacks, who were slaves or virtually slaves. A study of the 25 Amazonian towns and villages for which both population and mortality statistics for the epidemic were avail able, however, showed no correlation between racial category and preponderance of death from cholera. The higher proportion of whites succumbing to the epidemic in Vilarinho do

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438 Monte, then, was not typical of the Paraense towns and 39 villages for which information was gathered. Cholera reappeared throughout the province during the following year, but thereafter faded from prominence. The first attack of yellow fever in Pard was restricted to the environs of the capital city, Bel^m. Although other parts of Brazil, notably Recife, had suffered outbreaks since 1685, only in 1850 would yellow fever reach Amazonian shores, with the arrival of a Danish boat, the Pollux whose sailors were infected with the disease; two of them died of it in Bel^m's Charity Hospital. The Pollux had sailed from Bahia, as did the Brazilian vessel, Pernambucana some days later; three from the latter' s crew died on February 1 from yellow fever. The infection spread throughout Bel^m and to nearby points, evidently affecting mainly foreigners unaccustomed to tropical diseases. Over ten years later, in 1861, there was a probable outbreak of yellow fever throughout the Lower Amazon Region, including 40 Gurupa and Porto de Moz. Yellow fever reappeared in the 1880s, but, again, apparently was restricted to the capital city and mainly struck down foreign residents who were not 4 1 acclimated. Another disease which occurred off and on through the years, and often was confused with smallpox, was measles. The first appearance of measles in the Amazon Region was in mid-1749, when a major part of the Amerindian labor force was affected. It was identified in the Xingu-Gurup^ area toward the end

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439 of the nineteenth century, when it struck principally chil42 .... dren. There were no detailed statistics concerning measles and its effects on inhabitants of the province of Par^, just as little data was gathered concerning the prevalence of malaria, which was one of the few so-called tropical diseases apparently endemic in the northern South America be43 fore the arrival of Europeans and Africans. Although many other diseases, not necessarily of epidemic proportions, attacked the inhabitants of the region, 44 little information was gathered concerning them. Few people who had formal medical training of any sort worked in the Amazon region; those who used informal or folk medicine to treat illnesses and injuries in the area were probably illiterate. Just as pajds among the Amerindians could be taken from either sex, so too could the curandeiros entendidos or benzedeiras of later times, who dedicated themselves to curing diseases of the body and mind. Racial identity was no barrier, with whites, blacks, mixed bloods 45 or Amerindians practicing healing arts. The Jesuits formed the vanguard of Iberian medical prac tice, using their medical skills to discredit the powerful pajes among Amerindian groups. With success in healing, a Jesuit (or other missionary) could place himself in the position of respect and fear formerly held by the Amerindian 46 • shaman. Skill or luck with healing gave the practitioner firm basis of influence among the people on whom he applied his skills. During the nineteenth century, the only formal

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440 schools for physicinas in Brazil were in Rio de Janeiro and Bahia. By mi dcentury Brazilian medicine had turned away from traditional Iberian theories to homeopathy, which had been launched in 1810 in Dresden and spread to 47 France, thence to Brazil. Hospital facilities were limited to capital cities or military outposts. The military hospitals, dependent on government money, however, fared badly in the mid-nineteenth century, when there was a recommendation to rent out all military hospitals established in Santardm or other parts 48 of the interior. Evidently the military hospital in Macapa was not affected by this recommendation, since the army doctor in charge there in 1849 accepted a year's contract to continue and to visit the other towns nearby, including Gurupa, for three months of the year. The need for more widespread medical assistance, provided by Dr. Jos^ Ramos, was due to the unspecified but intense fevers hitting the 49 region. During the cholera epidemic of 1855-56, a retired surgeon, Francisco de Paula Cavalcante de Albuquerque, was in charge at Santarem, which served as the health headquarters for Gurupa and the Xingu. It was there that "Dr." Antonio David Canavarro, a sixth-year medical student, was sent with medicines to attend to victims of the epidemic. Porto de Moz received the help of Tiago Porfirio de Araujo who provided drugs and aid to the people there; perhaps he was a pharmacist. Other assitance came from the provincial capital

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441 in the form of money, medicines, and supplies. Supplies for the municipality of Gurupa consisted of one barrel of sugar and one of crackers, to be distributed in the vilas of Gurupa, Almeirim, and Araiolos; for distribution in the towns of Porto de Moz, Vilarinho do Monte, Veiros, Pombal, and Souzel, there was one barrel of sugar and two cans of crackers for each place. During the epidemic of 1858, only one of the stricken towns, Itaituba, received a physician, leaving Porto de Moz, Gurup^, and Portel without 52 professional help. Even where professional medical practitioners were not provided, general health conditions of the environment received attention. Recorded observations from before the nineteenth century indicated that the American tropics were healthy places and some Jesuits urged their cohorts to come to Brazil for health cures. Through the nineteenth and into the twentieth centuries, however, a general impres53 sion of insalubrity came to be accepted. Steps were taken to improve conditions which adversely affected health and sanitation, such as in GurupS where, in 18 42, a report determined that there were no wells for drinking water and the inhabitants drank from an igarapd, the Guajard, into 54 which vegetation fell. Two years later, other hazards to health were recognized in Gurup^: stagnant water in a nearby swamp, and bad drainage from a lake whose wathers were used to ferment drinks made from manioc and wild fruits; fish that was eaten after having been poisoned with timbd;

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442 and the location of the cemetery, which was too close to homes. The provincial government was not able to foot the bill for making the necessary changes, however, and they 55 were left to the responsibility of Gurup^'s town council. In 1857, complaints about health problems mentioned migrants who traveled to the Jari River basin in search of rubber latex, returning to their homes in Gurup^ and Porto de Moz bringing disease and fevers with them. The poor conditions of the temporary housing the migrants constructed, as well as the lack of an adequate food supplies and stores of medicines, were blamed for the ill-health of the returning rubber gatherers. Gurupd in 1859 still needed a source of potable water and drainage of the surrounding swampy areas, as well as a dock at the port for unloading and loading to 57 the steamships which stopped there. The next year, a commission made up of men from Gurupa was authorized by the provincial government to seek a source of good drinking water, and the sum of 1:000 $000 was appropriated to defray the costs of connecting two streams, the Guajar^ and Jacupi, to provide better drainage and prevent the forming of stagnant pools of 58 water. The work of clearing and linking the streams for better drainage, and of draining the swamps close to the town of Gurupa, continued into 186 3. There was some hope that the newly drained land would provide suitable grazing for cattle, which in turn would provide food supplies for the inhabitants 59 of the town. By 1866, drainage of a swamp in the district

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443 of Porto de Moz was being urged to prevent recurrence of intermittent fevers ^ Fifteen years later, scarcity of food supplies became an overriding issue in the capital of the province. Transportation to cattle-raising districts along the lower Amazon, such as Monte Alegre was facilitated to ensure meat for Belem's market. In order to arrange for an additional call at Monte Alegre by the steamship company (in 1881, only one steamer touched there each month) Porto de Moz was to be left out of the schedule, which at the time included steamers stopping there five times each month. Traveling in relatively unsettled areas often meant hardships and lack of food, as some members of the von den Steinen expedition found during their explorations of the upper course of the Xingu River. While the von den Steinens took a steamboat to the capital city, the Brazilian members of the expedition were left behind in penury. Some of them had nothing more than the clothes on their bodies, and some 6 2 were ill from fevers and hunger. Food scarcity continued to be a problem in the 1880 's principally in the cities of Beldm and Manaus. The cattle industry had not flourished in the Amazon region, and the importation of meat from outside areas sometimes led to the appearance of bad meat in the markets; supplies of consistently good meat were to depend on the development of a stronger cattle industry on Mara j 6 Island and in the lower 6 3 Amazon Basin. For most people in the interior of the

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444 province who were not involved with temporary migrations in the search for rubber, food still came from hunting, fishing, collecting, and planting. Those dependent on outside supplies, such as the rubber gatherers who left areas in which staples were planted, had to purchase their food and supplies either from local storeowners or itinerant floating peddlers, who sold their wares at inflated prices, often on credit in exchange for commitments to deliver rubber or other forest products. Just as temporary homes were established during the four to six months in which rubber trees were tapped and their latex collected and smoked, makeshift burial grounds were used for those who died far from the parish center or a rural chapel. The earliest cemeteries grew near established churches, and only in the nineteenth century were 64 civil cemeteries created by royal mandate in Beldm. In some parts of the interior of the province, two cemeteries existed side by side: one Catholic and one Jewsih, as in Porto de Moz and Gurup^. Jewish cemeteries were established rather late in the nineteenth century, after immigration of North African Jews to the Amazon Region. The location of the cemeteries was a practical concern. Provincial authorities appointed commissions to study each village's situation, and they usually recommended the placement of cemeteries on the outskirts of the village. Thus, one possible indication of the growth of a village would be the successive locations of its cemeteries. Studies and recommendations for a cemetery in Porto de Moz were made in 1868 and 1871.

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445 Although there is a general lack of precise statistics, it appears that the continual waves of what were considered epidemic diseases in the interior of the province of Pari during the nineteenth century took a high toll of the population. High mortality was not the only impact the diseases had on the population; the illness they caused took another toll through the inactivity of large parts of the population who were not able to work or to provide food and sustenance for themselves or their families. Most of the debilitating diseases which struck the people in the area of Gurupa and the Xingu were new, or reintroduced with successive waves of immigrants, such as cholera and smallpox. At present, there is no means by which to accurately determine the effects of repeated infestations of diseases on the populace. One can only be assured that they were not good. Notes 1. See Lycurgo Santos Filho, Pequena Historia da Medicina Brasileira (Sao Paulo: Editora Parma Ltda. 1980), pp. 16, 43 and Sinchez-Alburnoz op cit pp. 60ff, for discussions of diseases introduced by Africans and Europeans. The diseases continue to kill and weaken Amerindian people, as well as increasing the psychological shocks caused by contact 2. Santos Filho, op. cit pp. 48-9. 3. Rela96es accompanying nominal census data in Codex 100 2, BAPP. 4. Souza Franco, 1842, p. 10; 13M, 12/08/843, p. 1465; Ebner Xingutinia p. 19. 5. Silva Vellozo, op. cit ., pp. 20-1.

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446 6. Joao Maria de Moraes Discurso Recitado pelo Exmo Snr Doutor Joao Maria de Moraes, vice-prezidente da Pro vincia do Par^ Na Abertura da 2a Sessao da 4a Legisiatura da Assemblea Provincial No Dia lb de Agosto de lbi4b (/_!tiel§m/, Para: Typ. Santos e Filhos, 1845), p. 51 (hereafter, Maria de Moraes, 1845) ; 13M, 14/06/845, p. 2. 7. Maria de Moraes, 184 5 p. 23. The indicated lack of knowledge could mean that these indigents had lost all practical contact with their surroundings, or, more likely, that they were refugees from the northeast of Brazil which experienced severe drought in 1845. 8. Jeronimo Francisco Coelho, Falla Dirigida pelo Exmo Snr ConselheiroJeronimo Francisco Coelho Presidente da Provincia do Gram-Par^ a Assemblea Legisiativa Provincial na Abertura da Sessao Ordinaria da Sexta Legisiatura No Dia 1 de Outubro de 184 8 (/BeleW, Par^: Typ. Santos e Filhos, 1848), p. 98 (hereafter, Coelho, 01/10/848 ) 9. Rohan, 1857 p. 6. 10. Manoel de Frias e Vasconcellos Falla dirigida a Assemblea Legisiativa do Para na Segunda Sessao da XI Legisiatura pelo Exmo Sr Tenente-Coronel Manoel de Frias e Vasconcellos Presidente da Mesma Provincia em lo de Outubro de 1859 (/Belem/, Paril Typ. Commercial da A.J.R. Guimaraes, /I859^7) / 40. 11. Brusque, 1862 p. 32; Francisco Maria Corr^a de S^ e Benevides, Relatdrio Apresentado pelo Exm. Sr. Dr. Francisco Maria Correa de S^ e Benevides Presidente da Provincia do Para a Assemblea Legisiativa Provincial na Sua Sessao Solemne de Installa9ao da 20a Legisiatura. No Dia 15 de Fevereiro de 1876 (/Belem/, Par^: Typ. do Diario do Gram-Par^, 1876), p. 16. 12. Joao Capistrano Bandeira de Mello Filho, Relatdrio com que ao Exm. Sr. Dr. Jose da Gama Malcher, lo VlTce-Presidente Passou a Administragao da Provincia do Par^ o Exm. Sr. Dr Joao Capistrano Bandeira de Mello Filho em 9 de mar90 de~1878 T7Bel?m77~ParSl Typ. Guttemberg, 1878), p. 62. 13. Francisco de Paula Castro, "Relatdrio da Viagem Exploradora de Matto-Grosso a Par^ pelo Rio Xingu 1885," in Anais da BAPP, XI, 1969, pp. 215, 221-2. 14. Ibid p. 45; Bettendorf, op. cit pp. 203-216. 15. Salles, op. cit p. 20; Vianna, Epidemias pp. 10, 35-6; Borges, op. cit p. 139. 16. Bexigas na Capitania do Maranhao 1788, Codex 99, IX, ANRJ; Vianna, Santa Casa, p. 176.

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447 17. Vianna, Epidemias pp. 12, 43-4; Santos Filho, op. cit pp 46, 74. 18. Borges, op. cit p. 25; Vianna, Epidemias pp. 46-7; Vianna, Santa Casa p. 304. 19. Souza Franco, 1839, p. 12. 20. Vianna, op cit pp. 304-5. 21. Souza Franco, 1842 p. 28. 22. Silva Vellozo, op. cit p. 23. 23. Maria de Moraes 1846 p. 24. 24. Arthur Vianna, As Epidemias no Pard 2nd ed (Be 1dm ; Universidade Federal do Par^, 1975) Mapa de variTola. 25. Barros, Jan. 1854 Anexo No. 17. 26. Laraare, 1868 p. 19. 27. Vianna, Epidemias pp. 13, 60; Vianna, Santa Casa p. 305. 28. Francisco Jos^ Cardoso Junior, Falla com que o Exm Snr. Conselheiro Francisco Josd Cardoso Junior lo Vice-Pre sidente da Provincia do Par^, Abrio a 2a Sessao da 25a Legislatura da Assemblda Provincial Em 20 de Outubro de 1887 (/ffel^m/, Par^: Typ. do Diario de Noticias," 1887), p. 6 (hereafter, Cardoso Junior, 1887 ) ; Francisco Jose Cardoso Junior, Falla com que o Exm. Sr. Conselheiro Francisco Josg Cardoso Junior lo Vice-Presidente da Provincia do Par^ Abrio a la Sessao da 26a Leg-islatura da Assemblda Provincial no Dia 4 de Margo de 1888 (/Belem/, Pard; Typ. a vapor do "Diario de Noticias," 1888), p. 13 (hereafter, Cardoso Junior Mar. 4, 188 8 ) ; Francisco Jos^ Cardoso Junior, Relatdrio com que o Exm. Snr. Conselheiro Francisco Josd Cardoso Junior lo Vice-Presidente Passou a admmistrayao da Provincia no dia 6 de Maio de 1888 (/Belem/y Para; Typ. do Diario de Noti cias 1888) p. 7 (hereafter, Cardoso Junior, May 6 188 8 ) 29. Miguel Josd d' Almeida Pernambuco, Annexes a Falla com que o Exmo. Snr. Dr. Miguel Josd d' Almeida Pernambuco Presi dente da Provincia Abrio a 2a Sessao da 26a Legislatura da Assemblea Legislativa Provincial do Par^. Em 2 de Fevereiro de 1889 (/Beldm/, Par^: Typ. A.F. da Costa, 1889, p. 7 (here after, Pernambuco, 1889 ) 30. Santos Filho, op. cit p. 46. 31. Vianna, Epidemias p. 15, 105-108; Vianna, Santa Casa pp. 193-5; Sanchez-Alburnoz op. cit p. 174.

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448 32. Vianna, Epidemias pp. 108-9; Vianna, Santa Casa ^ pp. 194-7. 33. Vianna, Epidemias pp. 114, 160; Vianna, Santa Casa pp. 197-9. 34. Vianna, Santa Casa pp. 200-2. 35. Vianna, Epidemias p. 160; Vianna, Santa Casa p. 204; Barros, Oct., 1855 Quadro No. 11. 36. 13M, 21/07/855, p. 2; 13M, 24/07/855, p. 2; 13M 07/08753"5, p. 3; 13M, 23/08/^5, p. 3. 37. Barros, Oct. 1855 Quadro No. 11. 38. Ibid 39. See Arlene Kelly, Um Estudo de 25 Vilas e Lugares durante a Epidemia de Cdlera, 1855, unpub. ms., MPEG. 40. Santos Filho, op. cit pp. 49-50; Vianna, Epidemias pp. 14, 55, 79, 83, 84, 97; Vianna, Santa Casa pp. 178-9, 181; Borges, op. cit p. 38; Amaral, 1861 p. 7. 41. Cardoso Junior, Mar. 4, 1888 p. 9. 42. Ibid ; Vianna, Epidemias p. 10; Santos Filho, op. cit p. 46 43. Santos Filho, op. cit p. 49. 44. For a rundown of other diseases present, see Santos Filho, op. cit pp. 51-9. 45. Ibid pp. 40-1. 46 Ibid. p. 20 47. Ibid. pp. 78 92. 48. 13M, 21/10/843, p. 1497. 49. Jeronimo Francisco Coelho, Falla Dirigida pelo Exmo Snr Conselheiro Jeronimo Francisco Coelho, Prezidente da Provincia do Gram-Par^ a Assembl^a Legislativa Provincial na Abertura da Segunda Sessao Ordinaria da Sexta Legisla~ tura. No dia lo de Outubro de 1849 (/Bel^m/, Par^: Typ. Santos e Filhos, 1849), p. 58 (hereafter, Coelho, 01/10/849) 50. 13M, 12/10.855. p. 2; 13M, 22/10/855, p. 1; 13M, 28/ll785'5, p. 2.

PAGE 471

449 51. 13M, 12/07/855, p. 1; 13M, 11/08/855, p. 4; 13M, 14/087^5, p. 2; 13M, 18/08/^5, p. 1; 13M, 23/087855, p. 8; 13M, 02/10/855, p. 6; 13M, 10/10/333", pp. 2-3: Barros, Oct. 1855 Quadro NoT~r2. 52. Joao da Silva Carrao, Discurso da Abertura da Sessao Extraordinaria da Assembl^a Legislativa Provincial do Pard Em 7 de Abril de 1858 (/Beldm/, Par^; Typ. do Diario do Comm^rcio, /r8587n p. 26 (hereafter, Carrao, 1858). 53. Santos Filho, op. cit p. 43. 54. Relaqao of 1842 about Gurup^, Codex 1002, BAPP. 55. 13M, 31/01/844, pp. 1655-6; Silva Vellozo, op. cit ., pp. 20-1. 56. Rohan, 1857 p. 7. 57. Frias e Vasconcellos op cit p. 19. 58. Antonio Coelho de Sa e Albuquerque, Relatdrio que o Exmo Sr. Dr. Ant6nio Coelho de S^ e Albuquerque Presidente da Proyincia do Par^ Apresentou ao Exmo Sr. Vice-Presidente Dr. Fabio Alexandrine de Carvalho Reis ao Passar-lhe a Administra9ao da Mesma Provincia em 12 de Maio de 1860 (/Bel ^m/ Par^ : Typographia Commercial de A.J. Rabello Guimaraes /T8607) p. 35. 59. Brusque, 1862 p. 88; Brusque, 1863 p. 27. 60. Barao de Arary, Relatdrio da Presidencia do Par^ Apresentado a Respectiva Assembl^a Provincial Pelo Excellentissimo Senhor Vice-Presidente Bargo de Arary, em 1 de Outubro de 1866 {/Bel4va/ Par^: Typ. do Jornal do Amazonas, 1866), p. 28. 61. Jos^ Coelho da Gama e Abreu, Relatdrio Apresentado ^ Assemblda Legislativa Provincial na 2a Sessao da 22a Legislatura em 15 de Fevereiro de 1881 pelo exm. Sr. Dr Jos^ Coelho da Gama e Abreu (/Bel^m/, Par^: Typ. do Diario de Notlcias de Costa e Campbell, IB'SI) pp. 124-5 (hereafter, Gama e Abreu, 1881 ) 62. Paula Castro, op. cit pp. 172-3, 218-9. 63. Jose de Araujo Roso Danin, Rel^torio comque o Exm. Snr Dr. Jos^ de Araujo Roso Danin, 2o Vice-Presidente da Pro vincia Pasaou a Administragao da Mesma ao Exmo Snr Conselheiro Joao Silveira de Souza no Dia 4 de Agosto de 1884 (/Belgm/, Para: Typ. de Francisco da Costa Junior, 1885), p ~9 ; ~ Cardoso Junior, Mar. 4, 1888, p. 8.

PAGE 472

450 64. Vianna, Epidemias, p. 85. 65. Wagley, Amazon Town ^ passim (the town in the title, called Ita in the book, is actually Gurupd) ; Registros de Nascimentos, AMG. 66. Lamare, 1868 p. 44; Abel Graca, Relatorio Apresentado a Assemblea Legislativa Provincial 'na Segunda Sessao da 17a Legislatura pelo Dr. Abel Graya Presidente da Provincia (15-8-1871 ) (/Belem/, Para: Typ.de Diario do Gram-Para, 1871, p. 57.

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CHAPTER X CONCLUSIONS A current fashion for explaining underdeveloped, or more impolitely, "backward," countries and regions, involves the use of dependence theory. The control of production modes and their produce economically restrains the development of the controlled area. The inability of colonized people to control their destinies in the face of the depradations of colonizing powers is a theme of many studies. The created dependency of a people on other people resembles the dependence of a child on its parents — biological, adoptive, or temporary. Psychologists have been concerned with the authority wielded by parents over their children, who were liberated from parents' authority in other eras naturally due to a shorter life-span of the general population. With the increased lengths of lives for most industrial or pre-industrial countries, the phenomena of "generation gap" was recognized. In some societies, such as in the United States of America, adolescents' practical independence from their parents is facilitated. In most countries, adolescents' dependence on parents and family remains. 451

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452 There is a similar situation in world regions which were colonized or "adopted" by foreign nations. These adopted children received all the benefits which their fictive parents thought they deserved. In return, they had to supply these non-biological parents with those physical attributes (produce or labor) thought valuable by these adoptive parents. Just as either biological or adopted children have no choice of parents, so all colonized regions had no choice of their colonizers. Prospective parents usually did not communicate in the same language as their adopted children. Parents generously taught their language to their new children. However, environmental and cultural differences often were ignored by the parents. These differences included other patterns of thought or reasoning than those employed by the parents. One example is the imposition of the English language in Ireland. For an Englishman, the word "farmer" described a man of means, with property and income. At the same time, most Irish considered "farmer" to refer to anyone who worked the land, with or without title to property or other income. Census results showed a high number of "farmers" in Ireland and the English were amazed that the Irish could complain of poverty and difficulties in making a living. Their different definitions of the same word underline a basic misunderstanding between the two islands. In the study area of the Xingu and Gurupa, the problem of semantics is more complicated. As mentioned in Chapter I,

PAGE 475

453 there were four linguistic groups in the area when Portugal's colonization efforts reached it. Among the four main groups existed linguistic variations, further complicating any attempt to unify or correlate verbal communication. The first Europeans to establish commercial posts in the area, the Dutch, apparently had little linguistic affiliation with the latecomer Portuguese. ("Apparently" because it is possible that among the Dutch traders were some of the naturalized Portuguese Jews who had spearheaded Dutch overseas commercial expansion.) The contact language between Portuguese-oriented invaders and Amerindian inhabitants was the general language, or lingua geral, a formalized version of Tupi-Guarani The lingua geral was taught to all groups encountered, without considering their original linguistic affiliation. Thus, early communication between invaders and natives was limited at best. The problem of communication illustrates the beginning of misunderstandings an inequalities. Before the generalized spread of the lingua geral (used throughout Brazil, not just in the Amazon Region) other cultural arbitrarities affected the Amerindians, beginning with the arrival of the first Europeans in the area. Previous to Portuguese military and religious infiltrations, Dutch trading posts and forts existed for about 30 years. No women (no colonization) and no religious officials (no evangelization) were evident; as economic relationship only was established officially. (It is difficult to believe

PAGE 476

454 that detachments of European men alone in the jungle for protracted periods did not seek diversions other than trade; these would be unofficial and unreported.) Unfortunately, little is known about the Dutch outposts, aside from some details on their fall to the Portuguese. There was some sugarcane planting, and sugar was exported during the Dutch presence in the area. It is difficult to believe that 30 Dutchmen (the average population of each trading post and its fort) managed to plant and harvest cane, as well as to procure mother-of-pearl and lumber, with the assistance of only three Angolan slaves. Logically, Amerindian labor must have helped to fill the export and subsistence needs of these factors and soldiers. Mention of payments made to Amerindians did not appear in the military documents recounting the Dutch expulsion. In any case, the Dutch appeared in the area as mere material exploiters; it was with the arrival of the Portuguese, and the consolidation of their territorial claims, that European relations with the Amerindian population evolved on more than the economic level The Franciscans participated in the first military expedition from Garnets (on the Tocantins River) to the main artery of the riverine network. Under their religious mantle, the fort at Gurup^ (Mariocai) became the first expression of Portuguese dominance in the Amazonian interior. The Franciscans also entered the Xingu and converted Amerindians encountered along its banks. The first religious establishments

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near the mouth of the Xingu appeared through their efforts. In 1636, about ten years later, the Xingu populations received the visit of the Jesuit Luis Figueira, who spent a short while along the river and was very well received. The Amerindians offered him their children, and he left with two young Amerindias. He failed to fulfill his promise to return, due to shipwreck and death. About 20 years later, other Jesuits reached the banks of the Xingu. Figueira' s short visit had left a fine impression with the region's Amerindians, who did not realize that these new missionaries had come to stay. With the introduction of more or less permanent missionary influence in the study area, the colonial analogy of parents and children expands to include the missionary activity. Although the missionaries received the title "Great Father," according to a seventeenth century chronicler, the Church plays a feminine role in this analysis. European military and civilian authority receives a father's role, while the Church is given that of a mother. (Here, one may call on the Roman Catholic tradition of considering the Church as the "Bride of Christ" to support the feminine attribution.) The roles developed by the different sectors of European involvement, for purposes of analysis, then, are those of parents. The Church played the part of civilizer and instructor to the Amerindians. The Jesuits, especially, turned their attentions primarily to the Amerindians even to the exclusion of tending to European populations.

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456 Also, in the study area, they lived with the inhabitants longer than did members of any other segment of the colonizing forces. A mother's traditional role is one of transmission of culture, from the beginning of her children's lives. The Church, then took a mother's role toward the Amerindians, teaching them religious and cultural values of which they had no previous knowledge. Unlike small children, however, the Amerindians had their own culture and mechanisms for dealing with the environment. Those Amerindians who accepted the Church's teachings and the colonial civilization lost their pre-contact abilities to deal with their environment. This process, sometimes called acculturation, sometimes deculturation, began early in the area of study. In the seventeenth century, Bettendorf complained about ants at one of the mission sites. Leaf-cutter ants or sauvas constituted threats to planted crops; in a very short time, a troop of leaf-cutter ants could cut and destroy the folliage of crops, stripping them bare. One of the reasons given for the mid-nineteenth century transferral of Souzel from one side of the Xingu to the other was a plague of leaf-cutter ants. While it cannot be affirmed that all Amerindians practiced the same methods of environmental control, either preor post-contact, since knowledge of these techniques is based on mostly contemporary studies, an effective strategy for dealing with leaf-cutter ants has been demonstrated by the Kayapo Amerindians of the Gorotire Reserve.

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457 The Kayapd Amerindians represent one of the strongest surviving Amerindian groups of Brazil. They have maintained their traditional culture despite repeated attempts to alter it. Their population shows a healthy growth rate, and their methods of farming require more study due to their effectiveness.^ Their preserved wisdom and knowledge contrasts with the apparent loss of knowledge of those Amerindians who submitted to the missions along the Xingu and in Gurupa. An anthropologist accompanying a Kayap6 to his farm plot was startled when his companion reached to a tree and detached an ant house. As they continued along the path to the plot, the ants left their house and began to cover the Kayapd 's arm. With growing curiosity, the anthropologist requested an explanation, whereupon the Kayapd squashed one of the ants between his fingers and a pungent smell emanated from the ant; the Kayapd said that the smell of these ants kept the leaf-cutter ants away from his crops. The Kayapd do not worry about leaf-cutter ant invasions of their 4 cultivations. But the Luso-Brazilians have been preoccupied with them since the seventeenth century; they have no mechanism other than DDT with which to combat leaf-cutter ants. The missionaries served a European purpose in their instruction of their charges, the mission Amerindians. The amount of knowledge lost through the civilization of the Amerindians in the study area cannot be estimated. The Xingu and Gurup^ do not present an isolated example of this

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458 phenomenon; other Amerindians of the New World also suffered this process. The European parents, the military and civilian authorities and the religious sector, fought among themselves. The first parental spat occurred after Father Ant6nio Vieira's return from Portugal with royal orders supporting the freedom of the Amerindians. The civilian sector complained, although not effectively, in 1655-56. A few years later, both the military and civilian sectors voiced angry complaints. Both times, the target of the complaints was the Jesuit missionaries. Neither parental side accepted the methods of discipline and civilization of the other. The major concern of both was the distribution and use of Amerindian labor; Amerindian education had lost ground to more material considerations. The second eruption of discontent occurred in 1661-62. Once the problem was resolved, the Jesuits continued with their missions until the 1690s. Towards the end of the seventeenth century, the Jesuits and the Crown realized that the expanse of territory and the numbers of Amerindians were too great for the native population to be effectively tutored and disciplined by one missionary order. Members of the Society of Jesus realized that they were too few to fulfill all needs. Only when the redistribution of missionary villages erred in geographical terms did the Jesuits raise the issue of their legal rights to the Xingu missions. Their protests were

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459 sustained and a royal order in 1694 confirmed to them the Xingu missions from Veiros upriver. It should be recalled the Xingu represents an exception among Amazonian mission stations. The Jesuits began their activities there and remained until the general expulsion of religious orders in the mid-eighteenth century. The rigorous training of the Jesuits and their discipline were applied in most of the study area for over a century. This almost undivided attention to one area had its consequences in the behavior of the inhabitants, but not equally for all aspects. l. The Xingu missions earned a reputation for calm and tranquillity. The Jesuits valued these missions, as evidenced by the Society's willingness to fight for the rights to them at the end of the seventeenth century. But, in the parental analogy, the Amerindians' adoptive parents sometimes neglected parental duties. The Jesuit occupation of the area might have been better accepted by the adopted children than were future occupations. The enforcement of the Pombaline Reforms provoked desertions of missions by the Jesuits' former charges; the father's discipline in this case seemed harsher than that of the mother. Despite the Jesuits' use of Amerindian labor in economic pursuits, the Jesuits genuinely felt a duty towards the Amerindians and were concerned about their well-being. Nevertheless, Jesuit teaching inadvertently destroyed many useful features of Amerindian heritage, including mechanisms

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460 of biological control in their environment. It imposed manners of social behavior and labor organization foreign to Amerindian ways; the major benefit of this Jesuit effort was the physical preservation of the Amerindians. With the second generation of mission Amerindians, traditional knowledge of all sorts began to disappear. The religious training and labor organization brought by the European missionaries did not fill the gaps left by the loss of native culture, which embraced aspects not recognized by Europeans. The former mission Amerindians mixed with immigrants to the study area and formed the caboclo population. One might call it rural or "hick." The word was first used to describe uncontacted Amerindians, then became the term for settled Amerindians; after the mid-nineteenth century, "caboclo" included all rural inhabitants, yet referred especially to those of Amerindian heritage, who formed the greater part of the Amazon's rural population. The word's connotation is often derogatory. Even the Jesuits, who preferred to tend Amerindian missions rather than European villages, often insulted their charges — who were not biological children, but adopted. Thus the reputation of the caboclos was none too good among their adoptive relatives who visited the region. Their parents, however, fought among themselves and often neglected the responsibility they had accepted to instruct, civilize, and convert the Amerindians

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461 During the late seventeenth and early eighteenth century, despite the protests of the Jesuits and other missionary orders, slaving bands preyed upon Amerindians, both in missions and in traditional villages. That happened when the Italian Jesuit, Gorsony, left his Xingu village to accompany an official slaving expedition to the Rio Negro; when he returned, he discovered his former flourishing mission devastated by the military commander at Gurupa, who had moved part of the labor pool closer to his command post at a strategic site. The Italian Jesuit had to leave the area because he could not control his reaction. European activity in the study area and outside it provoked migrations of Amerindians. In order to better instruct and control those Amerindians accepting adoption, the Jesuits and other missionaries moved them, "descended" them, from their traditional homes to strange areas. To further secure the continued presence of the Amerindians under tutelage, some of their children were sent regularly to Belem for more advanced or intense instruction. Most groups accepted the fate of their hostages and remained to be taught by the missionaries. Others, such as the Juruna, did not accept this treatment and returned to familiar territory. The various precautions used to secure the presence of the Amerindians in the missions indicated that the simple presence of their adoptive mothers, the Jesuits in this case.

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462 was not sufficient to hold them. Despite Vieira's contention that the Jesuit arms were spiritual and not corporal, physical punishment also constituted both a deterrent and an incentive to Amerindian's wandering from missions. In Chapter II there are accounts of physical punishment and imprisonment. One punishment led to the death of the offender. After the Jesuit expulsion, visitors to the Xingu missions claimed to find chains and irons among the articles left behind by the expelled missionaries. Although physical punishment often was used to deter future criminal or sinful acts, flogging to death seems a bit extreme for the misdeed of sexual promiscuity, yet it happened. Those who upheld such behavior (the floggings, not the promiscuity) evidently believed that they were correct. The missionaries meting out such punishments sincerely thought that they were saving souls from the afterlife torments of hell. Nevertheless, on an earthly basis, it can be concluded that, besides gentle persuasion and outright propaganda, some rather brutal methods were employed to gather the Amerindian flock to the fold. But, after all, these were adopted children, who might be treated more severely than one would treat biological children. In addition to coercion, threats, and physical punishments, the mission Amerindians endured a reorganization of their working methods. The major changes in their way of living involved the expeditions to collect forest goods. Under Jesuit control, the collecting expeditions were limited

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463 to a stated length of four months. Later regimes imposed collecting expeditions of from four to nine months. The Jesuits were more lenient in the matter of collecting forest products, but they could afford to be, as they were among the first Europeans to benefit from these expeditions; as villages grew and European penetration and settlement slowly entered the Amazon Basin, available resources for collecting were located farther and farther away. There was little evidence of planting or reforestation (cacao was planted) Some products simply disappeared from areas near settlements The Amerindians had received gifts or presents since the earliest missionaries arrived. In exchange for the produce provided by Amerindian labor, various scales of payments were devised. The Jesuits who met the Taconhape for the first time exchanged a bit of salt for the roasted corn and Brazil nuts supplied by these Amerindians. (See Chapter II.) By the eighteenth century (Chapter III), the payment had increased to include salt and cacha9a. For construction of the Mercy Hospital in Belem, the Taconhap^ received tools and clothing before starting work. Thus, in the seventeenth century, the Amerindians became acquainted with a form of debt peonage. Missionaries complained that the Amerindians lived off alms instead of working. But, the concept of working to accumulate for the future was not part of traditional Amerindian culture. If the missionaries were providing food (and using labor for extractive expeditions)

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464 then the main reason for exerting oneself no longer existed. The Amerindians ate when there was food (and they could eat a lot at once, up to 14 wild pigs per person) and procured food when they were hungry. To them, clothes were not important, but if their use pleased those in charge, then they would wear them. Here, again, parental neglect was evident in colonization efforts in the region. Few questioned the propriety of European manners and morals, they were simply part of the context of the conquest. Understanding culture or environmental differences took a back seat to the European desire for exportable tropical products. Regretfully, neither the missionaries nor the Portuguese colonizers were the ones who made the rules for their adopted children. They were under pressures from others to produce certain types of tropical goods for consumption and refining in Europe. One of the major spurs to conquest in the tropics was the quest for suitable areas for sugar cane growing. Europe's sweet tooth seened insatiable. While other spices from the tropics, such as cinnamon and clove had their value, it was sugar that propelled the colonization of Brazil. As there were no sugar refineries in Portugal, the adoptive fathers served as go-betweens for others desiring sugar to refine, while the maternal missionaries were under constraints to provide economic self-sufficiency. The Jesuits, with their disciplined organization, managed to construct a viable economic base with the labor of Amerindians. The visible viability of their undertakings aroused the envy of the

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colonists. By the mid-eighteenth century, their neglect of the white or European population went against international guidelines for the preservation of territorial claims. Portugal's leaders had to change their policy with respect to missionary activities in the vast and (to Europeans) uninhabited Amazon Region. Thus, the study area's mothers were expelled from their missions and newcomers took their place. By the mid-eighteenth century, the composition of the population in the Amazon Region had begun to change. The areas formerly well populated with Amerindians now held European settlements and sparsely populated missions. African workers, slave and free, joined the European settlements. Some Amerindians, like the Oiapi, refused to submit to European adoptive parents and fled, farther and farther from contacts with the invaders. Those who remained contributed to the growing mixed population. There were offspring of whites and Amerindians, Africans and whites, Amerindians and Africans, and of their children in all possible combinations. Also, by the mid-eighteenth century, Portugal had ratified the Treaty of Madrid, conceived by Portuguese Jesuit Alexandre de Gusmao with its principle of uti possidetis: to secure a territory, a nation must populate it. Gusmao 's colleagues in South America, trying to maintain the separation of the Amerindians from the rest of the population, ran counter to this eighteenth-century need to incorporate as many people as possible into the national, or colonial.

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466 sphere. Also, the Jesuits were too successful economically to be well-loved among other colonial sectors. Plans to integrate Amerindian populations and labor in the colonial system did not go as smoothly as hoped. With the expulsion of the adoptive mothers, foster mothers (secular priests) arrived in their stead. But the foster children, in many instances, fled their former homes and wandered through the rural areas. The foster children, who through the Pombaline Reforms were declared citizens with equal colonial rights, abandoned the missions-turned-villages to roam. By this time, they had lost touch with their heritage, and could no longer be called Amerindians. One of the contemporary terms was Tapuia, which connotated Amerindian or Amerindian descent. These children ran from their foster homes and wandered the watery streets of their region, where they were joined by other members of the colonial society, also dissatisfied with their lots. With this flight from established villages, and with the fall of Pombal in 1777, officials tended to regard these caboclos as inferior beings who could not adapt to civilized society. Attitudes toward the mission population, however, were unfavorable even before this time. No one seemed to consider the deleterious effects of the colonial experience on the physical and mental health of this part of the population. Concomitant or just previous to direct contact, unknown diseases struck the Amerindian populations. Smallpox was

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467 especially devastating, wiping out uncountable numbers. As contact increased, so did incidence of disease. The Amerindian populations, long-isolated from infectious diseases of Europe and Africa, died by thousands. Some Amerindians fled after an epidemic appearance. If mortally infected, they died in flight; if carriers, they infected formerly iintouched people. The exact numerical toll of the introduced diseases on Amerindian populations is unknown, but it was certainly very high. Also, the often noted unwillingness of Amerindians to work unaccustomed hours at unaccustomed jobs was due not only to unfavorable conditions, but also to physical weakness induced by disease. The colonizers' desire to have access to slave populations from Africa, and even missionary support for this attitude, grew from awareness of the better disease resistance of African workers. Africa had passed its epidemic phase introduced from Europe two centuries before serious coloniza tion in the Americas began; its population had acquired some immunity and more resistance to European diseases. Some ill nesses, such as malaria, may have been endemic to part of the Americas; however, the intensified population movements spurred by the arrival of Europeans aided its spread to all lowland tropical areas The Amerindians suffered the European's diseases, labor organizations, cultural prohibitions, and ridicule. Their families were not respected, their men insulted and beaten, their women raped, and their children taken from them.

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468 Their villages were assaulted by war parties, slaving expeditions, and epidemic viruses. When the Amerindians settled in the missions, as long as epidemics and roving slaving bands did not disturb them, they were left in relative peace as long as they seemed to follow the dictates of the missionaries caring for them. They do not seem to have had very good parents, in the roles of either father or mother. But, that is often the fate of adopted children. With the arrival of more biological offspring, Europeans, the parents apparently took better care of their children. The more concentrated the population of biological children, the better the treatment afforded. These children knew what they could expect; they understood the goals of the parents and had more insight into the mechanisms pleasing them. The adopted children never quite toed the line, keeping to themselves and distrusting those who tried to change them. They, the majority of the population presented in the analyses of Chapter VIII, professed to accept civilized ways, yet essentially followed their own desires. Throughout all the years of missionaries, military expeditions, and collecting forest products on the diligences they continued their family life as they saw fit. The pattern of family life represented in the parish records of the Xingu and Gurup^ should not be judged according to European ideals, prejudices, or patterns. It cannot be affirmed that 50% or so of so-called illegitimate children appearing in European-oriented records did not know their fathers

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469 In some cases, it was obvious that they did. In none of the parishes under study were there orphanages or high rates of juvenile crime or abandonment of children. There was a society which took care of its young, independent of legal categories. It appeared to be a very human, very caring society. At this point, the fictive roles of mother and father for the entities of Church and State can be dispensed with after one last comment, concerning the enduring effects of the mother's presence in the study area. The female transmitted lasting values to the young. The young, by the nineteenth century, however, were not children, but adults with formed value systems. These adults (actually the population, like any other, consisted of young, adult and old people) both aided and impeded European control in the study area, the Amazon Region, Brazil, and in the Americas as a whole. Both Church and State created an early dependence on the goodwill of the Amerindians and contended with their enmity. The most enduring presence in the irural areas was maintained by the Church, through its priests and rituals. State officials remained only in larger population nuclei. Gurupd had a consistent State presence due to its strategic location, as Porto de Moz did later. The rest of the study area, however, long maintained religious connections almost to the exclusion of the State. Throughout the time for which there are retrieved parish registers, the Church's presence.

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470 although with few representatives, was constant. The only organization existing in the Amazon Region at the time capable of maintaining records was the Church. Even midnineteenth century attempts to implant civil registration failed on the whole, despite ostensible earlier State victories The missionaries, whether Jesuits or members of other orders, managed to hold first place in the Amazon Region until the mid-eighteenth century, though not without challenges. There were infringements on their territory, yet they dominated most of the region until their expulsion. Secularization, the goal of the Marquis of Pombal, was difficult to attain in the Region. Few European immigrants risked settling there, and the major segments of the population — Amerindian, African, and mixed — were little attracted by secular benefits. They never achieved success on those terms. The lack of a labor force, something essential to those who seek fortune rather than refuge, gave the region a poor reputation among prospective European settlers. The Church's hegemony, its better relations with the majority of the inhabitants, gave it leverage that was denied the State until economic conditions modified adventurers' and settlers' prospects. Only when the national economy was buttressed by world demand for two products produced in the tropics — coffee and rubber — did the State manage to break the Church's monopoly on some rural areas. Then, the State was able to maintain

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471 its dominance as long as economic crises did not impede its actions. Despite the existence of Souzel as a former mission, with parish records since the early nineteenth century (records from the late eighteenth century were lost to climate and termites) its State existence as municipal seat is relatively recent. Souzel was created as the municipal center of an extensive district when the demand for rubber enabled the state apparatus to support a bureaucracy there. Until that time, the only recordkeeping was done by priests and their assistants. The blow to the Paraense Church in the 1870s, with the imprisonment of its Bishop, reverberated in the study area. Successive stages of the State's growing separation from the Church have been documented. However, in practice, it was the Church that maintained prestige in rural areas. The Imperial attempt of 1854 to enforce civil registration failed. The 1874 attempt, although more success ful, did not reach most of the population, as is shown in Chapter VIII. The Constitution of 1891 formally separated Church and State in Brazil. Some havoc was wreaked on church documents about that; time, but not all were affected. Civil registration remained precarious, and continues precarious today. The Church still reaches more of the ruraland urban-poor population than does the State, at least when registration data is considered. In many regions, where the Church has taken a militant stand (in the study area, the missionaries and secular

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472 priests supported the Worker's Party or Partido dos Trabalhadores ) disputes with the State have broken out. Not only is the power of the Church in question, but also the power and effectiveness of the Federal Government, which appears to know or care little about real conditions in the study area, or for that matter, much of the region. A blatant example of this ignorance appears in the planning for the implantation of the Transamazon Highway, in which no inhabitants from the Amazon Region were included as colonists; the Government's final plans called for a mixture of 25% farmers from the South and 75% from the Northeast of Brazil. Only after some years of attempted implementation were the inhabitants of the area recognized as capable, not only in judging land but also in producing crops. Sometimes it appears that the Federal Government does not realize what the Amazon Region consists of. This study was funded in part by the Federal Government; other research has been done and reports written and presented. What actions are taken resulting from such research and reports? How are plans conceived and developed for this vast reservoir of fresh air and water? Just as misconceptions about the Region's population were evident in plans for the Transamazon Highway project, lack of concern for regional inhabitants can be seen in plans and actual construction for industrial projects.

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473 One major misconception about the Amazon Region is its reputation as a demographic wasteland, a vast unpopulated space. But the very vastness of the region impedes precise census taking: nobody really knows how many people live in it. Another factor contributing to demographic misconceptions is the exclusions of ethnic Amerindian populations from census evaluations. The Amazon Region has a large Amerindian population. Where do they fit in the national picture? An Amerindian was elected recently to Brazil's House of Representatives for Rio de Janeiro State. If an Amerindian can be elected in the Republic's most sophisticated metropolis then should not all Amerindians be considered citizens and capable of voting, even in the Amazon? The problem of the Amerindian population is only part of the demographic problem of the Amazon Region with the 5 motto: "Integrate, so as not to give it away." The motto refers to the Amazon Region and implies that its inhabitants are not Brazilians, that they must be integrated into the national society through aid programs. The uncounted rural inhabitants do not figure in planned regional projects. They are ignored since they do not appear in official statistics; they are not considered citizens and they often have no legal (recorded) existence. The misconception about numerical values of population in the Amazon Region is joined by a socio-cultural misconception. The rural Amazonian inhabitant has entered sociological history as "quiet, distrustful, almost sick in their sadness. His contact only 7 accentuated the melancholy of the Portuguese."

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474 Chapter VIII shows that the economic activity of the rural Amazonian inhabitants of the study area was oriented by a yearly cycle of festivals. Every six months or so, the rural inhabitants looked forward to meeting relatives, friends, and distant neighbors at the festivals. They swapped gossip jokes, and insults. At this time of the year, they celebrated baptisms, weddings, and just had a good time. If it was true that the rural inhabitants are capable of great sadness, then they are capable of great joy also. And what human being is not? When a society or culture which does not have its roots in European history is studied, one must take care to use appropriate methods of evaluation. First, some say that the Amazon has no history, to which a logical reaction is: impossible — people live there — all people have a history, a past. Then troubles with the documentation in the Amazon Region is noted: it is full of lacunae; much of it disappeared due to shipwreck, floodings, fires, termites, or simple poor care. That is true, but it is true almost anywhere in the world. If there was a problem with*^ documentation, it was with the great amount uncovered, which made extraction of data more onerous than for an area with restricted documentation. There is much to learn from the past of the Amazon Region. Further study of the causes of the Cabanagem, its duration, and its suppression, can provide insights into racial policy in a part of Brazil heretofore neglected.

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475 Some racial overtones in the scarce documentation consulted for that period have been noted. Although the Xingu and Gurupa did not participate actively in the movement, the area may have been one of refuge. The varied heritage of the rural area, with its minimal European influence, might be a factor contributing to its apparent neglect in official planning. To affirm this, however, more studies need to be done. Since the opening of the Transamazon Highway, and the earlier Bel^m-Brasf lia Highway, immigration to the region, both planned and spontaneous, has increased. The rural population in many areas is losing traditional ties. For a historian, or for any scientist or humanist, the Amazon Region presents varied and rich possibilities for research. Perhaps conclusions drawn from such research will aid the Federal and State Governments in future planning in this Region, so vast and unknown. For the moment, one cannot generalize results from research and study of part of one tributary of the Amazon River. In many ways, the experience of the Xingu and Gurupa area is exceptional: prolonged Jesuit activity, exclusion from tumults of the Cabanagem, exclusion from the opening of the Amazon Basin to international traffic, and neglect from the central government until the present century. More studies are needed to explore the historical variations of this tropical region in order to understand the uniqueness and diversity of each part. Only then can

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476 one generalize about Amazonian history. For the moment it must suffice to present one part of it: humanistic, caring, festive, and neglected. These words begin to express the past of the people in Gurup^ and along the clear-water Xingu River. Notes 1. Bettendorf, op. cit p. 279 recalled that the name for the priests in the lingua geral was Pay-u-assu or Great Father. 2. The Xingu Valley was the first area of Jesuit activity in the Amazon Basin. 3. Current information about the Kayapd Amerindians comes from anthropologist, Darrell Posey, who has worked with them since 1978. 4. Communication from Darrell Posey, July, 1983. 5. The slogan in Portuguese is "Integrar para nao entregar. The project is named for Marshal C^ndido Mariano da Silva Rondon whose motto was, "let yourself be killed, but never harm an Amerindian." He traversed the Amazon Region in the early twentieth century stringing telegraph wires. 6. Communication from Pedro Medina, Souzel, Par^, who was responsible for the 1980 census in the area of the Great Bend, on December 7, 1980, after the census taking was complete. His information was corroborated earlier by interviews held along the banks of the Great Bend, especially at the confluence of the Baca j a stream and Xingu Rivers in November 19 80. 7. Freyre, op. cit. p. 462.

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BIBLIOGRAPHY Unpublished Primary Sources Arquivo do Bispado de Camet^, Registros de Batismos, Baiao. Registros de Casamentos, Baiao. Registros de Obitos, Baiao. Registros de Batismos, Gamete. Registros de Gasamentos Gamete. Registros de Batismos, Igarapd Miri. Registros de Gasamentos, Igarapd Miri. Registros de Batismos, Mojii. Registros de Gasamentos, Mojii. Registros de Batismos, Oeiras. Registros de Casamentos, Oeiras. Registros de Obitos, Oeiras. Arquivo Municipal de Abaetetuba, Registros de Nascimentos Arquivo Municipal de Gamete, Registros de Nascimentos Registro de Gompra e Venda. Arquivo Municipal de Gurup5, Registros de Nascimentos Registro de Gompra e Venda. Arquivo Municipal de Porto de Moz, Registros de Nasci mentos Registro de Gompra e Venda. 477

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478 Arquivo Municipal de Senador Jos^ Porffrio (Souzel) Registros de Nascimentos Arquivo Nacional do Rio de Janeiro, Codex 99, Volumes I XX. Codex 602, Volxames I, II. Codex 80 7, Volumes VII, XI. Codex 808, Volumes, III, IV. Arquivo de Prelazia de Abaetetuba, Registros de Batismos Arquivo de Paroquia de Camet5, Registros de Batismos. Arquivo Paroquial de Gurup^, Registros de Batismos. Registros de Casamento. Arquivo Paroquial de Igarap^ Miri, Registros de Batismos Arquivo Paroquial da Prelazia do Xingu, Registros de Batismos Porto de Moz Registros de Casamentos, Porto de Moz. Reigstros de Batismos, Souzel. Registros de Casamentos, Souzel. Registros de c5bitos, Souzel. Biblioteca e Arquivo Publico do Pard, Codex 683. Codex 956. Codex 957. Codex 958. Codex 997. Codex 1002. Published Primary Sources Agassiz, Louis and Elizabeth, A Journey in Brazil New York: Frederick A. Praeger, 1969 (1st ed. Boston: Ticknor and Fields 1868)

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479 Anais of the Biblioteca e Arquivo Publico do Para) Armitage, John, The History of Brazil, from the period of the arrival of the Braganza family m 1808, to the abdi cation of Don Pedro the First in 1831 2 vols,, London : Smith, Elder and Co., 1836. Bates, Henry W. The Naturalist on the Amazons London: Bradbury and Evans Printers 1863 Bettendorf, Father Joao Felipe, "Chronica da Missao dos Padres da Companhia de Jesus no Estado do Maranhao Revista do Institute Historico e Geografico Brasileiro (RIHGB) LXXII, Part I (1909) Castelnau, Francis de Expedition dans les Parties Cen trales de I'Amerique du Sud, de Rio de Janeiro a Lima, et de Lima au Para ; execut€e par ordre du Gouvernement Franyais pendant les annees 1843 a 1847, sous le direction de Francis de Castelnau, Histoire du Voyage V. 5, Paris: P. Bertrand, Libraire-Editeur 1851. .: Daniel, Joao, Tesouro Descoberto no Rio Amazonas Separata dos Anais da Biblioteca Nacional, Rio de Janeiro: Biblioteca Nacional, 1976. Heriarte, Mauricio de, "Descri9am do Estado do Maranham. Par^. Corupd. Rio das Amazonas," Faksimile-Ausgabe aus den MSS 5880 und 5879 der Osterreichischen National-Bibliothek Vienna: Karl Anton Nowotny 1964 Herndon, William Lewis, and Lardner Gibbon (Lieutenants, US Navy) Exploration of the Valley of the Amazon made under the direction of the Navy Department Part I, by Lt. Herndon, Washington, D.C.: Robert Armstrong, Public Printer, 1853. Maw, Henry Lister, Lt., Royal Navy, Journal of a Passage from the Pacific to the Atlantic, Crossing the Andes in the Northern Provinces of Peru, and Descending the River Maranon or Amazon London: John Murray, printed by W. Clowes, 1829. Para, Relatorios dos Presidentes da Provincia do Par^ Collections at ANRJ and Museu Paraense Emilio Goeldi, 1833 to 1870. Queiroz, Joao de Sao Jos^ Visitas Pastorals : Memdrias (1761 e 1762-63), Rio de Janeiro: n.p., 1961. Sainte Colombe Letter from de Sainte Colombe to JeanBatiste Colbert on December 20, 1679, Faksimile-Ausgabe aus den MSS 5880 und 5879 der Osterreichischen National Bibliothek Vienna: Karl Anton Nowotny, 1964.

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480 Smyth, Lieutenant W. and Mr. F. Lowe (Late of H.M.S Samarang ) Narrative of a Journey from Lima to Para across the Andes and down the Amazon: undertaken with a view of ascertaining the practicability of a navigable communication with the Atlantic by the Rivers Pachitea, Ucayali and Amazon London: John Murray, Printed by William Clowes and Sons, 1836. Newspaper 13 de Maio January 1841 to December 1855. Published Secondary Sources Adalberto da Prussia, Principe, Brazil: Amazonas-Xingu Belo Horizonte, Minas Gerais : Editora Itataia Ltd., 1979. Alves, Isidore, 0 Carnaval Devoto ; Um estudo sobre a festa de nazarg, em Bel^m Petrdpolis: Editora Vozes Ltda. 1980 Anderson, Robin, "Following Curupira: Colonization and Migration in Para (1758-1930)," Dissertation, Department of History, University of California, Davis, 1976. Baeta Neves, Luiz Felipe, 0 Combate dos Soldados de Cristo na Terra dos Papagaios ; Colonialismo e Respressao Cultural Rio de Janeiro: Forense-Universitario 1978 Sainton, R. The Reformation of the 16th Century London: Hodder and Stoughton, 1953. Barata, Manoel, Formaqao Histdrica do Para: Obras Reunidas /Belem/: Universidade Federal do Para, 19 73. Berreman, Gerald D. "Pahari Polyandry: A Comparison," in American Anthropologist LXIV (1962) 60-75. Betencourt, Jose de Souza, Aspecto DemograficoSocial da Amazonia Brasileira Rio de Janeiro : Servi90 de Divulga9ao da Representa9ao da SPVEA, 1960. Borges Ricardo, Vultos Not^veis do Para Bel^m: Conselho Estadual de Cultura, 1970 Boxer, Charles R. The Dutch in Brazil, 1624-1654 Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1957. Four Centuries of Portuguese Expansion, 14151825 Johannesburg : Witwatersrand University, 1962 The Golden Age of Brazil, 1695-1750, Berkeley : University of California Press, 1962.

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481 Brazil, Ministry of Mines and Energy, Projeto RADAM Rio de Janeiro: Departamento Nacional de Produ9ao Mineral, 1974. Recenseamento Geral de 18 72, Rio de Janeiro: Officina de Estatistica, s/d. Brereton, Bridget, Race Relations in Colonial Trinidad 1870-1900 Cambridge, England: Cambridge University Press, 1979. Broderick, J., Origin of the Jesuits New York: Doubleday, 1960. Campbell, T.J,, The Jesuits, 1534-1921 New York: The I^nPress, 1921. Cardoso, Fernando H. and Geraldo Muller, Amazdnia Expansao do Capitalismo Sao Paulo: Editdra Brasiliense 1978. Carvalho, Joao Rendr de, "Precen9a e permanencia da Ordem do Carmo no Solimoes e Rio Negro no s^culo XVIII," paper presented at IX Simpdsio Latinoamericano in Manaus Amazonas Brazil from July 29 to August 1, 1981. Castelo Branco, Jose Moreira Brandao, "Nos Vales do Xingu e do Tapajds," RIHGB CCXXXI (1956). Chaunu, Pierre, and Huguette, Seville et I'Atlantique (1504-1650) Paris: Elcole Pratique des Hautes Etudes, 19 5560, 8 vs. Costa, Emilia Viotti da. Da Monarquia t Republica : momentos decisivos Sao Paulo: Livraria Editora Ciencias Humanas Ltda. 1972, 2nd ed. Coudreau, Henri Anatole, La France Equinoxale: Etudes sur les Guyanes et I'Amazonie Pans: Challamel Aine, 1886. Cruz, Ernesto, Colonizagao do Para Bel€m: Conselho Nacional de Pesquisai") Institute Nacional de Pesquisas da Amazonia, 1958. Dias, Manoel Nunes, Fomento e Mercantilismo: A Com panhia Geral do Grao-Par^ e Maranh^o, 1755-1778 Bel^m: Universidade Federal do Par^, 1970. Ebner, Carlos Borromeu, Xingutania: Indies e Histdrias do Xingu Bel^m: separate dos Anais Missionaries do Preciesissimo Sangue, 19 50. Estade de Para, Legislayae de Terras do Par^, I ; 1890-1963 Bel€m, s/p, s/d.

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482 Fernandas, Florestan, A funqao social da guerra na sociedade Tupinamba Sao Paulo : reproduced from typewritten copy, 1951. Organizayao Social dos Tupinamb^ Sao Paulo: Institute Progresso Editorial, /19 48/. Fieldhouse, D.K., The Colonial Empires from the Eighteenth Century New York: Dell Publishing Co., 1971. Flandrin, Jean-Louis, Families in Former Times: Kinship, Household and Sexuality translated by Richard Southern, New York: Cambridge University Press, 1979. Fragoso, Father Hugo, "Os Aldeamentos Franciscanos do Grao-Para (1617-1755)," paper presented at IX Simpdsio Latinoamericano, in Man a us Amazonas, Brazil from July 29 to August 1, 1981. Freyre, Gilberto, Casa-Grande e Senzala Rio de Janeiro Livraria Jose Olympic Editora, 1978, 19th ed. Gallois, Dominique Tilken, "Contribui9ao ao Estudo do Povoamento Indfgena da Guiana Brasileira. Um Case Especifico: Os Waiapi" ("Contribution to the Study of Amerindian Settlement of the Brazilian Guiana Highlands. A Case Study: The Waianpi"), A Master's Thesis in social anthropology presented to the Social Sciences Department of the University of Sao Paulo, Sao Paulo, 19 80. Gillis, John R. Youth and History: Tradition and Change in European Age Relations, 1770 Present New York: Academic Press, 19 74. Goulart, Mauricio, Escravidao no Brasil; das origens a extinyao do trafico Sao Paulo: Livraria Martins Edit6ra, 1950, 2nd ed. Griffin, Charles, "The Enlightenment in Latin America, in The Origins of the Latin American Revolutions, 1808-1826 New York: Alfred A. Knopf, 1965. Gross, Daniel, Ed., Peoples and Cultures of Native South America New York: Doubleday, 1973. Haring, C.H. The Spanish Empire in America New York: Oxford University Press, 1947. Harris, Marvin, Cannibals and Kings: The Origins of Cultures, New York: Vintage Books, 19 77. Hemming, John, Red Gold: The Conquest of the Brazilian Indians London: Macmillan London Limited, 1978

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483 Henry Louis Tecnicas de An^lise em Demografia His tdrica, Curitiba: Unxversidade Federal do Parang, 1977. Holanda, Sergio Buarque de, Raizes do Brasil 12th Ed., Rio de Janeiro: Livrafia Jose Olympio Editdra, 197 8. Ireland, Gordon, Boundaries, possessions and conflicts in South America Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 1938. Kiemen, Mathias C. O.F.M., The Indian Policy of Portugal in the Amazon Region, 1614-1693 Washington, D.C.: The Catholic University of America Press, 1954. Kelly, Arlene, "The Xingu and Jos4 Porfirio," Master's Thesis presented to the University of Florida, Department of History, March, 1975. Lathrap, Donald W. The Upper Amazon New York: Praeger Publishers, 1970. Leite, Serafim, Histdria da Companhia de Jesus no Brasil, Rio de Janeirol Institute Nacional do Livro, 1943. MacLachlan, Colin, "The Indian Directorate: Forced Acculturation in Portuguese America (1757-1799) The Americas XXVIII (1972), pp. 357-87. Maland, David, Europe at War: 1600-1650 Totowa, N.J. : Rownan and Littlefield, 19 80. Marcilio, Maria Luiza, A Cidade de Sao Paulo : Povoa mento e Populayao, 1750-1850^ Sao Paulo: Livraria Pioneira Editora, 19 74. Meggers, Betty, Amazonia: Man and Culture in a Counterfeit Paradise Chicago: Aldine 19 71. America pr^-histdrica Rio de Janeiro: Paz e Terra, 1979. Metraux, Alfred, Migrations historiques des Tupi-Guarani Paris : Maisonneuve Freres 1927 Monteiro, Tobias de R^go Historia do imperio; a ela borayao da independencia Rio de Janeiro: F. Briguiet e Cia. 1927. Moraes Rego, Orlando L.M. "Feitorias Holandesas da Amazonia," Revista de Cultura do Para XXVI & XXVII (1977). Moran, Emilio F. Developing the Amazon Bloomington: Indiana University Press.

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484 "An energetics view of manioc culture in the Amazon," in Sol Tax, ed. World Anthropology The Hague: Moulton, 19 74. Moreira, Eidorfe, Presen9a Hebraica no Par^ Beldm, Para: s/p. 1972. Morner, Magnus, Race Mixture in the History of Latin America Boston: Little, Brown, 196 7. Novais, Fernando, Estrutura e din^mica do antigo sis tema colonial (S^culos XVI a XVIII ) Sao Paulo: Cadernos CEBRAP no. 17, 1974. Oliveira, Adelia Engracia de, "Ocupa9ao Humana," in Eneas Salati, et al Amazonia: desenvolvimento integra9ao e ecologia, Sao Paulo: Brasiliense /Brasilia/ Conselho Nacional de Desenvolvimento Cientifico e Tecnoldgico, 1983. Oliveira Lima, Manuel de. Pom Joao VI no Brasil, 1808 1821 Rio de Janeiro: Typ. do Jornal do Commercio, 190 8. Oliveira Marques, A.H. de. History of Portugal 2nd ed. New York: Columbia University Press, 1976. Palma Muniz, Joao de, Adhesao do Grao-Par^ ^ Indepen d^ncia e Outros Ensaios Bel^m: Conselho Estadual de Cultura, 1973, re-edition of Revista do Institute Histdrico e Geografico do Para Ano VI (1922) Parry, J.H., The Age of Reconnaissance London: Harper, 1963. Prado Junior, Caio, The Colonial Backi^round of Brazil translated by Suzette Macedo, Berkeley: University of California Press, 1967. Price, Richard, Maroon Societies : Rebel Slave Communities in the Americas Garden City, N.Y. : Anchor Press, 1973. Reis, Arthur Cezar Ferreira, Aspectors Econ6micos da Dominayao Lusitana na Amaz6nia Rio de Janeiro: Servi90 de Documenta9ao, Agencia da SPVEA, /September, 1960_7. Rodrigues, Josd Hondrio, Histdria e Historiograf ia Petrdpolis, R.J.: Editdra Vozes Limitada, 1970. Salles, Vicente, 0 Negro no Par^: Sob o regime de escravidao Rio de Janeiro: Funda9ao Getulio Vargas, Servi90 de publica9oes /e Belem/: Universidade Federal do Par^, 1971.

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485 S^nchez-Alburnoz Nicolds The Population of Latin America; A History Translated by W.A.R. Richardson, Los Angeles: University of California Press, 1974. Santos, Roberto, Historia Economica da Amazonia (18001902 ) Sao Paulo: T.A. Queiroz, 1980. Santos -Filho Lycurgo, Pequena Histdria da Medicina Brasileira Sao Paulo: Editora Parma Ltda. 19 80. Sauck, William, "On groundwater geophysics in tropical regions," paper presented at International Symposium on Applied Geophysics in Tropical Regions in Beldm, Pard, Brazil September 1-8, 1982. Sauer, Carl 0., Aboriginal Population of Northwestern Mexico Berkeley: IberoAmericana No. 10, University of California Press, 1935. Schaden, Egon, Aspectos fundamentals da cultura guarani Sao Paulo: Universidade de Sao Paulo, /I9 54_/. Schwartz, Stuart B. "Indian Labor and New World Plantations : European Demands and Indian Responses in Northeastern Brazil," in American Historical Review LXXXIII (1978) Smith, T. Lynn, Brazil: People and Institutions Baton Rouge: University of Louisiana Press, 1946 Steward, Julian H. and Louis C. Faron, Native Peoples / of South America New York: McGraw-Hill Book Co., Inc., 1959. Sweet, David, "Francisca: Indian Slave," in David G. Sweet and Gary B. Nash, eds Struggle and Survival in Colonial America Berkeley: University of California Press, 1981. Valverde, Orlando, Geografia Agr^ria do Brasil I, Rio de Janeiro: Ministerio de Educa^ao e Cultura, 1964. Vianna, Arthur, As Epidemias no Par^ 2nd ed, Beldm: Universidade Federal do Pard, 1975 A Santa Casa da Misericordia Paraense : Notfcia Historica, 1650-1902 /BelSmJ Par^: Typographia de Alfredo Augusto Silva, 1902. Wagley, Charles, Amazon Town: A Study of Man in the Tropics New York: Oxford University Press, 19 76. ed. Race and Class in Rural Brazil /Paris_7: UNESCO, 196 3.

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486 Welcome of Tears: the Tapirape Indians of central Brazil New York; Oxford University Press, 1977. Wilbert, Johannes, ed. Enculturation in Latin America An Anthology Los Angeles: University of California Press, 1976. Woodruff, William, Impact of Western Man: A Study of Europe's Role in the World Economy 1750-1960 New York: St. Martin's Press, 1966.

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BIOGRAPHICAL SKETCH Arlene M. Kelly graduated from Vassar College in 1973 and began graduate work at the University of Florida that year in Latin American Studies. In 1974 she participated in field work sponsored by the South American Summer Tropical Fellowship along the Transamazon Highway and the Xingu River, Pard State, Brazil. With the support of a Fulbright grant, she returned to the Brazilian Amazon Region in 1978 and began historical research for this study using parish registers of Gurup£ and the Lower Xingu Valley. In 19 84 she returned to Belem, Para to continue as a researcher with the Museu Paraense Emilio Goeldi, sponsored by the Brazilian National Research Council. There she will further research the demographic history of the Amazon Region and help to establish a Center for Documentation and Information connected with the Goeldi Museiim. 487

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I certify that I have read this study and that in my opinion it conforms to acceptable standards of scholarly presentation and is fully adequate, in scope and quality, as a dissertation for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy. Neill W. Macaulay, Chairman,Professor of History I certify that I have read this study and that in my opinion it conforms to acceptable standards of scholarly presentation and is fully adequate, in scope and quality, as a dissertation for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy. Lyle McAlister Distinguished Service Professor of History I certify that I have read this study and that in my opinion it conforms to acceptable standards of scholarly presentation and is fully adequate, in scope and quality, as a dissertation for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy. Charles Wagley ,• Emeritus Professor of Anthropology I certify that I have read this study and that in my opinion it conforms to acceptable standards of scholarly presentation and is fully adequate, in scope and quality, as a dissertation for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy. William Woodruff ''m Graduate Research Professor of History

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I certify that I have read this study and that in my opinion it conforms to acceptable standards of scholarly presentation and is fully adequate, in scope and quality, as a dissertation for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy. ,f I, • / Harold Wilson Professor of History This dissertation was submitted to the Graduate Faculty of the Department of History in the College of Liberal Arts and Sciences and to the Graduate School, and was accepted as partil fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy. August 1984 Dean for Graduate Studies and Research